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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY ANO ETHNOLOGY
VOLUME 6
WITH 3 MAPS
FREDERIC WARD PUTNAM
EDITOR
BERKELEY
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1908
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COtc> v3<
■/•a.
Cited as Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn.
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CONTENTS.
Number 1. — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno and Neighboring Indians,
S. A. Barrett, pages 1-332, maps 1-2.
Number 2. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, S. A.
Barrett, pages 333-368, map 3.
Number 3. — On the Evidences of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the
Miwok Indians, A. L. Kroeber, pages 369-380.
Index.— Pages 381-400.
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-UNIVERSITY OF CAUrORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 6 No. I
9*. *{
THE ETHNO-GEOGRAPHY OF THE POMO
AND NEIGHBORING INDIANS
BT
S. A. BARRETT
BERKELEY
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
FEBRUARY, 1908
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnol-
ogical subjects issued under the direction of the Department of Anthrop-
ology are sent in exchange for the publications of anthropological depart-
ments and museums, and for journals devoted to general anthropology
or to archaeology and ethnology. They are for sale at the prices
stated, which include postage or express charges. Exchanges should be
directed to The Exchange' Department, University Library, Berkeley,
California, U. S. A. All orders and remittances should be addressed
to the University Press.
AMERICA* ARCHAEOLOGY AJfD ETHNOLOGY. (Octavo).
Cited as Univ. Calit Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn.
Vol. 1. No. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard.
Pages 88, Plates 30, September, 1903 . . . Price, $1.25
No. 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 290, March,
1904. Price, 3.00
Vol. 2. No. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J.
Sinclair. Pages 27, Plates 14, April. 1904 . . Price,
No. 2. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San
Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 52, June, 1904. Price,
No. 3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber.
Pages 22. June, 1904 Price,
No. 4. Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California,
by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 60, Plates 7, January, 1905. Price,
No. 5. The Yokuts Language of South Central California, by
A. L. Kroeber. Pages 213, January, 1907 . . Price,
.40
.60
.25
.75
2.25
Vol. 3. The
5 Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard.
Pages 344, June, 1905 Price,
Vol. 4. No. 1. The Earliest Historical Relations between Mexico and
Japan, by Zelia Nuttall. Pages 47, April, 1906. . Price,
No. 2. Contributions to the Physical Anthropology of California,
by A. Hrdlicka. Pages 16, Tables 5, Plates 10, June, 1906.
. . Price,
No. 3. Shoshonean Dialects of California, by A. L. Kroeber:
Pages 100, February, 1907 Price,
No. 4. Indian Myths of South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber.
Pages 84, May 1907. Price,
No. 5. The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada,
by A. L. Kroeber. Paces 67, September, 1907. Price,
No. 6. The Religion of the Indians of California, by A. L. Kroeber.
Pages 38, September, 1907. Price,
Vol. 5. No. 1. The Phonology of the Hupa Language: Part I, The Indi-
vidual Sounds, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 20, Plates 8,
March, 1907 Price,
No. 2. Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs with Texts and Trans-
lations, by Washington Matthews, edited by Pliny Earle Goddard.
Pages 43, September, 1907. Price,
Vol. 6. No. 1 . The Ethno-Geography of the Porno and Neighboring Indians,
by S. A. Barrett. Pages 332, Maps 2, February, 1908. Price, 3.25
No. 2. , The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, by") In
S. A. Barrett. Pages 36, Map 1, February, 1908. one
No. 3. On the Evidences of the Occupation of Certain Regions [ cover,
by the Miwok Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 12, Price,
February, 1908. J .50
3.50
.50
.75
1.50
.75
.75
.50
.35
.75
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UNIVERSITY OP CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
VOL. 6 NO. 1
THE ETHNO-GEOGRAPHY OF THE POMO
AND NEIGHBORING INDIANS.
BY
8. A. BARRETT.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction ~ 7
Ginzral Description 10
Geographical Position 10
Climate 10
Flora 12
Fauna 13
Inhabitants 14
Culture 22
History 27
Explorations 27
Battlements - - 37
California Missions 37
San Francisco 38
Fort Ross (Russian Settlement) 39
San Rafael 40
8onoma ~ 40
American Occupation of California 41
Influence of Settlement upon the Indians 43
Reservations . - 46
Mendocino Reservation 47
Round Valley Reservation 49
The Indians at Present 49
Linguistics.
Alphabet 51
Linguistic Relationships 54
Vocabularies - 56
Porno 56
Moquelumnan, Yuki 68
Wintun 81
Footnotes to Vocabularies 87
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Arc io7^
2 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol. 6
PAGS
Porno 95
Lexical Relationships 95
Phonetic Relationships 101
Sounds 101
Phonetic Variations 101
Northern Dialect 102
Central Dialect - - 102
Eastern Dialect 103
Southeastern Dialect „ 103
Southern Dialect 105
Southwestern Dialect - 105
Northeastern Dialect _ 106
Moquelumnan ~ 108
Lexical Relationships 108
Phonetic Relationships 108
Sounds 108
Phonetic Variations - 108
Wintun 109
Lexical Relationships 109
Phonetic Relationships 110
Sounds 110
Phonetic Variations 110
Yuki - Ill
Lexical Relationships Ill
Phonetic Relationships 113
Sounds 113
Phonetic Variations 113
Relationships of the Linguistic Stocks 114
Sounds 117
Geographical Divisions.
Poico 118
Boundaries 120
Divisions 121
Sacramento Valley Porno 124
Northern Dialect 124
Boundaries 124
General Description 127
Coast Division 131
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 131
Old Village Sites 132
Old Camp Sites 134
Sites not Mentioned by Indians 135
Valley Division 136
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 136
Old Village Sites 137
Uninhabited Modern Village Sites 151
Old Camp Sites 152
Sites Not Mentioned by Indians 154
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1908] Barrett.— The Ethno-Qeography of the Porno Indians. 3
PAOS
Lake DiTision 155
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 155
Old Village Sites 155
Old Camp Sites 157
Modern Camp Sites 159
Central Dialect _ 159
Boundaries 159
General Description 161
Coast Division 162
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 162
Old Village Sites 163
Old Camp Sites 166
Valley Division 168
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 168
Old Village Sites 170
Uninhabited Modern Village Sites 178
Old Camp Sites 179
Modern Camp Sites - 182
Eastern Dialect 182
Boundaries 182
General Description ~ 185
Upper Lake Division - 185
Inhabited Modern Village Sites .~ 185
Old Village Sites 186
Old Camp Sites 190
Modern Camp Sites 191
Big Valley Division 191
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 191
Old Village Sites 191
Uninhabited Modern Village Sites 198
Old Camp Sites 200
Southeastern Dialect 204
Boundaries - 204
General Description 205
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 205
Old Village Sites 206
Old Camp Sites 209
Southern Dialect 210
Boundaries ~ 210
General Description 212
Bussian Biver Division _ 213
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 213
Old Village Sites - 214
Old Camp Sites 224
Gualala Biver Division ~ 224
Old Village Sites „ 224
Old Camp Sites 226
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University of California Publications tn Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
PAGE
Southwestern Dialect .. 227
Boundaries 227
General Description 227
Coast Division 22ft
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 228
Old Village Sites .. 229
Old Camp Sites „ 23S
River Division 235
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 235
Old Village Sites „ 236
Old Camp Sites 238
Northeastern Dialect — . 239»
Boundaries - 23fr
General Description 240
Salt Deposits .. 240
Inhabited Modern Village Sites .. 244
Old Village Sites 245
Old Camp Sites 245
Yum 246:
YuTd Proper 248
Boundaries 24ft
General Description 249'
Old Village Sites 249-
Huchnom Dialect 256
Boundaries 256.
General Description .. 258
Old Village Sites 258
Uninhabited Modern Village Sites .. 266»
Coast Yuki „ 260
Boundaries 260
General Description .. 261
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 262
Old Village Sites 262
Old Camp Sites „ „ 262
Wappo Dialect „ 263-
Main Wappo Area .. .. 264
Boundaries ... 264
Sub-Dialects 26fc
General Description 267"
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 268
Old Tillage Sites ... 26ft
Old Camp Sites 274
Clear Lake Wappo Area .. 274
Boundaries -. 274
General Description 275
Old Village Sites 276-
Uninhabited Modern Village Sites 277
Old Camp Sites 27ft:
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indiana. 5
PAGE
Athapascan 279
Boundaries 279
General Description 280
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 280
Old Village Sites 281
Wintun 284
Boundaries 285
General Description 288
Northerly Dialect 289
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 289
Old Village Sites 290
Southerly Dialect 290
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 290
Old Village Sites 292
Old Camp Sites 297
Sites Not Mentioned by Indians 298
MOQUELUMNAN 301
Western Dialect 303
Boundaries 303
General Description 303
Old Village Sites 304
Old Camp Sites 305
Southern Dialect 305
Boundaries 305
General Description 306
Coast Division 307
Old Village Sites 307
Valley Division 309
Old Village Sites 309
Northern Dialect 314
Boundaries 314
General Description 315
Putah Creek Division 316
Inhabited Modern Village Sites 316
Old Village Sites 316
Lower Lake Division 317
Old Village Sites 317
Costanoan 318
Glossary 319
Bibliography 330
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indiana.
THE ETHNO-GEOGRAPHY OF THE POMO
AND NEIGHBORING INDIANS.
INTRODUCTION.
This paper and the accompanying maps have been prepared
from notes made chiefly during 1903, but in part during 1904
and 1906, as part of the work of the Ethnological and Archaeo-
logical Survey of California, conducted by the Department of
Anthropology of the University of California through the mu-
nificence of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst.
The chief purpose of the present investigation has been to
establish the aboriginal territorial boundaries of the Porno lin-
guistic stock, and to determine the number of dialects of this
stock, their relationships one to another, the exact limits of the
area in which each was spoken, and the locations of the various
ancient and modern villages and camp sites. Also, as environ-
ment is a very potent factor in the life of every primitive people,
the topography and natural resources of the region have been
examined in order to have a knowledge of the surroundings of
the people under consideration before passing to a study of the
various phases of their culture. The territories of the Yuki and
Athapascan stocks on the north and of the Northerly Wintun on
the northeast of the Porno territory have been investigated and
their limits and subdivisions determined only in so far as their
inhabitants were in some direct relation with the Porno. The
fullest information possible has, however, been obtained con-
cerning all the territory lying between the Porno area and San
Francisco Bay, as also concerning the Southerly Wintun ter-
ritory.
In order to accomplish this investigation, much traveling and
field work have been necessary, as the Porno now living, as well
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8 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
as the Indians of other stocks adjacent to them, are gathered into
a number of villages ranging in population from a few indi-
viduals to about one hundred, and separated from one another
in many cases by considerable distances which must be traveled
by stage or other conveyance through the mountains. All but
one of these villages were visited at least once, and as many as
possible of the Indians questioned concerning the sites of their
former villages and camps and the boundaries of the territory
held by the people speaking their respective dialects. In this
manner the boundaries between dialects and linguistic stocks
were ascertained from the people on both sides of them, and in
many cases these were corroborated by neighboring people of
other dialects or stocks. Thus the limits of each stock and its
dialects were definitely established in most places. It has, how-
ever, been impossible to obtain full information concerning cer-
tain boundaries, especially of territories not actually inhabited ;
and in such cases a probable boundary has been indicated on the
maps and in the text. In most cases it has been possible to locate
with reasonable exactness the sites of old villages and camps, and
the cases in which such locations are doubtful have been noted in
the text.
In order to determine definitely the various dialects of the
several linguistic families into which the people dealt with in the
present paper are divided, vocabularies were taken from as many
individuals as possible, thus giving material from many sources
for the determination of lexical and phonetic relationships.
In giving the locations of the various village and camp sites,
as also of the stock and dialect boundaries, the Indians refer not
only to the present white towns but also to a very great extent
to water courses, mountains, and various other natural features
of the country, and it has therefore been necessary to prepare
maps which should be as correct as possible as bases upon which
to indicate these locations. This, however, has been a very diffi-
cult matter, as the existing maps of this region vary greatly from
one another in such details. The accompanying maps are the
results of comparisons of the existing maps of this region, and
will be found to differ from some of them in minor points, for in
addition to comparing the various state and county maps avail-
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1908] Barrett.— The Ethno-Geogtapky of the Porno Indians. 9
able it has been possible to add a few minor details from actual
observations in the field.
Information concerning the locations of former village sites
has in almost every case been obtained from more than one in-
formant. No attempt has been made to visit all of these loca-
tions, for in the majority of cases there would be nothing to
indicate the site, especially if it had been abandoned for a con-
siderable length of time. The only landmarks left by an old
village, the dance-house and sweat-house pits, become filled in the
course of comparatively few years; and as the Indians, at least
of the Porno stock, of this region formerly practiced cremation,
burning not only the dead but also all their property, the evi-
dences of former habitation are soon lost. All statements, there-
fore, concerning the locations of former villages, as well as
regarding inter-stock and inter-dialectic boundaries, are made
upon the authority of Indian informants, and are not based on
direct observations of the writer unless so stated or obviously the
case.
The statements as to the numbers of buildings and inhabitants
at the various present villages are based on enumerations made
chiefly during 1903, and, while these are numbers which are
never constant for any length of time, they are practically correct
for the present date.
Thanks are due to Professor A. L. Kroeber, who has super-
vised the work and has supplied information concerning the
various Yuki dialects, and to Professor P. E. Goddard, who has
furnished information concerning the Athapascans. Thanks are
also due to Professor W. E. Ritter for the identification of shells
used by the Indians, to Professor W. L. Jepson for information
on the botany of this area, and to Professor W. C. Morgan for
information concerning the chemical purity of the Stony Creek
salt.
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10 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION.
The territory included in the present investigation and shown
on the accompanying maps lies immediately north of San Fran-
cisco Bay and covers Marin, Sonoma, Napa, Solano, Yolo, and
Lake, together with the greater portions of Mendocino, Glenn,
and Colusa counties, California. It extends about one hundred
and thirty miles north and south, and about one hundred miles
east and west. It reaches from the shore-line of the ocean to the
Sacramento river, thus lying chiefly within what is known to
geographers as the Coast Range mountains. This portion of the
Coast Range, however, consists of two fairly distinct ranges of
mountains. One of these, which has neither a name given to it
by geographers nor one in common local use, may be here desig-
nated as the outer range of the Coast Range, and extends along
the immediate shore-line of the ocean. This range is compara-
tively low, and varies from eight to twenty miles in width. The
other, which may be designated as the inner or main range of
the Coast Range, lies along the western border of the Sacramento
valley, and varies from twenty to sixty miles in width. Between
and through these mountains, within the territory described, flow
many rivers and smaller streams, such as Russian river and the
headwaters of Eel river, also Stony, Cache, Putah, and other
large creeks which drain into the Sacramento river, and the
numerous rivers and creeks flowing directly into the ocean.
These streams water many fertile, sheltered valleys, each of
which formerly contained one or more Indian villages. In addi-
tion to these valleys included within the ranges of the Coast
Range mountains, the present investigation also covers the south-
ern part of that portion of the broad Sacramento valley which
lies west of the Sacramento river.
CLIMATE.
The climate of this region is varied. Along the coast-line
the climate is very mild, the temperature rarely rising above
eighty degrees Fahrenheit in summer or falling to the freezing
point in winter. The entire immediate coast-line is subject to
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1908] Barrett. — The EtHno-Oeography of the Porno Indians. 11
frequent heavy fogs which tend to maintain a constant even
temperature. All along the coast, particularly in the regions
about Point Arena and Point Reyes, there are at certain seasons
heavy winds, usually from the northwest; but as a whole the
climate along the immediate coast-line is very mild and equable
at all seasons. The average annual rainfall ranges from about
twenty or thirty inches in the southern portion of the area to
forty or more in the northern portion. 1
The western slope of the range of low mountains which ex-
tends along the entire length of the coast-line has practically the
same climate as the immediate shore, except that the rainfall is
a little greater and snow falls occasionally during the winter.
The eastern slope of this range has the climate of the region
between the inner and outer Coast ranges. In this interior valley
region, consisting of the valleys of Russian river, upper Eel river,
and affluent streams, there are greater differences of temperature
between summer and winter than on the coast, the mean maxi-
mum in summer being ninety or ninety-five and the mean
maximum in winter about sixty degrees Fahrenheit. On rare
occasions the temperature in summer rises as high as one hun-
dred and ten degrees; while in winter it often goes below the
freezing point. The mean annual rainfall is from thirty to forty
inches in the lower portions of the area, and somewhat more at
higher elevations. Snow is rare in the valleys, hardly ever fall-
ing more than three or four times in a season and then only very
lightly, while several years may pass without any. The region
about Clear lake has practically the same climate as the valley
region.
The higher peaks of the surrounding ranges, particularly
those of the inner or main Coast Range, such as Sheetiron moun-
1 PraeticaUy nothing has been published concerning the climate of the
region nnder consideration; but from the climate of San Francisco as
given in Alexander G. McAdie 's Climatology of California (United States
Weather Bureau Bulletin L, 1903) some idea may be gained concerning
the climate of that portion of the region which lies in the immediate
vicinity of San Francisco bay. The mean annual temperature of San
Francisco for a period of thirty-one years has been 56.1 degrees Fahren-
heit, the warmest month being September with a temperature of 60.8 de-
grees, and the coldest January with a temperature of 50.2 degrees. The
mean annual rainfall is between twenty and thirty inches. Snow is almost
entirely unknown, there having been not to exceed ten falls in San Fran-
cisco during the past thirty years.
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12 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
tain, St. John mountain, Snow mountain, and the Sanhedrin
range, are often covered with a snow cap until far into the
summer; while the lower peaks, such as Cobb mountain and
Mount St. Helena, are usually covered with snow during the
greater part of the winter. The summer temperature of the
main Coast Range is somewhat lower, owing to greater elevation,
than that of the valley region to the west and much lower than
that of the great Sacramento valley to the east, where the tem-
perature often rises to one hundred and twenty degrees. The
rainfall is also greater in the main Coast Range than in the
Sacramento valley, varying between twenty and forty inches in
the mountains and between ten and twenty in the valley.
FLORA.
More or less timber is found in all parts of this area. The
mountains along the coast are covered almost continuously from
Mount Tamalpais, on the northern shore of San Francisco Bay,
northward with a dense forest of redwood, Sequoia sempervirens.
In this redwood belt and almost everywhere else in the mountains
of the region the Douglas spruce, Pseudotsuga taxifolia, is very
abundant. At the higher elevations of the inner or main Coast
range sugar pine, Pinus Lambertiana, is found to a limited ex-
tent; while one of the most characteristic and common trees of
the lower elevations of the same mountains is the "digger" pine,
Pinus Sabiniana. The yellow pine, Pinus ponderosa, is fairly
common.
The entire region abounds in oaks of many kinds, and it is
from these that the chief supply of vegetable food of the Indians
was derived, the acorns answering in the aboriginal culture of
the region to wheat among civilized peoples. Throughout the
valleys back from the coast one of the most common and striking
trees is the valley white oak, Quercus lobata, which in former
times studded the floor of almost every valley with large wide-
spreading trees. This oak formerly provided a great part of the
food of the Indians, not only on account of its abundance and
accessibility, but also because of the excellent flavor of the acorns.
Among the other oaks which are of importance to the Indians
are: the California black oak, Q. Californica; the Pacific post
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1908] Barrett.— Tk* BtkmhO^ograpkjf of the Porno India**. IS
oak, Q. Garry ana; the tan-bark oak, Q. densi flora; and the maul
oak, Q. chrysolepis.
The madrona, Arbutus MengiesH, and the buckeye, Aetculus
Calif omica, are common in the foothills and canyons throughout
the region. Along the streams the pepperwood or California
laurel, UmbeUularia Calif 'arnica, is common and is much used by
the Indians. Three species of willow, Salix, are found along the
streams. One of these, Salix argyrophyUa, is of particular im-
portance to the Indians as a basket material. Groves of alder,
Alnus rhombifoUa, are found along the larger mountain streams
and near springs, but rarely along the larger streams in the open
valleys.
The wild grape, Vitis Calif omica, occurs almost invariably
accompanying the alder groves. It is also found along the
streams throughout the region, climbing upon almost every sort
of tree. Among the most common shrubs are the different species
of manzanita, Arctostaphylos, and the poison oak, Bku$ diver*
siloba.
In addition to the fruits of the trees and shrubs of the region
the Indians formerly made use of the many smaller plants both
as foods and medicines. The seeds of many grasses and flower-
ing plants were used for food ; and various species of Trif olium
and Compositae were eaten as greens. Not the least important
article of food was the bulbs of the various species of lilies, which
are perhaps more abundant in this region than in almost any
other part of the state. At present these aboriginal foods are
comparatively little used.
FAUNA.
While this region has been settled by the whites so long that
little idea may be had from observation concerning the abun-
dance and variety of game which the Indian formerly counted as
a resource, there are still areas where deer are fairly plentiful
and where a mountain lion or black bear is occasionally found.
Since the coming of firearms, the elk, formerly very plentiful,
and the grizzly, the only animal much feared by the Indians,
have entirely disappeared. Though the larger wolf has also
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14 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
disappeared the coyote has not. This interesting character of
Indian mythology is still present, though in diminished numbers.
The lynx is still found frequently. Smaller animals such as
raccoons, civets, rabbits, squirrels, and others are also abundant.
Water mammals have almost all disappeared.
Among the birds which are of importance to the Indians, the
two species of so-called quail, the valley quail, Lophortyx Cali-
fornicus; and the mountain quail, Oreoriyz pictus, are among
the first. Another is the California woodpecker, Melanerpes
formicivorus. These three species are common throughout the
region. Along the coast there occur the usual species of water
birds, and certain of these, such as ducks, herons, loons, and
others, are found in greater or less numbers about Clear lake
throughout the year. Various hawks and the turkey buzzard are
common throughout the region, and in former times the condor,
or California vulture, was also to be found. The various species
of smaller birds are yet plentiful.
The usual California species of salt-water fishes are abundant
along the coast, as are also various common species of molluscs,
among which the mussel is the most esteemed by the Indians.
In the waters of the Clear lake region there are several species
of fresh-water fish, which form one of the chief sources of food
of the Indians there. The rivers and smaller streams are stocked
with trout and other small fish, and in season salmon are plen-
tiful, particularly in the streams which flow directly into the
ocean.
INHABITANTS.
Before the time of white settlement this territory was inhab-
ited by Indians speaking seventeen more or less distinct dialects
representing five linguistic stocks : the Porno, Yuki, Athapascan,
Wintun, and Moquelumnan. These people lived in villages, for
which the name rancheria, used by the early Mexican settlers, has
come into common use. Each of these communities was inde-
pendent of the others, and corresponded, in being the principal
political unit existing among these people, to the tribe in the
eastern part of the continent; but was by no means equivalent
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1908] Barrett.— Tks Etlmo-Qoogrmpky of the Pome India—. 15
to it in size and organization. 1 * There were no clans or totemie
groups. There was no chief in the commonly accepted sense of
the term. Among the Porno at least there were captains, as they
are at present called, who had certain very limited authority, but
acted more in the capacity of advisors to those under them than
as dispensers of justice or as governors. These captains were of
two classes, the ordinary or lesser captains, called in the Central
Porno dialect mala'da tcayedQl, 1 * or surrounding captains; and
the head captains, called tcayedttt bate', or big captains. A leaser
captain looked after the welfare of all those directly related to
him; and the result was that there were usually, though not
always, as many captains in each community as there were par-
tially distinct groups of individuals in that community. These
lesser captains formed a kind of council which looked after the
general welfare of the community at large. From among these
lesser captains a head captain was chosen by the people at large,
whose chief duties were to arrange for and preside over cere-
monials, welcome and entertain visitors from other villages,
council with the lesser captains as to proposed measures for the
communal welfare, and particularly to give good advice to the
peoj)le in general by means of discourses both at times of gath-
erings for various purposes and at other times. The head cap-
tain had slightly more authority than the lesser captains, though
so far as conducting the affairs of government was concerned
there must be a unanimous agreement among the captains before
any particular project affecting the public good could be carried
out, and all such action was influenced in the greatest measure
by public opinion. While the office of head captain seems to
have been entirely electoral, that of lesser captain was heredi-
tary, passing from an incumbent to the family of his sister
nearest his own age, kinship and descent here being in the female
line, a man's real descendants being the children of his sister
instead of himself. If he had no sisters, the captainship went
to one of his own children or could under certain conditions be
u Among the Yuki and the Athapascans this is not strictlj true as there
appears to have been some approach to a loose tribal organisation among
each. See the section below dealing in detail with the geographj and vil-
lages of the Yuki.
lb The sound values of letters used in Indian terms are given below in
treating of the linguistic relationships of these stocks.
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16 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
passed to other relatives, or even to the family of an intimate
friend It was customary for a man at the approach of old age,
or if incapacitated for any other reason, to abdicate, there being
a considerable ceremony upon the occasion of the inauguration
of his successor. Otherwise the office passed to his successor at
the time of his death, the ceremony being conducted by another
captain in the same manner as in the case of an abdication. As
before stated, these captains were governed in the greatest meas-
ure by public opinion and had very little absolute authority.
They had the power to keep order at ceremonials and other gath-
erings, and it was their duty to assist in the settling of disputes
between individuals in so far as persuasion might aid in the
adjustment. In cases of war, which almost always partook more
of the nature of feuds than of open wars, a captain of the one
side had the right to arbitrarily attempt to end the strife by
sending to the captain of the other side a present of beads or
other valuables with the statement that he desired peace and
considered it time that the war should end. It was not actually
incumbent upon the captain of the other side to accept the pres-
ent, but it was rarely refused, as he considered himself morally
bound to accept, and to return a present of like value. In almost
all other matters, however, and particularly in matters pertaining
to personal rights, the greatest possible independence of the in-
dividual is found, there being almost no attempt at governmental
control in such matters. •
The people of a community possessed exclusive hunting, fish-
ing, and food-gathering rights in the lands adjacent to their
village, their claims being usually well understood and their
rights respected by the people of neighboring villages. The
village, thus holding as a community not only the site but also
the hunting and food-gathering lands controlled by it, consti-
tuted about the only political division.*
In connection with this matter of government, as also in a
consideration of the probable population of the region, there are
certain areas in which the accompanying maps at first sight may
'The name rancheria will here be used to designate a village com-
munity with its territory. In speaking of inhabited modern villages the
term is, however, used in its commonly accepted local sense to designate
the village alone.
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1908] Bamtt.— The Btkmc-Qeognpky of the Porno I nterns. 17
be misleading. These are the several regions in which there are
unusual numbers of old Tillage sites clustered in small areas, as
about Clear lake and along Russian river about Healdsburg and
between Hopland and Ukiah. These old village sites were, how-
ever, not all inhabited simultaneously, and the numbers of indi-
viduals at each differed very materially. Each community, as
has been said, controlled a certain definite section of the country,
the people of the community confining themselves very strictly
to this and permitting no trespassing upon it by the people of
other communities. These people did not, however, confine them-
selves to a single village site within this area but moved about as
occasion demanded. These moves were for various reasons. In
case of the death of a number of individuals within a short
period from contagion or other cause, or if the particular site
inhabited was found to give bad luck in any way, or in case the
supply of a particular sort of food became short in the imme-
diate vicinity, and for various other reasons, it might be deemed
advisable to move to a new site. The distance to which a com-
munity moved was usually very short, never more than a few
miles, and frequently less than a mile. This site might be occu-
pied for many years, or it might be abandoned within a short
time. Old sites might be reoceupied, and it was not unusual for
part of the inhabitants of one of these villages to leave and estab-
lish a separate village at a short distance from the old one. In
such a case there were the usual captains and government, but
it seems that, at least for a time after the establishment of this
new village, both would be looked upon as parts of the same
community, the inhabitants of each village attending ceremonies
and other gatherings held at the other, not as guests, but as if
actually living at the village where the gathering was held. Also
in some of these areas there appear almost no uninhabited mod-
ern village sites, while in those areas about which more definite
information is obtainable there are many. This is due to the
fact that except with especially good informants it has been
impossible to determine the relative ages of the sites, it being
usually maintained that all the sites mentioned were inhabited
prior to the settlement of the country.
It has been difficult to obtain explicit information as to which
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18 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
villages were simultaneously occupied, and the periods and se-
quence of occupation of others, as also information concerning the
relative sizes of the various villages. In fact it has been impos-
sible to determine even approximately these points except in the
cases of a very few limited areas, owing to the early occupation
of the greater portion of the territory under consideration by
either Spanish or American settlers and the consequent change
of conditions. In the Big valley region on the southern shore of
the main body of Clear lake there seem to have been three dis-
tinct groups of people or community units: the kflLa'napd, ka-
be'napo, and li'leek, occupying simultaneously separate village
sites and holding each its definite portion of the lake-shore, valley,
and adjacent mountains. As nearly as can be determined, the
kuLa'napo occupied the lake-shore and valley from Lafceport east-
ward to Adobe creek, and their principal village, at least imme-
diately prior to the coming of the first settlers, was at kacfbaddn.
The kabe'napo held the region between Adobe creek and a line
passing about half way between Kelsey and Cole creeks, their
principal village being bida'miwina. These two communities used
the same language with perhaps very slight differences in the
character of the phonetics, and in all other matters such as cul-
ture they were identical, but they had separate governments and
were entirely distinct from each other, sometimes even engaging
in war against each other. There are in both these areas other
village sites which may have at other times been the sites of the
principal villages of the areas, but these were not all inhab-
ited at the same time, and if two of the sites in any one of the
areas were simultaneously inhabited, the people of both sites were
considered as belonging to the same community. The third unit
area of this valley was occupied by the li'leek, a people speaking
the Yukian Wappo dialect, and extended from the eastern limit
of the kabe'napo territory, between Kelsey and Cole creeks, east-
ward beyond the limits of the valley proper to the vicinity of
Soda bay. The chief village of this people was dala'dano. In
these three groups are found the nearest approach to tribal units
among the Porno, though these are obviously far from tribes as
that term is generally understood with its political significance.
Though there is here in each case a group of people having a
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1908] Barrett.— Tk* Btkno-Goograpky of the Porno Indians. 19
definite group name entirely different from that of their village,
a condition very unusual for the Porno region, there appears to
be no political significance attached to this name. The actual
government of the people referred to by this name appears to
have been in every way the same as that of the people of the other
Porno villages where only the place name has been found applied
to the people. In this respect the Porno differ materially from
the Yuki of Round valley, among whom an approach to a true
tribal organization is found, but who on the other hand appear
to lack anything in the way of a group name. This condition
among the Yuki is fully treated in the portion of this paper deal-
ing with that stock.
In this Big valley area it was also found that the sites of vil-
lages established since the coming of whites but now abandoned
were as numerous as the old ones. In thg portion of the Ukiah
valley occupied by the people speaking the Central dialect,
namely, that portion extending from the old village of ta'tem
northward to the northern boundary of the dialect, the ratio of
the abandoned sites of villages established in recent times to the
old village sites is much smaller, the numbers being four and
seven respectively. In this area eftlcadjal and ta'tem seem to
have been the chief villages and were occupied practically all the
time, while the others were occupied only by smaller numbers of
people, or for short periods of time. Cfl'kadjal was the larger of
the two and was occupied by the people called the yG'kaia.
Judging then from the known conditions in these localities,
it seems perfectly proper to suppose that in the areas in which
the old village sites appear to be so numerous, — as for instance
the region about Healdaburg, where thirty-seven old village sites
appear along Russian river from the mouth of Markwest creek
northward to the vicinity of Healdaburg, and on the lower course
of Dry creek, a total distance of not over ten miles along the
river, — a certain proportion of those given by the Indians as old
sites are in reality sites that were inhabited subsequent to the
settlement of the country ; and further, that of the remaining old
sites only a certain proportion were simultaneously inhabited.
Thus it will be seen that while there is no means of determining
these proportions, owing to the small number of Indians now
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20 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
living who have any knowledge of the areas in question, it is clear
that in such areas the number of community units was probably
much smaller than the number of old village sites mapped, per-
haps not over one-third, or even less.
This is of course true only in the cases of areas where the old
sites appear to be very numerous, and must not be applied to the
areas where they are few, for it is probable that in such areas
only the names of the most important and permanent villages
have been recalled by informants. This is particularly true of
such areas as that along the coast from the mouth of Oualala
river northward, which was if anything a more desirable place
to live than the coast region of the Southwestern Porno area to
the south of it, which appears, so far as the accompanying map
shows, to have been much more thickly populated.
Naturally there was a certain union of communities possess-
ing a common language; but this was not a political union and
was of a very indefinite nature. On the other hand, two or more
villages speaking quite different dialects, or even belonging to
entirely different linguistic stocks, might unite in war, ceremo-
nials, and so on, particularly if their geographical positions
tended to associate them.* In fact it would seem that geograph-
ical and topographical causes, quite as much as linguistic affini-
ties, controlled the associations of villages one with another, but
that neither factor was at all absolute.
While the Indians recognized the fact that the people of
certain other villages spoke the same language as they themselves,
they did not recognize the people of a linguistic family or dialect
as a unit, or the territory occupied by a linguistic family or
dialect as a unit area. Usually each village community was
* An example of such anion is that of the people speaking the North-
eastern Porno dialect with the people of the Yuki villages near Hullville
in Gravelly valley. There is nothing in common between the languages
of the two peoples; but the topography of the region is snch that com-
munication was easier for this isolated branch of the Porno with the Yuki
than with their Porno relatives in the main area of the stock. In this
ease, however, the affiliation was not entirely a matter of geography, since
there had been trouble between the Porno of the Northeastern and East-
ern dialectic groups, and it may have been very much as a matter of pro-
tection to themselves that the Northeastern Porno united with the Yuki,
who are generally said to have been more warlike. Nevertheless, they
did not join themselves to the Wintun, whose language was not further
removed from their own, and whose territory was nearer and much more
accessible, than that of the Yuki.
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1908] Barrett.— The Bthno-Qeograpky of the Porno Indians. 21
named separately and considered separate from the adjacent
communities, its name most often being that of the particular
village site combined with an ending signifying "there," "from
there/' or "place"; the language there spoken being called the
language of that particular village without reference to the
neighboring villages using the same language. As above stated,
there were also names, such as ktLLa'napft', kabe'napfl, and ydlcaia,
which were applied to the people themselves, being entirely dis-
tinct from the village names and retained by the people when
they moved from one village to another. On the other hand, all
the people occupying a valley, regardless of their linguistic
affinities, were sometimes classed together; as, for instance, the
Potter valley or the Ukiah valley people. Except for the pur-
poses of designating immediately neighboring villages, there was
comparatively little specific naming of peoples. The names
"north people," "east people," "coast people," and so on, were
used to designate all the pepole living in a given direction or
within a given area of indefinite limits, regardless of linguistic
or other relationships. 4
The same lack of uniformity is shown, but to an even greater
degree, in the names of topographic divisions. Names were given
to valleys, mountains, rivers, lakes, rocks, and all important
places, but these names were only local and were often hardly
known outside of the immediate neighborhood in which they
were used. Thus, in going from one village to another only a
few miles distant, the name of an important river, lake, or moun-
tain might change entirely, even though the two villages were
within the same dialectic area. In the case of a stream of any
considerable length, there was no name given by the people of
any one locality to it as a whole; but any given portion of it
received a name which was usually a compound of the word
river with the name of the section of the country, such as the
valley, through which it flowed. Very often villages were named
for the valley or the portion of the valley in which they were
4 Owing to this total lack of uniformity upon the part of the Indians
in designating areas and linguistic relationships, it has been impossible
to find names suited to the purposes of designating dialects and dialectic
areas. It has, therefore, seemed advisable to select arbitrarily in most
cases descriptive geographical terms, such as Northeastern, Western, Cen-
tral, and so on, for these purposes in the present paper.
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22 University of California Publications in Am. ArcK and Ethn. [Vol. 6
situated, or for some stream, rock, or other natural feature near
the site. 5
CULTURE.
In addition to certain general ethnological characteristics
common to the Indians throughout California, the people with
whom the present investigation is concerned possess features of
culture, such as styles of dwellings and ceremonial lodges, certain
implements and certain features of basketry, which serve to unite
them with their immediate neighbors and to separate them from
more distant peoples in the same general culture area. In the
same cultural group with the Indians under consideration should,
perhaps, be included the Maidu to the east and the main body of
the Moquelumnan family to the southeast of the Wintun, and
perhaps others. So little is known of the culture of certain fami-
lies which are now practically extinct, such as the Yanan in the
north and the Costanoan and others to the south, that it is im-
possible to say how far the limits of this culture extended. Little
ethnological work has as yet been carried on among some of the
peoples above mentioned, but it seems probable that they have
many beliefs and myths in common, and that there are general
resemblances in ceremonials and medicine practices. On the
other hand, there are other features in which the peoples of this
group differ very considerably in different localities.
' This lack of uniformity in the naming of localities, peoples, and topo-
graphic features was noted by Gibbs in his "Journal of the Expedition
of Colonel Bedick M'Kee," in 1851. After mentioning the ''bands" seen
at Clear lake, he says: "They give to the first six tribes collectively the
name of ' Na-po-bati'n, ' or many houses; an appellation, however, not
confined to themselves, as they term the Russian river tribes the 'Boh-
Napo-bati'n, ' or western many houses. The name ' Lu-pa-yu-ma, ' which,
in the language of the tribe living in Coyote valley, on Putos river, sig-
nifies the same as Habe-napo, is applied by the Indians in that direction
to these bands, but is not recognized by themselves. Each different tribe,
in fact, seems to designate the others by some corresponding or appro-
priate word in its own language, and hence great confusion often arises
among those not acquainted with their respective names. They have no
name for the valley itself, and call the different spots where they reside
after those of the bands. In fact, local names do not seem to be applied
to districts of country, though they may be sometimes to mountains.
Rivers seem to be rather described than named— thus Russian river is
called here Boh-bid-ah-me, or 'river to the west.' "— Journal of the Ex-
pedition of Colonel Redick M'Kee, Schoolcraft, Archives of Aboriginal
Knowledge, in, 110. From the present investigations it appears, how-
ever, that the people of a given locality take the name of that locality
rather than that the locality takes the name of the people occupying it.
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1908] Barrett.— TU Btkno-Qooarmpky of the Porno Indians. 28
In the territory included within the limit* of the accompany-
ing maps there are regions which differ materially in climate,
topography, and, in what is even more important, flora and
fauna. To these variations in environment very many of the
differences in culture may be traced. In fact they, much more
than differences of language, govern culture; for a particular
feature of culture often extends through portions of two or more
linguistic stocks which happen to lie within an area with a par-
ticular environment.
As has been shown, a large part of the territory under con-
sideration lies within the ranges of the Coast Range mountains.
These ranges of mountains, with their general northwesterly-
southeasterly trend, quite definitely separate the larger topo-
graphic divisions, each with its special features of climate, flora,
and fauna; and, since culture here as elsewhere is to a great
extent governed by environment, these topographic divisions may
be taken as the basis of classification of the special cultural divi-
sions or regions. The divisions thus made, which form long and
narrow, north and south areas, may be designated as follows:
the coast region, a narrow shelf of land immediately adjacent to
the shore of the ocean; the redwood belt, covering the heavily
timbered mountain range which closely follows along the coast-
line and has here been designated as the outer range of the Coast
Range mountains; the valley region, consisting of the drainage
basins of Russian river, upper Eel river and affluent streams, and
the portion of the Sacramento valley included within the limits
of this investigation ; and the lake region, lying about Clear lake,
and entirely within the inner or main range of the Coast Range.
These topographical areas do not, however, correspond exactly
to the regions of similar culture. The mountains along the coast-
line are not forested south of a point a few miles south of the
mouth of Russian river, and the lake region does not extend
through all the portion of the inner or main Coast Range in-
cluded in the present work. The portions of the main Coast
Range north and south of the lake region therefore, as also the
unforested southern portion of the range along the coast, are, so
far as culture is concerned, classed with the valley region. Other-
wise, however, the special characteristics of culture are confined
quite strictly to the topographic divisions.
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24 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
The coast region is, strictly speaking, confined to a narrow
shelf of habitable land varying up to five miles in width, and,
in elevation, from sea level at the few sand beaches, to several
hundred feet along the cliffs. This narrow shelf of open country
together with the adjacent mountains was sufficient to provide
the vegetable food used by a large population. However, the
chief source of food of this region was the ocean, where fish and
molluscs of all kinds abounded. The redwood forest extended
to the edge of this coastal shelf, and it was from the redwoods
that the people of the coast region obtained their supply of build-
ing material and, to a certain extent, their material for clothing.
The houses in the coast region were built chiefly of slabs of red-
wood bark and wood which were leaned together against a ver-
tical center pole to produce a building of conical form. These
houses could not, of course, be built very large on account of the
material used ; but they were very warm and serviceable. The
inner bark of the redwood, shredded and attached to a girdle,
was used by the women as a skirt. There was no form of boat
used along the coast. Redwood or other logs of suitable size were
lashed together and made a serviceable raft, which was used not
only on tide water of the many streams which empty into the
ocean along this stretch of coast, but also for short journeys out
from land, to sea-lion rocks and other rocks where game and
molluscs might be had. Certain specialized forms of implements
such as the elk-horn wedge used in obtaining the bark slabs for
building purposes, and a specialized form of dip net, were char-
acteristic of this coast region as a result of environment. While
the basketry of the Porno is essentially the same throughout the
entire area occupied by the family, there is one material, the root
of the bracken, which is used more particularly on the coast than
in the interior.
The redwood belt, the area of dense redwood forest on the
range of mountains immediately along the coast, was not much
inhabited by the Indians, the only settled portions being the more
open parts of the mountains and the few valleys along the eastern
border of the belt. The Indians inhabiting these valleys usually
built houses of the same sort as those of the coast division, and
in other respects their mode of life resembled that of the coast
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people, so that, on the whole, they should probably be classed
with them.
From the point of view of culture, the valley region comprises
the valleys of upper Eel river, Russian river, Petaluma, Sonoma,
and Napa creeks, and the portion of the Sacramento valley in-
cluded in this investigation; thus including, as before stated,
somewhat more than what topographically constitutes the valley
region. While the name valley region is given to this area it
must be remembered that it is only a name. Within it there are
many mountains of considerable height, and the greater portion
of the area is covered with ranges of hills of varying heights;
but the valleys were practically the only portions permanently
inhabited. This area is a large one, and there are within it con-
siderable differences of climate; but in general the character of
the country, and to a great extent the flora and fauna, are uni-
form. Perhaps the most striking cultural feature of this region
is the grass-thatched house. In ground plan this house was as
a rule rectangular or circular; sometimes, however, it was built
in the form of an L. A framework of poles was erected, the
poles being planted in the ground and brought together and
bound along a horizontal ridge-pole at the top. This framework
was then covered with a thatch of long grass, each row of the
thatch being held in place by a horizontal pole which was cov-
ered by the next higher row. In this manner a good water-proof
structure was obtained, but it could usually be used for only one
season. This was the winter house — the permanent structure.
In the heat of the summer months it was the custom to camp
along streams and in other shady places, temporary brush shel-
ters being usually built for this purpose. In the valley region
most of the streams are not large enough, particularly during
the summer months, to float a canoe for any distance, and in
consequence no canoes or rafts of any sort were made, except
about the Laguna de Santa Rosa, where tule boats or balsas were
used. The acorn provided the chief vegetable food, oaks of sev-
eral species being very abundant throughout the entire valley
region. Otherwise, all sorts of animals from elk down to squir-
rels and gophers, and also many species of birds, were depended
on for food, and there was developed a great variety of devices
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26 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and BtHn. [Vol 6
for their capture, which, while not confined to the valley region,
were more commonly used here than in the others. The form of
skirt used most generally by the women here was that made of
the shredded inner bark of the willow. All of these cultural
features, as will be readily seen, were governed by environment
— in particular, an open grassy country with many game animals
and comparative little water and but few fish.
The lake region, a comparatively small and isolated, though
evidently thickly populated area, developed some quite special-
ized ethnological features. Here was found a third form of
house, built very much like the valley house, but usually ellip-
tical in ground plan and thatched with the tule rush. The frame-
work of this was built in the same manner as for the grass house
of the valley region, and the rows of thatch were secured to the
frame in a similar manner. From the tule, which grows very
abundantly about all of these lakes, there were also made mats
which were spread upon the ground for serving food, or were
used as beds and for a great variety of other purposes; slings
with which to kill water birds; rough baskets, used particularly
about fishing; and boats. The boats, which were really canoe-
shaped rafts made of bundles of tule, were sometimes twenty or
more feet in length; and, even if capsized, could scarcely be
sunk. Qreen tule was shredded and used by the women in mak-
ing their dress. Pish and water birds were very abundant about
Clear lake and provided a great portion of the food supply.
This circumstance led to the development of several specialized
implements, some of which were not used elsewhere in the terri-
tory here treated of. There were special nets for catching ducks
and coots, a long-poled dip-net for deep-water fishing, and a
special form of basketry fish trap.
The cultural features typical of the several divisions are not
confined exclusively to them and may be found outside of the
general territory here considered ; but, within this territory, the
several divisions made on cultural lines are fairly well defined
and their characteristics, especially so far as governed by environ-
ment, are in each case very constant.
An ethnological line of division independent of the four
topographic-cultural regions described, and forming the basis of
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1908] Barrett. — The Bthno-Qeography of the Porno Indians. 27
a second separate grouping, passes through the northern portion
of the territory under consideration in a general east and west
direction. This division corresponds more nearly than the pre-
ceding one to the linguistic divisions. This east and west line
begins on the coast at the northern Porno boundary and sepa-
rates the Coast Yuki and Athapascans from the Porno, the Yuki
proper from the Yukian Huchnom and the Northeastern or Sac-
ramento valley Porno, and the Northerly Wintun from the North-
eastern Porno and the Southerly Wintun. The northern division
thus includes the Oast Yuki, Athapascan, Yuki proper, and
Northerly Wintun areas. The southern division includes the
Porno, Yukian Huchnom, Yukian Wappo, Southerly Wintun,
and Moquelumnan areas. This division is not strictly linguistic,
however, since not only the Wappo who are well to the south but
also the Huchnom who are immediately adjacent to the Yuki
proper and would naturally be expected to be most similar to
them culturally, have well marked cultural affinities with the
Porno ; and the cultural differences between the Northerly and
the Southerly Wintun, whose dialects are not radically dissim-
ilar, are also quite marked. This distinction of a northern and
a southern cultural area is based on very general differences in
the mode of life, as also in the implements, basketry, and other
articles manufactured by the people of the respective areas.
These two more general cultural divisions are not so self-evident
as the topographic-cultural areas previously described, and differ
from them in not being due directly to the influences of environ-
ment.
HISTORY.
EXPLORATIONS.
The early history of California is very intimately connected
with that of Mexico, of which country the state was a part for
three hundred years. It owes its early discovery to the desire,
not only of Spanish but also other navigators, to discover a sup-
posed northern passage connecting the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans. With this object in view Cortes, immediately after his
conquest of Mexico, then called New Spain, sent out several ex-
peditions, one of which, in 1534, discovered the peninsula of
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Lower California. Eight years later Cabrillo reached what is
now the bay of San Diego, and to him belongs the honor of the
discovery of California, then called Alta California. He sailed
on northward, making frequent landings and finding the Indians
very hospitable, to a point nearly opposite San Francisco, and
after his death his pilot Bartolomg Ferrello proceeded as far north
as Cape Blanco in Oregon; but he made no landings along the
coast and left no record of the Indians.
From Sir Francis Drake comes the first record of the Indians
north of San Francisco bay. Drake, having been attacked by
Spaniards in the West Indies in 1567, determined to obtain re-
dress by attacking the Spanish colonies and commerce of Amer-
ica. His second privateering expedition was directed against the
western coast of America, where, after over a year of successful
treasure hunting, his vessel was laden with spoil and he deter-
mined to seek the northern passage around North America as a
route for his return to England. He therefore sailed northward,
keeping well out at sea, until he encountered such cold and
stormy weather that he was obliged to turn eastward and come
to land, which he reached near Cape Blanco in Oregon. From
here he coasted southward and finally anchored, June 17, 1579,
in a bay just south of Point Reyes, # where he remained until
July 28.
The following account of Drake's stay in this locality is the
earliest record of the Indians of this region, and antedates the
Spanish mission records of these people nearly two hundred
years.
4 ' Next Day after their coming to Anchor in the Harbour afore-
mentioned, the Natives of the Country discovering them, sent a
Man to him in a Canoe with all Expedition, but began to speak
to them at a great distance, but approaching nearer, made a long
solemn Oration, with many Signs and Gestures after their man-
ner, moving his Hands and turning his Head ; and after he had
ended with great Shew of Respect and Submission, returned
•The accounts of this voyage are not sufficiently explicit in the de-
scriptions of this bay to remove ail doubt as to its exact location. Some
who have investigated the subject hold that Drake entered San Francisco
bay, but the majority are of the opinion that it was the small bay, known
as Drake's bay, which is shut in by the southward and eastward projection
of Point Reyes.
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again to Shoar. He repeated the Ceremony a second and third
Time; bringing with him a Bunch of Feathers, like those of a
black Crow, neatly placed on a String, and gathered into a round
Bundle, exactly cut, equal in length, which (as they understood
afterwards) was a special Badge worn by the Head of the Guard
of the King's Person. He brought also a little Basket made of
Bushes, full of a Herb called Tobah, which tied to a sort of Rod
he cast into their Boat. The General intended instantly to have
recompenced him, but could not perswade him to receive any
thing, except a Hat thrown out of the Ship into the Water re-
fusing any thing else, though it were upon a Board thrust off to
him, and so presently returned. After this their Boats could
row no way, but they would follow them, seeming to adore them
as Gods.
"June 21, their Ship being leaky, came near the Shoar to
land their Goods, but to prevent any Surprize, the General sent
his Men aahoar first, with all Necessaries for the making Tents,
and a Fort for securing their Purchase; which the Natives ob-
serving, came down hastily in great Numbers, with such Weapons
as they had, as if angry, but without the least thought of Hos-
tility; for approaching them they stood as Men ravished with
Admiration at the Sight of such things as they had never before
heard nor seen, seeming rather to reverence them as Deities, than
to design War against them as mortal Men, which they discov-
ered every Day more clearly, during the whole Time of staying
among them. Being directed by Signs to lay down their Bows
and Arrows, they immediately obeyed, as well as the rest, who
came continually to them; so that in a little while there were a
great Company of Men and Women to confirm this Peace which
they seemed so willing to agree to, the General and his Men
treated them very courteously, bestowing on them freely what
might cover their Nakedness, and making them sensible that they
were not Gods but Men, and had themselves need of Garments
to cover their Shame, and persuaded them to put on Clothes,
eating and drinking in their Presence to satisfy them, that being
Men, they could not live without it; yet all would not prevail
to persuade them that they were not Gods: In recompence of
Shirts, Linnen, Cloth and the like, bestowed on them, they gave
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30 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
the General and his Company Feathers, Cawls of Network,
Quivers for Arrows made of Fawnskins, and the Skins of those
Beasts the Women wore on their Bodies.
"Being at length fully contented with viewing them, they
returned with Joy to their Houses, which are dug round into the
Earth, and have from the Surface of the ground, Poles of Wood
set up and joined together at the top like a spired Steeple, which
being covered with Earth, no Water can enter, and are very
warm, the Door being also the Chimney to let out the Smoak,
which are made slopous like the Scuttle of a Ship : Their Beds
are on the hard Ground strewed with Bushes, with a Fire in the
midst round which they lye, and the roof being low round and
close, gives a very great Reflection of Heat to their Bodies. The
Men generally go naked, but the Women combing out Bulrushes,
make with them a loose Garment, which ty'd round their middle,
hangs down about their Hipps: And hides what Nature would
have concealed : They wear likewise about their shoulders a Deer
skin with the Hair thereon : They are very obedient and service-
able to their Husbands, doing nothing without their command or
consent: Returning to their Houses they made a lamentable
Howling and Cry, which the English, though three Quarters of
a Mile distant heard with Wonder, the Women especially ex-
tending their Voices with doleful Shrieks."
"Notwithstanding this seemed Submission and Respect, the
General having experienced the Treachery of other Infidels, pro-
vided against any Alteration of their mind, setting up Tents, and
intrenching themselves with Stone walls, which done, they grew
more secure. Two days after this first Company were gone a
great Multitude of others, invited by their Report, came to visit
them, who as the other, brought Feathers, and Bags of Tobah
for Presents, or rather for Sacrifices, believing they were Gods;
coming to the Top of the Hill, at the Bottom whereof they had
built their Fort, they made a stand, where their chief Speaker
wearied himself, and them with a long Oration, using such vio-
lent Gestures, and so strong a Voice, and speaking so fast that
he was quite out of Breath. Having done, all the rest bowed
their Bodies very low and reverently to the Ground, crying Oh,
as consenting to all had been said : then leaving their Bows and
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their Women and Children behind, they came down with their
Presents in such an awful Posture, as if they had indeed ap-
peared before a Deity thinking themselves happy to be near
General Drake, and especially when he accepted what they so
willingly offered, getting as nigh him as possible, imagining they
approached a Qod.
"Mean time the Women, as if frantick, used unnatural Vio-
lence to themselves, striking dreadfully, and tearing their Cheeks
with their Nails till the Blood streamed down their Breasts,
rending their Garments from the upper Parts of their Bodies,
and holding their Hands over their Heads, thereby to expose
their Breasts to danger; they furiously threw themselves on the
Ground, not regarding whether it were wet or dry, but dashed
their naked Bodies against Stones, Hills, Woods, Bushes, Briars
or whatever lay in their way, which Cruelty they repeated (yea
some Women with Child) fifteen or sixteen times together, till
their Strength failed them thereby, which was more grievous to
the English to see, than themselves to suffer. This bloody Sight
ended, the General and his Company fell to Prayers, and by
lifting up their Hands and Eyes to Heaven, signified that their
God, whom they sought to worship, was above in the Heavens,
whom they humbly besought, if it were his Pleasure, to open
their blind Eyes, that they might come to the Knowledge of
JESUS CHRIST: While the English were at Prayers, singing
of Psalms, and reading some chapters in the Bible, they sat very
attentive, and at the End of every Pause, cried out with one
voice, Oh I, seeming to rejoice therein, yea, delighted to so much
in their singing Psalms, that after, when they resorted to them,
they ardently desired that they should sing. After their De-
parture they returned all that the General had given them,
thinking themselves sufficiently happy in having free Access to
them.
"Three Days after June 26, the News having spread itself
farther into the Country, another great Number of People were
assembled, and among them their KING himself, a Man of
comely Presence and Stature, attended with a Guard of an hun-
dred tall stout Men, having sent two Ambassadors before, to tell
the General their Hioh, or King, was coming; one of them in
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32 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
delivering his Message spake low, which the other repeated Ver-
batim with a loud Voice, wherein they continued about half an
Hour; which ended by Signs they desired some Present to their
King to assure him of coming in Peace, which the General will-
ingly granted, and they joyfully went back to their Hioh. A
while after, their King with all his Train appeared in as much
Pomp as he could, some loudly crying and singing before him ;
as they came nearer, they seemed greater in their Actions: In
the Front before him marched a tall Man of good Countenance,
carrying the Sceptre, or Mace Royal, of black Wood, about a
Yard and half long, upon which hung two Crowns, one less than
the other, with three very long Chains oft doubled, and a Bag of
the Herb Tobah; the Crowns were of Knit- work wrought cu-
riously with Feathers of divers Colours, and of a good Fashion,
the Chains seemed of Bone, the Links being in one chain was
almost innumerable, and worn by very few, who are stinted in
their Number, some to ten, twelve, or twenty, as they exceed in
Chains, are thereby accounted more honourable. Next the
Sceptre bearer came the King himself, with his Guard about him,
having on his Head a Knit work Cawl, wrought somewhat like a
Crown, and on his Shoulders a Coat of Rabbet Skins reaching to
his Waste. The Coats of his Guard were of the same Shape, but
other Skins, having Cawls with Feathers, covered with a Down
growing on an Herb, exceeding any other Down for Fineness,
and not to be used by any but those about the King's Person,
who are also permitted to wear a Plume of Feathers on his Head,
in sign of honour, and the seeds of this Herb are used only in
Sacrifice to their Gods. After them followed the Common People
almost naked, whose long Hair tied up in a Bunch behind, was
stuck with Plumes of Feathers, but in the forepart only one
Feather like an Hord, according to their own Fancy, their Faces
were all painted, some White, others Black, or other Colours,
every Man bringing something in his Hand for a Present: the
Rear of their company consisted of Women and Children, each
Woman carrying a Basket or two with Bags of Tobah, a Root
called Patah (whereof they make Bread, and eat it either Raw
or Baked), broiled Fishes like Pilchards, the Seeds and Down
aforementioned, and such other things: Their Baskets are made
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of Rushes like a deep boat, and so well wrought as to hold Water.
They hang pieces of Pearl shells, and sometimes Links of these
Chains on the Brims, to signify they were only used in the Wor-
ship of their Gods ; they are wrought with matted down of red
Feathers into various Forms.
"General Drake caused his Men to be on their guard what-
ever might happen, and going into his Fort, made the greatest
shew possible of Warlike Preparations (as he usually did), so
that had they been real Enemies they might thereby be discour-
aged from attempting anything against them. Approaching
nearer, and joining closer together, they gave a general Saluta-
tion, and after Silence, he who carried the Sceptre, prompted by
another assign 'd by the King, repeated loudly what the other
spake low, their Oration lasting half an hour, at the close whereof
they uttered a common Amen, in Approbation thereof: Then the
Bang with the whole number of Men and Women (the little
Children remaining only behind) came farther in the same Order
down to the Foot of the Hill near the Fort; When the Sceptre
bearer, with a composed Countenance, began a Song, and as it
were a Dance, and was followed by the King and all the rest, but
the Women, who were silent: They came near in their Dance,
and the General perceiving their honest Simplicity, let them
enter freely within the Bulwarks, where continuing awhile sing-
ing and dancing, the Women following with their Bowls in their
Hands, their Bodies bruised, and their Faces, Breasts and other
Parte, torn and spotted with Blood : Being tired with this Exer-
cise, they by Signs desired the General to sit down, to whom their
King and others seemed to make Supplication, that he would be
the King and Governor of their country, to whom they were most
willing to resign the Government of themselves and their Pos-
terity; and more fully to declare their meaning, the King with
all the rest unanimously singing a Song, joyfully set the Crown
on his Head, enriching his Neck with Chains, offering him many
other Things, and honouring him with the Title of Hioh, con-
cluding with a Song and Dances of Triumph, that they were not
only visited by Gods (which they still judged them), but that
the great God was become their King and Patron, and they now
the happiest People in the World.
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84 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoL 6
"The General observing them so freely to offer all this to him,
was unwilling to disoblige them, since he was necessitated to con-
tinue there some time, and to require Belief in many things from
them not knowing what Advantage it might bring in time to his
own Country, therefore in the Name and for the Use of Queen
Elizabeth, he took the Sceptre, Crown and Dignity of that Land
upon him, wishing that the Riches and Treasures thereof, wherein
the upper Parts abound, might be as easily transported thither,
as he had obtained the Sovereignty thereof, from a People who
have Plenty, and are of a very loving and tractable Nature, seem-
ingly ready to embrace Christianity, if it could be preach 'd and
made known to them. These Ceremonies over, the common
People leaving the King and his Guard mingled themselves
among them strictly surveying every Man, and enclosing the
youngest, offered Sacrifices to them with a lamentable Shriek and
weeping, tearing their Flesh from off their Faces with their Nails,
and this not the Women only, but old Men likewise were even as
violent in roaring and crying as they. The English much grieved
at the Power of Satan over them, shewed all kind of dislike
thereto by lifting their Eyes and Hands toward Heaven; but
they were so mad on their Idolitry, that tho' held from rending
themselves, yet when at Liberty, were as violent as before, till
those they adored were conveyed into their Tents; whom yet as
Men distracted they raged for again: Their Madnees a little
qualified, they complained to them of their Griefs and Diseases,
as old Aches, shrunk Sinews, cankered Sores, Ulcers, and Wounds
lately received, wherewith divers were afflicted, and mournfully
desired Cure for them, making Signs, that if they did but blow
upon them, or touch their Maladies, they should be healed. In
pity to them, and to shew they were but Men, they used common
Ointment and Plasters for their Belief, beseeching God to en-
lighten their Minds.
"During their Stay here they usually brought Sacrifices
every third Day, till they clearly understood the English were
displeased, whereupon their Zeal abated; yet they continually
resorted to them with such Eagerness, that they oft forgot to
provide Sustenance for themselves, so that the General, whom
they counted their Father, was forced to give them Victuals, as
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Muscles, Seals, and the like; wherewith they were extremely
pleased, and since they could not accept of Sacrifices, they,
hating ingratitude, forced what they had upon them in recom-
pence, though never so useful to themselves : They are ingenious,
and free from Guile or Treachery; their Bows and Arrows
(which are their only Weapons, and almost all their Wealth)
they use very skilfully, yet without much Execution, they being
fitter for Children than Men, though they are usually so strong,
that one of them could easily carry that a Mile together without
Pain, which two or three Englishmen there could hardly bear;
they run very swiftly and long, and seldom go any other Pace :
if they see a Fish so near Shoar as to reach the Place without
swimming, they seldom miss it. .
"Having finished their Affairs the General and some of his
Company made a Journey up the Country to observe their
manner of Living, with the Nature and Commodities of the
Country : They found their Houses such as you have heard, and
many being fix'd in one Place, made divers Villages: The Inland
was far different from the Sea shoar, it being a very fruitful
Soil, furnished with all necessaries, and stored with large fat
Deer, whereof they saw Thousands in an Herd, and Rabbets of
a strange kind, having Tails like Rats, and Feet like a Mole, with
a Natural Bag under their Chin, wherein, after they have filled
their Belly abroad, they put the rest for Relieving their Young,
or themselves when they are willing to stay at home. They eat
their Bodies, but preserve their Skins, of which the Royal Gar-
ments of the King are made. This Country General Drake
called Nova Albion, both because it had white Cliffs toward the
Sea, and that its Name might have some likeness to England,
which was formerly so called. Before they went hence, the Gen-
eral caused a Mountain to be erected, signifying that the English
had been there, and asserting the right of Queen Elizabeth, and
her Successors, to that Kingdom, all engraven on a plate of
Brass, and nailed to a great firm Post, with the Time of their
Arrival, the Queen's Name, and the free Resignation of the
Country by the King and People into her Hands, likewise his
Picture and Arms, and underneath the General's Arms.
"The Spaniards had never any Commerce, nor even set Foot
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36 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
in this Country, their utmost Acquisitions being many degrees
Southward thereof; and now the Time of their Departure being
at hand, the joy of the Natives was drowned in extream Sorrow,
pouring out woful Complaints and grievous Sighs and Tears,
for leaving them; yet since they could not have their Presence
(they supposed them indeed to be mindful of them in their Ab-
sence) declaring by signs that they hoped hereafter to see them
again, and before the English were awake, set fire to a Sacrifice,
which they offered to them, burning therein a Chain of a Bunch
of Feathers. The General endeavoured by all means to hinder
their Proceedings, but could not prevail, till they fell to Prayers
and singing of Psalms, when allured thereby, forgetting their
Folly, and leaving their Sacrifice unconsumed, and the Fire, to
go out, imitating the English in all their Actions, they lift up
their Heads and Eyes to Heaven as they did. On July 23 they
took a sorrowful Leave of them but loath to part with them, they
went to the top of the Hills to keep sight of them as long as
possible, making Fires before, behind, and on each side of them,
wherein they supposed Sacrifices were offered for their happy
Voyage." 7
T Early English Voyages to the Pacific Coast of America (from their
own, and contemporary English, accounts). Sir Francis Drake.— Out
West, XVIII, 75-79; Los Angeles, California, 1903. Hakluyt, writing in
1600, records two much more brief accounts of Drake's voyage and his stay
at Drake's bay, but these lack the minor, interesting details of the account
reprinted here. — See Richard Hakluyt, The Voyages, Navigations, Traffiques,
and Discoveries of the English Nation, III, 440-442, and 737, 738, London,
1600. In the reprinted edition of Hakluyt 's work (London, 1810) one of
these accounts appears, Vol. Ill, pp. 524-526. Among more recent publica-
tions a brief account, giving substantially the same facts, is to be found in
Theodore H. Hittell's History of California, I, 89-93, San Francisco, 1885.
From the few Indian words given in the above account no conclusion
as to the language of the people with whom Drake came in contact can
be drawn. It may be noted however that among Moquelumnan peoples
the word signifying captain is hd'ipu, which may be the same as the
' ' Hioh ' ' given as the name of the king in this account. The expressions
of assent and pleasure which are here noted are those commonly used not
only by the Moquelumnan peoples of this region but by the Porno to the
north of them where such expressions as 6, y6, or Iy6', the expression dif-
fering with the locality, are heard, as evidences of approval of the senti-
ment expressed by a speaker, or of satisfaction with the performance of
a dance.
Further in this connection it is interesting that the chronicler mentions
baskets "like a deep boat" which it is to be presumed refers to. the canoe
shaped baskets made particularly by the Pomo, whose territory lies but a few
miles north of Point Keyes. Baskets of this specialized form are almost
entirely unknown in California except among the Pomo and perhaps certain
of their immediate neighbors. Further, the chronicler mentions that their
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In 1602 Sebastian Viscaino made a more detailed exploration
of the California coast than had previously been made and rec-
ommended that permanent settlements be established. But this
was not undertaken until 1683, and was not successfully accom-
plished until 1697, when missions were established on the penin-
sula of Lower California by Fathers of the Jesuit Order.
In 1768, the Jesuits, who had fallen greatly into disfavor with
the government, were expelled from all of the Spanish posses-
sions, and the missions in Lower California were placed in charge
of the Franciscan Order. The Franciscans were thoroughly in
accord with the government, and royal mandates were issued to
the effect that not only Lower but also Upper, or Alta, California
should be colonized at the earliest possible time. The civil and
military authorities were to direct the expeditions, but were to
be assisted by the Franciscan Fathers; and particular instruc-
tions were given that the first settlements should be at San Diego
and Monterey respectively.
SETTLEMENTS.
California Missions.
In pursuance of these mandates, the first expedition left
Lower California in 1769, the civil and military affairs being in
charge of Governor Portola, the actual founding of the new
missions in the hands of Father Junipero Serra.
Having arrived at San Diego and arranged the preliminaries
of the settlement to be made there, Governor Portola proceeded
northward overland to establish the settlement at Monterey, but
on reaching the site failed to recognize it and finally, in his
search, passed on as far north as where San Francisco now stands.
baskets of different forms were ornamented with shell beads and red feath-
ers. This also points to the Porno culture. Ornamentation with shell beads
was very rare among other California people and the covering of the entire
surface of a basket with feathers, or as it is described here ' ' with a matted
down of red Feathers" was, in aboriginal times so far as is known never
attempted by any California people other than the Porno. These facts
therefore point further to the tenability of the belief that Drake's landing
was somewhere north of San Francisco bay, possibly even north of Point
Beyes, though Porno of the Southern or Southwestern dialectic area may
have journeyed down to Drake's bay bringing their boat shaped and orna-
mented baskets with them, as these are only mentioned in connection with
the very great gathering of Indians when their so-called king visited Drake.
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38
UnwenUy of California Fublications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
He seems to have taken very little notice of the bay of San Fran-
cisco or of the inhabitants of the region, but, having satisfied
himself that he had passed Monterey, returned to San Diego.
A second land expedition, sent from San Diego in 1770, in con-
nection with a vessel, succeeded in finding Monterey and estab-
lished the royal presidio of that name and the mission of San
Carlos de Monterey.
The reports which were immediately prepared and sent to the
authorities in Mexico, setting forth the resources and promise of
these new possessions, and detailing the founding of the new
missions, were published, and were so highly gratifying, not only
to the authorities and populace of Mexico but also to those of
Spain, that within a short time provision was made for the estab-
lishment of five new missions, two of which were to be north of
Monterey. San Francisco was at once named as the site for one,
but the actual establishment of the mission there did not take
place until about six years later.
San Francisco.
For a short time after its discovery in 1769 San Francisco
bay was not again visited; but in 1772 a land expedition left
Monterey for the purpose of exploring it and the surrounding
country, and with the object of passing around it and reaching
Point Reyes, where it was supposed the best location for a settle-
ment would be found. The party passed around the southern
end of the bay and along the eastern shore as far as Carquinez
straits, where they were obliged to turn back on account of being
unable to cross the river. They were, however, greatly impressed
with the magnitude of the bay and the fertility of the surround-
ing lands. In 1774 another land expedition was sent which made
a more detailed exploration of the region ; and in the summer of
1775 the San Carlos, a paqueboat or barco of not more than two
hundred tons burden, sailed into the bay and explored its numer-
ous arms and channels.
In accordance with orders issued in 1774 by the viceroy of
New Spain, thirty soldiers with their families and twelve other
settlers with their families were sent to San Francisco, where
they arrived on June 27, 1776, and shortly after began work on
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the buildings of the new mission, known as San Francisco or
Dolores, or in full, the Mission of San Francisco de Assisi at
Dolores, which was the sixth of those established in California.
Here was developed one of the most important early settlements
and in due time the largest city on the Pacific coast of America.
In 1804, with the founding of the nineteenth mission, that of
Santa Inez, the establishment of missions purely for the purpose
of converting the Indians may be said to have ended. The jegion
north of San Francisco bay as yet remained almost wholly unex-
plored and would probably not have been settled from the south
for many years had it not been for the establishment of a Russian
settlement from the north.
Fori Boss (Russian Settlement).
With the discovery of Alaska by Admiral Behring, in 1728,
came the knowledge of its great numbers of fur seals and other
fur-bearing animals ; with the result that in due time the Russian-
American Fur Company was organized, with a charter which
gave it a practical monopoly of all the fur trade of the north
Pacific, as well as the right to take possession of and govern any
new territory. Having thoroughly established itself in Alaska,
where it had operated since 1799, the company began to widen
its influence, and, in 1806 sent a trading expedition to California,
which returned with such a favorable report of the country that
it was determined to make a settlement somewhere on its northern
coast. Accordingly, in 1809, an expedition was sent for the pur-
pose, and some temporary buildings were erected at Bodega bay,
about forty-five miles north of San Francisco. Finally, in 1811,
after a thorough exploration of the coast and the lower course
of Russian river (called by the Russians the Slavianska), a per-
manent settlement was located at Fort Ross, about sixteen miles
north of Bodega bay and eight miles north of the mouth of Rus-
sian river. This was the first permanent settlement established
north of San Francisco bay, and was looked upon with much
disfavor by the Spanish, who, however, were not strong enough
to do anything but protest, as is shown by the fact that the
Russians remained at Fort Ross until 1840, when they voluntarily
withdrew.
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40 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [ VoL 6
San Rafael.
At last, probably partly on account of the danger of Russian
encroachments from Fort Boss and partly on account of the
unhealthful conditions at the mission of San Francisco, it was
determined by both the civil authorities and the Franciscans in
1817 to found an establishment on the northern shore of the San
Francisco bay, and San Rafael was selected as the site. It seems
that at first this was not a full mission but was termed an "assis-
tencia," or branch of San Francisco. A chapel instead of a
mission church was erected and the establishment was placed in
charge of a supernumerary of the San Francisco mission. Never-
theless San Rafael was from the first managed practically as a
mission and became very prosperous. It was abandoned in 1843,
nine years after the secularization enforced by the Mexican gov-
ernment, and the mission properties were sold at auction in 1846.
Sonoma.
During the Mexican revolution there was no thought given
by the Spanish-speaking people of California to the Russian
settlement at Fort Ross, but in 1823, after Mexican independence
seemed thoroughly established, attention was again directed to
the Russians and it was determined to found a new Mexican
establishment farther to the north. Accordingly, in that year,
father Jos6 Altimera, after traversing with an escort of soldiers
the region from where Petaluma now stands to the plains of
Suisun and making a careful survey of the country, selected
Sonoma as the most promising site. The building of a mission
was begun on August 25. It seems to have been for some time
the desire of the secular authorities to suppress both the San
Francisco or Dolores and the San Rafael missions, transferring
all of the Indians there to the new mission at Sonoma, which had
been called San Francisco Solano, or New San Francisco; but,
owing to the vigorous objections of the clerical authorities, both
of the older establishments were allowed to continue. The mis-
sion at Sonoma was abandoned about 1840, the mission properties
probably being sold about the same time as those at San Rafael.
Sonoma, the twenty-first mission founded in California, was the
last of the old missions actually established and maintained for
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any length of time. In 1827 an attempt was made to found a
mission at Santa Rosa, and some buildings were erected ; but there
seems to have been no resident missionary appointed and it is
unlikely that the work of converting the Indians there ever pro-
ceeded very far.
In 1834, the date of the secularization of the California mis-
sions, a presidio was established at Sonoma and in the following
year active steps were taken looking toward the settlement of the
territory to the north and northwest, with the result that in a few
years many settlers had established themselves throughout the
more fertile valleys as far north as Ukiah, on the Russian river,
and Big valley, on the southern shore of Clear lake. These points
were the northern limits of Mexican settlement in the Coast
Range mountains. Many of these settlers obtained grants of
large tracts of land from the Mexican government, some of which
were confirmed by the United States government after the cession
of California to the United States.
American Occupation of California.
With the year 1840 American immigrants began to cross the
mountains into California, but these additions to the population
were very small until the discovery of gold in 1848, after which
no obstacle seemed too great to be overcome in order to reach the
west. The result was that within a few years the entire state
had been settled not only by miners but also by those seeking
permanent homes and openings for agriculture and trade. It is
not necessary to detail the settlement of the region immediately
north of San Francisco bay. It lacked the gold found in some
other portions of the state and was not, therefore, sought by the
first immigrants, who were chiefly gold-seekers ; but its settlement
began shortly after the gold excitement and has continued stead-
ily up to the present time. This settlement was attended by the
usual friction between the Indians and the white settlers, with
the result that the Indians are now dependents, residing on
ranches by the permission of the owners, or that they have at last
acquired title to small holdings of land which they own on a
cooperative plan.
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42 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol 6
As to the population of this territory at the time of the
founding of the missions at San Rafael and Sonoma, or in fact
at any time up to the establishment of the reservations, there is
no reliable information, but it is certain that the contact with the
whites greatly decreased it at an early date. Some early settlers
made estimates of the aboriginal population, but these are only
estimates and are without doubt in most cases far in excess of
the actual population. Menefee 8 says: "George C. Tount, the
first white settler in Napa valley (who arrived here in 1831),
said that, in round numbers, there were from 10,000 to 12,000
Indians ranging the country between Napa and Clear lake. Of
this number he says there were at least 3,000 in Napa County,
and perhaps twice that number. It is only certain that they were
very numerous, and that they have mostly disappeared. "
The first information which may be taken as at all authentic
is the estimate of Col. Redick MTfee, in 1851, as given by Gibbs*
in his "Journal of the Expedition of Colonel Redick M'Eee,
United States Indian Agent, through Northwestern Calif ornia,"
in which he says under date of August 21, 1851 : "The estimates
made by Colonel M'Eee of the whole number, from the head of
Russian river down, are as follows: In the valleys of Sonoma
and the Russian river, 1,200; on Clear lake and the adjacent
mountains, 1,000 ; on the coast from Port Ross southward to the
bay, 500." It must be remembered that Colonel M'Eee expe-
rienced some difficulty in inducing the Indians to assemble or
even to give in an enumeration on account of the punishment
inflicted by the United States troops during the previous spring,
when many Indians about Clear lake and in the upper Russian
river valley were killed as a result of what is known as the Stone
and Eelsey massacre. It is therefore very likely that the num-
bers given are smaller than the actual numbers of Indians in
these localities at that time.
As nearly as can be determined the present population, in-
cluding mixed bloods recognized as Indians, within the limits of
the territory under investigation is about as follows :
9 C. A. Menefee, Historical and Descriptive Sketch-Book of Napa, So-
noma, Lake, and Mendocino, p. 19; Napa City, CaL, 1873.
• Schoolcraft, m, 112.
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Porno .. 800
Yuki .. 40
Athapascan 50
Wintun 110
Moquetamnan „ 35
Total „ 1,035
In these estimates there has been no account taken of any Indians
not residing within the limits of the territory under investigation.
According to the 1907 agency census there are some over six
hundred Indians residing on the reservation in Bound Valley,
which lies just north of the limits of the territory under con-
sideration. A few Porno, and nearly all the surviving Yuki, over
two hundred in number, are on the reservation. In respect to
the Wintun also the number here given takes into account only
those residing in the portion of the Wintun territory included
in the accompanying maps.
Influence of Settlement Upon the Indians.
With the settlement of California the Indians became grad-
ually changed in their habits and mode of life. The missions
were founded ostensibly for the purpose of converting the In-
dians to Christianity and the missionaries gathered the Indians
about them at the missions to instruct them in the new faith.
As a result villages were established near the missions and the
Indians were gradually pursuaded to adopt Spanish dress and
manners, as also to speak the Spanish language ; and this influ-
ence was felt not only by the Indians originally living imme-
diately about the site of a mission but also by others at greater
distances who were induced to move to it. At the time of the
founding of the mission of San Francisco, in 1776, there were no
Indians at all on the northern end of the San Francisco penin-
sula. Recent hostilities between those who usually lived here
and their southern neighbors had resulted in the flight of the
former to the northern shores of the bay, and to the islands in
the bay. Under the protection of the mission they soon returned
and others were gradually brought in, most of them settling in
the immediate vicinity of the mission, but some along the eastern
shore of the bay. Among these were some from the region just
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44 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [ VoL 6
north of the bay, but it is not likely that a very great number
were brought from farther north than the section about where the
town of San Rafael now stands. When the mission at San
Rafael was founded in 1817, some of the Indians at San Fran-
cisco were transferred to the new establishment. The number
originally transferred was, according to Engelhardt, 10 about 230,
although there seems to be little evidence as to the exact numbers
transferred either at this time or later. The Indians of the vicin-
ity of San Rafael, and some from as far north as Santa Rosa, were
brought into the new mission until the time of the founding of
Sonoma in 1823, after which the work of converting the Indians
was extended still farther north. 11 The largest number at San
Rafael in any one year was 1,140 in 1828," and the largest
number at Sonoma was 996 in 1832. 1S
The decree of secularization promulgated by the Mexican
government in 1833 and executed in 1834 caused the abandon-
ment of almost all the missions throughout the state within a
few years thereafter and the consequent dispersion of the In-
dians, who then returned to their former villages. In 1842 the
numbers at San Rafael and Sonoma are said to have been reduced
to 20 and 70 respectively. 14
It was found necessary by the missionaries to use strong
measures to preserve order in the villages about the missions and
"Fr. Zephyrin Engelhardt, O. 8. F., The Franciscans in California,
p. 440.
n Concerning the Indians of Sonoma, Engelhardt says, p. 451: "At
the end of 1824 the mission had 693 neophytes, of whom 322 had come
from San Francisco, 153 from San Jose', 92 from San Rafael, and 96 had
been baptized at the mission. By 1830, six hundred and fifty Indians had
been baptized and 375 buried; bnt the number of neophytes had reached
only 760. The different tribes of Indians that furnished converts were
the Aloquiomi, Atenomac, Oonoma, Carquin, Canijolmano, Caymus, Che-
moco, Chichoyoni, Chochyem, Coyayomi, Joyayomi, Huiluc, Huymen, La-
catiut, Loaquiomi. Linayto or Libayto, Locnoma, Mayacma, Muticulmo,
Malaca, Napato, Oleomi, Putto or Putato, Paluomanoc, Paque, Petaluma,
Suisun, Satayomi, Soneto, Tolen, Tlayacma, Tamal, Topayte, Ululato,
Zaelom, Utinomanoc." From this list of what Engelhardt calls tribes,
but which are in reality only names of villages, it will be seen that the
influence of Sonoma reached as far east as the Sacramento river, as far
north as Coyote valley on Putah creek, or possibly to the southern end of
Clear lake, and as far west as Tomales bay.
" Engelhardt, Op. cit., p. 441.
u Engelhardt, Op. cit., p. 453.
14 Robert A. Thompson, Historical and Descriptive Sketch of Sonoma
County, California, p. 11.
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to maintain the proper decorum at religions services; but not-
withstanding the fact that some early writers charge the mis-
sionaries with cruelty, force was not as a rule resorted to until
after persuasion had been thoroughly tried, and even then noth-
ing was done which could be a permanent injury to the offender,
the missionaries being as a rule apparently very solicitous for the
physical as well as the spiritual welfare of those under their care.
As much, however, cannot be said of the military and the settlers
either of the older Spanish and Mexican times or of the early
days of the American occupation of the state. The worst treat-
ment which the Indians received was at the hands of certain men
who made frequent raids on the rancherias for the purpose of
capturing Indians to be used on their ranches as vaqueros or
work-hands, or in their households as servants. Children to be
used as servants seem to have been chiefly in demand, although
adults were often taken. In the days of the early Mexican set-
tlers it was not uncommon for a ranchero with his Mexican
vaqueros to surround a rancheria, kill any Indians who resisted,
and then select from the remainder those most suited to his pur-
pose. After the American occupation these excesses grew even
worse and there were those who made a regular business of kid-
napping children and selling them in the settlements about San
Francisco bay and southward. These captives were virtually
slaves and while there was not the practice of assembling a large
number and working them under overseers, as was the case with
the negroes, they were expected to obey every wish of their mas-
ters and were sometimes punished severely for disobedience.
The raids of the early Mexican ranchers rarely if ever extended
farther north than the villages in the region immediately north
of San Francisco bay, but those of the later kidnappers went as
far north at least as Humboldt bay. While the last of these
excesses were committed not later than about 1860 to 1865, and
the Indians have been living in peace from oppression of this
kind for forty or more years, there are still not a few of the old
people who can tell of their own days of servitude. So far as
can be learned the Russians at Fort Boss always treated the
Indians of that region with fairness and consideration.
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46 Unherrity of California Publications in Am, AroK and Bth*. [Vol 6
RESERVATIONS.
As soon as possible after the acquisition of California by the
United States, the federal government turned its attention to the
Indians of the newly acquired territory and set about establishing
reservations for them.
During the spring of 1851 Colonel Redick M*Kee, accom-
panied by a small escort of soldiers, started northward from
Sonoma for the purpose of exploring the country and ascertain-
ing the condition of the Indian population, with a view to the
establishment of reservations in the northern part of the state.
He passed up the Russian river valley, making a short side ex-
cursion into the Clear lake region, and thence on to the head-
waters of Eel river, down which stream he passed to Humboldt
bay. He interviewed as many as possible of the Indians, ex-
plained to them the purpose of the government in establishing
reservations, and attempted to induce them to agree to go on to
reservations when these should be selected. It would seem that
he tentatively set apart as a reservation an area of considerable
extent lying along the western and southern shores of Clear
lake. 15 The greater number of the Indians of the valleys of the
upper Russian river and those of the Clear lake region agreed to
u One Indian informant in speaking of the establishment of the reser-
vation at Clear lake said that Colonel M'Kee made his camp at the Indian
village of se'dileu and, after making presents to the Indians, told them
that for all time the village of se'dileu with its surrounding lands should
be their property and should serve them as a home where they should not
be disturbed by white settlers. Another informant stated that the site
of Colonel M'Kee 's camp was the Indian village immediately west of
cabS'gok and about a quarter of a mile southeast of se'dileu. According
to this same informant also Colonel M'Kee set apart as a reservation and
deeded to the captains Hfilyd and PeriS'td of the kuLa'napo* and kabd'napd*
respectively the portion of the southern shore of Clear lake extending
from what is now known as McGough slough, which lies about a quarter
of a mile west of se'dileu, eastward to Cole creek at the foot of Mount
Kana'ktai or a distance of nearly three miles. The southern limits of
this reserve could not be remembered by the informant. According to
his report in Senate Executive Documents, No. 4, 32d Cong., Spec. Sess.,
136-142, 1853, where a full account of this visit to the lake region and the
treating with the Indians is given, Colonel M'Kee spent three days at the
camp above referred to, which he called Camp Lupiyuma. During this
time he had several formal meetings with the captains of the surrounding
villages with the result that a treaty was finally signed by eight captains,
and also by certain of the other prominent Indians present, setting apart
for reservation purposes what he terms in his report all of the Clear lake
valley proper, which probably refers to the valley now known as Big
valley on the southern shore of the main body of Clear lake.
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move on to this reservation as soon as it was formally set apart.
In view of this agreement he appointed Mr. George Parker Arm-
strong as a temporary agent, whose duties were to visit the reser-
vation frequently, to store and distribute any provisions that
might be ordered for the Indians who had entered into the agree-
ment, and to collect certain data concerning the Indians living
along the coast, preparatory to their removal to the reservation.
No official action, however, seems to have been taken concerning
this proposed reservation.
Mendocino Reservation.
The first definite reservation in this portion of the state was
what is known as the Mendocino reservation, established in 1856
under the supervision of Colonel Thomas J. Henley, Superin-
tendent of Indian Affairs in California. This reservation ex-
tended along the Mendocino coast from Hare river, a small
stream about half a mile south of Noyo river, northward to Hale
creek, bildlrida, about a mile north of Ten-mile river ; thus giving
a total length of about eleven miles. It extended about three
miles back from the coast line, thus including a broad belt of
redwood timber, and containing approximately twenty-five thou-
sand acres. The first station and permanent headquarters were
established a short distance north of Noyo river. Sub-stations
were established as follows : Bald Hill, about three miles north-
east of headquarters ; Ten Mile, near the mouth of Ten Mile river;
Culle-Bulle. between Noyo and Hare rivers. Captain H. L. Ford
was the sub-agent in charge of the reservation and each sub-
station was in charge of an overseer. At Fort Bragg a company
of soldiers was stationed to bring Indians to the reservation, and
to keep peace among those already there. They had not only to
go out and bring in the Indians from new localities, but also to
return run-aways to the reservation. In addition to those al-
ready inhabiting the country in the neighborhood of the reser-
vation, Indians were brought in from various more distant
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48 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
points, 16 with the result that former enemies were brought into
close contact, and the agent was often obliged to use his authority
and even to call in the soldiers to prevent hostilities among them.
Some attempt was made at farming and at educating the Indians ;
but from the accounts, both written 11 and oral, of visitors to the
reservation as well as the accounts given by early settlers and
by Indians who were on the reservation at the time, there were
" Captain H. L. Ford, after stating that since June, 1856, he had been
in charge of the Mendocino reservation, says: "When I first went there,
there were two or three hundred Indians who claimed that as their home;
they were called Chebal-na-poma, Chedil-na-Poma, and Camebell-Poma;
since I went there two hundred and fifty Calle-Nameras were moved there
from the vicinity of Bodega, and they are all there yet; two hundred and
forty Wappo Indians were moved there from Russian River Valley, from
the vicinity of Fitch's ranch; one hundred and eighty were moved from
Bancheria Valley, near Anderson Valley; upwards of two hundred were
moved from Ukiah Valley; sixty Indians were moved from near the mouth
of Sulphur Creek— all these Indians were tame Indians; upwards of three
hundred wild Indians, called Yosul-Pomas, came in of their own accord; some
time in the winter of one thousand eight hundred and fifty-nine, General
Kibbe sent two hundred of the Bedwood Indians from Humboldt County ; of
that number one hundred and eight were sent by order of Superintendent
Henley to San Francisco; fifty-seven of those Indians are on the reserva-
tion now, the rest have run away. During the past summer months I
have received from the officers of Gen. Kibbe and Capt. Jarboe one thou-
sand and seven Indians; these are from Pitt Biver, Hot Creek, Butte
Creek, and Feather Biver; those received from Jarboe are all from the
vicinity of Eel Biver and Bound Valley; they number about two hundred
and nine or ten." State of California Legislature— Majority and Minor-
ity Beports of the Special Joint Committee on the Mendocino War, 1860;
Deposition of H. L. Ford; taken February 22, 1860, pp. 15, 16.
" G. Bailey, Special Agent Interior Department, reports, November 4,
1858, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, as follows: "Notwithstand-
ing these natural advantages the reservation has not thriven. There are
but few Indians upon it, seven hundred and twenty-two according to the
statement of the sub-agent in charge, and a great majority of these could
in no wise be distinguished from their wild brethren. The whole place
has an effete decayed look that is most disheartening. I saw it, it is true,
at an unfavorable season of the year, but there were unmistakable indi-
cations everywhere that whether considered as a means of civilization, or
as purely eleemosynary, the system as tried here is a failure. ' ' Bep. Com.
Ind. Affaire, for 1858, p. 301.
In Alley, Bowen and Company's History of Mendocino County the
authors, after some observations concerning reservations in general, say:
"In the reservation under consideration, out of twenty-four thousand
acres included in its limits, there were not that many hundred that were
arable. No progress worth speaking of was made in the way of farming.
A few acres were planted, and if the cattle and other stock were kept off,
a small crop was grown, but it never was of any advantage to the In-
dians." History of Mendocino County, California, p. 170; Alley, Bowen
& Co., San Francisco, 1880.
Concerning California reservations in general, J. Boss Browne pub-
lished an article in Harper's Magazine, for August, 1861, entitled "The
Indian Reservations of California." This was reprinted in Beach's In-
dian Miscellany, p. 303 seq., Albany, 1877.
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many things left to be desired in its management and results.
The reservation was discontinued in 1867.
Round Valley Reservation.
The Nome Cult Indian Farm was established, also in 1856, in
Bound valley in the northern part of Mendocino county. This
farm was at first maintained as, in a way, a sub-station of the
Nome Lackee reservation, situated about sixty miles to the north-
east, and about twenty miles west of Tehama. At the Nome Cult
Farm were assembled, according to reports of the Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, in addition to about three thousand Tuki of
the vicinity, Indians from various parts of the Sacramento valley.
While the establishment was maintained as a part of the Nome
Lackee reservation, it would seem that some of the meat supply
of the Mendocino reservation came from this farm, the live stock
being driven out over a trail which led through the valley where
Cahto now stands.
In 1858 Nome Cult farm was changed to a regular reserva-
tion designated as Bound Valley reservation, and about twenty-
five thousand acres were set apart for reservation purposes.
Various changes were made in the boundaries of the reservation
until, in 1873, they were established so that a reservation of about
one hundred and two thousand, one hundred and twenty acres
was set apart.
At the time of the abandonment of the Mendocino reservation
the majority of the Indians who had been taken from the region
about Bussian river and Clear lake, as also those from farther
to the south, found their way back to their former homes and
have remained there since. Some attempts were made to take
them to the Bound Valley reservation, but there are at present
on the reservation only a very few from this region. These are
from Little Lake valley and from Clear lake.
THE INDIANS AT PBESENT.
Prior to the establishment of the reservations there had been,
as has been seen, some settlement of this region and during the
existence of the Mendocino reservation the settlement was very
rapid. The result was that when the Indians returned to their
former homes, after the discontinuance of the reservation, they
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50 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
found that their accustomed liberties were somewhat restricted.
Many of the ranchers had cattle and other live stock which ranged
the hills and greatly diminished the supply of wild seeds and
other vegetable foods. Many of the valleys which had formerly
supplied an abundance of such food were under cultivation.
And with this decrease in the supply of vegetable foods went
the decrease in game of all sorts. It even sometimes happened
that former village sites were under cultivation and all trace of
them gone. But it must not be supposed that these changes were
entirely new to the Indians as they returned to their old homes
after the discontinuance of the reservation, for while all the
Indians were supposed to have been gathered on the reserva-
tion, this was by no means the case. There was no time when the
whole population of the area was present at the reservation.
Many would not go voluntarily and evaded the force sent to
bring them in; and others remained on the reservation only a
short time whenever the authorities succeeded in getting them
there. The result was that, according to the reports of .the agents
in charge, it was necessary, at least during the first years of the
reservation, to keep some of the soldiers constantly " gathering
in" run-aways.
The settlement of the country by whites after the discontin-
uance of the Mendocino reservation was equally as rapid as that
during its existence, with the result that the Indians found them-
selves more and more restricted and more and more dependent
upon labor for subsistence. They early took to working for the
whites in the hop and grain fields, as wood-choppers, and in
various other ways, and have always gained an independent live-
lihood, receiving no government support as is the case with reser-
vation Indians. They often settled on large ranches by the per-
mission of the owners, who were usually glad to have them near to
work on the ranch when needed. To a considerable extent the
conditions are the same at the present time ; but in a number of
cases the Indians have secured small holdings of land which they
own and work on a cooperative plan. In such cases they are thus
much more independent than formerly. Their mode of life has
been entirely changed, the habits, dress, architecture, and imple-
ments of civilization so completely replacing the aboriginal, that
it is now only rarely that the latter are to be found in actual use.
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ALPHABET.
The characters used to represent the various sounds found in
the languages under consideration are as follows 17 * :
Vowels:
a as in father.
& of the same quality, but of longer duration.
The macron is here used purely as a matter
of convenience to distinguish a few words.
ai as in aisle.
e as in obey.
e as in met.
I as in machine.
i as in pin.
6 as in note.
o English aw.
u as in rule.
u as in put.
u as in but.
a n , ai n , 6°, u n , P nasalized vowels.
a, i, u obscure vowels.
The macron (-), except in the case of a, has been employed
entirely as a means of designating the quality of vowels and is
no indication of quantity.
The apostrophe ( ') following a vowel or consonant indicates
a pronounced aspiration.
Consonants : 19
p, b, w, m, n, y, h as in English.
"• In order to facilitate reference to them the Indian names of villages
appear in italics. In such names the letters which appear in this alphabet
as Roman are italicised and vice versa.
"In describing the consonants used, the following approximate posi-
tions of the tongue upon the roof of the mouth are mentioned; velar, on
the rear half of the soft palate, post-palatal, on the forward half of the
soft palate, medio-palatal, on the rear half of the hard palate, pre-palatal,
on the forward half of the hard palate, and alveolar, on the alveolar or
gingival arch. The positions of the sounds used in the various languages
under consideration have, of course, thus far been determined only by
observation and it is probable that when they are determined exactly by
mechanical means some will be found to differ somewhat from the positions
here given, depending much upon the individual speaking them.
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52 Unwcrtity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
k is the symbol which has been used to represent
two different sounds: the post-palatal and
medio-palatal voiceless stops. It has a post-
palatal position when it precedes fi, u, 6, o,
ft, or a; and is medio-palatal before I, i, e,
or e.
g is the sonant of k and its position is varied by
the accompanying vowels in the same man-
ner as that of k.
t, d alveolar stops, voiceless and voiced respec-
tively.
t voiceless dental stop. In this sound the tongue
very nearly approaches the interdental po-
sition and may with certain speakers even
do so.
d the voiced sound corresponding to t. This is
one of the most rarely occurring sounds in
Porno. It does not occur in any of the
words in the accompanying vocabularies,
but is found in two or three of the names of
village sites.
t- an alveolar stop the position of which is a little
farther back than t. It approximates the
sound of ty, and is often distinguishable
from tc only with difficulty.
d* is the sonant of t*.
n nasalized post-palatal sonant ; like English ng.
x has the sound of the Spanish jota.
g* is the sonant of x.
c open pre-palatal surd. The sound is similar to
the English sh. The corresponding sonant,
j, is never found as an individual sound, but
appears frequently in the combination dj.
s, z open alveolar consonants, voiceless and voiced
respectively.
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$ This peculiar voiceless continuant it made by
protruding the lower jaw to a very consid-
erable extent and retracting the edges of the
tongue to an almost pre-palatal position.
Among the languages here treated it is only
found in Moquelumnan and Wintun, and
is only rarely used in either of these, par-
ticularly the latter.
f This is the ordinary labio-dental voiceless con-
tinuant, and is one of the rarest sounds in
native American languages. It is found
only in two dialects of the Porno, the South-
eastern and the Northeastern, and is not
much used in either. The corresponding
voiced sound is not found.
1 ss in English let
l This is a voiceless stop made with the tip of the
tongue on the alveolar arch. The closure is
followed by only a slight explosion, the air
being allowed to escape laterally. It may
have a short or long duration, depending
upon the surrounding sounds. This is a
comparatively rare sound in the languages
under consideration and has so far been
found only in Porno, Wintun, and Mo-
quelumnan.
I is the sonant of l, and approximates the sound
of dl. It occurs more rarely than l.
L resembles l, except that the tongue is some-
what more retracted, and more relaxed so
that there is almost no explosion ss the air
escapes over the sides of the tongue. The
sound approximates that of hL It is more
rare in Wintun and Moquelumnan than l,
and has been found also in a very few
in Porno.
r pre-palatal inverted sonant.
Digitized by
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54 Univernty of California Publications im Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 6
r r with a pronounced tongue-tip trill
tc as in church.
to as in sits.
dj as j in jury, dz, as z in adz, though not found
in the vocabularies here given, does occur
in Porno.
hw the voiceless w, as in who.
t!, i/, p!, k!, tc!, ts!, s! stressed.
LINGUISTIO RELATIONSHIPS.
The basis of classification of the various peoples here under
consideration is, as has been stated, entirely a linguistic one, de-
pending on the total lexical dissimilarity of the four linguistic
stocks: the Porno, Moquelumnan, Wintun, and Tuki; and the
more or less close lexical relationships of the various dialects of
each stock. While the term linguistic stock or family is here
used with its ordinary signification, it must be remembered that
the word dialect is not used in the restricted sense which ordi-
narily attaches to it in speaking, for instance, of European lin-
guistic divisions, but is used to designate any primary subdivision
of a linguistic stock. In several cases in the present connection
the differences between dialects are sufficient to warrant their
separation into distinct languages according to customary usage
in regard to European languages. The difference for instance
between Southeastern or Northeastern and any of the other Porno
dialects is probably as great or greater than that existing be-
tween French and Italian or Spanish. Fully as great a differ-
ence exists between the Yukian Wappo dialect and any of the
other Yukian dialects. In the present consideration of these
linguistic stocks and dialects they will be treated both lexically
and from the standpoint of phonetic similarity and diversity.
Both these considerations will be based on the following vocab-
ularies of two hundred and eighty-two words, in the selection of
which it has been the aim to bring together words of all the ordi-
nary parts of speech and particularly to choose words of most
Digitized by
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1908] Bamttr-TU EHmo-Qmvrmpkt of tU Pamo InOim ns , 66
common occurrence and which would be most typical of the va-
rious dialects. The matters considered will therefore be the
lexical relationship and the phonetic character of the dialects of
the Porno, Moquelumnan, Wintun, and Tuki languages taken
separately, and finally a comparison of the general phonetic char-
acter of these four languages and also a summary of the words
common to them with a discuanon of the probable direction of
borrowing wherever this is determinable. Since the portion of
the Athapascan territory which borders the Porno is so small, and
in view of the fact that the people inhabiting it are now being
investigated by Professor P. E. Goddard, this linguistic stock will
be omitted from these considerations. In the consideration of
the lexical relationships such very limited vocabularies as are
here used are even better in some respects than more extended
ones would be, as they consist principally of common root
words; but in the consideration of the other two points, the
phonetic character and the borrowing of words by different
stocks, these vocabularies are inadequate to give entirely decisive
and satisfactory results. The statements concerning these last
points must, therefore, be accepted tentatively, and are given not
as final facts concerning these languages, but rather as indica-
tions, shown by the vocabularies now at hand, of what will very
probably be further proven when more material is available and
more extended investigations along these lines are possible.
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56 Univertity of Cotof9*mi* Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol. 6
i
m
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1
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]
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rH rH rH rH iH rH <M Ol
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Sis I s
I lliliiiiij*Jj ill lltll*
■a
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'lilliilillulliJjifiiiii
llilllil|]ljiililiiitfi!i<
d
s. t 1
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s ili!l s ||{i
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56 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
ifaililirii
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Ililiiil^lf f *° 1 1 3 1 j 1 1
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5
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iHlHHlH ** H H H H H 01 9)
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1908] Barr*tt— Tk* Etkmo Qwo§rm§k$ of tk§ Fomo I n d b m * . 57
*
llHil<nli.]H.iij(l«
■a
iiiiiii U-IL jj.«i3it«
i|li]|jj]lil|j|||jjiffiil:
t.Ml.44SJ i 1 . - . •*
il
llljiiijjilillllllsflliil
§
s
^illl!iJihJj^ik§«j!ii
'liiiiihhiiiuiiHiiiiflt
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58 Univer*ity of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoL <5
I
I -a s • -a I t
1 «4- jf tf ^ 1 3 3 4t 3 -a i .
1 jf
* 11-s I eila. s IS i*t l\
9 | < ! 1
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*fiii1hfjilil!Jl &llfl
9
I it I I *
1 \.
tflllsiisiiellffll llstift
%
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1908] Barrett.— T*# ftfcw-0Mrr«pfty vf tU P*mo InHmn». W
siij Ifiiililliiiiiiiilii
iiiilllhiljilllltiliiiiii
iliSihHiSlililiLiillli
iiiiililitliilllLiiiiilli
d
IliHrifiiilihiiiiilrffli
l ! §1 .Hi 1 S I 1
*jlsiftifJiki«liliil1ltii*
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60 VnfoortUtl of California Publication* in Am. AroK and Bthn. [VoL 6
^liisiltliifilljli'iliils
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Mill! Jdfcsil Jsilllltfl
i
}iii»iiiifiiiiinmli!ii!
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1908] Bamtt^TU Mtkmo Qm§fm§km of tU Porno In4ion$. 01
h-ihi\ itilUiUhltiiti
lis i
^fililllflllf II Uijilitl
i £
U jitlHllfilllliilSfsi:
§
s e «
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iJiiiiilhJiiffrJfiUslili
j |i f i % .
<iih]iifiJilf]]lliH>iii3
j j liiiliiJ ii« if U
fillillliltiliiiHlliitlit
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60 Unwenity of CaUfornia Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoLC
III- * #
Ml- 4 *i
*ii£iiJ£li*f3l1.a£!lS4il
il
1 i s «t |
4 111 -s § * a 1 -a * 1 1 1 - -g*
illlilllllljiliiiiiilllll
iilllihlSliilidfflflli
•9
6
I * ** 1 1*11
ijfllfclilfijiijf 111*1234
'*
UllilJiitdiJatlli!?!
iiiuilllffljltllffftlifl
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1908] BamtU—Ths Mthmo Q oo § rop** of tU Porno !•#***. 61
^iljilittUi li inula
iu iiUtilhWihuutii
§
2 1 o
ihilHsliiihihil*!;!!
^iuiiihJiiflilriiiJisl
UlUAlhhliVAlnhull
JillillliliiHIifiiiihtll
48322222222232223252223222
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60 Unwonity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoLfl
ill | t
! 1 3 1 1 |
MlliiJiuJIdiilJiMf
fe . -8 J 11 Sill Meo f« -J 9 a glials
s ' *
IlllIilKlilallil 1IIS
SJ5K
o
2 * s * i
I tilt* li* a* fl - ..f4lv£l
*ji6Ji1533ast !**3«ii AaYlTJ
I S 1 S f * 1 1 | I JS a •
UflllJihsllJllfllitl
3 III
tiiitiiiliihiilifff^li!
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1908] BomtU—Ths Mtkmo Q m> § r«p*» of ik$ Porno !•#***. 61
iiiul mlUiUhhhit
*
I a i i
iisljillnil* li tiuililf
lli JillHlliHllhilffa
i
2 e «
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iiiihhJilfljifjUiiili
iilliilltihifliiliSlJiti
MinllfilllHiilliiltid
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62 Unwertity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
S « "2 ■£ "3 'g ? •91-, «lll •9 , s3i*#J , 2
J 2 3355 §12
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9j!]ill]Nii.ltih!ililiii
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UHif i !l!.]tf]t«iiiili}
4
* 5
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31 ~
O
43
null 1 i!ildlhiiiiii h
,0 «T3
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1908] Borrett.—Ths StkmhQoogrmpk^ of tk* Porno /«*•**. 6S
3i •? 1 111 « J J ..4 *l A
St i la. ill i Shi. ^ Jill
I i si-a* 1 ► S
3»i 1 sillll I all ssiti
111] ifjflf tisiiii!?!!?
8 -
Iltlii illlll lSili<ilil1i
§
J»a 3 I,^flss Jail if-
llJiii ft if il if.iii2i.ili
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iuf ililii ii.ihiisHi
fas , |ii i| i
nlJIl hillf lliliiiliiii
5 v o s n s *•***.***•*» saOQoaOQOooQOnooiaoo
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64 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Sthn. [VoL 6
«l liisslillslisil
a^
1 i
Siiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii Ji *iai
. . 1
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o
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1 1
1 I
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lisiUMilllml.Ji
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i
1
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MljIjHllihlliil.jiiiill
iff
liiirilflufiiiflLsi^u
iSSSSS$S$8SS§§SSSSS§SaSS|S
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1906] Borrett.—Tk* Bthmo^hogrmpkg of the Porno InOmnt. 66
? . i
1 i$« lIlJjS'J
3 3 3 is" I 3slilill*5
itiilll^llil^lliai
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3* 11 lllitiiJilHlllh-
i
£jg I 5 i t S o 1 • J 9 1 s 1 1
&&jPii!llLilllliilllli
S If*
I I I 3 * „. «l « all 111?
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I a Jil
1 1 1 * =9 «il11
1 I t
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^« « N « NNNN«N6lN«NN05NNWe3MNN
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56 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol. 6
*JHiJli£ls3S
%.l
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fH il r-l fH i3 fH C* «
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1908] B~ntU—TU Mtlmo Q m §r m § k $ of iU Porno /OiMC 5T
!
L - I a
* iliillliij^Ji ill tuh*
* 82 a Jill llSSS-SsAJs • ilssJ-8
I,. ... ■! .i
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mil *u c
tiiiiilf ifiiij a& illiisilff
$83238Ss88SS8S3S8:5S83399393
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58 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol. 6
! if
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§
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s.
£ ■§
tflilsfilfiil^llllll lli'hl!
4?55S5iSSSSS!8SfeSS85S88 3 8 S fe S g g
%
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1908] Barr*tt.—Th4 Mtlmo GtOfT mph, of ik$ Porno I****. 69
*isi rfiliiili!ai!!iiii?3
-uljllhiiiiliiltlliliilf
SiijilHIiSliliiiiniiilii
\ -* 3 2 3 s,
iiiiiilliflfiliiLiiliilii
O
iliHrfHltliHiithmlii
^lisiHf^ihftliJliUlia
i
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60 UnioenUy of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Btkn. [VoLC
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liliililhiiillllfffllif
g? ^(HiHfHfHfHr-lvHfHfHr-lt-lfHfHiHr-lr-lfHr-lr-l
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1908] Ba*r*tU—Th$ MUmoGtOfrqfa of ik$ Pomo !•#***. 61
hiiul lilliiiliSiLii!
i
^iliiliHlli !1 HlJllid
jitlHilillilliilstii-
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62 Unwer$ity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Btkn. [Vol. 6
►J
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1908] Barrett.— Ths Etkno- Q oo g rmpk y of ths Porno Indian*.
I* 111 1 il 5t » 2*111
& 111 I *s
*ial 1 allllS 1 «il siitl
illlll itilil lisillfl?!!*
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g o c t« n s llll^ t*ooooooaoo6naoaovaoA
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64 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
I S ill i
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iil«lliiiiiiihfii i s *jj!
t - 2
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1906] B*rr€tt.—Th4 Mtk*o-Q*O0f*pk9 of the Porno Indians. 66
* itlji
i s liiiiiy
ii-Jiifiliili
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66
University of California Publication* in Am. AroK and Ethn. [VoL 6
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1008] Barrett.— The Ethmo-Qeoffraphy of the Porno Indians. 67
1 1 I '%'.
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68 University of California Publications in Ant. Arch, and Sthn. [Vol. 6
S
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1908] Barrett.— The Ktkno-Geograp** of the Porno Indian*. 69
I 1SIII2J
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liltttiUttel \ iiiini
w
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70 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
§ * a
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1908] BcrritU—TI* Etkoo Qoogrmfikw of t*# Porno Indim*. 71
■a h'a'^t 111 ? . S
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1906] #mmtt.—Th4 Etkno-G*of ro fk y of ths Porno Indiom. 73
i, I
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74 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
6
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1908] Barrett.— The Ethno-Gooarapkff of the Porno Indian*.
75
i 111
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i
hrAUililitmhiHm'ii
"i
l.lilliiiiiflfihhllid
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nliillliliiiiiiiiilhllli
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lit,
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University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
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1908] Barrett.— -The Etkno-Geography of the Porno Indian* 77
U si\ .lllllllli
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^itiiiiliiififirttiiliim
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78 University of California Publication* in Am. Arok. and Bthn. [Vol. 6
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1908] Barrtttr- TU Htkno-Ooogfpkg of the Porno Indian*. 79
is *•
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f'S s. • a •
I 111 * *"* * 1
i m\*l\ iilisiilfitiiiii
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iS 8 ss ss sgssassssssggc
*!* IS !! iiiliJfiJilii"*
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80
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
i 8 fc
tL 1
"sSfciisil-s.
*{]iii 111
8T
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lis
^^ ^ JS «g. -g
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1908]
Barrett. — The Etkno-Geograpky of the Porno Indians,
81
WINTUN.
Vo.
EngHsk
Southerly
Xorthm-l
1
person
pat-win
2
man
wita
win
3
woman
poklla
daki
4
boy
teursi
ktaina
5
girl
Mita
Inita-dakI
6
infant
Ilaitcu
elet
7
old man
tciyak
k!Ias
8
old woman
xai
pofas
9
father*
tatsfl
netau
10
mother
nentcu
nenin
11
husband
naiwi
12
wife
naiamftt
13
•on
f«
14
daughter
t«
15
brother (elder)
labe-tcil
16
brother ( younger )
Lan-tcu
17
sister (elder)
Lan-tcu
18
sister (younger)
utcu-tcu
19
father '■ brother
ta-tcfl
20
mother '■ brother
apa-tco
21
father '■ sister
utcu-tcu
22
mother's sister
nentcu
23
father's father
apatcfl
24
mother 's father
apa-tcu
25
father '■ mother
ama-tcu
26
mother '■ mother
ama-tcu
27
son's son
tai-tcu
28
daughter's son
tai-tcu
29
son 's daughter
tai-tcu
30
daughter '■ dau.
tai-tcu
31
white man"
teatoki-win
32
head
duL
PO
33
hair
tt
rumoi
34
face
tus
35
ear
mat
mat
36
eye
ca
LUi
37
nose
Linik
suno
38
mouth
kol
kol
39
tongue
tahal
tahal
40
teeth
el
si
41
neck
tukutuku
42
arm
eala
sala
43
hand
eem
sem
44
fingers
kupum
•em
45
nails
teal
ktai
46
body
run
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82
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
WINTUN.
No.
English
Southerly
Northerly
47
belly
daka, bus
48
breasts (female)
Imit
imit
49
milk
unit
unit
50
knee
anak
ndni
51
leg
yir
koll
52
foot
mai
Lelme
53
bone
pak
pak
54
rib
Lome
wehut
55
heart
purfi
tcidik
56
blood
cak
sak
57
liver
tcela
telA
58
lungs
kosdl
kos
59
stomach
umumenf
tcidik T
60
intestines
pdt
poto
61
excrement
ten!
teeni
62
chief
sektu
cektu
63
doctor"
Ydmta
hiydm
64
friend
nikantcu
lelcom
65
house
kewel
kel
66
door
sinpe
keli
67
floor*
wole, SULt
p5m
68
bed
wdle, kama
69
sweat-house 1 "
tsitsa-kewel
el-kel
70
center-pole
ddri,Hft
wenemtoktcit
71
bow
nun
kfilsak
72
arrow
ndk5
doko
73
knife
ddk6
takdme
74
boat"
nu
tcdtcit
75
paddle
kdki, lema
Lapit
76
fish-spear
Lewici
tcimtcutsi
77
fish-net
tcdrd, Luhe
kdma
78
string
kali
diLa
79
deer-snare
kada
tcotkada
80
rabbit-skin robe
Lukai
udui
81
pipe* 1
b5mit, bdti
lol-kok
82
tobacco
lol
lol
83
shell-beads
hiLi
mempak
84
magnesite-bead8
turfll
tulul
85
bead-drill
citcl" j
86
basket
p6kdla«o*
koko
87
awl
aloli, tup
titcup
88
burden basket
aba
padi
89
burden net
surut
cut
90
cradle
funuk
Lol
91
mortar basket
kawi
klawi
92
pestle
t!usa
cotok
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1908]
Barrett. — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indians.
83
WINTUN.
No.
English
Southerly
Northerly
93
comb
tlba, penu
hatu
94
mush-paddle
taral
ceyfi
95
skj
pant!were«o»
sgtatala
96
sun
sun
tuku
97
moon
sunar
tcanaL
98
8 tar
tatimen
Luiyuk
99
day
sani
po
100
night
slndl
leni
101
cloud
k!ir
kla
102
wind
fudi
Lehit
103
thunder
kimI«o»
tumumfl
104
fog
tumi,kos*
tumit
105
rain
yurfi
luha
106
snow
yol
ydla
107
fire
po«*
po
108
smoke
LlLak, ndld
n5k
109
ashes
put
puk
110
water
mem
mem
111
sand
tliki
tcuhel
112
earth, dirt
k!Ir
k!as
113
earthy world
mundu««
114
earthquake
huyi
pdm5k5
115
ocean 47
tcubila-mem
116
stream
kapai
memaL
117
lake
pdlpol
tcahi
118
valley
wilak
kenkopol
119
mountain
tftL
tcoL
120
rock
k5d5i
con
121
obsidian
ddkd, so
122
metal
hiyerd
123
tree
tok
mi
124
wood
*ok
tcok
125
digger pine 4 *
Muwa
tcoTco
126
redwood
sumu
127
white oak
mule, l5
128
black oak
sai
129
pepperwood
sauli
130
elderberry
ktau
131
manzanita
eye
paka
132
redbud
laknu
elep f
133
willow (white)
pukum
tcai
134
tule
Laka, Lop
Lap
135
angelica
hutili
136
medicine
wene
memhene
137
poison
usel, pftkom
k6ta
138
acorn
taka
lu
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84 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
i
WINTUN.
No.
English
Southerly
Northerly
139
wild onion
buswai, pur
kerimen
140
Indian potato 1 *
£11, kdmtu
ell
141
oat"
ciniya
142
mush
yiwit, atdl
yiwit
143
pinole, meal
kdri
kdi
144
whiskey*
kakma-mem
145
meat
nop
paLi
146
dog
haiyu
cukut
147
bear
cflai
tciL
148
grizzly bear
cOai
wemaL
149
black bear
tfl5kl, uyum
tciL
150
brown bear
mowis
sakatciL
151
coyote
rutcai, sedeu
sedet
152
panther
pate
cuta
153
deer
nop
ndp
154
antler
tcili
kllli
155
elk
ldkdya«* b
kolet
156
jackrabbit
tcelo
patkile
157
raccoon
tcewdya
tcikan
158
horse"
kawaiyu
kodit
159
cattle
wakas
160
bird
p€ti
tcfltcit
161
condor
mdldk, mul
molok
162
bald eagle
hasak
pit
163
golden eagle
loklok
164
hawk (w. redtail]
) katcit
celt
165
owl (great horned) timpirikf
166
buzzard
bus
hu*
167
duck (mallard)
LaLat, lopet
lade
168
quail (valley)
m
bitalat
169
meadow-lark
bit
witcolok
170
bluejay (valley)
tcait
tcaiktcaik
171
crow
kak
172
blackbird
tcakatii«2 c
atat
173
hummingbird
tuuluk
174
yellowhammer
wololok
tcio
175
red-h. woodpecker
tarat
toratat
176
mud-hen
toLdk
pelkalepkalep
177
turtle
and
an
178
frog
watak
watak
179
salamander
tcayakamen
180
rattlesnake
tiwil
Letceu
181
fish
tir
tcit
182
salmon
hfir
nut
183
trout
friya-tir, m51
cdlat
184
mussel
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1908]
Barrett. — The Bthno-Oeography of the Porno Indians.
85
WIXTTTN.
No.
Bnglieh
Souther^
Norther
185
abaloni
kola
186
clam
kfik
187
loose
p*ri
dono
188
flea
teftteo
kdk!as
189
mosquito
fosak
teflcak
190
grasshopper
taram
nep
191
yellowjaeket
LAn6
p*rem
192
butterfly
hoeolai**
193
white
tcaldU
I.fliyuket
194
blaek
mfilti, sQIa
knfa
195
red
Mluka
fedekit
196
striped
tcaiki, lafi
197
large
bene
komoea
198
small
kutei,«*«
Inlsfef
199
good
laiyok
tcala
200
bad
pore, data
tcepa
201
stinking
tub!
Lala
202
sweet
mflnuk*> r
monnka
203
bitter
aka, alalms
204
dead
10mu
205
long
yui, yflya
keltla
206
short
fdddi
motit
207
round
bakak«tf
208
I
dju
209
my
nanu
210
thou
mi
211
thy
matft
212
he
piw
213
his
fino
214
she
pi, pile
215
hers
filtno
216
we
tcaket"
217
our
nitcuna"
218
they
pile"
219
their
ultnd
220
north
wai-yel-be
wai-hai
221
east
pu-yel-be
pfll-bai
222
south
w6-rel-be
nui-hai
223
west
no-mel-be
num-hai
224
up
pantl-be
Mel-hai
225
down
tcentl-be
keu-hai
226
no
ties
el$wa
227
yes
6—*
heda
228
one
eteta
ketet
229
two
pamputa
palel
230
three
punulta
panftL
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86
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
WINTUN.
No.
English
Southerly
Northerly
231
four
emusta
Lawit
232
five
etesemta
teaneem
233
six
serpulta
sepandL
234
seven
serputeta
tcumiL
235
eight
panemusta
tseLawit
236
nine
panemust&a
cemaketet
237
ten
pampasemta
cema
238
eleven"*
papusem-eteta
cema-palel
239
twelve
panLdmi
panfiL
240
thirteen
pampusem-
punulta
Lawit
241
fourteen
pampusem-
emusta
tcancem
242
fifteen
pampusem-
etesemta
pandl-tcancem
243
sixteen
pampusem-
serpulta
atcketet
244
seventeen
pampusem-
serputeta
palel
245
eighteen
pampusem-
panemusta
pandL
246
nineteen
pampusem-
panemust&a
Lawit
247
twenty
etekai
ketettcak
248
twenty-one
249
to twenty-nine
250
twenty-nine
251
thirty
pfinLada
tcancem
252
forty
emus-
pampusemta
253
fifty
etesem-
pampiisemta
254
sixty
serpiiL-
pampusemta
255
seventy
serpute-
pampusemta
256
eighty
panemus-
pampusemta
257
ninety
panamustSta-
pampusemta
258
one hundred
punul-
pampusemta***
259
two hundred
pamputa-senta
260
eat
ba
261
drink
ieti, tetule
262
run
witili
263
dance
ton
264
sing
muhfi, k51a
'
265
whistle
puLpuLti
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1908]
Barrett.— The Etkno-Oeofftapky of the Porno Indians.
87
WINTUN.
No.
EngU$k
AmOeWy
266
shake
tukfoki"-
267
sleep
klana
268
awaken
dihd
269
see
winl, teowl
270
like
kaiyic
271
angyy
mutt***
272
strike
bfiktt
278
fight
nm6pefi
274
shoot
Ilia
275
kill
Hwfl***
276
sit
ham
277
stand
pttcaiyfi
278
He (lay)
t!al
279
#▼•
d6yi
280
laugh
L*ye
281
cry
warn
282
shout
popaiyfi
Northm-ly
FOOTNOTB8 TO VOCABULABIE8.
»• There are certain eomparstiYely slight differences between the Southern
dialect as spoken about CloYerdale, that is, north of the Wappo territory in
Bnssian river valley, and on the upper course of Dry creek, and as it is
spoken in the region from Healdsburg southward So fir as may be judged
at present these differences are not sufficient to warrant separating these
two regions into subdialectic areas, but the differences are worthy of note.
For the sake of convenience the words of this dialect given in the vocab-
ularies are all forms used in the northern part of the dialectic area and all
cases where the form used in the southern region differs from that used in
the northern are mentioned in footnotes. Similarly there appear to be cer-
tain constant differences between the speech of the people who inhabited the
northern part of the Northern dialectic area, and those who inhabited the
southern and eastern portions. With the material at present available, how-
ever, it is impossible to make such a separation of forms as has been done
in the Southern dialect. The most noteworthy difference between these two
parts of this area is the change of fi in the northern to I in the southern
and eastern.
*ku and kawi or kiwi, as it is found in some of the Porno dialects,
are used, particularly in the Central dialect, where ku or kutc is the usual
form, with the signification of small, as is seen from their use here in
the words boy and girl which signify small man and small woman respec-
tively. There seem to be slight differences in the use of this affix in the
different part of the Central dialectic area. On the coast the affix precedes
the word man or woman while in the valley region it follows it. Thus in
the one case the words are kil-baia and ku-mata, while in the other case
they are baia-kfi and mata-ku.
a nata signifies young.
"fa or fo, signifying person, is added by some informants to such
words as infant, old man and old woman.
* In almost all of the languages here under consideration the terms of
relationship are used with the possessive pronoun. Wherever determin-
able the pronoun has been separated from the root by a hyphen. Owing
Digitized by
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88 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
to the circumstances under which these vocabularies were obtained, it was
impossible in some cases to determine whether the terms given were those
used in speaking to the person or in speaking of the person mentioned.
In most cases however they are the terms used in speaking of the person.
Most of these terms of relationship are the same for both the person
spoken to and the person spoken of except that in the former there is a
short syllable added after the root word. For instance, in the Central
dialect de or e is added in almost all terms and in the Eastern dialect a
is usually so added.
M ke-busa, my old man, is also used.
* auke-atca-bunya is the form used in the southern part of this dialectic
area.
* awitkamen is also used.
"ke-kawi and ke-ku, signifying in a broad sense my child, are used
in the Northern and Central dialects as general terms to indicate both
sons and daughters of all ages. If it is desired to specify the relative
age or the sex of the particular child meant it is done by substituting the
more exact terms signifying these for the general terms kawi and ku.
Thus in the Central dialect ke-ba'ia-ku, my man little, is used to indicate
a very small son, and ke-kewi'ts, my (full grown) boy, to indicate a
grown son. The corresponding terms for daughters are ke-ma'ta-ku and
ke-naco'i.
* Another word used is auke-kawi.
"According to one informant the term used by a man in addressing
his son is ke-nata, while that used by a woman in addressing her son is
pakin.
** wim-f at is also used.
m Older than the related parent of speaker.
"* ameetmamee was given by one informant.
"The term masan, which is found in at least three of the Porno dia-
lects, signifies danger or dangerous, and is a term used to denote any dan-
gerous animal, object or force, as lightning, a loud noise, or a falling tree,
and was applied to the first Mexicans who rode into the region. In
addition to this name, chiefly used in the Northern, Central, and Eastern
dialectic areas, the term palatcai is also found, and informants say that
it is a term which was introduced from the people living to the south,
probably those of the Southern dialectic area in the vicinity of Healds-
burg and Santa Bosa. According to one informant of the Northern dia-
lect white men are also sometimes called tdfu, which also signifies blanket,
and was given to the whites because they always had blankets to spread
for beds.
93 x5-mf o means literally white man.
w ha'bu is the word used in the southern part of this area.
M ihalwe is used in the southern part of this area.
* a'tcet is used in the southern part of this dialectic area.
** micut is also used.
"* maastcak is also used.
m The singing doctor is the one here referred to.
"■ atca-weno-kaia, man-medicine- f, is also used.
" In all dialects except the Eastern the words for floor and bed are the
same. This is probably due to the fact that the Indians formerly slept
upon the floor with very little in the way of bedding. The Eastern term
simaga is formed upon the same stem as the word sleep with which the
connection is obvious.
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1908] Barrett. — The Bthno-Qeography of the Porno Indians. 89
n Sweat-house is used here as a general term. The word cane found
in the Northern and Central Porno dialects is usually given in speaking
of both the sudatory and the dance or ceremonial house. The two are dis-
tinguished, however, as holi-cane, and kemane-cane, in the Northern dialect;
and ho-cane and ke-cane or kiiya-cane in the Central dialect.
Ma ama signifies earth and ta signifies house, the reference being to the
fact that the houses were covered with earth. dhd-nam-ta, fire-build-in-
house, is also used, as well as cana-ta.
"It was stated in discussing the natural cultural areas of the region
under consideration that no boats were used in the valley region except
on the Laguna de Santa Rosa. Tule boats similar to those used about
Clear lake were used here. The only means of water travel along the
coast was a raft made of logs bound together with hazel or other binding
material.
* The word napa was given by Southwestern informants as the name
of the complete fish-spear, but it was also obtained from informants
speaking the Central, Eastern, and Southern dialects as the name of the
detachable points only. As is suggested in speaking of the name Napa, the
origin of which is not definitely known, there may be some connection
between it and this Porno word.
"* aadtfi was given by one informant.
41 The word for pipe in most of the languages here under consideration
is a compound signifying either tobacco stone or tobacco stick. The
terms used in the Porno dialects, except in the Northeastern, signify to-
bacco stone, notwithstanding the fact that the pipe of the region is made
of wood.
**• taleya-p5 is also used.
4,6 pol-catane is also used.
4,8 xaixd is also used.
44 dnma is the term applied to any sort of a utensil whether made of fiber
or other material.
44 tcold is used in the southern part of this area.
"Purdy in his, "Porno Indian Baskets and Their Makers," Land of
Sunshine, XV, 444, gives kolob as the term signifying basket used at
Lower lake, the southernmost arm of Clear lake. It is about the shores
of Lower lake that practically all of the territory of the Southeastern
dialectic area lies.
**• tcimlsa is also used.
Mb tdd-catui is the usual form of this word, but tdo-bala is also used.
Mc iwe-da is also used.
444 f alibikal and f alubakal were also given.
49 One informant gave kabaa as fog and bisi as cloud.
** kaba is also used.
44 ama-miydl was also given.
47 The terms used as names for the ocean convey various ideas. The
people living inland usually use b6-xa, etc., signifying west water; while
xa-batin, or other dialectic variations of this term, signifying water big,
as well as xa-m5ts, water-salty, are also used. These last two terms are
used particularly by the people living on the immediate seashore.
"•bo-xa, west-water, is frequently used.
4Tb a'ka-mdt8, water-salty, is also used.
44 According to one informant wicali means east.
44 It is probable that there is some confusion in the names of different
species of pine, and that the names here given as those for Digger pine
may in some cases be really the names of other species.
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90 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
"By this term are meant the various bulbs, conns, and tubers used by
the Indians for food, except the conn of Allium unifoliutn, and perhaps other
species of Allium, popularly known as wild onion.
a It appears that native wild oats grew as far north as the divide be-
tween the Eel river and Russian river drainages and perhaps a little
farther. In the Porno country they were used to a considerable extent for
food, but the original Indian names have been hard to obtain, the Spanish
term for grain having superseded them in most cases.
"' Spanish semiya is also used, though bita-baa is the aboriginal term.
nb ba-bana, tail-forked, is the aboriginal name of the oat, but the
Spanish simiya is more frequently heard at present.
" There was no intoxicating drink known to the Indians of this region
before their contact with Spanish and English speaking people, and there
is therefore no aboriginal word indicating such a drink. Contrary to the
rule with introduced commodities whiskey did not bring its Spanish or
English name into these languages; but descriptive terms are used in the
several dialects. To the word water various modifiers indicating bad,
strong tasting, and bitter are added.
"■burakal is the generic term signifying bear, and is usually given in
speaking of a grizzly for the reason that it is the sort of bear most commonly
thought of. If it is desirable to distinguish among the species of bears
the grizzly is called burakal-pitail, bear-white, or sometimes burakal-xabalal.
■* Another informant gave bor-ka as the term signifying bears of the
various species.
* osin is used in the southern part of this area.
M Horses and almost all other introduced animals and articles retained
their Spanish names, particularly in the southern part of the territory
under consideration. One informant says that when horses were first
ridden by the Spaniards into the valley along Bussian river they were
called by the Indians speaking the Central Porno dialect, kasizi-tcimau-
kale, or elk ride for; that is, elk which could be ridden. It is likely that
the same naming at first sight was done elsewhere and with other animals
and objects, but the names have been forgotten. The same people called
the first cattle they saw masa'n-pce or white man 's deer.
•*• kiwena is also used.
"* Another informant gave aiyfin.
Me Another informant gave tcaai.
" tsilak is used in the southern part of this area.
M katait is used in the southern part of this area.
"•Probably a different species from that referred to by the terms of
the other dialects.
Mb po and pol are also used in, the Northern, Central, Eastern, Southwest-
ern and perhaps Southern dialects in referring to reddish substances, though
there is some doubt as to whether they include the abstract idea itself. In
the Southeastern and Northeastern dialects these become f 6 and f 51 in accord-
ance with the usual phonetic laws of these dialects.
" kuta is used in the southern part of this area.
"* This term really signifies any sort of a mark or figure, as the design
on a basket, etc.
"mice and its different forms indicate a scent of any sort, while tiic-mice
and nis-mice, which occur in the Northern and Eastern dialects, indicate any
sort of a bad odor.
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indians. 91
— The numerals used in the southern part of this dialectic area are in
most cases the same as those used in the northern. The following varia-
tions however are found:
1. tcatca.
2. akd or ako
4. mltca or mit.a
7. Iatk5 or latku
8. kdmtca, kdmta
10. tca-cutd, tca-co'to
11. winan-tca
12. winan-ko
13. winan-sibo
14. winamt-a
15. wina-tuco
16. wina-lantca
17. wina-latko
18. wina-kdmtca
19. wina-tcatcd
30. misibo-cuto
40. mlt-a-cuto
60. lantca-hai
80. k6mtca-hai, kftrata-cuto
200. ako-hai, ako-wl
116 Porno numerals from eleven up vary in their composition. In the
Northern, Central, Eastern, and Southeastern dialects eleven is ten plus
one, while in the Southern and Southwestern dialects the element ten in
the numeral eleven is omitted and the numbers from eleven up are simply
plus one, plus two, etc.
**8erpat3ta is more frequently used than sebaita. The former, how-
ever, very closely resembles the Southerly Wintun seven and is, like sev-
eral other Southeastern Porno numerals, very probably borrowed directly
from that language, sebaita is given preference in the vocabulary because
it seems probable that it is nearer the original form of this numeral in this
dialect.
Md As in the case of seven, the term which is believed to be a survival
of the original one is here given. The Wintun panamusta is however more
frequently used.
09 It is worthy of note that while in most other respects the South-
eastern Porno seem to have retained their language quite uncorrupted,
they have incorporated many of the Wintun numerals, in some cases al-
most without change. So far has this incorporation progressed that the
aboriginal Porno numerals have nearly disappeared. In a few cases the
aboriginal term and the Wintun appear combined, as is probable in the
case of eighty, danwi-tal-pacem, in which danwi, equivalent to danwidi,
is purely Southeastern Porno and -tal-pacem is probably Wintun. However,
in most of the numerals the Wintun term has supplanted the Porno, or if
the Porno still persists it is but rarely used. In cases where the latter
condition prevails the Porno has been retained in the vocabulary, the
borrowed Wintun equivalent being noted in a footnote. It is not unlikely
that Powers was influenced to a considerable degree by the similarity
between the numerals of these two languages when he classed the South-
eastern Pomo, whom he calls the " Makh-el-chel, ' ' with the Wintun.
ut caba-tal-pacem is also used.
"•The form given in the vocabulary is probably a combination of
Pomo and Wintun, danwi being equivalent to the Pomo danwidi, eight,
and -tal-pacem being probably of Wintun origin. In addition to this term
panamusta-tal-pacem is also used.
** The usual signification of kali is sky.
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92 University of California Publication* in Am. ArcK and Ethn. [VoL 6
"' This term resembles the Northerly Wintun word for eight and may
have been in part derived from that source, as people of the Wintun stock
surround the Northeastern Pomo on three aides.
MJ seLawika also was obtained as a term signifying nine. This, how-
ever, very closely resembles the Northerly Wintun eight and may have
been confused by the informant with that term. This is the more proba-
ble for the reason that the Northeastern Pomo now live in close affiliation
with the Northerly Wintun, who greatly outnumber them and whose
language they speak in addition to their own.
"•* Twenty-one to twenty-eight inclusive are formed regularly, that is,
to the stem twenty is added in each dialect plus-one, plus-two, and so on.
M1 cento and sentu are corruptions of the Spanish term for hundred
which was introduced among these people with the first occupation of this
region by the early Mexican settlers. These corrupted Spanish terms
seem to have, in the dialects in which they appear, completely supplanted
the original Indian terms.
" m llbd-mta was given by another informant.
"■ Informants sometimes add a directive ending, 1, in giving these
cardinal points, thus making them really eastward, westward, etc.
" kaf otki was given by one informant.
*■ yaiyi is also used.
116 dididimta was given by another informant.
* dokili is used in the southern part of this area.
*• kuyeyi is also used.
•* waliko is also used.
"* talik is also used.
** gotca is also used.
"* suya is also used.
"* wiwaia is also used.
** kltcdta is also used.
"* waiwaiya is also used.
•' hutui is also used.
* J sitcisuk is also used.
•°*totdk is also used.
•' kir is also used.
* m sakturll is also used.
• l tumi is used to denote heavy fog, and kds light fog.
*• kdiyft-liwa is also used.
" po is also found in the Pomo dialects, where it has the forms po, p6,
pdl, and f ol, signifying magnesite beads.
•* wflak is also used.
** sawatu is also used.
* e tcapul is also used.
"* balalik is sometimes also used.
•*• kitcitQ is also used.
* f tultulama is also used.
•*« puyuka is also used.
• pi is the demonstrative, that.
•* The dual is pepe.
M The dual is nepelnd.
M The dual is hata.
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"* wetis and la'ikas are also used.
•* eteta-senta is also used, senta is evidently derived from the Spanish
and eteta-senta is literally one-hundred.
•* yukti is also used.
•^Lupaku is also used.
"* suZtusa is also used.
" In the course of the present investigation only very limited vocabu-
laries of the Yuki proper and the Coast Yuki dialects were obtained, and
the author is indebted to Professor A. L. Kroeber for the greater part of
the accompanying vocabularies of these two dialects, as also for a number
of Wappo and Huchnom terms. The terms in the Wappo and Huchnom
vocabularies which were contributed by Professor Kroeber are indicated by
a dagger. All the terms in the Yuki proper and the Coast Yuki vocabularies
were contributed by Professor Kroeber except those marked with an asterisk,
which were taken by the author.
"* kakutf is also used.
"* huwalu is also used.
*" un-ke was given by another informant.
* mil and miil in Yuki proper and Coast Yuki respectively denote calf of
the leg, and ta B t and t'et in Yuki proper and Coast Yuki respectively denote
the thigh.
"* metilekic is also used.
* iwil-han denotes poison house; but dn-a-han, dirt house, was also ob-
tained as the word for sweat-house.
•^hitmol is also used.
10 In the Wappo and Coast Yuki dialects the name for pipe signifies
tobacco stone, but in Huchnom and Yuki proper tobacco stick is used.
n t'uk is the term denoting coiled basketry.
n A large and a small body of water are distinguished by the terms
lele, a small open place, and tul, a large open place, used in connection
with me, meaning water, the two terms being me-lele and me-hu-tul.
n These two terms signify large valley or open place and small valley
or open place respectively.
" The application of this term to a valley is, or at least was originally,
probably to a flat marshy piece of land, kat signifies flat and on-kat
signifies land flat, but k 'at signifies wet and on-k 'at signifies mud, and it
is not unlikely that the two ideas were more or less connected in the
minds of the Indians, ukom signifies swamp or probably more exactly a
flat valley which might become marshy; it may also be used to designate
valley.
n Chesnut in ' ' Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino County, Cali-
fornia,' ' Cont. from U. 8. Nat. Herbarium, Vol. VII, No. 3, p. 307, gives
"pol-cum-ol" as the Yuki name for Digger pine.
"* aiu-hol is also used.
"tsitsa is used by the Wappo with the signification of bear and also
bird. The same term with slight variations is found in the Porno dialects
with the signification of bird.
"*holt'omt is also used.
"fpdtmuf is also used.
77 The Wappo dialect has pice meaning antler. The same term with
phonetic variations is that used by the Porno with the signification of
deer.
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94 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
"This word signifies "sit fire be who."
n a"s-itc and e 's-itc in the Yuki proper and Coast Yuki dialects respec-
tively are composed of the root signifying blood and the diminutive itc
which here seems to signify like.
"k'in is used with the several significations of stink, sorry, pity, cry,
and weep.
n hulkelel really means ghost and not a dead body. This name is also
used for white man.
**• ki means that or he, and ka means strictly this.
n The demonstrative.
n us, inclusive, and mi, exclusive.
M usat, inclusive, and miat, exclusive.
" The dual.
*• This term signifies literally water large at.
" mipatopkitc and mipatalewa are also given.
n mipatopkitc is also used.
M hutcampa D wipan is nine.
M This is also ten.
n This is also eleven, molmi-huipoi was also given for nineteen.
9U pawa-senta is also used.
nb Literally two-hundred, the term ciento being derived from the Span-
ish word signifying hundred.
m Dance and sing are the same word.
"* hakice is also used.
** watis is also used.
* See note 80.
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Barrett. — The BtkfUhQeography of the Porno Indians.
96
POMO.
LEXICAL RELATIONSHIPS.
In considering the lexical relationships of the Porno dialects
one to another, only those words have been selected for compar-
ison which have been obtained in all of the seven dialects. M In
the accompanying vocabularies the number of such words, all of
which it will be seen are words of common occurrence and most
likely to show fundamental relationships among the dialects, is
one hundred and eighty. Of this number fifty, or 27.8 per cent,
have identical roots in the several dialects in each case, and two,
TABLE I."
8howing number and percentage of roots in each dialeet
common to each other dialect; also average percentage of
common roots in each dialect.
N. C.
8. 8W. 8B. NS.
N.
180 148 119
111 110
88 88
c.
82.8
66.2
61.7
61.1
46.0
47.8
180
115
180
121
98
180
118
88
122
180
84
81
82
76
180
82
B.
64.0
67.2
66.6
46.7
46.5
76
8.
51.7
48.9
45.0
42.2
78
8W.
67.8
45.5
43.8
75
8E.
42.2
41.7
65
NE.
36.1
180
At. per. 60.9 61.9 53.0 56.37 64.5 43.58 42.77
M On account of the great irregularity of root forms in numerals and
the doubtfulness of some of the terms of relationship obtained, it has been
deemed advisable to omit these from all considerations of both lexical and
phonetic relationship, not only in dealing with the Porno but with the
dialects of the other three stocks as well. Likewise all terms which are
of Spanish origin have been omitted from these considerations.
"For the sake of brevity in tabulating, the initial instead of the full
name of each dialect is given. However, since the dialects have been
given descriptive geographical names no confusion can arise from the use
of the initial in this manner.
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96 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
or 1.1 per cent., have entirely different roots in each dialect,
thus leaving one hundred and twenty-eight, or 71.1 per cent., with
root forms varying more or less from dialect to dialect, but each
having the same root in at least two dialects. From this it will
be seen that about one-fourth of this list of Porno words most
commonly in use have identical roots in all dialects, while nearly
all of the remaining three-fourths have the same roots in two or
more dialects, but not the same in all dialects, the proportion of
words with roots dissimilar in all dialects being so small as to be
practically negligible. As the words of this list are among those
most commonly used, it is presumable that they are the words the
roots of which would be most similar in all the dialects, so that
it is probable that a more extended list would show an increase
over this very small percentage of words with dissimilar roots
in all dialects; but it is doubtful if even with any larger list of
reasonably common terms the proportion of these entirely dis-
similar words would ever be very considerable.
Considering now the relationships of the various Porno dia-
lects to one another, it is apparent from table I, which shows
both the actual number and the percentage of roots in each dia-
lect held in common with each of the other dialects respectively,
as well as the average percentage of such common roots in each
dialect, that so far as the percentages are concerned the various
dialects are related to each other, each dialect being taken sepa-
rately as a base, as follows :
TABLE II.
Showing descending order of lexical similarity of Porno dialects.
N.
S.W.
8.E.
N.E.
c.
E.
S.
S.W.
N.E.
S.E.
82.3
66.2
61.7
61.1
47.8
46.0
N.
S.
S.W.
E.
S.E.
N.E.
82.3
67.2
65.6
64.0
46.7
45.5
N.
C.
S.
S.W.
S.E.
N.E.
66.2
64.0
51.7
48.9
45.0
42.2
S.W.
C.
N.
E.
S.E.
N.E.
67.8
67.2
61.7
51.7
45.5
43.3
S.
C.
N.
E.
S.E.
N.E.
67.8
65.6
61.1
48.9
42.2
41.7
C.
N.
S.
E.
S.W.
N.E.
46.7
46.0
45.5
45.0
42.2
36.1
N.
C.
S.
E.
S.W.
S.E.
47.8
45.5
43.3
42.2
41.7
36.1
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Barrett. — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indians.
97
From this table, as well as from a consideration of the aver-
ages of the percentages of common roots as shown in Table I, it
is apparent that the Central and Northern dialects are the most
typical of the Porno language as a whole, these dialects possessing
the greatest average percentages, 61.9 and 60.9 respectively, of
roots held in common with other dialects, each of the dialects
being taken as a basis of classification for every other dialect.
Further, again considering the relationships shown by the
average percentages, the dialects come in the following order:
the Central, with 61.9 per cent.; the Northern, with 60.9 per
cent. ; the Southern, with 56.37 per cent. ; the Southwestern, with
54.5 per cent. ; the Eastern, with 53.0 per cent. ; the Southeastern,
with 43.58 per cent. ; and the Northeastern, with 42.77 per cent. ;
which relationship may be expressed graphically as in the fol-
lowing diagram.
100
;n
sw
SE
;ne
■<M-H H-
62: 56 : " ;
61- 54:
*3
44*:
43*
Diagram showing the average percentage of roots held in
common by any one Porno dialect with all the remaining
dialects.
Prom these relations of average percentages it appears that
the seven Porno dialects fall into three groups : the Central and
the Northern, with 61.9 and 60.9 per cents, respectively; the
Southern, the Southwestern, and the Eastern, with 56.37, 54.5,
and 53.0 per cents, respectively; and the Southeastern and the
Northeastern, with 43.58 and 42.77 per cents, respectively. Each
of these groups is separated to a considerable degree from the
one nearest, while the constituents of each group are only com-
paratively little different one from the other. This similarity is,
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98 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol 6
however, only one of average percentages of roots common to
dialects, and by no means implies any close similarity between
any two dialects in each group. In fact the last group men-
tioned, that consisting of the Southeastern and Northeastern
dialects, contains the two dialects which, while they are both most
dissimilar to all other dialects collectively, are at the same time
more dissimilar to each other than any other one of the dialects
is to either of them. They possess only 36.1 per cent, of roots in
common, while the smallest percentage of roots possessed in
common by either of these with any of the other dialects is 41.7
per cent., or 5.6 per cent. more.
If arranged according to absolute lexical affinity one with
another there would be five groups, as follows : The Central and
the Northern ; the Eastern ; the Southern and the Southwestern ;
the Southeastern ; and the Northeastern ; the last two being the
most unrelated to each other of any two.
Now combining these two relationships and thus considering
the relationship shown by the average percentages of root forms
held in common by the dialects, and considering also the relation-
ships shown by the absolute lexical affinities, these dialects are
related one to another about as follows : The Central and North-
ern with 61.9 and 60.9 average per cents, respectively are the
most clearly related to all the other dialects and may thus be
taken to represent the typical existing form of the Porno language
as a whole. At the same time the relationship existing between
these two dialects is closer than that existing between any other
two of the dialects, they having 82.3 per cent, of roots in common.
The Southern, Southwestern, and Eastern dialects, with 56.37,
54.5, and 53.0 average per cents, respectively are, so far as their
average percentage relationships to the remaining dialects are
concerned, closely related, but in respect to an actual connection
one with the other the Southern and Southwestern are much more
closely related to each other than either is to the Eastern. The
Southern and Southwestern have 67.8 per cent, of roots in com-
mon, while with the Eastern they have only 51.7 and 48.9 per
cents, respectively of roots in common. Thus the grouping of
these three dialects together by virtue of the closeness of their
average percentages is a negative rather than a positive relation-
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indians. 99
ship, in that it shows them all to be about mutually unrelated to
the remaining dialects, but does not in the least imply that they
are mutually related one to the other. The last of the three
groups made according to the average percentages contains the
Southeastern and Northeastern dialects with 43.58 and 42.77
average per cents, respectively. Here again the grouping is a
negative one and shows these two dialects about mutually unre-
lated to the remaining dialects, but even more than in the former
case this grouping must not be understood to imply any mutual
relationship of these two dialects, for they have only 36.1 per
cent, of roots in common, which is a smaller per cent, than either
of these dialects has with any of the other five. The least affinity
shown between one of these dialects and another of the remaining
five is between the Northeastern and the Southwestern, where the
number of roots held in common by the two is 41.7 per cent., thus
making these two dialects more nearly related by 5.6 per cent,
than the Southeastern and the Northeastern.
It is impossible without the use of three dimensions to show
graphically the relationships of the seven Porno dialects to one
another with any exactness. The following diagram, however,
roughly shows these relationships. By virtue of their close rela-
tionship one to the other the Central and Northern dialects are
placed close together. By virtue of their possessing nearly equal
average percentages of roots in common with the remaining dia-
lects they are considered to form a group, which may be taken
to most nearly represent the type of the Pomo language as a
whole, and for this reason are given a centralized position in the
diagram. The fact that they are so nearly related in the matter
of possessing actual root forms in common is indicated by en-
closing the two in the same area. It was noted above that the
Eastern, Southern, and Southwestern dialects were about mu-
tually unrelated to the remaining dialects, as is shown by their
respective average per cents., but at the same time it was noted
that so far as the actual number of roots held in common between
the Eastern and the Southern or the Southwestern was concerned
the Eastern was quite unrelated to the Southern and South-
western, and also that the Southern and Southwestern were quite
closely related one to the other. The fact that these three dialects
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100 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
are about equally unrelated to the others is indicated by their
arrangement along a short axis with the typical group, the
Central and Northern dialects, as an approximate center. The
fact that the Southern and Southwestern dialects are quite closely
related is shown by their being placed in the same enclosed area,
but the fact that they are not so nearly related to each other as
Central and Northern are is shown by their being placed farther
apart within their area than Central and Northern are within
theirs. The fact that the actual root relationship between the
Eastern dialect and the typical group is closer than that between
the Southern-Southwestern group and the typical group is indi-
cated by its being placed nearer the typical group area. In a
like manner the relationships of the Southeastern and North-
eastern dialects to each other and to the remaining dialects are
expressed as nearly as possible in the diagram by placing these
two at opposite ends of the long axis to show that they are about
mutually unrelated to the remaining dialects, and by placing
them at greater distances from the central typical group area
than the Eastern or the Southern and Southwestern are placed,
to show that they are more remotely connected with the presum-
able original stem of the language than are any of these. The
use of two axes is made necessary by the fact that the South-
eastern and Northeastern dialects are not only more remotely
connected with the central typical group than are the Eastern
H
"swl
■ 1C N
■El
GO
Diagram showing the approximate relationship of Porno dialects.
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or Southern and Southwestern, but that they are also very re-
motely connected with these. Thus in placing them on this
second axis their distances from the Southern-Southwestern
group and from the Eastern area indicate this comparatively
remote connection with these dialects. Further, by placing them
at opposite ends of the axis the fact that they are very remotely
connected with each other is shown.
PHONETIC RELATIONSHIPS.
The following sounds are found in the Porno dialects:
Vowels :
a, ai, e, e, I, i, 6, o, u, u, u.
Consonants :
kg t- d- t d t d pb
n n m
x g* c s z f hw w
1
L
L
r
r
y, h, tc, ts, dj.
Phonetic Variations.
The following phonetic variations 86 are found among the
several Porno dialects.
h in other dialects changes very regularly to x in Eastern and
Southeastern.
k in other dialects usually changes to x in Eastern. The
same change is found frequently in Southeastern and occasion-
ally in Northern. Both k and x in other dialects frequently
change to g* in Eastern.
t in other dialects occasionally changes to r or r in Eastern.
tc in other dialects changes to k quite frequently in Eastern
••Owing to the very limited amount of material from which to work,
it is impossible at present to determine whether all the phonetic changes
here noted are governed by any fixed sequences of sounds. However, from
a few cases noted there is evidence that the preceding and succeeding
sounds do govern at least some of these changes.
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102 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
and a little less frequently to g*, g or x. tc in other dialects fre-
quently changes to dj in Southern and Southwestern and in
Northeastern it frequently becomes t or t.
c in other dialects changes very frequently to x in South-
eastern, and c in Northern and Central occasionally changes to k
in Eastern, c in other dialects changes upon rare occasions to s
in Northeastern.
ts, which is apparently entirely lacking in Northeastern where
tc regularly replaces it, is fairly constant in the remaining dia-
lects.
dj in Northern, Southern, and Southwestern occasionally
changes to g in Eastern.
1 is fairly constant in all dialects, but 1 final is occasionally
replaced by n or m in Southern.
b in other dialects changes in a few cases to p in Central.
In the few cases in which f occurs in the Southeastern and
the Northeastern dialects p is the corresponding sound found in
other dialects.
From the foregoing it will be seen that the various Pomo
dialects are characterized by certain phonetic features as follows:
Northern Dialect.
The following phonetic changes from the other Pomo dialects
are found in the Northern.
k in other dialects changes occasionally to x in Northern, the
same change being much more frequent in Eastern and South-
eastern.
k in the Eastern dialect occasionally changes to c in the
Northern.
Central Dialect.
There are but few phonetic changes which are peculiar to the
Central dialect, as follows :
b in other dialects changes to p in Central in a few cases, and
f , which occurs only in Southeastern and Northeastern, always
changes to p in this dialect.
k in the Eastern dialect occasionally changes to c in the
Central.
The suppression of open vowels is frequent in this dialect.
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Eastern Dialect.
There are a number of phonetic changes peculiar to the
Eastern dialect, as follows :
The most frequently occurring phonetic change noticed is
that of k in other dialects to x in Eastern. The same change
occurs less frequently in Southeastern and still less frequently in
Northern.
In a very few cases k preceded by a and followed by 5 changes
to g* in the Eastern dialect.
dj in the Northern, Southern, and Southwestern dialects occa-
sionally changes to x in the Eastern.
c in the Northern and Central dialects occasionally changes to
k in the Eastern.
h in other dialects changes to x in Eastern and Southeastern
in a few cases.
There are a few cases where t in other dialects appears to
change to r or r in Eastern.
Initial t in other dialects changes to x, g' or h in a few in-
stances, while medial t in others changes in a few cases to g' or
k, all changes being apparently unaffected by the accompanying
sounds.
In a few cases 1 is added to monosyllabic words, but with no
apparent regularity as to the accompanying sound.
tc in other dialects occasionally changes to k and more rarely
to x, g' or g in Eastern.
In a very few cases dj or tc in other dialects changes to g in
Eastern.
Southeastern Dialect.
The phonetic changes which characterize this dialect are in
some cases striking.
h in other dialects changes to x in the Southeastern and
Eastern dialects in a few cases.
c in other dialects changes quite regularly to x in South-
eastern.
k in other dialects occasionally changes to x in Southeastern.
The same change occurs less frequently in Northern and more
frequently in Eastern.
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104 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
t final occurs frequently in Southeastern, usually preceded
by i, sometimes by a or 6, and rarely by e or u. The remaining
dialects have no corresponding sound in these words.
In a very few instances tc in other dialects changes to ts in
Southeastern.
f , which is, as has been stated, one of the most uncommon
sounds in native American languages, is found in this dialect
and also in the Northeastern, the corresponding sound in the
remaining Porno dialects being p. The change of b in other dia-
lects to f in Southeastern apparently does not occur. From the
accompanying list of words containing f it will be seen that this
sound is usually followed by a or o, and occasionally by 5, u,
and I.
SOUTHEASTERN AND NORTHEASTERN DIALECT WORDS IN WHICH F
OCCURS.
English
Southeastern
Northeastern
man
mafo
old man
mutui-fa
old woman
kata-fa
infant
xiwi-fa
human being
umti-mfo
white man
xd, or xd-mf o
daughter
wim-fat
fatada
finger
klafana
excrement
fa
fa-himd
intestines
fa, or kokmai-fa
fa
deer snare
beke-fuyim
magnesite beads
fdl, or f 51-huya
f o, f ol
basket
fat
blackbird
kaafal
frog
faxats
dance
xe-mfdm
shake
kafotki
poison
kufll or kifil
spring
xakfa
mush oak
tsafa-budu
root (used as medicine)
fool
burden basket
falibikal, or falubakal
a camp site on the
shore of East lake
kaalkfai
fo, signifying people, is frequently used as a part of the name
of a people, as, tia'm-fo, the people living in Coyote valley at the
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head of Putah creek, a'nam-fo, the people living in Upper lake
valley.
Southern Dialect.
The following phonetic changes are found in the Southern
dialect :
1 in other dialects occasionally changes to n or m in Southern,
in particular final 1 of others usually changes to n.
b in other dialects changes to p in Southern in a very few
cases.
tc frequently changes to dj in Southern as also in South-
western.
Roots in other dialects, the vowels of which are a, frequently
add a, usually before the root, in the Southern dialect, and there
are a few cases of such affixing where the root vowel is not a.
I and e are occasionally added to roots whose vowels are the
same as the added vowel.
I and hi are also frequently added but before stem vowels
other than I, usually a, and sometimes u or o.
Other rare cases of such additions of sounds occur, as o, ho
and hu. ha does not appear to be so used.
Southwestern Dialect.
The phonetic characteristics of the Southwestern dialect are
the following:
tc in other dialects frequently changes to dj in Southwestern,
as also in Southern.
a is frequently added to roots in the Southwestern dialect
and the same general statements concerning its use in the South-
ern dialect are true here also.
I is frequently, and hi is occasionally added, invariably to
stems whose vowel is not i. The stem vowel is usually a, but
sometimes u or o.
A very few instances are found in which he and hu are added
before roots.
e is apparently never added in this manner.
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106 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
Northeastern Dialect.
A few characteristic phonetic changes are found in the North-
eastern dialect.
tc in other dialects frequently changes to t or t in North-
eastern.
ts appears to be entirely lacking in the Northeastern dialect,
being very regularly replaced by tc.
c in other dialects changes upon rare occasions to s in North-
eastern.
f , which occurs in only a very few words in this dialect, ap-
pears to have only p as an equivalent in the remaining dialects
except in the Southeastern where f is also found. However,
owing to the incompleteness of the present vocabularies it can
not be definitely stated that the change of b in other dialects to f
in Northeastern does not occur.
As before mentioned, the conclusions here stated as to lexical
and phonetic similarity and diversity of the various Pomo dia-
lects are based on the larger general vocabularies, but in order
to have in concise form a limited number of terms for purposes
of comparison a shorter list of typical words found most com-
monly in use among the Pomo is here given. While in general
an inspection of these short vocabularies will show the same facts
as to the existing similarities and diversities among the dialects
there may be some cases where such an inspection would not yield
precisely the same results. However, in this connection it must
be remembered that to obtain the results above stated much larger
lists of words were used, and it is to this fact that the apparent
discrepancies in results are due.
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° 8
_ |i
f*!iiil*lliJlj£J<llf3jiidjfe!l :
i
J a Hi. IAiA iUtUi* .Hill Jill
i
8 !lillaliiliilllii5iiifl!isilli
§ i i *
3
I lillillifiiiildllilidlilisiili
I
CO
p
.§
g Mll.lsdjldiJJiljujlilftiil:
I i | 4
s * *1t .Is * jJ-J J J Jll^u u silll fill-
•C K
I
I
.*■
fli2&IiilI1llll^Ii!ll!ili!ll
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108 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
MOQUELUMNAN.
LEXICAL RELATIONSHIPS.
In the three Moquelumnan dialects here under consideration
two, the Southern and the Western, are comparatively closely
related, the differences between them being only slight as com-
pared with those existing between either of them and the North-
ern. The Northern is, as might be expected from its isolated
situation, quite different from both of these, and forms a very
marked dialect. With the present limited amount of material
at hand it is impossible to give accurately the percentage rela-
tionships of these dialects one to another.
PHONETIC RELATIONSHIPS.
Sounds.
The following sounds are found in
the Moquelumnan dialects :
Vowels :
a, ai, e, e, T, i, 6,
o, ti, u, ft.
Consonants :
kg
t d t
Pb
n
n
m
x g c
s
8
1
w
L
L
y, h, tc, ts, dj.
Phonetic Variations.
Certain phonetic changes are found to occur in passing from
one Moquelumnan dialect to another, as follows :
tc in the Western and Southern dialects regularly changes to
ts in the Northern.
s in the other two dialects occasionally changes to c in the
Northern.
s or n in the Western and Northern dialects does in rare in-
stances change to s in the Southern.
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8 is, so far as has been found, entirely lacking in the Northern
dialect, but fairly common in the Western and Southern.
y in the other dialects occasionally changes to 1 in the North-
ern, and there is one case each of an apparent change of m to 1
and t to 1 in the Northern.
s is frequently added, by some informants at least, to stems,
usually after the stem, in the Southern dialect, and there is one
case of c used in this manner. Neither of these relations appears
in the Northern or the Western dialect.
All other sounds appear to be constant in the three dialects.
Thus it will be seen that the phonetic affinity between the
Western and Southern dialects is, like the lexical, very close,
while the Northern is much more separated phonetically as well
as lexically from both of them.
WINTUN.
LEXICAL RELATIONSHIPS.
Owing to the meagreness of the vocabulary of the Northerly
dialect, 428 an adequate idea cannot be gained of the exact lexical
dissimilarity of the Northerly and the Southerly dialects, but
the dissimilarity of these two is very considerable; probably
greater than between any two contiguous dialects of the other
three stocks here under consideration. Within the Southerly
dialectic area there are also differences between the language of
the extreme south, and that of the northern part of the area in
the vicinity of Indian and Little Stony creeks. These differences
will probably, upon more extended investigation, prove sufficient
to warrant a subdivision of this large area into two or possibly
more subdialectic areas. The material now at hand is, however,
inadequate to allow of a systematic study and classification of
this territory into smaller areas. It is probable also that the
language spoken in what has been here designated as the North-
*■• Professor A. L. Kroeber, in his recent paper ''The Dialectic Divi-
sions of the Moquelumnan Family in Relation to the Internal Differentiation
of the other Linguistic Families of California," Amer. Anthr. n. s., VIII,
655, 1906, distinguishes three primary divisions of the entire Wintun lin-
guistic family, a northern, a central, and a southern, his central dialect
being the same as the one here referred to as the northerly dialect within
the territory under consideration in this paper.
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110 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoL 6
erly dialectic area will upon further investigation be found to
have sufficient internal differences to warrant its separation into
subdialects. The same is true of the language spoken in the ex-
treme northern part of the Wintun territory, which apparently
forms a dialect quite distinct from that which has been here
designated as the Northerly dialect.
PHONETIC RELATIONSHIPS.
Sounds.
The following sounds are found in the Wintun dialects :
Vowels :
a, ai, e, e, i, i, o, o, ti, u, u.
Consonants :
k t d t p b
n m
c 8 w
8
L
L
y, h, tc, ts.
Phonetic Variations.
Owing also to the meagreness of the Northerly vocabulary,
combined with the dissimilarity of the roots in the Northerly and
Southerly dailects, it is impossible to determine in full the pho-
netic relationships existing between them.
The most regular phonetic change found in the Wintun vo-
cabularies is that of c in the Southerly to s in the Northerly
dialect.
t or t in the Southerly sometimes changes to tc in the North-
erly dialect, but there is one case of the reverse change in which
tc in the Southerly changes to t in the Northerly.
There is also an indication that tc in the Southerly changes
to k in the Northerly dialect, though only two such cases are
found in the accompanying vocabularies.
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YUKI.
LEXICAL RELATIONSHIP.
Owing to the limited and in part uncorroborated vocabularies
at hand of the four Yuki dialects, 480 particularly the Coast Yuki,
anything like an exact statement of the lexical relationships of
these is impossible. It is evident that the four dialects fall into
two groups. The Yuki proper, the Huchnom, and the Coast Yuki
form one group, all having a large majority of their roots in
common and being quite different from the remaining dialect,
the Wappo, which has a very considerable percentage of roots
which are different from those of the other dialects named.
Notwithstanding the fact that the first group is subdivided
territorially, the Coast Yuki being separated from the others by
a narrow strip of Athapascan territory about Laytonville and
Cahto, the three dialects are lexically related to one another in
about an equal degree.
The main Wappo territory, however, was separated from the
other Yuki territory lying nearest to it by about forty miles of
mountainous country, thickly settled by people speaking other
languages and hostile to the Yuki proper, thus making communi-
cation between the main Wappo and the main Yuki areas prac-
tically impossible. Further, this comparatively small area was
surrounded on all sides by the territories of other linguistic
families and the Wappo seem to have associated, to some extent
at least, with most of their neighbors. Thus all circumstances
tended to produce the dissimilarity found between the Wappo and
the other Yuki dialects. The small Wappo area on Clear lake
was somewhat nearer geographically to the main Yuki area, but
there seems to have been no communication between them, and
as the Clear Lake Wappo area appears to have been occupied
only in more recent times, it having been settled chiefly by people
from the Western Wappo subdialectic area, the differences be-
tween the language spoken here and the dialects of the main Yuki
••Professor A. L. Kroeber in his "Dialectic Divisions ot the Moque-
lumnan Family, etc.," op. cit., p. 654, distinguishes in addition to the four
dialectic divisions of the Yuki certain minor divisions which have not yet been
fully determined.
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112 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
area are probably fully as great as those between the main Wappo
and the main Yuki areas.
Within the main Wappo area there are four subdialects rec-
ognized by the Indians themselves, to say nothing of the language
of the Clear Lake Wappo ; but, so far as the vocabularies taken
from each of these shows, the differences are so slight that it has
been found unnecessary to give each of them in full. Owing to
the fact that nearly all of the Indians of the greater part of this
section have disappeared, it has been very difficult to obtain
adequate material from all of these subdialects for comparison.
From the southernmost area, the one in which Yountville is sit-
uated, only one very limited list of words could be obtained.
From the other four areas fairly complete lists have been ob-
tained. The differences between the subdialect of the Central
area, the one in which Calistoga is situated, and the Western are
practically negligible. The Northern, the area in which Middle-
town is situated, and the Clear lake area show greater differences
as will be seen in the following list of the words from the West-
ern, Northern, and Clear Lake subdialectic areas in which any
marked differences of roots occur. The slightness of the differ-
ences among these subdialects is, however, evident from this list.
Western Northern Clear Lake
31 white man
lai
lai, keu-kaiel
hucii
41 neck
hoaits
huwalu
51 leg
tia
tia
lulu
60 intestines
hame
hame
kito
71 bow
luka
lukma
72 arrow
metse
tiwa
metse
78 string
teti
tapa
leuma
140 Indian potato
awe
awe
mun
142 mush
yeke
yeke
como
175 woodpecker
palitc
pallya
panak"
177 turtle
mitci
mitci
lutce
189 mosquito
tutca
tatcma
tutca
198 small
kutiya
hukutiya
kutiya
199 good
huciiya
tciwiki
huciiya
202 sweet
tcumeki
tcumeki
hucinagase
204 dead person
tcftel
tcoel
matcalato
225 down
op
op
hop
269 see
nau-
nau-
peLa
279 give
tehesi
tehesi
mesi
280 laugh
kata
kata
katice
r The Western and Northern Moquelumnan dialects also have panak.
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PHONETIC RELATIONSHIPS.
Sounds.
The following sounds are found in the Yuki dialects :
Vowels :
a, ai, e, e, I, i, 6, o, a, u, ft, a n , ai n , I", 6 n , ft".
Consonants :
kg t- t d t p b
h n m
c 8 w
1
L I
y, h, tc, ts, dj.
Phonetic Variations.
Owing to the marked lexical dissimilarity between the Wappo
and the other dialects, and also to the fact that the Coast Yuki is
not adequately represented in the accompanying vocabularies,
only a few characteristic phonetic changes among the Yuki dia-
lects are shown, and these are not found in very many cases and
should be taken more as indicative of what may be expected to be
shown when larger vocabularies of these dialects are available.
Among the consonants there are but few changes which ap-
pear at all prominently, but among the vowels there are some
changes which are quite strongly indicated. This is contrary to
the usual relation found in the other stocks where as a rule vowels
are constant and consonants change.
c and tc in the other dialects change to ts in Wappo in a very
few cases.
k in other dialects changes to tc or ts in Wappo in several
cases.
Of the phonetic changes which appear among vowels the fol-
lowing are the most conspicuous :
a in Yuki proper frequently changes to e in the (Toast Yuki
dialect and the same change occurs somewhat less frequently be-
tween Huchnom and Coast Yuki.
e in Huchnom changes frequently to I in Yuki proper and
occasionally to i in Coast Yuki.
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114 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
There are several cases of 5 in Yuki proper changing to e in
Coast Yuki. \
u in Huchnom changes frequently to a in Yuki proper and
but little less frequently to e in Coast Yuki. The changes of u
in Huchnom to 5 in YuM proper, and of u in Huchnom to I in
Coast Yuki, are occasionally shown.
RELATIONSHIPS OP THE LINGUISTIC STOCKS.
As has been before stated, the four linguistic stocks here
under consideration are completely different one from the other
lexically, their separate classification depending entirely upon
this complete difference. It is therefore impossible to make any
comparison of lexical relationships among these stocks, the few
words with common roots held by two or more of the stocks being
due either to borrowing or to an onomatopoetic origin.
In considering the matter of borrowed words it is obvious that
onomatopoetic words must be omitted, and in the accompanying
vocabularies there are therefore but two hundred and four words
which are admissible to comparison. 98 Very few of these iden-
tical forms occur in more than one stock and but two, the words
for medicine and dog, occur in all of the stocks, and these are not
found in all of the dialects of each stock.
With the Porno, the Moquelumnan seems to possess the great-
est number of roots in common, there being in the Western
Moquelumnan dialect seven words with roots in common with
the Southwestern Porno dialect, and six words with roots in com-
mon with both the Southern and the Northern Porno. The South-
ern and the Northern Moquelumnan have fewer roots in common
with these respective Porno dialects, as is to be expected from
their geographical position, Southern Moquelumnan, however,
possessing practically twice as many as Northern. In view of
the friendly relations existing between the Southeastern Pomo
and the Northern Moquelumnan, and of their mingling at the
southern shore of Lower lake, the southernmost arm of Clear
"Numerals, pronouns, onomatopoetic animal names, all the terms of re-
lationship except those most commonly used, and words introduced from the
Spanish have been omitted from consideration.
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1908] Barfett. — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indians. 115
lake, it is noteworthy that there is in the accompanying list no
clear case of borrowing between these two.
On the other hand, the Northern Moquelumnan and the
Southerly Wintun possess the largest number, twelve, of roots
in common of any two of the dialects of the different stocks under
consideration, which is also striking, as the two peoples were
separated from each other by considerable distances and high
mountain ranges." The Western Moquelumnan also possess a
comparatively large number, ten, of roots in common with the
"When questioned concerning the people of the Southerly Wintun
territory which lies to the northeast, east, and southeast of them, inform-
ants of the Northern Moquelumnan dialectic area professed no knowledge
of the country or the people in those directions except those at the vil-
lages on the upper course of Cache creek, that portion lying west of the
main or what has been here designated as the inner range of the Coast
Range mountains. The villages in this upper Cache creek area were
comparatively near the northern part of the Moquelumnan territory and
the Moquelumnan had a passing knowledge of them, but were unable to
name any more distant Wintun villages, that is, any of the Wintun vil-
lages lying east of the mountains. They said that there were no people
living in the direction of Sacramento valley for great distances and that
the intervening region was such rough and mountainous country that they
never traveled there and the people of that region never visited them in
aboriginal times. They knew that people in those more remote parts
spoke a language similar to that of the people along the upper course of
Cache creek, but knew apparently very little about the language of any
of the Wintun except that it was different from their own and from Porno.
Among the few remaining individuals of that portion of the Southerly
Wintun region which lies wholly within the Sacramento vaUey proper,
that is, exclusive of the upper Cache creek area, corresponding ignorance
concerning the people in the region of the Northern Moquelumnan area
was found. This mutual lack of knowledge is due very largely to the
topography of the country. The Wintun territory lies chiefly to the east
of the main range of the Coast Range mountains, the only exception to
this being along the upper course of Cache creek, where a comparatively
small area was held by people speaking the Southerly Wintun dialect.
This main range of the Coast Range mountains is high and rugged as
compared to the mountains separating the Northern Moquelumnan people
from any of their other neighbors, and it appears that in former times the
Northern Moquelumnan and the Wintun of the Sacramento valley had
practically no communication whatever, since there would be no advan-
tage to either so far as the obtaining of foods, etc., was concerned in
such communication. In this same connection it should be noted that
even with the Wintun who lived on the upper course of Cache creek, that
portion lying west of the main range of the Coast Range, there was, not-
withstanding the close linguistic affinity, very little communication with
their Sacramento valley neighbors, except on the occasions of ceremonies
when Indians from comparatively remote sections congregated for cele-
brations. The mountains here seem to have imposed a barrier to any
frequent and regular communication between the Sacramento vaUey and
the Clear lake regions, the Sacramento valley peoples associating one
with another in a direction parallel to the trend of this range of moun-
tains, while the peoples to the west, in the Clear lake drainage, associated
similarly together.
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116 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
Southerly Wintun, which is a noteworthy circumstance since
these two dialects are separated from each other by dialects
which possess fewer words in common with one or the other re-
spectively.
Loan words are almost entirely lacking in the Yuki dialects
except in the Wappo, in common with which the Northern Porno
possesses five, the Eastern Porno three, and the Southwestern and
Southeastern Porno four each ; while the Western Moquelumnan
and the Southern Wintun possess four and three respectively.
In the cases of borrowing above discussed there are but few
in which the direction of the borrowing can be even provision-
ally asserted by virtue of the occurrence of the root in question
in all or most of the dialects of one stock and in but one or two
dialects of the other stock. There appear to be three clear cases
of borrowing by the Wappo ; one of a Porno root, bird, one of a
Moquelumnan root, father's brother, and one of a root, clam, com-
mon to both Porno and Moquelumnan. The Moquelumnan seem
to have borrowed one root, trout, from the Porno, while the re-
verse is true of one root, infant. The Southerly Wintun have
apparently borrowed four roots, lake, pepperwood, manzanita,
and angelica, from the Moquelumnan, while the reverse is true
of only one root, buzzard. However, as has been previously
stated, the present vocabularies embrace in the main only a se-
lected list of the most common words to be found in any language,
and therefore words which would be most likely to remain con-
stant throughout long periods of independent association of one
people with another, and any considerable number of borrowed
roots is naturally not to be expected under such conditions. How-
ever, from the comparatively few cases present it would appear
that the Porno has given to and not borrowed from other stocks,
and that Wappo has borrowed from all of the other three. In
the cases of the other stocks it is impossible at present to say,
except provisionally, in which direction the borrowing has been.
Undoubtedly more extended vocabularies would show greater
numbers of roots in common among these stocks, particularly
roots of words pertaining to objects and conditions of a local
nature, but in no case is it probable that a sufficient number of
common roots will ever be found to show the least genetic rela-
tionships between any two of the stocks.
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Sounds.
The four languages here under consideration show no differ-
ences in the vowels used in each except in the case of Yuki, which
has, in addition to the vowels found in the others, certain nasal-
ized vowels. All the linguistic stocks have e, i, o, u, both open
and closed, and also a and u, besides the vowel diphthong ai.
To these Yuki, excepting the Wappo dialect, adds the following
nasalized vowels : a', ai B , i', 5", and u".
Among the consonants, however, a greater diversity is shown.
In Porno the consonants are distributed throughout the greater
number of the possible positions from post-palatal to labial, the
predominating sounds being in the post-palatal and the alveolar
regions, and both surd and sonant being present in most posi-
tions. The same is true of Moquelumnan, which however lacks
certain of the sounds found in Pomo, namely, z, f , r and r, but has
the unusual s. Wintun shows a striking lack of sounds made on
the back part of the palate, k being the only post-palatal present.
The predominating sounds are in the alveolar region; and here
are found the unusual sounds s, l, I and L. Yuki shows a greater
number of the post-palatal sounds than Wintun, but not so great
a number as Pomo or Moquelumnan. Yuki also has a normal
number of the sounds made about the alveolar region.
In all of these languages, except Pomo, stopped sounds are
much more common than open ones. In some the ratio is even as
great as eight to three, but in Pomo the numbers of stopped and
open s&unds are more nearly equal. All of these linguistic fami-
lies except Wintun, have the three nasal sonants ft, n and m. The
first, which is lacking in Wintun, is due to the influence of k which
always follows it. Wintun has four lateral consonants, 1, 1, l and
L, Pomo and Moquelumnan possess three 1, l and L, while Yuki
has also three, 1, I and l. Inverted consonants seem to be re-
stricted to Pomo and Wintun. In each of these languages the
numbers of sonants and surds are about equal, the differences be-
tween these numbers never being greater than one or two.
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118 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
POMO.
The name Pomo, as the designation of a linguistic family, 100
we owe to Stephen Powers. 101 The word occurs in the Northern
dialect of this stock with the general meaning of village, and as
a rule follows the names of the various villages to form the com-
plete place name, as cane'-kai pomo, sweat-house-valley village.
1M Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 112) gives Pomo as the name of a people
living on the west branch of Russian river, but does not apply this or any
other name to the Indians of the region as a whole.
w In his opening chapter on the Pomo, Powers says: ''Under this
name are included a great number of tribes or little bands— sometimes
one in a valley, sometimes more— clustered in the region where the head-
waters of the Eel and Russian rivers interlace, along the latter and around
the estuaries of the coast. Below Calpella they do not call themselves
Pomo, but their languages include them in this large family." (Tribes
of Cal., p. 146.) He includes under the head of "true Pomo" also the
people in the region about Gahto (ibid., p. 150) who have been shown by
Professor P. £. Goddard to be of Athapascan stock (see note 97). He
also includes the people in the Clear lake region except those about the
lower end of Clear lake, namely, those about Lower and East lakes.
He says: "In the Clear Lake Basin the Indians may be divided into two
main bodies, those on the west side and those on the east side. On the
west they are related in language slightly to the Pomo; on the east,
equally slightly to the Patwin. . . . Big Valley and Kobb Valley
were the principal abode of the western lacustrine tribes; Hosehla Island
and the narrow shore adjacent that of the eastern." It will be seen,
therefore, that with the exception of including the people of Cahto and
the few Wappo on the southern shore of Clear lake, and excluding the
people living about East and Lower lakes, Powers ' statements concerning
the northern part of the territory occupied by the Pomo are approxi-
mately correct. The map accompanying his volume does not, however,
follow the boundaries described in his text. Beginning on the coast at
a point a short distance south of Ten-Mile river, the northern line of the
Pomo area according to this map runs in a southeasterly direction in such
a manner as to entirely omit any portion of the Eel river drainage from
the Pomo area. Presumably in an endeavor to more nearly follow Powers'
text, which not only includes certainly the people of Cahto valley among
the Pomo, but also provisionally those living farther down the south fork
of Eel river and along the coast about Usal creek, Powell in his map of
the * ' Indian Linguistic families of America North of Mexico ' ' shows two
Pomo (Eulanapan) areas, a southern, substantially the same as that on
the map accompanying Powers' volume, and a northern, much smaller
and embracing the territory along the south fork of Eel river and about
Usal creek, the two areas being separated by an unbroken Yuki territory
stretching from the crest of the Coast range to the ocean.
The work of Professor A. L. Eroeber shows that the Yuki held an area
along the coast in this vicinity, but that it was not continuous with the
main Yuki area in and about Bound valley; and further, that Powell's
Pomo (Eulanapan) area north of the Yuki is incorrect. Amer. Anthr.,
n. 8., V, 729. However, as is outlined in the portion of this paper dealing
with the Northeastern dialect, the Pomo did occupy a second area, but lying
east instead of north of the main one.
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The word was also used as the name of one particular village 103
in Potter valley at the source of the east fork of Russian river,
and is perpetuated in Porno postoffice, situated only a short dis-
tance from the site of the old Indian village. When used with
the signification of village in general, the word is perhaps a little
more frequently pronounced pti'ma than pti'md, as: can$'-kai
po'ma, sweat-house- valley village (this is also called by other in-
formants cane'-kai p5'm6). However, neither pfi'mft nor pd'ma
can be asserted to be the only correct or standard pronunciation,
for one is nearly as often used as the other. The first author to
apply a name to any of the Indians forming part of this lin-
guistic family was George Gibbs, 1 ** from whose Kulanapo Major
J. W. Powell, following his principles of nomenclature, made the
stock name Eulanapan. 104 K&la'napd, or more exactly kflLa'-
napd, was at the time of Gibbs' visit to the region the name
given to one group of people living in Big valley on the south-
ern shore of the main body of Clear lake. Neither Pomo nor
Kulanapan, nor in fact any other name, is known to the Indians
as a general name for themselves as a linguistic stock, since, as
has already been pointed out, they recognize almost no linguis-
tic or political affinities beyond immediately neighboring vil-
lages. Pomo is the term that has been most generally used by
the whites 108 and is now in common use in both scientific and
popular literature, and it seems advisable to retain it.
The territory of the Pomo is divided into two parts : a main
area, situated between the ocean and the main Coast Range, and
covering portions of Mendocino, Lake, and Sonoma counties ; and
a smaller, detached area, lying wholly within the drainage of the
M See Pomo, p. 140.
m Schoolcraft, III, 421.
m Indian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico, 7th Ann.
Rep., Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1885-86, p. 87.
im In addition to Powers, who uses Pomo as the name of the stock and
also as part of the names of his various divisions of it, as "Kula Kai
Pomo, Ballo Kai Pomo," and so on, it has been used by Bancroft (Native
Races, I, 362, 448, 449), Powell (Ind. Ling. Fam., p. 88), Kroeber (Univ.
Cal. Publ., Am. Arch. Eth., II, 152 seq.), Mason (Aborig. Amer. Basketry,
Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus. for 1902, p. 326 seq., 1904), Hudson (Overland
Month., XXI, 561, XXX, 101), Purdy (Land of 8unshine, XV, 438), and
others. In addition to its being the name commonly used in print it is
also popularly used in speaking of this particular people, their customs,
basketry, and so on.
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120 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
Sacramento river, and covering small portions of Colusa and
Glenn counties.
BOUNDARIES. 106
Beginning on the coast at a point a short distance south of
the southern end of Cleone beach, the boundary of the main
Porno area runs in an easterly direction, passes about three miles
north of Sherwood station, and thence, crossing Outlet creek,
runs to the top of the ridge separating the drainages of Outlet
and Tomki creeks. North of this portion of the boundary lie
the Coast Yuki, the Athapascan and a portion of the Yukian
Huchnom areas. The boundary then runs in a general south-
easterly direction along the ridge between Outlet and Tomki
creeks to the western side of Potter valley. Here it takes again
an easterly course and crosses the head of the valley to the ridge
on the eastern side, along which it runs for a few miles; thence,
turning in a northeasterly direction, it passes on the north side
of Big Horse mountain ; thence, turning in a southeasterly direc-
tion, it runs along the ridge separating the drainage of the Bice
fork of South Eel river from that of Middle creek ; thence along
the high ridge east of Clear lake to Cache creek at a point about
four miles from its source, the southern extremity of Lower lake,
the southernmost arm of Clear lake. This portion of the boun-
dary follows the general trend of the mountain ranges of the
region, northwest and southeast, and separates the Porno from
Yuki and Wintun territory. Prom this point the line runs in a
general west-southwesterly direction, following Cache creek, to
the lake, and thence, for a distance of about eight miles, to a
point on the summit of the range separating the drainage of
Clear lake from that of Putah creek, near the headwaters of
Cole creek. Here the line turns in a southerly direction and fol-
lows the range to Cobb mountain, where it again turns in a
southwesterly direction, runs through the foot-hills to Russian
river valley, and, crossing the river at a point about three miles
up stream from the town of Geyserville, runs to the ridge be-
tween Dry creek and Russian river. Here it turns in a south-
im The boundaries here given are those of the main Porno area. For
the boundaries of the isolated Northeastern area see the section devoted
to the geography of this dialect.
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easterly direction, following this ridge, and recrosses the river at
the great bend about five miles east of the town of Healdsburg;
and thence, keeping the same direction, runs to a point between
the headwaters of Santa Rosa and Sonoma creeks. East of
this very irregular line are the territories of the northern Mo-
quelumnan and the Yukian Wappo. Prom this point it runs in
a general westerly direction along the water-shed which separates
the drainage of Russian river from that of San Pablo bay, thus
passing but a short distance north of the town of Cotati. 10T The
line then runs through the low range on the western side of
Santa Rosa valley to the headwaters of Salmon creek, which it
follows down to the coast at a point about three miles north of
Bodega Head. This portion of the boundary is all that can be
considered as the true southern boundary of the Porno area.
The Southern and Western Moquelumnan areas adjoin the Porno
on the south. The western boundary is the shore-line of the
ocean. All the territory included within the boundaries just out-
lined is Porno, except the very small Clear Lake Wappo area
which is entirely surrounded by Porno territory.
To the north of this Porno area are the Coast Yuki, Atha-
pascan, Huchnom, and Yuki proper areas; on the east are the
Southerly Wintun, the Northern Moquelumnan, and the Yukian
Wappo areas; on the south the Southern and Western Moque-
lumnan areas ; and on the west is the ocean.
DIVISIONS.
The main Porno area covers portions of the four natural
divisions previously defined: the coast, the redwood belt, the
valley, and the lake regions, each well marked off by the topog-
raphy of the country. The particular portions of these four
divisions occupied by the Porno are as follows :
The coast division is chiefly confined to a very narrow strip
of habitable land lying immediately adjacent to the shore-line
'"The mountains in this part of the bay region are much lower than
those farther north. The divide between the Russian river and San Pablo
bay drainages is no more than a swell in the floor of a broad valley and is
almost imperceptible as one passes over it.
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122 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
of the ocean. This strip consists of a gently sloping shelf ex-
tending from the foothills to the shore-line, which, throughout
almost its entire length, is formed by rocky cliffs. A dense red-
wood forest begins at the foothills and extends eastward; but
the coastal shelf is only sparsely wooded, there being small groves
of a species of pine, Pinus Muricata, where any timber appears.
The food supply is essentially the same as that previously men-
tioned of the coast of the entire region. The open portions of
this coast-shelf were formerly covered with native grasses and
bulbous and seed plants, which furnished numerous vegetable
foods; but the chief and most characteristic food of the people
of this division was molluscs. Off the shore in many places are
rocks which furnished molluscs of several sorts, especially mus-
sels, and abalones, Haliotis. At the mouths of the many streams
which empty into the ocean are sandy beaches which afforded
favorable fishing places.
The valley division comprises : first, the entire drainage basin
of Russian river, between eighty and ninety miles in length if
measured in an air line, except a small area near Healdsburg
and Geyserville on the lower course of the main stream and a
still smaller area near Centerville at the source of the east fork,
which were held respectively by the Wappo and the Huchnom or
Tatu, both of Yuki stock; second, the upper drainage of Outlet
creek, an affluent of South Eel river ; and third, small valleys on
Bancheria, Anderson, and Indian creeks, tributaries of Navarro
river, as also numerous small valleys throughout the adjacent
mountains. Within this area were many sparsely wooded val-
leys, both large and small, almost all of which were permanently
inhabited. Here were to be found acorns, grass and other seeds,
bulbs, and various other vegetable foods in abundance. The
neighboring hills furnished game of all sorts, and at certain
seasons there was an abundance of fish in the streams.
The lake region comprises the entire drainage basin of Clear
lake except the southernmost extremity of Lower lake. 108 On
"* According to current local terminology, four well marked divisions
of Clear lake, separated one from another by straits, are known as Upper,
Clear, East, and Lower lakes, and the name Clear lake is sometimes used
of only one of these divisions, the largest and central, and sometimes, as
by geographers, of the whole body. The Indians usually speak of the
four separately. Clear lake is called by the people speaking the Eastern
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the shores of this large body of water were fertile, sparsely
wooded areas producing an abundance of vegetable food, while
the lake itself provided fish and water-birds, and the hills
abounded in deer and other game animals. The village sites in
this region were confined almost entirely to the immediate shores
of the lake and to the islands in it.
In addition to these three inhabited areas, there is a fourth
which was almost uninhabited except at certain seasons of the
year, and then only to a very limited extent. This is the belt of
dense redwood forest covering the coast mountains, and extend-
ing as an almost continuous forest from Mt Tamalpais on the
northern shore of San Francisco bay northward beyond the limits
of the territory under consideration. This belt of timber, vary-
ing from a few miles in width at the mouth of Russian river to
about twenty miles at Big river, forms a natural divide between
the coast and valley regions. These redwood-covered mountains
are quite steep, and in aboriginal times were traversable only
with difficulty except along a few trails. There were many vil-
lages along the eastern border of the belt of timber and even
some permanent villages in more favorable localities within it,
as along Gualala river in the territory of the Southwestern Pomo.
In a great measure, however, the whole belt was uninhabited
except for camps in the small open valleys where hunting and
food gathering parties remained for a short time at certain sea-
sons.
While Pomo speaking six distinct dialects were distributed
over these four topographical areas, it must be observed that the
dialectic divisions did not at all conform to the topographical
ones. The area of the Northern dialect extended over all four
of the topographic divisions ; the Central dialectic area included
coast, redwood belt, and valley; the Southwestern area was con-
dialect, xa-bati'n, water (lake) big, and by those speaking the South-
eastern dialect, xa-bite'n, which is simply a dialectic variant of the East-
ern name. The Northern Pomo generally speak of it as cd'-katfl, east
lake; but those of Scott's valley who owned its western shore usually
called it xa'-matfi, water big. Upper lake is quite universally called
xa'-kaiyad, lake head, this part of the lake being considered as the upper
end and head of the entire body of water. East lake is called by the
people of the Southeastern dialectic area elem-xawai. No name was ob-
tained for Lower lake.
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124 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
fined to the redwood and coast divisions ; the Southern area to the
redwood and valley divisions; and the Eastern and Southeastern
areas lay wholly within the lake region. On the other hand, the
range of certain cultural features, which were directly dependent
on physical environment, conformed very closely to the topo-
graphic divisions. The typical dwellings of the coast were
conical in form and constructed of slabs of redwood bark ; those
in the valleys were usually rectangular or circular in ground plan
with a frame of willow poles and thatch of grass ; and those of
the lake region were generally elliptical, with a pole frame and
tule thatch. On the coast the chief means of travel by water
was a raft of logs tied together with vines or other binding ma-
terial ; in the valleys no water travel was possible except on one
or two lagoons; while in the lake region a serviceable canoe or
balsa was made from the tule which is found there in great
abundance. There are also certain slight differences in some of
the other features of the material culture of the various parts of
this region which serve to separate the divisions.
SACRAMENTO VALLEY POMO.
As this isolated area is occupied entirely by Porno speaking
the Northeastern dialect, the consideration of its boundaries and
physical and other features will be taken up when discussing the
Northeastern dialectic area.
NORTHERN DIALECT.
BOUNDARIES.
Beginning on the coast at a point a short distance south of
the southern end of Cleone beach, the boundary of the Northern
Porno area runs in an easterly direction, passes about three
miles north of Sherwood station, and thence, crossing Outlet
creek, runs to the top of the ridge separating the drainages of
Outlet and Tomki creeks. From this point it runs in a south-
easterly direction along this ridge to the western side of Potter
valley on the headwaters of the east fork of Russian river. At
this point it takes again an easterly course, crossing the head of
the valley to the ridge on the eastern side, along which it runs
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for a few miles; thence, turning in a northeasterly direction, it
passes on the north side of Big Horse mountain ; thence, turning
in a southeasterly direction, it runs for a short distance along the
ridge separating the drainage of Rice fork of South Eel river
from that of Middle creek. To this point the boundary of this
dialect is also the inter-stock boundary and divides it from the
Coast Yuki, Athapascan, Yukian Huchnom, and Yuki proper
areas to the north. From here, taking a southerly course, the
boundary passes along the ridge immediately west of Middle
creek, passing but a short distance east of Tule lake ; and thence
along the ridge which lies west of Upper lake, the northernmost
arm of Clear lake, to a point, known as Rocky point, on the
western shore of the strait joining Upper lake with the main
body of Clear lake. The people speaking the Northern dialect
held possession of the shore of Clear lake from this point south
nearly to the town of Lakeport, a distance of about five and one-
half miles. From the town of Lakeport the line runs in a gen-
eral southerly direction to the summit of the ridge south of the
southern headwaters of Scott's creek, and thence a short distance
in a westerly direction to the ridge separating the drainage of
Clear lake from that of Russian river. This portion of the
boundary separates the Northern and Eastern dialectic areas.
From this point the boundary extends in a northwesterly direc-
tion along this ridge, passes over Red mountain, and thence
probably to the ridge south of Mill creek, where it takes a west-
erly course down into Russian river valley. 10 * Still keeping its
m There it some doubt as to the exact position of the boundary in
Ukiah valley. Some informants hold that the boundary runs across the
valley as far south as Robertson creek, others that it follows down Rob-
ertson creek from the west, thence up Russian river to a point at or a
little north of the confluence of Mill creek with it, where it turns east-
ward and runs to the summit of the range at the head of Mill creek sod
thence southward along this range. Others say that it runs directly across
the valley at Doolan creek. Still others on the other hand hold that it
crossed the valley north of the town of Ukiah, some placing it at Acker-
man creek, while others place it even as far north as a point about half
a mile north of the confluence of the east fork of Russian river with the
main stream. In this connection it should be noted that all seem to agree
that in the period shortly before the occupation of the country by the
whites the region about Ukiah and northward was occupied by people
speaking the Northern dialect. One informant from the ydluua rancheria
(Central dialect) says that originally his people owned all the territory
in Ukiah valley as far north as a point about half a mile north of the
confluence of the east fork with the main branch of Russian river, or a
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126 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
westerly course, it runs across the valley to the summit of the
ridge on the west; thence, turning in a southeasterly direction,
it follows the ridge to a point near the head of Feliz creek and
about due east of Boonville. From here it runs for a very short
distance in a southwesterly direction and then, turning due west,
crosses Anderson valley about a mile and a half south of Boon-
ville, and continuing in the same direction finally runs to the
summit of the ridge immediately west of Rancheria creek. It
then follows up this ridge, in a general northwesterly direction,
to a point about opposite the confluence of the north fork of
Navarro river with the main stream, where it turns in a north-
erly direction, crosses Navarro river only a short distance down
stream from the confluence of the north fork with it, and runs
to the ridge, known as Navarro ridge, which separates Navarro
river from Salmon creek on the north. It then runs in a west-
erly direction down this ridge to the ocean. All of this portion
of the boundary, which is very irregular, separates the Northern
from the Central dialectic area. The western boundary of this
dialectic area is the coast-line.
This very irregularly shaped area of the Northern dialect is
contiguous on the north to the Coast Yuki, the Athapascan and
distance of about Ave and a half miles north of the town of Ukiah. For
some reason, which he did not know, the people of the Northern dialectic
division had been allowed to occupy the portion of the valley about
Ukiah and northward. When the informant was a small boy, probably
about 1830 or 1835, there arose a difference between the Central yo'kaia
and the ko'mli, one of the Northern villages on the town site of Ukiah,
which resulted in the yS'kaia driving the kS'mli out. (The movements of
these people are further detailed under the head of kS'mli, p. 138.) An
informant belonging to the Northern dialectic group says, on the other
hand, that his people formerly held this valley down to about four miles
south of Ukiah. A difference arose between them and the yd'kaia people
which resulted in war and finally victory for the yS'kaia. Thereafter the
people speaking the Northern dialect owned only to a line about two
miles and a half south of Ukiah. Still other informants of the Eastern
dialectic group as well as others of the Northern and Central groups
place the boundary about at this point, and in view of the great diversity
of opinion concerning it it seems best to place it provisionally as given
on the accompanying map: as running across the valley along a line about
two miles and a half south of Ukiah.
It would seem that Powers also obtained information to the effect
that the territory of the Central dialectic group extended into the north-
ern part of Ukiah valley. In speaking of the ' ' Yokaia, ' ' he sayB : ' ' They
occupied the fertile and picturesque valley of Russian river from a point
a little below Calpello down to a point seven miles below Ukiah. ' '—Tribes
of Cal., p. 163.
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the Yukian Huchnom areas. At the northeastern angle of the
area, the territory of the Tuki proper adjoins it. On the east
the territory of the Northern is adjacent to that of the Eastern
Pomo, and on the south to that of the Central Porno. On the
west is the ocean. This is territorially the largest of the dialectic
areas of the Pomo.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
All four of the physiographic divisions previously described,
the coast, the redwood belt, the valley, and the lake region, are
represented in the Northern dialectic area.
The whole coast territory of this dialectic area has an extent
of about twenty miles, from Cleone beach, the northern limit of
the dialect, to its southern boundary, the summit of the ridge
separating Salmon creek from Navarro river. For the greater
part of this distance a gently sloping shelf extends from the
cliffs along the shore back to the timber line, a distance of from
one-half to two miles. This coastal shelf is quite open, with here
and there stretches of a species of pine, Pinus muricata, and other
small trees and shrubs. Practically all the villages in this coast
strip were near the shore.
The redwood belt stretches eastward from the coast, as a
densely wooded area from ten to about twenty miles in width.
There were, so far as can be ascertained, no permanent villages
within this area, and it was traversable only with the greatest
difficulty except along two or three trails.
The valley region in this Northern dialectic area is composed
mainly of the territory drained by the upper course of Russian
river, extending from a point probably about two and one-half
miles south of the town of Ukiah, in Ukiah valley, northward to
the sources of the river. This territory consists of several valleys
separated from one another by canyons. From where the south-
ern boundary of the dialect crosses the river, Ukiah valley ex-
tends up to the junction of the east fork of Russian river with
the main stream. From this point up to the confluence of Cold
creek with the east fork the valley is known as Coyote valley, and
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128 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
from the mouth of Cold creek up to the head of the east fork it
is called Potter valley. 110
The region from the town of Calpella up to the headwaters
of the main stream is known as Redwood valley. 111 On Forqythe
creek is situated a small valley, called Walker valley, which name
is also given to the postoffice and old stage station there. In
addition to the valleys on Russian river, there are three others
in this area: Little Lake valley, 112 located on Outlet creek, a
"* Coyote valley, cd'dakai, does not begin exactly at the mouth of the
east fork, but, for about a mile above, the stream flows in a canyon. The
valley proper is about three miles in length, and narrows at Fort Brown
into a canyon which extends up the river to the mouth of the small stream
above Gold creek. The valley, called Potter valley, extending from this
point northward almost to the headwaters of the east fork, is very fertile.
The Indian name of this valley in general use is bald'-kai, oat valley, but
djuhu'la-kai, and guhula-xaxd, both signifying north valley, are used by
the Northern and Eastern Porno respectively, living to the southward and
southeastward. At the extreme head of Potter valley is the only territory
on the upper course of Russian river which was not occupied by the Porno.
This was the very small territory controlled by the Yukian Huchnom,
also called Tatu, who had a single village at the extreme head of the
valley. But, although the Porno did not own this area or possess recog-
nized rights upon it, the Huchnom nevertheless were on such friendly
terms with them as in no way to restrict them in their use of it. It would
seem that the Huchnom always affiliated with the Porno rather than with
the Yuki proper, to whom they are closely related linguistically, and that
their general culture was nearer that of the Porno than that of the Yuki.
m Strictly speaking, Redwood valley is located as above stated. Locally,
however, the term is made to include the narrow valley which extends
from a short distance south of the confluence of MiU creek with Forsythe
creek southward to the confluence of the two branches of the river at a
point a short distance north of the town of Calpella; as also the very low
flat-topped divide separating the two valleys thus formed on the branches
of the river.
m Little Lake or Willits valley, called by the Indians mto'm-kai or
bito'm-kai, is situated on the headwaters of Outlet creek. It was first
mentioned by Gibbs (Schoolcraft, m, 115), who says: "This vslley,
which the Indians called Betumki, or big plains, is eight or ten miles
long and four or five wide." Later (p. 634) he spells the name "Be-
tumke." Various other orthographies have been used by other writers.
Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 155) speaks of the people of this valley as
"the Mi-toam' Kai Po-mo (Wooded Valley People)," which name is also
used by PoweU (op. cit., p. 88). Bancroft (Native Races, I, 362, 448)
calls them "Matomey Ki Pomos" and "Betumkes," and Alley, Bowen
and Company (op. cit., p. 167), upon the authority of the late Mr. A. E.
Sherwood, use " Ma-tom-kai ' f as the name of the valley, translating it
"big valley." The town of Willits is situated in the upper or southern
end of the valley, and Little lake lies at the northern end. The valley
itself is large and very fertile, and formerly supported a considerable
Indian population. This valley should not be confused with that lying
along what is now called Tomki creek, whieh is to the east. Tomki comes
from the Porno name for Little Lake valley, but has been applied by the
whites to an entirely different valley and creek.
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tributary of South Eel river, Sherwood valley, 113 located on
Curley Cow creek, a tributary of Outlet creek, and Anderson
valley, on the headwaters of Navarro river. 114 Anderson valley
is one of the extreme southern portions of the Northern dialectic
area.
In the lake region the Porno of the Northern dialect occupied
a limited area, consisting of the valley about Tule lake, 115 the
greater part of the western shore of the main body of Clear lake,
and Scott's valley 116 lying along Scott's creek.
m Along its middle course Outlet creek is joined from the west by
Curley Cow creek. This stream waters Sherwood vaUey, a fertile valley
about three miles in length and from a quarter to a half mile in width.
The old stage station at Sherwood is situated about half a mile from the
lower or eastern end of the valley and about the same distance north of
the present railway station at Sherwood.
m One of the headwaters of Navarro river is Anderson creek along
which lies Anderson valley, which is about eight miles in length and
varies in width up to a mile. It lies along the extreme eastern border of
the redwood belt.
m Tule lake, the Eastern Porno name of which according to one in-
formant is nau'axai, is a body of shallow water about two miles long by
three-quarters of a mile wide, lying northwest of Upper lake, the northern
arm of Clear lake, and connected with it by a ereek navigable to a canoe
for a short distance from the latter. This stream is a continuation of
Scott's creek, which empties into Tule lake on its western margin. On
the northern and western shores of Tule lake, and extending northwest-
ward for about five miles along an affluent stream, is a narrow valley
known as Bachelor valley. The name xaiya'u xaxo, from xaiya'u, head,
and xaxo', valley, is the name given by the people speaking the Eastern
Porno dialect to the entire area about Upper and Tule lakes, though the
name xaiya'u or kaiya'u has been incorrectly given by some informants
as the name of a village in this vicinity, as it is also by Slocum, Bowen
and Company, who, in their History of Napa and Lake Counties (Lake
County, p. 34), give the following information on the authority of Augus-
tine, a captain of one of the divisions of the people in Big valley at the
southern end of the main body of Clear lake, from notes made in 1880 or
1881: "The Ki-ou tribe had their rancheria at the west end of Tule lake,
and at the time of the coming of the white settlers they numbered one
hundred and twenty. The name of their chief is (or was) Ba-cool-ah.
. . . The tribe now numbers only about forty." Also (p. 37) a trans-
lation of the name is given, as follows : ' ' Ki-ou, head of the Lake people. ' '
The Northern Porno name of this locality is cina'1-kai, which has the same
signification as xaiya'u-xaxo, and a Wintun informant from Cache creek
gave mesu't as the name of Bachelor valley. To the east of Tule lake is
a low divide through which Scott's creek flows to Upper lake. This
divide formed the boundary between the Northern and Eastern dialectic
areas, except at the point where the ereek cuts through, at which point
the territory of the Northern dialect extended into the valley of Upper
lake, the old village of maiyi' marking its eastern limit.
"• Scott 's valley, lying to the west of the low range of hills along the
western shore of Clear lake, is a long narrow valley which extends from
a point on Scott 's creek about a mile southwest of the town of Lakeport
to the southern end of Blue lakes and thence to Tule lake. The widest
and most fertile part of the valley is its upper half. The people inhab-
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130 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
The food supply of the various parts of this dialectic area is
typical of the entire region under consideration, and, as has been
previously stated, is about as follows: The coast people speak-
ing this dialect depended chiefly upon the ocean for their food
supply, fish and molluscs forming two of the most important
articles of food. The vegetable food came from the seeds, roots
and bulbs of the grasses and flowering and bulbous plants of the
coastal shelf and from the oaks of the adjacent mountains. The
chief food of the people in the valley region was the acorn, while
other vegetable foods were provided by the wild grasses and bul-
bous plants. Game was abundant in the mountains, and fish
were plentiful in the streams at certain seasons of the year. The
iting this valley held possession of the low range separating it from Clear
lake, and also of a section of the lake-shore from Bocky point, on the
western shore of the channel connecting the main body of Clear lake with
Upper lake, southward nearly to the town of Lakeport. At the extreme
head of Scott 's creek, and at a point about two miles north of Bed moun-
tain, is a small valley called Eight-mile valley. The portion of the lake-
shore above mentioned and Eight-mile valley are always given by the
Indians as part of the territory belonging to the Scott 's valley people.
Blue lakes above mentioned are three small, but very deep, lakes situ-
ated in a narrow steep-walled canyon extending northwestward from the
main canyon of Scott's creek, and draining into that stream. The lowest
of the three lakes is called by the whites Wambold's lake, and the upper
two, which are connected by a comparatively broad channel, have re-
ceived the name Twin lakes. The Indians, however, name each separately,
as follows: Wambold's lake is called xa'-silift or xala'-xatii, clam lake;
the lower of the Twin lakes is called dil$'-xa, middle water, and the upper
has received the name xa'-cinal, water (lake) head, which is a term applied
with equal propriety to the head of any lake, as Upper lake, which is
regarded as the head of Clear lake. The canyon in which Blue lakes are
situated is not spacious enough to have accommodated a very large popu-
lation, but the abundance of fish and water birds in and about these lakes
would naturally have attracted at least some Indians had it not been
for the fear of a fabulous monster which inhabited them. Several myths
are told about these lakes and their much dreaded monster. A summary
of one of these follows: There was once a village near the junction of
the outlet of Blue lakes with Scott *s creek, Blue lakes being then only a
spring. At this viUage lived a virgin who busied herself making a large
and extraordinarily elaborate burden basket, but who kept her labor
secret from all except her brother, who lived in an adjoining house. He
assisted her by procuring quail plumes and woodpecker scalps, and by
making shell beads to be used on the basket. When the basket was yet
far from completion a male child was born to the virgin. She secretly
hid him away, but her brother heard him cry, for he kept crying con-
stantly, and finally came with bow and arrows to kill him, believing that
he was not a human being. The brother finally found the child, whose
name is given as Tsada't, but before he could destroy him, Tsada't spoke
up and told him that he was not a human being and must not be killed.
He then instructed the brother and sister to place him in the spring, first
putting a red feathered basket on his head, a net about his body, a bead
belt about his waist, strings of beads about his neck, and a feather belt
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food supply of the people of the lake region was similar to that
of the valley people, except that to it was added the constant
supply of fish and water birds found at the lakes.
COAST DIVISION.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
In the coast region of the Northern dialectic area there are
but three sites that are at present inhabited by Indians : one at
the town of Port Bragg, another at Noyo, and the third at Little
River.
Fori Bragg, just outside the northwestern limit of the town
of Fort Bragg and about half a mile from the shore-line of the
about his head. Having done as Tsada't had directed, they were then
told to return on the following day with the unfinished basket, some
arrows and other articles, which were also to be placed in the water.
Before dismissing them, however, Tsada't gave the brother a medicine
song which would preserve them from destruction when visiting the
spring, and told them that they must upon no condition look back when
leaving the spring. Upon returning the next morning they found that
the spring had enlarged and covered a considerable area. Tsada't had
grown to be a huge monster, called Bagi'l, and lay always in the shallow
water in plain view. The brother and sister followed the instructions
given them and placed the basket and four arrows in the lakes. Ma-
du'mda, the chief deity, came by the lakes next morning and told Bagi'l
that to lie there in sight of passers-by would be unsafe for human be-
ings, and then gave him songs which should serve to enlarge the lakes,
saying that he must enlarge the lakes and then build a comfortable abode
for himself back among the roots by the shore, and thus keep out of sight.
Accordingly Bagi'l sang the songs and the water rose till it nearly reached
the summit of the ridge on the north at the head of the canyon; but
MadQ'mda again appeared and this time stopped Bagi'l from increasing
the water further. Bagil then sang and deepened the lakes, made them
very deep, and the water settled to its present level. People were then
instructed never to go near the lakes and never to eat any fish or game
from them. Thereafter when it became necessary to pass near these lakes
the Indians avoided looking toward the lakes for fear that either the
basket or Bagil might rise to the surface of the water and thus cause
serious illness. The same practice is followed by the older people at
present. Notwithstanding the presence of this monster and the dread of
the vicinity, it is considered to be a most exceUent medicine (charm) if
a person is able to swim across one of these lakes, which is a possible
feat provided he knows the proper songs. Should he fail, however, death
is the certain result.
In connection with this Indian account it is interesting to note the
recent finding by Professor R. S. Holway (Science n.s. XXVI, 382, 1907)
of a former connection of the waters of Blue lakes and Scott 's creek with
those of Bussian river. According to Professor Holway these waters
formerly drained into Bussian river by way of Cold creek but were in
comparatively recent prehistoric time diverted to the Clear lake drainage by
a landslide which formed the ridge mentioned in the myth and which now
stands about one hundred and sixty feet above the level of the lakes them-
selves.
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132 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
ocean. There were formerly five houses here and perhaps twenty
people, most of whom came from the old villages in Little Lake
and Sherwood valleys. During 1903, however, the majority of
these people moved to the site of the old Noyo mill, leaving but
two families at the Fort Bragg village. The inhabitants of this
village as well as those of the other two along the coast above
mentioned have made this vicinity their home almost constantly
since the discontinuance of the Mendocino reservation in 1867.
Noyo, on the site of the old saw-mill on the north bank of
Noyo river near its mouth. These people have only occupied
this place since 1903, having come here from Fort Bragg. There
are here about fifteen persons.
Little River, on a low ridge just south of Little river, about
fourteen miles south of Fort Bragg. This village contains two
houses and about six inhabitants who came originally from Sher-
wood and Little Lake valleys.
Old ViUage Sites. 117
kadiu, on the north bank of Noyo river 118 and close to the
cliffs at the shore-line. This site is only a short distance from
the southern limit of the old Mendocino reservation and is very
near the site of the headquarters of the reservation. Captain
H. L. Ford, who was the first agent at and virtually established
the Mendocino reservation, says that at the time of his arrival
in 1856 there were two or three hundred Indians who claimed
this vicinity as their home; "they were called Chebal-na-Poma,
Chedil-na-Poma, and Camebell-Poma." 119 He does not state just
where these people lived, but it is probable that these are the
names of three different villages on or near the land covered by
117 The original inhabitants of this portion of the coast region have
almost entirely disappeared and it has been possible to obtain accurate
information concerning only the more important and well known of the
old village sites.
118 The Indian name of Noyo river was tce'mli-bida, while n6'yo-bida is
the name which was applied to Pudding creek, north of Port Bragg. ' The
late Mr. A. E. Sherwood mentions the same names, applying them to the
same streams. He says: "'Noy-o' was the name applied by the Indians
to what is now known as Pudding creek, just north of Fort Bragg, while
' Chem-ne-be-dah ' was the name of the stream now called Noyo river."
Alley, Bowen and Company, op. cit., p. 168.
"•Mendocino War, op. cit., p. 15.
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the reservation which extended from Hare river south of Fort
Bragg northward to a small stream about a mile north of Ten-
mile river, a total distance of about eleven miles.
tcddam or tcatam, on top of the ridge just south of Caspar
creek and at a distance of about a mile from the shore-line. This
name was also applied to Caspar creek.
dttclMel, at a point about a quarter of a mile west of the Pine
Grove brewery, which is located about a mile and a half south
of the town of Caspar. At or very near this village site there is
an old shell-heap about three feet in thickness which covers an
area of about eight hundred square feet. This heap is located
about four hundred yards back from the shore-line and is com-
posed of the shells of the various edible molluscs which are found
so abundantly along this part of the coast, as also a certain
amount of such other kitchen refuse as is usually found in such
mounds.
bu'ldam, from bul, the name of a certain large flat rock off
shore near the mouth of Big river where mussels and other mol-
luscs were formerly abundant, and dam, trail (a trail from the
interior came to the coast at the mouth of Big river), 110 at a
point about three-quarters of a mile back from the shore-line, and
in the edge of the redwood forest on the ridge just north of Big
river. Some Indians say that this village was located at the sand
flat at the northern end of the Big river bridge, which is also
correct, so far as can be learned from white sources. According
to the statements made by one of the earliest white settlers on
this section of the coast, he having arrived here in 1854, there
were Indians living at the site in the edge of the redwoods, as
above located, at that date. So far as can be determined, this
site was almost continuously inhabited up to 1866, when the
Indians moved down to the sand flats at the north end of the
Big river bridge at the request of Colonel Lightner, who at that
time acquired title to the land upon which the old village of
bu'ldam was situated. They remained at this new site only about
two years. The name bu'ldam was applied to Big river itself as
m According to the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood (Alley, Bowen and Com-
pany, op. eit., p. 168), "Big river was ealled Bool-dam, on account of the
blow-holes around the bay at its month." Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 155)
and Powell (op. cit., p. 88) spell the name "bul-dam."
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134 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
well as to the old village above mentioned. There .was a trail
leading from this point up the river and over the mountains to
Walker and Little Lake valleys, and thence to the other interior
valleys. This was one of a very few trails connecting the coast
with the interior and it would seem that it was more used than
most of the others. Big river has a good sand beach at its mouth
and tide-water extends for about four miles up the river, both
of which circumstances, together with the abundant supply of
molluscs along the rocky shore-line in the vicinity, made this a
desirable site for a permanent village.
kala'ili, on what is known as the "old" Stevens property just
northeast of the present blacksmith shop in the town of Little
River. According to Indian informants, this is the site of an
old village which was inhabited permanently before the coming
of white settlers. Since the coming of white settlers this place
was resorted to, particularly during the winter, for the purposes
of fishing and gathering molluscs, but it seems not to have been
permanently inhabited during more recent times. The same is
true of another site which is located just to the south of this and
on the banks of the river itself. The present mill pond covers
this site. Off shore in this vicinity there are "mussel rocks" of
considerable extent and at present the Indians from the interior
valleys frequently camp here during the summer and gather
quantities of mussels and other molluscs for food. According
to some informants, the chief trail leading from Ukiah valley to
the coast ended at Little River, and was one of the earliest routes
through the mountains.
kaba'toda, on the top of the high, narrow ridge separating
Albion river from Salmon creek, and indefinitely located at a
distance of one or two miles from the ocean.
Old Camp Sites.
gaiyeti'l, near the cliffs at the shore-line about three-quarters
of a mile north of the mouth of Pudding creek.
kabe'tsitu, at a point about one hundred yards south of
gaiyeti'l, above located.
nffyd, on the north bank of Pudding creek near its mouth.
The creek itself was called no'yo-bida by the Indians, but after
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the coming of the whites the name was transferred to the larger
stream south of Fort Bragg which now bears the name of Noyo
river. The Indian name of Noyo river is tce'mli-bida.
ya'kale, from ya, wind, and kale', tree (this name is derived
from some trees which, like many of the trees in exposed places
immediately along this part of the coast, have their tops bent
far to one side and partly killed by the hard winds so common
to this region), near the foot of what is known as Bald hill, and
at a point about a mile north of Pudding creek and a mile and a
half back from the shore-line of the ocean.
djo'mo, from djom, a species of pine, and m6, hole, a short
distance back from the cliff which rises abruptly from the south
bank of Pudding creek. It is but a short distance also from the
cliff which f onus the shore-line of the ocean at this point.
to'ldam, from t6l, hollow, and dam, trail, at the edge of the
redwood forest about a mile from the ocean up the ridge be-
tween Noyo river and Hare river, called by the Indians n6'-bida,
dust creek.
Sites Not Mentioned by Indians.
There are several shell-heaps along this section of the coast
which mark the sites, usually, of camps where the Indians of
former times assembled at certain seasons of the year for the
purpose of gathering, eating, and drying molluscs and sea-weed.
One of these shell-heaps is situated near the cliffs just west of
the present Indian village at the northwestern limits of the town
of Fort Bragg. Extending for several hundred yards along the
cliffs are to be found scattered deposits of shells and camp debris
usually not more than two feet in thickness in the deepest part.
It is not known just when these deposits were formed, but it
seems probable from their present condition that they were made
during the time of the Mendocino reservation, of which this land
formed a part. At a point about a mile and a half north of
Big river, and about five hundred yards from the cliffs along the
shore-line, are the remains of another shell-heap which bears
evidence of a large deposit, but the cultivation of the field in
which it is located has so obliterated the original limits that it is
impossible to form any exact idea as to its former dimensions.
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136 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
VALLEY DIVISION.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Asylum Rancheria, Guidiville, or Mushtown, about one-half
mile south of the Mendocino State Hospital, and about three
miles south-southeast of the town of Utriah, on a tract of five
acres owned by the Indians themselves. This village consists of
ten houses and about thirty inhabitants, of whom the majority
came originally from the old villages in the northern part of
Utriah valley, but some from Redwood, Coyote and Potter valleys.
There is here a school maintained under the auspices of the
Roman Catholic church.
PinoleviUe, near the foot-hills on the south bank of Ackerman
creek and about a mile and a half northwest of the town of Ukiah.
This village is located on a tract of one hundred and fifty acres
of land belonging to the Indians and comprises thirty houses and
about one hundred and ten inhabitants. These people are mostly
from the old villages in Potter valley, some having moved here
within very recent years. A school is maintained at this village
under the auspices of the Methodist Episcopal church.
Coyote Valley Rancheria, on the east bank of the east fork
of Russian river at a point about two and a half miles from its
confluence with the main stream. This village is located on land
belonging to the Indians themselves and consists of six houses
and about thirty inhabitants, who are mostly from the old vil-
lages in Redwood valley. There are a few from Potter valley
and two or three individuals from the Clear lake region.
Potter Valley Rancheria, on the western side of Potter valley
at a point about a mile south of the town of Centerville. This
village is situated on the south bank of a small creek and con-
sists of eleven houses and about fifty inhabitants. Here are to
be found individuals from nearly all the former villages of this
valley, including the Yukian Huchnom whose village was in the
northern extremity of the valley. The inhabitants of the Potter
Valley Rancheria are but a remnant of the very numerous former
population of the valley. Some of the elder informants say they
can remember a time when all the old villages in the valley as
well as the two in the hills to the east were simultaneously in-
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habited, a fact which would give this region a very large popu-
lation. There is at this village a school maintained by the Metho-
dist Episcopal church.
Redwood Vattey Rancheria, in Redwood valley on the eastern
edge of the mesa lying west of the main branch of Russian
river. It is about three miles north of the town of Calpella and
contains four houses and about twelve inhabitants.
Sherwood Valley Rancheria, at the lower or eastern end of
Sherwood valley in the extreme northern part of this dialectic
area. It is situated on the northern bank of the creek and
consists of eight houses and about thirty-five inhabitants. About
a mile and a half south of this village there is a family of six
individuals, who should be included in the enumeration as they
belong properly to this village. This would make the total pop-
ulation about forty. 121
There is no regular modern village in Anderson valley, but
there are two families of Indians living there, one on the ranch
of Mr. Thomas Rawles at a point about a mile west-southwest of
Boonville, and the other just across the creek to the west of the
town. There are in these two families about eight people all told.
Old Village Sites.
ka'tili, about two miles and a quarter southeast of the town
of Ukiah and about half a mile east of Russian river. The resi-
dence of the superintendent of the Mendocino State Hospital,
situated on the north bank of Mill creek and only a short dis-
tance from the stream, now stands on this site. As before stated,
there is some doubt as to who owned the territory in this imme-
diate vicinity, and it is claimed by some informants that the
people who occupied this village spoke the Northern dialect;
others say they spoke the Central dialect, and still others say
that the language used by them was a mixture of the two, due
to the fact, so they say, that the people of this village affiliated
and intermarried with those of the Northern and Central villages
near by. One informant stated that this village was the tem-
porary home of the people formerly living at the old village of
m See note 167, concerning early estimates of the population of this
region.
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138 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
ko'mll on the town site of Ukiah after the war between them and
the people of the yo'kaia village of co'kadjal. He also stated
that this site was known by the name of ko'mll at that time.
smi'wakapda, from sme'wa, wolf, ka, water 1 , and pda, creek,
at the junction of the two branches of Mill creek at a point about
a mile east of the Mendocino State Hospital. According to one
informant there was a village here, the inhabitants of which
spoke entirely the Central dialect, but according to others there
was no village here, this name being that of Mill creek as a whole.
The name given is in the Central dialect.
tcldote'ya, near a spring about four hundred yards southeast
of the court-house square in the town of Ukiah. The residence
of Mr. B. B. Fox now stands on this site.
kffmU, from kom, soda spring, and II, there, or kubu' JcbuUkeya
in the Central dialect, just north of the limits of the town of
Ukiah and half a mile north of the court-house square. At this
place there is a mesa half a mile or more wide extending from
the river bottom to the foot-hills. On the slope from the edge
of this mesa to the river bottom is a large spring which the In-
dians say was in former times noted for the excellence of its
water and its constant flow. The village was located just west of
this spring, from which the inhabitants obtained their water
supply. This village seems to have been one of the more impor-
tant villages in this valley and is often mentioned by the old
Indians. At a time not very much antedating the arrival of
white settlers in the valley, and within the memory of living indi-
viduals, the original inhabitants of this village vacated it and
moved to Scott's valley, where they lived with the Scott's valley
people until scattered by the coming of the whites. Informants
agree that there was a migration of the people of this village
and that it was due to trouble between them and their neighbors,
some saying that the trouble was between them and their neigh-
bors on the north and others that the yo'kaia to the south were
concerned. One informant from the yo'kaia rancheria (Central
dialect) says that originally his own people held possession of
all the territory in Ukiah valley north to a point about half a
mile north of the confluence of the east fork of Russian river
with the main stream, but for some reason people speaking the
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Northern dialect were allowed to settle in this part of the valley
and established the village of ko'mli. When the informant was
a boy, probably about 1830 or 1835, there arose a difference be-
tween the people of kd'mli and the Central village of cd'kadjal
concerning the hunting and fishing rights in the northern part
of the valley, and Kaland'I, the captain of the village of cd'kadjal,
led a party against his northern neighbors and drove them from
the valley. They went across the mountains to Scott's valley
just west of Clear lake, and there took refuge with their friends,
and the captain of the village in Scott's valley finally purchased
from the people of cd'kadjal freedom from molestation of the
refugees. This informant says, somewhat inconsistently, also
that before finally going to Scott's valley these people first moved
to ka'till, which he called ko'mli, where they remained for a year
or two. They then went to Eight-mile valley, a short distance
northeast of Red mountain, where they established the village of
ko'mli, remaining here a little longer than at ka'till, and finally
went on down into Scott's valley, where they remained perma-
nently. Another, and more probable account, is that given by a
very old woman whose former home was in Potter valley. Ac-
cording to this informant, the difficulty between the people of
ko'mli and those of cd'kadjal arose at a considerably earlier date
than that above mentioned and was due to the fact that there
was living at ko'mli a powerful doctor, siku'tsha by name, to
whose poison the death of a yo'kaia man was attributed. Some
of the yo'kaia from cd'kadjal attempted to kill siku'tsha, but he
was able to escape and get over to friends at Upper lake. There
was no regular war made by the yo'kaia people upon those of
ko'mli, but the people of ko'mli preferred to leave their village
and avoid trouble, so they went over to Upper lake by way of
Coyote valley, Blue lakes, and Bachelor valley, and eventually
found their way to Scott's valley. To explain the presence of a
camp called ko'mli in Eight-mile valley, as above mentioned, is
the fact that there is here a large soda spring from which it is but
natural that the valley and the camp should take their name.
kabegi'lnal, on the north bank of Sulphur creek, called xa-td't-
bida, water-rotten-creek, at its confluence with Russian river at
a point about a mile northeast of the town of Ukiah.
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140 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
ctfkatcdl, near the south bank of Hensley creek at a point
about three-quarters of a mile west of its confluence with Russian
river. This site lies just west of the county road and is about
two miles north of the town of Ukiah.
cima'hau or cima'kawi, at the east end of the bridge across
the main branch of Russian river at a point a short distance up
stream from the confluence of the east fork with it.
ca&ca'mkau, tca'mkawi, or bffmaa, on the north bank of the
east fork of Russian river at a point about two and a half miles
up stream from its confluence with the main stream. This site
is located about an eighth of a mile down stream from the site
where Cleveland's flour mill formerly stood. Prom all that can
be learned this was formerly a very large village, and the prin-
cipal one in Coyote valley.
matu'ku, on the south bank of Cold creek, called matu'ku-bida,
at a point about a mile up stream from its confluence with the
east fork of Russian river. This site is located about two hun-
dred yards south of the ranch house on the Hopper sheep ranch.
tsoka'mo, from tsaka', smoke or native tobacco, and mo, hole,
near the northern end of the bridge across Cold creek on the
road leading from Port Brown to Centerville in Potter valley.
While this particular part of the country is, on the whole, by no
means so desirable for habitation as the larger valleys above and
below, it appears that this village was a large and important one
in former times. It is mentioned in connection with catca'mkau
in the myths of the region. According to one of these myths
the village of matuTrii, about a mile up Cold creek, was called
tsaka'mo.
katca'bida, from katca', arrow-head or obsidian, and bida',
creek, in the extreme southern end of Potter valley and on the
east bank of the east fork of Russian river. There is also a
village one name of which is katca'bida in the extreme northern
end of Redwood valley on the main stream of Russian river.
Jcdla'lpicul, on what is known as the John Mawhinney ranch
at a point about a mile south of the post office of Porno.
pffmo, on the east bank of Russian river at a point a short
distance south of the post office at Porno, in the southern end of
Potter valley. The present Potter valley flour mill stands on
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this site. This village bears the same name as the linguistic
family 121 to which its people belong. The first mention of a
village by the name of Porno is that found in Gibbs' Journal. 128
He gives Porno as the name of one of the peoples treated with by
Colonel McKee, and in speaking of their language he says : * * The
Ma-su-ta-kea and Porno, living farther up the west branch of the
river, use the same as the Shanel-kaya of the east branch.' ' Thus
he located the village in or about Redwood valley. However,
no village of this name has been found in this valley and it seems
probable that the location given by him is due to incorrect in-
formation gained in the hurried journey through the region.
McKee 124 speaks of "the Pomas," which undoubtedly refers to
the people of this same village. Powers 125 speaks of the "Pome
Pomos," and Hittell 126 mentions the "Pone Pomos." To these
various spellings might also be added Powers' "Poam Porno," 127
which he gives upon the authority of a white informant as the
equivalent in scope of the "Ballo-Kai Porno"; at the same time
stating that he was unable to get a verification of the term among
the Indians. It has, however, been taken up by other writers and
used as a name for the Potter valley people as a whole, and is
entitled to mention also on that account.
kale'sima, kale'lsema, or xale'sema, on the east bank of Rus-
sian river at a point about a mile east-northeast of the present
Potter Valley rancheria.
se'dam, on the east bank of Russian river just east of the
town of Centerville. This is the site of one of the largest of the
old villages in Potter valley. Captain Ford 128 may have referred
either to the people of this village or to those of canel when he
said: "The Salan Pomas are a tribe of Indians inhabiting a
valley called Potter's Valley."
cane'l, or see'l, on the east bank of Russian river at a point
m See Pomo, p. 118.
in Schoolcraft, III, 112.
** Minutes kept by John McKee, secretary of the expedition from
Sonoma, through northern California, Senate Ex. Doc, Spec. Sess., 32d
Cong., 1853, Doc. 4, p. 144.
m Overland Monthly, IX, 504.
m History of California, I, 730.
m Tribes of California, p. 156.
m Rept. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1856, p. 257.
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142 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
about a mile north of the town of Centerville. It was located
on the ranch of Mr. George Bush, formerly owned by Mr. Wil-
liam Potter, for whom Potter valley was named. This was one
of the most important villages in Potter valley and is said by
some informants to have contained the largest population of
any. 12 * According to another informant, seel was on the west
side of the river and a village entirely separate from cane'l.
According to this informant also there was still another village
called a'mdala just north of seel. Corroborations of these state-
ments were, however, not obtained. One of the villages near
Hopland in the Central dialectic area is also called canel. The
first mention of the Potter valley canel was by Gibbs 110 in his
record of "the tribes present' ' at a council with Colonel McKee
on the southern shore of Clear lake. Among others he mentions
"the Shanel-kaya and Bedah-marek, living in a valley situated
to the north of it (i.e., Clear lake), and on the east fork of Rus-
sian river." The " Bedah-marek' ' here referred to were also
mentioned by McKee 111 as "Me-dama-rec." The name has as yet
not been found as the name of a village, or of any division.
Bancroft 111 also mentions the first of these names upon the
authority of Gibbs. The people of canel or of sedam may be
the ones referred to by Captain Ford 188 as "Salan Pomas."
ya'md, ya'ma, or ya'mu, at the foot of the mountains at the
northern end of Potter valley. This site is very near the north-
ern boundary of the main Porno area, being situated at the base
of a small mountain called ya'-dand, wind-mountain, over which
the boundary line between the Porno and Yukian Huchnom runs.
mdtf tea, mutftca, or mitftca, near the foot-hills on the west-
ern side of Potter valley, and at a point about two and a half
miles northwest of the town of Centerville.
tsfmpal, near the foot-hills on the western side of the north-
ern end of Potter valley. According to one informant, there was
"•According to one informant, the collective name bd'tel was applied
to the village of canel and the camps nd'bad5, su1>utcemal and tulimhd'
collectively.
m Op. cit., p. 109.
m Senate Ex. Doc, Spec. Sess., 32nd Cong., 1853, Doc. 4, p. 136.
m Native Baces, I, 452.
m Kept. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1856, p. 257.
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no village at this place, but the name was given to a mountain
at which flint of different colors was obtained.
sfftca, or bata"ka, in the foot-hills on the western side of
Potter valley, and near its northern extremity. It was but a
short distance northwest of tsi'mpal. According to one inform-
ant these two names, so'tca and bata"ka, were applied to two
different places about four hundred yards apart, the latter of
which only was inhabited.
can&kai, from cane', sweat-house, and kai, valley, in a small
valley of approximately circular form near the summit of Buck-
ner mountain. It was located about six miles east of the town
of Centerville in Potter valley. Buckner creek heads on the
north side of this mountain and one of the tributaries of Middle
creek heads on the south. According to some informants the
name sweat-house valley was given to this valley because of its
likeness to the pit of a sudatory. The people of the "Cha-net-
kai tribe" referred to by McKee 184 are probably the same as those
of this village.
tcffmtcadUa, on the mesa just south of the town of Calpella,
and at a distance of about two miles up the main stream of
Russian river from the confluence of the east fork with it. 188
The people of this village, called "Choam Cha-di-la Po-mo," are
referred to by Powers 188 and, probably upon his authority, by
Powell, 187 and Bancroft 188 . Powers translates the name "Pitch
Pine People. ' ' The captain of this village at the time of the arrival
of white settlers in the region was kaipe'la. His name was given to
his people, and was applied by the whites in a general way to all
of the Indians living in Redwood valley. It has been used with
this broad significance by some early writers. The name still
survives in Calpella, a town at the lower end of Redwood valley.
The late Mr. A. E. Sherwood is authority for the statement that
"Cal-pa-lau" signifies "mussel or shell-fish bearer." 188
"* Senate Ex. Doc, op. cit., p. 136.
m See note 167, concerning early estimates of the population of this
region.
"•Op. cit., p. 155.
m Op. cit., p. 88.
"•Native Baces, I, 362, 448.
"• Hist, of Mendocino, op. cit., p. 167.
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144 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
masu't, masu', or ciyo'l, the last of which names signifies
shady, on the western affluent of Russian river at a point about
three miles northwest of the town of Calpella. Some informants
claim that this site is located on the west bank and some that it
is on the east bank of this stream, and from all that can be
learned it seems that both statements are correct, for it appears
that both banks of this stream were inhabited at different times.
The more recently occupied site was on the west bank, or rather
in what is now the western part of the stream bed, as the river
has shifted toward the west and has washed nearly all of this
site away. Upon abandoning this site these people went to
tco'mtcadila just south of Calpella. The people of this village
are probably the ones referred to by Gibbs 140 as "Masu-ta-kaya,"
one of the " bands" which made a treaty with Colonel McKee at
the Peliz ranch near Hopland. The same people were also men-
tioned by McKee 141 as "Maj-su-ta-ki-as."
kabela'l, or Jeati'l, on the mesa west of the main branch of
Russian river, and at a point about three and one-half miles
north of the town of Calpella. This village was located near the
ranch house on the Berry Wright ranch. The name kati'l seems
to have been given to this site at the time when the former inhab-
itants of Walker valley settled here after the coming of white
settlers.
katca'bida, from katca', obsidian or arrow-head, and bida,
creek, or da'picu, at the southern foot of Redwood mountain
(capa'lawel) at the extreme head of Redwood valley. One of the
villages in Potter valley on the east fork of Russian river was also
called katca'bida. In his list of the various ' 'bands" of the
Porno, Powers says: "In Redwood canon, the Da-pi-shul Porno
(dapishul means 'high sun'; that is, a cold place because of the
depth of the canon)." 142 The reference may be to this village.
ka'tcake, on the southwest bank of Mill creek at a point about
two and one-half miles up stream from its confluence with Por-
sythe creek.
ko'bida, or kaba'tbado, from kaba't, madrona, and bado', flat,
140 Schoolcraft, III, 112.
m Senate Ex. Doc, op. cit., p. 144.
142 Tribes of California, p. 155.
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on the east bank of Porsythe creek at a point a short distance
south of the former stage station in Walker valley. According
to one informant this was the last village occupied in this valley,
the people being taken from here to the Bound Valley reser-
vation.
bita'danek, from bita', bear, and dane'k, throw out, on the
southwest bank of Porsythe creek at a point about two miles up
stream from the former stage station in Walker valley.
cala'kana, from caba', hazel, and kana, t, at the extreme head
of Porsythe creek. According to one informant who formerly
lived in this valley, this site was the first one in this vicinity
inhabited. Prom here the people moved to bita'danek, and then
to koT>ida, from where they were taken to the Bound Valley res-
ervation. The information concerning the succession of occu-
pation of these sites may be correct, but it is unlikely that the
first site occupied is definitely known to individuals now living.
tanako'm, from tana', hand, and kom, bog, at a point in the
mountains about four and one-half miles south-southeast of the
town of Willits, which is situated in the southern end of Little
Lake valley on Outlet creek.
kacaida'mal, on the headwaters of Outlet creek at a point
about six miles southeast of the town of Willits.
ko'tsiyu, in the mountains at a point probably about two and
one-half miles south of the town of Willits.
behe'pata, from behe, pepperwood nuts, and patan, to pound
or grind, at a point probably about two miles and a quarter
southeast of the town of Willits and about the same distance
north of the old village of tfanako'm. This site was very indefi-
nitely located by informants.
kabeca'l, at a point about a mile south-southeast of the town
of Willits, and near the foot-hills on the western side of the
valley. This village was located on the ranch now owned by
Mr. Martin Baechtel.
katoka'l, from kata', hollow, and kal, mussel, at a point about
half a mile south of the town of Willits.
mltffma, or cii'ncilmal, from cii'n, grape vine, cilin, hanging
up, and mal, year, on the top of a knoll in the southwestern part
of the town of Willits. This knoll rises from the general level
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146 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
in such a manner as to stand apart from the adjacent foot-hills
to the west of it and forms a prominent point.
tsamffmda, in the edge of the redwood belt at a point about
three miles west of the town of Willits. 148
hodudu'kawe, from hodududu', milk snake, and kawe', to
build, indefinitely located at a point about four and a half miles
east-southeast of the town of Willits.
cfftstu, from co, east, and tsl'u, corner, in the hills at a point
about four miles east of the town of Willits. This site is located
on a small affluent of Outlet creek. 148
t&aka', near the site of the Northwestern Redwood Company's
saw-mill at a point about two miles northwest of the town of
Willits.
yantf, on the southern shore of Little lake.
kab&yo, from kabe', rock, and yd, under, indefinitely located
at a point probably about three miles and a half northeast of
Willits.
baka'u or baka'uha, from baka'u, dam, and ha, mouth, on the
northern shore of Little lake. 148
cako'kai, from cak6', willow, and kai, valley, in the field just
south of what is known as Rowe's station, an old stage station,
at a point about three and a half miles southeast of Sherwood
station.
kula'Jeai, from kiila, probably the yellow water-lily, Nymphaea
polysepala, and kai, valley, at a point about two miles south of
Sherwood station, and on the southwestern shore of the small
wet-weather lake on the Russell ranch. 144
'"In speaking of Little Lake vaUey, to which he gives the name
"Betumki," Oibbs, in Schoolcraft, HE, 116, says: "The names of the
bands in this valley were the Nabob, Chow-e-shak, Chau-te-uh, Ba-kow-a,
and Sa-mun-da. One or two others were said to be absent. The numbers
given by those who came in amounted in all to 127 men, 147 women, and
106 children. The total, including those absent, probably does not exceed
450 to 475." Chau-te-uh, Ba-kow-a, and Sa-mun-da are probably cdtsiyu,
baka'u (which is also called baka'uha), and tsamo'mda respectively, as lo-
cated on the accompanying map. M'Kee (Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 146)
records the same names with a slightly different orthography, as follows:
"Nah-toh, Chow-e-chak, Shor-te-u, Ba-cow-a, and Sa-mun-da."
m None of the early writers give the names of any of the villages in
or about Sherwood valley. Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 155) in giving the
names of what he calls "bands" of the Porno mentions "the Ku-la Kai
Po-mo" and says: "kula is the name of a kind of fruit, like little pump-
kins, growing in water, as the Indians describe it." This is undoubtedly
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kabe'dano, from kabe', rock, and dano', mountain, at the
ranch house on the Russell ranch on the northeastern shore of
the small wet-weather lake about two miles south-southeast of
Sherwood station.
tfkai, from tl, string, and kai, valley, on the ridge just west
of Outlet creek at a point about three miles east-southeast of
Sherwood station.
buta'ka, bear, at a point about two and a half miles east of
Sherwood station.
cane'mka, from cane', sweat-house, and muka', scorched, near
the west bank of Outlet creek at a point about two miles north-
east of Sherwood station. This site was rather indefinitely
located but it is probably on the north bank of Curley Cow
creek, the small stream which flows through Sherwood valley
proper.
so'satca, from so'sa, red ant, and tea, house, on the north bank
of Curley Cow creek at a point about half a mile down stream
from the present Sherwood valley village.
tsi'kinidono, from tsildni, owl, and dano', mountain, at the
Sherwood valley creamery about a mile and a quarter east of
Sherwood station.
bffcamkutci, from bo'cam, a sort of seed, and ku'tci, moss, at
a point about half a mile east-northeast of Sherwood station, and
near where the Sherwood Inn now stands.
ma'tcata, from ma, ground, and tcata', between, at a point
about half a mile northeast of Sherwood station. There is now
a single Indian family living on this site, but there are plainly
the fruit of the yellow water-lily above mentioned. The Northern and
Eastern dialectic names of this plant are kula' and kuLa' respectively.
However, it seems as probable that Powers 1 kola really signifies north,
which is djohula, gtihula, tcu'la and tuhu'l in the various Porno dialects.
At present the valley is called by some of the people to the south djuhu'la-
kai or north valley. Its name is given by the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood
(Alley, Bowen and Company, op. cit., p. 167) as " Che-hul-i-kai signifying
north valley." Following Powers, Powell (op. cit., p. 88) also uses
"Kula Kai Porno" as the name for the people of this vaUey. Powers
(ibid) further says that the Sherwood valley people are called "Shi-
bal-ni Porno (Neighbor People) " by the people of Cahto valley. In cor-
roboration of this name it should be mentioned that a large hill which
projects some distance into the valley from its southwestern side is called
eabal-dand by the Indians now living in Sherwood valley. The former resi-
dence of Mr. A. E. Sherwood is at the foot of this hill. The name, spelled
"Shebalne," is also used by Bancroft (Native Races, I, 362, 448).
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148 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
visible here a number of old pits which mark the sites of sweat-
houses.
kab&tsiu, from kabo', clover, and tsi'fl, corner, at a point
about half a mile northwest of Sherwood station.
kaa'ika, from kaa'i, crow, and ka, water, at a point about
three-quarters of a mile southeast of Sherwood station. Accord-
ing to other informants this site is located a short distance north
of the residence of Mr. Louis Billodeaux in Sherwood valley
proper, which would place it somewhere in the vicinity of the old
village of bikeka'.
tanaci% from tana', hand, and cil, hang down, immediately
south-southwest of Sherwood station.
behe'mkalum, from behe', pepperwood, and kaiu'm, gone,
at a point about a mile and a half southwest of Sherwood station.
matff, big, just southwest of the residence of the late Mr.
A. E. Sherwood, about a mile and a half west-northwest of Sher-
wood station. According to information obtained from Mr.
Sherwood in 1903 there was at this site at the time of his arrival
in 1853 a village of seventy-five or more inhabitants. This vil-
lage remained for many years, and the pit of the old dance-house
is at present plainly visible.
kama'dokai, from ka, water, madd', cold, and kai, valley, at
the residence of Mr. Louis Billodeaux, on the north side of Sher-
wood valley proper and at a point about a mile and a half north-
west of Sherwood station. According to information obtained
from the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood, who moved to Sherwood valley
in 1853, there is a very large deep spring, called ka'madd, a short
distance east of the old village of mato'.
bikeka', from bike', ground squirrel, and ka, water, in the hills
north of Sherwood valley at a point about a quarter of a mile
north of the residence of Mr. Louis Billodeaux and about a mile
and three-quarters north-northwest of Sherwood station. Ac-
cording to some informants there was a village called kaa'ika in
this immediate vicinity.
ka'ikitsil, from kai, valley, and kitsi'l, end, at the head of
Sherwood valley proper, and about two and three-quarters miles
northwest of Sherwood station.
kdbe'dile, from kabe, rock, and dile', between or among, in the
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mountains at the extreme head of Sherwood valley and about
three and one-half miles northwest of Sherwood station.
tca'ida, at a point about two and one-half miles north of the
confluence of the north fork of Navarro river with the main
stream, and about a mile northwest of the bridge across the north
fork on the road from Boonville to Navarro.
tcu'lgo, from tcuhu'l or tcu'ia, north, and gago', valley on the
north bank of the north fork of Navarro river at a point about
three miles from its confluence with the main stream. This site
is but a short distance east of the bridge across the north fork on
the road from Boonville to Navarro.
hu'da, on the north bank of the north fork of Navarro river
at a point about three-quarters of a mile up stream from the site
of the old village of tcu'lgo above mentioned.
djffmi, at a point about a mile and a quarter northwest of
Christine. This site is just east of a very small pond which was
miraculously created by Coyote because the old Prog woman who
had possession of the spring about one hundred yards north of
this place would give him no water. This happened after the
destruction of the surface of the earth by fire.
ka'tuuli, from ka, water, tuftl, old, and IT, place, on a small
flat about fifty yards south of the store at Christine. This was
formerly an important village, some of the larger ceremonials
being held here.
habe'djal, from kabe', rock, and dja, house, near the northeast
bank of Navarro river at a point about two and one-half miles
down stream from the confluence of Indian creek with it. This
site is just up stream from the point where the road from Boon-
ville to Greenwood crosses Navarro river, and takes its name from
a large rock, the form of which resembles a house. One end of
the wagon bridge rests upon this rock. Under the rock there was
a large hole and pool of water which was noted as a good fishing
place in the salmon season.
ta'bate, from ta, sand, and bate, big, near the northeast bank
of Navarro river on the Irish brothers ' ranch, at a point about
two miles west of Philo. This name was used also as the name
of the whole valley about Philo, while Navarro river, or at least
the part along which this valley lies, is called taT>ate-bida by
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150 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
the people living in this vicinity. Navarro river is also called
noba'da-bida, from no, ashes, ba, tail, da, on, and bida, creek or
river, which is the source of the present name, Navarro. Upon
the authority of Mr. A. E. Sherwood, Alley, Bowen and Com-
pany 145 give "Taa-bo-tah" as the name of Anderson valley, and
Gibbs mentions "Tabahtea" 14 * as the name of a people living in
this region.
ctfmda, on the east bank of Indian creek at a point about a
half mile south-southeast of Philo and a mile northwest of the
confluence of Indian creek with Navarro river.
nffpik, from no, ashes, and pik, mellow, at the site of the old
Anderson valley flour mill. By one informant this is said to
have been occupied so long ago that there is no record of the
people who lived here.
cu'naubasatnapotai, from cunau, pretty (t), basa't, forks,
napo'tai, old village, just back on the slope of the foot-hills east
of Anderson creek at a point about three miles down stream from
Boonville.
kabe'ela, from kabe', rock, and ela, to throw and miss, on the
north bank of Anderson creek at a point about two and one-half
miles down stream from the town of Boonville.
le'mkolil, on the northeast bank of Anderson creek at a point
about a mile down stream from Boonville. According to one
informant the people of this village together with all those living
farther down stream were called pda'-tfeya, signifying creek
those people, while those in the villages farther up stream were
called dano'-keya, signifying mountains there, both of which
terms he gave in the Central dialect. He said further that the
whole valley itself was called pda'-*eya-ma, or land of the pda'-
f eya, and that the name applied to the people of Anderson valley
as a whole was pda'feya.
bu'lawil, near the south bank of Anderson creek at a point
about a mile and a quarter southeast of the town of Boonville.
The barn on the property of Mrs. Jane Burger stands on this
site.
[hile'msupda], Central dialect name, from kale', tree, msCL,
"•Op. cit., p. 168.
149 See note 102.
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burned ( ?), and pda, creek, on the north bank of Anderson creek
at a point about two miles and a half east-southeast of the town
of Boonville. It appears that as a village this was a small place,
there being only a few people who made this their permanent
home, but others came here for short periods, particularly during
the fishing and food gathering seasons.
Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.
ciyo'l, shady, on the north bank of Ackerman creek at its
confluence with Russian river. One of the hop fields on the
Bartlett ranch now covers this site. According to one informant
also this village was located on the east bank of Russian river
on the Howard ranch almost directly opposite the site as above
given.
co'dakai, in the southwestern end of Coyote valley at a point
about a mile and a half up the east fork of Russian river from
its confluence with the main stream. This village was occupied
by the Yukian Huchnom for about five years after they left
mulha'l in Redwood valley. 147 It was not, however, exclusively
a Huchnom village, as there were Porno here also. The names .
given to Coyote valley by the Northern and Eastern Porno respec-
tively are cd'dakai and tca'mkawl. Powers 148 in speaking of what
he calls "many little bands in diverse valleys' ' gives as one of
them "the Sho-do-Kai Porno* ' and locates them in Coyote valley.
Powell 149 gives the same, probably on the authority of Powers.
bako'do, at the head of the small canyon in which the present
Potter Valley village is situated and at a point about a mile and
a half west of it.
mulha'l, a Huchnom village in Redwood valley at a point on
the east bank of Russian river about four and one-half miles
north of the town of Calpella. 147
On the property belonging to Mrs. Susan Ornbaun about a
mile north of the town of Boonville in Anderson valley is the
site of an uninhabited modern village, the name of which could
not be learned.
141 See mulha'l; also note 296.
*• Op. cit., p. 155.
"•Op. cit., p. 89.
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152 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
bffgagdwi, from b6, west, gag6, valley, and wi or I, place, at
a point about a mile and a half west of Boonville. This site has
not been inhabited for twenty or twenty-five years.
Old Camp Sites.
se'satil, on the McClure ranch north of the Mendocino State
Hospital, and at a point about two miles southeast of the town
of Ukiah and half a mile east of Russian river. There are dif-
ferences of opinion concerning this site. Some informants claim
that it was only a food gathering place, while others say that it
was a camp, and still others that it was a village. It seems most
probable, however, that it was a camp, although there may have
been people living here permanently at some time.
ka"lem, just east of what is known as the Forks saloon at a
point about a mile west of the confluence of the east fork of
Russian river with the main stream. The camp called by one
informant ca'malda and located in this immediate vicinity may
have been this same site.
nffbado, 1 * in Potter valley on the east fork of Russian river
at a point on the west bank of the river about a quarter of a mile
west of the old village of canel. This camp was used by the
people of canel. 151
su'butcemal, 1 ™ at a point about three hundred yards up stream
from noT>ad6. This was also a camp of the canel people. 151
tulimhff, 1 * at a point about half a mile west of sii'butcemal.
This also was a camp of the canel people.
pffdano, probably from po, red, and dano, mountain, at a
point about three and one-half miles west of the old stage station
in Walker valley on Porsythe creek.
ta"skol or tca n skol, from tea, human being, and skol, laughing
( !), on the ridge west of Outlet creek at a point near the con-
fluence of Curley Cow creek with it, and about two miles east-
northeast of Sherwood station.
tcaha'wi, a camp for fishing on the northeastern bank of
Navarro river at a point about a mile and a half up stream from
Christine.
"•See note 129.
"'nd'badd and su'butcemal are situated so close together that it has
been necessary to indicate the two on the map by a single symbol.
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ma'toUami, probably from maka'la, rabbit, and ml, place, on
the ridge west of Navarro river at a point probably about two
miles west of the old village of taT>ate or four miles west of Philo.
kaci'mdalau, on the John Gough place at a point about two
miles southeast of Philo.
tsawa'takka, from tsawa'tak, a small species of frog, and ka,
water, indefinitely located on the ridge between Anderson and
Rancheria creeks at a point probably about a mile south of their
junction.
tce'ckalel, on the ridge between Anderson and Rancheria
creeks at a point about three miles and a quarter west of Boon-
ville. This camp was chiefly for acorn gathering.
sa'latcada, on the ridge between Anderson and Rancheria
creeks at a point about two miles and a quarter west of Boonville.
This name is said to be derived from sa'la, redwood bark, and
tca'da or dja'da, run away ( t), the connection being with a local-
ization of a myth which is common throughout the Porno region.
A summary of the myth is as follows: There were people living
at lemkd'lil who ate the flesh of a monster and were transformed
into deer. Of all the people living at lemkd'Ul there were but
two, a brother and a sister, who did not eat the flesh of the
monster, and they alone remained human. These two went out
to sa'latcada to gather acorns and finally lived there as husband
and wife. Their children were called fale"hm6, and were wild
people who ate flesh and other foods raw, and took up their abode
on a mountain called kano'-sama, mountain-mahogany beneath
or at the edge of, in the range of mountains immediately west of
Rancheria creek. They never associated with the ordinary people
of the region, but on the other hand they seem to have done no
particular harm to them. They often set fire to the timber and
brush in the surrounding mountains, and they made a practice
of capturing any man who hunted deer at an improper time and
giving him training which tended to correct his methods of
hunting.
mapu'ika, from ma, ground, pu'i, anything greasy, sweet, or
otherwise pleasing to the taste, and ka, water, at Boonville.
kaitfnamaml, from kawi'na, turtle, ma, ground, and mi, place,
near the south bank of Anderson creek at a point about two miles
east-southeast of Boonville. This was a food gathering camp.
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154 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
kca'kakyd, from kca, white oak ( ?), kale', tree, and yo, under,
near the northern head of Anderson creek at a point probably
about five miles nearly due east of Boonville. This was a food
gathering camp.
maca'l, on the western slope near the summit of the range
separating the Russian river and Navarro river drainages at a
point probably about four and a quarter miles east-northeast of
Boonville. This- site is located about two miles due east of the
ranch house on the Singley ranch, which is on a small stream
called Soda creek at a point about two miles northeast of Boon-
ville.
mffwibida, from mo, hole, wi, place, and bida', creek, just west
of the summit of the range separating the Russian river and
Navarro river drainages, and at a point about a mile east of the
old camp at po'taba.
po'taba, near the head of the small creek called Soda creek,
upon which the large Soda spring near the ranch house on the
Singley ranch is located, and at a distance of about a mile and a
half up stream from it.
ka'hdwali, from ka, water, ho, hot, and wa'li, at ( t), near the
summit of the range separating the Russian river and the Na-
varro river drainages, and at a point about a mile due west of the
ranch house on what is known as the Metcalf ranch.
ka'tsami, from ka, water, and tsa'mi, a musty odor, at a point
about a mile and three-quarters west-northwest of the old camp
at pd'taba at the head of Soda creek northeast of Boonville.
cki'tsil, an involuntary jerking motion, at a point about three
miles northwest of the old camp at po'taba at the head of Soda
creek northeast of Boonville.
Sit es Not Mentioned by Indians.
On the north bank of the south fork of Big river at the con-
fluence of Dougarty creek with it is the site of what was probably
an old village or camp. Before this land was tilled there was a
small pit here which may have been that of a small sweat-house,
and there are to be found even yet fragments of implements such
as are common about old sites in this region.
At a point about a mile and a half up the south fork of Big
river from the above mentioned site, and about four hundred
yards northeast of the hotel at the summer resort known as
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Handley's, is a site which was probably inhabited only after the
coming of the whites to this region, and then for only a few years.
Near the head of Indian creek in what is known as the Peach-
land school district is a site which was probably formerly inhab-
ited, as there are many fragments of implements as well as other
evidences of former occupation to be found here.
LAKE DIVISION.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Scott's Valley Rancheria, about a mile northwest of the town
of Lakeport, and on the west bank of Scott's creek. This village
consists of five houses and about fifteen inhabitants, mostly
former residents of Scott's valley, but with a few from other
old villages. 152 This is considered and called a village by the
Indians, although the houses are not assembled at any one site
but are scattered for three-quarters of a mile along the creek.
Old Village Sites.
maiyi'y contagion ( ?), at the foot of the hills on the extreme
western side of Upper Lake valley, and at a point a short distance
north of Scott's creek, where it cuts through the divide between
Tule lake and Upper Lake valley. This is the only point at
which the territory occupied by people speaking the Northern
dialect extended beyond the divide and into Upper Lake valley.
This was a large village and the site seems to be one of the very
old ones of this region. Many of the myths of the region mention
maiyi' and some of the characters of the myths originate here.
The residence of Mr. Sleeper stands just west of this site.
mama'mamau, from mama', projecting, on a point projecting
out into Tule lake from its northern shore near the outlet of the
lake. This was probably never a very large village. It seems to
have been occupied both before and since the coming of whites to
this region.
xaro' or xaro'malugal, from xaro', valley oak acorn black
bread, malu', to bake, and gal, homeward, close to the shore at
the head of a small bay extending northward from the northern
part of Tule lake. This bay also bears the name xaro'.
ho'mtcatt, from horn, nettle, and tcati', village, or kd'pbftfti,
1-8 The notes as to population were made during the summer of 1903.
At that time there were in addition to the houses mentioned the dilapi-
dated remains of a native tule house.
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156 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
in the Eastern dialect, from kop, nettle, and bfit'iu, knoll, at a
point about three-quarters of a mile north of Tule lake, and near
the foot-hills on the eastern side of the valley. The village was
situated on a small knoll which rises from the general level of the
valley.
tstya'kabeyo, on the creek tributary to Middle creek heading
on the south side of Buckner mountain. This village was located
about three miles south of the village of canelcai, which was
near the summit of Buckner mountain. Informants differ as to
whether the inhabitants of this village were more intimately
associated with the people of the Tule lake or the Potter valley
region. This difference is, however, of very little importance, as
the people of these two localities used the same language and were
on friendly terms.
sama'kahna, on the west bank of Scott's creek at a point about
three and one-half miles north-northwest of Lakeport.
tfwakal, on the western slope and near the summit of the
ridge west of Clear lake, and at a point about two miles north
of Lakeport.
ndbo'ral, from no, ashes, bor, mud, and hnal, on, on the west
bank of Scott's creek at a point about two and one-half miles
north-northwest of the town of Lakeport. The people of this
village may be the ones referred to by Gibbs ,M by the name of
"Moal-kai," by McKee" 4 as "Moal-kai," and by Slocum, Bowen
and Company 155 as "Boil-ka-ya."
ka'raka, from kar, a dry limb filled with woodpecker holes,
and ka, water, on the eastern border of Scott's valley at a point
about a mile and a half north-northwest of Lakeport. A portion
or possibly all of the area covered by this site is on the ranch
owned by Mr. J. F. Burger.
There is the site of a village, the name of which could not be
recalled by the informant, on the west bank of Scott's creek at
a point about a mile and a half northwest of the town of Lake-
port. It is located on the ranch of Mr. M. C. Scudamore.
m Schoolcraft, HI, 109.
154 Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 136.
m Op. cit., Lake County, p. 35: "The Boil-ka-ya tribe lived in Scott's
Valley, and their number was one hundred and eighty, which has dwin-
dled down to forty. Che-boo-kas was their chief. ' ' Also (p. 37) a trans-
lation of the name is given, as follows: "BoU-ka-ya, a city built in the
west."
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kabe'l, or xabe'l in the Eastern dialect, probably from kab€'
or xaW, rock, on the eastern slope of a prominent point, called
Rocky point, which projects from the western shore of the
channel connecting the main body of Clear lake with Upper lake,
its northernmost arm. There may be some donbt as to whether
this was in the strictest sense a village. One informant says that
on the higher ground was the site of the winter camp and down
by the shore-line was the site of the summer camp, thus consid-
ering the entire settlement as of the nature of a camp. Still
other informants refer to the site as a camp, while some call it
a village. However, it seems quite certain that whatever the
status of the place in this respect was, it was at all times inhab-
ited, and it has seemed best, therefore, to designate it as a village.
It will be observed that the boundary line between the Northern
and Eastern dialectic areas is made, on the map, to pass through
this village, thus indicating that the place was a common ground
for the people of both dialects. While the control of the place
seems to have been left to the people of Scott's valley, there were
no restrictions as to the rights of the Upper Lake people in this
vicinity, and people from both Upper Lake and Scott's valley
camped here and enjoyed equal rights in the adjacent waters of
the lake. It would seem that this was a place of some consider-
able importance in former times, as it is often spoken of by the
old Indians in relating the early history of this section, and is
frequently referred to in the myths.
Old Camp Sites.
bfftcawel, from b5, west, and tcawe'l, canyon, on the western
shore of Tule lake at a point just north of where Scott's creek
flows into it. 18 *
"•According to one informant of the Eastern dialect bft'tcawel, or
bo'kawel as it is called in the Eastern dialect, was not the name of any
special site, but was applied to aU of that part of the valley of Scott's
creek which extends from Tule lake to Blue lakes. According to this
informant also there was a village, called baka'sa, a little to the west of
the site given here. The name given to the portion of Scott 's creek from
Blue lakes up to the vicinity of Lakeport is yima'bidame, from yi, no (t),
ma, land, and bida'me, creek, while the name of that part of the creek
west of Lakeport is a'nubidame, from a'nQ signifying anything behind an
object. It is said that this last name was given by the people of the Big
valley region because of the fact that Scott's creek was located behind
the range of hills west of Lakeport.
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158 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
yo'togago, from yd, south, fo, toward, and gago', valley, in a
very small valley on the head of Scott's creek at a point about
two miles and a half northeast of Bed mountain.
kffmU, from kom, soda spring, and li, there, in a small valley
known as Eight-mile valley situated at the head of Scott's creek
and at a point about three miles north-northeast of Bed mountain.
It appears that there was a trail leading from Ukiah valley
through the mountains to Scott's valley which passed through
this small valley and near the soda spring on the south side of it
from which it takes its name. So far as can be learned this
camp was used chiefly as a resting place for parties traveling
between Ukiah valley and the Clear lake region, and as a camp
for those who went there to bathe in and drink the water from
the spring which was known to have certain medicinal properties.
According to one informant this camp was the temporary home
of the people of the old village of ko'ml! on the town site of
Ukiah when they were compelled to leave that place owing to
differences which arose between themselves and the yd'kaia people
in the southern end of Ukiah valley. 157 The name "Cum-le-
bah" 1M used by Slocum, Bowen and Company probably origi-
nated in ko'mll.
k&e'Ud, from kile'l, a caved embankment, and yd, under, on
the western shore of Clear lake at a point about half a mile south
of Rocky point at the strait connecting Upper lake with the main
body of Clear lake. It seems probable that this camp was not
very much used or that it was a small camp.
kffbatap, from ko, belly, and bata'p, cut, also given as ko'ba-
tamk, on the western shore of Clear lake at a point about four
miles north of Lakeport.
kaba'iy or xaba'i in the Eastern dialect, from kaba'i or xaba'i,
wild onion, Allium unifolium, on the western shore of Clear lake
at a point about two miles and a quarter north of Lakeport.
kale'cokon, from kale', tree, and coko'n, crooked, on the west-
ern shore of Clear lake at a point about a mile and three-quarters
m See note 109, and kd'mli, p. 138.
"•"The Cum-le-bah tribe was located in the upper end of Scott's
valley, on the Deming place. Their number was ninety, but are now re-
duced to thirty. Du-goh was their chief. ' ' Op. cit., Lake County, p. 35.
Also (p. 37) a translation of the name is given, as follows: "Cum-le-bah,
a kind of mineral water."
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north of Lakeport. There seems to be some doubt as to whether
this place was occupied as a camp or not, some informants main-
taining that there never was a camp or village here, while others
claim that this is a camp site.
katsa'mugal, from katsa', grass, and muga', seeds, on the west-
ern shore of Clear lake at a point about a mile and a quarter
north of Lakeport.
kala'bida, from kala', clam, and bida', creek, on the western
shore of Clear lake at a point about three-quarters of a mile
north of Lakeport. This site is on the western shore of a small
cove on the property of Mr. L. P. Burger. Another informant
mentioned kubi' as the name of a small inlet in this vicinity and
said that there was a camp or village by the name of kubi' located
at the head of it. The name was, however, known to other in-
formants only as that of an inlet, and it is possible that the site
referred to by this informant as kubi' is kala'bida.
Modern Camp Sites.
da'tsin, on a small creek called da'tsin-bida which empties into
the main body of Clear lake at a point about a mile and a half
south of Rocky point on the western shore of the strait con-
necting Upper lake with the main body of Clear lake. This
camp, which is about half a mile back from the lake-shore, is used
at present to a limited extent as a fishing camp.
CENTRAL DIALECT.
BOUNDARIES.
From a point on the coast about half way between Salmon
creek and Navarro river the boundary of the Central dialectic
area runs for a distance of about eight miles up the ridge, known
as Navarro ridge, which separates Salmon creek from Navarro
river. Here it turns in a general southerly direction, crosses
Navarro river at a point just down stream from the confluence of
the north fork with it, and then runs in a general southeasterly
direction along the range of mountains just west of Navarro river
to a point about two and a half miles east-northeast of Mountain
view. Prom here it runs due east, crossing Rancheria creek and
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160 University of California Publications in Am. AroK and Ethtu [Vol. 6
then Anderson valley, in which it passes about a mile and a half
south of the town of Boonville, to a point near the head of Ander-
son creek. Here it turns in a northeasterly direction and runs
for a short distance to a point near the head of Feliz creek and
about due east of Boonville, where it turns in a northwesterly
direction and runs along the ridge separating the Russian river
and the Navarro river drainages to a point near the head of
Robertson creek ; thence, turning eastward, it crosses Ukiah valley
and Russian river probably about two miles and a half south of
the town of Ukiah. 150 Keeping this easterly direction the line
passes up the ridge south of Mill creek to the divide separating
the drainages of Russian river and Clear lake. The line to this
point generally trends eastward, forms the northern boundary of
this dialectic area, and separates it from that of the Northern dial-
ect. Here, taking a general southeasterly course, the line follows
the divide between Russian river and Clear lake to a point nearly
due east of the town of Cloverdale, and separates the Central
from the Northern and Eastern dialectic areas. It then runs in
a westerly direction probably along the ridge just north of Sul-
phur creek, and crosses Russian river at a point about two miles
and a half up stream from Cloverdale and about half a mile south
of the line between Mendocino and Sonoma counties. 160 Thence
it passes westward about two miles, turns in a northwesterly di-
rection, and follows the ridge west of Russian river to a point
a short distance south of McDonald. Prom here it runs in a
general westerly direction, crossing the head of Dry creek and
passing south of the head of Rancheria creek to the head of Rock
Pile creek. Here it turns west-southwestward and runs along
the ridge separating the north fork of Gualala river from Rock
Pile creek to the confluence -of the north fork with the main
branch of Gualala river. This portion of the boundary runs in
a general westerly direction, and separates the Central from the
Southern dialectic area. Prom here the boundary follows Gual-
ala river down to the ocean, and forms the boundary between the
m See note 109.
160 According to one informant the line crosses the river at a certain very
deep pool, called kaptcn'idn, and the territory of the Central and Southern
dialects was very exactly marked at the river by this pool.
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Central and the Southwestern areas. 161 The western boundary
is the coast-line.
This very irregularly shaped area is surrounded on three sides
by Pomo territory, as follows : on the north by the Northern, on
the east by the Northern and Eastern, and on the south by the
Southern and Southwesterly dialectic areas. On the west is the
ocean.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The Central dialectic area extends over three of the natural
divisions previously described: the coast, redwood, and valley
regions. The portion of the coast region included within the
limits of this dialectic area extends from the ridge separating
Salmon creek from Navarro river southward to the mouth of
Gualala river, a distance of about thirty miles. The northern
part of this stretch of coast is a succession of high ridges with
intervening deep, steep-walled canyons, in some of which flow
streams of considerable size. Toward the south these ridges de-
crease in height until in the vicinity of Alder creek the cliffs give
place to a sandy beach which extends to the mouth of Garcia river.
This beach is backed by large sand dunes, and farther back by a
stretch of gently sloping open country a mile or so in width, to
the foot-hills. This is the largest beach on the entire Pomo
coast. With Point Arena, immediately south of Garcia river, the
cliffs begin again and continue down to the southern limit of the
area at Gualala river. Throughout the entire length of this sec-
tion of the coast there is a strip of open country from a quarter of
a mile to a mile and a half in width bordering the shore.
Beyond this coast strip is the redwood belt extending east-
ward over comparatively high and rugged mountains for from
five to fifteen miles. Owing to the dense forest which covers these
mountains they were not permanently inhabited, and were tra-
versable only with difficulty except along one or two trails.
The valley portion of the region covered by this dialectic area
comprises the valley of Russian river from a point about two and
m According to one informant this boundary terminates at the ocean at
a point about half way between the mouth of Gualala river and Black point.
This informant stated that the boundary was very definitely marked at this
point by an old dead redwood tree.
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162 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
a half miles north of the town of Cloverdale and a half mile
south of the boundary line between Mendocino and Sonoma coun-
ties 162 up to a point about two miles and a half south of the town
of Ukiah. 168 The southern part of this portion of Russian river
valley is narrow and hardly more than a river bed between the
hills on either side. About two miles south of the town of Hop-
land the valley widens to about a mile, and continues as a fertile
river bottom, known as Hopland or Sanel valley, 164 for about five
miles. It again narrows for a distance of about three miles,
forming Knight's valley, and then widens once more to form
Ukiah valley, which extends beyond the northern boundary of the
dialect. Bancheria valley, a small valley situated along the up-
per course of Rancheria creek, one of the headwaters of Navarro
river, is also included in this dialectic area.
As has been noted, each of the several regions of the Porno
territory had its typical food supply. The chief food of the coast
people was derived from the ocean, molluscs, particularly mus-
sels, being very abundant, while the seeds and roots of the wild
grasses and flowering plants of the open coast country, and the
oaks and other trees of the adjacent mountains, provided vegetable
foods. The people in the valleys derived their chief supply of
vegetable food from the acorn, adding also the seeds of various
grasses and flowering plants, and certain edible bulbs and conns.
Various kinds of game were to be had in the mountains, and fish
were plentiful at certain seasons in the streams.
COAST DIVISION.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
pda'hau, from pda, river, and ha, mouth, about four miles
up Garcia river from its mouth and about five miles northeast of
the town of Point Arena. This village, which commonly goes by
the name of the Manchester or the Garcia River rancheria, con-
sists of fifteen houses and about sixty inhabitants, 165 among whom
"■ See note 160.
M See note 109.
1M This valley is called by the people of the Northern Porno dialectic area
cd'kowama, and by those of the Eastern area c5k5wa'iina-xaxo.
168 See note 167.
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are Indians from the old villages on Gualala river as well as from
the old village of ko'dalau, on Brush creek at a point about two
miles northeast of pdaThau. The Garcia river flows in this part
of its course through a steep-walled canyon. The village is on
the north side of the canyon and is located but a few hundred
yards below the site of the former village of itce'tce. 16 * The
old village near the mouth of Garcia river also bore the name
pdaliau.
Old Village Sites.
dama'ldau, at a point probably about half way between Green-
wood and Elk creeks, and at a distance of about half a mile back
from the ocean.
ka'uca, on what is called Cliff ridge between Elk and Green-
wood creeks, and at a point near the north bank of the former and
about a mile and a half back from the shore-line of the ocean.
Standing near this site is a large dead redwood tree which is
mentioned in some of the myths of the region as the one which
enabled katca'-tca, one of the mythical beings, to escape from
dand'-tca, another being who was pursuing him. This tree alone
was large and strong enough to withstand the force of dano'-tca,
which had been able to break down all the other trees up which
katca'-tca had endeavored to escape. According to another in-
formant this site is located at a point several miles farther up
this same ridge.
kasi'ltcimada, from kasi'l, redwood, tcima', to run up or ex-
tend up stream, and da, ?, on the north bank of Alder creek and
just east of the point at which the county road crosses the creek.
This site is just south of the ranch house on what is known as the
Luther Redemeyer ranch.
ko'dalau, in the hills at a point about three and one-half miles
from the ocean and near the north bank of Brush creek. This
"* The present village is located on land belonging to the Indians them-
selves, having been purchased and presented to them by the Northern Cali-
fornia Indian Association. Up the hill, north of the present village, is the
site of the former village that had been inhabited for twenty-five years or
more, the Indians having abandoned it only in 1902. This same location
was used before the coming of white settlers as a permanent village. It
appears that during the occupation of this site as a village since the coming
of the whites it was called, like the present village, pdVhau; but prior to
that time, during its occupation as a permanent village prior to the coming
of the whites, it bore the name itc§'tce.
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164 University of California Publications tn Am. Arch, and Ethn. [ VoL 6
was evidently quite a large village and was one of the permanent
homes of the people who made camps along the shore-line and
among the hills at tcido'bate, bo'cadilau, ef hobo and other points.
According to another informant this site is located at a point
about a mile up the same ridge from the place above mentioned.
na'koca, on the north bank of Brush creek at a point about five
and a half milei east of the town of Manchester.
itce'tce, said to signify anything which bounces as it is pulled
along, on the north bank of Garcia river and just up the hill from
the present village of pda'hau. This site, it would appear, was
once permanently inhabited as a village, being later, possibly only
during the earliest white occupation of the country, occupied as a
camp. About twenty-five years ago the Indians established their
modern village at this site and occupied it until 1902, when they
abandoned it to move a few hundred yards down the hill toward
the river onto the land purchased for them by the Northern
California Indian Association.
pda'hau, from pda, river, and ha, mouth, near the north bank
of Garcia river at the north end of the wagon bridge which
crosses the river just north of Plumeville, almost due north of
Point Arena. The Indian name of the present Garcia river
rancheria, which is located about three miles up stream from this
site, is also pda'hau.
dje'comi, just south of the cemetery which is situated about
three-quarters of a mile north-northwest of the town of Point
Arena.
ma'canena, from ma, ground, cane', sweat-house, and na or
wina', on top of, on the northwest bank of the north fork of
Gualala river at a point about seven miles from its confluence
with the main stream.
katsa'iwani, near the opposite bank of the north fork of Gua-
lala river from ma'canena, and on the north bank of a small
stream which flows into it.
la'tc&pda, on the north bank of the small stream mentioned in
connection with katsa'iwani, but at a point about a mile and a
half up stream from that place. This site appears to have been
the most important of the old sites on the head of the north fork
of Gualala river and gave its name to the entire vicinity, the other
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villages in the neighborhood not being continuously inhabited as
was the case with this one. However, the other sites must be re-
garded as permanent old villages for the Indians say that they
were never abandoned for so long but that houses remained there
constantly, la'tcupda was located just north of what is known
as Bock Pile, a prominent rocky mountain frequently mentioned
in the myths of this region. There seems to be some doubt as to
the exact location of la'tcdpda and kubahmd'i which lies in the
Southern dialectic area. According to some informants these two
villages were on opposite sides of the mountain, Rock Pile, above
mentioned, which would bring kfibahmd'i a number of miles
farther up Rock Pile creek than is indicated below. Prom the
most reliable information obtainable, however, the locations given
for these two sites seem to be the correct ones.
ivtfkbedabau, from Iwf, coyote, kab§', rock, and daba'u, to
split with the hand, on the opposite side of the small creek above
mentioned from la'tcupda. The Indians say that this name is
given to this site because of the presence of a bluish rock which
stands about two feet out of the ground and has an area three
or four feet square. This rock is filled with small shallow cup-
pings and long narrow scratches or gashes, all of which are said
to have been made by coyote. The rock is described as similar
to certain rocks in the vicinity of the old villages of m&'yamuya
and b6'd6no in Russian river valley, which are said by the Indians
of that vicinity to be medicine rocks and to have formerly been
used as eures for sterility.
ma'tasama, from ma, ground, ta or tas, red, and sa'ma, near
( ?), on the northwest bank of the north fork of Gualala river at
a point about a mile northeast of the old village of ma'canena.
tca'msumli, from tea, house, mad, said to signify charred or
half burned, and li, there, on the ridge separating the headwaters
of Garcia river from those of the north fork of Gualala river and
at a point probably about two miles and a half from the old vil-
lage of la'tcupda.
kle'tel, from kale', tree, and ite'l, to peel off, in the mountains
between Garcia river and the headwaters of the north fork of
Gualala river at a point probably about three miles and a half
northwest of the old village of la'tcfipda.
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166 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
Old Camp Sites.
bo'cadUaUy from b6, west, and ca'dilau, projecting point, on a
projecting point of land at the shore-line just north of the town
of Greenwood. This camp was at the southern end of the wagon
bridge between Greenwood and Cuffey's Cove, about three-quart-
ers of a mile to the north.
tcidd'bate, at what is known as Bridgeport on the coast about
two miles and a quarter south from the mouth of Elk creek.
cane'uca, from cane', sweat-house, and wica', a small ridge,
rather indefinitely located as being on the north bank of Gualala
river at a point probably about twelve or thirteen miles up stream
from its mouth.
twi'yokca, from Iwi', coyote, yo, down or south, and kca, gulch,
rather indefinitely located as being on the north bank of Garcia
river at a point about three miles up stream from cane'uca. This
site is probably the same as that mentioned by some of the whites
of the vicinity, they having found stone implements and other
evidences of former habitation at this place.
bahe'myo, from bahe'm, pepperwood, and yo, under, on the
north bank of Garcia river on what is known as the Campbell
ranch. This site is said to have been located on the immediate
bank of the river and was probably not over a mile distant from
Iwi'yokca.
kaiye"lem, from kaiye' manzanita, and Ile'm, between hills,
near the south bank of Garcia river at a point probably about two
miles up stream from bahe'my6.
kawa'tcam, from kawa', bark, and team, to fall across, near
the north bank of Garcia river at a point probably about four
miles up stream from kaiye' lem.
kacflcego, from kacil or kadi, redwood, and cego', ?, at
Mountain View. The present hotel at Mountain View is located
exactly upon this site. The Indian name is given because of the
fact that there was formerly a small clump of redwoods near the
spring at which the Indians always camped.
ci'hdbd, at a point in the mountains about ten miles a little
north of east of the mouth of Garcia river and about one mile
west of Mountain View. This camp was used by parties gather-
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ing acorns and other vegetable foods while the camps along the
shore-line were for the purposes of gathering molluscs and sea-
weeds, and for hunting sea-lions and other game along the shore.
ka'dalau, from ka, water, dala'u, to run down, in the bottom
of the small gulch just south of the store in the small town known
as Fish Sock, which is located on the coast at a point about three
and a half miles northwest of Gualala. It would appear that
this camp was only used by fishing parties and even then only
rarely. The Indians claim that there were no regular camps be-
tween this point and the town of Point Arena to the north, though
there were certain places along this stretch of coast where they
occasionally camped for fishing or sea hunting.
ka'mli, anything thrown across, at a point about a quarter of
a mile north of Bo wen's Landing and about a mile and three-
quarters northwest of the town of Gualala. This site is probably
the same as that referred to by certain white informants of this
vicinity who have found here various evidences of aboriginal oc-
cupation.
iwf'tcal, from Iwi, coyote, and tea, house, near the ocean at a
point about a mile northwest of the town of Gualala.
sffwi, from s6, clover, and wi, place, near the north bank of
the north fork of Gualala river at a point about a mile and a half
up stream from its confluence with the main stream.
tse'ki, said to signify low in the center, on the ridge immediate-
ly south of the north fork of Gualala river and at a point about
two miles east of its confluence with the main stream.
Jcasa'sam, in the mountains between the north fork of Gualala
river and Rock Pile creek and at a point about five miles east of
the confluence of the north fork with the main stream of Gualala
river. The Indians say that this camp was particularly used as
a stopping place for those returning heavily laden from the coast
to la'tuepda. They were usually easily able to make the trip
from la'tcupda to the coast in a single day, but some found it too
fatiguing to return with a basketful of fish or molluscs in a single
day and would therefore spend the night at kasa'sam.
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168 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
VALLEY DIVISION.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Hopland Rancheria, at a point about a mile nearly due north
of the town of Hopland. This village is located on land belong-
ing to Mr. A. W. Foster, and is on the first rise of the foot-hills
east of Russian river. It consists of sixteen houses and about one
hundred inhabitants, among whom are to be found not only peo-
ple from the old villages in this immediate vicinity, but also some
from those in Ukiah valley and some from those along the river
south of Hopland. A school is here maintained under the aus-
pices of the Roman Catholic church. 167
yo'kaia, from yo, south, ka'ia, valley, Beatty Rancheria, or Cox
Rancheria, about six miles south-southeast of the town of Ukiah,
and in the foot-hills on the eastern side of the valley. Before the
coming of the whites the people of this village lived chiefly at
co'kadjal, a short distance northwest of this site. After their re-
turn from the Mendocino reservation they lived at various places
in this vicinity, chiefly on the western side of the valley, and
moved to their present village only upon acquiring title to a tract
of 145 acres of land extending from the east bank of Russian river
back into the hills on the eastern side of the valley. The village
which in 1903 consisted of nineteen houses and about eighty in-
habitants, among whom were some from Hopland valley and some
from the coast region of this dialectic area, has decreased until
it contains not over fifty inhabitants at present. 168 There
is here a large dance-house, which is, however, entirely
modern, being octagonal in form, built of ordinary lumber, and
m In Alley, Bowen and Company's History of Mendocino County, Cali-
fornia, published in 1880, the following is said (page 173) of the Indian
population at that time: "At the present time there is quite a village a
few miles north of Sanel, the remnant of the Sanels, numbering perhaps one
hundred and fifty. The village consists of some twenty thatched, dome-like
huts, and in the center of it is located the inevitable sweat-house. South of
Ukiah, about five miles, there are two or three small villages containing in
all, perhaps, two hundred. Near Calpella there are, perhaps, fifty; east of
Ukiah there are about one hundred. At Canto there is a village of about
seventy-five; at Sherwood valley there are about seventy-five. Near Point
Arena there is a village of probably one hundred; and at the mouth of Big
river there is a rancheria of about one hundred. There are others scattered
over the county but these are the main villages."
m See note 167.
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entirely above ground. This building has not been used for
dances for several years, but serves as a place of assemblage when
occasion demands. In addition to the houses mentioned, there
are a hop kiln and six barns. These people have on their land
along the river a field of fourteen acres of hops, besides a field of
grain, from both of which they derive a considerable revenue.
There is a school at this village maintained under the auspices of
the Roman Catholic church. During the summer months many
of the inhabitants of this village move to the summer camp on
the river near their hop field, while others move to the hop fields
of various ranchers in the valley. The name yft'kaia, referring to
the people of the southern part of Ukiah valley and more par-
ticularly those of the old village of co'kadjal, has been used by
various early writers. Gibbs 1 ** mentions the "Yukai" as a
"band" living in what is now called Ukiah valley. Powers 170
gives " Yo-kai-a" as the name of the people occupying Ukiah val-
ley "from a point a little below Calpella down to about seven
miles below Ukiah, ,,m and derives the name from "yo, down,
below or lower, and kaia, valley." The late Mr. A. E. Sher-
wood 172 gives the name "yo-kai-ah," with the translation of
"deep valley." Also, various other orthographies have been
used, as "Ukiah, or Yokai," 17 * "Ukiah," 17 * "Yokaya," 175 "Ya-
ki-a," 17 * and "Yokia." 177 Purdy 178 uses "Yokaia Porno" with
the translation of "South Valley People." Some confusion
has arisen from the inconsistency of the alphabets employed by
these various authors, particularly because of the likeness of some
of these spellings of yS'kaia to those of Yuki, which name has been
even more variously and inconsistently rendered. The name,
m Schoolcraft, HI, 112, 113, 421.
m Tribes of California, p. 163.
in 8ee note 109.
in History of Mendocino, op. cit., p. 167.
m Bancroft, Native Races, I, 362, 449.
m Capt. Ford, Bept. Com. Ind. Aff. 1856, p. 257.
m Powell, op. cit., p. 89.
m M , Kee, Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 144.
m V. K. Cheenut, Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino County, Cali-
fornia, U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Division of Botany, Contributions from
TJ. S. National Herbarium, VII, no. 3, p. 303 seq.
m Op. cit., Land of Sunshine, XV, 444.
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170 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
now spelled Ukiah, is applied to the county seat of Mendocino
county, and to the valley in which that town is situated. The
first use of it other than as a purely Indian word is found in the
name Yokaya Rancho. 179
kabe'klal, from kabS', rock, and k !al, to rub, at the foot-hills
on the opposite side of the valley from the yo'kaia rancheria, and
at a point about five and a half miles south of the town of Ukiah.
This site takes its name from a white rock, supposed to possess
medicinal qualities, which stands a short distance west of it.
There is here at present but a single house and five people. There
is another house, in which six Indians live, on the flat east of this
one and near the river. These people all belong to the yo'kaia
rancheria and have lived at this place continuously only for about
two years. Previous to this they usually spent only part of the
year here.
Yorkville Rancheria, near the west bank of Rancheria creek
at a point about a mile and a half northwest of the town of York-
ville. This village consists of only two houses and about ten in-
habitants, and is situated on a tract of land belonging to the In-
dians themselves. This tract, containing forty acres, a consider-
able part of which is covered with redwood timber, was pur-
chased by the Indians some years ago at a cost of six hundred
dollars.
Old Village Sites.
holo'ko, near Echo at a point on Russian river about two miles
north of the southern boundary of the Central dialectic area.
There are two places here which were formerly inhabited, though
at different times : one just north of the railroad station at Echo,
and the other just east, across the river.
ce'pda, on both banks of Wise creek at the railroad station of
Cummiskey.
kca'kaleyo, on the east bank of Russian river at a point about
three quarters of a mile northeast of Cummiskey.
m The orthography above given is that used by Alley Bowen and Com-
pany (op. cit., p. 211), while Brackenridge uses Tokayo (Map of Mendocino
County, op. cit). This rancho was an old Mexican grant of eight square
leagues of land extending along Russian river for a distance of eighteen
miles from a point about four miles north of Hopland to near the head of
Redwood valley north of Calpella.
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ma'katcam, on the east bank of Russian river at a point about
a mile and a half north-northeast of Cnmmiskey and about half
a mile south of Squaw rock.
kabe'yd, from kab£', rock, and yo, under, on the east bank of
Russian river and directly east of Squaw rock. This site is about
a mile and a quarter south-southeast of Pieta.
ka'hwalau, on the east bank of Russian river, and just north
of the confluence of Pieta cifeek with it. There was at this place
a flat of considerable size to which the name kalrwalafL, which
strictly is the name of the point at which the water from Pieta
creek flows into the river, is applied. It would appear that there
are several places on this flat which were formerly inhabited at
different times. One informant gave the name kabetcelidda to
one of these places, stating that this was the site of the principal
village here at one time. Another informant, however, mentions
this as the name of a summer camp about three miles up Pieta
creek. It appears that ka'hwalau is the general name which was
applied to the whole flat and the village no matter on what part of
the flat it was located.
yd'tce&k, from yo, south, and tce'uk, corner, near the east bank
of Russian river at a point about three quarters of a mile north-
east of Pieta.
co'samal, at a point about a mile southwest of Fountain.
iwtda, from Iwf , coyote, and da, trail ; or dano'lyo, from dano',
mountain, and yd', under, just north of the railroad station at
Fountain. The name danolyS was given also by another infor-
mant to the village of ka'hwalau, but it seems probable that its
application to Iwi'da is the correct one.
haw? oka, from kawf , anything small, and ka, water, on the
south bank of Feliz creek just south of the town of Hopland.
cane'l, from cane', sweat-house, on the south bank of McDowell
creek at a point just south of the town of Sanel or Old Hopland
on the eastern side of Hopland valley. This is said, by both In-
dians and early white settlers, to have been a very large village.
Powers 180 mentions the village, which he calls "Se-nel," as being
formerly very populous, and he shows a plan of the site as he
1 Tribes of California, pp. 168, 169.
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172 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.
found it at the time of his visit to the region. He says 181 also,
" Besides the Senel, there live in the vicinity the So-ko'-wa, the
La'-ma, and the Si'-a-ko, very small tribes or villages.' ' Gibbs 182
mentions "the Sah-ne'ls" in his record of the Indians who en-
tered into a treaty with Colonel M'Kee. And again, in speaking
of their language, he says, "the Sah-nels, as also the Boch-he'af,
Ubak-he'a, Tabah-te'a, and Moi-ya, living between them and the
coast speak the 8ame. ,, MTJee 188 calls them "the Sai-nals."
Powell, 184 probably following Powers, spells the name " Senel/ '
as do also Alley, Bowen and Company. 185 Bancroft 188 gives the
name of the Indians the same as that of the present town: "The
Sanels, Socoas, Lamas, and Seacos lived in the vicinity of the vil-
lage of Sanel," and Mr. Carl Purdy 18T mentions them as the
"Saneloe." The name is also found in "Rancho de Senel." 188
Besides the village of cane'l here under consideration there is
another village of that name in Potter valley on the east fork of
Russian river.
cffsamak, in what is called McDowell valley near the head of
McDowell creek, and at a point about a mile and three-quarters
northeast of Sanel or Old Hopland. It appears that this village
has not been inhabited for many years and there are stories to the
effect that many years ago the people of this village, which was
at that time a very large one, were all taken by a contagious
disease. This is also the village mentioned in one of the myths
of the region which says that the people here at one time were
miraculously changed to birds which flew away, the village never
again being occupied.
kawfmd, from kawf, anything small, and mo, hole, at a point
m Ibid., p. 172.
•"Schoolcraft, HI, 112.
*" Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 144.
m Ind. Ling. Fam., p. 89.
"•History of Mendocino County, p. 167.
"» Hist. CaL, I, 362, 450, 452.
m Porno Indian Baskets and Their Makers, Land of Sunshine Magazine,
XV, 442.
"* The Bancho de Senel was an old Mexican land grant obtained by Fer-
nando Feliz in 1844. It comprised four square leagues, covering Hopland
or Sanel valley and the adjacent hills. Feliz, who was the first settler in
this valley, built his adobe house only a short distance from the Indian vil-
lage of cane'l. — History of Mendocino County, op. cit., p. 212, and N. B.
Brackenridge's Official Map of Mendocino County, 1887.
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about one hundred yards east of Russian river and about a mile
and three-quarters north-northwest of the town of Hopland.
This site is near a large spring sometimes called the poison spring.
ci&go, from cie', a kind of grass seed, and gagd', field or valley.
On the small knoll just west of Largo station. The ranch house
on the Crawford ranch now stands on this site. This was one
of the more important of the old villages of this region. The
people of this village are probably the ones referred to by
Powers 189 under the name of "Si-a-ko" and by Bancroft 190 as the
tflala, from si, f , and la'la, in the middle, on the north bank
of McNab creek which empties into Russian river just north of
Largo. The village was located on the "old" John Knight ranch
and was but a short distance west of Russian river.
le'ma, from i'le'ma, between or low down, in what is known as
Knight's valley on McNab creek, and at a point about two miles
from the confluence of that stream with Russian river. It ap-
pears that this name was applied not only to the village itself
but also to the entire valley and to the creek. The village of
le'ma was one of the large and important villages of aboriginal
times. It is probable that the people of this village are the ones
referred to by Powers and Bancroft 191 by the name ' 'La-ma."
hu'kdja, from huk, a mythical being resembling a bird, and
dja or tea, house, near the north bank of McNab creek at a point
about two and three-quarters miles up stream from its confluence
with Russian river and about half a mile up from the old village
of le'ma. This site was believed to be the home of the mythical
being above mentioned and the vicinity seems to have been, by
some at least, held in awe so that there is some doubt as to whether
the site was ever inhabited by the Indians, at least in modern
times. It was mentioned in connection with mu'yanmya, which
is also a village with mythical associations. However, it was
given by some informants as an ordinary village.
mu'yamuya, the name of a mythical being, near the west bank
"• Tribes of California, p. 172.
"•Hist. Cal., I, 362, 450, 452.
™ Powers, Tribes of California, p. 172. Bancroft, Hist. Cal., I, 362, 450,
452.
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174 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
of Russian river at a point about a mile and a half up stream
from the confluence of McNab creek with it. There is consider-
able doubt as to whether this site was ever inhabited by the pres-
ent Indians, but it is given by some as an ordinary village. By
others, however, it is given as the site of a village occupied by the
mythical people only. According to one informant mu'yamuya
was a great ugly-looking hairy man-like being nine or ten feet in
height, who lived alone near a spring called kapa'sil, spring brush,
in the brush at a point about a quarter of a mile south of the old
village of le'ma. As any one passed by he would always make
fun of them and invite them to gamble. No one ever paid any
attention to his bantering, but passed on and as his back was
turned mu'yamuya would run up and steal whatever the person
was carrying and make off with it. On account of his strength
and size the people were afraid to attack him at such times, but
they eventually gave a big dance and feast to which he was in-
vited, and there they endeavored to kill him. He warned them
repeatedly that if he were killed some great calamity would befall
them, but said that if they wished to dispose of him they must
dress him up in a certain very rich costume and throw him into a
big pool in the river at the foot of the cliff just north of the
village of mu'yamuya. They, however, paid no attention to his
warning and proceeded to pinion him and allow the women to
pound him to pieces with pestles. They then threw the mangled
remains away and rejoiced that they were at last rid of this vi-
cious tormentor. But no sooner had they returned to the village
than he also appeared, the pieces of his body having come to-
gether and reunited. At other times he was known to have been
attacked by grizzly bears while hunting and to have been chewed
into bits by them and still to have survived. Finally after the
people of this village had endeavored a number of times to kill
mu'yamuya they determined to again try mashing him. They
accordingly caught him and took him to the top of the cliff just
north of the village and mashed his body completely, this time
not overlooking any parts and particularly the great toe of his
right foot. Under the nail of mu'yamuya 's great toe on the right
foot there was a small hard kernel which when cut open and ex-
amined was found to enclose his heart. It was the overlooking
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of this heart that had formerly baffled their attempts to kill him.
This time, however, they cut out the heart and rolled the frag-
ments of the body over the cliff into the pool below, also rolling
large boulders after them. The boulders may now be seen at the
foot of this cliff. The people then celebrated the occasion with a
great dance, at the end of which all were transformed into birds
which flew away, and the village has never since been inhabited.
A hundred yards or so west of this site is a bluish stone which
protrudes from the ground but a few inches. The surface of this
is filled with small cuppings and scratches or gashes where the
rock has been scraped and pulverized as a medicine for the cure
of sterility. Other rocks of the same kind are located near the
old village of bo'ddno.
ta'tem, from ta', sand, and Ite'm, a small open place, on what is
known as the Smith ranch now owned by Mr. Charles Yates on
the east bank of Russian river at a point about two miles north-
northwest of Largo and about seven and a half miles south-south-
east of Ukiah. This village derived its name from the sandy flat
upon which it was situated. In former times the river ran farth-
er to the east and near this site, so that the site itself was over-
flowed every year and covered with sand. The river has shifted
its course so that at the present time it runs about a quarter of a
mile west of the old site. At times of such high water the people
of this village moved to a place but a short distance east of the
village which was high enough to be dry, returning again to the
sandy flat as soon as the water subsided. This was one of the
largest of the old villages in Ukiah valley and was situated at the
extreme southern end of the valley. From all that can be learned
this village was nearly as large as co'kadjal
tca'kca, from tea, house, and kca, canyon, just northwest of
the present yo'kaia village and at a point about a quarter of a mile
east of Russian river. The ranch house on the "old" Beatty
ranch, now owned by Mr. H. H. Van Nader, stands on this site.
It appears that this was originally only a temporary village, being
occupied now and then for short periods of time, but that later,
probably after the arrival of white settlers, it was occupied for a
term of years.
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176 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
cane'milam, from cane', sweat-house, and mila'm, burned or
otherwise totally destroyed, at the house on Dr. King's ranch just
east of Russian river and at a point about five miles south-south-
east of Ukiah.
c&kadjal, just north of the ranch house on the Rhodes ranch
at a point about four miles and a half south-southeast of Ukiah.
There was formerly a small pond at this place which was situated
just west of the hop kiln and the ranch house, and it was on the
east or northeast shore of this pond that the village was located.
This was the largest of the yS'kaia villages and the largest village
in the southern part of Ukiah valley. It appears that this village
and ta'tem were the only two in this immediate vicinity which
might properly be called permanent villages, although there were
various others which were more or less continuously inhabited,
but the people of the other villages seemed to consider these
two as their real homes and it was here, particularly at co'kadjal,
that large gatherings for ceremonial and other purposes were
held.
After what is known as the Bloody Island massacre at Clear
Lake in 1850, when a detachment of troops under Captain Lyons
visited that region to avenge the so-called Stone and Kelsey mas-
sacre and succeeded in killing a large number of Indians who had
taken refuge on Bloody Island, the detachment of troops crossed
the divide into Russian river valley and killed many Indians
there. Among the other places visited was co'kadjal, where, upon
being met with a slight show of resistance, they killed, according
to information obtained from Indians who escaped, about
seventy-five.
cane'neu, from cane', sweat-house, and ne'u, to place, on the
south bank of Robertson creek at a point about three-quarters of
a mile from its confluence with Russian river. The ranch house
on the ranch now owned by Mr. Isaac Burk stands on this site.
It appears that this was one of the smaller villages and was pos-
sibly not continuously occupied in aboriginal times. However,
after the coming of white settlers the people of cd'kadjal occupied
this site continuously for several years.
bo'kca, from bo, west, and kca, canyon, on the south bank of
Robertson creek at a point about a mile and three-quarters from
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its confluence with Russian river. This is near the bridge across
Robertson creek at the Wilcox ranch.
bffdono, from bo, west, and dono' or dano', mountain, just
southeast of the county road at the point where it passes the
ranch house on the Elledge ranch, and at a point about four and
a half miles southwest of the confluence of Robertson creek with
Russian river and about a mile south of the creek. This village
is well back in the mountains and it appears that while it is was
permanently inhabited in so far that there were a few people
living here at all times, it perhaps should not be classed as one of
the regular and permanent old villages. It was used by the peo-
ple of cd'kadjal and the other villages in the valley as a food
gathering and a hunting camp, they going here regularly at cer-
tain seasons of the year; and in this way it may be considered as
much a camp as a village in the strict sense of the term. A few
hundred yards northwest of this site are two bluish rocks which
project a short distance from the surface of the ground. The
surfaces of these are covered with cuppings and furrows or gashes
where the rock has been ground and scraped into a powder to be
used as a cure for sterility. Another rock of this same sort is
situated near the old village of mu'yamuya.
dako'lkabe, probably from dakd', pestle, and kabe', rock, near
the east bank of Rancheria creek at a point about two and a
quarter miles south-southeast of the town of Boonville. Accord-
ing to one informant the people of this village owned the adjoin-
ing land for about a mile north of the village or about to the sum-
mit of the ridge between Rancheria and Anderson creeks, which
would place the boundary between the Central and Northern
dialectic areas about as given on the accompanying map. This
site is claimed to be a village by most informants, but there are
those who state that the place was never inhabited and who know
it only as a conspicuous pile of rocks.
$a"noly6 9 near the east bank of Rancheria creek at a point
about five miles down the stream from Yorkville.
ko'thwi, near the east bank of Rancheria creek at a point about
three miles down stream from Yorkville.
cta'la, in a small valley southwest of Rancheria creek and at
a point about three and a half miles northwest of Yorkville and
a mile west-southwest of ko'thwi.
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178 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
la'te, on the west bank of Rancheria creek at a point about a
mile nearly due west of Yorkville. 192
kala'icolem, at a point about a mile and a quarter south-
southwest of Yorkville.
kaiye'lle, at a point about three-quarters of a mile north of
Whitehall.
notce'tfyo, at Whitehall.
mabffton, indefinitely located at a point probably a mile and
a half a little south of east of Whitehall.
la'li, indefinitely located at a point near the head of Ranch-
eria creek and probably about two miles southwest of Whitehall.
Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.
katca'yo, from katca', flint, and yo, under, near the west bank
of Russian river at a point about six and a half miles south of
Ukiah. This village is located at the foot-hills on the Higgins
ranch. Just up the hill from this site there is an outcropping of
flint of various colors and it was here that much of the flint used
for drill points and in the manufacture of various other imple-
ments was obtained. It is this outcropping of flint that is re-
ferred to in the village name. According to some informants this
"• Powers in his tribes of California (p. 172) gives the Indians of An-
derson and Rancheria valleyB as united politically. Under the head of
"Koma'cho" he says: "These Indians live in Rancheria and Anderson
valleyB, and are a branch of the great Porno family, though more nearly
related to the Senel than the Porno proper. Their name is derived from their
present chief, whose authority extends over both valleys." It is very un-
usual to find the authority of a single individual extending farther than his
own immediate village, and, in view of the fact that, according to present
information, these two valleys were inhabited by people speaking different
dialects, kSma'tco being really applied to the people in Anderson valley in
the Northern dialectic area, it seems probable that Powers' statements on
the subject do not give the condition in aboriginal times. It sometimes
happens that the whites consider the authority of an individual Indian to
extend much farther than it really does, and it is probable that the leader or
captain referred to here was treated by the whites as having authority over
the people inhabiting both of these valleys, and from this he may have come
to be considered so by the Indians themselves, at least in so far as their deal-
ings with the whites were concerned. Powell (op. cit., p. 88) and Bancroft
(History of California, I, 362, 449) mention the same people, the former
using Powers' spelling of the name, and the latter changing it to "Co-
macho." Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 112) mentions four "tribes," the
"Boch-he'af, Ubak-he'a, Tabah-te'a and Moiya," who, he says, lived be-
tween the Senel valley and the coast. Tabah-te'a is evidently the village
of tal>ate near Philo in Anderson valley. Boch-he'af is probably bSTceya, a
name applied by the people of the Russian river valley to those living in
Rancheria valley.
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Qeography of the Porno Indians. 179
village was inhabited to a limited extent before the coming of
white settlers, but from the most reliable information obtainable
it appears that its occupation dates only as far back as the com-
ing of settlers to the valley.
kala'lndkca, from kalal-nS, white willow, and kca, canyon, on
the small creek called kalalnokca-pda which runs from the west
into Russian river on the Higgins ranch about six miles south of
Ukiah. This site is located a short distance north of the creek
at a point about a mile from the river. The village, the greater
part of which was situated on the north bank of the stream, was
occupied for about ten or fifteen years soon after the coming
of white settlers to this region, and has not been inhabited for
twenty-five or thirty years.
buki'snal, from bfi, Indian potatoes, Iris, heart burn, and nal,
forest, at a point about half a mile northeast of the hop kiln on
the H. H. Van Nader ranch and but a short distance north-north-
east of the present ySToiia rancheria. This site was inhabited for
only a short time, but the name was always applied to this vicin-
ity, which was used as a hunting ground in aboriginal times.
bana'kaiyau, at the house on what is known as the Howell
"home" ranch at a point about half a mile east of Russian river
and about four miles south-southeast of Ukiah.
Old Camp Sites.
bated' adandy from batcft'a, angelica, and dan6', mountain, in-
definitely located at a point about a mile and a half southwest of
Echo.
cabu'tukkawi, indefinitely located at a point about two miles
west-northwest of Echo and about a mile and three-quarters
southwest of Cummiskey.
cete'ho, at McDonald.
dyfftdn, from clyo', shade or shadow, and ton, f, at a point
about a mile north of McDonald.
a'kule, in the hills at a point about two miles northeast of
Echo.
ciyffksiti, at a point about two miles east-southeast of Foun-
tain.
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180 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [ VoL 6
su'lmo, from sul, California condor, Cathartes Calif ornianus,
and mo, hole, at a point about a hundred yards northwest of
ciyokslti. These two sites are so close together that it has been
necessary to indicate them on the map by a single symbol.
ta'tf, at a point about a mile and three-quarters due east of
Fountain. This camp bears the same name as a camp on Feliz
creek west of Hopland.
bffpda'wi, from bo, west, pda, creek, and wi, place, on Feliz
creek at a point about a mile up stream from Hopland. This
camp was located on both sides of the creek.
tca'mna, from team, live oak ( f ) and nal, forest, at a point
about two miles up Feliz creek from Hopland.
ta'tf, at a point about three miles and a half up Feliz creek
from Hopland. This camp bears the same name as a camp in
the hills east of Fountain.
ko'dakatc, arched or bowed up, at a point about four miles
up Feliz creek from Hopland.
habe'bot, from kabe, rock, and bot, scattered around in small
pieces ( ?), in the hills north of Feliz creek at a point probably
about half a mile north of the creek and three miles west of Hop-
land. Some informants give this as a regular camp used in
hunting, but others say that this place and vicinity were occupied
by a mythical people who stole children and spoiled the luck of
hunters, and there are myths which relate instances of both.
bo'cema, near the north bank of McNab creek at a point about
a mile and a quarter from its confluence with Russian river.
bo'tcematc, from bo, west and tce'matc, narrow valley (?) at
a point about three miles and a quarter up McNab creek from
Russian river and about a mile and a quarter up the creek from
the old village of le'ma.
tcimona'l, from tcim, the plant Carex barbarae, and nal,
forest, at a point about a mile north of Largo and on the east
bank of Russian river. This was a camp used chiefly by the
people of cie'go and derives its name from the fact that the Carex
grew very abundantly and to an unusual height here.
du'mt, near the confluence of Dry creek with Russian river at
a point about six and a half miles south of Ukiah, and about a
mile south-southwest of the present yd'kaia rancheria. The loca-
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1908] Barrett — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indians. 181
tion given on the accompanying map is on the north bank of this
creek, and on the Horst Brothers ranch, but according to other
informants there was still another site on the south bank of the
creek and about a quarter of a mile up stream. After the com-
ing of the whites this site was occupied permanently for a short
time by at least a few Indians.
tcaco'l, at a point just south of the confluence of Robertson
creek with Russian river. This site is located just east of the rail-
road track on the Isaac Burk ranch and nearly due east of the
ranch house.
cffdono, from cS, east, and dSno' or dand', mountain, at a
point about a mile east of Russian river and about four miles
southeast of Ukiah. This site is located at the foot of a rocky
peak about a mile south of Mill creek.
kawfaka, at a point about a quarter of a mile west of Russian
river and about three miles south of Ukiah. This site is located
on the first bench of land up from the river bottom and is just
west of a small slough which runs through the Cox and Dutton
ranches. Before the coming of white settlers to this region the
river itself ran in this slough, which is at a distance of about a
quarter of a mile west of the present course of the river. The
ranch house on the Cox ranch is situated on this site.
camffka, near the south bank of Robertson creek at a point
about three and a half miles up stream from Russian river. This
camp seems to have been but little used and only an approximate
location could be obtained for it.
tcte'una, from tci'eu, said to signify the highest point on a
stream to which large fish, such as salmon, can ascend, and una',
or wina' on top of, at or near the ranch house on the Lucas ranch
at a point about five miles up Robertson creek from its con-
fluence with Russian river.
boa'nd, from bo, west, and a'nu or a'n5, behind, in the moun-
tains north of Robertson creek and at a point probably about four
and a half miles west of Russian river and about two miles north
of Robertson creek. This site was indefinitely located by infor-
mants.
ydma'caditc, from yd, south, ma, ground, and caditc, point;
or yffmadtoU, at the Finney ranch on the eastern slope of the sum-
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182 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
mit of the range separating the Russian river and the Navarro
river drainages and at a point about five miles northeast of the
town of Boonville. This site stands just south of the ranch house
here.
maca'l, in the mountains southwest of Bancheria creek and at
a point about two and three-quarters miles a little north of west
of the town of Yorkville. There was a large open field here
where grasses and other vegetable foods were fairly abundant.
This was, however, a hunting camp as well as a food gathering
camp.
battukalewi, in the mountains at a point probably about four
miles due west of Yorkville.
p&lma, from p61 or pS, red, and ma, earth, near the west bank
of Rancheria creek at a point about a mile southwest of Yorkville.
Modern Camp Sites.
yo'kaia, from yo, south, and ka'ia, valley, on the east bank of
Russian river on the ranch of the yo'kaia Indians. The perma-
nent village is located in the foot-hills on the eastern side of
Ukiah valley. Many of the Indians occupy this camp during the
summer months.
EASTERN DIALECT.
BOUNDARIES.
Prom a point on the Porno- Yuki interstock boundary a short
distance southeast of Big Horse mountain, the boundary line of
the Eastern dialectic area follows the interstock line which runs
in a southeasterly direction along the ridge separating the drain-
age of the Rice fork of South Eel river from that of Middle creek,
and thence along the ridge east of Clear lake to a point about due
east of the old village of ci'g5m near Morrison's landing. This
boundary follows the general trend of the mountains in this
region and separates the Yuki and Wintun territories from that
of the Eastern Porno dialect. At this point the line takes a south-
westerly course, coming to the lake shore at Bald mountain, kitcf -
dano, where it turns in a southerly direction, passing into the
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lake and toward Mt Kanaktai, 1 * 8 finally coming to the northern
boundary of the Clear Lake Wappo area 104 which it follows with
its westerly trend to the southern shore of Clear lake at a point
about a quarter of a mile west of the mouth of Kelsey creek. It
here turns southward, passing from a quarter to a half mile west
of Cole creek, and runs to a point about three and a half miles
south-southeast of the town of Kelseyville where it turns eastward,
crossing the head of Cole creek, and runs to the summit of the
divide between the headwaters of Cole creek and the drainage of
Lower lake, the southern arm of Clear lake. It then runs south-
ward along this divide to a point near the head of Cole creek.
This portion of the boundary separates the territory of the East-
m Mt. Kanaktai is, perhaps, better known to the white inhabitants of the
vicinity as Uncle 8am mountain, and it is so named on most maps. As
nearly as can be learned the first name given to it by Americans was Mt.
M'Kee, which was used by Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 100 seq.), and was evi-
dently given to it in honor of Colonel Bedick M'Kee, United States Indian
Agent, who explored the region north of San Francisco bay in 1851 for the
purpose of locating reservations for the Indians. The name Kanaktai is
derived from the Southeastern Pomo dialect name for the mountain, which
is knolctai, from kno, mountain, and xatai, woman. The mountain is said
to have some connection with a mythical woman. In Slocum, Bowen and
Company's History of Napa and Lake Counties (Lake County, p. 37), and
on the California State Mining Bureau 's ' ' Mineral Map of Lake County ' '
the spellings are "Konockti" and "Konochti" respectively. The people
speaking the Eastern Pomo dialect call it caxalgunal-dand, caxa'lginal-
dand, and dano'-batin (mountain big), the first, however, being most com-
monly used. This name is also mentioned by Slocum, Bowen and Company
(ibid.) with the spelling ' ' Sha-hul-gu-nal-da-noo. " The mountain is also oc-
casionally called by the Eastern Pomo xunu'-dand, or luck mountain, which
name it derives from the fact that certain plants, the roots of which are
very powerful charms, particularly in gambling, are most efficient when
obtained from this mountain. Along with this belief goes another that
the mountain, which is of volcanic origin, and upon which there are said
to be no springs or other sources of water, is the abode of numerous
strange animals and beings, some of which are so potent that the sight of
them causes death. The Wintun on Cache creek give the mountain the
name be'n-toL, signifying "big mountain," which, however, is not con-
fined to this peak, but seems to be applied by the Wintun in its immediate
vicinity to any prominent mountain. As an instance, St. John mountain
at the head of 8tony creek bears this name. The Moquelumnan of Coyote
valley on Putah creek call it udi'-pawi, which also signifies "big moun-
tain."
m As has been previously stated, there was in no part of the waters of
Clear lake any exact dividing line between the portions belonging to the
people occupying the adjacent lands, so that any line run through the lake
as a boundary between adjacent areas is only approximate and should not
be considered as marking off any limits to the fishing or hunting privileges
of the peoples in the vicinity. Nominally however, the people inhabiting the
shore in any particular part of the lake were recognized to have a certain
special part of the adjacent waters which they in a way controlled but did
not monopolize or restrict to their own exclusive uses.
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184 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
ern Pomo from those of the Southeastern Pomo and the Clear
Lake Wappo. Prom the head of Cole creek the boundary takes
a little more westerly course along this range of mountains, which
connects Mt. Kanaktai with Mt. St. Helena, probably to Cobb
mountain, and separates the Eastern Pomo from the Northern
Moquelumnan area. The point at which the boundary leaves this
range is not definitely known ; but it passes in a northwesterly di-
rection along the divide separating the drainage of Russian river
from that of Clear lake to a point near the southern headwaters
of Scott's creek, separating in this portion of its course the East-
ern from the Southern and Central Pomo dialectic areas. Prom
here it runs east for a short distance, then north to the shore of
Clear lake at a point just north of the town of Lakeport. Prom
this point up to the strait joining the main body of Clear lake with
its northern arm the shore was owned by people speaking the
Northern dialect. There seem, however, to have been no restric-
tions as to the use of any particular part of the lake itself by the
people speaking either dialect: on the contrary, it seems rather
to have been considered as common property and freely used by
both. Prom Rocky point, on the western shore of this strait, the
line runs in a general northerly direction along the low ridge
which lies west of Upper Lake, crosses Scott's creek at its emer-
gence into Upper Lake valley, and runs along the ridge separat-
ing the drainage of Middle creek from that to the north of Tule
lake, and finally intersects the interstock line at the starting point,
a short distance southeast of Big Horse mountain. The North-
ern dialectic area lies west of this portion of the boundary.
The territory occupied by the people speaking the Eastern
dialect is roughly trapezoidal in form, and is surrounded partly
by other Pomo territory and partly by territory belonging to
other linguistic families. On the northeast lies Yuki and Wintun
territory and on the east are the areas of the Southeastern Pomo,
the Clear Lake Wappo, and the Northern Moquelumnan, while
on the southwest and west the territory is adjoined by the South-
ern, Central, and Northern Pomo areas.
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GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The Eastern dialectic area lies wholly within the lake region,
which has been previously described, and is divided by the main
body of Clear lake into two parts : the northern or Upper lake 1 * 5
division, comprising all the territory north of the main body of
Clear lake ; and the southern or Big valley 190 division, comprising
all the territory south of the main body of Clear lake. About
the shores of Upper lake, the northern arm of Clear lake, and for
several miles up Middle creek there extends a fertile valley sur-
rounded on three sides by high, sparsely wooded hills. On the
southern shore of Clear lake there is a still larger and very fertile
valley, called Big valley, from which the division takes its name.
Immediately to the east of Big valley Mt. Kanaktai rises to a
considerable height, but is on the whole very barren as compared
with the lower hills to the south and west. The valley itself is
watered by several small streams. The principal villages of the
Eastern Porno were near the lake shore in these two valleys, and
thus as near as possible to the lake which was the chief source of
food supply. The men took an abundance of fish with nets from
their canoes and by means of weirs and traps set in the creeks,
while water birds were always to be had and were especially
plentiful at certain seasons of the year. The valleys and sur-
rounding hills provided an abundance of acorns and other vege-
table foods. On the whole the natural resources of the lake re-
gion seem to have been exceptional, and there was undoubtedly
a large population here in former times.
UPPER LAKE DIVISION.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
yffbutihi, from y6, south, and bittu', knoll, near the west bank
of Scott's creek at a point about two miles south-southwest of the
"• Upper lake is a small body of water connected with the remainder of
Clear lake by a narrow strait. It is called by all the people of the Eastern
dialectic area xa'-xaiyau, water (lake) head, it being considered the head of
Clear lake. The name is applied also to all the surrounding country even as
far west as Bachelor valley and Tule lake. Upper lake is also sometimes
called xa-xo'rxa.
"* Big valley is called by the people in the Upper lake region, yo'-xag* 6i,
or south valley, and by those of the Southeastern dialectic area, and also by
the Wintun living on Cache creek, kala'mai.
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186 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
town of Upper Lake. The present village, consisting of only a
couple of houses with half a dozen inhabitants, stands on the site
of a very old and once populous village. This old village is often
mentioned in the myths of this region in connection with maiyl',
another old site located a short distance to the north. 1 * 7
kabemato'lil, from kabe', rock and mai5lk, to scatter, on the
west bank of Middle creek about two miles north of the town of
Upper lake. This village, the largest of the villages of this dial-
ect, consists of twenty-four houses and about one-hundred inhabi-
tants, and is located on land belonging to the Indians themselves.
Here are to be found inhabitants of nearly all the old villages of
the Upper Lake division as well as a few individuals from the
Big Valley division. In addition to the number of houses men-
tioned there are in all nineteen other buildings, mostly barns, as
many of the Indians keep horses and poultry. There is a large
dance-house built a few years ago on modern plans. It is octa-
gonal in form, entirely above ground, and is built of ordinary
lumber. A school is maintained here under the auspices of the
Methodist Episcopal church.
Bank ranch, on the northeastern shore of Clear lake at a point
about six miles southeast of the town of Upper Lake. This vil-
lage consists of six houses and about twenty inhabitants.
Old Village Sites.
kabe'l, or xabel in the Eastern dialect, from kabe', rock. This
site, which was mentioned when treating of the villages in the
Northern dialectic area, lies on the eastern slope of a prominent
point, called Rocky Point, which projects some distance from the
western shore of the channel connecting the main body of Clear
lake with its northern arm. There is some doubt as to whether
this was in the strictest sense a village. One informant says that
on the higher ground was the site of a winter camp, and down by
the shore a summer camp, the entire settlement thus falling into
the class of camps. Other informants also refer to the place as a
m Sloeum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake County, p. 35, say: "The
Yo-voo-tu-ea were neighbors of the Ki-ous, and were just east of them, on
the borders of Tule lake. Their former number was one hundred and fifty,
which is now reduced to forty-five. Ja-ma-toe was their chief." Also
(p. 37) a translation of the name is given, as follows: "Yo-voo-tu-ea, a
small hill."
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1908] Barrett. — The Bthno-Geography of the Porno Indians. 187
camp-site, while some call it a village. At all events it seems
quite certain that however the site may be classed, there were at
all times a certain number of people living at it, and that for this
reason it may be considered a village. The control of the place
and surrounding territory seems to have been left to the Scott's
valley people, who spoke the Northern dialect, and it may there-
fore be considered as having belonged to them. The Scott's val-
ley people did not, however, exercise any exclusive jurisdiction
over the place, the people of the Upper Lake region coming and
going at will and enjoying fishing and hunting rights equally with
the Scott's valley people. For this reason the settlement may be
considered part of the Eastern as well as the Northern dialectic
area. Indicative of this community of interest the boundary line
between the Northern and Eastern dialectic areas has been drawn
on the map through the village site itself. This was evidently a
place of considerable importance in former times, as it is often
spoken of by the old Indians in relating the early history of this
section and is frequently referred to in myths.
yffbutuiy from yS, south, and bu'tfu, knoll, near the west bank
of Scott's creek at a point about two miles south-southwest of the
town of Upper Lake. This site, which is now occupied by the
present small village of the same name, was once occupied by a
large and populous village which is often mentioned in the myths
of the region in connection with maiyl', another old site located a
short distance to the north.
kuca'dandyd, from kfLca', live oak, danS', mountain, and yd,
under, on the south bank of Scott's creek at a point about a mile
and a half southwest of the town of Upper Lake and about a
quarter of a mile north of ydTbttffii.
xd'walek, in Upper Lake valley at a point a short distance
west of Middle creek and about three-quarters of a mile northwest
of the town of Upper Lake. 1 * 8
"•Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake County, p. 35, say: "The
Quoi-lak, or Hwoi-lak, tribe was located just north of the town of Upper
Lake, and near the residence of Benjamin Dewell. They numbered one hun-
dred and twenty, but have only fifty now. Da-mot was their chief. " Also
(p. 37) a translation of the name is given, as follows: "Hwoi-lak, a city
of fire." One informant, a woman from the Upper Lake valley, says
that da-md't was the name of one of the captains of the old village of
xd'walek.
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188 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
dand'xa, from dano', mountain, and xa, water, in the foot-hills
about two miles northeast of the town of Upper Lake. This site
is on the western slope of a hill overlooking the lake. Slocum,
Bowen and Company undoubtedly refer to this village, the name
of which they give as "Di-noo-ha-vah," 1M and it is probable that
the same village is referred to by Mason 200 as "Danokakea."
danffco, from dano' mountain, and co, east, about half a mile
east of dano'xa and on the eastern slope of the same hill.
cUwtlem, from diwf, coyote, and Ile'm, flat (t), on a small
knoll a quarter of a mile southeast of the town of Upper Lake.
The present residence on the Rice Estate stands on this site.
behe'pal, from behe', pepperwood or California laurel, Um-
bellvlaria Calif ornica, and pal, T, at the foot of the hills on the
eastern side of Upper Lake valley at a point about three-quarters
of a mile east of the town of Upper Lake. The site is near the
ranch house on what is known as the "old" George Bucknell
ranch. This village, which is also occasionally called gaT>ehe,
from ga, house, and behe', California laurel, was also occupied in
more recent times, there being a large village here about thirty-
five years ago. This village was the scene of a great ceremony
at about that time, the Indians from various parts of the region
even as far west as the coast having gathered about the lake to
await the end of the world. The ceremony was one introduced
from the Sacramento valley region, several shamans from the
vicinity of Grand Island having been brought over to conduct it.
The series of ceremonies which was celebrated at this time ex-
tended more or less continuously over a period of about two
im 1 1 <pj ie Di- n oo-ha-vah tribe were on the north side of the head of Clear
lake, but farther east than the last named," referring to xo'wallek. "They
numbered one hundred, and are now reduced to about forty. Goo-ke was
their chief." — Op. cit., Lake County, p. 35. Also (p. 37) a translation of
the name is given, as follows: "Di-noo-ha-vah, a city built in the cut (cafion)
of a mountain." One informant, a woman from the Upper Lake valley,
says that her uncle guki' was a captain of the old village of dand'xa.
*" Professor Mason in giving the interpretations of Porno basket designs,
as furnished to the U. 8. National Museum by Dr. J. W. Hudson, says,
' ' Danokakea, Mountain Waters tribe, ' ' and speaks of them as ' ' once living
six miles north of Upper Lake, in the mountains on the headwaters of Mc-
Clure creek, and a close affinity and neighbor of the Porno of Potter Val-
ley. ' '— Abor. Amer. Basketry, op. cit., p. 328. It seems probable that this
is the same village as dano'xa, although located some distance from that
site as here given and spoken of as affiliated with the Potter valley peo-
ple, which those of dand'xa were not.
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years, the principal ones being held at xa'dalam on Kelsey creek
in Big valley. At behe'pal a large dance-house of special form
for the celebration of these ceremonies was built. It would ap-
pear that these beliefs and practices were the result of the ghost-
dance movement which influenced other Indians of northern
California and Nevada in the early seventies.
badd'nnapdti, bado'n, island, nap6', village, tl, old, on the
southern slope of Bloody 101 or Upper Lake island, situated at the
extreme northern end of Upper lake. The people of this village
seem to have lived either here or at dand'xa as they chose. This
and dand'xa were not, however, camps, but permanently estab-
lished villages. This site is used at present by the Indians in the
vicinity of Upper Lake as a fishing camp during certain seasons
of the year.
cxwa'y on the eastern shore of Upper Lake near its northern
extremity. This site is almost due east of Upper Lake island.
According to one informant the name clwa' is not a word taken
from the ordinary language, but is a name given to this site by
Coyote when it was a village occupied by the race of bird people
who inhabited the earth before the coming of the present Indians.
kaku'lkalemical, from kakfil, white oak, kale', tree and wfca'l,
ridge, or bfftar, on the eastern shore of Upper lake at a point
about a mile northeast of the strait joining Upper lake with the
main body of Clear lake.
Lafxputsum, from Lax, opening or inlet, and pH'tstLm, point,
on the eastern shore of Clear lake at the end of the point which
projects from the east to separate Upper lake from the main body
of Clear lake at the strait which joins the two. Along the shore
of Clear lake in this vicinity there is at some little distance from
the shore a line of tule. There was a narrow passage through this
where canoes entered from the open water of the lake to the
landing place on the shore adjacent to the village, and it was
m Bloody island receives its name from a battle, known as the Bloody
island massacre, fought between the Indians of the Clear lake vicinity and
troops in 1850. The Indians made a stand on this island, but were attacked
by water, their retreat being cut off by land, with the result that a great
number were killed. Although this is called an island it is not completely
surrounded by water except during the rainy season, and is accessible by
trails through the marshes on the north during the greater portion* of the
year. Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 109) refers to this island as "Battle
island."
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100 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Mthn. [Vol. 6
this passage or inlet through the tule which gave the village its
name.
ha'Uka, from ha'K, the edible fleshy covering of the nut of
the California laurel, UmbelltUaria Californica, on the north-
eastern shore of the main body of Clear lake and at a point about
seven miles southeast of the town of Upper lake and half a mile
southeast of the present Bank Ranch village.
cfgom, on the northeastern shore of Clear lake at a point near
Morrison's Landing, and about two miles southeast of the present
Bank Ranch village. .Gibbs 202 mentions the "She-kom M as one
of the " tribes' ' living on the shores of Clear lake, as does also
M'Kee, 202 who spells the name "Che-com." Slocum, Bowen and
Company also mention these people as the "She-gum-ba tribe." 204
taa'wina, from ta or taa', sand, and wina', upon, or taa'yaaa,
on the southern slope of a small ridge called tsawa'lxabe, from
tsawa'l, a species of fish, and xabe', rock, which is just north of
what is known as Bald mountain, kits!' dand. This site is about
four and a half miles south-southeast of the present Bank Ranch
village.
Old Camp Sites.™
gala'iakaleyo, from gala'i, a kind of water bird, kale', tree, and
yd, under, on the western shore of Upper lake at a point about a
mile north-northwest of the old village of kabel at Rocky point.
This camp was used chiefly for Ashing and hunting water birds.
poli'tsuwi, on the western shore of Upper lake at a point about
three and a half miles south-southwest of the town of Upper Lake.
mate'biapdtt, from mate!, spliced(t), nap5', village, and ti,
old, on the eastern shore of Upper lake at a point probably about
three and three-quarters miles south-southeast of the town of
Upper lake.
~ Schoolcraft, III, 109.
"• Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 136.
"•"The She-gum-ba tribe lived across the lake from Lakeport, where
Mr. Morrison now resides. They once numbered one hundred and sixty, but
only about fifteen of them are left now. Leu-te-ra was their chief."—
Op. cit., Lake County, p. 35. Also (p. 37) a translation of the name is
given, as follows: "She-gum-ba, a city built across the lake."
""All the camps about the shores of these lakes were primarily for the
purpose of fishing, and seem not to have been occupied to any extent except
during the special fishing season.
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Qeography of the Porno Indiana. 191
Modern Camp Sites.
napffcal, from nap6', village, and ca, fish, or danffbidau, from
dano', mountain, and bida'u, low, on the Western shore of Upper
lake at its northern extremity. The place is also called Fish-
camp by both whites and Indians.
badffnnapoti, from bado'n, island, napo', village, and ti, old,
on the southern slope of Bloody or Upper Lake island, situated
at the extreme northern end of Upper lake. This present-day
camp-site is also the site of a former village. 206
BIG VALLEY DIVISION.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Mission, on the lands of St. Turibius mission 207 on the west
bank of hi'tcbfdame or Kelsey creek, or about three miles north
of the town of Kelseyville. This village has an Indian name,
xa'-gacd-bagil, water pond long; but it is rarely used, the village
being usually called, by both whites and Indians, "The Mission.' '
It contains eleven houses and about sixty inhabitants, mostly from
the old villages of Big valley. As some of the Indians keep
horses, there are also four barns, making in all fifteen buildings,
exclusive of course of the church and other mission buildings
which stand at some distance from the Indian village itself.
Old Village Sites.
It appears that a very unusual grouping of villages into some-
thing bordering upon political unity formerly existed in Big
valley. Within this valley there lived people speaking two dis-
tinct languages, the Pomo and the Tukian Wappo. The latter
lived on the extreme eastern border and were but very few in
number. These formed to a certain extent a distinct group po-
litically. The remainder of the valley, however, although occu-
pied by people speaking the same language, seems to have been
m See badd'nnapftti, p. 189 and note 201.
m Mission St. Turibius was founded by Rev. Luciano Osuna in 1870, in
which year he secured 160 acres of land on the southern shore of Clear lake.
Since 1887 the Franciscan Fathers have maintained their charge of the
mission continuously. At present the buildings of the mission consist of a
newly erected church, a residence for the missionaries, an old church, which
was used as such for many years but is now used as a school building, and
barns and other farm out-buildings.
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192 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
divided into two distinct political groups, the kuLa'napS from
kuLa', water-lily, and napo', village, and the kabe'napo from kabeV
rock, and napo, village. The former held the territory from the
vicinity of Lakeport around to Adobe creek, the latter that from
Adobe creek eastward to the interstock boundary between the
Eastern Porno and the Clear Lake Wappo. There appears to
have been a definitely recognized grouping of the villages in-
cluded within each of these areas into the above named units,
which grouping was, of course, not so much for governmental
purposes as for the common interests of offense and defense.
There appear to have been at times differences between the
ktiLa'napo and the kabe'napo which were settled by fighting, while
at other times the two groups joined forces in some common cause.
As an instance of this latter there is a story told concerning the
diverting of the waters of Kelsey creek which, according to the
Indians, formerly ran northwestward from the old village of
bida'miwina instead of, as now, northeastward, and emptied into
the lake at the little projecting point where the camp site of
La'xputsum is located. On the map there appears a small stream
running into the lake at this point and the Indians say that a de-
pression marking the connection between the head of this stream
and Kelsey creek is plainly visible, showing where Kelsey creek
formerly ran to the lake by this course. The Indians say that
when Kelsey and Cole creeks emptied into the lake separately
there were two species of fish, hitc and tcai, of which the former
ran up Kelsey creek only and the latter up Cole creek only, and
from these two species of fish the creeks take their names, hftcbi-
dame and tca'ibidame, respectively. The people living on and to
the east of Cole creek were able to obtain the hitc only from or by
the permission of the kabe'napo in whose territory Kelsey creek
ran, and they were very anxious to have these fish run up Cole
creek as well as Kelsey creek, and therefore proposed to change
the channel of one of the streams so that the two would flow to-
gether. This was opposed by the kabe'napo and the matter was
agitated until an open war was the result. In this the Wappo
were assisted by the Southeastern Pomo, at least those of the
Southeastern Pomo who were near neighbors, and the kabe'napo
were assisted by the kuLa'napo. The matter was, however, not
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settled until there came a very high water in the creeks in the
winter, at which time a few of the people from the Wappo village
of dala'dano went over with digging sticks to Eelsey creek and
there dug through the eastern bank at a very low point which
connected by a natural depression in the floor of the valley with
Cole creek, thus starting the water of Kelsey creek to flow in
that direction. With this start it soon dug for itself a large
channel and has since flowed into Cole creek at a point about a
quarter of a mile from its mouth. The purpose of the Wappo
was accomplished by this, for now both kinds of fish run up both
streams. This is said to have occurred 90 years or more ago.
On the other hand it is possible that the story is a mythical
account of cause for an observed effect, namely, the fact that
these two streams do now flow into each other near their mouth.
Be this as it may, the story indicates that at times when there
was a common cause in which to engage, the kuLa'napo and the
kab'e'napo did join forces, but on most occasions they seem to
have kept apart more or less, maintaining distinct territorial
boundaries and distinct governments; and it should also be noted
that they kept apart to a certain extent after the coming of the
whites to this region. Professor A. L. Kroeber has also obtained
information from a Clear lake Indian now living at the Round
valley reservation to the effect that there was a division of the
people into two groups such as are above mentioned. Such a
division and grouping of villages is, as has been said, very much
out of the ordinary among the Pomo and it seems very likely that
the division in this case arose originally at a time of internal
trouble, as for instance difficulties arising over hunting or fishing
rights, and that this division of the people of the valley into two
units, more properly factions than stable political unions, con-
tinued to exist after the particular point at issue had been settled,
though there is no probability that anything like a true confedera-
tion ever existed among the villages of either group.
Some informants give each of these names as that of a separate
village and they were among the first Pomo village names to come
into print. kuLa'napo is first mentioned by Gibbs, 208 who gives
the "Hula-napo" as one of the "tribes" present at a council with
"•Schoolcraft, in, 109.
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194 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
Colonel M'Kee on the shores of Clear lake, and later 209 when
treating of languages, he says, "Kula-napo. The name of one
of the Clear lake bands. The language is spoken by all the tribes
occupying the large valley." From this name Powell, following
his principles of nomenclature, made the stock name Eulana-
pan 210 which he applied to all the Porno. Slocum, Bowen and
Company 211 say of this village, "The Hoo-la-nap-o tribe was just
below the present site of Lakeport, on the place formerly owned
by Dr. J. S. Downes. At one time there were two hundred and
twenty warriors, and five hundred all told in the rancheria. They
are now reduced to sixty. Sal-vo-di-no was their chief before
the present one, Augustine." They also translate this name as
"lily village." The name has been used by others with different
orthographies, as: "Kura-napo, water-lily village" 212 and "Pal-
anapo," 218 which is later corrected to "Talanapo" 214 and defined
as "Pond Lily People." Powers does not mention this village
particularly, but gives "Ka-bi-na-pek" 21B (kabe'-napo) as a typi-
cal village "of the many in Big Valley." Eabenapo is also first
mentioned by Gibbs, 216 by whom it is called "Habe-napo," mean-
ing "stone house," and it is given as one of the six large villages,
designated by Gibbs as "tribes" or "bands," in Big valley.
M'Kee 217 mentions two of the "tribes" about Clear lake, viz: the
"Ca-ba-na-po" and the "Ha-bi-na-pa," either one or both of
which are probably meant for the kabe'nap5. Later 218 he states
the numbers of these peoples as one hundred and ninety-five and
eighty-four respectively. The name given by Slocum, Bowen and
Company 218 is the same as that used by Gibbs. Powers 220 locates
~Ibid., p. 421.
*• Ind. Ling. Fam., p. 87.
m Op. cit., Lake County, p. 35.
m Mason, op. cit., p. 329. Given upon the authority of Dr. J. W. Hudson.
m Purdy, Land of Sunshine, XV, 442.
"Purdy's reprinted edition of "Porno Indian Baskets and Their
Makers," p. 9, Los Angeles, 1902.
m Tribes of California, p. 204.
"• Schoolcraft, III, pp. 109, 110.
m Senate Ex. Doc, op. cit, p. 136.
"Ibid., p. 139.
** ' ' The Ha-be-nap-o tribe were located at the mouth of Kelsey creek, on
the north side. They numbered three hundred, but only about forty of them
are left. Ba-cow-shum was their chief." — Op. cit, Lake County, p. 35. The
name is translated, "a city of rocks."
"° Tribes of Cal., p. 204.
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the village, which he calls "Ka-bi-na-pek," on lower Kelsey
creek, and Powell," 1 probably following Powers, also mentions it
under this name. Mason, 222 upon the authority of Dr. J. W.
Hudson, uses "Kabe napo" with the translation of "Rock vil-
lage. ' ' Later 222 he uses also ' * Kabinapo. ' ' Purdy 224 uses ' ' Kabe-
napo" with the translation of "Rock People.' ' Gibbs 225 in
speaking of the people of Big valley gives them collectively the
name "Na'-po-bati'n, or many houses,' ' and says: "The name
'Lu-pa-yu-ma,' 220 which, in the language of the tribe living at
Coyote valley, on Putos river, signifies the same as Habe-napo, is
applied by the Indians in that direction to these bands, but is not
recognized by themselves.' ' This is clearly a Moquelumnan term,
as lu'pfl, signifying rock, occurs frequently in Moquelumnan
village names. Moreover, the Moquelumnan name of the old
village at Duncan's point, near Bodega bay, is lippula'mma, which
is the same word as that used by Gibbs. Taylor 227 says, "On the
borders of Clear lake lived the Lopillamillos or Lupilomis," and
Bailey 228 in his report upon the Indians of the Clear lake region,
says, "Upon the Lupillomi ranch, 229 near Clear lake, there are
some three hundred Indians." The name "Lopillamillos" is also
mentioned by Bancroft. 220
boo'mU, to hunt around (named from the fact that there were
many deer in the mountains immediately west of this site and it
m Op. cit., p. 88.
** Aboriginal American Basketry, op. cit., p. 329.
"» Ibid., p. 368.
*"Land of Sunshine, XV, 442 seq. Also Purdy's reprinted edition, op.
cit., p. 7.
"•Schoolcraft, III, 110.
m The name given to the camp of Colonel M'Kee's party at Clear lake
was "Camp Lupiyuma." — Senate Ex. Doc, op. cit., pp. 136 seq.
m California Farmer, March 30, 1860, San Francisco, CaL
"• Bept. Comm. Ind. Aff. for 1858, p. 304.
"•The Lupillomi ranch here referred to is the old Lup-Yomi rancho, a
large Mexican land grant about the shores of Clear lake. (Slocum, Bowen
and Company, op. cit., Lake County, p. 41.) The original grant appears to
have been made to four persons, and the expediente ceiled for thirty-two
square leagues of land, including the whole of Clear lake and the surrounding
land. A petition was filed in 1853 by the two Vallejo brothers for the con-
firmation of a grant of sixteen leagues, one-half of the original cession,
known as the Laguna de Lup-Yomi. The petition was denied. The name
Lupillomi ranch remained, however, for many years after the American
occupation.
m Native Races, I, 363.
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196 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
was therefore a good hunting ground), in the town of Lakeport
on the knoll where the Bellvenue hotel now stands.
kacfbadon, from kaci', a water plant said to somewhat resem-
ble bamboo, and bado'n, island, just within the southern limit of
the town of Lakeport, on the western shore of Clear lake. The
village was located on the eastern slope of a knoll immediately
south of the Lakeport flour mill. Just off shore at this point
there is a small island upon which the plant kaci' grew, thus
giving to the place its name. The first trading post in the region
about Clear lake was established at this village, the trader taking
baskets, beads, and such other articles as the Indians made, in
exchange for his goods.
kato'tnapoti, from kato't, shucks (the thin inner shell) of the
nut of the California laurel, napo', village, and ti, old, near the
east bank of a small stream known as Rumsey's slough, tslwi'c-
bidame, Carex creek, and at a point about three miles southwest
of the present village at St. Turibius mission.
cabe'gok, on both banks of the small stream which empties
into Clear lake at the old camp site of La'xputsum. This name
is more particularly applied to the eastern of the two sites. Col.
Redick M'Kee, United States Indian Agent, who visited Big val-
ley August 17-21, 1851, made his camp in this immediate vicinity.
According to one informant he camped at this village site, while
according to another his camp was at se'dileu just north. During
the previous year a party of troops under Captain Lyons had
visited this region for the purpose of taking vengeance upon the
Indians for what is commonly spoken of as the Stone and Kelsey
massacre. They had passed through Big valley, which was at
that time practically deserted, and had come up with the Indians
toward the head of Clear lake, killing a large number on what is
known as Upper Lake or Bloody island, thence passing over to
the Russian river valley and back to San Francisco bay. The
Indians say that Col. MTCee, in endeavoring to reestablish friend-
ly relations with them, distributed presents of blankets, beads,
axes, saws, and various other articles among them, and set aside
as a reservation for their use that portion of Big valley lying
between what is known as McQough slough (which lies about a
quarter of a mile west of se'dileu) on the west and Cole creek on
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the east, and extending indefinitely into the hills toward the
south. He gave a writing to the two captains hulyo and perie'fd
which the Indians understood to be a deed to this land. It is
known that Col. M'Kee did at this time tentatively set apart a
tract of land on the southern and western shores of Clear lake
for reservation purposes, but this was never ratified and nothing
further was done about the establishment of the reservation at
Clear lake." 1
hma f rag%m6mna, from hma'rak, dance-house, mo, hole, and
wina', on top of, near the west bank of Kelsey creek on what is
known as the Lamb ranch and at a point about a mile south-
southwest of the present village at St. Turibius mission.
za'gacobogil, from xa, water, gaco', pond, and bagil, long,
where the present village at St. Turibius mission is located. There
seems to be some doubt as to whether this was a regularly in-
habited village, but there were people living here at least during
the summer and it was used as a boat landing throughout the
year.
bxda'miwxna, from blda'mi, creek, and wina', upon or close to,
on the east bank of Kelsey creek at a point about a mile and
three-quarters down stream from the town of Kelseyville. Ac-
cording to one informant the site here called Hcu'i-kale-xowa,
black-oak tree in-f ront-of , which is here given as an uninhabited
modern village site, is an old village site and was called bida'mi-
wina. This however seems doubtful.
nd'napoti, from n6, ashes, napd', village, and ti, old, in the
eastern part of the town of Kelseyville. By most informants
this is said to have been a very large permanent village inhabited
by the Indians, but one informant says that it was a village in-
habited only by mythical people, none of the present race of
Indians ever having lived here. In corroboration of this it should
be observed that this village is mentioned frequently in the myths
of this region ; but on the other hand white settlers say that there
were old dance and sweat-house pits plainly visible here up to a
few years ago, and it seems very probable that this is the site of
one of the regular old villages of this region.
""For a full account of Col. M'Kee's visit see Senate Ex. Doc., No. 4,
32d Cong., spec, seas., 136-142, 1853.
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198 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [ VoL 6
Some Indians say that this was the original home of the
kabe'napo, but that it had not been inhabited for many years
before the arrival of the first explorers. When Messrs. Eelsey
and Stone got control of the ranch in Big valley in 1847 they
assembled at Eelseyville all the Indians of this vicinity. The
kab€'napo lived at nd'napotl and the kuLa'napti with others
lived near the ranch house, an old adobe built at llcu'lkalexdwa
on the west bank of Eelsey creek. The ranch above referred to
is the Lupillomi rancho for which Captain Salvador Vallejo in
1836 applied, in the name of himself, his brother Antonio, and
two others, to the Mexican government. This grant comprised
thirty-two leagues of land, embracing Big, Scott's, Upper Lake,
and Bachelor valleys and adjacent mountains. Whether this tract
was in reality ceded to him is not known, but he took possession
and placed a major-domo and ten vaqueros in charge of a herd
of cattle in Big valley about the year 1840. In 1847 Messrs.
Stone and Eelsey came to take possession of the cattle and the
establishment, they with others having bought the Vallejos' in-
terest in Big valley. They built an adobe house on the west bank
of Eelsey creek, as above mentioned, where they resided until
1849, when they were killed by the Indians, which incident has
been known as the Stone and Eelsey massacre.
Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.
xada'butun, from xa, water, da, 1 , and bfitu, knoll, at a point
about a mile and three-quarters south-southeast of the town of
Lakeport.
xaUbe'm, on the east bank of Adobe creek at a point about
two and a quarter miles northwest of the town of Eelseyville.
Some years ago by a concerted action upon the part of nearly all
the Indians of Big valley a small tract of land about this village
site was purchased by them, the first payment only, however,
being made upon it. After two years they found themselves
unable to complete the payments on the land and were obliged
to move.
ma'natol, near the east bank of Adobe creek at a point about
two miles west-northwest of the town of Eelseyville. According
to one informant this is not the name of a village site but that of
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a large field. This informant, however, is a young man and may
have confused this as the name of a field with kale-wini'-y5, tree
large-swelled-knot under, which is the name of a locality imme-
diately north of ma'natol.
se'dtteu, from se or see', brush, and dile', in the midst of, at
a point about three-quarters of a mile back from the lake shore
and about a mile a little south of west of the present village at
St. Turibius mission.
xa'ikalolise, from xai, wood, kal6li, dry, and se, brush or
thicket, at a point about half a mile south-southeast of the present
village at St. Turibius mission. It is said that this village was
inhabited for only four or five years.
sd"bidame, from so, clover, and blda'me, creek, on a small wet-
weather slough at a point about three-quarters of a mile a little
west of south of the present village at St. Turibius mission. It
appears that this site was also used to a limited extent, probably
as a camping place, before the arrival of white settlers, as the
Indians say that some of their number were taken from here to
the missions about San Francisco bay when these were estab-
lished. This undoubtedly means that the Franciscan Fathers
visited Clear lake very soon after the establishment of Sonoma
mission, to which, in all probability, the above mentioned Indians
were induced to move.
There is an uninhabited modern village site near the west bank
of Kelsey creek and at a point about a mile southeast of the
present village at St. Turibius mission. This site is on the ranch
belonging to Mr. Robert Oaddy and appears to have been one of
those inhabited not long after the coming of white settlers to the
region. It was, however, not inhabited for very long, as a severe
epidemic of whooping cough which took off many of the Indians
caused them to move to another location.
xa'dalam, from xa, water, and dala'm, dam, on what is known
as the Clark ranch on the west bank of Kelsey creek at a point
about a mile south of the present village at St. Turibius mission.
As nearly as may be judged, the Indians moved here about 1870
and remained for two years or perhaps a little longer. During
this time an important ceremony which was introduced from Sac-
ramento valley was held. An exceptionally large dance-house was
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200 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
built, the diameter of the pit being measured by eight lengths of
a certain very tall Indian lying upon the ground with his arms
stretched over his head as far as possible. Shamans were brought
from Grand Island on the Sacramento river and the Indians from
the whole region even as far west as the coast assembled here to
celebrate this ceremony and await the end of the world which was
expected immediately. They are said by the whites to have num-
bered upwards of three or four thousand in all, and the celebra-
tions at this place lasted nearly a year, after which part of their
number moved to behe'pal near Upper lake where the ceremonies
were continued.
Ucu'xkalexdwa, from licu'I, black oak, kale', tree, and xo'wa,
in front of, t, on the west bank of Kelsey creek directly oppo-
site the present town of Eelseyville. With the coming of Messrs.
Stone and Kelsey to this vicinity in 1847 the Indians of the neigh-
borhood were assembled at and near Eelseyville. The kuLa'napo
and certain others settled at this site.
Old Camp Sites.
tstwi'cbidaminapoti, from tsiwi'c, Carex, blda'me, creek, napd,
village, and ti, old, on the southern shore of Clear lake at a point
about three miles west of the present village at St. Turibius
mission. The immediate lake shore in this vicinity is thickly
covered with tule but at this point there is a slight elevation
in the tule and it is upon this elevation that the camp site is
located. This site is located between the two streams bo'-xa-
bidame, west water creek, known locally to the whites as Wool-
ridge 's slough, and tsiwi'c-bidame, Carex creek, known locally to
the whites as Rumsey's slough, which lies but a very short dis-
tance east of Woolridge's slough. This elevation in the tule was
so small that at times there was not sufficient room here for those
who wished to camp, in which case some camped at tsa'lal just
east of tsiwi'cbidame.
tsa'lal, on the southern shore of Clear lake at a point about
two and a half miles west of the present village at St. Turibius
mission and on the east bank of a small stream called locally
Rumsey's slough.
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batso'mkitem, from batso'm, a species of oak, and klte'm, said
to signify a bushy top, on the southern shore of Clear lake at a
point about two and a quarter miles west of the present village at
St. Turibius mission.
nffbutu, from no, ashes, and buffi, knoll, on the southern shore
of Clear lake at a point near the west bank of Adobe creek and
about two miles west of the present village at St. Turibius
mission.
Laxputsum, from Lax, an opening or inlet, and pu'tsHm,
point, on a point which projects into Clear lake from its southern
shore about a mile west of the present village at St. Turibius
mission. According to informants the small stream shown on the
map as running near this site flows in reality in the former bed
of Eelsey creek which was diverted by the Indians so as to flow
into Cole creek.
batsu'tnise, from bateu'm or batsd'n, a species of oak, and se
or see', brush, at a point about three-quarters of a mile west-
southwest of the present village at St. Turibius mission.
tsuba'haputsum, from tsftbalia, a species of willow used in
basket making, and pfl'tsum, point, on the southern shore of Clear
lake at a point about half a mile west of the mouth of Eelsey
creek. This camp takes its name from a grove of willows on a
point projecting for a short distance into the lake. There is also
near this place a grove of cottonwoods in which there are a
number of blue heron nests. This grove is called makd'kale, from
mako', blue heron, and kale', tree. According to one informant
this is the name of a camp at this point but according to another
it is simply applied to the grove of cottonwoods above mentioned
which are situated a little distance out in the tule.
On the east bank of Eelsey creek at a point about a mile and
a half up stream from the town of Eelseyville there is the site
of an old camp, the name of which could not be recalled by the
informant. This site has not been inhabited since an indefinite
date, probably in the first part of the last century, as nearly as
may be judged from the probable ages of certain individuals con-
nected with the following story. This site was used as that of a
fish camp by the kabe'napo, who then lived at no'naptiti, and
was located on a side hill with no water in the immediate vicinity
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202 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
except that which flowed in the creek itself. There was here a
fish dam or weir with the usual scaffold upon which the fishermen
stood with their dip nets when fishing. A certain young man
had been warned by his father that when fishing here at night if
he should see sparks in the water up the creek he must leave the
dam immediately, as these sparks indicated the approach of a
huk, a mythical bird with supernatural powers for evil. 2 " The
young man, however, did not credit the warning of his father and
boasted that there was nothing in or about the creek of which he
was afraid. One night his father was fishing on the scaffold and
the young man told him to go into the house ; that he would re-
lieve him and fish for a while. He had not fished long when a
huk came down the stream and he immediately caught it in his
dip net, took it ashore and killed it with a fish club. He went
home and to bed without making any disposition of the fish which
he had caught or of the huk which he had killed. In the morning
he was found dead by his mother. His father immediately sus-
pected the truth and went to the fish dam, where he found the
dead bird. The fear then arose that the young man's action
would also bring destruction upon the whole camp and possibly
even upon the home village as well, and the father immediately
went to no'napotl for me'nakf , a famous shaman. After discuss-
ing the matter with the dead man's relatives it was decided that
me'nakf should cut the bird into halves, one of which should be
cremated, the other being hidden on the summit of Clark's peak,
a prominent point on the western slope of Mt. Eanaktai. Ac-
cordingly after performing an elaborate ceremony to prevent the
poison of the bird injuring the people, me'naki cut the bird into
halves and with further elaborate ceremony placed one-half upon
** The huk is a mythical bird much dreaded, by some even to the present
day, as it has the power of bringing immediate or future death, as well as
bad luck in general. It is about the size of a turkey buzzard, is a brown or
brick red in color with rather long and fine feathers, the quills of which are
filled with a reddish liquid which flows from end to end if the feathers are
turned up and down. According to some informants this liquid always flows
up hill. Its legs are short and very heavy, both legs and feet being covered
with hair. The head also is very large and covered with a fuzzy coat, while
its bill is curved somewhat like that of a parrot. One of the surest signs of
death is to hear one of these birds, particularly at night. Their cry is
"huk" and death is sure to follow the unfortunate hearer in as many years
as the bird cries "huk" at him, provided of course he is not immediately
doctored in the proper manner.
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a funeral pyre prepared especially for the purpose. After the
pyre had burned completely, what charred fragments of the bird's
bones remained were collected, as is done in the case of the cre-
mation of human beings. In this case the bones were placed in a
fine basket and buried near the place of cremation. On the fol-
lowing morning they returned to the site of the cremation and
found that notwithstanding the fact that some fire remained
among the ashes certain spots were very moist These presently
became more moist and finally there was water standing in the
little pit which had been dug before the fire was built. This
water increased in volume until it finally ran over the side of the
pit and became a large living spring, and all this in spite of the
fact that formerly the whole hillside had been absolutely dry so
far as any spring or seepage of water from it was concerned. It
was thought that this spring was directly due to the poison of the
huk and the camp was immediately abandoned and has never
since been occupied. The spring still flows at this spot. The
.other half of the huk was taken by me'nakl to the summit of
Clark's peak and hidden where it remains to the present time.
Consequently Clark's peak is a place never visited except by a
shaman who knows the proper songs and ritual to prevent injury
to himself and people, me'nakl was able to visit this peak at will
and made use of the feathers of the huk in poisoning people, as
did also a few other shamans. This poisoning was accomplished
by touching the victim with the quill of one of the htik feathers in
such a manner that a little of the red liquid contained therein
would come in contact with his person. This produced sure and
swift death.
tsa'imamau, near the east bank of Eelsey creek at a point
about four miles up stream from the town of Eelseyville.
kawffaxa, from kaw5, toad, and xa, water or spring, at a point
about a quarter of a mile due east of Highland Springs, on the
headwaters of Adobe creek. Certain of the springs at this resort
are hot and it seems to have been these that brought the Indians
to this camp. The springs were known to the Indians to possess
medicinal qualities, and those afflicted with certain ailments
camped at kawo'axa, from which place they could easily go to the
springs, the water of which they drank and also bathed in.
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204 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
xa'ikaiyau, in a small valley at the head of Adobe creek and
at a point about two and a half miles southeast of Highland
Springs.
Near the head of Cole creek and at a point about a mile east
of Carlsbad Springs is the site of an old camp the name of which
could not be recalled by the informant. This site is near some
springs known as Mackentyre springs.
SOUTHEASTERN DIALECT.
Boundaries.
From a point on the Porno- Wintun interstock boundary nearly
due east of the old village of ci'gom, on the eastern shore of the
main body of Clear lake, the boundary of the Southeastern dia-
lectic area, which is here also the interstock boundary, follows
the divide separating Long Valley and Bartlett creeks from Clear
lake, to Cache creek at a point about four miles from its source,
the southern extremity of Lower lake. This portion of the boun-
dary runs in a northwesterly and southeasterly direction and
separates this dialectic area from the territory of the Wintun
which extends eastward into the Sacramento valley. From here
the boundary turns in a general westerly direction and follows
Cache creek up to the lake, and then on in the same direction to
the summit of the range connecting Mt. Eanaktai with Mt. St.
Helena. The territory to the south of this line was held by people
speaking the Northern Moquelumnan dialect. At this point the
boundary turns in a general northerly direction and runs north-
ward along this range toward Mt. Eanaktai for a very short
distance, coming to the southern boundary of the Clear Lake
Wappo area near where it turns northward to form the eastern
boundary of that area. It follows this boundary with its north-
erly trend through the mountains immediately to the east of the
higher range connecting Mt. Eanaktai with Mt. St. Helena, passes
along the eastern slope of Mt. Eanaktai and finally runs into
Clear lake at a point probably about a mile east of Soda Bay.
It runs on in this same direction for a short distance to a point
near the northern limit of jurisdiction of the Clear Lake
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Wappo. m From here it takes a more easterly course, coming
to the lake shore at Bald mountain, and then running on in a
northeasterly direction to the point of origin on the Porno- Wintun
interstock boundary about due east of the old village of ci'gom.
The southern extremity of this portion of the boundary separates
the Southeastern from the Eastern Porno dialectic area, while the
central part separates the Southeastern Porno from the Clear
Lake Wappo territory. The northern half of this portion of the
boundary separates the Eastern and Southeastern dialectic areas.
This small, roughly triangular area is adjacent on the east to
the Wintun, on the south to the Northern Moquelumnan, and on
the west and northwest to the Eastern Porno and the Clear Lake
Wappo territory.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The greater part of the land surface of this area is high and
rugged and totally unfit for habitation. There are, however,
occasional short, level stretches along the shores of the lake, and
there are a few small valleys in the surrounding hills and moun-
tains. These were sometimes used for village and camp sites
particularly for hunting and food-gathering; but the chief per-
manent villages seem to have been located on the islands in the
lake. like the Eastern Porno, these people lived largely by fish-
ing and hunting water birds.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Lower Lake Rancheria, on the north bank of Cache creek at
a point about three-quarters of a mile from its source and about
a mile and a half northeast of the town of Lower Lake. This
village consists of four houses and about nineteen inhabitants,
most of whom came originally from the old village of kd'I on
Lower Lake island.
xuna'dai, from xuna, tule boat or balsa, and dai, landing,
commonly called the Sulphur Bank rancheria, on the eastern
shore of East lake, the eastern arm of Clear lake, and at a point
about half a mile north of the Sulphur Bank quicksilver mine.
This village, consisting of eleven houses and about thirty-five
inhabitants, is situated on the immediate lake shore opposite the
~ See note 194.
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206 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
site of the former village of e'lem on Rattlesnake or Sulphur Bank
island. There is here a sudatory of the old type which is in
present use, and a very large old dance-house in ruins, no dances
having been held in it for several years and no attempt made to
keep it in repair. This village site is at a point on the shore which
was used in aboriginal times as a boat landing, this being a con-
venient place to draw the tule canoes up on shore. There was
never a very extensive village at this place but it appears that it
was used permanently to a certain extent, the principal village,
however, being on the adjacent island. Its present occupancy as
a permanent village dates back about thirty-five or possibly forty
years.
Old Village Sites.
ca'kai, on the northwestern point of the peninsula which pro-
jects northward from the southern shore of Clear lake and forms
the strait which separates the main body of Clear lake from East
and Lower lakes to the southeast.
ke'celwcti, from ke'cel, blue clay, wai, said to be an ejaculation,
on the southern shore of the strait connecting the main body of
Clear lake with East and Lower lakes and at a point about a
quarter of a mile northeast of the last mentioned site.
tdyffUcitLalt, on the northeast point of the peninsula which
projects from the southern shore of Clear lake and forms the
strait which separates the main body of Clear lake from East and
Lower lakes.
klale'liyd, on the western shore of East lake at a point just
southwest of the island, known as Buckingham's island, upon
which the site of the old village of ka'mdot is located.
ka'mdot, or le'makma or ka'ugu'ma 2 ** (Eastern Porno dialect
names), on a small island, called Buckingham's island, near the
western shore of East lake and close to the peninsula which sepa-
rates East lake from the main body of Clear lake. One informant
says that ka'mdot is applied also to Mt. Eanaktai.
tsiwi', on the western shore of East lake just northeast of the
small body of water known as Little Borax lake. The eastern
side of Mt. Eanaktai is formed by very high and steep rocky cliffs
** This name is also applied to the people living at elem. See also note
239.
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which curve in such a manner as to resemble somewhat the form
of an amphitheater, the pit of which is bounded on the east by
East lake and is occupied principally by Little Borax lake. These
cliffs were called kno'ktaikndyowa, from kno, mountain, tai or
ktai, said to be an old woman, kno, mountain, and yo'wa, under,
and were with the immediately surrounding hills much used as
hunting grounds. The reference to an old woman in this name
appears to be a mythological one.
kffi, xffyi, cuta'uyomanuk (Northern Porno name), kaubff-
holai (Eastern Porno name), or tull (Northern Moquelumnan and
Southerly Wintun name), on the eastern slope of the small, low
island called Lower Lake island at the extreme southern end of
Lower lake, the southern arm of Clear lake. This was a large
village and probably only a little smaller than the one on Sulphur
Bank island in East lake. The first mention of the people of this
village is that by Gibbs, 288 who calls them "Cho-tan-o-man-as,"
and states that they lived near the outlet of Clear lake. Powers 286
classes them as a people entirely distinct from the Porno, and
related to the Wintun. He gives their name as "Makh'-el-chel,"
and under that heading says: "This is the name by which they
are known among the surrounding Indians and the Americans,
but whether it originated with themselves I can not state. Their
principal, and formerly only, abode was an island on the east
side of Clear lake, a few miles above Lower lake. In their lan-
guage hosch'-la signifies "island/' which has been corrupted and
applied both to the island and the tribe ; and our undiscriminat-
ing countrymen pronounced it with great impartiality Hessler,
Kessler, Hesley, Kelsey, and several other ways." The same
name is given them by Powell, 287 who probably takes Powers as
authority, and Slocum, Bowen and Company 288 mention them
under the name " Shoat-ow-no-ma-nook. "
Qcube', on the eastern shore of Lower lake at a point about half
a mile north of what is known as Floyd's Landing and about a
mile and a half northwest of the outlet of the lake.
~ Schoolcraft, III, 110.
"•Tribes of Cal., p. 214.
m Op. cit., p. 70.
"•"The Shoat-ow-no-ma-nook tribe had their homes on an island near
the lower end of the lake. They numbered one hundred and twenty, but
only thirty are left Their chief was called Sam Patch.' 1 — Op. cit., Lake
County, p. 35.
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208 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
kuu'lbidai, on the eastern shore of Lower lake in what is
known as Burns' valley and at a point about two miles north-
northwest of the outlet of the lake. The residence of Mr. T. G.
Turner now stands on this site.
ktila'%, on the eastern shore of Lower lake in what is known as
Burns' valley and at a point about two and a half miles north-
northwest of the outlet of the lake. This site is separated from
kuu'lbidai by a small creek.
kla'ucel, on the eastern shore of Lower lake at a point about
due west of Big Borax lake.
kiye'utsit, on the southern shore of East lake at a point about
two and a half miles west of Sulphur Bank.
xuna'dai, from xuna, tule boat or balsa, and dai, landing, on
the eastern shore of East lake at a point about half a mile north
of Sulphur Bank and directly opposite the old village of elem on
Rattlesnake or Sulphur Bank island. As the name of this village
indicates it was a place used as a boat landing. Although it was
inhabited permanently it appears that there was never a very
large population here at any one time, the chief village being at
elem on the island opposite. The present Sulphur Bank ranch-
eria occupies this old site.
e'lem, on the southern slope of Rattlesnake or Sulphur Bank
island at the eastern end of East lake. This is a low island,
covering about thirty-five acres, with its northern slope well
wooded and its southern entirely open. This village was for-
merly the largest in the Southeastern dialectic area and was only
abandoned about thirty-five or forty years ago, when its inhab-
itants removed to the adjacent mainland, where they now live.
The Southerly Wintun called the neighborhood of Sulphur Bank
mo'Labe. The people of the village of elem were called ka'-mina
by the Northern Porno and xa'-wina by the Eastern Porno, both
of which names signify water on top of or near to. Another
name given to these people by the Eastern Porno was ka'uguma, 2 **
"•Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake County, p. 36, say: "The
Cow-goo-mah tribe had their rancheria at the Sulphur Bank. They num-
bered one hundred and thirty, but are now reduced to forty. No-tow was
their chief, ' ' and continuing, ' ' The Le-mah-mah lived on an island just west
of the Sulphur Bank. There were at one time one hundred and forty of them,
but only about twenty remain. Beu-beu was their chief.' '
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which was also applied to the people of ka'mdot on Buckingham's
island.
ktsu'kawai, or patolkaleyd (Eastern Porno dialect name),
from patol, oak ball, kale', tree, and yd, under, on the northern
shore of East lake and at a point about a mile northeast of the
southern extremity of the point which forms the northern shore
of the strait connecting the main body of Clear lake with East
and Lower lakes. This site is on the ranch belonging to Mr. I.
Alter.
Old Camp Sites.
klololaxa, from k!ol5, mortar stone, la, t, and xa, water, on
the southern shore of the strait connecting the main body of
Clear lake with East and Lower lakes at a point a very short
distance west of the northeastern projection of the peninsula
which separates the main body of Clear lake from East and Lower
lakes. This site was used as a fish camp.
kaa'lkfai, from kaal, tule, and fai or kfai, a flat open place,
on the western shore of Lower lake at a point probably about
three miles southeast of Little Borax lake. This village derives
its name from the fact that there grew in this vicinity large quan-
tities of the particular species of tule used in making tule boats
or balsas and it was customary for boat makers to come here and
camp during the seasons of the year when the tule was in proper
condition for boat making.
tsfa'bal, on the southern shore of Lower lake at a point prob-
ably about two and a half miles west-northwest of the old village
of kd'I on Lower Lake island. This camp was used as an acorn
and food gathering camp.
yd, at the southeastern extremity of Lower lake and on a
narrow neck of land running into the lake from a point just west
of its outlet.
mu'cokol, on a very small peninsula which is almost entirely
cut off from the mainland on the northern shore of East lake
and about due north of Rattlesnake or Sulphur Bank island.
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SOUTHERN DIALECT.
BOUNDARIES.
Beginning at the junction of the north fork with the main
stream of Gualala river the northern boundary of the Southern
Porno dialectic area runs in a general easterly direction up the
ridge separating the drainage of the north fork of Gualala river
from that of Rock Pile creek, past the headwaters of the latter
and onto the divide between the headwaters of Navarro river and
of Dry creek. At a point a short distance south of McDonald it
takes a general southeasterly course, following the ridge to the
west of Russian river, and finally turns in an easterly direction
and crosses the river at a point about two and a half miles north
of the town of Cloverdale and half a mile south of the line be-
tween Mendocino and Sonoma counties. 140 Continuing in this
same direction it passes through the foot-hills to the summit of
the range separating the drainage of Russian river from that of
Clear lake ; thence, turning in a general southeasterly direction,
it follows this range to Cobb mountain. 241 The portion of the
boundary from Gualala river to the divide between the drainage
of Russian river and that of Clear lake separates the Southern
from the Central Porno dialectic area, and the portion running
along this range to Cobb mountain separates it from the Eastern
Porno area. From Cobb mountain the boundary takes a south-
westerly course and, recrossing Russian river, runs to the divide
separating the Russian river and Dry creek drainages, which it
meets at a point about three miles northwest of the town of Gey-
serville. Here it turns in a general southeasterly direction and
runs along this divide to a point just west of Lyttons, where it
takes a more easterly course along the continuation of this divide,
which runs nearly due east for a short distance. Then the bound-
ary runs southeast again to the southern part of the great bend
*° See note 160.
10 It has been impossible to determine definitely a portion of the boundary
in the vicinity of Cobb mountain, but that here given is probably correct.
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in Russian river about due east of Healdsburg. 242 It here crosses
the river and, keeping its southeasterly course, runs to a point
between the headwaters of Sonoma and Santa Rosa creeks. From
Cobb mountain to this point the boundary separates the Southern
Porno and the Yukian Wappo areas. It here turns in a general
westerly direction and passes along the water-shed separating the
Russian river and San Pablo bay drainages 248 to the headwaters
of Salmon creek, down which it runs for a short distance. This
portion of the boundary of this dialectic area is also the inter-
stock boundary between the Porno and the Moquelumnan terri-
tories. From this indefinitely located point on Salmon creek the
bttindary runs northward through the redwood belt and crosses
Russian river, presumably, at a point a short distance east of the
confluence of Austin creek with it. It runs, presumably, to the
eastern head of Austin creek. 244 From this point it takes a west-
erly course, passing just north of the western head of Austin
** This portion of the western Porno- Wappo interstock boundary as here
given is as it was at the time of the arrival of the first settlers in this sec-
tion. Formerly, however, the Southern Porno owned that portion of the
Bussian river valley known as Alexander valley and extending from the con-
fluence of Elk creek northward about to the small stream called by the
Wappo pd'pSetc, which flows into Bussian river just north of the old village
of kolo'ko, as also the territory extending some distance into the mountains
east of this valley. They had several villages in this area, the chief of which
seem to have been ko'ticomota and ci"mela. For details concerning the war
between the Porno and Wappo, which resulted in the Wappo taking posses-
sion of this portion of this territory, see footnote relating to the boundaries
of the main Wappo area.
"•See note 107.
** Along almost the entire length of the coast between the mouths of
Gualala river and Salmon creek, near Bodega bay, the redwood forest begins
almost at the shore-line — nowhere does the open land extend for more than a
mile back from the cliffs — and continues as a solid belt of timber with but
few open areas for many miles inland. This belt of timber was not inhabited,
except in these small open areas, by the people of either the Southwestern or
the Southern dialect, and portions of it seem to have been virtually unclaimed
by either people. This is particularly the case in the southern part of the
area and in part, at least, accounts for the fact that it was impossible to de-
termine the exact boundary from Salmon creek to the head of Austin creek.
As an evidence that a great part of this forested area was but little known to
the Indians it may be noted that some of the Indians of the Southwestern
dialectic area claim that the site of the present town of Guerneville was un-
known to them until after the coming of the lumber mills to the region. It
was then named moko'cpeulu, from mdko'c, stump, and pe'ulu, a corruption
of the Spanish pueblo, on account of the many huge redwood stumps left
after the felling of the trees for milling purposes. The people of the South-
ern dialectic area seem to have known the site, at least using it as a camp if
not a village. Their name for this site, ciydle, signifying shady place, seems
to have been derived from the denseness of the forest.
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212 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
creek, crossing Hopper creek, and running to a point just west of
the old village of mati'wi, where it turns in a northwesterly direc-
tion, crosses the middle fork of Gualala river, and passes to the
head of Fuller creek. Here it turns in a southwesterly direction,
recrosses the middle fork of Gualala river, passes across the divide
between the middle fork and the main branch of this river, and
comes to the latter at a point about a mile up stream from the
confluence of the two. It then passes down Gualala river to the
confluence of the north fork with it. The Southwestern dialectic
area lies west of this entire western boundary from Salmon creek
to the north fork of Gualala river.
This very irregularly shaped area of the Southern dialectic
group is adjoined on the north by the territory of the Central
Porno ; on the east by those of the Eastern Porno, and the Yukian
Wappo; on the south by those of the Southern and Western
Moquelumnan dialectic groups; and on the west by that of the
Southwestern Porno.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The Southern dialectic area is divided by the redwood belt
into two parts, one in Russian river valley, the other on Gualala
river. The former embraces the greater part of the valley of
Russian river from a point about two and a half miles north of
the town of Cloverdale 245 down to a rather indefinitely located
point within the redwood belt several miles from the mouth of
the river. 246 From the northern boundary down to about three
miles north of the town of Geyserville the valley is from a quarter
of a mile to a mile in width, and was owned by the Southern
Porno, but from about three miles north of Geyserville down to
the great bend of the river east of Healdsburg it was occupied by
people speaking the Yukian Wappo dialect. From Healdsburg
down to the southern line of the Southern dialectic area, thus
including the drainages of Markwest and Santa Rosa creeks, there
extends a broad fertile valley known as Santa Rosa valley. There
is also a narrow but very fertile valley extending the greater
length of Dry creek. The part of this area on Gualala river was
** See note 160.
■"• See note 244.
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confined to the eastern bank of the main branch of the river along
its lower course and to the headwaters of the middle fork. In
the former area there is little real valley, the river itself and
affluent streams flowing almost entirely in deep canyons and the
adjacent mountains being heavily forested. In the portion of
this division of the area which lies on the headwaters of the
middle fork there is even less true valley land, but there is much
more open country in the mountains.
This dialectic group, inhabiting areas almost entirely within
the valley region, had the characteristic valley foods: acorns,
grass and other seeds, and bulbs and tubers; but game and fish
were also plentiful.
RUSSIAN RIVER DIVISION. 247
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
bati'klitcawi or batinkletca'wi, from batf , alder, Alnus rhom-
bi folia, kale', tree, and tca'wl, house, or toiolagotca (Western
Moquelumnan dialect name), from io'tola, elderberry, and go' tea,
*•* Early writers recognised the linguistic affinities of the inhabitants of
the lower Russian river valley, and classed them all under the general name
"Kainomero," which is at present recognised by the few Indians who sur-
vive in that region, although its origin seems somewhat uncertain. The name
itself has been variously spelled and the limits of the territory of the people
to which it is applied variously defined. Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 102), in
speaking of the Indians seen near Healdsburg, says, "The tribe to which
they belong, and which has its headquarters at fitch's ranch, is called 'Kai-
na-meah,' or, as the Spaniards pronounce it, 'Kai-na-me-ro' .... I
was informed that this dialect extends as far back as Santa Rosa, down
Russian river about three leagues to Cooper's ranch, and thence across to the
coast at Fort Ross, and for twenty-five miles above." Powers (Tribes of
Cal., p. 174) gives the limits of their territory much more correctly: "In
Bussian River Valley, from Cloverdale down to the redwood belt and south
to Santa Rosa Creek, and also in Dry Creek Valley, live the remnants of a
tribe whom the Spaniards called the Gal-li-no-me'-ro nation. The Gallino-
me'ro proper occupy Dry Creek and Bussian River, below Healdsburg, with-
in the limits above named; while above Healdsburg, principally between
Geyserville and Cloverdale, are the Mi-saT-la Ma-gun', or Mu-sal-la-kun', and
the Rai-me'." Substantially the same information was obtained from In-
dians now living about Healdsburg and Cloverdale. They say that the name
kainomS'rd was given by the Spaniards of San Rafael mission to the Indians
of Healdsburg and Santa Rosa upon the occasion of their being brought
into the mission in the early part of the last century. They have no knowl-
edge of the significance of the name, and can not give any name used by
themselves prior to their taking this one. Applied first to the Indians from
the immediate vicinity of Healdsburg and Santa Rosa, this name has now a
broader use, being made to include the remainder of the people speaking
this dialect, and formerly living about Cloverdale and on the upper course
of Dry creek. Concerning the origin of the name Gallinomero Powers says
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214 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
house, in the southern part of the town of Sebastopol. There is
at present but a single house with about seven inhabitants here,
but this was once a populous village. This house is located on
the site of the old village which also bore the name bati'kletcawi.
At a point about a mile east of the town of Sebastopol there is
another family of about ten individuals, and there are several
other places within the limits of this dialectic area where Indians
may be found at times, as on the ranches near the towns of
Windsor, Healdsburg and Cloverdale ; but the sites at Sebastopol
were the only ones found which are inhabited regularly and per-
manently. The total number of Indians, excluding those at the
town of Sebastopol, regularly residing within this dialectic area,
is not greater than twenty-five.
Old Village Sites.
cAy&le> from ciyo', shadow or shade, and le or li, place, at the
town of Guerneville. The informant who mentioned this site
gave it as that of a village, but from the nature of the country
and the denseness of the redwood forests which extended for some
distance on all sides it seems doubtful whether it was actually
that he was unable to ascertain the original name of the people for them-
selves, and concludes that the one in question came from Gallina, the name
given by the early Spaniards to one of their "great chiefs." Concerning
Mi-sal'-la Ma-gun', he says (p. 183), "A Gallinomero told me the name was
a corruption of mi-saT-la-a'-ko which denotes 'long snake.' " (The North-
ern Porno name of the striped water-snake is misaltale, or misa'kalak, while
msa'kale is the form found in the Central dialect.) "Another form of the
name is Mu-sal-la-kun' They and the Kai-me' occupy both banks
of Bussian river from Cloverdale down to the territory of the Rincons
(Wappos) about Geyserville. " The name is perpetuated in "Bancho de
Musalacon," an old Mexican land grant extending, according to Bowers'
Map of Sonoma County (1882), along Bussian river from about a mile
north of Cloverdale to about six miles south of that place. This name, ren-
dered "Masalla Magoons," is given by Bancroft (Native Baces, I, 449),
and Powell (op. cit., p. 88) gives both "Misalamagun" and " Musakakun. ' '
Kainomero is also differently spelled by other writers: Taylor (CaL
Farmer, March 2, 1860) uses Canimares, Thompson (Central Sonoma, p. 5,
San Francisco, 1884, and History of Sonoma County, p. 70) calls them
' ' Cainemeros, ' ' and Captain H. L. Ford in the Report of the Commissioner
of Indian Affairs for 1856 (p. 257) speaks of them as the "Kyanamara,"
and again in the Beport on the Mendocino War (op. cit, p. 15) as "Calle-
Namares." The "Gallinomero" of Powers seems to have been quite com-
monly used by later writers, as Powell (op. cit, p. 88) and Mason (op. cit.,
p. 368). In "Porno Indian Baskets and Their Makers" (Land of Sun-
shine, XV, 442) "GaUynomeros" is used, but Mr. Purdy in his reprinted
edition of 1902 corrects the spelling to ' ' Gallinomeros. " Bancroft (Native
Baces, I, 362, 363, 449) uses "Gallinomeros, Kanimares, and Kainamares."
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inhabited as a village, though it is quite probable that it was used
as a camping place. Informants of the Southwestern dialect said
that the vicinity of Guerneville was entirely uninhabited in
aboriginal times, and they knew as its Indian name only mdko'c-
peulu, from mdko'c, stump, and pS'tUfi, a corruption of the Span-
ish pueblo. This name was given to that vicinity on account of
the many large stumps left after logging for the lumber mills,
which were established there at a comparatively early date after
the American occupation.
bu'dutcilan, on the north bank of Russian river at a point
probably about five and a half miles up stream from Guerneville.
This village was located on the ranch owned by Mr. Thomas Hill
and was but a short distance down stream from the confluence of
Markwest creek with Russian river.
de'lema, on what is known as the Porter ranch, at a point
about three-quarters of a mile west of the west bank of Russian
river and at a point about two miles north of the confluence of
Markwest creek with it.
dohutmffkdni. This site was rather indefinitely located by
the informant but was probably on the ranch owned by Messrs.
White and Wilson at a point about a mile and a half east of
Russian river and about a mile and a quarter north of Markwest
creek.
upawa'ni, on what is known as the Miller ranch at a point
about a mile east of Russian river and two and three-quarters
niiles southwest of the town of Windsor.
katcilan, on the ranch formerly known as the Lewis ranch and
tying just east of Russian river at a point about two and half
miles west-southwest of the town of Windsor.
kala'tken, on the ranch formerly owned by Mr. J. G. Dow, on
the west bank of Russian river at a point about four and a quarter
miles south of Healdsburg.
behekauna, on the west bank of Russian river at a point about
four miles down stream from the town of Healdsburg.
ttfwida, near the east bank of Russian river at a point about
two and a half miles a little south of west of the town of Windsor.
bacaklend'nan, from ba'ca or be'ce, buckeye, kale', tree, and
nonan, 1, on the ranch of Mr. J. W. Calhoun near the east bank
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216 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol. 6
of Russian river at a point about two and a half miles a little
north of west of the town of Windsor.
catinen, near the west bank of Russian river at a point about
three and a quarter miles south of the town of Healdsburg.
hee'mm, near the west bank of Russian river at a point about
two and three-quarters miles south of the town of Healdsburg.
ka'wikawi, near the east bank of Russian river at a point about
two and three-quarters miles a little east of south of the town of
Healdsburg.
bidutsa'kaleyo, on the west bank of Russian river at a point
about a quarter of a mile down stream from the confluence of
Dry creek with it.
djffpten, on what is known as the Brumfield ranch at a point
on the east bank of Russian river almost opposite the confluence
of Dry creek. This may be the same village referred to by
another informant as bfteka'wi.
muka'smo, near the residence of Mr. J. D. Grant at a point on
the east bank of Russian river about a mile and a half south of
Healdsburg.
amatidy from a'ma, ground, ha'ta, red, and iyd', below, near
the north bank of a small stream called Mill creek which flows
into Dry creek nearly at its confluence with Russian river. This
site was located about half a mile from the west bank of Dry
creek, ka'klya is the name of another site in this immediate vi-
cinity, probably a very short distance up Mill creek, which was
so indefinitely located by informants that it is impossible to give
it a place on the map.
u'pawam, on what is known as the Thompson ranch about a
quarter of a mile west of Dry creek and about the same distance
north of Mill creek above mentioned.
ka'bekadogani, on what is known as the Hopper ranch just
west of the bridge across Dry creek on the road leading from
Healdsburg down the west bank of Russian river. This may be
the same village referred to by another informant as dinasiunan.
amalpuwa'U, on the west bank of Russian river at a point
about a mile and a quarter down stream from Healdsburg. This
site is located about a mile down stream from the Dry creek
bridge and on the east bank of the creek.
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hehvame'can, on the west bank of Russian river at a point
about three-quarters of a mile down stream from Healdsburg.
ka'totui, from ka'ion, lake or pond, and wi, place, near the
north shore of a lake covering several acres which is situated
about a mile and a half southeast of Healdsburg. This lake is
on the low land of the river bottom proper and just at the joining
of the river bottom with the slightly more elevated table land of
the valley. In aboriginal times the lake itself was surrounded
by a dense growth of shrubs and briars and was a place viewed
with some awe by the Indians. There is a story told of a super-
natural log which formerly floated about in this lake. In ap-
pearance it was like an ordinary log five or six feet in length and
eight or ten inches, possibly a foot, in diameter. It floated about
the lake as an ordinary log might, but when people, particularly
children, approached the lake the log would be seen to float to-
ward them and come to the shore, where it would remain until
they either stepped upon it or moved away. If they did the
former the log moved rapidly out to the middle of the lake and
there floated about for a long time. So far as informants could
remember the log did not roll or in any way seem to try to throw
off its cargo and no one was ever known to have been killed or
even injured by such a ride. Nevertheless no one except the most
daring ever ventured to step upon the log and it seems to have
been particularly forbidden to children by their parents to under-
take such a risk. Another strange thing in connection with this
lake is the fact, which is attested by some of the oldest settlers of
the region, that every evening there was to be heard coming from
the lake a deep and very loud sound resembling somewhat that
of a locomotive engine blowing off steam or the loud bellowing of
a bull. This was said to be the sound made by the old frog-
woman who lived in and controlled this lake and all things sur-
rounding it. She is not represented as at all inclined to vicious-
ness or as having injured Indians, nor was there formerly thought
to be any direct connection between her and the miraculously
moving log above mentioned. However, not many years after
the settlement of this section by the Mexican rancheros there
came a very wet season which raised the river so high that it
flowed a stream into and out of this lake, taking with it the mirac-
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218 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
Tiloiis log; and never since has the sound of the old frog-woman
been heard in the evening. It is now believed by the Indians
therefore that there was some connection between the two, of
which they were formerly unaware. At the present time this
lake is nothing but a mere pond, particularly in the dry season,
as Mr. William Pitch, the original grantee of the rancho upon
which it is situated, drained it and the adjacent land a short time
after the freshet above mentioned.
kolo'ko, at a point about two miles east-southeast of Healds-
burg.
kawa'mid, from kawa'n, pine, ama, ground, and yo, under, at
a point about a mile and a quarter east-southeast of Healdsburg.
yoci'kletowani, from yoci', white oak, kale', tree, and fowa'nl,
stand up, at the south end of the wagon bridge across Russian
river at Healdsburg. Another informant located this site on the
west bank of the river at a point almost opposite the location here
given.
ba'ka'tsOd, just south of the railroad depot at Healdsburg.
ka'le, from aka, water, and le or II, place. The plaza in
Healdsburg now occupies the site of this old village. Immedi-
ately south of this site there was formerly a small lake which
gave the village its name.
cu'takowi, on the north bank of Russian river in the south-
eastern part of the town of Healdsburg.
watakka'wi, from wa'tak, frog, a'ka, water or pond, and wi,
place, at a point about three-quarters of a mile east of the town
of Healdsburg. This site is at the foot of Pitch mountain 248 and
is now covered by the Healdsburg cemetery.
wotokka'ton, from wo'to, dirty or ashes, ka'fon, lake, at a
point about a mile northeast of the last named site, and on the
opposite side of Russian river. This village was located on what
is known as the Luce ranch and the captain or leader of the
people at this village was known by the Spanish name of San-
tiago. He was also known by the name of mante'ka or so'£5, and
it is from this latter name that Sotoyome is derived, the latter
part of the name signifying "the home of." This name, Soto-
m The Southern Porno name of Fitch mountain was given by one infor-
mant as tsfu'nno.
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yome, has come quite commonly into use in this vicinity from the
fact that the old Mexican land grant of Mr. William Pitch was
called the Sotoyome rancho. 24 * In connection with the Indians
this name was used by Engelhardt, 260 who gives "Sotoyomi" in
his list of the names of the various peoples who were among the
converts at Sonoma mission, and Thompson 251 says that Pitch
mountain was called by the Indians " Sotoyome,' ' by which name
it is known to a limited extent among the whites at present.
mukakotca'Li, from muka't, ant, and tcaTii, village, at the
northeastern foot of Fitch mountain and at a point about a mile
and a quarter northeast of Healdsburg. This village seems to
have been one of the places at which at least some of the fighting
between the Wappo and the Southern Porno in the war which
finally gave the Wappo possession of Alexander valley took place.
The chief fighting, however, was in Alexander valley proper in
and about the village of cf'mela.
baca'klekau, from baca', buckeye, kale', tree, and Ikau, bursted
or broken, at the point about a mile north of Healdsburg where
the roads leading to Lyttons and to Dry creek diverge.
lu'ti, on what is known as the Miller ranch in Dry creek
valley at a point about a mile and a half northwest of Healds-
burg. This site is located on the east bank of the creek.
watakkffm, back near the foot-hills at the edge of Dry creek
valley and at a point about a mile and three-quarters north-
northeast of Healdsburg. There seems to be some doubt as to
whether this place was ever actually inhabited. One or two
informants know the name as that of a locality but not as that
of a village site, but others speak of it as a village.
amaskatci'lan, near the foot-hills at the eastern edge of Dry
creek valley and at a point about two miles north-northeast of
Healdsburg.
kabe'ton, from kabe', rock, and ton, under ( t), near the east
bank of Dry creek at a point about two and a half miles north-
northeast of Healdsburg.
■"According to Bowers' "Map of Sonoma County," 1882, the Sotoyome
Rancho comprised forty-eight thousand, eight hundred and thirty-six acres
of land, including Fitch mountain and the present site of Healdsburg, as
well as Alexander valley to the east.
"• Op. cit., p. 451.
m Sonoma County, p. 88.
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220 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
catca'li, near the east bank of Dry creek at a point about
three and a quarter miles up stream from the town of Healdsburg.
The above location is probably the correct one, although one
informant placed this site at a point about half a mile south of
the old village of watakkd'wi.
tdkffkalewi. This site was indefinitely located by one inform-
ant as at or near Lyttons Springs in the low hills of the divide
between Russian river and Dry creek at a point about a mile west
of Lyttons.
cawa'ko, or walnu'tse (Yukian Wappo name), from wal, war-
riors, and nu'tse, small, near the west bank of Dry creek at the
confluence of Pina creek with it. The name given to this village
by the Wappo is said to arise from the contempt in which they
held the Porno, they themselves being conceded to be more war-
like than the Porno.
kawiiikmtfman, near the east bank of Dry creek at a point
about a quarter of a mile up stream from the confluence of Pina
creek with it.
takffton, on the east bank of Dry creek just up stream from
the confluence of Warm Springs creek with it.
kaho'wani, from ka or aka, water, ho, hot or fire, and wa'nl,
t, at Skaggs Springs, on the east bank of Hot Springs creek,
an affluent of Warm Springs creek. Mr. Mulgrew, the proprietor
of Skaggs Springs, has found on this site a number of mortars,
pestles, and other large stone implements as well as many arrow-
heads and smaller implements.
kab&ptewi, from kabe', rock, pte or bate', big, and wi, place,
near the southwest bank of Bancheria creek, one of the extreme
headwaters of Warm Springs creek, and at a point probably
about a mile from the confluence of Rancheria creek with Warm
Springs creek proper. This site was very indefinitely located by
the informant.
katsa'ndsma, from katsa', grass, no, ashes or dust, and sma,
sleep, on the ridge separating the headwaters of Warm Springs
creek from those of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a
point about two miles north-northwest of Leppo's dairy, which
is at the summit of this ridge and on the road leading from the
Russian river valley to Stewart's point on the coast.
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dffwikatdn, from dd'wi, coyote, ka, spring or water, and *5n,
tinder (t), on the ridge separating the headwaters of Warm
Springs creek from those of the middle fork of Gualala river and
at a point about a mile and a quarter northwest of Leppo's dairy
above mentioned.
hula'tid, from kula', probably a kind of plant, tl, t, and y5,
under, on the summit of the ridge separating the headwaters of
Warm Springs creek from those of the middle fork of Gualala
river and at a point about three-quarters of a mile northwest of
Leppo's dairy above mentioned.
ama'Jco, on the east bank of Russian river east of the winery
of the Italian-Swiss colony at Asti. This site is on what is known
as the Black ranch or the old Landsbury ranch.
md'titca'ton, a short distance west of Russian river and at a
point about a mile and three-quarters south-southeast of Clover-
dale. According to one informant this village was a very small
one.
Jcala'nko, on the west bank of Russian river at a point about a
mile southeast of the town of Cloverdale. This site lies between
the track of the California Northwestern railway and the river
bank on the Caldwell ranch.
a'ka'mdtcdldwani, near the west bank of Russian river at a
point about half a mile southeast of the town of Cloverdale.
mdk&'hmo, at the mouth of Sulphur creek just northeast of
Cloverdale. It appears that this village occupied both banks of
the stream and the name makaTimo was universally applied to it
not only by the people of the immediate vicinity but also by the
people of the neighboring dialectic areas. They recognized this
as the chief village in the northern part of the Southern dialectic
area, and applied the name maka'hmo not only to the village itself
but more broadly to all of the immediate vicinity. According to
one informant, a former resident of this village, the portion of the
village lying south of Sulphur creek had a separate name, ga'ca-
<ihmo, while the portion lying north of the creek was called
gTcipte'fon.
gatciti'yd, near the west bank of Russian river at a point about
half a mile south of Preston.
The following village sites are located in the broad valley,
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222 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol 6
known as Santa Rosa valley, lying south of Russian river and
along Markwest and Santa Rosa creeks and about the Laguna de
Santa Rosa.
tce'tcewani, at the northern extremity of the Laguna de Santa
Rosa and just west of the point where its waters flow into Mark-
west creek.
tsolika'm, at "old Windsor," about half a mile east of the
present railroad town of Windsor.
tffhmakau, on the north bank of the main stream of Markwest
creek at the point where the wagon bridge on the road from
Pulton to Windsor crosses it.
butswa'li, on the west bank of the Laguna de Santa Rosa at
a point about a mile from its northern extremity.
cuta'want, at a point about two miles northwest of Santa Rosa.
hukabet-a'tui, on the south bank of the Santa Rosa creek* 52
at a point a short distance from the depot of the California
Northwestern railway in Santa Rosa. 258
kabetcfuwa, in the eastern edge of the town of Santa Rosa
and at a point about a mile from the old village of hukabeta'wi.
wtlok, at a point about three miles northeast of Santa Rosa.
The "Huiluc" mentioned by Engelhardt 254 as among the Indians
at Sonoma mission may have been either from this village or from
wilikos on Sonoma creek a few miles to the southeast.
ka'pten, on the western shore of the Laguna de Santa Rosa
at a point about two miles from its northern extremity.
caka'kmd, on the western shore of the Laguna de Santa Rosa
at a point about three miles from its northern extremity.
"■ According to Thompson (Sonoma County, p. 70) the Indian name of
Santa Rosa creek was Chocoalomi.
"* In speaking of the Indians in Santa Rosa valley at the time of its oc-
cupation by the first permanent white settler, Sifiora Carillo, who arrived
there in 1838, R. A. Thompson (Central Sonoma, pp. 4-5) says: "The prin-
cipal rancheria was on the Smith farm, just below the bridge, at the cross-
ing of Santa Rosa creek, on the road leading to SebastopoL Upon this site
a Mission was commenced, probably by Father Amoroso. The Indians rose
up and destroyed the incipient Mission buildings about the same time that
the Mission of Sonoma was devastated." Theodore H. Hittell (History of
California, I, 499) upon the authority of Duflot de Mofras (II, 6) says con-
cerning this mission : ' ' With San Francisco Solano or Sonoma in 1828 ended
the foundation of the twenty-one missions in Alta California. There appears
to have been a twenty-second talked of, and an attempt was made to found
one at Santa Rosa in 1827, but the project was abortive. ' '
~Op. cit^p. 451.
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Oeography of the Porno Indians. 223
tciLe'ton, on the western shore of the Laguna de Santa Rosa
at a point about three and a half miles from its northern ex-
tremity.
kacXntui, on the western shore of the Laguna de Santa Rosa
at a point about two and a half miles northwest of the town of
Sebastopol. This site is located at what is known as Allen's hop
yard.
mastkawa'ni, near the western shore of the Laguna de Santa
Bosa at a point about a mile and a half west-northwest of the
town of Sebastopol. This site is located on the Sebring ranch.
bati'kletcawi, or batifikletcawi, from bati, alder, Alnus rhom-
bifolia, kale, tree, and tca'wi, house, or totolagotca (Western
Moquelumnan dialect name), from Jo'Jdla, elderberry, and
go'tca, house, just southwest of the railroad depot in Sebastopol.
The site now occupied by the few Indians who live permanently
in this immediate vicinity is also called by this same name and
is the only site regularly and permanently inhabited by the
Indians in the southern part of this dialectic area.
akapo'lopolowani, at a point about a mile and a half southeast
of the town of Sebastopol and on the road leading from Sebas-
topol to Petaluma.
bu'takatcatokani, at a point on the road leading from Sebas-
topol to Petaluma about two and a half miles southeast of Se-
bastopol.
bffhosole, at a point on the road leading from Sebastopol to
Petaluma probably about three miles southeast of Sebastopol.
In addition to these old village sites, all of which are situated
within the limits of the territory which was in possession of the
people speaking the Southern dialect at the time of the arrival
of the first settlers in this region, there are several others which
now lie within that portion of the territory of the Yukian Wappo
which embraces Alexander valley to the northeast of Healdsburg.
These sites are, ko'ticomota or tcelhelle, cfmela or ossokd'wi,
pipoholma or djelheldjiseka'm, malalatcaTii, acaTben, gaiye'tcin,
and kok/ko, the information concerning which is given in con-
nection with that regarding the old village sites in the Main
Wappo area.
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224 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol. 6
Old Camp Sites.
Owing to the early settlement of the region under consider-
ation and particularly that part of it lying along the lower course
of Russian river from Healdsburg southward, and to the fact
that the Indians who formerly inhabited it were at an early date
removed to the missions about San Francisco bay, little infor-
mation can now be obtained concerning village sites other than
those which were the most important, and practically no infor-
mation can be had concerning camp sites which were, of course,
always of minor importance. It is quite possible that some of
the sites lying in and about Healdsburg and immediately south-
ward on both banks of Russian river which are here given as
village sites are in reality camp sites, the confusion having arisen
from the length of time since the country was actually inhabited
in anything like its aboriginal state and the small number of
informants now to be found. The following are the only camp
sites mentioned by the Indians.
itcatca'iLi, immediately south of the railway station at Asti.
kawatca'nnd, at Leppo's dairy on the summit of the ridge sep-
arating the headwaters of Warm Springs creek, an affluent of
Dry creek, from those of the middle fork of Gualala river. This
site is located at the point on the summit of this ridge where the
road from the Russian river valley to Stewart's point on the coast
passes over it.
GUALALA RIVER DIVISION. 265
Old Village Sites,
kubahmo'i, near the south bank of Rock Pile creek at its con-
fluence with Gualala river.
** Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 186) uses "Gualala" as the name of the
people living "on the creek called by their name, which empties into the
Pacific at the northwest corner of Sonoma County, ' ' and it has been used by
Powell (op. cit., p. 88), Bancroft (Native Races, I, 362, 449), and Mason
(op. cit., p. 368) with the same signification. At present a town as well as
the river bears the name which is usually spelled as above given. Other
orthographies are, however, used, as "Wallhalla" given on Bowers' "Map
of Sonoma County" as the name of the river (residents of the region fre-
quently pronounce the name walhala or walhaler), and "Valhalla" which is
used by Thompson (Sonoma County, p. 7) upon the assumption that it came
originally from the old Norse Valhalla. There is, however, nothing which
directly shows this and it seems much more probable that it came from the
Porno wala'li, or wa'lali, which in the Southern and Southwestern dialects is
the name given to certain parts of Russian river, and is a generic term sig-
nifying the meeting place of the waters of any in-flowing stream with those
of the stream into which it flows or with the ocean. The present spelling,
Gualala, is probably influenced by the Spanish.
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kabite'yo, near the east bank of Gualala river at a point about
a mile and a quarter up stream from the confluence of Bock Pile
creek with it
kawante' limani, from kawa'n, a species of pine, tell, flat head
( ?), and ma'nl, ?, indefinitely located near the head of Buckeye
creek, an affluent of Gualala river.
kobo'te, from kd, ball, and ba'te, big or many ( t), on what is
known as Biddle ridge north of the middle fork of Gualala river
and at a point probably about two miles northeast of the conflu-
ence of that stream with the main branch of Gualala river.
ca'mti, in the mountains immediately north of the middle fork
of Gualala river and at a point probably about three miles a little
north of east of the confluence of that stream with the main
branch of Gualala river.
ma'hawica, from ma'ka, salmon, and wica', ridge, in the moun-
tains immediately north of the middle fork of Gualala river and
at a point probably about a mile and a half a little north of east
of the old village of koba'te. This site is about midway between
Buckeye creek and the middle fork of Gualala river.
ma'hmo, on what is known as the "old" John Fisk place at
a point about half a mile north of the middle fork of Gualala
river and due north of the present village of po'tSl.
matfwi, on the summit of the ridge separating the middle fork
of Gualala river from the small stream known as Haupt creek
(unnamed on the accompanying map) to the south. This site
is almost due north of the present village of po'tol and is very
near the boundary between the Southern and the Southwestern
dialectic area.
kawamtca'eli, from kawa'm, a species of pine, tea, house, and
ell or li, place, immediately west of the stopping-place known as
Noble's which is on the south bank of the middle fork of Gualala
river and just down stream from the point at which Hopper
creek, Wolf creek, and the north fork of the middle fork come
together to form the middle fork of Gualala river. This site is
in the grain field on the flat immediately west of Noble's barn.
bfmukatdn, from bi'mu, a species of shrub, ka, water or
spring, and ton, under, in the mountains immediately north of
the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point about half a mile
north of Noble's.
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226 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
htwalhmu, from hl'wal, related to walali, the point at which
two streams flow together, and hmu, T, at the point where Hopper
creek, Wolf creek, and the north fork of the middle fork of
Gualala river flow together to form the middle fork. The exact
location of this site was not given by informants but it is probable
that it was between Hopper and Wolf creeks.
MwldXtem, from du'wi, coyote, and di'tem, said to signify
to go on top of, near the south bank of Wolf creek at a point
about a mile and a quarter up stream from its confluence with
the middle fork of Gualala river.
bu'lakowi, from btt, Indian potatoes, la, ?, ko, long, and wl,
place, in the mountains between Wolf creek and the north fork
of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point probably about
two miles northeast of the confluence of the two.
Old Camp Sites.
tca'yahakaton, near the east bank of Gualala river at a point
probably about a mile and a half up stream from the confluence
of Buckeye creek with it. A railroad built for logging purposes
in connection with the Gualala lumber mills now runs through
this site.
du'tsakol, in the mountains east of Gualala river and at a
point about a mile north of the confluence of the middle fork
with the main stream. This site is near the end of a prominent
ridge in this vicinity known as Biddle ridge.
ka'tmatci, near the summit of the ridge separating the middle
fork of Gualala river from the main stream and at a point about
three-quarters of a mile southeast of the confluence of the two.
kaba'tui, from kaba', madrofia, and tfi'I, forks (t), in the
mountains north of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a
point about a mile and a half northwest of the old village of
hibu'wi. This site is very near the boundary between the South-
ern and the Southwestern dialectic areas and is about a mile
from the river.
tsu'nno, in the mountains north of the middle fork of Gualala
river and at a point probably a mile and a half northwest of
Noble's.
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ka'Hle, from kasi'l, redwood, and le or li, place, at the head of
Wolf creek, probably near its northern branch.
kale'wica, from kale', tree, and wica', ridge, on the ridge sep-
arating the headwaters of the north fork of the middle fork of
Gualala river from those of Ranchero creek.
SOUTHWESTERN DIALECT.
BOUNDARIES.
Beginning at the mouth of Gualala river the boundary of the
Southwestern Porno dialectic area follows the course of the main
stream of the river, 25 * first in a northeasterly and then in a south-
easterly direction to a point about a mile up stream from the
confluence of the middle fork with it. Here it turns in a gen-
eral easterly direction and crosses the middle fork of Gualala
river, where it again turns in a northeasterly direction and runs
into the mountains, passing to the head of Fuller creek. Here it
turns in a southeasterly direction, recrosses the middle fork of
Gualala river, and runs to a point just south of the old village of
mati'wi. From this point it runs in an easterly direction across
Hopper creek and just north of the headwaters of Austin creek,
at the most easterly of which it turns southward and runs to
Russian river presumably at a point a little up from the con-
fluence of Austin creek with it. 25T From this point it runs in the
same general direction to Salmon creek, which is here the inter-
stock boundary between the Pomo and the Moquelumnan terri-
tories, at a point a short distance west of the town of Freestone.
It then follows Salmon creek westward to the ocean. The west-
ern boundary of this dialectic area is the shore-line.
This rather long and narrow irregularly shaped area is
bounded on the north, east, and south respectively by the Central
Pomo, Southern Pomo and Western Moquelumnan dialectic
areas, and on the west by the ocean.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
It will be convenient to divide this dialectic area into two
parts : the coast division, and the river division. Along the im-
*• See note 161.
m See note 244.
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228 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
mediate coast-line from the mouth of Gualala river to the vicin-
ity of Stewart's Point there is a coastal shelf which is nowhere
more than half a mile in width. A short distance south of Stew-
art 's Point the foot-hills begin to run still nearer to the shore-
line, leaving but a very narrow strip of level land ; and from the
vicinity of Fisk's Mills to the mouth of Russian river the shore-
line is a succession of cliffs cut by the deep gulches of numerous
small creeks, and only here and there habitable stretches of level
land along the cliffs. From the mouth of Russian river to the
southern limit of the area there stretches a belt of high, open land
averaging a little over a half mile in width. This comparatively
narrow strip along the entire immediate coast-line was probably
the most thickly populated portion of this dialectic area and is
here designated as the coast division.
Beginning with the foot-hills adjacent to the coast, the heavily
timbered hills and mountains extend eastward beyond the limits
of this dialectic area. In the northern part of the area the Gual-
ala river runs in a deep canyon parallel to the coast-line, and
separated from it by a high, timbered ridge. On both banks of
the river and on the adjacent ridges are the sites of numerous
old villages and camps, and this region is the one designated, for
purposes of convenience, as the river division. To this division
belong also the area along Austin creek and that along Russian
river back from the coast. The separation of this dialectic area
into coast and river divisions is more or less an artificial one, it
should be remembered, for the actual distance of the river vil-
lages from the shore was in no case more than a few miles.
The foods used by all the people in this dialectic area were
those characteristic of the coast region, as previously described.
The various ocean products: fish, molluscs, and sea-weeds were
plentiful; and acorns, grass seeds, bulbs, and other vegetable
foods were found in the adjacent hills and mountains.
COAST DIVISION.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Stewart's Point, just south of the store at Stewart's Point,
a shipping port for small coasting vessels. This is at present the
site of a village of the Indians who are employed at work in the
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woods about Stewart's Point. Formerly, however, there was an
old village, called dana'ga, located at this same site. The present
village comprises six houses with a number of inhabitants vary-
ing 158 with the amount of work to be had in the lumber woods.
The permanent home of these people is at po'tol, commonly
spoken of as " Charlie Haupt's ranch.' '
tcala'ntcawi, on the south bank of Russian river near its
mouth. There are here two houses and about eight Indians,
most of whom came originally from the region of Bodega bay.
These houses are situated on the site of an old village which was
called by the same name.
Old Village Sites.
kabaputce'mdU, from kaba, madrona, putce'ma, stand up
straight, and II, place, at a point about two miles southeast of the
mouth of Gualala river and near the shore-line of the ocean.
see'ton, from see', brush, and ton, on ( t), at a point probably
about four miles southeast of the mouth of Gualala river and
near the shore-line of the ocean. This site is located on what is
known as the Hans Peterson ranch.
- tca'pida, at a point about a mile north of Black point.
kaWnda, from kali, up (a steep place), and da, trail, about
a quarter of a mile north of Black point. This is said to have
been a comparatively small village.
kdutfcal, from k6, mussel, and wica'l, ridge, at Black point.
It appears that this was formerly a village of some importance
and while it is not now inhabited permanently there is at the
present time a family consisting of twelve Indians who are living
temporarily on this site, kowl'cal is also the name of Black
point itself, and is derived from the fact that just off the point
there are mussel-rocks extending over a considerable area which
formerly provided an abundant supply of these molluscs for food.
dcma'ga, from dana', to cover up, and ga, T, at Stewart's Point
just south of the store at the landing and about where the present
Indian village now stands. This was formerly a large village
and there were extensive mussel-rocks off the shore at this point
as also at Black point a few miles farther north.
"•When visited on July 7, 1903, the number at Stewart's Point was
about fifteen, only three of the houses being occupied.
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230 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 6
duwima'tcaeli, from du'wl, coyote, ma'tca, sweat-house, and
e'li, place, at a point about a mile and a quarter south-southeast
of Stewart's Point. This site is located on a small conical hill
near the shore-line of the ocean and it is from the shape of this
hill that the village is said to have derived its name. There is,
too, a myth connected with this place which relates that Coyote
built a sweat-house here.
ShffmXdl, from ohS'm, nettle, and idl, place (f), at a point
about a mile and a quarter south-southeast of Stewart's Point
and just east of duwima'tcaeli. This is the site of a very ancient
village and has been used in more recent times as a camp.
kapa'ctnal, from kapa', bracken, and cinal, head, at a point
about two miles northwest of Fisk's Mills and near the shore-line.
tabate'wi, from ta, beach, bate', big, and wi, on, at Fisk's
Mills.
kabesila'wtna, from kabe, rock, sila', flat and wina', upon, at
Salt point. The county road, which here runs near the shore-
line, passes through or very near this site.
tci"tdno, near the shore at a point about a mile southeast of
Salt point.
tciti'bidakati, from tcitf , a kind of bush, bida', creek, and
kali, t, at a point about three-quarters of a mile north of the
old village of sulmewi, at Timber Cove. This village bears the
same name as a camp located at a point about two miles and a
half farther up the coast. According to one informant there
was formerly a village called tsuka'e, from tsuka', a small edible
mollusc, Chlorostoma funebrale in this vicinity which may be
the same as tcitrbidakall.
su'lmewi, from sul, rope, me, T, and wi, place, on the north
shore of Timber Cove.
otffnoe, from oto'ne, the edible purple seaweed, on the south-
eastern shore of Timber Cove and near Folmer Gulch.
mete'ni, at Fort Boss. This site was at some little distance
from the shore-line and just in the edge of the redwood forest
which covers the adjacent mountains to the east. In speaking
of the Indians of this region Powers 260 says, "Around Fort Ross
there is a fragment of a tribe called by the Qualala, B-rus'-si,
"• Tribes of Cal., p. 194.
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which name is probably another relic of the Russian occupation."
He refers to the occupation of Fort Boss and the adjacent country
by the Russians from 1811 to 1840. Their control extended as
far south as Bodega bay and it is possible that the name ' ' E-ri'-o ' '
which he says 260 is the name given by the Spaniards to the tribe
living at the mouth of Russian River" may also have had a Rus-
sian origin, though it is more probably Spanish. Both these
names are given by Powell, 261 probably on the authority of
Powers, in his list of Porno "tribes." The Indian name of the
site of Fort Ross was, according to Thompson, 262 "Mad-shui-nui,"
while Bancroft, 268 upon the authority of Kostromitonow, says,
"Chwachamaju (Russian Severnovskia), or Northerners, is the
name of one of the tribes in the vicinity of Fort Ross," and
again, upon the authority of Ludewig, "Severnovskia, Sever-
nozer, or ' Northerners,' Indians north of Bodega Bay. They
call themselves Chwachamaja. "
bace'yokaili, from bace', buckeye, yd, probably under, ka,
water, and elli or li, place, near the shore at a point about three
miles southeast of Fort Ross. There is at this place a large
spring which is shaded by buckeye trees, hence the name.
pffmcana, from po, red, wi, place, and ca'na, ridge, on what
is known as the Walter Fisk ranch at a point about four miles
southeast of Fort Ross. This village derived its name from the
fact that there is here a spring, the water of which sometimes
has a reddish tint.
tsu'kantitca/na/m, at a point probably about a mile nearly due
north of the ranch house on the Charles Rule ranch and about
two miles north of the mouth of Russian River.
Jcalemala'to, at a point about half a mile north of the ranch
house on the Charles Rule ranch and about a mile and a half
north of the mouth of Russian river.
kata'ka, at a point about a mile northeast of the ranch house
on the Charles Rule ranch.
•"Ibid.
•°Op. cit, p. 88.
m The Russian Settlement in California known as Fort Boss, p. 4, Santa
Rosa, 1896.
"• Native Races, I, 449.
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232 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
tsuba'tcemali, from tsfTba, a kind of bush, tce'ma, flat hole,
and II, place, at a point about a mile northeast of the mouth of
Russian river and about three-quarters of a mile back from the
shore-line of the ocean. The ranch house on the Charles Rule
ranch now stands on this site.
tcamu'ka, at a point about half a mile west of the ranch house
on the Charles Rule ranch. This site is on the same ridge as the
ranch house above mentioned and is but a short distance from
the shore, the ridge extending as a promontory for some distance
out into the ocean.
tcala'ntcawi, on the south bank of Russian River near its
mouth. There are at present two houses on this old site in which
about eight Indians live. The present settlement is also called
tcala'ntcawi.
a'ca'tcatiu, from a M ca, fish, and tca'fi, house, or talaLu'pu
(Western Moquelumnan dialect name) from fa'la, stand up, and
Lfi'pu or Lupfi, rock, at a point about half a mile from the
northern extremity and near the summit of the ridge immediately
south of the mouth of the Russian river. This high ridge pro-
jects as a point some distance northwestward from the ridge ex-
tending southward along the coast from Russian river, and shuts
in and protects a fairly broad and deep body of water at the
mouth of the river. This village was located near some promi-
nent rocks which stand on the summit of this point and hence
the name which the Moquelumnan people to the south gave to it.
kabe'mdU, from kabe', rock, and mall, there or place (t), or
Uppula'mma (Western Moquelumnan dialect name) at Duncan's
point about six miles southeast of the mouth of Russian river.
Southwestern Porno informants quite uniformly state that their
territory extended only a very short distance south of the mouth
of Russian river and none of them have so far been found who
claim the territory as far south as Duncan's point, most of them
stating that their territory only extended for a very short dis-
tance south of the river. However, the Moquelumnan infor-
mants of the vicinity are very positive in their statements that
the territory of the Southwestern Porno extended as far south as
Salmon creek, and that their own territory only extended as far
north as Salmon creek. In the absence of any informants from
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the territory in question itself and in view of the probable cor-
rectness of the latter of the two views given, it has seemed ad-
visable to consider the territory lying between Russian river and
Salmon creek as Porno, which places this village site within Porno
territory. According to early writers the Coyote valley Moquel-
umnan people called the Porno of Big valley on Clear lake by
this name, which they spell "Lupayuma," "Lopillamillo," and
other ways.** 4
Old Camp Sites.
kadjusa'mali, from a'ka, water, djusa'm, the bottom of a water-
fall ( f), and mall, there or place ( ?), near the shore-line of the
ocean about a mile southeast of the old village of kSwI'cal at Black
Point.
tulehale'yo, from tu'le, hummingbird, kale', tree, and yo, un-
der, at a point a little over a mile northwest of Stewart's Point.
This site was located near the shore-line and but about four hun-
dred yards north of tciko'bida, the two being so close together
that it has been necessary to indicate them on the accompanying
map by a single symbol.
tcikd'bida, from tclk6', to touch something with an object ( f ),
and bida', creek, at a point about a mile northwest of Stewart's
Point. This camp was located only about four hundred yards
south of iulekale'yo. These two sites are so close together that
it has been necessary to indicate them on the accompanying map
by a single symbol.
t ffntotcimatci, about three-quarters of a mile north-northwest
of Stewart's Point.
$iddjd"tumal%, from sul, snag of a tree ( ?), djo"to, to stand
up, and mali, there or place ( t), at a point about a quarter of a
mile north of Stewart's Point. One informant gave this as the
name of a camp a short distance north of td'nidtcimatci.
pacu'kitmawaU, from pa, excrement, culrit, small string, ma-
wall, to place (f), about half a mile south of Stewart's Point.
ma'timaH, near the shore-line of the ocean about two miles
southeast of Stewart's Point. It is said that there is here a place
some fifty or sixty yards in diameter which sounds hollow like a
1 See p. 195.
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284 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
drum as one walks over it. The dram referred to is, of course,
the aboriginal Porno drum, which is simply a large section of a
log worked to an even thickness of perhaps an inch and a half and
placed, curved surface upward, over a long narrow resonance pit
a foot or more deep. By stamping on this with the bare feet the
drummer produces a deep hollow tone to the accompaniment of
which the dancers move.
he'mdlakahwalau, from hem or behe'm, pepperwood or Cali-
fornia laurel, ma'la, beside, ka, water, and hwa'lau, to flow down
or flow into, on the coast at a point about three miles southeast of
Stewart's Point.
batsa'tsal, from batsa'tsa, Cascara, on the coast at a point
about three miles and a half southeast of Stewart's Point.
du'wikalawdkdti, from dti'wi, coyote, ka'la, dead, and wa'kali,
?, on the coast at a point about four miles southeast of Stewart's
Point.
bace'wi, from bace', buckeye, wi, place, at a point about three-
quarters of a mile northwest of Fisk's Mills.
sohffibida, from soho'i, sea-lion, and bida', creek, at a point
about half a mile northwest of Fisk's Mills.
tciti'bidakdU, from tciti', a kind of bush, bida', creek, and kali,
T, at a point about a mile and a quarter south of Fisks Mills.
This camp is situated at or near the point where the road which
runs along the ridge just west of Gualala river, passing Seaview
and Plantation, comes into the main coast road running from
Stewart's Point down to Fort Boss. One informant mentioned a
camp, called gasl'nyo, in this vicinity, and it is possible that
tcitl'bidakali is the one meant. This name was also applied to
an old village about two miles and a half down the coast from
this camp.
ta'tcbida, from tatc, sand, and bida', creek, about half a mile
northwest of Salt point.
ledama'li, just southeast of Salt point.
di"kata, from di"kat, to whittle, rather indefinitely located
about a mile southeast of Salt point.
amaya'latci, from a'ma, ground, yala, level, and tci, f, at a
point about two miles southeast of Fort Ross.
ukutco'k (Western Moquelumnan dialect name), near a small
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creek which empties directly into the ocean at a point about two
and a half miles southeast of the mouth of Russian river.
tcXti, at a point about four miles southeast of the mouth of
Russian river.
napagipu'lak (Western Moquelumnan dialect name) from
napa'gl, mussel, and pulak, pond, about a mile south of the old
village of kabe'mali at Duncan's point and about seven miles
south-southeast of the mouth of Russian river.
hapa'mu (Western Moquelumnan dialect name) about two
miles south of Duncan's point and about eight miles south-south-
east of the mouth of Russian river.
oyemu'ku (Western Moquelumnan dialect name) from d'ye,
coyote, and mttlril, trail, on the sand-bar at the mouth of Salmon
creek at the extreme southern limit of the Southwestern dialectic
area as given by Moquelumnan informants. Southwestern Pomo
informants do not claim the territory as far south as this site;
but Moquelumnan informants assert very positively that their
own territory extended only as far north as Salmon creek and
that that of the Southwestern Pomo extended down to this
stream.
RIVER DIVISION.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
pfftol, from po, red, and katul, spring, what is commonly
known as Charley Haupt 's ranch located near the head of Haupt
creek, one of the southern affluents of the middle fork of Gualala
river. This is located about nine miles a little south of east of
Stewart's Point and about three miles south-southwest of Noble's,
a ranch and stopping-place near the confluence of Wolf creek,
Hopper creek, and the north fork of the middle fork of Gualala
river, where these three streams join to form the middle fork of
Gualala river. This village consists of six dwellings and a large
dance-house and is located but a very short distance north of the
ranch house on the Haupt ranch. The number of Indians living
at this village varies somewhat according to the season, as it is
the home of quite a number of Indians who at certain seasons of
the year are employed in the lumber woods, bark camps, etc.,
along the coast; and in various capacities on the ranches in the
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236 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
valleys. The total number who claim this village as their home
is probably about sixty or seventy, and these are all to be found
here when dances and ceremonials are held. During the greater
part of the year, however, the average number probably does not
exceed twenty. The name of this village arises from the fact that
there is here a mineral spring, the water of which leaves a reddish
deposit along its course, hence the name red spring.
Old Village Sites.
tcuma'ti (this name has something to do with the idea of sit-
ting down), on the summit of the ridge between the main branch
of Gualala river and the middle fork at a point about three miles
from the confluence of the two streams.
mutca'wt, from mutca', a sort of grass seed, and wl, place, on
the summit of the ridge separating the main branch of Gualala
river from the middle fork and at a point about six miles south-
east of the confluence of the two streams, and about five miles a
little north of east of the present village of po'tol.
atcadnatca'wallt, from a'tca, man, clna', head, tca'wal, sitting
down ( t), and li, place, on the eastern slope of the summit of the
ridge just east of the main branch of Gualala river and at a point
about four and a half miles nearly due west of the present village
of po'tol.
kaleca'dim, from kale', tree, and ca'dim, little ridge, on the
eastern slope of the summit of the ridge just east of the main
branch of Gualala river and at a point about four and a quarter
miles nearly due west of the present village of po'tol. This site
is not over a quarter of a mile southeast of the one last mentioned.
tcala'mklamali, from tca'lam, a plant found abundantly at
this particular place, ki, ?, and amali, flat ground (!), on the
eastern slope of the summit of the ridge immediately east of the
main branch of Gualala river and at a point about four miles a
little south of west of the present village of po't5l and about a
quarter of a mile southeast of the last mentioned site.
ta'dono, from fa, bird, and dono' or dano', mountain, on the
eastern slope of the summit of the ridge immediately east of the
main branch of Gualala river at a point about three and three-
quarters miles a little south of west of the present village of pd'tdl
and about half a mile southeast of the last mentioned site.
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tla'tc&mawoH, from t!a, said to signify to wind around,
tcti'ma, to place, and wall, on both sides, on the eastern slope of
the summit of the ridge immediately east of the main branch of
Gualala river at a point about two and one-half miles southwest
of the present village of po't6l and at a point about two miles
southeast of the last mentioned site.
la'laka, from lala, wild goose, and ka, spring or water, on the
eastern slope of the summit of the ridge east of the main branch
of Gualala river at a point about two and one-half miles south-
southwest of the present village of po'tol.
kobotcitca'kati, from k6T>6, a kind of grass, and tcltca'kali,
said to signify a narrow open strip of land, at a point on the
summit of the ridge just west of the main branch of Gualala
river and about a quarter of a mile north of Plantation.
klca'iyiy from klca', sea gull, and yi, f , at a point about half
a mile southeast of Plantation.
tca'mdkdme, at a point about a mile northwest of Seaview.
This village site lies to the west of the stage road running along
the ridge from Seaview to Plantation.
seepfnamatci, at Seaview. This site is directly in front, west,
of the Seaview hotel.
hXbu'wly from hlbu', Indian potato, and wf, place, at a point
about half a mile north of the middle fork of Gualala river and
about five miles east of its confluence with the main branch. This
village site is probably in the vicinity referred to by Powers in
speaking of the people whom he calls the Gualala. He says,
"There is a certain locality on Gualala creek, called by them
Hi'-po-wi, which signifies 'potato place.' " 265
du'kacal, from du'kac, abalone, and al, t, at a point about half
a mile north-northwest of the present village of p6't51.
tana'm, in the mountains between the headwaters of Austin
creek and the main branch of Gualala river, and at a point prob-
ably about five miles southeast of the present village of po'tol.
kaletcu'maial, in the mountains between the headwaters of
Austin creek and the main branch of Gualala river and at a point
about a mile and a half southeast of the last named site.
"Tribes of CaL, p. 189.
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238 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Eihn. [VoL 6
tsapu'wil, in the mountains between the headwaters of Austin
creek and the main branch of Gualala river, and at a point about
three miles southeast of tana'm.
Old Camp Sites.
kddmicdbfftcali, near the summit of the ridge immediately
west of the main branch of Gualala river and at a point about
two and a half miles miles nearly due north of Fisk's Mills.
ta'nahvmo, from tana', hand, and hf mo, hole, on the east bank
of the main branch of Gualala river at a point about a mile and
a half nearly due north of Seaview.
cape'tdme, near the east bank of the main branch of Gualala
river at a point about a mile northeast of Seaview.
ma'tcdho, from ma, ground, and tcoTco, to kneel down upon
both knees, on what is known as the Charles Wilson ranch on the
summit of the ridge immediately west of the main branch of
Gualala river, and at a point about a mile south-doutheast of
Seaview. This was a camp used for purposes of food gathering,
the immediate vicinity being open or sparsely wooded ridges
which provided an abundance of grass seeds and bulbs. This
site is located just south of the point at which the road leading
from Fort Ross to Cazadero joins the one running along the ridge
from Plantation to Cazadero.
kabe'bateli, from kabS', rock, bate', big, and li, place, at or
near Cazadero. An exact location could not be obtained for this
site, one informant stating that it was near a large rock located
a short distance southeast of Cazadero, and another that it was
located near a large rock just north of that place.
hatcfwina, from atcf, sedge, and wina', on top of, on the north
bank of Russian river at Duncan's Mill, about five miles up the
river from the ocean.
tcaikosado'tcani, from tea, man, kd'sa, elbow, dd'tcani, to place
one's hand upon, in the mountains at a point about three-quart-
ers of a mile from the northeast bank of the middle fork of Gual-
ala river and about the same distance east-southeast of the old
village of hibu'wi.
ne'kawi, from ne'ti, to lay anything down, ka, water or spring,
and wl, place, at a point about three-quarters of a mile east north-
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1908] Barrett — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indians. 239
east of the confluence of Puller creek with the middle fork of
Gualala river.
ta'tcaka, from ia'tc, sand, and a'ka, water or spring, at a point
about a mile due west of the present village of po'tol.
te'kdlewi, from te, elderberry, kale', tree, and wi, place, at a
point about a mile and a quarter south-southwest of the present
village of po'tol.
NORTHEASTERN DIALECT.
BOUNDARIES.
The territory comprising the Northeastern dialectic area has
been heretofore regarded as Wintun and is so designated on the
maps accompanying Powers' "Tribes of California" and Pow-
ell's "Indian Linguistic Families North of Mexico," but it was
found in the course of the present investigations that a compara-
tively small area situated on the headwaters of Stony creek is
inhabited by a people speaking a dialect distinct from, though
allied to, the several Porno dialects spoken in the main area of
the stock lying west of the Coast Range. This fact was noted in
1904. 266
Beginning on the crest of the Coast Range, which forms also
the divide between Sacramento and Eel rivers, at a point about
half way between Sheet Iron and St. John mountains, the bound-
ary of the Northeastern Porno dialectic area runs in a general
easterly direction to the low hills immediately west of Stony
creek or Big Stony creek as it is locally called. Here it turns
in a southerly direction and crosses Big Stony creek just west of
the confluence of little Stony creek with it. 287 Throughout this
portion of its course the boundary separates the Northeastern
Porno from the Northerly Wintun area. From this point on Big
M American Anthropologist, n.8., VI, 189, 190, 1904.
m It was impossible to determine exactly the western part of the north-
ern boundary of this area, as it seems not to have been very clearly defined.
The line is drawn on the map a short distance west of the confluence of
Little and Big Stony creeks, but there seem to have been no very rigid re-
strictions in the territory immediately at the confluence of these streams,
both Porno and Wintun hunting and fishing there at wilL The food-gathering
rights, however, were controlled by the Wintun living on Little Stony creek,
and the territory was considered as belonging to them.
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240 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
Stony creek it passes southward, along the low ridge separating
Big and Little Stony creeks, for a distance of about four miles ;
and thence, turning westward, it runs along a secondary ridge
on the northern slope of the divide south of Big Stony creek val-
ley to the crest of the Coast Range at a point near the head of
the south fork of Stony creek. To the east and south of this
portion of the boundary lies the territory of the Southerly Win-
tun. The western boundary is the crest of the Coast Range, be-
yond which the Tuki territory extends over the greater part of
the region drained by the headwaters of Eel river.
This small, detached Porno area was surrounded on the north,
east, and south by Wintun territory, while the Tuki bordered it
on the west.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The people speaking the Northeastern Porno dialect thus lived
in an isolated area consisting of the drainage basin of the upper
headwaters of Big Stony creek, and were separated from the main
Porno area by Tuki and Wintun territory and the highest por-
tion of the Coast Range mountains. The portion of the valley of
Stony creek held by the Northeastern Porno is from a quarter of
a mile to three-quarters of a mile wide, and extends from the
northern boundary of the area up nearly to the confluence of
the south fork of Stony creek with the main stream. Low hills
on the east separate this valley from the Sacramento valley, while
on the west the Coast Range mountains rise very abruptly. Some
of the highest peaks of this portion of the Coast Range are here :
Snow Mt. and St. John Mt. The entire area is only sparsely
wooded in the foot-hills, but there are considerable forests of pine
on the higher mountains. Native grasses and flowering plants
were formerly very abundant and these, together with the oaks,
furnished vegetable foods, while game was plentiful in the moun-
tains and fish were to be had at certain seasons in the streams.
Salt Deposits.
Among the foot-hills of Colusa and Glenn counties are several
large seepages where salt-bearing water evaporates and leaves
the salt crystallized upon the surface. The best known and prob-
ably the largest of these seepages and salt-beds, as the surfaces
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upon which the salt crystallizes are called, is the one in what is
known as Salt-spring valley about three and one-half miles north
of the town of Stonyford and about a mile west of Big Stony
creek. This salt-bed is situated on the northeast side of a very
narrow valley and is surrounded on the east and south by low
brush covered hills from which at many points brackish water
seeps into the earth of the salt-bed. This earth, which covers
about three-quarters of an acre, is, when dry, a dirty white in
color and of the fineness of chalk dust, and forms a layer, reach-
ing a depth of about three and one-half feet near the middle of
the bed, over the ordinary black soil common in the vicinity.
During the rainy season the salt does not crystallize, but during
the summer months it forms a white coat, very much resembling
snow, over the entire surface of the bed, and reaches sometimes
a depth of three or four inches. It is then that it is gathered
by the Indians and stored either in the crude state or after re-
fining, which consists in dissolving the crude material in water
from which it re-crystallizes upon evaporation of the water, leav-
ing a finely-divided, white salt which is very palatable. 288
It seems that the people speaking the Northeastern Pomo
dialect exercised, or at least attempted to exercise, full property
rights in respect to the salt at this particular place, and made it
an article of trade with their neighbors, at least at times, though
there are differences of opinion as to how they sold it. They
themselves say that they sometimes sold the refined salt and that
at other times they required a payment for the privilege of gath-
ering the crude material from the salt-bed. Some of the Pomo
from the Clear lake and upper Russian river region say they
were not required to buy the crude salt, but at the same time
"•Dr. W. C. Morgan of the Department of Chemistry of the University
of California has made an analysis of the salt refined by the Indians from
crude material obtained at the deposit in Salt-spring valley, and finds that it
contains 28% of insoluble material. Of the soluble material 99.2% is
•odium chloride, thus showing the soluble portion to be more pure than the
ordinary salt of commerce. The refining process removes a large percentage
of insoluble material from the crude salt, but the process, as this analysis
shows, is inadequate to thorough purification. As before stated, the refined
product is very palatable, and is white notwithstanding the fact that 28%
of it is extraneous material. This latter fact is probably due to the circum-
stance that the surface of the seepage is a finely-divided white earth. The
refined salt is not perceptibly affected by damp weather because of its al-
most total lack of magnesium chloride.
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242 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoL 6
there come from this region stories of salt-stealing expeditions to
the Stony creek salt-bed.
It appears that for many years past the Porno of the Clear
lake and upper Russian river region have not obtained salt from
the Stony creek salt-bed on account of ill feeling existing between
them and the Stony creek people. One informant, a Huchnom
Yuki in Potter valley, at the head of the east fork of Russian
river, says that many years ago, when the Potter valley and
Stony creek people were on friendly terms, some of the former
went over to Stony creek and attempted to steal salt. A fight
resulted in which some of the Potter valley party were killed. At
the time there were some Stony creek people visiting in Potter
valley and as soon as the news of the fight on Stony creek reached
the villages of Potter valley these people were killed in retalia-
tion. Since that time the Potter valley people have depended
on the ocean for salt.
Another informant from Big valley, on the southern shore of
Clear lake, tells the following story of the salt trade : About 1825
to 1835, as nearly as may be judged from events of known dates
mentioned in connection with the story, a party consisting of In-
dians from the villages in Big valley and the village of ci'gom,
on the eastern shore of the main body of Clear lake, was organized
to go to Stony creek to dance with the people there, and procure
salt. A dance was held at one of the villages in Big valley be-
fore the party left. After two days' travel they arrived at a
village on Stony creek called in the Eastern dialect kee'wi-na from
kee', salt, and wina', upon or near to. As was customary on
such occasions, they halted a short distance from the village and
dressed themselves for the dance, meanwhile sending one of their
number to the village to announce their coming. All, both visi-
tors and residents, went into the dance house and the dance was
celebrated in the usual manner, being followed by a plunge in
the creek. When the dancers returned from the creek some of
the women of the village were busy pounding acorns into meal,
and all seemed as it should be with the exception of one old
woman who acted strangely and mumbled constantly hapuka-
.maialtutsi'. No one seemed to understand what she was saying,
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and some of the visitors remarked that she should be happy with
all the rest.
The visitors were soon served with food in the dance-house,
and while they were eating the residents of the village all dis-
appeared save the old woman, who came into the dance-house ges-
ticulating wildly and repeating hapfikamaialtutsf in a loud,
earnest whisper. Finally she took two sticks and made signs of
shooting with the bow and arrow, and the visitors then under-
stood that she wished to warn them of danger. Two of the party
urged that all should return home at once, citing the fact that
many people had been killed on account of the salt trade; but
the others refused, saying that the people were perfectly friendly
and they would stay and enjoy a good dance that night. The
two, however, left, and had been gone but a short time when the
residents of the village returned, accompanied by some of the
members of nearby villages, all fully armed, and succeeded in
killing all those in the dance-house. They then scalped their
victims and stretched the scalps over rude baskets made for the
purpose, each of which was fastened to a short pole (scalping
was very unusual among the Porno). Having ornamented the
scalps with beads and properly prepared them for the dance,
they went to a village north of theirs (this village was indefinitely
located by the informant but, from the description of its inhabi-
tants, was undoubtedly a Yuki village), where scalping and scalp
dancing were customary, and celebrated the massacre. The de-
tails of the massacre and of the scalp dance which followed were
learned by the Clear lake people only some years later, for the
two men who escaped made good their safety without waiting to
see any part of the outcome of the old woman's warning.
A few years after the coming of the first American settlers
into the Clear lake region, about 1840, m the Indians of Big val-
ley organized a party which went over to a fish dam on the head
of Stony creek and ambushed two Northeastern Porno fishermen,
killing them as they came to the dam to look after their traps.
They then scalped them, and a dance was held at one of the vil-
lages in Big valley to celebrate the occasion.
Since the time of the massacre the Clear lake people have
never obtained salt from the Stony creek salt-bed, except very
m See p. 198.
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244 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [ VoL &
recently since the white people have had fall possession of the
land upon which it is situated.
It is a significant fact that the Stony creek Porno were, at
least in more recent times, on most intimate terms with the Yuki,
who were very hostile to the Porno of the Russian river and Clear
lake region. The Yuki enjoyed very great privileges within the
Stony creek territory and, notwithstanding the great differences
of language between the two peoples, intermarriage was not at
all uncommon.
There were regular trails to this salt-bed from Potter valley,,
from Upper Lake valley, and from Round valley, as well as from
the Sacramento valley. The trail from Potter valley, according
to one informant, ran over Big Horse mountain and thence across
Rice fork of South Eel river to Snow mountain, where it divided.
If a party wished to buy salt, they took the trail leading directly
down Stony creek; but if they intended to steal it, they passed
on northward along the crest of the range to the north side of St.
John mountain, where a trail led directly down to the salt-bed,,
thus removing the danger of passing any villages. According
to an informant from Upper lake the salt trail from that valley
led in a northeasterly direction to some hot springs on the extreme*
head of Middle creek, thence to Snow mountain, and on down
Stony creek. If his people wished to steal salt they went this:
same trail, but at night. No information could be had concern-
ing the trail which led from Round valley and other parts of the-
Yuki territory other than that it ran through a pass just north,
of St. John mountain.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Stony ford Rancheria, at a point about two and one-half milefr
west of the town of Stonyf ord. This is the only village inhabited
by people speaking the Northeastern Porno dialect. It is situated
on the lower slope of the foot-hills a short distance north of Big
Stony creek and consists of five houses and about twelve inhabi-
tants who are practically all from the old villages of this valley.
No name for this village was given by its inhabitants, but the
people of the Southerly Wintun dialect living on Little Stonjr
and Indian creeks call it no'pnokewi.
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Old Village Sites.
tcee'tido, at a point about three and one-half miles north of
the town of Stonyford and a mile west of Big Stony creek. This
site is located on the northeast side of what is known as Salt-
spring valley near the large salt-bed there.* 70 This village de-
rived its name from the salt, tcee'.
kakoska'l, or tco'kuabe in the Southerly Wintun dialect, on
the west bank of Big Stony creek at a point about two and a half
miles north of the town of Stonyford. This site is on what is
known as the Bickford ranch.
ta'taca, on the west bank of Big Stony creek at a point about
two miles north of the town of Stonyford.
kata'kta, on the west bank of Big Stony creek at a point about
a mile and a half north of the town of Stonyford.
duhultamtfwa, or nffminuibe in the Southerly Wintun dial-
ect, on the north bank of Big Stony creek immediately north of
the town of Stonyford.
mihiltamti'wa, near the foot-hills east of Big Stony creek, and
at a point about three-quarters of a mile northeast of the town
of Stonyford. There is some doubt as to the name of this village,
but the one given is probably correct.
baka'mtati, or torodfhabe in the Southerly Wintun dialect,
on the south bank of Big Stony creek at the site of the grist mill
just north of the town of Stonyford. At the time of the coming
of white settlers this was one of the largest villages in this valley.
odi'laka, on the south bank of Big Stony creek at a point about
two miles west of the town of Stonyford.
amo'taXi, on the south bank of Big Stony creek at a point about
three and one-half miles west of the town of Stonyford.
tu'riiruraibida, near the south bank of themiddle fork of Big
Stony creek and at a point about one mile northwest of the con-
fluence of the south and middle forks.
Old Camp Sites.
pdkatca'huya, at a point half way up the southeastern slope
of St. John mountain.
wa'imun, near the summit of St. John mountain.
*"See the section dealing with Salt Deposits.
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246 Univenity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
YUKL
The first writer to define the name Yuki was Powers, 271 by
whom it was spelled "Yuka. ,,m He says, "The word yuka in
the Wintoon language signifies 'stranger,' and hence secondarily
'bad Indian' or 'thief,' and it was applied by that people to al-
most all the Indians around them .... As a matter of
fact there are several tribes whom both whites and Indians call
'Yukas'; but this tribe alone acknowledge the title and use it."
He says further, "Their own name for themselves is Uk-um-nom
(meaning 'in the valley'), and for those on South Bel River
speaking the same language, Huch-nom (meaning 'outside the
valley'). Those over on the ocean are called Uk-ho'at-nom ('on
the ocean')." The Bound Valley Yuki, according to Professor
Kroeber, who has recently done work among them, call them-
selves ukom-nom, and the coast Yuki uk-hot-nom, water big peo-
ple. The Eden valley sub-dialect name for the Round valley
people was onhuinom. Yuki is at present the accepted ortho-
graphy, but others have been used, as: "Ukis," 274 "Yuca," 275
' ' Yukiah, ' ' 276 and ' ' Euka. ' ' 27T On account of the inconsistencies
in the alphabets used by those who have written about the Yuki
some confusion has arisen, particularly because of the likenesses
of some of these spellings to those of the Porno word yo'kaia, the
name of a Central Porno village, which has also been variously
spelled.
Further evidence beyond that already quoted from Powers
that the Yuki were a people more belligerent than their neighbors
is found in the fact that they were called tcima'ia, signifying
enemy, by the Porno to the south. The stories told by the In-
m Overland Monthly, IX, 305.
m In "Tribes of California" (p. 125) the spelling is changed to "Yu-
ki."
m Purdy, Land of Sunshine, XV, 442.
m Mendocino War, op. cit, p. 33, Deposition of W. J. Hildreth.
m Ibid., p. 50, Deposition of Dryden Lacock.
*" Austin Wiley, Bept. Comm. Ind. Aft*, in Bept. Sec Int, 1864, in House
Ex. Doc, 1864- '65, Vol. 5, No. 1, p. 280.
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dians also show them to have been of an aggressive spirit. 278 The
name tcima'ia was applied more particularly to the people in-
habiting the region about Gravelly valley, 270 and in the mountains
along Bice fork and on the headwaters of South Eel river. The
name has been variously spelled: " Shumeias, " 28 ° "Chumaya," 281
"Chu-mai-a," 282 "Shumaya," 288 "Shumairs." 284
The territory of the Yuki is divided into four parts : a main
area inhabited by people speaking the Yuki proper and Huchnom
dialects ; a coast division, here designated as the Coast Yuki, lying
like the preceding north of the main Porno area ; a smaller isol-
ated territory of the so-called Wappo or Ashochimi, south and
east of the Porno territory ; and a very small area on the southern
shore of Clear lake inhabited also by Wappo people who came
originally from the main Wappo area farther south. This very
small area forms, so to speak, a Wappo colony entirely sur-
rounded by Porno speaking people, while the main territory of
the Wappo is confined to the valley of Napa river, a small part
of Russian river valley, and the intervening mountains ; and also
a small area on the headwaters of Putah creek north of mount
St. Helena. Except for the intervention of the small strip of
Athapascan territory at Cahto and Laytonville, the Yuki north
of the Porno would inhabit a continuous area stretching from the
crest of the Coast Range, on the western border of the Sacra-
mento valley, to the ocean.
m Evidence of this is shown in the story of the massacre of the party
of Clear lake Porno by those on Stony creek, and the subsequent scalp dance
which was held with the Yuki. See the story of this massacre in the por-
tion of this paper dealing with Salt Deposits.
m One informant, an old Yuki woman, born in Gravelly valley, gave
nu'fikfll as the name of the people formerly living in and about that valley,
and it seems probable that this is a form of the word written by the whites
"Nome Cult" (the name of the government Indian farm established in
Bound valley in 1856, and later changed into a full reservation). The origin
of the name is not known, but from the fact that nom, meaning west, occurs
in Wintun, as nd'mlaki, it is possible that the term came originally from that
source.
M Powers, Overland Monthly, IX, 312; Bancroft, Native Races, I, 449.
m Powell, op. cit., p. 136; Mason, op. cit., p. 440.
"• Powers, Tribes of California, p. 136.
M Mendocino War, op. cit, p. 49, Deposition of Dryden Lacock.
"•Ibid., p. 50.
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248 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
TUKI PROPER.
BOUNDARIES.
The territory of the Yuki proper extends beyond the northern
limit of the region under investigation and its northern boundary
has therefore not been determined. The eastern boundary of the
portion included in this investigation runs in a general southerly
direction along the crest of the Coast Range, which here forms
the watershed between the drainages of Sacramento and Eel riv-
ers, passes around the head of the Rice fork of South Eel river
and then takes a northwesterly course, along the divide separat-
ing the drainage of this stream from that of Middle creek, to Big
Horse mountain. To this point the boundary separates the Yuki
proper from the Northerly Wintun, the Northeastern Pomo, the
Southerly Wintun, the Eastern Pomo and the Northern Pomo
areas successively. At Big Horse mountain it turns northward,
crosses South Eel river probably just below the confluence of Rice
fork with it, passes a short distance west of the town of Hullville,
near which it turns in a northwesterly direction and, probably
keeping a short distance east of Salmon creek, finally passes onto
the southeastern extremity of the Sanhedrin range, along which
it runs to a point near its northwestern end, where it turns in a
westerly direction, crosses South Eel river probably at a point
about midway between the confluences of Outlet creek and Middle
Eel river with it, and meets the Yuki-Athapascan interstock line
at a point probably a short distance southeast of the town of
Laytonville. The territory of the Huchnom dialect is separated
from that of the Yuki proper by this portion of the boundary.
The western boundary of this portion of the Yuki territory prob-
ably passes up the divide separating the south fork of Eel river
from South Eel river and the main stream, 285 and so far as traced
separates Athapascan territory from that of the Yuki proper.
To the east of this very irregularly shaped area of the Yuki
proper lies Wintun and Northeastern Pomo territory. On the
south it is adjoined by the Eastern and Northern Pomo dialectic
areas, while on the southwest the territory of the Huchnom, the
'See note 294.
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only contiguous Yuki, adjoins it. On the west is the so-called
Cahto Athapascan territory.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The territory of the Yuki proper lies in a country much more
rough and mountainous than any of the Coast Range to the south
as far as San Francisco bay. The streams flow in deep canyons,
the mountains being steep and high, and in the entire area there
are but few places desirable as sites for villages. Round val-
ley, 286 in which the town of Covelo is situated, on the headwaters
of Middle Eel river, is the largest valley in the area of the Yuki
proper, and in former times supported a large population. In
the Sanhedrin range between Middle and South Eel rivers is a
small valley, known as Eden valley, and on the upper course of
South Eel river at a point a short distance above the confluence
of the Rice fork with it is another small valley known as Gravelly
valley. Hullville is situated in the latter. There are other
smaller valleys in the mountains and along the streams, but the
region as a whole is rugged.
Almost all of the former inhabitants of the old villages of
this dialectic area now live on the Round Valley Indian reserva-
tion.
Old Tillage Sites.
In the matter of social organization the Yuki proper, their
immediate Athapascan neighbors, and probably also the Coast
Yuki, differ somewhat from the remaining peoples here treated.
The Athapascan people living about Cahto and Laytonville on
the extreme headwaters of the south fork of Eel river were very
similar in their general culture to the Porno, while the Wailaki,
who occupied the territory immediately northwest of Round val-
ley in the mountains along the main stream of Eel river and
westward, were very different in general culture from the Porno,
being much more similar to, though still quite distinct from, the
Yuki. Both the Yuki and the Athapascans had, instead of the
m The Porno name of Round valley is maca'-kai, from maea, Indian hemp,
Apocynum, and kai, valley. The late Mr. A. E. Sherwood in Alley, Bowen
and Company's History of Mendocino County, p. 167, gives the name "Me-
sha-kai" with the translation of "valley of tule or tall grass."
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250 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol 6
many villages which were politically and socially entirely inde-
pendent, as among the Porno and others to the south, a grouping
of their villages into a number of units which show some ap-
proach to a loose tribal organization in that each unit group had
what may be called a central governmental head. However, this
banding together of villages into a group appears not to have
been very stable either in the territorial extent of the group or
in the firmness of the union of the villages constituting it. Also
these groups lacked any special names by which they or their
people were designated, while on the contrary there existed cer-
tain other names, such as ukom-nom, which were used to desig-
nate all the people within given physiographical limits regardless
of whether they belonged to one or more of the above-mentioned
groups. On the whole, therefore, this cannot be called a true
tribal organization, though there is certainly an approach to such
organization in a loose form. Opportunity has not been afforded
to determine these tribal groups over the entire Yuki territory,
but it seems probable that the conditions prevailing in Bound
valley and the immediate vicinity are typical of conditions over
the whole area of the Yuki proper. In respect to group names
there are a very few instances occurring among the Pomo which
point toward the existence of such names. These are possibly the
remnants of an earlier group organization, though at the present
time there is no case amon? the Pomo of a true political or social
grouping of anything like a permanent kind. The names re-
ferred to are kftLa'napS, kab€'napd and yS'kaia, names which were
applied to groups of people inhabiting one or more villages con-
fined within very small territorial limits, but who recognized no
political or social unity corresponding to the name. The exist-
ence of such special names for the people themselves of a village
or of a small group of villages is very unusual among the Pomo,
where the almost universal practice exists of designating a people
by the name of the village which they occupy, or more broadly by
the name of their valley, or still more broadly by the direction in
which they live.
The most detailed information obtained in connection with
the above mentioned groups of the Yuki proper concerns the
territory comprising the northern half of Bound valley with the
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adjacent foot-hills. Within this area there were a number of
villages collected into three groups, each group being governed,
in so far as any governing was done, by a chief called tiol hotek,
chief big, who resided at one of the several villages of the group.
This village was recognized as the seat of government. At the
same time each village had its governor or lesser chief, called tiol
uncil, chief little. The head chief administered the affairs of the
group of villages, while the lesser chiefs cared for the people of
their own special villages. The office of lesser chief and perhaps
also that of head chief was hereditary and could pass to females
as well as males in the proper order of blood relationship. While
the groups were fully recognized, no special name appears to have
been given to any of them, and the chief distinguishing feature to
the Indians' minds appears to be the fact of the government of
the several villages of the group by a head chief. No special
name appears to have been given to a member of a group, he
taking the designation of the particular village to which he be-
longed, or, if spoken of by more distant people, of the valley itself.
In the northern part of Bound valley and in the foot-hills to
the north and east, both of which lie without the limits of the
accompanying map, there were formerly three of these groups.
The territorially largest of the three occupied the western part of
the valley from a line passing approximately north and south
about half a mile east of the present site of the Bound Valley
agency and Indian school. Within this territory there were sev-
eral villages. Names and locations for five, all of which lay near
the foot-hills, were given by informants, as follows : tcotchan-Hk,
mush-oak water, near where the residence of Mr. Westley Hoxie
now stands, which is about a quarter of a mile east of the present
agency. There is here a large spring from which the village is
said to have derived its name. This appears to have been one of
the smaller villages and the name of its lesser chief had been for-
gotten by the informants. Mamecf cmo was located where the
buildings of the agency now stand. The captain of this village
was kumcume. There was a large dance-house here and the In-
dians formerly celebrated ceremonies here as well as at certain
of the other villages of the group. Out in the valley, and stand-
ing almost separate from the adjacent foot-hills, about two miles
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252 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
west of the agency, is a small wooded hill. At the eastern foot of
this hill is the site of u'wi't, the chief village of the group. It
was here that huntclsti'tak, the last head chief of this group, lived,
and this village was recognized as the seat of government of the
group. The special affairs of the village were administered by a
lesser chief, olyo'si by name. There was a dance-house here, but
ceremonies were also held at certain of the other villages, notwith-
standing the fact that this was the residence of the head chief.
A short distance to the west of the wooded hill above mentioned
is a flour mill which stands on the site of another village, called
ha'ke. There was formerly a dance-house at this village and
ceremonies were held here. Informants could not recall the name
of the lesser chief of this village. On the western shore of a small
tule pond which lies near the western border of Round valley and
about two miles southwest of the flour mill above referred to, is
the site of another old village, called son. It is said by informants
that the same person acted as lesser chief of both this village and
u'wi't, a circumstance which is very exceptional for this whole
region, as in all other cases known each village had its separate
chief, or captain as he is commonly called. In addition to these
five villages recalled by the informants there were several others
of less importance, the names of which they could not, at the time,
remember.
The second group occupied a territory in Round valley im-
mediately east of the group just described and extending for
some miles northward into the mountains, including what is
known as Williams valley and reaching as far northward as Blue-
nose. The portion of Round valley itself which was held by this
tribal group was very small and the only village recalled by in-
formants was pomo', situated at the foot-hills in the northeastern
extremity of Round valley. The residence of Mr. Ed. Smith
now occupies this site. Though the greater portion of the ter-
ritory and the greater number of the villages of this group lay in
Williams valley to the north, the village of pomo' was the prin-
cipal village and the home of the head chief. The last one of
these head chiefs was huMalak. The names of some of the vil-
lages in Williams valley were as follows, the names being given
m order up stream from the mouth of Williams creek: mo'thuy-
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up, kilikot', lelha'ksl, nonuka"k, yukuwaskal, and mo'yi. The
exact location of each of these villages was not given.
The third group occupied a territory comprising a small por-
tion of the northeastern part of Round valley proper and the
valley along Middle Eel river immediately east of Bound valley.
Thus the greater part of the territory of this group also lay with-
out the limits of Round valley proper. The villages of this group
which lay within Round valley were, so far as could be ascer-
tained, the following : on-a n s, earth-red, or titwa, on what is known
as the McCombre ranch. It lies in a small arm of Round val-
ley partially shut off from the main valley by a low, timbered
ridge, called locally Tule Ridge, which extends southeastward
from the mountains surrounding the valley. This village was
the most important of the various villages in the territory
of this group, and was the residence of the last head chief,
sintcitcmo'pse. In this same arm of Round valley and at a point
a short distance north of ona*s is the site of another old village
called son-ka'c, tule-ridge. This lay immediately east of the low
ridge above mentioned from which the village took its name. The
third village in this area was molkus, which lay at the immediate
foot-hills just east of the cemetery now used by the nomlaki (Win-
tun) people on the reservation. This village lay very near the
line between the territory of this group and that of the group last
outlined and may have been occupied partly by people of both
groups. It appears however that its people recognized sintci-
tcmo'pse as their head chief.
As above stated, no tribal names appear to have existed, vil-
lage and locality names being the only ones used. Thus people
were referred to as of a certain village or, if spoken of by more
distant people, as of a certain valley. The people of the various
localities within the Yuki territory were referred to by the Yuki
proper, as follows, the name of the locality or of the village being
followed by the ending nom signifying 'people of:
In Round valley, u'kom-nom, valley people.
In Williams valley, northeast of Round valley, cipi-ma'1-nom,
willow-creek-people, Kitcil-ukom is another name for Williams
valley.
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254 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol. 6
In what is known as Pobrman's valley to the northeast of
Bound valley, uka'tcim-nom, from uk, water, katcim, not good,
bad, and nom, people.
At Blue Nose, a prominent mountain north of Bound valley,
Ul-fam-nom, rock-sidehill-people. Professor Kroeber obtained
nonlatc-nom as the name for the people of this vicinity.
Along the head of Middle Eel river, ma'1-tcal-nom, creek-tcal-
people.
On Middle Eel river, at a point a short distance up stream
from the confluence of South Eel river with it, utif-nom, fitiU
people. According to information obtained by Professor Kroeber
huitit-nom is the name of a people on the south fork of Middle
Eel river, adjacent to the Yuki-Wintun boundary, the summit
of the Coast Range.
In Eden valley, in the Sanhedrin range south of Bound val-
ley, wlt-ukom-nom, sidehill-valley-people.
Along South Eel river in the vicinity of the confluence of Out-
let creek with it, hutc-nom, mountain-people. This name was
more loosely applied to all of the Yukian people speaking the
dialect of this vicinity, but the name is said to have been original-
ly applied to this more restricted region. 2?fam-nom also sig-
nifies mountain people.
In the vicinity of Travelers Home on South Eel river, yek-
ma n l-nom, yek-creek-people.
In Gravelly valley in which Hullville is situated, on-kol-flkom-
nom, land on-the-other-side (!) valley people. This valley is
well up toward the source of South Eel river. It was also called
n&tc-ukom, literally gravel-valley.
In the valley of Stony creek about Stonyford, iwil-han-nom,
poison-house (i.e., sweat-house) -people.
Along the immediate coast-line, that is the people living in
what is here designated as the Coast Yuki dialectic area, fik-hot-
nom, water-big-people.
Further Professor Kroeber has obtained the following, all of
which are names of villages with the ending nom added :
sonlal-nom, at or near Poonkiny (p'tlnkini, wormwood).
tcahe-lil-nom, redbud-rock-people, indefinitely located some-
where toward Middle Eel river from Poonkiny.
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suk&-nom, a short distance north of the coal mine on the north
bank of Middle Eel river at a point nearly due south of Covelo.
sukcultata-nom, near Buck mountain, and Hull's creek, one
of the affluents of the north fork of Eel river, flowing into it from
the southeast.
lil-cik-nom (rock-black-people), lil-cai-nom, or lil-nui-nom,
about ten miles below the confluence of South and Middle Eel
rivers, at a large rock west of the river.
ta'-nom; ta' is an open hill-side east of Eel river and about
west of Bound valley. This is the name applied to a people who
lived mainly east of Eel river and northward along it as far as
the Wailaki territory. The following villages are said to have
been closely affiliated with the ta'nom, and all together were
often spoken of as ta'nom: hatc-hot-nom, pomaha*-nom, and
tUamol-nom, all lying east of Eel river, and kitcil-pit*' (flint-hole,
or mine) lying west of it. Also ma n t-nom and kaca a sitc-nom, both
indefinitely located.
The ending nom which appears on most of these names, as also
on many of the names of the Huchnom villages, does not signify
village or place, but people, and is evidently related to the Wappo
no'ma, used in the same manner, but said to signify village or
home.
The following are the villages of the Yuki proper located with-
in the limits of the territory covered by the accompanying map :
mo'tnoom (Huchnom dialect name), near the south bank of
Middle Eel river at its confluence with South Eel river, utit-
nom is the name of a people living at the confluence of South
and Middle Eel rivers, according to information obtained by
Professor A. L. Kroeber from the Sound valley Yuki.
hunkoli'tc, on the north bank of South Eel river at a point
a short distance southeast of Hullville in Gravelly valley. 287
uwulutme (Northeastern Porno dialect name), at a point a
short distance southwest of Hullville in Gravelly valley on South
Eel river.
Prom Yuki informants in Bound valley Professor A. L. Kroe-
ber learned the names of two old village sites in Eden valley.
m The Eastern Porno name of Gravelly valley is kutsa'ku-kai, starvation
valley. The name Gravelly valley is given to it on account of its extremely
gravelly and barren soiL
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256 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoL 6
One of these, k'iliku, is in the northern or lower end of the
valley, while the other, witukom, is in the southern or upper end.
The people of the latter owned the adjacent parts of the Sanhed-
rin range. The inhabitants of Eden valley with those living at
the confluence of South and Middle Bel rivers formed a sub-
dialectic group of the Yuki proper.
HUCHNOM DIALECT.
Hu'chnom is the name by which these people were called both
by themselves and by the Yuki proper. The Porno to the south
called them Ta'tu, and they are at present commonly known on
the Round valley reservation as Redwoods. The latter name arose
from the fact that part of their number formerly lived at a village
in Redwood valley at the head of the main branch of Russian
river. This circumstance gave rise to the statement by early writ-
ers that the whole of Redwood valley and surrounding territory
belonged to them. Powers 288 gives "Huchnom" as the name which
the Indians apply to themselves, but in treating of them he calls
them "Ta-tu," adding, however, that that name is the one "ap-
plied to them by the Porno of Potter valley,' ' and further that
the particular people to whom the name was applied were those
living in the extreme upper end of Potter valley. But he says
also 289 that the name Huchnom was applied by the Yuki to all
the people living along South Eel river and that its significa-
tion was "outside the valley." 290 The name is spelled "Hooch-
nom" by Mason 291 who also uses 292 "Taco," upon the authority
of Dr. J. W. Hudson, in speaking of the Huchnom of Potter
valley. Bancroft, 298 quoting from Powers' manuscript, speaks of
the "Tahtoos."
BOUNDARIES.
Beginning probably at a point a short distance southeast of
the town of Laytonville the boundary of the Huchnom dialect
runs in a general easterly direction, crossing South Eel river at
"• Tribes of California, p. 139.
"•Ibid, p. 126.
"• See Yuki, p. 556.
M Op. cit., p. 368.
m Ibid., p. 328.
"• Native Races, I, 449.
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a point half way between the confluences of Outlet creek and of
Middle Eel river with it, to the crest of the Sanhedrin range,
which it follows with its southeasterly trend to the headwaters
of Salmon creek, a tributary of South Eel river, and thence, in
the same direction, probably along the ridge just east of Salmon
creek and a short distance west of Hullville in Gravelly valley.
Near Hullville it turns in a southerly direction and runs to South
Eel river which it again crosses, this time probably near the con-
fluence of Bice fork with it. It then passes on southward and
intersects the Porno- Yuki interstock line at a point probably just
north of Big Horse mountain. Northeast of this portion of the
boundary lies the territory of the Yuki proper. At Big Horse
mountain the line turns in a general westerly direction and fol-
lows the ridge just south of South Eel river to Potter valley,
where it crosses the extreme head of the east fork of Russian
river. From here it continues in a westerly direction for a short
distance along the ridge just south of South Eel river and then
turns in a northwesterly direction up the divide separating the
drainages of Outlet and Tomki creeks. This divide it follows to
the extreme head of Tomki creek. Here it takes again a west-
erly course, crosses Outlet creek, and runs to a point a short dis-
tance north of Sherwood valley. This portion of the boundary
separates the Huchnom and Porno areas. From Sherwood val-
ley it runs in a northerly direction probably following the divide
between the drainage of Outlet creek and that of the South fork
of Eel river to the starting point, a short distance southeast of
the town of Laytonville, 2 * 4 thus separating the Huchnom terri-
tory from the Athapascan to the west.
On the north, northeast and east the territory of the Yuki
proper is contiguous to this somewhat rectangular area of the
Huchnom. On the south and southwest is the Northern Porno
dialectic area, and on the west the Cahto Athapascan.
m It has been impossible to determine, except approximately, the Eastern
Yuki- Athapascan interstock boundary, and it is known that the line between
the Yuki proper and the Huchnom areas crossed South Eel river at a point
about half way between the confluences of Outlet creek and Middle Eel river
with it, that it ran along the crest of the Sanhedrin range, and that it passed
just west of Hullville in Gravelly valley ; but it has been impossible to deter-
mine exactly the portions of the line from the ends of the Sanhedrin range
to the western and southern boundaries respectively.
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258 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The Huchnom area lies almost wholly between the ranges im-
mediately adjacent to the course of South Eel river and almost
all of the villages were located on the banks of the river, the
ruggedness of the mountains rendering them almost entirely
unfit for habitation. The only portion of this dialectic area not
between these ranges is a very small area in the extreme northern
end of Potter valley on the headwaters of the east fork of Russian
river. There was here a single Huchnom village, the inhabitants
of which were, however, on most friendly terms with their Porno
neighbors. While they owned the small area at the head of the
valley they placed no restrictions on the use of it by the Porno
and, in turn, they made use of the Porno territory in the valley.
In fact, the Huchnom, not only of this village but also of the
entire Huchnom area, were on much more friendly terms with
the Porno than with their nearer linguistic relatives, the Yuki
proper. Their cultural affinities also were with the Porno, while
those of the Yuki proper appear to be more with the Wailaki and
others to the north.
There are no inhabited modern villages within the Huchnom
dialectic area. The few remaining individuals speaking the
Huchnom dialect are at the Bound Valley Indian reservation,
where they are commonly known under the name of Redwoods,
and in Potter valley on the east fork of Russian river, where they
are usually called Tatu.
Old Village Sites.
cfpomul, on the east bank of South Eel river at the conflu-
ence of Outlet creek with it.
nonho m ho m u, on the northeast bank of South Eel river at a
point about seven miles up stream from the confluence of Outlet
creek with it.
yek or stmlyaxai (Northern Porno dialect name), on South
Eel river at a point about ten miles up stream from the con-
fluence of Outlet creek with it and about seven mile? down stream
from the confluence of Tomki creek with it. This village was
situated on both sides of the river at a point only a short distance
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down stream from the wagon bridge, known as Long's bridge,
across South Eel river.
mo% near the east bank of Sanhedrin creek at its confluence
with South Eel river.
mu'pan, or cii'ncil (Northern Pomo dialect name) from cii'n,
grape-vine, and cil, bunch, on the east bank of South Eel river
at the confluence of Thomas creek with it.
mo'ikuyuk, or wa'mulu (Northern Pomo dialect name), at the
confluence of Tomki creek 295 with South Eel river. This village
occupied both banks of the river at this point.
ha' n tupokw, or tadam (Northern Pomo dialect name), on the
south bank of Tomki creek at a point about three and one-half
miles up stream from its confluence with South Eel river.
puke'mul, on the upper course of Tomki creek at a point
probably about five miles northwest of its confluence with South
Eel river.
baa'wel (Northern Pomo dialect name), on the west bank of
South Eel river at a point about a mile and a half down stream
from the summer resort known as John Day's.
li'lkool, or kalu'ydkai (Northern Pomo dialect name), at a
point about a quarter of a mile up stream from John Day's on
South Eel river. This village occupied both banks of the river
at this point, the larger part, however, being on the south bank.
kdmohmemiiikuyu'k or co'nba (Northern Pomo dialect name),
on the north bank of South Eel river at a point about three miles
up stream from John Day's. This village was located on what
is known as Lowder's flat, a small flat on the north bank of the
river at a point a short distance down stream from the con-
fluence of Buckner creek with it.
mumeme't, on the north bank of South Eel river at a point a
short distance down stream from the confluence of Salmon creek
with it.
u'kufonanoon; or kale da, or te'lda (Northern Pomo dialect
names), on the extreme headwaters of the east fork of Russian
"•The valley called "Betnmki" by Gibbs, and various variants of that
name by other early writers, is not situated along Tomki creek, but is Little
Lake valley at the head of Outlet creek. See note 112. Tomki comes
from mto'm-kai, the Pomo name of Little Lake valley, but has been applied
by the whites to an entirely different creek and valley than the one intended
by the Indians. The Huchnom name of Tomki creek is kilimil.
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260 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
river and at the head of Potter valley. This was the only Huch-
nom village lying outside of the drainage of South Eel river.
A similar name has been found by Professor A. L. Eroeber among
the Yuki proper, who now call themselves ukom-nom, which may
originally have been the name only of the people of Round valley
itself, or of a single village in it The Eden valley sub-dialect
name for the Round valley people was onhui-nom.
Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.
mulha'l, in Redwood valley on Russian river, at a point about
four and one-half miles north of the town of Calpella.* 9 '
cffdakai (Northern Porno dialect name), at the southwestern
end of Coyote valley, and at a point about a mile and a half up
stream from the confluence of the east fork of Russian river with
the main stream. It seems probable that this village was occu-
pied by the Huchnom for a few years after they left their former
temporary village at mulha'l in Redwood valley. This was not,
however, exclusively a Huchnom village, as there were Porno liv-
ing here at different times. 197
COAST YUKI.
BOUNDARIES.
The territory of the Coast Yuki extends beyond the northern
limit of the region under consideration and its northern bound-
ary 298 has not been determined. The eastern boundary was only
"•Owing to the presence of the Huchnom at this village this entire val-
ley was supposed by Powers and other early writers to belong to the Yuki.
It seems, however, from information gathered from both Huchnom and Porno
sources, that this was but a temporary village of the Huchnom and that they
claimed no rights of ownership in the valley. As to the circumstances of
their settling at this village there are conflicting opinions. One informant
says that the Huchnom lived here for short periods before the coming of
white settlers; another, that they moved here from Eel river after the com-
ing of white settlers, and remained for about twenty years, after which they
moved to cd'dakai. in Coyote valley near the confluence of the east fork of
Busman river with the main stream, where they remained for about five
years.
"See also cd'dakai, p. 278.
"•The boundary as determined by Professor A. L. Kroeber from Coast
Yuki informants at Westport is indefinitely located on the north as between
that town and Usal, about thirteen miles north of Westport. The region
about Usal was Athapascan. — Amer. Anth., n.&, V. p. 729, 1903. Powers
(Tribes of California, p. 155) incorrectly gives it as Pomo, calling the peo-
ple "Yu-8&1 Pomo or Kam-a-lal Po-mo (Ocean people)."
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indefinitely determined but it is probable that it runs in a south-
erly direction along the water-shed separating the drainage of
the south fork of Eel river from that of De Haven and other
small creeks along the coast-line and thence in a southeasterly
direction along this same divide around the heads of the north
fork and the main branch of Ten Mile river to the northern
boundary of the main Porno area which it meets at a point prob-
ably about four miles northwest of Sherwood. Throughout all of
this course it separates the Coast Yuki and the Athapascan
areas. Here it turns in a westerly direction and, separating the
Porno and the Coast Yuki areas, runs to the coast at a point a
short distance south of the southern end of Cleone beach.* 99 The
western boundary of this area is the shore-line of the ocean.
This area is adjoined on the east by the territory of the Atha-
pascans and on the south by that of the Northern Porno, while
the ocean lies to the west.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The Coast Yuki territory extends over portions of two topo-
graphic divisions, the coast region and the redwood belt. At
Cleone there is a sand beach about four miles in length and to the
east of this the open coast country slopes gently back for from a
quarter to three-quarters of a mile. From the northern end of
this beach northward to De Haven creek the shore-line is char-
acterized by fairly high cliffs, and north of this point the cliffs
reach often several hundreds of feet in height. Several creeks
cut these cliffs, flowing in very deep, steep-walled canyons, but
the only stream of any considerable size within this area is Ten
Mile river. A dense forest of redwoods begins a short distance
back from the shore-line of the ocean and extends over the adja-
cent mountains and beyond the eastern limits of the area.
"° The information concerning these boundaries is conflicting, informants
from different localities differing in their opinions as to what formed the
line. According to information obtained by Professor A. L. Kroeber from
a Coast Yuki at Westport the eastern boundary of their territory extended
to the south fork of Eel river, known locally as Jackson valley creek, which
agrees with information obtained by Professor P. E. Goddard among the
Athapascans at Canto.
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202 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. i
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Near the beach just south of the mouth of De Haven creek
there are living at present a few Indians speaking the Coast
Yuki dialect This place, however, should be counted rather as
a temporary village than as a permanent one, since the people now
living here do not remain continuously, but move about to a
certain extent, their moving being governed chiefly by the places
where employment is to be had. These people are mostly former
inhabitants of the old village near the mouth of Ten Mile river.
Old Village Sites.
tcucamatce'm (Northern Porno dialect name), on the coast at
a point about a mile north of Hardy creek.
se'ecene (Northern Porno dialect name), at a point about a
quarter of a mile southeast of Westport.
bida'to (Northern Porno dialect name), a short distance back
from the shore-line at the mouth of Ten Mile river. This was a
very large village and occupied both banks of the river at this
point. During the warmer season the people of this village fre-
quently camped along the sandy beach which extends more or less
continuously from the mouth of the river to the southern limit
of the dialect just south of Cleone. The name bida'to was ap-
plied also to Ten Mile river. Upon the authority of the late Mr.
A. E. Sherwood Alley, Bowen and Company* 00 say, "What is now
known as Ten-mile river, was called Be-dah-to, literally mush
river, the name being applied on account of the quick sand at its
mouth." However, this etymology remains to be established.
Bedatoe is the name used by Mr. M. Q. Bailey, 801 Special Agent
of the Interior Department, in speaking of these Indians.
At what is called Mateo flat on the north bank of Ten Mile
river at a point about five miles up stream from its mouth there
is the site of an old village, the name of which could not be
learned.
Old Camp Sites.
kdbe'dima (Northern Porno dialect name), at the shore-line
near the north bank of De Haven creek.
Op. tit, p. 168.
1 Bept. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1858, p. 301.
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There is a sandy beach stretching more or less continuously
from the mouth of Ten Mile river to the southern limit of this
dialectic area, just south of Cleone, where the inhabitants of the
old village at Ten Mile river made camps during the dry season.
These camps were located at any advantageous spots along the
entire four-mile stretch of beach. On the accompanying map
a single camp location is given at a point about midway between
the extremities of the beach; but it must be remembered that
actually camps were made all along the beach and not especially
at this particular location. A small surf-fish, as it is locally
called, is abundant along this beach during the summer months
and it was the presence of this fish that helped to determine the
time and place of a camp.
WAPPO DIALECT.
The so-called Wappo, also designated by Stephen Powers as
the "Ashochimi," 802 occupied two comparatively small areas,
both entirely detached from the northern Yuki areas. The larger
of these two, which it will here be convenient to designate as the
main Wappo area, lies chiefly in Napa and Sonoma counties, to-
gether with a small territory in the southern end of Lake county.
The smaller area, which is very small when compared with the
main one, has always heretofore been regarded as a part of the
Porno territory. It lies along the southern shore of Clear lake and
in the mountains adjacent, and will be designated as the Clear
Lake Wappo area. Wappo is an Americanized spelling of the
Spanish guapo, signifying courageous, valiant, or bold. It was
given, according to Powers, 808 to these Indians by the Spaniards
"when smarting under the terrible whippings which they used
•"The names a'cdtea'mai and a'cdtentca'wi were applied by the South-
ern Porno to all of the Wappo in the valley about Geyserville and southward
along Busaian river, and this is undoubtedly the source of Powers' name
''Ashochimi" which he applied (Tribes of CaL, p. 196) to all the people
speaking the Wappo dialect The name is variously spelled by other writers:
" Ashochimi " (Mason, op. cit., pp. 367, 440.), "Aschochimi (Powell, op,
cit., p. 136.), and ' ' Ashochemie > ' (Bancroft, Native Baces, I, 648.). Ac-
cording to Powers (Tribes of CaL, p. 168) also the Wappo living about Gey-
serville were sometimes called the "Bineons," which is a Spanish term gig
nifying inner corner. The Wappo of this particular vicinity called them
selves mi'cewal.
"» Ibid.
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264 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
to suffer at the hands of that valorous tribe." Wappo is the
usual spelling of this name, but the spellings Wapo* 04 and Wap-
pa m are also found.
MAIN WAPPO AREA.
BOUNDARIES.
Beginning at Cobb mountain on the water-shed separating
the Russian river and Putah creek drainages, the boundary of
the main Wappo area runs in an easterly direction through the
foot-hills, crossing one branch of Putah creek in Coyote valley,
to a point about three miles northeast of Middletown, where it
takes a general southeasterly course through the mountains to
the southwest of Putah creek, passing probably about three miles
east of Pope valley, and thence probably along the range to the
east of Napa river to a point about east-northeast of Napa City. 806
This portion of the boundary separates the main Wappo area
from the territory of the peoples speaking the Northern Moquel-
umnan and the Southerly Wintun dialects. From here it runs
in a westerly direction, crossing Napa valley just north of Napa
City, the limit there being given as tide-water on Napa river. It
then runs in a general northwesterly direction, passing just north
of Glen Ellen and crossing the headwaters of Sonoma creek, to
a point about midway between the headwaters of Sonoma and
Santa Rosa creeks. To this point the boundary separates the
Wappo area from Wintun and Moquelumnan territory. From
here it runs in a more northerly direction along the hills to the
east of Santa Rosa valley, crosses Russian river at its great bend
•°* Bancroft, Native Races, I, 363, III, 648; Ford, Eept. Comm. Ind. Aff.
1856, p. 257.
"•Ford, Mendocino War, p. 15.
•"The former inhabitants of Napa valley are almost entirely gone and
it has been impossible to obtain definite information concerning the course
of a portion of the eastern boundary of the area or as to its southeastern
limits. The head of Napa valley has heretofore been regarded as the south-
ern limit of the Wappo territory, and on the map accompanying Powers'
"Tribes of California" the southern boundary runs only a very short dis-
tance south of the town of Calistoga. In the course of the present investi-
gation, however, it was found that the southern limit of this territory is tide-
water on Napa river, or a point just north of Napa City, thus extending the
boundaries formerly reported about twenty miles farther to the south and
giving the Wappo the greater part of Napa valley. This fact has been noted
in the American Anthropologist, n.s., V, p. 730, 1903.
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about four miles east of the town of Healdsburg, and passes along
the ridge separating the drainage of Russian river from that of
Dry creek, finally coming to the Russian river valley again at a
point about three miles north of the town of Geyserville. 801 Here
it turns in a general northeasterly direction, recrosses Russian
river, and runs through the foot-hills to Cobb mountain. The
Southern Porno dialectic area lies to the west and north of this
portion of the boundary.
North of the main Wappo territory lie the Southern Porno
and the Northern Moquelumnan areas, and on the northeast those
of the Northern Moquelumnan and the Southerly Wintun. On
the south lie the Southerly Wintun and the Southern Moquelum-
nan areas, while on the southwest that of the Southern Porno
adjoins it.
*" The western portion of the Pomo- Wappo boundary from the point at
which it first crosses Bussian river northward to the point at which it
turns east toward Cobb mountain is here given as it existed at the time of the
arrival of the first settlers in this region. Formerly the Wappo did not own
the portion of the Bussian river valley known as Alexander valley and ex-
tending from the confluence of Elk creek with Bussian river northward
about to the small stream called by the Wappo po'poetc, which flows into
the river just north of the old Indian village of kolo'ko, as also the territory
extending some distance into the mountains east of this valley. This terri-
tory was held by the Southern Pomo who lived at several villages, the chief
of which seem to have been kd'ticomota and ci' 'm€la.
According to Powers (Tribes of Cal. 196, 197) there was a "portion of
Bussian River Valley about ten miles in length north and south, and reach-
ing across from mountain-top to mountain- top " which was ceded by the
Pomo, whom he calls ' ' Gallinomero, ' ' to the Wappo, a treaty being entered
into by the two peoples. From an old Wappo it was learned that the Pomo
held the territory in question when he was a small boy, probably five to ten
years before the arrival of the first Spaniards in Alexander valley. The
Pomo then resided at the villages kd'ticdmdta and cT'mela. The Wappo of
this vicinity, called the mTcewal, then resided at plpolkdlma just east of the
town of Geyserville. The two peoples seem to have been on very friendly
terms until the mTcewal at one time gathered a considerable quantity of
acorns in the valley just north of the creek, po'poetc, which formed the
boundary between the territories of the two peoples. These they left
stacked in piles over night intending to return in the morning and carry
them to their village. In the night, however, the people of the Pomo village,
cT'mela, whom the mTcewal called onnatsTlic, stole these acorns and were
tracked by the mTcewal to the village of cT'mela. The scouts sent out to
track these people having reported, preparations were made to take revenge
upon the onnatsTlic. Apparently mitcehe'l, the captain of the mTcewal
village, took about ten men and stole into cT'mela near midnight and suc-
ceeded in killing two of the onnatsTlic. The following morning, as was the
custom among these people, the bodies of the two were cremated and dur-
ing the cremation a large party from the mTcewal village attacked the
mourners, killing many, driving the rest from the village and burning it.
Those of the onnatsTlic who escaped went to some of the villages about
Healdsburg and sent back* to the mTcewal messengers asking for a meeting
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266 TJni/ver&ity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [YoL 6
SUB-DIALECTS.
This territory of the Wappo is divided into four sub-dialectic
areas, which may be designated as the Western, Northern, Cen-
tral, and Southern. The boundary between the Western and
Northern runs from Cobb mountain, on the northern interstock
boundary, down the range connecting Cobb mountain with Mt.
St. Helena to a point probably about four miles northwest of Mt
St. Helena, where it changes its course and runs through the
lower mountains west of Mt. St. Helena to a point about four
miles northwest of the town of Calistoga, where it meets the
northern boundary of the Central sub-dialect, which runs in a
general southwesterly direction from a point on the Wappo-
Wintun interstock boundary probably about five miles north of
Pope valley, passes along the southern base of Mt. St. Helena
and thence through the mountains to the west, approximately
following the course of McDonald creek at a distance of a quarter
or a half mile north of it, to Russian river, down which it runs to
the Wappo-Pomo boundary at the point where it crosses Russian
river. The line between the Central and Southern sub-dialects
at which presents should be exchanged and the feud ended. The mi'cewal
in the meantime cremated the onnatsilic whom they had killed. A confer-
ence was arranged to be held near where the ranch house on the Lewellyn
Hall ranch now stands. Here presents were exchanged between the captains of
the two peoples, but nothing in the way of a treaty was entered into whereby
the mi'cewal were to hold the territory in Alexander valley. On the con-
trary, the mi'cewal captain told the onnatsilic captain that he and his peo-
ple were at liberty to return to their former village at any time they wished.
He replied, however, that his people had no desire to return to their former
village and that the mi'cewal were at liberty to keep the valley and the
adjacent country. Thus it would appear that there was really nothing in
the way of a treaty agreement between the two, but the Porno simply
deserted the vicinity of Alexander valley, probably for fear that other trou-
ble might follow if they returned. Certain it is from the statement of this
Wappo informant, who was present at the conference and although then quite
young is probably well informed on the subject, that no payment was direct-
ly made, the only exchange being the usual one of presents, in a way compen-
satory for the dead and wounded on both sides, but in no way intended to
bind any agreement for a cession of territory.
Prior to this time the Wappo held Bussian river valley from the small
stream, pd'poetc, already mentioned, northward to about two-thirds of the
way between the towns of Geyserville and Asti, their territory extending as
far west as the crest of the ridge between the Bussian river and Dry Creek
valleys.
The substance of the above story of the Wappo-Pomo war and the facts
concerning the boundaries before and after it were also obtained more
briefly from some of the Porno now living about Healdsburg who had rela-
tives concerned in the war.
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runs in a general southwesterly direction from a point on the
Wappo-Wintun interstock boundary probably about three miles
southeast of Pope valley, passes just north of the town of St.
Helena, and meets the western Wappo- Porno boundary at a point
probably about due east of Santa Rosa.
While the Indians recognize differences in the languages
spoken within these four areas and seem to have separated them-
selves distinctly into these linguistic groups, the differences be-
tween the sub-dialects were very inconsiderable. As was stated
in speaking of the lexical relationships of the Yuki, vocabularies
taken from all of the Wappo sub-dialects show differences one
from another that are so slight that it has been considered un-
necessary to print them separately in the accompanying vocab-
ularies. The entire main Wappo area will therefore be treated
as a unit regardless of sub-dialects. The limits of the sub-dialec-
tic areas are, however, indicated on the accompanying map. In
considering this matter of sub-dialects of the Wappo it should be
remarked that the Indians say that the language spoken by the
people occupying the Clear Lake Wappo area was identical with
that spoken by the Wappo of what is here designated as the
Western sub-dialectic area. Prom the very limited vocabulary
obtainable it would appear that this statement is correct, for, al-
though the differences between any two of these sub-dialects seems
to have been very inconsiderable, the vocabulary taken shows
practically no words in the Clear Lake Wappo varying from those
of the Western sub-dialect.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The Wappo of the main area occupied the portion of Napa
valley extending from Napa City to its head at the southern foot
of Mt. St. Helena. This portion of the valley varies in width up
to about a mile and is very fertile. Tide-water on Napa river
marks the southern limit of the area, thus placing it north of the
marshy lands which extend several miles back from the bay
shore. The valley is shut in on the east and west by ranges of
hills, low in the southern part, but increasing in height toward
the north and finally meeting with Mt. St. Helena. West of the
western range lie the valleys of Sonoma creek and Russian river,
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268 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
in the latter of which the Wappo owned a considerable area
reaching from a point about three miles up stream from the town
of Qeyserville to the great bend of Russian river east of Healds-
burg. Also on the extreme head of Sonoma creek there was a
small area belonging to the Wappo. North of Mt. St. Helena
and east of the range connecting it with Mt. Kanaktai is a small
valley about Middletown on the headwaters of Putah creek. The
entire main Wappo area is well wooded, there being considerable
forests of pine on the range between Mt. St. Helena and Cobb
mountain, while the foot-hills and valleys have oaks and smaller
trees and shrubs which formerly provided, together with wild
grasses and other small plants, an abundance of vegetable foods
for the Indians. Game was formerly plentiful in the mountains.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Alexander Valley Rancheria, in what is known as Alexander
valley on Russian river northeast of the town of Healdsburg.
The village is situated at the west end of the Alexander valley
bridge across Russian river at a point about four and a half
miles northeast of the town of Healdsburg and consists of four
houses and perhaps fifteen inhabitants.
Old Village Sites.
ka'imus, on the site of the present town of Yountville. The
people of this village are the ones referred to by Menef ee 108 as
"■Menefee, in speaking of the Indians of Napa valley, says, upon the
authority of Mr. George C. Yount who was the first American settler in Napa
valley: "At the time of Mr. Yount 's arrival in the valley, in 1831, there were
six tribes of Indians in it, speaking different, though cognate dialects, and
almost constantly at war with each other. The Mayacomas tribe dwelt near
the hot springs (Aguas Calientes) now Calistoga, at the upper end of this
valley, and the Callajomanas, on the lands now known as the Bale Bancho,
near St. Helena. The Caymus tribe dwelt upon the Yount grant, to which
they gave their name. The Napa Indians occupied the Mexican grant of
Entre Napa, that is, the land between Napa River and Napa Greek, to which
they also gave their tribe name. . . . The Ulucas dwelt on the east side
of Napa river, near Napa City, and one of their words survives in Tulocay
Banch and Cemetery. The Susol tribe occupied the Susol Grant, . . ."
In speaking of the population he says: "In 1843 there were from fifty to
one hundred on the Bale Bancho, four hundred upon the Caymus Bancho,
six hundred upon the Salvador Bancho, a large number on the Juarez and
the Higuera Banchos, and a still larger number at Susol. .... A few
remain upon some of the ranchos named, but there are not one hundred all
told in the entire county." This last statement probably refers to the date
of publication of the "Sketch Book." C. A. Menefee, Historical and De-
scriptive Sketch Book of Napa, Sonoma, Lake and Mendocino, Napa City,
1873; pp. 18, 19.
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the Caymus. This is a Spanish orthography of the Indian kai'-
mus and has been quite universally used. 80 * The name is pre-
served in Caymus rancho, 810 but is not now otherwise in use.
annakfftanoma,* 11 bull-snake village, on the town site of St.
Helena in Napa valley. The Callajolmanas spoken of by Mene-
fee 812 as living on the Bale ranch near St. Helena may be the
same as the people of annakd'tanoma. Bancroft 818 also mentions
them upon the authority of Hittell.
tse'manoma, from tse'ma, ear, and no'ma, village, in the foot-
hills on the eastern side of Napa valley at a point probably about
two miles northeast of the town of St. Helena.
wflikos (Southern Moquelumnan dialect name), at the head
of Sonoma creek. Taylor 814 mentions the "Guillicas" and states
that they lived "northwest of Sonoma on the old Wilson ranch
of 1846," as does also Bancroft 815 upon his authority. The ref-
erence is undoubtedly to the people of wi'likos. The village of
"Huiluc" mentioned by Engelhardt 816 may, however, refer to
this village or to wi'lok a short distance northwest. The Guilicos
rancho 817 includes the site of the old Indian village of that name.
The name is also found as that of a school district in this vicin-
ity 818 and is applied to the upper part of the valley along Sonoma
creek.
maiya'kma,* 19 at a point about a mile south of the town of
** Engelhardt, op. cit., p. 451 ; Bancroft, Native Races, I, 363, 452 ; and
various other writers.
m The Caymus rancho was granted to Mr. Yount, above mentioned, and
consisted of two square leagues of land about the present town of Yount-
viUe— Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Napa county, p. 49; also King
and Morgan's Map of the Central Portion of Napa Valley and the Town of
St. Helena, 1881.
*" The ending nd'ma which occurs so frequently on Wappo village names
is evidently from the same root as -nom which occurs frequently in the Yuki
proper and Huchnom dialects with the significance of people of.
m See note 308.
m Native Races, I, 452.
•" California Farmer, March 30, 1860.
m Native Races, I, 363, 450.
•"Op. cit., p. 451.
•"The Guilicos rancho is an old Mexican grant embracing 18,833 acres
of land, lying along the headwaters of Sonoma creek to the southeast of
Santa Rosa. — Bowers, Map of Sonoma, 1882.
•"Thompson, Sonoma County, p. 5; and Central Sonoma, p. 4.
•" One of the villages near the town of Calistoga was called by the peo-
ple of the Southeastern Porno dialect xo'mui, the people of this part of the
valley being called ma'imf o.
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270 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
Calistoga near the head of Napa valley. According to one infor-
mant this village was also called ni' Lektsonoma. Menefee 820
mentions the "Mayacomas" as living near Calistoga, as does
Bancroft 821 upon the authority of Hittell, and as do Slocum,
Bowen and Company 822 upon the authority of both Menefee and
Bancroft. Bancroft 828 also mentions, quoting from Taylor, the
"Mayacmas" as inhabiting ''the vicinity of Clear lake and the
mountains of Napa and Mendocino counties." It seems certain,
however, that these people are identical with the Mayacomas
of his list as above mentioned. The "Mayacma" mentioned by
Engelhardt 824 as a "tribe" that furnished converts at the Sonoma
mission undoubtedly refers to the people of this village, and it
is not unlikely that by the "Tlayacma" mentioned farther on
the same people are meant. The name is now used as that of a
range of mountains which, according to Menefee, 825 is divided into
two branches, one on the west and one on the east of Napa val-
ley. The name is also applied to the mountains extending north-
westward from Mt. St. Helena, 826 and to a school district lying
to the east of Healdsburg. This is also evidently the origin of
the name "Mallacomes" which is one of the names given to the
old Mexican land grant 821 in Knight's valley.
ni' Lektsonoma,* 28 from niLek, a species of hawk, tso, ground,
and no'ma, village, just northeast of the town of Calistoga near
the head of Napa valley. One informant says that this is simply
another name for the village of maiyaTana.
tse'lmenan* 2 * from tsel, charcoal, me, water, and nan, a well
or other deep hole containing water, near the foot-hills at a point
about a mile north of the town of Calistoga.
mu'tutul, from mfi'ti, north, and Jul, large valley, in Knight's
valley, in the mountains separating the drainage of Russian river
•"See note 308.
m Native Races, I, 452.
*"Op. cit., Napa county, p. 44.
•"Native Races, I, 461.
•* Op. cit., p. 451.
•" Op. cit., p. 33.
•" Bowers, Map of Sonoma County, 1882.
m See mu'tigtul.
•"See note 319.
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from that of Napa river, and at a point about four and one-half
miles west of the town of Calistoga. Gibbs 829 mentions the "Mu-
tistul" as living "between the heads of Napa and Putos creeks/'
as does also Bancroft 880 upon Gibbs' authority. This name may
also be the source of "Muticulmo" given by Engelhardt 881 as
one of the "tribes" with converts at Sonoma mission. The old
Berry essa rancho "Mallacomes or Muristul y Plan de Agua
Caliente" 882 undoubtedly derived its name from this village.
ko'tic&ndta, from ko'tic, black oak, and mo'ta, hill, or tcelhefUe
(Southern Porno dialect name), from tcel, white oak (T), and
helle, flat, at a point about half a mile northeast of the eastern
end of the Alexander valley bridge across Russian river, and
about five and a half miles northeast of the town of Healdsburg.
According to the story of the Pomo-Wappo war 888 this village
with others in Alexander valley was formerly occupied by the
Southern Porno, who at that time owned the valley and surround-
ing country. After the occupation of this valley by the Wappo
this site was inhabited by them, its name changing to the one
here given.
cf'mela, from ci', clover, and mela, place (T), or Cssdkffwi,
(Southern Porno dialect name), from o'sso, clover, and ko'wi, val-
ley, on the northeast bank of Russian river at a point about a mile
north of the present Alexander valley village and about five
miles northeast of the town of Healdsburg. According to the
story told concerning the Pomo-Wappo war 888 this village was the
scene of the fighting. The Porno formerly occupied this site, and
later upon the Wappo taking possession of that section they also
occupied it, changing its name to that above given.
fnpohfflma, from pi'po, white oak, hoi, tree, and ma, grove,
or djelheldjxseka'm (Southern Porno dialect name), from dje'lhe,
white oak (T), and djiseka'nl, T, on the east bank of Russian
"•Schoolcraft, III, 110.
•" Native Races, I, 462.
m Op. cit., p. 451.
""According to Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Napa Co., p. 50,
this rancho, consisting of 17,742 acres, was located ' ' near the head of Napa
valley, embracing the site of Calistoga and the country adjacent thereto,"
while Bowers on his "Map of Sonoma County" locates it in Knight's valley
and gives it as comprising only 12,540 acres.
*» See note 307.
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272 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
river due east of the town of Geyserville. This site is located at
a point about a quarter of a mile up stream from the Geyserville
bridge. The people of this village, who called themselves mi'ce-
wal, and who were called by the Southern Porno a'cotca'mai or
a'cotentca'wl, formerly owned only the portion of Russian river
valley extending from a point about three miles up stream from
Geyserville southward to the small stream, called by them po'-
poetc, about four miles down stream. After the Pomo-Wappo
war, in which it appears only the people of pipdholma and those
of cfmela engaged, the territory of the Wappo was extended
southward to the limits shown on the accompanying maps. The
captain of pipdho'lma at the time of this war was mltce-hel,
turtle anus, and he it was who led the Wappo against the Porno
and later arranged a settlement of the feud with them.
In addition to these villages along Russian river which were
occupied by the Wappo, names of four other sites were obtained
which, so far as can be learned, were not occupied by the Wappo
but were occupied by the Southern Porno before the Wappo took
possession of this section, and for which only Porno names could
be obtained. These sites are all located in what is known as
Alexander valley.
mcdalatca'L%, from malala, mosquito, and tca'Ll, village,
about half a mile north of Lyttons station.
aca'ben, from a'ca, fish, and ben, probably a curved pond, at a
point about a mile northeast of Lyttons station.
gaiye'tcin, from ga'iye ° r ka'iye, manzanita, and tcin, to hang
down, at a point about a mile north of Lyttons station.
kolo'ko, from kolo, mortar basket, and k5, long, indefinitely
located but probably on the northeast bank of Russian river at a
point about three and one-half miles northeast of Lyttons station.
The f olowing villages are located in other parts of the Wappo
territory and had no connection with any other people than the
Wappo.
tekena'ntsonoma, from teke, the mineral left as a deposit after
the evaporation of the water from the springs at the Geysers in
Sonoma county, nan, well or other deep hole containing water,
tso, ground, and no'ma, village, just north of the Geysers near
the head of the main branch of Sulphur creek and at a point
about twelve miles a little south of east of Cloverdale.
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Qeography of the Porno Indian*. 278
pe'tinoma, west of Putah creek at a point about a mile north-
northwest of Middletown. This site is but a short distance north
of the cemetery at Middletown.
Iffknoma, from lok, goose, and ndma, village, or laka'hydme
(Northern Moquelumnan dialect name), at a point about three-
quarters of a mile northeast of Middletown and at present on the
opposite side of Putah creek from that place. The creek former-
ly ran to the northeast of this site but since the coming of white
settlers has been diverted so that it now flows to the southwest of
it. The valley about Middletown, probably taking its name from
this village, was early known as Loconoma valley," 4 and the name
"Lal-nap-o-een" m given by Slocum, Bowen and Company to a
village in this valley probably refers to ldknd'ma. Their informa-
tion concerning this village was obtained from Augustine, a for-
mer captain of the kULa'napS, one of the divisions of the Eastern
Porno in Big valley. Continuing, they say, "These are the
Locollomillos of Bancroft's list." The statement made by Ban-
croft Me is, "The Quenocks and Locollomillos lived between Clear
Lake and Napa," and is made upon the authority of Taylor, who
says, 887 "Before reaching Clear Lake from Napa there was a
rancheria called Quenocks, and in their neighborhood were the
Locollomillos." However, in view of the indeflniteness of these
statements, particularly the original one (Taylor's), and the
fact that the old Mexican grant m in Pope valley bears the name
Locallomi rancho, it is possible that the people referred to as
Locallomillos lived in or about Pope valley, though it seems more
probable that they lived in the vicinity of Middletown.
uyu'hanoma, on the east bank of Putah creek at a point about
a mile and a half nearly due east of Middletown.
m Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit, Lake county, pp. 4, 45.
"•"The Lal-nap-o-een tribe had their habitat on the St Helena creek,
just west of the present site of Middletown, in Loconoma valley. They
numbered ninety but have dwindled down to ten. Chu-pnh was their chief;
— Ibid, p. 36. — In the Eastern Porno district Lai signifies goose, and napd'
signifies village; thus giving the same signification as the Wappo name
lo'kndma.
"•Native Races, I, 461.
m California Farmer, March 30, 1860.
"•The Locallomi rancho was granted to Julien Pope in 1841 and com-
prised two square leagues of land in and about Pope valley. — Slocum, Bowen
and Company, op. cit, Lake county, p. 50.
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274 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
Old Camp Sites.
mu'tistul, from mu'ti, north, and tul, large valley, in Knight's
valley at a point about a mile a little east of south of the old
village of the same name.
kupe'tcu, at Harbin Springs about four miles northwest of
Middletown.
mehwale'lenoma, from me'wa, grape vine, lele, a small flat,
and nd'ma, village, near the west bank of Putah creek at a point
about three and one-half miles south-southeast of Middletown.
holUe'lenoma, from hoi, wood, le'le, a small flat, and nd'ma,
village, at the site of an old saw mill at a point about four miles
nearly due south of Middletown and probably about two miles
and a half west of Putah creek.
CLEAR LAKE WAPPO AREA.
BOUNDARIES.
Beginning on the southern shore of the main body of Clear
lake at a point about a mile east of Soda Bay, the boundary of
the Clear Lake Wappo area runs in a general south-southeasterly
direction, passing along the eastern slope of Mt. Kanaktai, to a
point on the range connecting Mt. Kanaktai with Cobb mountain
about two and a half miles northeast of Carlsbad springs, thus
separating the Wappo area from that of the Southeastern Porno.
At this point it turns westward and runs to a point about half
way between Cole and Kelsey creeks, where it .turns and runs al-
most due north to the lake shore which it strikes at a point about
a quarter of a mile west of the present common mouth of Cole
and Kelsey creeks, 889 throughout which course it separates Wap-
po from Eastern Porno territory. It then passes for a short dis-
tance into the lake, turns eastward and then southward, and
finally arrives at the point of starting, about a mile east of Soda
Bay.
This small, approximately rectangular area is surrounded on
all sides by Porno territory, the Southeastern dialectic area lying
"• According to some informants Cole and Kelsey creeks formerly emptied
into Clear lake separately and were brought to their present common chan-
nel by artificial means. For a full account of this see p. 192.
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1908] Barrett, — The Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indians. 275
to the east of it and the Eastern dialectic area surrounding it on
the other three sides.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
This very small and isolated area was occupied by a people
speaking a language which, so far as can be learned, was identical
with that spoken in Alexander valley and in the vicinity of Gey-
serville in the main Wappo area, from which section it seems very
likely they originally came. In fact it is said by some of the
Porno now living about Clear lake that the occupation of this
area by the Wappo, whom they call li'leek, took place within com-
paratively recent times. Prior to that time some of the Wappo
from the vicinity of Geyserville had been coming regularly to
Clear lake at certain seasons of the year for the purpose of fish-
ing. These visits were received in a friendly manner by the
Porno of that vicinity, and in time this practice resulted in the
permanent settlement by the Meek of the village of dala'dano,
thus establishing what might be termed a Wappo colony at this
place. According to some informants the relations between the
Meek and their neighbors remained friendly, and they inter-
married with the kabe'napo, who were their nearest neighbors.
According to other informants, however, there was not always
the most cordial feeling existing between them, and the story told
by some Porno informants concerning the diverting of the course
of Kelsey creek 840 would tend to prove this assertion. Notwith-
standing this story, the truth of which is not at all unlikely, it
seems pretty certain that these people were, in general, on very
good terms with their neighbors and did intermarry, at least to a
certain extent, with the Porno.
So far as could be learned they were never very numerous.
They held only a very small part of the shore of Clear lake, about
three miles; a sufficient amount, however, to afford fishing and
hunting even if they had been restricted to their own immediate
territory. This they were not, however, but probably fished and
hunted at will over the greater part of the main body of Clear
lake, as was the custom among all the other peoples living along
the lake shore. The land occupied by them was chiefly of a
••Seep. 192.
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270 Unwerrity of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Sthn. [VoL 6
rugged character, embracing as it did almost the whole of Mt
Itanaktai with the surrounding foothills, and only a very small
area of valley land along Cole creek and about Soda bay. Al-
though owning it, they seem never to have restricted other peo-
ples from visiting Mt. Kanaktai, which was a place frequented
by the inhabitants of the whole lake region for the purpose of
obtaining roots and other objects which were supposed to bring
good luck, and also various medicinal plants which were much
more powerful in their effects for having grown upon this moun-
tain. Also in the matter of hunting within their territory there
seem to have been, at least in more recent times, no particular
restrictions, and they in turn hunted in the territory of their
neighbors.
The food supply of this area was that typical of the entire
lake region, consisting of fish and water-birds at the lake itself,
and of the usual game animals in the mountains, where there
was also an abundance of acorns, grass seeds and other vegetable
foods.
Old Village Sites. 941
dala'dano, from dala', flat plate-form basket, and dano', moun-
tain, on the east bank of Cole creek at a point about a mile and a
half from the shore of Clear lake. As before stated the people
occupying this village were called lileek by their Porno neigh-
bors, and it is very likely that this was the name used by them-
selves, as the Porno say that it is a word of the Wappo language
and therefore can not be translated by themselves. In corrobora-
tion of this statement it should be noted that lil or lei is the term
signifying rock in the various Tuki dialects. The latter part of
this name, however, has not as yet been recognized as either Wap-
po or Pomo. Slocum, Bowen and Company mention these people
under this name, 841 and it is possible that this is the village re-
•" Owing to the fact that the former inhabitants of the Clear Lake Wap-
po area have almost entirely disappeared, it has been almost impossible to
obtain the names used by them for their old village and camp sites, so that
all of the names here given, except one, are those used by the Pomo of Big
valley. The exception is the name of the old camp site near Soda Bay which
is the name used by the people speaking the Southeastern Pomo dialect, thus
making all of the names here given Pomo.
•""The Lil-la-a-ak tribe had their location near the foot of Uncle Sam
Mountain, on the west side. They numbered about one hundred, and about
fifteen of them are left. Mim-ak was their chief." — Op. cit., Lake county,
p. 35.
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ferred to by Gibbs* 48 as "Dano-habe" ("stone mountain") and
by M'Kee 844 as "Da-no-ha-be." The site of the old village of
dala'dand is a short distance south of the junction of the two
roads leading from Kelseyville to Soda bay, and the site of a
modern village called by the same name lies about one hundred
and fifty yards north of it on the north side of this road.
kabe'tsawam, from kab£', rock, and tsawa'm, braid (there is
here a cliff the strata of which are so twisted as to somewhat re-
semble braiding), on the east bank of Cole creek at a point about
a mile and a half east-northeast from the town of Kelseyville.
Directly across the creek and at a distance of about a quarter of a
mile from this site is the site of a modern village which was called
by the same name.
Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.
xa'dano, from xa, water, and dano', mountain, on the shore of
Clear lake at a point just east of the present common mouth of
Kelsey and Cole creeks. .There are differences of opinion as to
when and by whom this site was inhabited, but according to one
informant this was the site to which the li'leek moved after what
is known as the Stone and Kelsey massacre which occured near
the present town of Kelseyville. At that time the li'leek, to-
gether with the kabe'napo, lived chiefly at the old village of
no'napotl, having been brought there by Stone and Kelsey. After
the killing of Stone and Kelsey the kuLa'napo and kabe'napd
moved over into Scott's valley west of Lakeport, while the li'leek
went to xa'dano. When the troops came in the following season
to punish the Indians for the massacre they saw horse tracks
leading from the vicinity of Kelseyville toward Scott's valley, and
guided thither by them, passed the village of xa'dano without
notice, by virtue of which circumstance the li'leek escaped the
terrible fate which befell the others. As nearly as can be learned
these people lived here only about two years.
dala'dand, from dala', flat plate-form basket, and dano', moun-
tain, at a point about one hundred and fifty yards north of the
old village of dala'dand. Both were situated on the east bank
•"Schoolcraft, III, 109, 110.
""Senate Ex. Doc, op. cit., p. 136.
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278 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
of Cole creek at a point about a mile and a half from the shore
of Clear lake. The people who occupied this site were originally
from several different sites and moved here after the celebration
near Upper Lake of a ceremony (a form of the ghost dance) which
had been recently introduced from the Sacramento valley.
kabe'tsawam, from kabe', rock, and tsawa'm, braid (there is
here a cliff the strata of which present a braided effect), on the
west bank of Cole creek just across the creek from the old village
of the same name. This site was, like dala'dano, occupied after
the ceremony near Upper Lake, and its inhabitants were people
from various old villages about the lake.
Old Camp Sites.
Itd'pbutu, from kop, nettle, and bu'fti, knoll, a summer camp
of the lfleek situated between Cole and Kelsey creeks at a point
about one hundred yards from their present junction.
zoga'bidame, from xaga', obsidian, and bida'me, creek (so
named because of the large amount of obsidian in this vicinity) ,
on the west bank of Cole creek at a point about three miles south-
southeast of Kelseyville. This site is located on the Schuster
ranch not far from the site of the ranch house which burned a
few years ago. This camp seems to have been used particularly
as a fish camp.
huge'bnitegogo, from huge'lmite, the Wappo name of some
sort of a mythical monster, and gagd', a Porno word meaning val-
ley, east of Cole creek and north of the road leading from Kelsey-
ville to Lower Lake, and at a point about three miles southeast
of Kelseyville.
katsi'lgago, from katsil, cold, and gagd', valley, an acorn
camp at the Jimison ranch just west of the summit of the road
leading from Kelseyville to Lower Lake.
xa'xmdtmot (Southeastern Porno dialect name), at a point
about half a mile southeast of the hotel at Soda bay. There was
a spring here the water of which was unfit to drink, and the name
was given to the site on this account. The water of this spring
was used to bathe in and brought extreme good luck when so
used.
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1908] Barrett.— The Bthno-Qeography of the Porno Indians. 279
ATHAPASCAN. 846
BOUNDARIES.
The narrow strip of Athapascan territory shown on the ac-
companying map is the southernmost extension on the Pacific
coast of the territory of this great linguistic family, and since
the Athapascan area in California alone continues far beyond the
territory under investigation, its northern boundary has not been
determined. The eastern and western boundaries have also not
been determined accurately. The eastern boundary very prob-
ably runs along the water-shed separating the drainage of the
south fork of Eel river from that of South Eel river and meets
the northern Porno boundary at a point a short distance north of
•*• The area about Cahto and Laytonville has until recently been regarded
as a part of the Porno territory. Powers, in his Tribes of California (p.
147), says: "The broadest and most obvious division of the Porno family is
into Eel river and Bussian River Porno. There are two tribes on Eel River,
between it and South Fork, who call themselves Porno (Kastel Po-mo and
Kai Po-mo), though it is an assumed name, because they belong to the
Wailakki family, and prefer their company. It was mentioned heretofore
that the Wailakki were rather despised by their neighbors; hence when any
member of these two tribes intermarried with a true Porno, he or she went to
live with that nation and learned their language; hence also the fact that
nearly every man of the Kai Porno understands both Porno and Wailakki.
Nevertheless, because of their name and their claims, I have included them
here" (Le. among the Pomo). As nearly as may be judged from his loca-
tion of the Kai Pomo who, he says, "dwell on the extreme headwaters of
the South Fork, ranging eastward to Eel river, westward to the ocean, and
northward to the territory of the Kastel Pomo," that is, to the vicinity of
Blue Bock about twenty miles north of the town of Laytonville, they lived
in Long valley, the valley called "Ba-tem-da-kai" by Gibbs (Schoolcraft,
HI, 118), on the headwaters of the east fork of the south fork of Eel river,
and only a few miles northeast of Cahto. Further, M'Kee (op. cit., p. 148)
says that "Ba-tim-da-kai" valley is the "second large valley" on Eel river,
and he gives " Cabadilapo ' ' as the name of the people inhabiting it, which
further shows that the valley meant is what is now called Long valley. Of
the Indians living in Cahto valley Powers (Tribes of California, p. 150)
says: "We now commence with the true Pomo. The Ka-to Pomo (Lake
People) were so called from a little lake which formerly existed in the valley
now known by their name (Cahto). They do not speak Pomo entirely
pure, but employ a mixture of that with Wailakki." Thus it seems that
while Powers recognized that their neighbors in Long valley spoke purely
an Athapascan dialect, he was led to believe that the language of the Cahto
people was substantially Pomo, as is shown not only by his statements above
quoted but also by a short list of numerals given by him on page 167 of his
volume. From the statements of these early writers the people about Cahto
and Laytonville have been considered true Pomo until very recently when it
was shown by Professor P. E. Goddard (Amer. Anthr. n.s., V, pp. 375, 376,
1903) that their language is Athapascan.
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280 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoL 6
Sherwood, thus separating the Athapascan from the Tuki proper
and the Tukian Hnchnom territories. At this point it turns west-
ward for a short distance, then turns northward, probably along
the divide separating the drainage of the south fork of Eel river
from that of Ten Mile river and the small streams along the im-
mediate coast-line, and passes beyond the northern limit of the
region under investigation. To the south and west of this portion
of the line lie respectively Porno and Coast Tuki territories.
To the east of this small area are the territories of the Yuki
proper and the Huchnom, on the south is the Northern Porno
dialectic area, and on the west is the Coast Tuki area.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The greater portion of the Athapascan area under considera-
tion lies in a rough, mountainous country, naturally uninhabita-
ble. There are, however, a few very fertile valleys which former-
ly supported a large population. The largest of these is Long
valley, in which the town of Laytonville is situated. It extends
for a distance of about ten miles in a northwesterly and south-
easterly direction along the east fork of the south fork of Eel
river and is about half a mile in width. Cahto valley, lying be-
tween the heads of the south fork and the east fork of the south
fork of Eel river, is about two miles in length by half a mile in
width. Branscomb is situated in what is known as Jackson val-
ley on the south fork of Eel river or, as it is locally called, Jack-
son Valley creek. This is a small valley and is situated in the
eastern edge of the redwood forest which extends from a short
distance east of this point almost to the shore-line of the ocean.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Laytonville* 47 There are two places near the town of Lay-
tonville, one about a quarter of a mile north of the town and one
about half a mile west, which are inhabited by Indians. At the
former there are two houses and about twelve inhabitants, at the
latter two houses and about ten inhabitants.
todjihbi, at a point about half a mile west of the town of
141 See note 346.
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Cahto. 848 This village consists of four houses and about four-
teen inhabitants, 848 and stands on the site of the former old vil-
lage of the same name.
Old Tillage Sites.
netce'lig&t, at a point about nine miles nearly due west of the
town of Laytonville and about three miles southeast of the con-
fluence of the east fork of the south fork of Eel river with the
south fork of Eel river. This village is on top of the ridge separ-
ating these two streams and on the property of Mr. Jacob Lamb.
yictciiAi'fikiiX, from yic, wolf, tciLtin, something lying down,
and kut, creek, on the south bank of the east fork of the south
fork of Eel river at a point about five miles west-northwest of the
town of Laytonville.
sentca'uktit, from se, rock, ntca'u, big, and kut, creek, or
Tcabe'matd (Northern Porno dialect name), from kabg', rock, and
mato', big, on Big Rock creek at a point about a mile and a half
from its confluence with the east fork of the south fork of Eel
river, or about five and a half miles nearly due west of the town
of Laytonville.
ka'ibi, from kai, nuts, and bi, in, on the northeast bank of the
east fork of the south fork of Eel river at a point about three
miles down stream from the town of Laytonville.
•*• The name of this town and village is at present commonly spelled Cahto
although Brackenridge on his "Official Map of Mendocino County, 1887"
uses Carto. Powers (Tribes of California, p. 150) and Powell (op. cit., p.
155), following Powers, spell the name Ka-to, while Powers at the same
time notes the fact that the name of the valley is Cahto. Alley, Bowen and
Company in their History of Mendocino county (p. 167) say upon the author-
ity of the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood, ' ' Cah-to is the name the natives apply
to both that location and the people who inhabited it. The word 'can' sig-
nifies water, and 'to' means, literally, mush, and was applied to this section
owing to the fact that there was originally a large swampy lake there, the
greater portion of which was miry and boggy, being veritable water-mush —
cah-to. The people were known to all surrounding tribes as Cah-to-pomo. "
Substantially the same information was obtained from Mr. Sherwood in 1902.
In considering the meaning of the name, however, it should be remembered
that, in the Northern Porno dialect, lake is ka'tu, and it is not at all unlikely
that Cahto may have originated directly from it, owing to the presence
in the valley of a lake of considerable size. Bancroft (Native Races, 1, 362)
also speaks of these people as the ' ' Cahto Pomos. ' ' Another name for the
people of Cahto, given by Slocum, Bowen and Company (op. cit., Lake coun-
ty, p. 28), also upon the authority of Mr. Sherwood, is ' ' Chehulikia, which
signifies the north valley." Also see note 345.
•••See note 167.
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282 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
nebffcegut, from ne, ground, bo'ce, hump, and gut, on top, on
what is known as the Wilson ranch at a point about one mile west
of Laytonville.
seLgaitceli'nda, from se, rock, ijgai, white, and tcelin, run out,
about three hundred yards east of the house on what is known
as the "old" John Beed ranch about one mile north of Layton-
ville.
btintcnondi'lyi, from bfintc, fly, n6'ndil, settle upon, and yi'u,
under, just northwest of Laytonville and but a short distance
from the place now occupied by the Indians near Laytonville.
ko'cbi, from koc, blackberry, and bi, there, at a point about a
mile and a half west-southwest of Laytonville and on the south-
west bank of the east fork of the south fork of Eel river.
tcibe'takut, from tcfbe, fir, fa, tips, and kut, creek, at a point
about a mile southwest of the town of Laytonville and about half
a mile up the creek which drains Cahto valley from its confluence
with the east fork of the south fork of Eel river.
distegti'tsiu, from di'stfe, madrona, guts, crooked, and yi'u,
under, on the western side of Long valley at a point about two
miles south-southeast of Laytonville.
todji'iabiy from to, water, djiL, ?, and bi, in, at the site now
occupied by the Indians at Cahto. This site is on the west bank
of the small creek running from Cahto into the east fork of the
south fork of Eel river.
buntctenondi'lkut, from buntc, fly, te, low (t), no'ndil, settle
upon, and kut, creek, on the north bank of the northern branch of
the head of the south fork of Eel river at a point about a mile
south-southwest of Cahto.
kucyfuyetokut, from kuc, alder, yi'u, under, to> water, and
kut, creek, on the north bank of the south fork of Eel river at a
point about three miles southwest of Cahto. This site is about
half a mile east of the ranch house on the Clark ranch.
ne'iyi, from ne, ground, and yi'u, under, probably signifying
that the village was located under a projecting ridge, on the south
bank of the south fork of Eel river at a point about three miles
south of Branscomb.
sene'tcktit, from se, rock, ne'tc, gravel, and kflt, creek, on the
northwest bank of the small stream known as Mud Springs creek
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which is tributary to the south fork of Eel river. This site is
about three miles a little south of east of Branscomb. There are
on this creek and not far from this village site several springs
which flow a very thin bluish mud, thus giving to the creek its
name.
tontce'hiit, from to, water, ntce, bad, and kiit, creek, at a point
about a quarter of a mile west of the south fork of Eel river and
about one mile southwest of Branscomb.
senanscffc&t, from se, rock, nansa", hang down, and k&t, creek,
on the east bank of the south fork of Eel river at a point about a
mile and a half down stream from Branscomb.
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284 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Sthn. [Vol. 6
WINTUN.
The first writer to use the name Wintun as the designation
of a linguistic group, was Stephen Powers, who wrote upon the
"Wintoons" in the Overland Monthly of June, 1874. This with
the remainder of his series of articles in that magazine was re-
printed with little alteration in his "Tribes of California," where
we find the orthography changed to its present form and the
limits of the territory defined as "the whole of the Upper Sacra-
mento and the Upper Trinity." 850 Of the people inhabiting the
lower portion of the Sacramento valley, he says, "On the middle
and lower Sacramento, west side, there is one of the largest na-
tions of the State, yet they have no common government, and not
even a name for themselves. They have a common language,
with little divergence of dialects for so great an area as it em-
braces .... For the sake of convenience, and as a nucleus
of classification, I have taken a word which they all employ, pai-
wiri, signifying 'man,' or sometimes 'person.' " m On the map
accompanying his volume, however, these territories are all in-
cluded in the one Wintun area, but are separated from one an-
other by a line which crosses the territory near the junction of
Stony and Grindstone creeks. Powers further says,** 2 "The
Wintun language has many words in common with the Patwin,
a third or more according to my brief vocabularies," thus show-
ing that he recognized that the two were related. His estimate
of the percentage of similar words is probably somewhat low, but
there is certainly a very great difference between the dialects
spoken in such extreme areas as that bordering on San Francisco
bay and that on the headwaters of the Sacramento river. His
line of division between the Wintun and Patwin, extending
across the territory at Grindstone creek, is only about eighteen
miles north of the approximate line between the Northerly and
the Southerly dialectic divisions, crossing at the confluence of Big
■Tribes of Cal., p. 219.
1 Tribes of Cal., p. 218.
1 Tribes of Cal., p. 232.
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and Little Stony creeks, as determined in the present investiga-
tion. Powell, following his principle of priority, gives Copehan, 85 *
formed from Gibbs' Copeh, 854 which he cites as one of the dial-
ects 8M "spoken by the inhabitants of Putos creek,' ' as the stock
name of the combined Wintun and Patwin of Powers. However,
Wintun has survived and is now the more generally known name.
BOUNDARIES.
The territory of the Wintun extends beyond the limits of the
region under investigation, so that only its southern with por-
tions of its western and eastern boundaries are here given. Of
these the western boundary only was accurately determined. Be-
ginning on the crest of the Coast Range, which here forms the
divide between the drainage of Eel river and that of Stony creek,
at a point due east of the town of Covelo and west of Newville,
the western boundary of the portion of the Wintun territory
under consideration runs in a general southeasterly direction
along the crest of the range to a point probably about half way
between Sheet Iron and St. John mountains and separates it from
the Yuki territory lying west of the Coast Range mountains.
Here it turns in a general easterly direction and runs to the range
of low hills immediately west of Stony creek, or Big Stony creek
as it is locally called. 858 Here it turns in a southerly direction,
crosses Big Stony creek just west of the confluence of Little Stony
creek with it, and passes for about four miles along the low ridge
separating the drainages of Big and Little Stony creeks. Thence,
turning in a westerly direction, it passes along a secondary ridge
on the northern slope of the divide south of Big Stony creek val-
ley to the crest of the Coast Range at a point near the head of
the south fork of Stony creek. This portion of the boundary
separates the Wintun from the Northeastern Pomo area, which
is thus surrounded on three sides by Wintun territory. From
"•Ind. Lang. Fam., p. 69.
m Schoolcraft, III. 421.
"•The name kS'pe was not, so far aa can be learned from the Indiana
now living in this Southerly Wintun area, applied to a village or linguistic
division in this region. The word itself signifies grape vine.
m See note 267.
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286 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
here it runs in a southwesterly direction along the divide between
the headwaters of the Rice fork of South Eel river and Bartlett
creek to the divide between Middle and Bartlett creeks, where it
turns in a southeasterly direction and passes along the range east
of Clear lake to Cache creek, which it strikes at a point about four
miles from its source at the southern end of Clear lake. To the
west of this portion of the boundary lie the territory of the Yuki
proper and the Eastern and Southeastern Porno dialectic areas.
Keeping the same southeasterly direction the boundary probably
runs from here along the ridge between Jerusalem Valley and
Morgan Valley creeks, crosses the latter near the confluence of the
two, and thence, passing through the hills to the east of Jerusalem
Valley creek, crosses Putah creek at a point about five miles east
of Guenoc. From here it continues for a short distance in a
southeasterly direction and then, turning in a southwesterly di-
rection, it runs to a point probably about eight miles northeast of
Mt. St. Helena. The small territory of the Northern Moquelum-
nan dialectic group lies west of this portion of the boundary.
At this point the boundary turns again in a southeasterly direc-
tion, passes probably about three miles east of Pope valley, and
then probably along the divide separating the drainage of Napa
river from that of Putah creek to a point about east-northeast of
Napa City, where it turns in a westerly direction, crossing Napa
valley just north of Napa City, the limit here being given as tide-
water on Napa river, and runs probably to the low divide separ-
ating Napa and Sonoma valleys, throughout all of which course
it separates the Wintun territory from that of the Yukian Wap-
po. Prom here the boundary probably runs down this divide to
the northern shore of San Pablo bay, MT the Southern Moquelum-
m There are conflicting statements concerning the Wintun-Moquelumnan
interstock boundary in the vicinity of Napa valley. One informant, a Moquel-
unman woman, who live<i during the greater part of her early life at San Ra-
fael Mission, says that the Wintun held the territory as far west as the range
of low hills west of Sonoma creek, and gives a vocabulary of the language
of a former husband who, she says, was born at a village near Sonoma and
taken when a boy to Dolores mission at San Francisco. The vocabulary is
clearly Wintun. The informant's knowledge, however, is of a time subse-
quent to the founding of the Sonoma and San Rafael missions and it is not
at all unlikely that the Wintun occupation of Sonoma valley dates only as
far back as the bringing of the Indians to the missions by the Franciscan
Fathers. The statement made by Gibbs (op. cit., Ill, 421) that "the lower
part of Napa valley, and the country around the straits of Karquinez, were
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nan dialectic area adjoining this portion of the Wintun territory
on the west. So far as can be determined the southern boundary
of the Wintun territory was the northern shore of San Pablo bay
and the lower course of the Sacramento river, while the eastern
boundary of the portion of the Wintun territory under consid-
eration was also the Sacramento river. 888
On the west this large area is contiguous to the dialectic areas
of three different linguistic stocks : the Tuki proper, the North-
eastern, Eastern, and Southeastern Porno, the Northern Moquel-
umnan, the Yukian Wappo, and the Southern Moquelumnan
areas. To the south across San Pablo bay and the lower course
of the Sacramento river lies Costanoan territory, while that lying
across the Sacramento river to the east was held by the Maidu.
Owing to the very early settlement of the region and the conse-
quent disappearance of the Indians it is impossible to say to just
what limits the territories of the various stocks occupying the
lower courses of the Sacramento and the San Joaquin extended,
but it seems probable that in addition to the contact of the Maidu
and Costanoan territories above mentioned there was, at the ex-
treme southeastern corner of the Wintun territory, a very short
said to have been occupied by another tribe" than that in Sonoma valley,
indicates that he obtained information to the effect that the Wintun territory
did not extend farther west than Napa valley. The statement made by
Taylor (Cal. Farmer, Mar. 30, 1860), on the other hand, that ''the Sonomos
or Sonomis spoke a similar dialect as the Suisuns or Soo-i-soo-nes, would
indicate that the region of Sonoma was held by the Wintun. However, the
information upon which the statements of both Gibbs and Taylor are based
is, like that obtained in the present case from the Moquelumnan informant
above mentioned, of a time subsequent to the establishment of the Missions
in this region, and is therefore subject to the same doubt. While the Moque-
lumnan informant above mentioned places Sonoma valley in the Wintun
territory, some other informants place not only Sonoma valley but also Napa
valley within the limits of the Moquelumnan territory. It is a noteworthy
fact that although the Indian informants differ as to the language spoken in
these two valleys, they all agree in saying that the same language was spoken
in both. Nevertheless, owing to the disagreement both among present Indian
informants and among early writers upon this region, it seems advisable to
leave the boundary, for the present at least, as located above, on the ridge
between the two valleys, which location is the same as that given on the
earlier maps of this region.
"•The Northeastern Pomo dialectic area, the Northern Moquelumnan
dialectic area, and the portion of the Yukian- Wappo area occupying Napa
valley south of the town of Oalistoga, have heretofore been regarded as be-
longing to the Wintun territory. These are, however, portions of the terri-
tories of the stocks mentioned. The Wintun territory in these regions is
thus somewhat smaller than formerly supposed. These facts were noted in
the American Anthropologist, n.s., VI, pp. 189, 190, 1904 and V, p. 730, 1903.
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288 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
line along which the territory of the Yokuts adjoined it and also,
in the same region, a still more slight contact of the Miwok or
main Moquelumnan territory with it.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The portion of the Wintun territory under consideration com-
prises, roughly speaking, the southern half of that part of the
Sacramento drainage lying west of the Sacramento river, and
reaches from the river to the crest of the Coast Range mountains.
The western part of this area lies entirely among the mountains
of this range which in some parts, particularly toward the north,
reaches very considerable altitudes, certain peaks being covered
with snow until far into the summer. Throughout these moun-
tains and the lower foothills to the east there are many streams,
the valleys along which were formerly inhabited. The principal
streams are Big Stony, Cache, and Putah creeks, while there are
also many smaller streams, some tributary to these and some flow-
ing independently of them. Along these streams there are many
more or less spacious valleys affording excellent sites for Indian
villages. The eastern part of the area under consideration, that
part lying east of the foothills, is a level plain, in some places so
low as to be below the level of the Sacramento river. In many
places, particularly along the immediate bank of the river, there
are large areas of tule or alkaline marsh into which the majority
of the streams from the mountains debouch. The presence of
these marshes, together with the unbearable heat of the summer
made the region along the immediate river bank very undesirable
for habitation, and it appears that the Indians preferred usually
to live in, or at least near, the foothills.
These marshes, however, had their advantage in that during
the winter months they were the haunts of great numbers of water
birds: geese and ducks of all kinds, as well as swans and other
rarer species. This circumstance was the means of bringing
many of the Indians from the mountain region over into the plain
itself during the winter months for the purpose of hunting. The
usual wild game such as bear, elk, deer, and smaller animals was
abundant in the foothills and mountains, while acorns and the
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seeds of various grasses and flowering plants were found almost
everywhere.
This extensive area is divided between two dialects, which for
present purposes it will be convenient to call Northerly" 8 * and
Southerly. 85 * Only the extreme western portion of the boundary
between these two dialectic areas could be determined. It was
found that, starting from the Porno- Wintun interstock boundary
near the point where it crosses Big Stony creek, this line crossing
Big Stony creek at the confluence of Big and Little Stony creeks,
passes eastward for an indefinite distance. It has been only pro*
visionally drawn on the accompanying maps, where it is made to
pass directly eastward to the eastern boundary of the stock at the
Sacramento river.
NORTHERLY DIALECT.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
Orindstone Rcmcheria, on the north bank of Grindstone creek
at its confluence with Stony creek. The village consists of four
houses with about sixteen inhabitants. There is here also a large
dance-house which is now in use, especially during the winter
months.
Bridgeport. There are a few Indians living at Bridgeport
on the east bank of Stony creek at a point about a mile and a
half down stream from the town of Elk creek. 880 This is also
an old village site.
There is a single house with four inhabitants on the ridge
immediately west of Stony creek at a point about eight miles
north of the town of Stonyford.
""• See note 428.
m It has been possible to obtain only a limited vocabulary of the Norther-
ly dialect, but from the material at hand it appears that the Northerly differs
very considerably from the Southerly, and it is to be assumed that the dialect
or .dialects spoken still farther to the north are still more different from the
Southerly dialect. It appears (Professor A. L. Rroeber, Amer. Anthr. n.s.,
VIII, 655, 1906) that there are three principal Wintun dialects or dialectic
groups: one in Glenn and Tehama counties, one to the north and one to the
south. These would naturally be designated as Northern, Central, and
Southern. The Central dialectic group is the one designated in the present
paper as the Northerly of the two under consideration.
m It was impossible to ascertain the number of Indians living here, as all
were absent when the site was visited.
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890 University of California Publications in Am. AreK and Ethn. [VoL 6
Old Village Sites.
kaldiel, at the town of Newville at the northern extremity of
the area under consideration.
There is the site of an old village, the name of which could
not be obtained, at Bridgeport on the east bank of Stony creek
at a point about a mile and a half north of the town of Elk creek.
This site is still inhabited.
tolo'kai, at the town of Elk creek at the confluence of Elk
creek with Stony creek.
tffba, at the confluence of Brisco creek with Stony creek.
This site is on what is known as the Hansen ranch.
da'tcimtcini, at a point a short distance west of Stony creek
and about four miles up stream from the town of Elk creek.
This site is located on what is known as the Troxel ranch.
ca'ipetel, on the west bank of Big Stony creek near the con-
fluence of Little Stony creek with it. This site is on the ranch
of Mr. Joseph Mall.
SOUTHERLY DIALECT.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
dihflavabe, from dl'hl, village, la, place, and LaT>e, there, on
the northeast bank of Cache creek at a point about a mile and a
half nearly due north of the town of Rumsey in Capay valley.
This village consists of six houses and about twenty inhabitants,
some of whom claim this immediate vicinity as their old home
while others have more recently moved here from the Sacramento
river about Colusa and northward. This village was formerly
located at a point about half a mile farther up stream on the same
side of the creek. It was known by this same name at that time
as well.
Lit, ground squirrel, at a point about two miles and a half
west of the old village of mdnma'La upon the site of which stands
the ranch house on what is known as the Smith Eakle ranch in
the lower part of Cortina valley. This village is located in the
hills near the north bank of a small stream flowing into Cortina
creek, and consists of five houses and about thirty inhabitants.
There is here also a large dance-house where dances are fre-
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quently held, this being one of the very few places within the
area under consideration in which some of the old ceremonial
customs may yet be found.
Cache Creek Ridge Sancheria, on the slope of the ridge im-
mediately west of Bartlett creek, and at a point about a quarter
of a mile from the creek, and about a mile and a half south of
the confluence of Long Valley creek with it. The Tillage consists
of five houses and about sixteen inhabitants, who formerly lived
at the village at the head of Long Valley creek, but in 1901 moved
to the present village which is situated on land belonging to them.
There is here a small dance-house erected in 1902 ; but owing to
the death of the old medicine-man who caused its erection and
had charge of it, it was closed in the summer of 1903.
Cache Creek Rancheria or U'bti, at the confluence of Bartlett
and Long Valley creeks. This village consists of six houses and
about thirteen inhabitants, some of whom came from the old
village situated on the main stream of Cache creek at a point
about a mile and a half down stream from the mouth of Bartlett
creek. A few hundred yards down the creek from this place is
the site of a former village bearing the same name.
Long Valley Rancheria, at the head of Long valley on Long
Valley creek. This village consists of three houses and about
ten inhabitants. The Indians of this village, as also those living
down the creek in Cortina and Capay valleys, gave lol-la, tobacco
place, as the name of Long valley and vicinity, and lol-sel, tobac-
co people, as the name applied to the people of this vicinity,
which agrees substantially with Powers, who says,** 1 "In Long
valley are the Lol-sel, or Lold-la; lol denotes 'Indian Tobacco,'
and sel is a locative ending ; hence the name means ' Indian tobacco
place,' applied first to the valley and then to the people in it."
Powers seems to have obtained an incorrect translation for the
ending sel, which, as above stated, signifies people. The name
given to this vicinity by the Eastern Porno is na'wek or na'wik,
which is undoubtedly the source of Slocum, Bowen and Com-
pany's "Now-wa-ke-nah" of whom they say, M2 "The Now-wa-ke-
nah tribe lived in Long valley and their number was one hundred
■■ Tribes of Cal., p. 219.
•* Op. cit., Lake Co., p. 36.
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292 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol 6
and twenty. There are probably thirty of them left. Li-e-ta
was their chief." They also state m that the people living in the
extreme lower end of Long valley were called "Kai-nap-o," which
is very likely, since the name given to Cache creek by the Eastern
Porno is xa'i-napo-bidame, wood village creek. This name,
spelled "Khainapo" is also given by Purdy m as the name of the
Cache creek people. The name given to Cache creek by the
people living in the vicinity of Long valley is tce'npabe, teen
signifying down or low.
Eipher's Creek Rancheria, on Hipher's creek at a point about
two and a half miles south of the town of Stonyford. It consists
of four houses and about twelve inhabitants. In addition to the
dwellings there is here a large dance-house which was built very
recently. Dances are held here frequently during the winter.
A family of three Indians have a house on the west bank of
Indian creek at a point about three-quarters of a mile south of
its confluence with Little Stony creek. This is directly across
the creek from what is known as the Mt. Hope school-house.
There is here also a small sudatory.
kaba'lmem, Oather Rancheria, or Hennehey's, on the head-
waters of Indian creek at a point about six miles northwest of the
town of Leesville. This village consists of six houses and about
twelve inhabitants, and is located on the Hennekey ranch.
At a point about a mile southwest of the town of Sites there
are two houses with three inhabitants.
Old Village Sites.
One of the first sections of the region north of San Francisco
bay visited by the Franciscan missionaries was the southern part
of the Wintun territory, with the result that virtually all of the
Indians from the extreme southern part of that section were
early induced to move to the missions. It has therefore been
impossible to obtain very much explicit information concerning
this southern section, as the few Indians left in Capay and Cor-
tina valleys came originally from these places or still farther
north. Owing to the very limited time spent with these people,
••Ibid.
•"Land of Sunshine, XV, 444, 1901.
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the information concerning even the region this far north is
by no means complete. There is no reason to believe, however,
that the whole Wintun area was not very thickly populated prior
to the Mexican and American occupations, and a more extended
investigation of the central and northern parts of this area, about
which information is still obtainable, will undoubtedly show many
more village sites than are at present known.
su'skol, on the east bank of Napa river probably at or near
the present town of Suscol, which derives its name from the old
Indian term. The Indians of this village are probably the ones
referred to by Menef ee 8 * 5 by the name Susol.
tu'luka, or tu'lukai, from fuluka, red, near the Napa State
Hospital about two and one-half miles southeast of Napa City.
In speaking of the Indians of Napa valley Taylor** 6 says, "Below
the town of Napa live the Tulkays," which evidently refers to
the people of this village, as does also Menefee's name "Ulri-
cas." 865 Bancroft** 7 mentions both of these as if names of sep-
arate villages, and it is possible that his "Tyugas," who, upon
the authority of Taylor, he says "inhabited the vicinity of Clear
lake and the mountains of Lake and Mendocino counties ,,S68 are
the same people, as also those referred to by Powers* 8 * when he
says, under the head of "Re-ho," "This was one name of the
tribe in Pope valley, derived from a chief. They were also
called by the Patwin Tu-lo-kai-di-sel." The name has been pre-
served in Tulucay rancho, an old Mexican grant of two square
leagues of land lying east of Napa City.
tcime'niikme, at Napa City.* 70
yu'lyul, about two miles south of Suisun City.
hesa'ia, at Suisun City. This may be the same village re-
ferred to by a Yukian Wappo informant as he'lepnomano and
■• See note 308.
**Cal. Farmer, Mar. 30, 1860.
m Native Baces, I, 363, 452.
»■ Ibid, p. 451.
"•Tribes of Cal., p. 228.
m The name Napa is said my Menefee (op. cit., p. 19) to be an Indian
word signifying fish, but no such word has been found in the Wintun, Wappo
or Moquelumnan languages. The word is used, however, by the Porno as
the name of the detachable points of the aboriginal fish gig or harpoon, and it
is possible that this is the origin of the word now used as the name of the
town and river, though no direct evidence to this effect was obtained from
informants.
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294 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
said to have been loeated only a very short distance north of
Suisun City.
Wwai, waving, at the town of Winters on the north bank of
Putah creek. The same name was also applied to Putah creek,
at least along its lower course. Powers* 71 gives "Ii-wai'-to" as
the name of a people living "on Putah creek at the foot-hills,"
at the same time noting that the aboriginal name of Putah creek
was "Li- wai'." This also is probably the origin of the name
"Linayto'or Libayto" given by Engelhardt 87 * in his list of the
Indians at Sonoma mission.
ku'ndihi, on the north bank of Putah creek at a point probab-
ly about eight miles up stream from the town of Winters.
tdpa'idihi, from idpa'i, a word said by the Capay valley Win-
tun to come from the language of the people about Napa, its sig-
nificance being unknown to them, and dfhl, village. This village
was very indefinitely located by the informant as on the west
bank of Putah creek at a point about twenty miles up stream
from the town of Winters. Powers m gives "To-pai'-di-sel" as
the name of the people living in Berryessa valley and it seems
very probable that this is correct. The site has therefore been
provisionally located on the map near Monticello.
yffdoi, probably at Knight's Landing on the west bank of the
Sacramento river, although one informant placed it at a point
about four miles west of that place. The significance of this
name was unknown to the informants questioned. Miss Eathryn
Simmons 874 writing from information furnished by early settlers
of Yolo county, says that the "Yodos .... occupied the
region in and about Knight's Landing, and their chief, Yodo,
is well remembered by old settlers." The name Yolo is said to
have originated from this Indian word.
pulih'puluLabe, about three miles north of Woodland and but
a short distance south of Cache creek.
tcu'rupLabe, at the old town of Cacheville, now called Yolo.
katcituUhabe, about four miles southwest of Yolo.
mosff, in the northern part of the town of Capay. No exact
m Tribes of CaL, p. 218.
m Op. dt, p. 451.
m Tribes of Cal., p. 219.
m Woodland Daily Democrat, February 16, 1906.
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translation could be obtained for this name, but it was said to
refer to the fact that the people of this village painted about
their mouths with black paint at times of dances.
k?H, indefinitely located at a point probably about two miles
a little north of west of the town of Tancred.
imf Ivabe, from %m%% blackberry, and La'be, there, about one
mile south of Guinda.
tu'bi, near the west end of the bridge across Cache creek north
of Bumsey.
stftca, at the east end of the bridge across Cache creek north
of Bumsey. This site is just north of the wagon road at this
point and is now covered by an orchard.
cRhflaLdbe, from dilil, village, la, place, La'be, there, on the
northeast bank of Cache creek at a point about half a mile up
stream from the present village of the Capay valley Indians
north of Bumsey. This site was occupied until a few years ago
when the Indians moved, at the request of the owner of the land
to the present village. The same name is now applied to the
present village.
ho' pa, indefinitely located at a point probably about three
miles west of Bumsey and about one mile south of Cache creek.
te'bti, indefinitely located at a point probably about three and
one-half miles west-northwest of Bumsey and near the south
bank of Cache creek. This village bears the same name as the
old village at the confluence of Long valley and Bartlett creeks.
On the south bank of Cache creek, at a point about a mile
and a half from the confluence of Bartlett creek with it, is the
site of an old village the name of which was not learned, which
was inhabited for some time after the coming of white settlers.
Some of the former inhabitants of this village now live at the
Cache creek rancheria, at the confluence of Long valley and
Bartlett creeks.
hd'ld'kome, on the east bank of Bartlett creek at a point rather
indefinitely located as about two and a half miles up stream from
the confluence of Bartlett creek with Cache creek.
tffkti, near the west bank of Bartlett creek at a point about
opposite the present Cache Creek Bidge rancheria which is back
on the ridge a short distance west of the creek.
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te'&tt, at the confluence of Bartlett and Long Valley creeks,
at a point a few hundred yards down stream from the pres-
ent Cache Creek rancheria which also bears the same Indian
name. There is another old village bearing this same name farth-
er down Cache creek and near the point where Bear creek empties
into it.
suku', possibly from sukui, a kind of seed, in the southern end
of Bear valley on Bear creek at a point about eight and one-half
miles south of the town of Leesville. This site is near the ranch
house on what is known as the Ingrham ranch.
monma'uiy from mon, madrona (both tree and berries), ma'La,
to bake, where the ranch house on what is known as the Smith
Eakle ranch in Cortina valley stands. This ranch is in the lower
end of what is called Cortina valley, which lies along the upper
course of Cortina creek.
to'idihi, from to'i, top, and diTii, village, at a point about a
quarter of a mile south-southwest of monma'La.
uWhabe, just west of to'idihi, and only about half a mile
southwest of monma'La.
iMa'dihi, about a mile east of the present village of Let in
Cortina valley.
baka'khabe, about half a mile east of Let, the present Cortina
valley village.
tcfftct, on the east bank of Cortina creek at a point about a
quarter of a mile north of the bridge which crosses the creek near
the ranch house on what is known as the Jean Vann ranch, now
occupied by Joseph Mahhas.
kedi'ruibe, at the ranch house on the Jean Vann ranch, now
occupied by Joseph Mahhas.
waika'u, near the west bank of Cortina creek at the old ranch
house on what is known as the "old" Brasfield place, now owned
by Mr. E. B. Armstrong. The people who occupied this site are
said to have come originally from near Sites.
ha'me, on the west bank of Cortina creek at a point about a
quarter of a mile south of waika'u.
koti'na, named from a former captain or chief, near the east
bank of Cortina creek on what is known as the "old" Robert
Williams place at a point about half a mile south of the house
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now occupied by Mr. A. L. Koessell. It is from this that Cortina
valley and the three Cortina creeks take their name.
tffpiabe, at a point probably about five miles north-northwest
of the town of Sites.
ta'waisak (Northern Porno dialect name), on the east bank of
Little Stony creek at a point about two miles south of the con-
fluence of Little and Big Stony creeks.
pa'kauibe, on the low ridge between Little Stony and Indian
creeks at their junction. When visited there were the remains
of several large dance-house pits at this site.
mitca'wtCLdbe, on the east bank of Little Stony creek at a
point about four miles southwest of the confluence of Indian
creek with it.
kula'habe, on the east bank of Little Stony creek at a point
about five and one-half miles southwest of the confluence of
Indian creek with it.
edfuibe, on the west bank of Indian creek at a point about
three miles south of its confluence with Little Stony creek.
mi'ducuibe, on the west bank of Indian creek opposite the
post office of Lodoga at a point about four miles south of the
confluence of Indian and Little Stony creeks.
tcuhehne'mLabe, on the west bank of Indian creek at a point
about five miles and a half south of its confluence with Little
Stony creek. The ranch house on the Hennekey ranch now
stands on this site. The informants said that they could not
translate the word tcuhel. It is noteworthy, however, that this
word is found in the Northerly Wintun dialect and there sig-
nifies sand, ti'ki, an entirely different word, being used in the
Southerly dialect. The remaining parts of this name, mem and
LaTbe, signify water and place respectively.
puku'mLabe, near Cook's Springs at the head of Indian creek.
u'lak, at a point about a mile northwest of the extreme head
of Indian creek. This site is on the ranch of Mr. William Love-
lady.
Old Camp Sites.
kuna'w, indefinitely located at a point probably about three
miles northwest of Tancred and about one mile north-northwest
of the old village of kl'si.
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Sites Not Mentioned by Indians.
In the vicinity of Winters on the lower course of Pntah creek
there are a number of old village sites. The information concern-
ing these old sites was obtained chiefly from Mr. Joseph Wolf-
skill, an old resident of Winters and a descendant of one of the
first settlers of the Wolfekill grant. This grant, a large tract
of land along Putah creek, was granted to Mr. William Wolfskill
in 1840 and was occupied by his brother Mr. John R. Wolfskill
about 1842. At the time of the latter *s arrival here there were
no Indians at all living along Putah creek, at least in this vicinity,
having all been removed to the missions about San Francisco
Bay by the Franciscan Fathers some years before. The first
Indians to come into the neighborhood were some refugees from
the mines in the Sierra Nevada mountains. A year or so after
Mr. Wolfskill's arrival, he saw coming across the plains northeast
of Winters a single Indian who, when he arrived, said that his
people had become exhausted on the plains from their long and
hard journey and that he had started for the creek to bring water
to revive them. Mr. Wolfskill told the Indian to bring his peo-
ple to his camp and that there they should be provided with food
and shelter.
Mr. Wolfskill *s camp was a tule house on the south bank of
Putah creek at a point about four miles up stream from Winters
and about three hundred yards west of the present residence of
Mrs. M. A. H. Wolfskill. The Indians having been fed and well
treated by Mr. Wolfskill told him that their old home was in
this vicinity and asked that they might be permitted to go to
Sonoma mission and return with their families and live upon his
premises. This request Mr. Wolfskill very gladly granted with*
the result that in a short time a village or rancheria of consider-
able size was established immediately about his camp. Not long
after the establishment of this village three other villages were
established, one on the north bank of Putah creek almost directly
opposite this village. This, however, was only a temporary vil-
lage. Another and more permanent village was established on
the property now owned by Mr. John Coop on the north bank of
Putah creek at a point a mile and a half north-northwest of the
first site. Mr. Joseph Wolfskill, who knew the Indians of this
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village intimately, gays that they spoke a language quite different
from those of the village already mentioned on the south bank of
the creek, but it was impossible to determine anything concerning
the exact differences between the languages. It is evident, how-
ever, from the few words remembered by Mr. Wolfskill that the
people of the village on the south bank of the creek were Wintun.
The third village was located on the property of Mr. J. E. Sackett
on the south bank of Putah creek at a point about two and a half
miles northwest of Mr. Wolfskill *s camp. In addition to these
villages there was another temporary village established at a point
about four hundred yards down stream from the village at Mr.
Wolfskill *s camp. This, however, was temporary and was in all
particulars practically a part of the main village near by.
In addition to these villages, occupied since the settlement of
this vicinity, there are a number of older sites which were occu-
pied before the Indians were removed to the missions. One of
these is located on the Smeisner ranch on the south bank of Putah
creek at a point about five miles east of Winters. Mr. Joseph
Wolfskill, who mentioned this site, says that there is here a very
well preserved dance-house pit as well as other evidences of an
old village site. Another one of these old sites is located just
across the river from the town of Winters, the residence of Mr.
Wm. Baker now occupying a portion of it. The first residence
built here was an adobe built by Mr. Matthew Wolfskill about
1856. At that time there was a large dance-house pit here which
he filled in in order to make a foundation for his house, and an
Indian who worked for him at the time said that this site was
inhabited within his memory. A third site is located on the
property of Colonel Taylor on the south bank of Putah creek at
a point about a mile and a quarter southwest of Winters. This
site is located in an orchard to the north of the county road, but
there is still visible here a depression where a dance-house for-
merly stood. This was evidently a large village extending toward
the east some distance along the creek. At a point about two
miles and a half southwest of Winters and on the property of
Mrs. M. A, H. Wolfskill is the site of still another old village.
There are at present practically no visible signs of this village
owing to the fact that the field in which it was situated has been
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300 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol 6
cultivated for many years. Old residents say, however, that
there were formerly a number of dance-house pits and various
other evidences of an old village here. At a point about five
miles from Winters and about a mile southwest of the more re-
cent old village first mentioned, is the site of an old village about
which little could be learned, it not having been inhabited at all
recently. Still another old site, about which little could be
learned, is located about five miles southwest of Winters and
about a mile southeast of the last.
On the west bank of Cache creek at a point about half a mile
northwest of the town of Tancred is the site of an old village
which, so far as could be learned, was formerly quite extensive.
On the east bank of Long Valley creek at a point about four
and a half miles up stream from its confluence with Bartlett
creek is the site of an old village which, according to the oldest
settler of this valley, had a population of about two hundred,
thirty years ago, and was abandoned about twenty years ago.
The remains of several large dance-house pits are plainly visible
here at present.
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MOQUELUMNAN.
The Moquelumnan or Miwok stock as at present determined
occupies three separate, more or less isolated areas. Two of these,
with which the present paper has to deal, are comparatively small
and are situated north of San Francisco bay. The third or main
area is much larger and is situated in the Sierra Nevada moun-
tains east of San Joaquin river. To the inhabitants of this last
named area Powers* 75 gave the name Miwok, a name which
they applied to themselves. He says, "north of the Stanislaus
they call themselves mi'-wok ('men or people') ; south of it to the
Merced, mi'-wa; south of that to the Fresno, mi'-wi." Following
Powers, Miwok has been and is now used quite generally to
designate this particular branch of the family, and by some it is
used synonymously with Moquelumnan as the name of the entire
stock. On the map accompanying Powers' volume, however,
neither of these terms appear; instead Mutsun, a term derived
from the name of a Gostanoan village near San Juan Bautista
Mission, is given as the stock name of a people inhabiting not
only the area under consideration but also the entire territory
westward to the ocean, along which it extended from the entrance
to Tomales bay on the north to a point some distance south of
Monterey bay on the south, thus including correctly the detached
Moquelumnan area immediately north of San Francisco bay, and
incorrectly the territory of the Costanoan and the northern part
of the Yokuts area. Powell, however, on the map accompanying
his "Indian Linguistic Families," corrects in a great measure
these errors of territorial limits, and adopts Moquelumnan as the
stock name. The name Moquelumnan as applied to a linguistic
family is due to Dr. R. G. Latham, who in 1856 proposed Moquel-
umne as a name for a group of languages spoken over a roughly
defined area. He says, 87 * "Hale's vocabulary of the Talatui be-
longs to the group for which the name Moquelumne is proposed,
m Tribes of California, p. 346, 347. He first spelled the name Meewoe
in Overland Monthly, April, 1873, p. 822.
m Trans. PhiloL Soc, London, 1866, p. 81 j EL Comp. PhiL, p. 414.
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a Moquelumne Hill (in Calaveras county) and a Moquelumne
Eiver being found within the area over which the languages be-
longing to it are spoken. Again, the names of the tribes that
speak them end in — mne, Chupumne, etc.*' The name received
its present form from Powell 877 according to his principles of
nomenclature, but it has also been spelled in various other ways :
Mokalumne, Mokelumnees, Mukelemnes, Mukeemnes, and Muth-
elemnes. 878 As to the origin of the name Powers says, "On the
upper Merced the word 'river' is wa-ka'1-la; on the Upper
Tuolumne, wa-kal-u-mi ; on the Stanislaus and Moquelumne, wa-
ka'1-u-mi-toh. This is undoubtedly the origin of the word *Mo-
kelumne,' which is locally pronounced mo-kal-u-my. ,> As has
been previously stated, the term Miwok was adopted by Powers as
the name of the people of the main Moquelumnan area for the
reason, as he states, that it is a term used by themselves as a name.
This, however, is not true of the three dialects of the family lo-
cated north of San Francisco bay, and therefore can not be urged
as a reason for including them under that name. Furthermore,
in view of the fact that the term Miwok has come quite generally
into use as the designation of the particular portion of the family
east of San Joaquin river, confusion will probably be avoided by
still restricting it to that area and using the more cumbersome,
though at present generally accepted, term Moquelumnan to desig-
nate the entire linguistic family.
As has been stated there are in the region north of San Fran-
cisco bay two areas occupied by people of the Moquelumnan
family, and thus forming islands, as it were, separated by con-
siderable distances from the main area of the stock which lies
east of San Joaquin river. The larger of these two detached
areas is situated immediately north of San Francisco bay and
covers nearly all of Marin county together with the southern
part of Sonoma and probably a very small portion of Napa coun-
ties. Within this area there are people speaking two slightly
different dialects, the Western or Bodega, occupying only the
territory immediately adjacent to the shores of Bodega bay ; and
the Southern or Marin, occupying the remainder of the territory.
•" Ind. Ling. Fam., p. 92.
"•Bancroft, Native Races, I, 450, 451.
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The second of the two isolated areas is occupied by people speak-
ing a single dialect, the Northern or Lake, and lies on the head-
waters of Putah creek and in the valley at the southern extremity
of Lower lake (the southernmost arm of Clear lake) thus forming
an isolated area about forty miles north of the Southern dialectic
area.* 79
WESTERN DIALECT.
BOUNDARIES.
Beginning on the coast at the mouth of Salmon creek, about
three miles north of Bodega Head, the boundary of the Western
or Bodega Moquelumnan dialectic area runs in a general easterly
direction, following the course of Salmon creek, to a point about
a mile southwest of the town of Freestone. Here it turns south-
ward and runs to the town of Valleyford, where it turns south-
westward and runs down the Estero Americano or Valleyford
creek to the coast. The western boundary is the shore-line of the
ocean.
This very small area is contiguous on the north to the South-
western and Southern Porno dialectic areas, and on the east and
south to the Southern Moquelumnan area, while to the west lies
the ocean.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
Along this section of the coast the mountains are very low
and there are considerable areas of open land along the ocean.
There is a sand beach stretching along almost the entire length
of the shore-line within the Western dialectic area and it was
along this beach that the principal villages were located, par-
ticularly about the shores of Bodega bay. Here were excellent
m The Northern or Lake Moquelumnan dialectic area has heretofore been
regarded as Wintun and it is so designated on the linguistic map accompany-
ing Powers' "Tribes of California." In the course of the present investi-
gation, however, it was found that this area is inhabited by a people speak-
ing a Moquelumnan dialect, closely related to, though quite distinct from,
the Southern and Western dialects immediately north of San Francisco bay.
Powers in speaking of the Wintun, says: "In the head of Napa valley were
the Wappo, and in Pope and Coyote valleys there was spoken a language now
nearly, if not quite, extinct." This statement would seem to have been
based on indefinite information concerning the Coyote valley language, but
the area is included within the limits of the Wintun territory on the map
accompanying his work. The fact that this area is occupied by a people
speaking a Moquelumnan dialect was noted in the American Anthropologist,
n.s., V, p. 730, 1903.
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304 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
fishing places, and clams were abundant around the bay. The
shell of one species of clam, found abundantly here, and said by
the Indians to be found nowhere else along the coast, furnishes
the material for the white clam-shell beads of this entire region
and was formerly traded to the neighboring peoples, especially
the Porno, among whom, according to the Indians, the art of bead
making was most perfected. In addition to the coast villages
there were villages in the small valley about Bodega Corners, and
there were numerous places in the hills where camps were made
during the seasons of food gathering.
The former inhabitants of this dialectic area are almost en-
tirely gone, there being not more than four or five full-bloods
left. These live at the mouth of Russian river.
Old Village Sites.
Out on the sand spit which, on the south, shuts off Bodega
bay from the ocean, is the site of an old village the name of which
could not be learned. This village has probably not been in-
habited for thirty-five or forty years.
himeta'gala, from hl'me, shell fragments, and ia'gala, high, on
the mesa at the southeastern extremity of Bodega bay.
helapa'ttai, on the northeastern shore of Bodega bay at a
point about two miles from the entrance to the bay. This site
is just south of Jinancy's store and landing.
hota'kala, from hofa'kala, up the hill, on the northeastern
shore of Bodega bay at a point nearly due north of the entrance
to the bay. It is about a quarter of a mile north of Jinancy's
store and landing.
tffkau, from foTsati, small bone whistle, on the western shore
of Bodega bay at a point almost due east of Bodega Head.
Bodega bay is cut off from the ocean on the west by a low rocky
peninsula. The bay shore on the inner or eastern side of this
peninsula is a sandy beach which is backed for a considerable
distance, especially in the northern part, by sand dunes. It is
on this shore of the bay at a point about a mile from the southern
extremity of the peninsula that Wkati was situated.
ke'nnekono, at the town of Bodega Corners.
su'wutene, from sti'wu, pocket gopher, and te'ne, chest, on the
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Captain Smith ranch, known also as the Adobe ranch, about one
mile north of the town of Bodega Corners.
Old Camp Sites.
lakkenhu'tye, from laTcken, a gap between two hills, and
hu'Iye, point, on the western shore of the northern extremity of
Bodega bay.
tauwakpu'lok, from faii'wak, shoulder, and pSlok, pond or
lake, on the shore of a small pond which lies about three-quarters
of a mile north of the northern shore of Bodega bay.
SOUTHERN DIALECT.
BOUNDARIES.
Beginning on the coast at the mouth of the Estero Ameri-
cano or Valleyf ord creek, the boundary of the Southern or Marin
Moquelumnan dialectic area follows the course of that stream to
the town of Valleyford. Here it turns northward and runs to
Salmon creek which it strikes at a point about a mile southwest
of the town of Freestone. This portion of the boundary separ-
ates the Southern from the very small Western dialectic area.
It then follows Salmon creek to a point about a mile and a half
north of the town of Freestone. Here it turns in an easterly di-
rection, running through the range of low hills between Freestone
and Sebastopol and then along the water-shed separating the
Russian river and San Pablo bay drainages,* 80 to a point between
the headwaters of Sonoma and Santa Rosa creeks. This portion
of the boundary separates the Southern Moquelumnan from the
Southern Porno area. From here, turning in a general south-
easterly direction, the boundary passes just north of Glen Ellen
and runs probably to the ridge separating the drainage of
Sonoma creek from that of Napa river, throughout which course
it separates the Southern Moquelumnan and the Yukian Wappo
areas. It probably then passes in a southerly direction down this
ridge to the northern shore of San Pablo bay,* 81 thus separating
Moquelumnan from Wintun territory. The remainder of the
•" See note 107.
m See note 101.
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806 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
eastern boundary of this area is the shore of San Pablo and San
Francisco bays as far as to the Golden Gate. The western bound-
ary is the shore-line of the ocean.
North of the Southern Moquelumnan dialectic area lie the
Western Moquelumnan, the Southern Porno and the Yukian
Wappo areas; and on the east are Southerly Wintun territory,
and San Pablo and San Francisco bays. On the west it extends
to the ocean except at the northwestern extremity where the
Western Moquelumnan dialectic area adjoins it.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
The natural divisions of this area may be designated as the
coast region, comprising all of the drainage along the immediate
coast-line of the ocean, and the valley region, comprising all
the drainage of San Pablo and San Francisco bays included with-
in the limits of this dialectic area. The immediate shore-line of
the ocean is formed by high cliffs, while the country for several
miles back consists of a range of hills and mountains of heights
varying from that of the low hills in the northern part of the area
to 2592 feet on Mt. Tamalpais just north of the Golden Gate.
This comparatively low range separates the coast and valley
regions. The two chief portions of the latter, lying respectively
along Petaluma and Sonoma creeks, are separated from each
other only by a range of very low open hills. Petaluma valley
is a broad open valley and forms a continuous plain with Santa
Bosa valley immediately north of it along the lower course of
Russian river, the two valleys being separated only by an almost
imperceptible swell which forms the water-shed between Russian
river and the streams which drain into San Pablo bay. Between
Petaluma and the Golden Gate there are several smaller valleys.
The area is only sparsely wooded, particularly in Petaluma and
Sonoma valleys and the surrounding hills ; but there were in for-
mer times enough oaks to furnish sufficient acorns to form, to-
gether with the seeds of the grasses of the open country, the
vegetable foods of the people. The ocean furnished fish and
molluscs, particularly in and about Tomales bay, and game of all
kinds was formerly abundant in the hills. There is no definite
knowledge obtainable concerning fishing and other rights on the
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waters of San Francisco and San Pablo bays, but from all that
can be gathered it seems probable that these were neutral grounds
and that the Indians of the region all had equal rights in these
waters off shore. So far as can be learned none of the islands
of San Francisco bay were permanently inhabited.
COAST DIVISION.
There are at present only about six full-blood Indians speak-
ing this dialect. They lived formerly about the town of Marshall
on Tomales bay and for a number of years prior to 1904 made
their home on a ranch near Bodega Corners, but are at present
residing not far from Windsor in the Russian River valley.
Old Village Sites.
Owing to the fact that almost all of the former inhabitants
of this area have disappeared and that the few who remain have
been long removed from the old villages or were born at one of
the missions and have, therefore, no first hand knowledge con-
cerning the old villages, it has been unusually difficult to obtain
accurate information, and so far it has been impossible to obtain
full knowledge concerning the old sites.
At Bolinas bay is the site of an old village the name of which
has been forgotten by the informant. According to another in-
formant there are no old village sites along the coast-line from
the town of Sausalito to Point Reyes (tamal-hulye, bay point).
This, however, seems very improbable. Taylor* 82 says, "The Bol-
lanos and Tamales, Tamallos, or Tamalanos, had rancherias on
Reed's farm, Bollenos Bay, Tamales Bay, Punto de los Reyes and
their vicinities, and probably as far up as Bodega Bay, . . ,"
and Bancroft 88 * states that "on the ocean coast of Marin county
were the Bolanos and Tamales.' 9
dlemdlffke, from die, coyote, and lo'klo or l'okla, valley, near
the town of Olema at the southern extremity of Tomales bay.
Kostromitonow, who was for seven years director of the Russian
colony at Fort Ross, says that the Indians of the vicinity of
•■ Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860, p. 50.
•■ Native Baces, III, 363.
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Bodega were known by the name "Olamentke,"" 4 which was, he
says further,* 86 the name which they applied to themselves. Ban-
croft 886 and Powers 867 both mention this name upon the authority
of Kostromitonow. Engelhardt 888 applies the name "Oiemo-
choe" to San Antonio, but without giving any particulars as to
the reference. It seems probable from the context, however, that
the "Rancho Laguna de San Antonio" which was located south-
west of Petaluma and about midway between that place and To-
males bay, is referred to, although there are also two creeks in
this vicinity which bear the name: Arroyo San Antonio, and
San Antonio creek. It is likely that the names Olamentke and
Olemochoe, as also that of the present town of Olema, are derived
from the name of the Indian village under consideration.
etcaJco'lum, on the eastern shore of Tomales bay at a point
about two miles south of the town of Marshalls.
cdtffmkowi, or seklo'ke, on the eastern shore of Tomales 889 bay
at a point a short distance south of the town of Tomales at the
M K. E. von Baer and Or. von Heknersen, Beitrage zur Kenntniss des
Bussischen Beiches, I, 80.
••Ibid., p. 233.
"* Native Baces, I, 449.
m Tribes of CaL, p. 537.
"* Op. cit., p. 442.
"• In the Moquelumnan ta'mal, a general term meaning bay, is undoubt-
edly to be found the source of various names in this vicinity which are now
rendered Tomales, as follows: Tomales Point, Tomales bay, the town of
Tomales, the rancho Balsa de Tomales, and the rancho Tomales y Baulines,
as also Mount Tamalpais, which is an original Indian name for that
mountain and is derived from ta'mal, bay, and pa'is, mountain. One
informant speaking the Southern Moquelumnan dialect also gave the
mountain the name palemus, but Tamalpais seems to have been the name
most used by the Indians in former times. The change of ta'mal to tomales
is probably due to Spanish influence. As before stated the Moquelumnan
word ta'mal means bay, but this general term may be modified by terms of
direction so as to designate a particular one, as, olom-tamal, south bay,
which is the name given to Tomales bay by the Indians living in the vicinity
of Bodega bay. The word in various forms was used as the name of the In-
dians about Tomales and Bodega bays. Yon Kotzebue (South Sea, HI, 51)
uses "Tamal," as do also Powers (Tribes of Cat, p. 195) and Engelhardt
(op. cit., p. 451). Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 102) speaks of the "Tumaleh-
nias", and Taylor (CaL Farmer, March 2, I860) calls them "Tamales, Ta-
mallos, or Tamalanos," while Bancroft (Native Baces, I, 352) gives the
names "Tomales^ Tamales, Tamallos, and Tamalanos." There is, however,
no information given as to the exact locations of any of the villages inhabited
by the people spoken of by these authors and it is to be supposed that the
terms were general and applied to the people of that portion of the coast
region about Tomales bay rather than specifically to any certain villages.
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entrance to the bay. This is probably near the north bank of
the Arroyo San Antonio, sometimes called Salmon creek.
e'wapaii, near the town of Valleyford.
oye'yomi, from o'ye, coyote, and yd'mi, place, at the town of
Freestone. The grammar school building at Freestone stands
on this site. Ole'yome, the name of one of the villages on Putah
creek in the Northern dialectic area, is the same name with the
dialectic change of y to 1, and Engelhardt's 8 * "Oleomi," who
were among the converts at Sonoma mission may have come from
either of these villages.
paka'huwe, on the site of the town known as Old Freestone.
One informant speaking the Western Moquelumnan dialect gave
potawaiyoak, from po'tola, white, and yoa, earth or ground,
named because of white dust or rocks at the site, as the name of a
village at or near Freestone.
VALLEY DIVISION.
Old Village Sites.
awa'niwi, at San Rafael. This site is located in the northern
part of town.
e'wu, at a point about three miles north of San Rafael.
cdtomko'tca, at a point four and a half miles north of San
Rafael.
puyu'ku, at a point about a mile south of the town of Ignacio.
This village is said by another informant to have been located
near Pacheco, a station on the North Shore railroad at a distance
of about five miles southwest of Ignacio.
tcoke'ttce, at the foot of the low hills about half a mile south
of the town of Novato. The vicinity of this village was early
known as Novato, a term evidently derived from the Spanish
colloquialism, novato or novata, signifying new or anything
just begun. There were two Mexican land grants bearing this
name, the Rancho Corte Madre de Novato and the Rancho de
Novato, upon the second of which the later town of Novato was
located. 801 The Indians of this vicinity seem also to have been
known by the name of Novato. 392
• Op. cit., p. 451.
1 Dodge, Official Map of Marin County, California, 1892.
1 Engelhardt, op. cit., p. 442.
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310 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
dldmpfflll, at a point about five miles a little east of south of
the town of Petaluma. This was evidently an important village
and is often mentioned by early writers. Hittell m in recounting
the trip taken by the party sent out from San Francisco in 1823
to select a site for a new mission, says, "they crossed over to San
Rafael and thence marched by way of a large Indian village
called Olompali, to the neighborhood of what is now Petaluma."
Bancroft," 4 upon the authority of Payeras, who wrote in 1818,
says that "Olompali" was six leagues from San Rafael mission,
and that the "Canada de los Olompalies" was visible from a hill
near the mission. 896 Engelhardt 896 also speaks of this village,
and von Kotzebue 897 mentions the "Guymen, Utschiun, Olumpali,
Soclan, and Sonomi," and says of them that they "speak all one
language; they are the most numerous of any in the mission of
San Francisco." Powell 898 includes the "Olumpali" in his list
of what he terms the Olamentke division of the Moquelumnan
family.
wotoki, on the west bank of Petaluma creek probably near
what is known as Donahue's landing at a point about three miles
and a half southeast of Petaluma.
mele'ya, on San Antonio creek at a point probably about three
miles and a half west-southwest of Petaluma.
amaye'tte, on San Antonio creek at a point probably about
five miles west-southwest of the town of Petaluma.
e'tem, at the town of Petaluma. 899
petalu'ma, from pe'ta, flat, and lu'ma, back, on a low hill east
of Petaluma creek at a point probably about three and one-half
miles a little north of east of the town of Petaluma. It would
seem that this was a fairly large and important village. The
hill, itself called petalu'ma, upon which the village was located,
is a prominent feature of the landscape, and the name was given
"•Hist. CaL, I, 496.
** History of Cal., II, 331, note 19.
"•Ibid., p. 331.
"• Op. cit., p. 442.
■" South Sea, III, 51.
** Op. cit, p. 93.
"•According to Thompson (Hist, of Sonoma County, p. 10) the Indian
name of the site where Petaluma now stands was ' ' Chocuali. ' '
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to a land grant, the Petaluma rancho, 400 comprising 66,622 acres
and bounded by Sonoma and Petaluma creeks on the east and
west respectively, thus including the hill peialu'ma and the broad
plain adjacent. All circumstances tended toward the preserva-
tion of the name, and it is now found as the name of a town, a
creek, a township and a school district. Gibbs 401 mentions the
"Petaluma valley" and Taylor 402 speaks of "the Petalumas or
the Yolhios" as a people who lived near the town of Petaluma,
as does also Bancroft, 408 who, however, says, probably referring
to the days of the missions, that they with several other peoples
lived in Sonoma valley. Bancroft 404 also mentions, quoting from
old mission records, "Petlenum or Petaluma" as the name of one
of the old rancherias, and Engelhardt 40 * gives "Petaluma" in
his list of the peoples at Sonoma mission. According to one in-
formant tule'yome, the name applied to a creek near this village
site, was also applied to the village itself in addition to the name
peJalu'ma.
tutcaiye'lin, at a point about a mile northwest of the town of
Petaluma.
tu'bne, at a point about three miles northwest of Petaluma.
siisu'U, at a point about four miles northwest of Petaluma.
payine'tca, or dona'nto (Southern Porno dialect name), in-
definitely located at a point about ten miles northwest of Petal-
uma and about three and a half miles a little south of west of
Cotati.
uWyomi, or atcamotco'tcatui (Southern Porno dialect name),
indefinitely located at a point probably about eleven miles north-
west of Petaluma and about four miles west of Cotati.
kota'tt, just north of the town of Cotati. The name of this
village has been perpetuated in Cotate Rancho, an old Mexican
land grant of 17,238 acres 406 situated in the vicinity of where the
town of Cotati now stands. Concerning this name Thompson 407
400 Bowers' Map of Sonoma County, 1882.
m Schoolcraft, in, 101.
"■ California Farmer, March 30, 1860.
*" Native Baces, I, 363.
m Ibid., p. 453.
"Op. cit, p. 452.
"•Bowers' Map of Sonoma County, 1882.
m Central Sonoma, p. 3, footnote.
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812 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoL 6
says, "Cotate is an Indian word, of which we have* no definition.
Cotate Peak is the original name of the crest near Santa Rosa,
known as Taylor mountain."
hu'tci, near the plaza in the town of Sonoma. It is apparent-
ly from hu'tci that the old "Huichica Rancho,"** 8 derived its
name. This is probably, also, the village referred to by Hit-
tell 40 * as the one upon the former site of which the Sonoma mis-
sion was built. Although with the founding of the mission in
1823 many Indians from the neighboring country were brought
in to Sonoma, 410 almost all have now disappeared, so that very
little information is obtainable from the Indians concerning the
old villages or the early conditions in this region. These Indians,
brought to the mission by the Franciscan Fathers, soon lost their
identity and true name, at least so far as any records are con-
cerned, and were all known as the Sonoma or Sonomi Indians,
also called Sonomellos, probably from the Spanish Sonomeno,
which names are used almost universally by early writers.
Gibbs, 411 however, states that the "Tcho-ko-yem" were a people
formerly living in Petaluma valley, but at the time of his writing
in Sonoma valley, and he gives a vocabulary of their language
which is clearly Moquelumnan. The name, probably originally
that of a single village, gained a wider significance, being used
by Gibbs to designate all the Indians in the region from San Ra-
408 The Huichica rancho is an old Mexican grant consisting of five and
one-half square leagues of land southeast of Sonoma and southwest of Napa
City. It was granted to Mr. Jacob P. Leese in two parts, one in 1841, the
other in 1846.— -Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Napa county, p. 51;
Bowers' Map of Sonoma County, 1882.
m History of Cal., I. 498.
410 Concerning the Indians at Sonoma mission Engelhardt says : ' ' The dif-
ferent tribes of Indians that furnished converts were the Aloquiomi, Ateno-
mac, Conoma, Carquin, Canijolmano, Caymus, Chemoco, Chichoyoni, Chocu-
yem, Coyayomi or Joyayomi, Huiluc, Huymen, Lacatiut, Loaquiomi, Idnayto
or Libayto, Locnoma, Mayacma, Muticulmo, Malaca, Napato, Oleomi, Putto
or Putato, Palnomanoc, Paque, Petaluma, Suisun, Satayomi, Soneto, Tolen,
Tlayacma, Tamal, Topayto, TJlulato, Zaclom, Utinomanoc." (Op. cit., p.
451.) It is possible at present to locate only a portion of the ''tribes" or
Tillages given in this list, but from those identifiable it is evident that In-
dians were brought to this mission from as far west as the coast, at Tomales
and Bodega bays, as far north as Coyote valley on the headwaters of Putah
creek, as far east as the west bank of the Sacramento river, and as far south
as the northern shore of San Pablo bay, and it is quite probable that among
the unidentifiable names are some from beyond these regions, particularly
toward the south and east.
*" Schoolcraft, III, 421.
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Qeography of the Porno Indiana. 313
fael mission northward to Santa Rosa and eastward as far as
Suscol, and by others in a still broader sense, as the name of
a division of what they termed the Olamentke (Moquelumnan
stock) and comprising all the Indians found in both Petaluma
and Sonoma valleys. This latter broad significance is probably
due to the mingling at Sonoma mission of the original "Tcho-ko-
yem" people with those from various other villages. Probably
with Gibbs as authority some later writers mention the "Tcho-
koyem," 412 "Chokuyem," 418 and "Chocuyens." 414
The name Sonoma it has been stated 415 is of Spanish origin,
and is the name given by the first missionary at Sonoma to the
"chief" of the Indians there and later applied to all the Indians
at the mission. 416 Prom Indian sources it seems that there was a
captain among them who was commonly called Sonoma, but whose
Indian name was hd'ipus-folopo'kse, from ho'ipus, captain, and
*6'ldpo, to respond. His native language was Southern Moquel-
umnan. That the name Sonoma is of Spanish origin seems very
doubtful, however, since there is no such Spanish word and no
word from which this would have been easily corrupted. There
is, however, in the village names of the Yukian Wappo dialect,
the territory of which extends to within a few miles of Sonoma, a
constantly recurring ending -tso'noma, derived from tso, earth
or ground, and no'ma, village, as micewal-tso'nSma ; and it seems
probable that this is the true source of the name Sonoma. The
name is now in extensive use, there being a county, town, town-
ship, school district, and creek all bearing it.
te'mblek, at a point about a mile and a half west of the town
of Sonoma. The people of this village are probably the ones
referred to by Taylor 417 when he says, "The Timbalakees lived on
the west side of Sonoma valley. ' ' Bancroft 418 upon the authority
of Taylor, mentions the same people.
iuVC, in the hills west of Sonoma creek and at a point probably
*" Bancroft, Native Races, I, 450.
*" Powers, Tribes of CaL, p. 195.
•"Tuthill, History of CaL, p. 301; Thompson, Sonoma County, p. 8.
«• Gibbs, Schoolcraft, m. 421.
**• Thompson, Sonoma County, p. 8.
'"California Farmer, March 30, 1860.
m Native Baces, I, 450.
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314 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
about three miles west of the town of Sonoma. Very indefinitely
located.
wugUfwa, near Agua Caliente.
lumenta'kala, in the hills forming the divide between the So-
noma and Santa Rosa creek drainages, and at a point probably
a short distance south of the Pomo-Moquelumnan interstock
boundary. Very indefinitely located.
NORTHERN DIALECT. 419
BOUNDARIES.
Beginning at a point on Cache creek about four miles from
its source, the southernmost end of Clear lake, the boundary of
the Northern or Lake Moquelumnan dialectic area runs in a gen-
eral southeasterly direction, probably along the ridge between
Jerusalem Valley and Morgan Valley creeks, crosses the latter
near the confluence of the two, and passes through the hills east
of Jerusalem valley to Putah creek, which it crosses at a point
about five miles east of Guenoc. Prom here it runs for a short
distance in the same direction, and then, turning in a southwest-
erly direction, it runs to a point probably about eight miles north-
east of Mt. St. Helena. East of this portion of the boundary
lies the Southerly Wintun area. At this point the boundary
turns in a northwesterly direction and runs through the moun-
tains and into Coyote valley to a point about three miles north-
east of Middletown and about a mile and a half southwest of
Guenoc. Turning then in a westerly direction it runs through
Coyote valley, crossing Putah creek, and passes to the summit of
Cobb mountain. This portion of the boundary separates the
Northern Moquelumnan from the Yukian Wappo area. It here
turns and runs in a general northerly direction, following up the
range connecting Cobb mountain with Mt. Kanaktai, to a point
just east of the headwaters of Cole creek where it turns in a gen-
eral easterly direction and runs through the foot-hills to the
southern extremity of Lower Lake, and thence to Cache creek,
down which it runs for about four miles to the point of starting.
"• See note 379.
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Prom CoBb mountain on to its northeastern extremity the bound-
ary separates the Northern Moquelumnan from the Eastern and
Southeastern Porno dialectic areas.
To the north of the Northern Moquelumnan dialectic area
lies the Southeastern Porno area, to the east is Wintun territory,
and to the south the territory of the Yukian Wappo, while on the
west the Eastern Porno area adjoins it.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION.
This area may be separated into the Coyote Valley 420 or Putah
Creek 421 division, lying along Putah creek ; and the Lower Lake
division, comprising the valley at the southern end of Lower lake
with the surrounding mountains. Coyote valley is a narrow val-
ley about four miles in length and extending as far down stream
as a point a short distance east of the present Indian village of
hukuliyume. It is surrounded by low brush-covered hills with
the higher mountains in the distance. In these hills are several
small valleys which, like Coyote valley, are very fertile and were
in former times inhabited by the Indians. Lower Lake valley
extends southward from the lake shore as far as the town of
Lower Lake. The portion of it which lies along the lake shore
is marshy and unfit for habitation, but it formerly afforded good
hunting grounds for the Indians. In the southern part of the
valley, as also in the part lying along the bank of Cache creek,
are desirable sites for habitations and it was here that the old
villages were located. This valley is surrounded by sparsely
*" Coyote valley is also known by that name in the languages of some of
the surrounding Indians. The Eastern Porno name of the valley is gunula-
xaxoi, and the Southeastern Porno name is kll'win-xoi, both of which mean
literally coyote valley.
m The name Putah is not, as is often supposed, of Indian origin, but
comes from the Spanish puta, meaning a harlot, and the name Putos was,
according to Powers (Tribes of California, p. 219), applied by the early
Spaniards to the Indians along lower Putah creek and later to the creek itself
as well as to two land grants in Solano county. The word as the name of
Indians has also been given by Engelhardt (op. cit, p. 451) as "Putto or
Putato." The Wintun living on the lower course of this creek call it
li'wai, which signifies waving, and by some it is said that there was for-
merly a village on the north bank of the creek in the neighborhood of Win-
ters which bore the same name. This village is probably the source of peo-
ple called "Liwaito" by Powers (Tribes of California, p. 218), and "Linay-
to or Liba^" by Engelhardt (op. cit., p. 451). Powers also states (Ibid)
that the aboriginal name of Putah creek was ' ' Li-wai. ' '
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316 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
wooded hills with higher mountains in the distance. To the west
the range connecting Mt. Kanaktai with Mt. St. Helena rises to a
considerable height, and on the south there is a lower though
fairly high range, which separates the drainage of Lower lake
from that of Putah creek. The inhabitants of Coyote valley as
well as those in the immediate vicinity of Lower lake derived an
important portion of their food supply from the lake where fish
and water birds were abundant. Game of all kinds was also
formerly very plentiful in the surrounding mountains. While
the people speaking the Northern Moquelumnan dialect owned
the lake shore only at the southern extremity of Lower lake itself,
they were on very friendly terms with their Porno neighbors, who
allowed them full hunting and fishing privileges on this arm of
Clear lake, at least in its southern part.
PUTAH CREEK DIVISION.
Inhabited Modern Village Sites.
huku'hyume or stwfyome, on the south bank of Putah creek
at a point about a mile and a half down stream from Guenoc.
This village consists of six houses and about twenty-five inhab-
itants, and is the only inhabited village in this dialectic area. It
was established about thirty years ago, its inhabitants coming
from the old village of oie'yome about three miles and a half up
stream. In addition to the dwellings there is here a small dance-
house, now partly in ruins.
Old Village Sites.
cd'yome, on the south bank of Putah creek at a point about
three and one-half miles down stream from Guenoc. This may
be the village referred to as "Coyayomi or Joyayomi" by Engel-
hardt 422 in his enumeration of the "tribes of Indians that fur-
nished eon verts" at Sonoma mission.
kebu'lpukut, on the shore of a small wet-weather lake about
two miles and a half southeast of Guenoc.
tumi'stumis, on the banks of a small tributary of Putah creek
at a point about two miles and a half northeast of Guenoc.
* Op. cit., p. 451.
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dle'yome, from die, coyote, and yo'me, place, on the north
bank of Putah creek at a point about a mile and three-quarters
up Btream from Guenoc. This site has not been inhabited for
about thirty years, the Indians having moved at that time to the
present village of htikuTiyume about three miles and a half down
stream. The name 6y€'yomi, of a village near Freestone in the
Southern dialectic area, is the same as that of this village with
the dialectic change of 1 to y. 5'le and o'ye, signifying coyote,
enter very frequently into Moquelumnan names, as ole-ami-
wu'we, coyote, ?, creek, which is the Northern Moquelumnan name
of Putah creek. It seems probable that the Indians referred to
by Taylor 428 and later by Bancroft 424 as the "Guenocks" lived
in and about Coyote valley, although it is impossible to give them
an exact location as apparently the name was never used by the
Indians themselves. Neither is it, so far as can be ascertained,
of Spanish origin, though it is used in the name of the old Mex-
ican grant, the Guenoc Rancho, 425 and there is now in Coyote
valley a small post office bearing this name. Slocum, Bowen and
Company 426 give "koo-noo-la-ka-koi" as the name of the people
living in Coyote valley. This is simply the Eastern Porno name
of Coyote valley, but the people specifically referred to may have
been those of the village of dle'yome. The "Oleomi" mentioned
by Engelhardt 427 as among the "tribes that furnished converts"
at Sonoma mission may refer to the people of this village or to
those of Sye'yomi near Freestone in the Southern dialectic area.
LOWER LAKE DIVISION.
Old Village Sites.
ka'wlyome, on the south bank of Cache creek at a point about
a mile and a half down from its source, and about the same
distance from the town of Lower Lake.
m Calif ornia Farmer, March 30, 1860.
-•Native Baces, I, 363, 451.
""This grant was obtained by Mr. George Both in 1845, and contained
six square leagues of land in Coyote valley and the adjacent territory along
the headwaters of Putah creek. — Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake
county, p. 46.
m Op. cit, Lake county, p. 36.
m Op. cit., p. 451.
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318 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
tsftsapogut or ka'tcululukuwan (Southeastern Porno dialect
name), in the northwestern part of the town of Lower Lake.
This site is near the Scottman residence just north of the wagon
bridge at Lower Lake.
tu'leyome, at a point about two miles south of the town of
Lower Lake. This site is located in the low hills south of Lower
Lake and is on the east side of the county road on what is called
the Dock Murphy ranch.
COSTANOAN.
A little information concerning the Indians who lived about
the southern end of San Francisco bay was obtained from an old
Moquelumnan woman whose early life was spent chiefly at San
Rafael mission, but who lived for about a year on a ranch at
Agua Caliente, near San Jose. She knows nothing of the lan-
guage of the people farther south than San Jos6, but says that
the people of San Francisco, Oakland and all of the Santa Clara
valley as far south as San Jos6 spoke a language called polye,
of which she was able to give a very limited vocabulary. The
vocabulary is clearly Costanoan. The same informant says that
during the days of the San Francisco mission people speaking a
different language were brought over from the San Joaquin
valley and settled on the eastern shore of San Francisco bay.
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GLOSSARY.
INDIAN TERMS FROM WHICH PLACE NAMES ARE DERIVED.
Only such terms as were actually translated by the Indians
themselves in speaking of the various place names are here given,
and the bracketed initials following each definition indicate the
stock and dialect to which the definition belongs. This does not
mean, however, that this is the only dialect of the stock in which
the term occurs with this meaning. The large initial indicates
the stock, viz.: P, Pomo; T, Tuki; A, Athapascan; W, Wintun,
and M, Moquelumnan. The small initials indicate dialects, viz.:
n, Northern ; c, Central ; e, Eastern ; w, Wappo and Western ; y,
Yuki Proper; s, Southern; se, Southeastern; etc.
a"ca, fish [Ps, sw].
a'ka or a"ka, water or spring [Ps, sw],
a'ma, ground [Ps, sw].
ama'li, flat ground (f) [Psw],
a'mu, behind [Pc, b].
annako'ta, bull snake [Yw],
a'nS, behind [Pc].
a n s, red [Yy].
a'tca, man [Psw].
atcT, sedge [Psw].
ba, tail [Pn].
ba'ca, buckeye [Ps].
ba'ce, buckeye [Psw].
bad8', flat [Pn].
bado'n, island [Pi].
bagi'l, long [Pi],
baka'u, dam [Pn],
bal8', oat [Pn]
basa't, forks [Pn]
bata'p or bata'mk, cut [Pn].
batco'a, angelica [Pc].
bate' or bate', big [Pn, s, sw], many (f) [Ps].
batT, alder [Ps].
batin, big [Pi].
batsa'tsa, cascara [Psw].
batso'm, a species of oak [Pe].
batsu'm, a species of oak [Pe].
be'ce, buckeye [Ps].
bene', pepperwood nuts [Pn, e].
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320 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol 6
behe'm, pepperwood [Pn, c].
ben, curved pond (f) [Ps], big [Ws].
bi, in or there [A].
bida', creek or river [Pn, sw].
bida'me, creek or river [Pi].
bidami, creek or river [Pi].
bida'fi, low [Pi].
bike', ground squirrel [Pn].
bi'mu, a species of shrub [Ps].
bita', bear [Pn].
bite'n, big [Psi].
bito'm, see mato'.
bo, west [Pn, c, i].
b3'cam, a kind of seed [Pn].
bd'ee, hump [A].
boo'mli, to hunt around [Pi].
bor, mud [Pn],
bot, scattered around in small pieces [Po].
bu, Indian potatoes [Pc, s].
bul, the name of a certain large flat rock off shore near the mouth of
Big river [Pn],
buntc, fly [A],
buta'ka, bear [Pn].
bu'tu, knoll [Pi],
ca, fish [Pi],
caba', hazel [Pn].
ca'dilau, projecting point [Pc].
cadim, little ridge [Paw],
caditc, point [Pc].
cako', willow [Pn].
ca'na, ridge [Psw].
cane', sweat-house or dance-house [Pn, c].
ci, clover [Yw].
cie', a kind of grass seed [Pc].
cii'n, grape vine [Pn].
cik, black [Ty]«
cil, hang down [Pn], bunch [Pn],
cilin, hanging up [Pn].
cina' or clnal, head [Pn, sw],
cipi, willow [Yt],
ciyo', shade or shadow [Pc, s].
ciyol, shady [Pn, s].
c5 east [Pn, c, i].
coko'n, crooked [Pn],
cu'kit, small string [Psw].
cu'nau, pretty (f) [Pn],
da, on [Pn], trail [Pc, sw].
daba'u, to split with the hand [Pc].
dai, landing [Psi].
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dako', pestle [Pc].
dala', flat plate-form basket [Pi].
dala'm, dam [Pi].
dala'u, to run down [Pc].
dam, trail [Pn].
dana', to cover up [Psw].
danelc, throw out [Pn].
dano', mountain [Pn, c, i, bw],
di'hi, village [Ws].
di'kat, to whistle [Psw].
dile', between, among, in the midst of [Pn, e].
diste, madrofia [A].
diwi', coyote [Pi].
dl'tem, to go on, upon or on top of (f) [Ps].
dja, house [Pn, c].
dja'da, run away (f) [Pn],
djelhe, white oak (f) [Ps].
djom, a species of pine [Pn].
djd"to, to stand up [Psw],
djuhu'la, north [Pn].
djusa'm, the bottom of a waterfall (f) [Psw].
d6no', mountain [Pc, sw].
dd'tcani, to place one's hand upon [Psw].
do'wi, coyote [Ps].
dultac, abalone [Psw].
dii'wi, coyote [Ps, sw].
ela, to throw and miss an object [Pn],
ell, place [Ps, sw].
elli, place [Psw].
fai, a flat open place [Pse].
gaco', pond [Pe].
gago', valley [Pn, c, b], field [Pc].
ga'iye, manzanita [Ps].
gal, homeward [Pn],
gala'i, a kind of water bird [Pi].
go'tca, house [Pw],
guhula, north [Pi].
gunu'la, coyote [Pi].
gut, on top [A].
guts, crooked [A].
ha, mouth [Pn].
hali, the edible fleshy covering of the nut of the California laurel [Pi].
han, house [Yt].
ha'ta, red [Ps].
ha'u, mouth [Pc].
hel, anus [Yw],
helle, flat [Ps].
hem, pepperwood or California laurel [Psw].
hlbu', Indian potatoes [Psw].
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322 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoL 6
hi'me, shell fragments [Mw].
hfmd, hole [Psw].
hitc, a species of fish [Pi].
hi'wal, related to walali, which see.
hma'rak, sweat-house, or dance-house [Pi].
hual, on [Pn],
h5, hot or fire [Pn, s].
hd'dudfi, milk snake [Pn].
hdlpus, captain [Ms].
hdl, tree [Yw].
hdm, nettle [Pn].
hot, big [Yy].
hofc/kala, up the hiU [Mw].
hugelmite, a mythical monster [Yw].
hulye, point [Mw].
huk, a mythical being resembling a bird [Pc, e].
hutc, mountain [Yy].
hwalau, to flow down or flow into [Psw].
I, place [Pn],
lka'fi, broken or bunted asunder [Ps].
fle'm, between hills [Pc], a flat [Pi].
i'lS'ma, between or low down [Pc].
imil, blackberry [Ws].
itel, to peel off [Pc].
ite'm, a small open place [Pc].
IwT, coyote [Pc].
iwil, poison [Yy],
iwil-hass, sweat-house, literally poison-house [Yy].
Iy5', below [Ps].
ka, water [Pn, c, b, sw]. It has also a secondary meaning of spring,
or a body of water such as a lake or the ocean,
kaa'i, crow [Pn].
kaa% tule [Psi].
kaba', madrofia [Ps, sw].
kaba'i, wild onion, Allium unifolium [Pn].
kaba't, madrofia [Pn].
kabe', rock [Pn, c, b, s, sw].
kabd', clover [Pn].
kac, ridge [Yy].
kaci', a water plant said to somewhat resemble bamboo [Pi],
kai, valley [Pn], nuts [A].
ka'ia, valley [Pc].
kaiya'u, head [Pi],
kaiye', manzanita [Pc, a],
kaku'l, white oak [Pi],
kal, mussel [Pn].
k!al, to rub [Pc].
kala', clam [Pn], dead [Psw].
kala'ln5, white willow [PC].
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1908] Barrett.— The Etkno-Qeograpky of the Porno Indian*. 523
kale', tree [Pn, o, b, 8, sw, si], up [Psw].
kaloli, dry [Pb].
kalfi'm, gone [Pn].
ka'mli, anything thrown across [Pc].
kapa', bracken [Psw].
kar, a dry limb filled with woodpecker holes [Pn].
kastt, redwood [Pc, s],
kata', hollow [Pk].
katca', arrow-head [Pn], obsidian or flint [Pn, c].
katcim, not good, bad [Yt],
ka'tdn, lake or pond [Pb].
katft't, shucks (the thin inner shell) of the nut of the pepperwood, Cali-
fornia laurel [Pb].
katsa', grass [Pn, s].
katsi'l, cold [Pb].
katu', lake [Pn].
katul, spring [Psw].
kawa', bark [Pc].
kawam, or kawan, a species of pine [Ps].
kawe', to build [Pn],
kawi', small [Pc].
kawi'na, turtle [Pn],
kawd', toad [Pi].
kca, white oak [Pn], canyon or gulch [Pc].
kecel, blue clay [Psi].
kee', salt [Pi].
kS'ya, there [Pn] .
kfai, a flat open place [Psi].
kica', sea gull [Psw].
kilel, a caved embankment [Pn].
kis, heart burn [Pc].
kitcil, flint [Yt].
kite'm, bushy top (f) of a tree [Pi],
kitsia, end [Pn].
kli'win, coyote [Psi].
kn5, mountain [Pse].
k6, belly [Pn], ball [Ps], long [Ps], mussel [Psw],
k6t>5, a kind of grass [Psw].
koc, blackberry [A],
ko'dakatc, arched or bowed up [Pc].
kol, on the other side (f) [Yt],
kolo, mortar basket [Ps].
k!615, mortar stone [Psi].
k6m, soda spring [Pn], bog [Pn].
k6'p, nettle [Pi],
kft'pe, grape vine [Ws].
k5'sa, elbow [Psw],
ko'tic, black oak [Yw].
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324 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [YoL 6
kftti'na, the name of a former captain or head man of one of the South-
erly Wintun villages [Wb].
kd'wi, valley [Pb].
ktai, old woman (probably mythical) [Psb].
kuc, alder [A],
kuca', live oak [Pb].
kola', probably yellow water lily, Nymphaea polysepala [Pn], a kind of
plant (f) [Ps].
kuLa' waterlily [Pb].
kut, creek [A]
ku'tci, moss [Pn].
Ja, place [Ws].
Labe, there [Ws].
la'kken, a gap between two hills [Mw].
lala, in the middle [Pc], wild goose [Psw].
Lax, opening or inlet [Pi],
le, place [Ps, sw].
le'le, small flat or small valley [Yw].
lS'ma, see i ' lS'ma.
Let, ground squirrel [Ws].
Lgai, white [A]
li, there, or place [Pn, c, s, sw],
licuT, black oak [Pe].
HI, rock [Yt].
li'wai, waving [Ws].
lok, goose [Yw].
lo'kla, valley [Ms].
15'kl6, valley [Ms],
lol, tobacco [Ws].
lu'ma, back [Ms],
lu'pu or Lu'pu, rock [Mw].
ma, ground [Pn, c, bw] ; grove [Yw].
maca', Indian hemp, Apocymm [Pn].
madd', cold [Pn].
maiyi', contagion [Pn],
malca, salmon [Ps].
maka'la, rabbit [Pn].
makd', blue heron [Pe],
ma»l, creek [Yy],
mala, beside [Psw].
maxa, to bake [Ws].
mala'la, mosquito [Ps].
mall, there or place [Psw],
malu', bake [Pn]
mama', projecting [Pn],
ma'tca, sweat-house [Psw].
mate'l, spliced [Pb].
mato', big [Pn],
mato'lk, to scatter [Pe].
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo Indians. 325
mawali, to place (f) [Psw].
me, water [Yw],
mSTiwa, grape vine [Yw],
m§'la, place (f) [Yw].
mem, water [Ws].
mi, place [Pn].
mila'm, burned or otherwise totally destroyed [Pc].
mina', on top of or near to [Pn].
misaltalak, striped watersnake [Pn].
misa'kale, striped watersnake [Pn].
mi'tce, turtle [Yw].
mlam, see mila'm.
mo, hole [Pn, c, b].
moko'c, stump [Ps].
mdn, madrofia (both trees and berries) [Ws].
md'ta, hill [Yw].
msa'kale, striped watersnake [Pc].
msu, burned or charred [Pc].
mttga', seed [Pn].
muka', scorched [Pn].
mu'ku, trail [Mw].
mu'tak, ant [Ps].
mutca', a kind of grass seed [Psw].
mu'ti, north [Yw],
mu'yamuya, a mythical being [Pc].
na, on top of [Pc].
nal, forest [Pc].
nan, well or deep hole [Yw],
nansa", hang down [A]
napa, the detachable points of the aboriginal fish gig or spear [Ps].
napa'gi, mussel [Mw].
napo', village [Pe].
napo'tai, old village [Pn].
ne, ground [A]
netc, gravel [A]
ne'u, to place [Pc, sw],
niliek, a species of hawk [Yw].
n5, ashes [Pn, c, e, b], dust [Ps].
nom, people [Yy].
nd'ma, home or village [Yw].
nd'ndil, settle down upon [A]
ntca'u, big [A]
ntce, bad [A]
nutc, gravel [Yy].
nu'tse, small [Yw].
5h5'm, nettle [Psw],
61e, coyote [Ms, n].
o'lSm, south [Ms].
on, earth, land [Yy].
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826 UnvocrtUy of California Publication* in Ah. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
5'ss6, clover [Ps].
dtd'ne, the edible purple seaweed [Psw].
5'ye, coyote [Mw],
pa, excrement [Psw].
pa'tan, to pound or grind [Pn].
pat51, oak ball [Pse].
pa'wS, mountain [Mn].
pda, creek or river [Po].
pe'ta, flat [Ms].
pS'ulfi, village (from the Spanish pueblo) [Ps].
pik, mellow [Pn].
pi'po, white oak [Yw].
pit*, hole or mine [Yt].
p5, red [Pn, c, sw].
pdl, red [Pc].
pd'ma, village [Pn].
pft'mfi, village [Pn].
po'tola, white [Ms].
pte, big [Ps].
pii'i, greasy, sweet or otherwise pleasing to the taste [Pn].
pulak, pond or lake [Mw].
puiok, pond or lake [Mw].
putce'ma, stand up straight [Psw].
pii'tsum, point [Pe],
saia, redwood [Pn].
sa'rna, near [Pc].
Be, brush or thicket [Pi], rock [A]
see*, brush [Pe, sw].
sel, people [Ws].
sila', flat [Psw].
skdl, laughing [Pn].
sma, sleep [Ps].
sme'wa, wolf [Pc].
s6, clover [Pc, i].
sdhd'i, sea-lion [Psw],
son, tule rush [Yy],
so'sa, red ant [Pn].
Bd'td, a sir name [Ps].
su'kui, a kind of seed [Ws].
sul, vulture or California condor [Pc], rope [Psw], snag of a tree (f)
[Psw].
jfi'wfi, pocket gopher [Mw].
ta, sand [Pn, c, e], beach [Psw], red [Pc].
ta, tops [A], bird [Psw].
t!a, to wind around [Psw].
taa', sand [Ps],
ta'gala, high [Mw].
tai, old woman (probably mythical) [Pse].
tala, stand up [Mw].
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1908] Barrett.— The Bthno-Qeography of the Porno Indians. 327
tarn, aidehill [Tt].
ta'mal, bay [Ms].
tana', hand [Pn].
tas, red [Pc].
tate, sand [Psw].
tafi'wak, shoulder [Mw].
tea, house [Pn, c, s], person or man [Pn, bw].
tca'da, run away (t) [Pn],
tcahe, redbud [Yy].
teai, a species of fish [P*].
tcalam, a kind of plant [Psw].
tca'LI, village [Pb].
team, to fall across [Pc], live oak (f) [Pc].
tcata', between [Pn].
tcatT, village [Pn].
tca'ti, house [Psw].
tca'wal, sitting down (f) [Psw].
tcawe'l, canyon [Pn].
tca'wi, house [Ps].
tcel, white oak (f) [Ps].
tcelifi, run out [A].
tce'ma, flat hole [Psw].
tce'matc, narrow valley (f) [Pc].
teen, down or low [Wb].
tce'uk, corner [Pc].
tcinw, fir [A]
tci'eu, said to signify the highest point on a stream to which large fish,
such as salmon, ascend [Pc].
tcTk5', to touch something with an object (f) [Psw].
tci'Ltin, something lying down [A]
tcim, the plant of Car ex barbarae [Pc].
tcima', to run or extend up stream [Pc].
tcima'ia, enemy [Pn].
tcin, to hang down [Ps].
tcitca'kali, narrow open strip of land [Psw],
tciti', a kind of bush [Psw].
tcd'kd, to kneel down upon both knees [Psw].
tcotchan, mush oak [Yy].
tcuhe'l, sand [Wn].
tcuhu'l, north [Pn].
tcula, north [Pn].
tcuma', to place [Psw].
tcuma'ti, to sit down (f) [Psw],
te, elderberry [Psw],
te, low (f) [A],
telce, mineral left as a deposit after the evaporation of the water from
the springs at the Geysers in Sonoma county [Yw].
tS% flat head (t) [Ps].
tern, see ite'm.
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328 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol 6
te'ne, chest [Mw],
t§'ya, those people [Pc].
ti, string [Pn], old [Pi],
tilri, sand [Ws].
titam, mountain [Yy].
td, water [A]
to, toward [Pn],
toi, top [Ws].
to'kau, small bone whistle [Mw].
tdl, hollow [Pn].
tdl, place (f) [Psw].
toll, mountain [Mw].
to'lopo, respond [Ms],
ton, under (f) [Ps], on (f) [Psw].
towa'ni, stand up [Ps].
tfi'tola, elderberry [Mw].
tsaka', smoke [Pn], native tobacco [Pn].
tsawa'l, a species of fish [Pe].
tsawa'm, braid [Pe].
tsawa'tak, a small species of frog [Pn].
tsel, charcoal [Yw],
tse'ma, ear [Yw],
tsi'kini, owl [Pn],
tsTu, corner [Pn].
tsiwi'c, Carex [Pe].
tso, ground [Yw],
tsulm, a kind of bush [Psw].
tsubalia, a species of willow used in basket making [Pe].
tsuka', a small edible mollusc, Chlorostoma funebrale A Adams [Psw].
tul, large valley [Yw].
tuluka, red [Ws].
tu'i, forks (f) [Ps].
tii'le, hummingbird [Psw].
tuul, old [Pn].
udi', big [Mn].
uk, water [Yy].
u'kom, valley [Yy].
wai, an ejaculation (f) [Pse].
wal, warrior [Yw].
wala'li, the meeting place of the waters of any inflowing stream with the
waters of the stream into which it flows or with the ocean [Psw].
wall, on both sides [Psw], at (f) [Pn].
wa'tak, frog [Ps].
wi, place [Pn, c, s, sw], on [Psw].
wica', ridge (particularly a small ridge), [Pc, e, s].
wica'l, ridge [Psw].
wina', on top of or upon [Pc, E, sw], near [Pe].
wini', large swelled knot [Pe].
wit, sidehill [Yy].
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1908] Barrett.— The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo Indians. 329
wo'to, dirty, ashes [Ps].
xa, water [Pn, e, si], spring [Pe].
xaba'i, wild onion, AUuim uni folium [Pe].
xabS' rock [Pe].
xaga', obsidian [Pe].
xag*6'i, valley [Pe].
zai, wood [Pe].
xaiya'u, head [Pe].
xala', clam [Pn],
xaro', valley white oak black bread [Pn].
xatai', woman [Pse],
xaxo', valley [Pe].
xaxo'i, valley [Ps].
xo'i, valley [Pse].
x6'wa, in front of [Pe].
xuna', tule boat or balsa [Pse].
xunu', luck [Pe].
ya, wind [Pn].
ya'la, level [Psw],
yi, no (f) [Pe].
yic, wolf [A]
yi'ii, under [A]
yo, under [Pn, c, e, s, sw, se], down [Pc], south [Pc].
yo'a, earth or ground [Ms].
ydcT, white oak [Ps].
yo'me, the home of [Ps], place [Mn],
yo'ml, place [Ms].
y5'wa, under [Pse],
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330 Unwtiity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [VoL «
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A LIST OF PUBLISHED WOEKS IN WHICH MENTION IS MADE OP
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1908] Barrett. — The Ethno-Oeography of the Porno Indian*. S81
GIBB8, Giorge: "Journal of the Expedition of Colonel Bedick M'Kee,"
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Mr. Purdy's reprinted edition, in book form, Los Angeles, 1902.
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Beering's Straits, for the purpose of Exploring the Northeast Pass-
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A New Voyage Bound the World; London, 1830.
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS-(CONTINUED)
AMEBICAN AKCHABOLOGY AND ETHHOLOGY.-Contiimed.
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ANTHROPOLOGICAL MEMOIRS. (Quarto).
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No. 1 . The Ruins of Moche.
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(j$*{ <rU*U )
THE GEOGRAPHY AND DIALECTS OF THE
MIWOK INDIANS
BT
S. A. BARRETT
' ON THE EVIDENCES OF THE OCCUPA-
TION OF CERTAIN REGIONS BY
THE MIWOK INDIANS
BY
A. L. KROEBER
BERKELEY
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
FEBRUARY, 1908
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
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VOL. 6 NO. 2
THE GEOGRAPHY AND DIALECTS OF THE
MIWOK INDIANS.
BY
8. A. BARRETT.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction 333
Territorial Boundaries 344
Dialects 352
Dialectic Relations 356
Lexical 356
Phonetic 358
Alphabet 359
Vocabularies 362
Footnotes to Vocabularies - 368
INTRODUCTION.
Of the many linguistic families in California most are con-
fined to single areas, but the large Moquelumnan or Miwok family
is one of the few exceptions, in that the people speaking its various
dialects occupy three distinct areas. These three areas, while
actually quite near together, are at considerable distances from
one another as compared with the areas occupied by any of the
other linguistic families that are separated.
The northern of the three Miwok areas, which may for con-
venience be called the Northern Coast or Lake area, is situated
in the southern extremity of Lake county and just touches, at its
northern boundary, the southernmost end of Clear lake. This
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334 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol. 6
area has been described and bounded in detail in "The Ethno-
geography of the Porno and Neighboring Indians " which consti-
tutes a part of the present volume.
The second of the three areas lies on the northern shore of
San Francisco bay, and comprises Marin county together with a
small portion of the southern part of Sonoma and a very small
part of Napa counties. Within this area are two dialectic divi-
sions. The smaller, which may be conveniently termed the
Western Coast or Bodega dialectic area, comprises a very small
territory immediately about the shores of Bodega bay. The
larger division may be termed the Southern Coast or Marin
dialectic area, and occupies the remainder of the area. These
two dialectic areas have also been described and bounded in the
paper referred to above.
The third or main area occupied by people belonging to the
Moquelumnan or Miwok stock comprises, generally speaking, that
portion of the western slope of the Sierra Nevada mountains
which extends from Cosumnes river on the north to Fresno river
on the south.
Information concerning the two smaller Moquelumnan or
Miwok areas in the Coast region was obtained, together with the
other information embodied in "The Ethno-geography of the
Pomo and Neighboring Indians," during the years 1903-6. The
information here given, concerning the main or Sierra area, that
inhabited by the people usually specifically known as the Miwok,
was obtained during the summer of 1906, both investigations
being made as part of the Ethnological and Archaeological Survey
of California conducted by the University of California through
the generous support of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst. The more
recent investigation of the Miwok proper was combined with
other work to which it was to a certain extent subsidiary. With
a large area to be covered and limited time available, it was
impossible to go into great detail in the determination of boun-
daries and sub-dialectic differences. Sufficient information was
however obtained to make possible a classification of the Miwok
language into dialects, and a reasonably thorough determination
of the boundaries of the family and of these dialectic divisions.
As is almost always the case in working over the ethno-geography
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 335
of a large area at the present time when certain regions have
been for many years uninhabited by the Indians themselves, there
are portions of the boundaries which it is possible to determine
only approximately. The doubt in respect to these lines has
been noted both in the text and on the map.
As before stated, the main Miwok area, the one here con-
sidered, lies chiefly on the western slope of the Sierra Nevada
mountains, the only exception being at its northwestern ex-
tremity, where it extends out into the broad plain of the San
Joaquin valley. Generally speaking, the Miwok territory extends
on the north to Cosumnes river, on the south to Fresno river, on
the east to the crest of the Sierra Nevada mountains, at least for
the greater part, and on the west to the eastern edge of the broad
plain which forms San Joaquin valley, except in that portion of
the territory lying north of Calaveras river, where it extends out
into the plain itself. This large area comprises, in whole or in
part, Sacramento, Amador, Calaveras, San Joaquin, Stanislaus,
Tuolumne, Mariposa, Merced, and Madera counties, and covers
the greater part of the drainages of seven large rivers : the Co-
sumnes, Mokelumne, Calaveras, Stanislaus, Tuolumne, Merced,
and Fresno. Thus this main Miwok area, extending from the
crest of the Sierras westward into San Joaquin valley itself,
reaches over three physiographic divisions : the high ranges of the
Sierra, the foot-hills, and at least a section of the plain of the
San Joaquin valley itself.
The climate and environment of this area are very varied.
In the high mountain region along the headwaters of the rivers,
most of which head above the snow line, the severity of the
winters prevents a perennial occupation. This whole high Sierra
region is covered with several feet of snow through a considerable
part of the year, and almost all the higher peaks and ranges have
perpetual snow. This snow covering renders even the lower alti-
tudes of the high Sierras uninhabitable in the winter. Yosemite
valley and other valleys of even lower altitudes were in former
times abandoned by the Indians with the approach of winter.
The high mountain region was, however, rich in certain vegetable
foods. The vast ranges of this region were covered with conifers
of many species, many of which, such as the sugar pine, furnished
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336 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
a very important part of the native vegetable food. In addition
to the many food-bearing conifers, there were a number of species
of oak, which here as almost everywhere else in the northern and
central parts of California furnished the chief food supply, the
acorns of almost every species of oak being put to use. In addi-
tion to these large trees, there were many smaller nut and berry
bearing trees and shrubs, and many species of small plants bear-
ing bulbs and tubers, as well as a great quantity of seed-bearing
grasses and other plants. All of these were turned to good ac-
count in furnishing the aboriginal food supply of the region.
This almost limitless and varied supply of vegetable foods nat-
urally attracted the Indians from the lower altitudes to the higher
mountains during the summer months. Game was also abundant.
Many species of animals and birds, such as deer, elk, and quail,
wintered in the plains and foot-hills but moved to the higher
mountains during the heat of summer. Fish were also abundant
in the streams at this season. All these circumstances, combined
with the excessive summer heat of the lower foot-hill region,
tended to induce the Indians to move to the higher altitudes
wherever possible.
The foot-hill region, however, was not at all lacking in its
food supply, particularly in the higher foot-hills. Here conifers
were chiefly lacking, but there were various species of oak. There
were also many smaller berry and nut bearing trees and shrubs,
which, when combined with acorns, always the chief resource,
and the bulbs, tubers, and grass seeds of the open meadows and
hillsides, provided an abundance of vegetable foods. In the lower
foot-hills trees of any size are few in number, being replaced by
great areas of brush and open grassy meadows. As before men-
tioned, many of the animals and birds are driven from the high
Sierras by the winter snows to the foot-hills and to the plains of
San Joaquin valley, where they furnished a good supply of game
during that season. Fish were, of course, abundant in the many
rivers and creeks which water this portion of the area.
In the southern part of the main Miwok area, the foot-hills
rise quite abruptly from the San Joaquin plains. This abrupt-
ness grows less and less toward the north, until, in the vicinity
of Calaveras river and northward, there is a long, very gentle
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 337
rise from the plains through the foot-hills to the higher Sierra.
In fact it is difficult in certain northern parts to say definitely
where the plains end and the foot-hills begin, so gentle and undu-
lating are the first rises. It is here that the Miwok extended out
into the San Joaquin and Sacramento plains, reaching to the
edge of the tule marshes that border the delta of the San Joaquin,
and to the easternmost of the several mouths of the Sacramento.
This plains region is almost without trees of any kind, except a
very few immediately along certain water courses. Otherwise,
its vegetation is almost entirely confined to seed-bearing grasses
and flowering plants. In temperature, the foot-hill and plains
regions differ very little, the temperature in the summer often
reaching one hundred and ten degrees Fahrenheit and sometimes
even going higher. Of course, as the higher Sierra ranges are
approached through the foot-hills, this extreme summer temper-
ature decreases, until in the mountain valleys such as Yosemite
the summer temperature never rises to an uncomfortable point.
Snow almost never falls in the plains and but rarely in the lower
foot-hills. There is however a moderate rainfall during the
winter in both regions.
With its abundant food supply, this large territory should
have been able in aboriginal times to support an extensive popu-
lation, and from all the information that can be gathered from
the Indians, and from the evidences of old village sites, there is
every reason to believe such to have been the case. At present,
of course, comparatively few Indians remain. These live on
small homesteads owned by themselves, or on ranches by per-
mission of the white land owners. There is but one small govern-
ment reservation for any of these people, about four miles east
of Jackson in Amador county ; but there are not on the average
over a dozen or so of Indians on this reservation at any one time.
Those who do occupy the reservation receive almost no aid or
rations from the government. It may therefore be said almost
without qualification that all of the surviving Miwok are self-
supporting. In some cases, families seem to be quite comfort-
ably situated on quarter-sections of land belonging to themselves,
though the majority are by no means so fortunate. That but
few of the Miwok survive, and that these now find themselves
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338 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol 6
more or less dependent upon white land owners, may be the more
easily understood if it be recalled that immediately north of this
area, on American river, gold was first discovered in 1848. With
the gold excitement, and the rush of 1849 and following years,
there was hardly a foot of gravel along the many streams in the
whole Miwok area that was not panned or sluiced. With this
sudden rush of many thousands of gold seekers, many of them
with but very little respect for the rights of their fellow white
men, and most of them with no respect for the rights of the
Indians, it is little wonder that the latter soon found themselves
dispossessed and that they rapidly decreased in numbers.
Culturally, the Miwok, of course, are in a broad sense a unit
with the Indians of the remainder of northern and central Cali-
fornia. Among the Miwok there are certain cultural differences
which, while of comparatively little importance in themselves,
serve to separate the people into two divisions. These may be
called the northern and the southern, with the region between
Stanislaus and Tuolumne rivers as a sort of neutral ground
where the special features of both north and south are found.
In the northern of these cultural divisions, that portion of the
Miwok territory north of Stanislaus river, the predominant form
of cradle is made of small wooden cross rods lashed to two ver-
tical sticks, the upper ends of which are bent over into bows
in such a manner that they will support a flexible protection,
such as a dressed skin, over the child's head. The cradle of the
southern region is woven of many small vertical rods and has a
regular hood of bent rods woven together in the same manner as
the body of the cradle itself and lashed to it at the top and at the
sides. The utensil used for stirring mush in the northern divi-
sion is a paddle, whittled from a solid piece of wood, usually
oak. That in the southern region is a loop of bent wood, usually
an oak branch. Throughout the whole Miwok area, almost the
only twined baskets made are the conical burden basket, the ellip-
tical seed beater with a handle, and the triangular scoop-shaped
basket used for winnowing and as a general receptacle. These bas-
kets differ very little in the northern and southern areas, but in
coiled basketry there is a marked difference between the two
regions. In the north the foundation is usually of either one or
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1908] Barrett — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwole Indians. 339
three rods of willow, hazel, or other slender wood. In the extreme
south, these wooden rods are almost entirely supplanted by a
multiple grass foundation.
The woven hooded cradle, the looped stick mush-stirrer, and
the grass-foundation coiled basketry of the southern Miwok, they
share with their neighbors of different family, the Yokuts and
Shoshonean Mono. The peculiar cradle, wooden mush-paddle,
and rod-foundation basketry of the northern Miwok, are found
among the Maidu adjacent to them. It is therefore evident that
the difference in regard to these implements can not be ascribed
to independent cultural differentiations among the Miwok, but
must be regarded as part of larger developments of culture af-
fecting a region of which the Miwok held only part.
These three examples are among the most striking differences
between the two divisions of the Miwok, and grow to be par-
ticularly noticeable in traveling through this region. A fuller
investigation of Miwok implements, customs, and beliefs would
very probably show other differences between these northern and
southern regions. In the neutral region between Stanislaus and
Tuolumne rivers both types of each of the above-mentioned uten-
sils are found. While the grass-foundation basket is typical of
the southern area, it should not be understood that the willow or
rod-foundation basket is not made. In fact it really predom-
inates, the grass-foundation basket being the most common in
point of numbers only in the extreme southern part of the Miwok
area, in and about Mariposa. Likewise, the wooden cradle with
cross rods is more particularly characteristic of the extreme
northern region.
It has been impossible to investigate very fully such matters
as ceremonial practices and mythology; but from information
obtained on these points it seems probable that on fuller investi-
gation along these lines considerable differences will be found to
exist between the northern and southern Miwok in these respects
also, no doubt with influence from the peoples to the north and
to the south. As to the influence of the stocks to the east, the
Washo and Shoshonean, and the northern branch of the Yokuts
to the west, too little information is now available to make com-
parisons possible; in the case of the Washo and Shoshonean
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340 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
Indians because very little systematic work has yet been done
among them, and in the case of the northern Yokuts because
they are at present almost entirely extinct.
Professor A. L. Kroeber* has shown that the Yokuts who
formerly occupied the greater part of the San Joaquin valley
proper and a portion of the adjacent foothills toward its southern
end, have a social organization which is most unusual among the
people comprising the various stocks confined entirely within the
limits of California. These immediate neighbors of the Miwok
had a true tribal organization, the whole stock being divided
into at least forty small tribes. This, however, is the only case
thus far reported among California peoples of such tribal organ-
ization. The Miwok, like the remainder of the Californian
stocks, lack any true tribal organization, as that term is generally
understood with its political signification, though there are certain
endings to place names : -umni, -amni, -emni, and -imni, which are
identical with those found on some Yokuts tribal names, such as
"Telamni," "Choinimni," "Wukchamni." This fact was
noted by Professor Kroeber in discussing "The Dialectic Di-
visions of the Moquelumnan Family in Relation to the Internal
Differentiation of the Other Linguistic Families of California."*
Therefore, with this fact in mind, and at the same time knowing
that these particular endings were found also among the Maidu
as parts of certain place names, such as Sekumne and Yalisumni,*
an especial effort was made during the progress of the present
investigation to discover the exact use of these endings among
the Miwok and to determine whether they had any real connec-
tion with a true tribal organization as among the Yokuts, or
whether they were endings of mere place names as among the
Maidu. The latter was found to be the case, the signification of
the ending apparently being in all cases, "people of. " This end-
ing is always found upon such terms as o'tcex or o'tce, the name
of a village site a few miles west of Gait, and mo'kel, the name
of a site near Lockford; the addition of the ending resulting
■The Yokuts Language of South Central California, Univ. Calif. PubL.
Am. Arch. Ethn., II, 169, 1907.
» Amer. Anthr., n. s., VIII, 652-663, 1906.
4 See the map accompanying Professor R. B. Dixon's "The Northern
Maidu/ ' Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVII, 125, 1905.
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1908] Barren. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwoh Indians. 341
in the names applied to the people of the villages, respectively
otceha'mni and mokelumni, signifying in full, people of o'tce or
o'tcex and people of mSTsel. Notwithstanding the obvious similar-
ity between these and the Yokuts tribal names, there is an essen-
tial difference between the two. Whereas the Yokuts tribal name
with its -umni ending appears to be very strictly applied to the
people themselves of a certain community, it was quite indepen-
dent of the name of the village in which they lived. For instance,
the Choinimni now live at tice'tcu in the edge of the foot-hills on
King's river. Further, these tribal names are a part of the in-
heritance of the individual, and attach to the person belonging
to the tribe no matter where he may be or how far he may move
from the home of the remainder of his tribe. On the other
hand, the Miwok employed such names as mdke'lumni entirely
with the signification of " people of" the village of mo'kel; and
should an individual permanently change his residence to o'tcex,
he would then be referred to as an otceha'mni, the idea being that
when he changes his place of actual residence he loses all con-
nection with the name by which he has formerly been known.
In this respect the Miwok resemble most if not all of the peoples
of central and northern California, except the Yokuts.
The only general names applied to people by the Miwok were
terms formed upon the names of the cardinal points. Examples
of such names are : Ja'muleko, northerners, from ta'man or f ama'-
lin, north; hfsofoko, easterners, from hi'sum, east; tcu'mefoko,
southerners, from tcu'metc, south; and olowifoko, westerners,
from olo'win, west. This ending, which is equivalent to "people
of," takes the following forms: oko, ok, k. That these names
have no tribal signification is clearly shown by the fact that each
is applied not to any particular people but to all people, no matter
how near or remote, living in the given direction to which the
name refers. These names, as also the terms applied to the car-
dinal points, vary according to the laws of phonetic change in
passing from one dialect to another. There are also certain dif-
ferent endings used by different individuals speaking the same
dialect. For example : the people living to the south are called
tcti'mefoko, tcu'mmefok, and tcumie'ya, those to the east are
called hi'sdfoko and hisu'wit. In the last term the ending -wit is
really a directive with the signification of towards.
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342 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
These different renderings of the same name have been taken
by some early writers as the names of distinct, so-called, tribes.
Powers in his "Tribes of Calif ornia" 5 notes that the greater
number of the terms used by the Miwok to designate peoples are
formed from the names of the cardinal points, but at the same
time states that they also have certain names which they apply
without reference to the cardinal points. Among these he men-
tions "Chum-te-ya" as a people living on the middle Merced
river, and the "Heth-to-ya" as a people living on the upper
Chowchilla river. The former of these two names is tcumJe'ya,
above mentioned, and the latter is simply a different form for
hi'soJoko or easterners. This term is still used by the Miwok,
having been obtained recently by Professor Kroeber among the
Indians in the extreme southern end of the area.
In the same connection Powers mentions certain other names
of peoples which appear to be simply place names, in some cases
with endings added. Such is "A-wa-ni," which is simply the
name for Yosemite valley. Powers' term "Wal-li," which he
gives as the name of a people on Stanislaus and Tuolumne rivers,
and which he explains as derived from wallim, meaning down
low, is really only the Miwok term signifying earth or ground,
though wallim, really "toward the earth/ ' is used with the sig-
nification of low or down.
There is still another set of names applied to various peo-
ples, those names derived from other than Miwok sources.
These are very few, but there is one which is commonly used by
the Miwok in the vicinity of lone and Jackson in Amador
county as a name for themselves. This term, koni, has been
mentioned by Powers 6 and by Professor Kroeber. 7 It is the
name originally applied to these people by the Maidu to the north,
and for some reason has come to be used by themselves. Also
"Po-ho-no-chi," which Powers gives as the name of the Miwok
in the extreme south and which is at present quite commonly
applied to them, particularly by the Yokuts to the south, may be
a name not referable to Miwok origin. The term is apparently
• Contributions to North American Ethnology, III, 349, 1877.
• Op. cit., p. 349.
f The Dialectic Divisions of the Moquelumnan Family, etc., op. cit., p. 660.
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 343
not used by any of the Miwok as a name for themselves, and the
only derivation which could be obtained for it from them was that
it comes from poho'no, the name of Bridal Veil Falls in Yosemite
valley, and tcl, an ending signifying location or origin. That this
derivation is probably correct seems likely from the fact that the
ending -tcl occurs quite frequently, used in the same manner with
place names, in the southern part of the Miwok territory, though
it was not met with in the northern and central parts of the
region. An ending -tcl is also frequently found on true tribal
names among the Tokuts immediately to the south.
The importance of the name Yosemite makes it worthy of
mention in this same connection. This great valley with its
wonderful scenery is known the world over under the name of
Yosemite, but to the few survivors of the Indians who once in-
habited it and the surrounding territory, it is known by its orig-
inal name, awa'ni. This name itself still survives in Ahwahnee,
a settlement down on Fresno river some forty miles southwest
of the valley to which the name rightfully belongs. The original
name of Ahwahnee was wasa'ma. That the name Yosemite is
incorrectly applied to this valley has been pointed out by Powers 8
and others, and various explanations and derivations have been
offered for it. So far as could be learned from the Indians who
formerly lived in the vicinity of this valley, Yosemite is a cor-
ruption of usw'mati or tthit'matl, the term applied to any species
of bear and particularly to the grizzly. The derivation of the
nam^ of the valley from that of a former captain or chief named
yosemite or usu'mati, who was noted for killing bears, seems,
however, to be doubtful.
While the Yokuts to the south were divided into forty or
more small tribes, each occupying one or more villages and inde-
pendent of all the remaining tribes, — this independence even
extending to the matter of language, so that each village-tribe
had its own dialect, — inquiry failed to disclose any such condi-
tion among the Miwok. Here, notwithstanding the fact that the
territory occupied by the stock is a very large one, there are but
four dialects, many separate villages speaking the same dialect.
There appear to be certain slight sub-dialectic differences, but
• Op. cit, p. 361.
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344 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
these are not at all marked, and no clear differentiations of speech
are recognized and no definite territorial limits are stated for such
sub-dialects by the people themselves. There seems to be a total
lack of anything resembling true tribal organization. Even a
federation of villages does not appear to have existed. Each vil-
lage appears to have had its captain or head man who exercised
very limited powers of government over his people. The people of
the particular villages kept for the most part to themselves except
upon the occasion of the celebration of some ceremony or in case
of war. In the case of the celebration of a ceremony, a difference
of language in this region, as elsewhere in California, proved no
barrier to association, since people not only of different dialects
but also of entirely different linguistic families associated quite
freely with one another upon such occasions. In the event of
war among the Miwok, two or more villages might temporarily
join in a common cause, in which case the captain or chief of the
village which was instrumental in bringing about the federation
took the lead and acted as the head of the united forces. In
property rights also these Miwok villages were entirely indepen-
dent, each having its own special territory with its hunting
grounds, fishing streams, and food-gathering ranges, of which the
last seem to have been divided, to a certain extent at least, into
individual or family sections. The territory thus controlled by
such a village was separated by certain well understood natural
boundaries from the territories of adjacent villages. In these
respects also, the Miwok resemble quite closely the Maidu and
other north-central California stocks. Thus, on the whole, in
matters of political organization and dialectic subdivision, the
Miwok show practical identity with the great bulk of the central
California stocks and are quite different in these respects from
the Yokuts to the south.
TERRITORIAL BOUNDARIES.
The Moquelumnan or Miwok and Costanoan families were
first classed as the same, being called the Mutsun, 9 named after
a village at or near the mission of San Juan Bautista. The
large Mutsun territory was made to comprise two areas, the
' See map accompanying Powers ' ' ' Tribes of California. ' '
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 345
larger reaching from the crest of the Sierras to the sea coast
and extending from Cosumnes river and San Francisco bay on
the north to Fresno river and the region between Monterey and
Point Sur on the south. The smaller, equivalent to that now
recognized as occupied by the Marin and Bodega dialectic divi-
sions, lay along the northern shore of San Francisco bay and
was separated from the larger only by this body of water. Sub-
sequently, however, it was found that the Mutsun was not a
single stock but comprised two, which were given, according to
Powell 9 8 system of priority, the names Costanoan and Moquelum-
nan. 10 As then determined, the Moquelumnan territory com-
prised two detached areas, the larger lying on the western slope
of the Sierra Nevada mountains and in the eastern part of the
lower San Joaquin valley; the smaller lying immediately north
of San Francisco bay and comprising a territory slightly larger
than Marin county. Recent investigations, however, have dis-
covered a third and still smaller detached area, occupied by the
dialect which has for convenience been designated as the North-
ern Coast or Lake dialect, situated in southern Lake county. 11
The geographical relations of these three detached Moquelumnan
or Miwok areas, as at present determined, may be seen upon the
small sketch map of California which has been placed in a cor-
ner of the map of the main Miwok area accompanying this paper.
The larger of the two areas north of San Francisco bay is occu-
pied by peoples speaking two slightly different dialects which
for convenience have been designated, as before stated, the West-
ern Coast or Bodega dialect and the Southern Coast or Marin
dialect. Concerning the resources, topography, boundaries, and
village sites of these three dialectic areas in the Coast region,
nothing need here be said, as the subject has been fully
treated in "The Ethno-geography of the Porno and Neighboring
Indians."
The remaining area, the one which may be called that of the
Miwok proper, or the main Moquelumnan area, lies, as before
stated, almost wholly on the western slope of the Sierra Nevada
30 See J. W. Powell's map of the " linguistic Stocks of American Indians
North of Mexico," 7th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn.
U "A New Moquelumnan Territory in California. 1 ' Amer. Anthr., n. s.,
V, 730, 1903.
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346 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
mountains and reaches from Cosumnes river on the north to
Fresno river on the south. The only exception to this mountain
habitat of the Miwok is the northwestern extremity of their ter-
ritory, which extends down into the broad plain of the San
Joaquin valley and reaches almost to San Joaquin and Sacra-
mento rivers themselves near their junction. In fact it does
actually extend to the easternmost of the several mouths of the
Sacramento. A comparison of these limits of the Miwok area
with those they present on older maps shows considerable differ-
ences, particularly in the eastern and western boundaries. The
northern and southern boundaries remain very nearly as when
first mapped. The details of these differences will be discussed
after the exact boundaries as determined during the present in-
vestigation have been outlined.
Beginning at the confluence of Cosumnes river with Sacra-
mento river, the northern boundary of the main Miwok area very
probably follows the course of the former up to the junction of
the middle fork with the main stream, where it probably takes the
course of the middle fork up to its head, and thence on up through
the higher mountains to a point a short distance west of Silver
lake. This northern boundary of the Miwok is probably the cor-
rect one, though it should be noted that Miwok informants differ
concerning certain parts of it, and that as no opportunity was
found to question any of the Maidu living north of this line, no
first hand evidence from that source can here be given. One in-
formant maintained that the Miwok held the territory for a short
distance north of the mouth of Cosumnes river, placing their
northern limit a few miles north of the town of Elk Grove. Other
informants, however, maintained that the Miwok held no territory
whatever north of Cosumnes river, which information seems to
agree with that given by the Maidu to Professor E. B. Dixon
though, as stated in his paper on "The Northern Maidu," 18 his
informants left some doubt as to the boundaries in this vicinity.
Again, certain Miwok informants claimed that the territory in the
immediate vicinity of Plymouth, nearly south of the confluence
of the forks of Cosumnes river, was part of the territory of the
Maidu. Others, however, claimed that it belonged to the Miwok,
u Op. cit., p. 125.
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwolc Indiana. 347
but differed in opinion as to whether it belonged to the Plains or
the Amador dialect. That this vicinity was held by the Miwok
there seems little doubt, though it can not be definitely stated to
which of the two dialectic areas it belonged. In respect to the
eastern part of this northern boundary, the bulk of Miwok infor-
mation gave the south fork of the Cosumnes as the northern limit
of Miwok territory. This information, however, does not agree
with that obtained from the Maidu by Professor Dixon, who
places this portion of the Maidu-Miwok boundary definitely at
the middle fork instead of the south fork. Therefore, since Pro-
fessor Dixon's information on this point appears to be quite
positive, and since a considerable amount of similar information
was obtained from the Miwok in the course of the present inves-
tigation, it seems highly probable that the middle fork does mark
the boundary in this region.
Prom the point just west of Silver lake the boundary runs in
a southerly direction through the mountains and across the head
of Mokelumne river, where it takes a more westerly course and
runs to the vicinity of Big Trees, otherwise known as the Cala-
veras big tree grove. Here it turns quite sharply to the south
for a few miles and then to the east, going across the northern
headwaters of Stanislaus river, and thence up the range separat-
ing Aspen Creek from the middle fork of Stanislaus river, to the
crest of the high Sierras, which it then follows, with its general
southeasterly trend, to a point at or near Mt. Lyell. Both Miwok
and Washo informants were questioned concerning the boundary
between their territories and all agreed that the Washo owned
the region for some distance down on the western slope of the
Sierras, and that they held a narrow strip of territory down to
the vicinity of Big Trees. The Washo placed the line definitely
about three miles west of Big Trees, while some of the Miwok
placed it between Big Trees and Gardner's about three or four
miles to the east. Neither Miwok nor Washo inhabited the very
high mountains during the colder season, but during the summer
both camped there and seem to have been on very friendly terms.
It also appears that although the ownership of the respective ter-
ritory of each was fully recognized by the other, there were no
exacting restrictions placed by either upon the other in their
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848 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
territory. The same conditions apparently did not obtain im-
mediately to the south of this region. There was hostility be-
tween the Miwok and the Shoshonean "Paintes" along the por-
tion of their boundary line at the southern head of Stanislaus
river, although still farther to the south, in the vicinity of
Yosemite valley and southward, the people of the two stocks were
on very friendly terms, making amicable trading trips both ways
across the summit of the Sierras.
At Mt. Lyell the boundary turns in a southwesterly direction
and follows the divide between the headwaters of San Joaquin
and Merced rivers to the head of Fresno river. It then follows,
in a general way, the course of this stream with its northeasterly
and southwesterly trend down, at least, to a point a few miles
west of Fresno Flat. Here it probably makes a slight swing to
the south to include the vicinity of what was formerly known as
Fresno Crossing, then returns to the river itself and continues
down it to a point about due south of Raymond. The north-
eastern part of this portion of the boundary separates Miwok
from Shoshonean territory, while the southwestern part separates
it from Yokuts territory. There is a possible deviation from the
southern boundary as here given, in the vicinity of Ahwahnee.
According to certain informants the boundary left the river here
and ran for a short distance to the north, including Ahwahnee
and vicinity in Yokuts territory. However, the bulk of the in-
formation obtained places Ahwahnee in Miwok territory and
runs the boundary between the Miwok and Yokuts directly on
Fresno river itself, except, as above mentioned, where it swings to
the south to include the vicinity of Fresno Crossing, at which
point it was asserted by both Miwok and Yokuts informants that
the Miwok occupied both banks of the river for a few miles.
The western boundary of the Miwok territory is not as yet
absolutely settled, but according to the best information obtain-
able it follows the western edge of the foot-hill region — the actual
meeting place of the broad plain of the San Joaquin valley with
the foot-hills themselves — from the point above mentioned on
Fresno river south of Raymond, to Calaveras river, down which
stream it runs to a point a few miles northeast of Stockton.
Here it turns in a general northwesterly direction and follows the
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UNIV. CALIF. PUBL AM. ARCH. ETHN.
VOL. 6, MAP 3
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 849
edge of the tule marsh east of San Joaquin river to the eastern-
most of the several mouths of Sacramento river, up which it runs
to the point of origin, the confluence of Cosumnes river with
Sacramento river. As above mentioned, this western boundary is
not yet definitely settled, but it is very probable that the limit
here outlined is the correct one, as will be shown later.
There are certain points wherein the boundaries here given
for the Miwok differ from the limits formerly assigned to them.
Formerly, the Miwok were supposed to have inhabited an area
extending to the summit of the high Sierras throughout the whole
north and south range of the stock, but it appears from informa-
tion obtained from both Miwok and Washo informants that the
Washo owned a considerable area about Silver lake and the head-
waters of Mokelumne and Stanislaus rivers, their territory ex-
tending in a sort of narrow tongue even as far west as the vicinity
of the Calaveras grove of big trees.
Concerning the western boundary of the Miwok area only
Miwok information is available. All Miwok informants do not
agree as to the language spoken by the people occupying the
plains of the valley along San Joaquin river. The best informa-
tion at hand, however, places the boundary at the eastern edge
of the plains as far north as Calaveras river, thus bringing it
thirty miles or more farther toward the east than has formerly
been reported. In view of the fact that Miwok informants are
not fully agreed upon this subject and also in view of the fact
that it has formerly been supposed that the western boundary
of the Miwok territory, throughout the greater part of its extent,
was San Joaquin river itself, diligent search was made for some
individuals who formerly inhabited this portion of the San
Joaquin plains and from whom information concerning this
subject might still be obtained today. However, owing to the
early settlement of this region, most of which is rich agricultural
land, and the consequent diminution and dispersion of its
aboriginal population, no such individual was found, and it
seems very unlikely that it will be possible in future to collect
evidence from this source. In addition to the statements made
by certain Miwok informants to the effect that the edge of the
San Joaquin plains was the western limit of Miwok territory,
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350 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
they were able to specifically name certain village sites; as, for
instance, in the vicinity of Snelling on Merced river and in the
vicinity of Oakdale on Stanislaus river, each lying but a few
miles from the foot-hills. These village sites the informants
definitely knew to have been formerly inhabited by people speak-
ing the Yokuts language. In particular, two informants, now
old people, one whose home before the coming of the whites was
in the vicinity of Merced Palls on Merced river, and the other
whose old home was near Knight's Ferry, on Stanislaus river,
both of whom therefore should be most likely to know definitely
concerning the peoples formerly living in the plains but a few
miles distant, stated very positively that the plains in these two
regions were held by people speaking the Yokuts language ; and
they were able to give short vocabularies of the language used
by their plains neighbors. In addition to these Yokuts villages
in the plains of the immediate vicinity, these informants were
also able to locate many of the Miwok villages among the foot-
hills along the lower courses of these rivers. These and other
informants maintained that the entire plains region east of San
Joaquin river was occupied by the Yokuts, but that in the plains
to the west of the San Joaquin a language entirely different from
either Yokuts or Miwok was spoken. This would be Costanoan.
In respect to this last statement, it would be of course quite
unsafe with but this as evidence to assume that the Costanoan
stock reached to the west bank of the San Joaquin. But this
statement, meager as it is, adds a certain weight to those already
published and placing the eastern Costanoan boundary on the
San Joaquin. On the other hand, it must be remembered that
the Yokuts were primarily a valley or plains people, that they
held the plains on both banks of the San Joaquin, in the lower or
northern end of the valley, and practically all of the plains on
both sides of the river and about Tulare lake in the upper or
southern end of the valley. In view of these facts it would be
an unusual distribution to have Costanoan territory reaching to
the river bank along this central part of the San Joaquin while
practically all of the remainder of this great valley was, so far as
is now known, in possession of the Yokuts. Therefore, although
the evidence so far published points to the occupation of this
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1908] Barrett.— The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 351
central portion of the San Joaquin plains lying west of the river
by Costanoan people, the possibility of a Yokuts occupation of
the whole plains region extending along both banks of the San
Joaquin river should not be overlooked.
In corroboration of the newly found continuous northern
extension of the Yokuts territory east of San Joaquin river, it
should also be noted that, as has been shown by Professor
Kroeber, 15 the dialect spoken by the Yokuts formerly living in
the vicinity of Stockton was very closely related to the Chauchila
dialect spoken in the vicinity of the river of the same name, which
is a number of miles north of Fresno river. Further, recent in-
formation kindly furnished by Professor Kroeber is to the effect
that his Yokuts informant living farthest north in San Joaquin
valley, namely, near Raymond in Madera county, stated that the
territory of the Yokuts extended, in the plains, beyond Chowchilla
river, which stream lies itself north of the limits formerly assigned
to that stock. No definite statement could be obtained from this
informant as to the northernmost limits of the Yokuts territory,
but she was certain that the Yokuts held both sides of Chowchilla
river in the plains. Thus it would appear that while it is now
impossible, on account of their probable total extinction, to obtain
vocabularies and further direct evidence from the people who
actually inhabited this section of the San Joaquin plains, there
is little room for doubt that they were Yokuts, and that the
Yokuts occupied a continuous area stretching from near Tehach-
api on the south to the vicinity of the confluence of San Joaquin
and Sacramento rivers on the north, thus making the territory
of this stock one of the most extensive in California.
This change of the western boundary of the Miwok from the
San Joaquin river itself to the eastern edge of the plains of the
San Joaquin valley, very greatly reduces the total area formerly
accredited to the Miwok. In addition to this reduction of the
Miwok area on the west, it is still further diminished in the north-
ern part of its eastern border, where a considerable area on the
headwaters of Mokelumne and Stanislaus rivers which was for-
merly accredited to the Miwok has been found to belong to the
"The Yokuts Language of South Central California, Univ. Calif. Publ.,
Am. Arch. Ethn., II, 311.
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352 University of California Publications in Am. ArcK and Ethn. [Vol. 6
Washo, the greater part of whose territory lies about Lake Tahoe
and on the eastern side of the Sierra Nevada mountains.
On the other hand, there are almost no parts of the Miwok
boundary which have been extended so as to include more terri-
tory than formerly. The recent map of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, showing the "Linguistic Families of American In-
dians North of Mexico, " ie gives a detached northern Yokuts or
"Mariposan" area which is made to include practically all of
the plains of the San Joaquin valley lying between Cosumnes
and Calaveras rivers, although the Bureau's earlier map of the
same title 17 shows this territory as Moquelumnan. Information
obtained in connection with the present investigation shows the
earlier map to be more nearly correct and that the greater portion
of this territory between Cosumnes and Calaveras rivers was
part of the Miwok area. Further, there is now added to the
Miwok territory a very small area in the vicinity of what was
formerly known as Fresno Crossing on Fresno river, just west
of Fresno Flat. Of these two areas the latter only, which is in-
significantly small, may be considered as an actually newly deter-
mined addition to the Miwok territory, since the earlier map of
the Bureau of Ethnology has the Calaveras-Cosumnes plains
region properly included in Miwok territory. Thus it appears
from the present investigation that the territory of the Miwok
proper is smaller by a very considerable amount than was for-
merly supposed, and that, while it has lost considerable areas on
the west, and northeast, it has gained practically nothing along
any of its boundaries.
DIALECTS.
Within the main Miwok area, there are four markedly distinct
dialects spoken, none of which have names given to them by the
Indians. It has already been pointed out that the designating
of people by the Miwok is done in two ways : either by a general
name compounded from the term used for a given cardinal di-
rection, this name referring to all people living in that direction,
regardless of linguistic or other affinities; or by a local name,.
"Accompanying Bulletin 30.
17 Accompanying the Seventh Annual Report.
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 353
formed upon the name of the particular village in which the
people spoken of reside. The same terms are used by them in
reference to language, it being said of an individual that he
speaks the language of the easterners or that he speaks the
language of the certain village in which he lives. They do, of
course, recognize a difference between dialects of their own
language and also a still greater difference between the speech
of themselves and their neighbors of different linguistic stock.
But in neither case do they have any name specifically applied
to a language or dialect as such. For convenience in referring
to the dialects of the Miwok, it will thus be necessary to arbitrar-
ily select names for them. The dialect spoken in the northwest-
ern part of this area and lying chiefly in the plains of the San
Joaquin valley may be designated as the Plains or Northwestern
Sierra dialect. That spoken in the area immediately east of the
last may be designated as the Amador or Northeastern Sierra
dialect, and the dialects spoken in the remaining two areas may
be designated as the Tuolumne or Central Sierra dialect and the
Mariposa or Southern Sierra dialect. The word Sierra is here
introduced into the names of these dialects in order to make
more clear the distinction between the dialects of the main Miwok
area situated in the region of the Sierra Nevada mountains, and
the remaining three dialects which are spoken on or comparative-
ly near the shore of the ocean and which have, therefore, been
designated as the Northern, Western and Southern Coast dialects.
Professor Kroeber in his paper on the "Dialectic Divisions of
the Moquelumnan Family" 18 makes a tentative separation of the
language spoken in the main Miwok area into three dialects,
which he does not definitely name or bound, employing so far
as possible names already in use in reference to the language
spoken in the various parts of the Miwok area. The vocabulary
given by him under the name Mokelumni is of the same dialect
as that here designated as the Plains dialect. The Amador dialect
is called Koni, with which he classes an Angels Camp vocabulary.
In the south he places his Tosemite and Pohonichi vocabularies
as practically identical. These two correspond to what is here
designated as the Mariposa dialect. Professor Kroeber notes
u Op. cit., pp. 659, 660.
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354 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
that there are certain slight differences between the Koni and the
Angels Camp vocabularies, and again between those from Yo-
semite and the Pohonichi, but with the limited lexical material
then available does not feel warranted in making definite separa-
tions of dialects in these cases. With the present vocabularies
at hand it appears that the Koni or Amador and the Angels Camp
or Tuolumne are separate though closely related dialects. On
the other hand it was observed in the course of the present inves-
tigation that the language spoken in Yosemite valley and that
spoken in the lower foothills about Mariposa were slightly differ-
ent. This difference however does not appear to amount to more
than a sub-dialectic one, and these two regions have therefore
been classed together as possessing essentially the same speech,
the Mariposa dialect.
Owing to the different orthographies used in recording the
vocabularies accompanying Powers' Tribes of California 1 * it is
difficult to determine precisely to what one of the Miwok dialects
each belongs. Of the twelve vocabularies given under the title
of "Mutsun" eight are Miwok. Of these, five are from the
dialects of the Sierra group and three are from those of the
Coast group. Following Powers' numbering of these vocabul-
aries, they belong to dialects as follows: number one, Amador;
numbers two and nine, probably Tuolumne ; number eight, Mari-
posa ; and number eleven, Plains. Those belonging to the Coast
group of dialects are numbers four, ten, and twelve. The first
two seem to resemble the Marin dialect slightly more than the
Bodega, while the last seems to be nearer the Bodega. The dif-
ferences between the Marin and Bodega dialects are, however,
so slight that it is impossible to determine definitely to which
any one of these three vocabularies belongs. Among these
vocabularies there is none from the Northern Coast or Lake
dialect.
The Plains dialect is separated from the Amador dialect by a
line probably running, in a general southwesterly direction, from
the point at which the north, middle, and south forks of Cosum-
nes river meet to form the main stream, to the vicinity of the
junction of Sutter and Jackson creeks at a point a few miles
" Cont. N. A. Ethn., Ill, 535 seq.
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 355
west of lone, where it turns in a southerly direction and runs to
Calaveras river which it strikes at a point at or near where the
boundary between Calaveras and San Joaquin counties crosses
it, three miles or so down stream from the town of Comanche.
Prom this point, it follows Calaveras river down to the point
where the western interstock boundary comes to that stream.
There is some doubt as to the location of the northern portion
of this dialectic boundary, as the Indians differ in their opin-
ions as to the dialect spoken at the town of Plymouth and in that
vicinity, even as far south as Drytown. Some claim that the
Amador dialect extended some miles west of Plymouth, while
others claim that the Plains dialect extended a short distance
east of that place. Still others maintain that the language
spoken in the vicinity of Plymouth was not Miwok at all, but
Maidu. This, however, seems quite doubtful, as the majority
of the Miwok claimed the territory in this section as far north
as Cosumnes river and the Maidu, according to Professor Dixon,
claimed only as far south as the middle fork of Cosumnes river.
The Plains dialectic area is practically surrounded on three sides
by the territories of Indians belonging to entirely different
linguistic stocks. On the northwest are the Maidu, on the west
the Tokuts and possibly a small body of the Wintun or Maidu,
and along a portion of the southern boundary the Yokuts also.
Along the eastern part of its southern boundary, and along the
entire length of the eastern boundary, the territory of the Plains
dialect is contiguous to that of the people speaking the Amador
dialect.
The boundary between the Amador and the Tuolumne dial-
ectic areas extends from the eastern Miwok inter-stock boundary,
at a point in the mountains just north of the Calaveras grove of
big trees, along the mountains to the north of the southern head
waters of Calaveras river, passing about half way between El
Dorado and Sheep Ranch, and thence on toward the southwest
until it intersects the western inter-stock boundary probably at a
point about southwest of Harmon peak. That this boundary
passes over or near Harmon peak was definitely stated by in-
formants, but it was impossible to obtain definite information
concerning the extreme western end of the line. This dialectic
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356 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
area is adjoined on the north by the territory of the Maidu, on
the east by that of the Washo, on the south by the Tuolumne
dialectic area, on the southwest by the territory of the Yokuts,
and on the west by the Plains dialectic area.
The Tuolumne dialectic area is separated from that of the
Mariposa dialect by a boundary line beginning at or near Mt.
Lyell, and following quite strictly, as nearly as could be ascer-
tained, the water shed between Tuolumne and Merced rivers, thus
passing north of Yosemite valley and including this in the Mari-
posa area. The western extremity of this inter-dialectic bound-
ary could not be definitely determined, but all indications point
to the range separating the drainages of Tuolumne and Merced
rivers in this western extremity as well as throughout the re-
mainder of the line. The Tuolumne dialectic area is adjoined
on the northwest by the Amador dialectic area, on the east by
Washo and Shoshonean territory, on the south by the Mariposa
dialectic area, and on the west by the territory of the Yokuts.
The Mariposa dialectic area in turn is adjoined on the north
by the Tuolumne dialectic area, on the southeast partly by Sho-
shonean and partly by Yokuts territory, and on the west also by
Yokuts territory.
DIALECTIC RELATIONS.
LEXICAL.
The vocabularies here given consist of lists of words obtained
in each case from several informants speaking the same dialect
and residing in different parts of their particular dialectic area.
The only exception is that of the Plains dialect where it was
possible to find but a single informant. He spoke what he called
the Mokelumne dialect. His vocabulary is, however, corroborated
by a short list of otceha'mni terms obtained in 1904 by Professor
Kroeber from several informants.
Lexically the four dialects spoken in the Sierra Miwok area
form a unit as compared with those spoken in the Coast Range
region north of San Francisco bay. There are, however, very
considerable differences in the roots found in the various dialects,
the percentage of roots common to the four Sierra dialects in the
accompanying vocabularies being as low as 35.
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwolc Indians. 357
The limited number of words in these vocabularies makes it
impractical to attempt to determine the exact mathematical re-
lations existing in respect to the number of stems held in common
among all the dialects or between any two of them. Certain
general relations are, however, evident.
From an inspection of the list it appears that the four Sierra
dialects fall into three groups: Plains, Amador-Tuolumne, and
Mariposa. Of these the Plains dialect is the most distinct from
the others, having fully 40 per cent of stems entirely peculiar to
itself. The Amador and Tuolumne dialects are quite closely
united, having about 80 per cent of their roots in common. The
Mariposa dialect is removed by a considerable degree from the
Amador-Tuolumne group, having only about 60 per cent of
stems in common with it. It is, however, much more closely re-
lated to the Amador-Tuolumne group than is the Plains dialect.
Among the three Miwok dialects spoken in the Coast range
mountains, the adjacent Marin and Bodega dialects are very
closely related to each other. The connection between these two
is on the whole even closer than that between the two members
of the Amador-Tuolumne group.
The northern Coast or Lake dialect is, however, different from
the other two Coast dialects, and probably stands farthest re-
moved of any from the typical Miwok stem.
The dialects of the Coast group are apparently slightly more
related to the Plains dialect than to the others of the Sierra
region. The territory of the Coast dialects is geographically
nearer to the area in which the Plains dialect was spoken, which
fact, together with the somewhat closer lexical relationship,
might be taken to indicate a former actual connection between
the people of the two regions, with a subsequent intrusion of
Wintun, or with a Miwok migration, as the cause of separation.
However, the coast dialects contain so many totally different root
forms from those found in the dialects of the Sierra group, that
whatever the cause of separation may have been, it seems prob-
able that the separation itself has been of long standing.
In both the Coast and the Sierra groups there are a few
terms borrowed from surrounding languages, but their number
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358 University of California Publications in Am. ArcK and Bthn. [Vol. 6
is so small as to be negligible in a consideration of the causes of
divergence between the two groups.
PHONETIC.
The vocabularies here given contain too small a number of
terms to make it possible to determine at all accurately the
phonetic changes which occur in passing from one to another of
the Miwok dialects. The following may, however, be taken as
indicative of what will probably be found when fuller lists of
words are available and longer study has been made.
On account of the small proportion of terms which the Plains
dialect has in common with the others, it is specially difficult to
gain any idea of the phonetic relation of this dialect to the others.
It appears, however, that the dialect is phonetically as well as
lexically more different from the remaining three Sierra dialects
than these are from one another.
The sound u or u is of frequent occurrence as a final sound
after certain sounds, particularly s and t, in the Amador, Tuol-
umne, and Mariposa dialects, but is almost never so used in the
Plains dialect. So marked is this difference, that as one travels
through the Miwok territory it is one of the most noticeable
changes in passing from the region of the Plains dialect to any
of the others.
The only phonetic changes which appear at all constantly in
the short list of words here given are two, the change of t in the
Amador, Tuolumne, and Mariposa dialects to s, c, or k in the
Plains dialect, and the change of s in the Plains, Amador, and
Tuolumne dialects to h in the Mariposa dialect. The latter
equivalence is a very frequent one. There are no conspicuous
changes occurring between the Amador and Tuolumne dialects.
These three examples, the only ones which have appeared
with any constancy, indicate that with fuller material several
regular changes would become sufficiently evident to clearly dis-
tinguish the four dialects phonetically. Here, as well as in the
lexical consideration, the Amador and Tuolumne dialects seem
to group themselves together, the Mariposa dialect to be some-
what removed, and the Plains dialect still more distinct.
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the MiwoJc Indians. 359
ALPHABET.
The characters used to represent the various sounds found in
the Miwok dialects are as follows:
Vowels.
a as in father.
ai as in aisle.
e as in obey.
e as in net.
I as in machine.
i as in pin.
5 as in note.
o English aw.
u as in rule.
u as in put.
u as in but.
u is made with the lips considerably rounded.
There is no exactly equivalent sound in
English.
u Similar to u but with lips more rounded. This
sound approaches the French u, but is of less
definite quality,
u An obscure sound.
The apostrophe ( ') following a vowel or consonant indicates
a pronounced aspiration.
Consonants.
p,b,w,m,n,y,h as in English.
k is a symbol which has been used to represent
two different sounds : the post-palatal and the
medio-palatal voiceless stops, the value given
it in any case being governed by the tongue
position of the vowel with which it is as-
sociated.
g is the sonant of k and its positions are varied by
the vowel with which it is associated in the
same manner as in the case of k.
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860 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
t, d alveolar stops, voiceless and voiced respectively.
The latter occurs rarely in the Sierra group
of dialects.
t voiceless dental stop. In making this sound the
tongue tip rests against the backs of the up-
per teeth.
t voiceless interdental stop.
n nasalized post-palatal sonant ; like English ng.
x has a sound usually approaching Spanish jota,
but is sometimes distinguishable from h only
with difficulty.
g* the sonant of x.
c, j open prepalatal consonants, voiceless and voiced
respectively.
s, z open alveolar consonants, voiceless and voiced
respectively.
s This peculiar voiceless continuant is made by
protruding the lower jaw to a considerable
extent and retracting the edges of the tongue
to an almost prepalatal position.
1 as in English let.
l This is a voiceless stop made with the tip of the
tongue on the alveolar arch. The closure
is followed by only a slight explosion, the
air being allowed to escape laterally. This
sound has not so far been met with among
the Sierra dialects and only occasionally
among the Coast dialects.
I the sonant of l.
L resembles l except that the tongue is somewhat
more retracted, and more relaxed so that
there is almost no explosion as the air escapes
over the sides of the tongue. The sound re-
sembles that of hi. This also has not so far
been found among the Sierra dialects and is
found among the Coast dialects more rarely
than is l.
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 861
tc
as in church
ts
as in sits.
dj
as j in jury.
SOUNDS.
The following are the sounds found in the four Sierra Miwok
dialects.
Vowels :
a, ai, e, e, I, i, 6, o, u, u, li, u, ii, u.
Consonants:
kg td t t pb
n n m
x c s w
s
1
I
y, h, tc, dj.
The following are the sounds found in the three Coast Miwok
dialects.
Vowels :
a, ai, e, e , I, i, 6, o, u, u, u.
Consonants :
kg t d t p b
fin m
x g' c s w
s
1
L
L
y, h, tc, ts, dj.
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802 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
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1908] Barrett.— The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 363
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364 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Sthn. [Vol 6
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 365
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366 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
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1908] Barrett. — The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians. 367
to +* >o M & S
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368 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
FOOTNOTES TO VOCABULARIES.
M The same informant gave sawe-hasi upon another occasion.
n The same informant gave ocoo-hasi upon another occasion.
" hiki is cradle in the Amador and Tuolumne dialects.
M tokoldla is also used.
M ukusft is also used.
* koyapenuk is also used.
* kdiyapi and ummisi are also used.
" paumma is very similar to the Shoshonean term, pamo, pamu, found in
the Shoshoni-Comanche and Mono-Paviotso dialectic groups (present series,
IV, 94).
"• kawatcu is also used.
* wakalmu and wakalmuTo are also used.
* wakal, wakalu and wakalmu are also used.
"leka probably here refers to the white oak rather than to trees in
general.
n The Miwok recognize three different species of Manzanita. In the
Tuolumne dialect these are called respectively eye, mokosu, and mokolkliie.
"tcuku and several variants are met with very frequently throughout
California, though by no means universally.
n dletcQ and katuwa were also given as names for coyote in this dialect
"• wataksaiyi is also used.
M yololli is also used.
* tcutcuyu is also used.
n The directive ending -wit or -win signifying toward is frequently added
to the roots of the terms of direction.
" One informant gave naatca-kefie-uni.
n One informant gave fttiak-mahu.
* kalkini is also used.
Berkeley, California,
April 15, 1907.
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
VOL. 6 NO. 3
ON THE EVIDENCES OF THE OCCUPATION
OF CERTAIN REGIONS BY THE
MIWOK INDIANS
BY
A. L. KBOEBER.
Since Mr. Barrett's paper on the Geography and Dialects of
the Miwok Indians was sent to press and announced, but previous
to its publication, there has appeared an article on the same sub-
ject by Dr. C. Hart Merriam. 1 While these two contributions,
which were made entirely independently, corroborate each other
closely in the main, they differ on certain points. These differ-
ences, which relate in part to the territory of the Miwok stock as
a whole, and in part to tribal and linguistic divisions, it has
seemed best to discuss briefly. »
As regards descriptions of the boundaries of the Miwok stock,
Mr. Barrett and Dr. Merriam agree closely for the most part.
Considering the impossibility of obtaining absolutely accurate
information at a time when the Indians are much diminished in
numbers, in certain regions entirely extinct, and often dispos-
sessed from their native habitats; considering also that one in-
vestigator has probably been able to carry inquiries farther in
certain sections and the other in other districts, and that in many
cases one describes a boundary more in detail and the other sum-
marily ; the agreement of their conclusions as regards the greater
part of the Miwok territory is so close as to be strictly corrobor-
ative. In one region, however, the differences are considerable
and important. Mr. Barrett assigns to the Miwok no part of the
1 Distribution and Classification of the Mewan Stock of California, Amer.
Anthr., n. s., IX, 338-357, with map, pi. XXV.
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370 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
San Joaquin-Sacramento valley proper except the district between
Cosumnes and Calaveras rivers, extending to the Sacramento
delta. Dr. Merriam adds to this territory a considerable region
between the lower Sacramento and Cosumnes, a strip on the lower
San Joaquin and in the Sacramento delta, the entire valley east
of the San Joaquin between Tuolumne and Calaveras rivers, and
the territory west of the lower San Joaquin as far toward the
coast as Mt. Diablo. Such a wide discrepancy on the part of
contemporary investigators is explainable only by the scantiness
of available information, due to the almost total extinction of
the former inhabitants of the valley districts in question.
Dr. Merriam on the authority of one informant expressly
counts the Chilumne of the east bank of the San Joaquin, just
north of Stockton, as Miwok. All other evidence points to their
having been of the Yokuts family. The Bureau of American
Ethnology, both in its earlier and more recent map of the linguis-
tic stocks of North America, assigns this area to the Yokuts. In
Powell's paper of 1891, as well as in the "Handbook of American
Indians," these people, following earlier authors, such as Cham-
isso, are called Cholovone; but these sources say nothing of the
linguistic affinities of the Cholovone that enables their being posi-
tively placed in any family. The material on which the Bureau
has classified them as Yokuts (Mariposan) has not been published,
nor is it known whether Messrs. Henshaw and Curtain obtained
any information regarding them, but a Cholovone manuscript
by A. Pinart is referred to. This is probably the same as an
article entitled "Etudes sur les Indiens Calif orniens : Sur les
Tcholovones de Chorris," published in some source unknown to
the author, and with which he is acquainted only through a sep-
arate (paged 79-87) in the possession of Dr. R. B. Dixon. M.
Pinart in this paper gives a vocabulary which is pure Yokuts. 2
'Compare the following few selections: sky, tipxne; moon, hopem; at
night, toine; rain, sheel; water, ilikie; rock, selel'; egg, hon; wood, ites;
extinguish (evidently imperative), shaap-ka; the fire is out, shaap-inn-in
(showing Yokuts intransitive and present-future suffix). The last two pages
(86 and 87) of the copy available seem to be from some other language.
None of the terms are recognizable as Yokuts; an r is used, which does not
occur in Yokuts or in the first part of the vocabulary; names of tropical
animals and plants are given; and several translations in the first part of the
vocabulary are repeated but in connection with different native terms. — Dr.
Dixon suggests that the pamphlet may be from the Actes de la Soci6t6 Phil-
ologique of Paris, but like the author has no full set accessible from which
to verify this supposition.
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1908] Kroeber. — Occupation of Certain Regions by Miwolc Indians. 371
He states that the Tcholovones, or better, Colovomnes (Cholo-
vomne), inhabited a rancheria situated nearly where to-day the
town of Banta (Bantas) is. The other rancherias related to the
Cholovomnes and speaking the same dialect were Jacikamne
(Tachikamne), beside the town of Stockton; Pasasamne (Pash-
ashamne) ; Nututamne; Tammukamne; Helutamne; Taniamne;
Sanaiamne; Xosmitamne. 8 All these rancherias were in San
Joaquin county. A little farther up the San Joaquin river and
on its affluents were the Lakkisamnes, the Notunamnes, and the
Tuolumnes, 4 who spoke dialects very similar to the Yachikamne.
M. Pinart's vocabulary was obtained near Pleasanton (Plaran-
ton) in 1880, from a woman called Maria, of Yachikamne origin.
She stated that she was the last survivor of this rancheria ; and
that she had also lived in the Cholovomne rancheria, which, how-
ever, had long since disappeared. The husband of Maria, Phil-
ippe de Jesus, was a Lakkisamne Indian, that is to say, from a
rancheria friendly and related to the Yachikamne. He corro-
borated the statements of his wife, adding that he also had in-
habited the Cholovomne rancheria, and that the Indians of this
village did not differ in any way from the other Tulareno (Yo-
kuts) Indians.
In 1906 Jesus Oliver, near lone, stated to the author that the
people of the vicinity of Stockton were called Chulamni. This
term is evidently the same as Chilumne, and probably the same
as Cholovomne and Tcholovone. 5 He belonged to these people,
but owing to their extinction had mostly forgotten the language.
The words and phrases he remembered are grammatically correct
Yokuts that would be understood by the Indians as far away as
Tule river reservation : ilik, water ; hites, wood ; hotol, fire ; ukun-
ka, drink (imperative) ; hileu ma tanin, where are you going t
It thus seems indubitable that a Yokuts-speaking body of
Indians called by some form of the name Chulamni or Cholo-
vomne lived in the plains on the lower San Joaquin in the vicinity
of Stockton.
• Cf . the Kosmitas of Chamisso in Kotzebue 's Voyage, III, 51.
4 Gf. the Lakisumne and Fawalomne (for Tawalomnef ), cited in Bancroft,
Native Races, I, 451.
• Tchalabones and Teholoones in Chamisso, loc. dt.
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372 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
It is not quite so well established that the remainder of the
plains region, from Calaveras river south, was Tokuts. But
here too there is evidence only of Yokuts, not of Miwok occupa-
tion.
First of all there are three short vocabularies obtained by
Mr. Barrett. One of these is from an Indian called Wilson, at
Merced Falls, given as the language of all the people that for-
merly lived below the edge of the foot-hills, in the open valley, as
in the region of Snelling, and as far as Fresno.
ilek, water okunk, drink
osit, fire tuiku, shoot
luiku, eat moktco, old man
This is not only good Yokuts, but a dialect very similar to
Chauchila, as shown by the assimilation of the vowel of the im-
perative suffix -ka to the stem vowel.
The second vocabulary is from Charley Dorsey, at Sonora, and
was said to be of the language of Lathrop, a town situated not
far from Stockton east of the San Joaquin.
yet, one hapil, earth
podoi, two ilik, water
sopit, three silel, rock
saat, eye uyits, wood
teli, teeth katciu, coyote
saba, mouth pulubhal, man
hosip, north utubhai, chief
hobotin, south utub, great
dotu, east tooi, good
latsu, west luika, eat
tsupit, above ukudka, drink
tuxil, below
This is good Yokuts of the northern valley dialectic group,
except that n and m have been throughout changed to d and b.
This may have been an individual peculiarity. The verbal forms,
like those in the preceding list, show the imperative suffix.
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1908] Krocber. — Occupation of Certain Regions by Miwok Indians. 373
Some words from this informant have no known Tokuts or
other equivalents:
hupil, fire telex, girl
tsubuk, smoke hapal, arm
sikel, ashes tsowotse, four
bokos, manzanita kide, six
dutodil, person
The phonetic appearance of nearly all these words is however
Tokuts. Abika, come here, and piska, tobacco (perhaps smoke),
seem to show the Yokuts imperative ending -ka.
Several other words seem to be Yokuts :
tidela, world (attil-la, tkos, ear (tukj
land)' tutas, foot (dadat, dad-
watia, woman (water-ii, ate)
girl) 7
The third vocabulary is from Charley Gomez, a half-breed
encountered by Mr. Barrett at Jamestown, and was said to be in
the old language of the region about Knight's Perry on the Stan-
islaus river, which is still his permanent home. This informant
had been previously stated by the before-mentioned Jesus Oliver
to be the son of an old man of the Tawalimni tribe, some time
dead, who had lived at Knight's Perry. Of the habitat and
language of the Tawalimni Jesus had no certain knowledge. He
thought that they may have lived west of the San Joaquin, per-
haps opposite Stockton, and that the old man Gomez, and perhaps
others, moved to Knight's Perry from their original habitat.
This is probably not the case, as the Tawalimni are evidently the
Tuolumne, placed by Dr. Merriam in the valley between Stanis-
laus and Tuolumne rivers, and by M. Pinart, with other ranch-
erias, farther up the San Joaquin and on its tributaries, than the
Yokuts villages in San Joaquin county. It is therefore more
likely that as stated by the informant Gomez himself to Mr. Bar-
rett, the language is that of Knight's Perry and the plains to the
west.
•Coconoon; Powers, Tribes of California, 575.
'Calaveras County; ibid., 573.
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374 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 6
ilik, water husiusu, north
hotol, fire seele, rain
tooi, good luika, eat
uyetc, wood huyoska, stand
dotu, east puns, dog
toxil, south utubhai, chief
These are all Yokuts. The following belong to no known
linguistic stock and probably rest in part on misunderstandings :
aku, head hate, hand (Mi wok, hate,
hitcku, eye foot)
asi, ear hake, smoke (Mi wok, ha-
uxu, nose (Costanoan us) kisu)
ait, tongue kawatc, pipe
us, nail (cf. nose) huti, tobacco
oyis, foot aiyisi, bluejay
kulo, arm (Miwok, koro, dapa, father
foot)
There is also the well known Yokuts vocabulary obtained by
A. Taylor 8 at Takin rancheria at Dent's ferry on Stanislaus river.
This place must have been near the present Knight 's Ferry, and
the dialect of the same rancheria may be represented by this
vocabulary and by the last.
In the same connection may be mentioned the Coconoon Yo-
kuts vocabulary from Merced river, collected by Adam Johnson
and published in Schoolcraft and Powers. 9
Finally it is significant that Dr. Merriam places no Miwok in
the plains region between the Tuolumne and the Fresno river,
though this territory has in the past — on the statements of Powers
and Powell and in the absence of information — always been as-
signed to them. If there were Yokuts here south of the Tuol-
umne, and Yokuts north of the Calaveras, the intervening region
of the same physiographic character is less likely to have belonged
to the Miwok.
The great similarity and practical identity of the Chulamni
dialect with the Yokuts dialects spoken on the lower Chowchilla,
'Reprinted from the California Farmer, XIII, 42, March 23, 1860, in
Powers, Tribes of California, 570.
•Schoolcraft, IV, 413; Powers, 570.
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1908] Kr other. — Occupation of Certain Regions by Miwok Indians. 375
lower Fresno, and upper San Joaquin are also much easier to
understand now that it seems that the Chulamni were not cut off
from their relatives by Miwok territory. In 1906 it was said : 10
"The language of the Chulamni shows them undoubtedly to have
been a very recent offshoot from the main body of the Yokuts,"
and in 1907 11 that "the isolated Chulamni of the region about
Stockton is known to have belonged' ' to the immediate sub-group
of "Northern dialects spoken in the plains" about Fresno and
San Joaquin rivers. These conditions are now explained by the
continuity of Yokuts territory.
In the face of this evidence, and the lack as yet of any specific
material such as vocabularies to the contrary, it seems that the
whole valley east of the San Joaquin and south of the Calaveras
was Yokuts, and that the Miwok habitat on the plains was con-
fined to the region north of the Calaveras.
The valley land west of the San Joaquin may also have been
Yokuts. On the maps of the Bureau of Ethnology and the Uni-
versity of California it has been assigned to the Costanoan family ;
but there is no evidence known to the author in favor of such a
view, other than the statements of certain of Mr. Barrett's in-
formants. There are several indications that the region in ques-
tion was Yokuts. In the accepted Yokuts territory, both north
and south of Tulare lake, there were tribes, such as the Tulamni
and Tachi, on the west as well as on the east side of the valley.
M. Pinart's Cholovomne rancheria was at Banta, which is not
far from Tracy, near the westernmost arm of the San Joaquin
and west of the main channel. Jesus Oliver believes that a
Tawalimni subsequently at Knight's Ferry came from the region
opposite Stockton; however erroneous this view may be, it is
probably founded on a similarity of language in the two places.
The Yachimesi, or Yachichumne, mentioned as the original In-
dians of Stockton, 11 and stated in 1906 by Jesus to have been
at least near the site of the city, are put by Dr. Merriam west
of the San Joaquin, between it and Mt. Diablo, which region is
10 Boas Anniversary Volume, 65.
u Present series of publications, II, 325.
" Cited in Bancroft, Native Races, I, 452. See also the citation given by
Dr. Merriam, which places a village of the Tachekumnas on the site of
Stockton, and the above-mentioned statement of M. Pinart to the same effect.
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376 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
also mentioned as their habitat by one of Bancroft's informants. 1 *
It would thus seem that the entire plain of the San Joaquin valley
from south to north, west as well as east of the central stream,
was everywhere held by the Yokuts, a circumstance not suspected
until Mr. Barrett's investigation. However this may be, and
whether the land west of the lower San Joaquin was Yokuts or
whether it was Costanoan, it seems clear that it was not Miwok.
On the eastern side of the Miwok territory, the difference be-
tween Dr. Merriam 's and Mr. Barrett's maps is only nominal,
though at first appearance considerable. Dr. Merriam, it would
seem, shows only territory permanently inhabited, and therefore
leaves the entire higher Sierra region blank. He does not state
that the entire western side of the higher Sierra above the Miwok
foothills was occupied by Shoshoneans or Washo. Mr. Barrett
shows as Miwok all territory claimed by them or used by them
during the summer, and thus brings at least part of the eastern
boundary to the crest of the Sierra.
On the second point, that of tribes and dialects within the
Miwok family, there is the same close agreement between Dr.
Merriam and Mr. Barrett in the foothill region, and only the
plains present differences of moment. The territory of the
Northern, Middle, and Southern, or Amador, Tuolumne, and
Mariposa, Miwok of both authors nearly coincides, and both make
identical statements as to the practical unity of speech within
each of the three areas and the absence of any distinctive tribal
or group names for the people of the three areas or dialects.
In the valley Dr. Merriam distinguishes ten tribes, who he says
all spoke dialects of a common language, the Yatchachumne being
the only one whose speech is somewhat doubtful. Of these ten,
Mr. Barrett and the author have given the Mokosumni, Mokelum-
ni, and Ochekhamni as Miwok. 14 The Chulamni, Tuolumni,
Yachikumni, and Dr. Merriam 's Siakumne, 15 must be regarded
as Yokuts. This leaves doubtful the affiliation of the Hulpoomne,
the Wipa, and the Hannesuk. Judging only from their assigned
u Ibid., from San Francisco Evening Bulletin, September 9, 1864.
u Am. Anthrop., n. s., VIII, 659, 662, 1906. Ibid., also Lelamni, Tawa-
limni, Sakayakumni, Walalabimni. Except perhaps the Lelamni, these are
all mentioned by the informants cited by Bancroft, 450-455.
" Also given in the citations by Bancroft, ibid.
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1908] Kroeber. — Occupation of Certain Regions by Miwok Indians. 377
geographical position, the Hannesuk were probably Yokuts, the
Hulpoomne 1 ' more likely Miwok than Yokuts. The territory in
which Dr. Merriam places the Hulpoomne has generally been
considered Maidu.
As regards the apparent tribes, each with its distinctive name,
in the valley region, the question arises whether these, at least
among the Miwok, are not really only villages, as affirmed by Mr.
Barrett.
M. Pinart throughout speaks of the Cholovomne, the Yachi-
kamne, the Tuolumne, and the other groups mentioned by him,
as rancherias, and does not once use the word tribe. The Cholo-
vomnes "inhabited a rancheria or village situated nearly where
the town of Bantas is to-day." "The other rancherias related
to the Cholovomnes and speaking the same dialect were the Yachi-
kamne, beside Stockton; the Pashashamne, M etc. "All these
rancherias were in San Joaquin county.' ' "Farther up . . .
were the Lakkisamnes, ,, etc. "Baptism administered to indi-
viduals from this rancheria" (Cholovomne). Maria, of Yachik-
amne origin, claimed "to be the last survivor of her rancheria;"
she had lived also "in the rancheria of the Cholovomnes.' ' Her
husband was "a Lakkisamne Indian, that is from a rancheria
allied and related to the Yachikamne." And so on.
The informant Jesus, when asked regarding the so-called
Yachikumne, said that the word was not the name of a tribe but
of a place, properly Yachik, near Stockton. Wana was another
inhabited site, a short distance below the steamer landing in
Stockton. He believed that it was to this place that his own
ancestors, whom he called by the more general or tribal designa-
tion Chulamni, belonged. Kui was a third site.
Dr. Merriam himself speaks of several of his valley tribes as
if they were village groups, the Mokozumne being the only one of
which he gives a number of villages. He mentions the "principal
rancheria" of the Hulpoomne near Preeport; the "principal vil-
lage, Muk-kel (from which the tribe takes its name)" of the
Mokalumne; and "La-lum-ne, a rancheria near Clements" which
"may be included under the Mokalumne tribe as its inhabitants
19 Mentioned as the Khoulpouni and Chulpun by Choris and Chamisso,
cited ibid. The Hannesuk and Wipa do not seem to appear in any published
lists.
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378 University of California Publication* in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 6
spoke the same language." The Ochakumne he calls also Oche-
hak or Ochehakumne. Ochekh (Otcex) was obtained by Mr.
Barrett as the name of a place. Hannesuk shows a similar end-
ing. It seems likely that this term is literally the name not of a
body of people but of their "principal village," which was "on a
big river.' '
As all the evidence from this region bears out Mr. Barrett's
statement that -amni is a suffix applied to place or village names
to designate the inhabitants of such sites; and as Dr. Merriam
states that all the tribes in question spoke dialects of a common
language ; the conclusion seems warranted that all the Miwok of
the plains formed a single dialectic group in every way analogous
to the northern, central, and southern dialectic groups of the foot-
hills, and that the Mokosumni, Mokelumni, Ochehamni, and oth-
ers, instead of being co-ordinate with these three larger groups,
found their equivalents, in the foothill region, in such rancherias
as Awani or Upusuni. In Mr. Barrett's and the author's ter-
minology, the northern, middle, and southern "Mewuk" are
dialectic divisions or dialect groups, each comprising a number
of independent villages; the valley "Mewko tribes," so far as
they are Miwok, are independent villages collectively forming
one, and only one, dialectic group, which is exactly co-ordinate
with, for instance, the northern foothill group.
It must be admitted that the habit of the plains Miwok, of
speaking not of Mokel but of Mokelumni, not of Ochekh but of
the Ochehamni, gives the impression that there were in this region
true tribes. It is possible that intimate contact with the Yokuts,
who so far as known were everywhere anomalous in possessing a
true tribal organization, may have somewhat modified the political
and social organization of the plains Miwok in the same direction ;
but it is necessary to distinguish carefully between actual evi-
dence of an approach to tribal organization, — which is so far en-
tirely lacking — and the mere appearance of such an organization
as produced by the plains Miwok use of a suffix meaning "people
of." Every Yuki rancheria can in the same way be dignified
into a tribe by laying undue stress upon the suffix -nom, "people
of," which can be added to its name, and by emphasizing the fact
that the Yuki have a habit of mentioning more frequently the
inhabitants of a place than the village itself. Such conditions
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1908] Kroeber. — Occupation of Certain Regions by Miwok Indians. 379
are matters of linguistic idiom, and we should exercise the great-
est reluctance to deduce from them, without further direct evi-
dence, any conclusions as to the actual organization of the people.
It cannot be too often reaffirmed that the only safe rule to follow
in ethnological studies in California is invariably to assume, in
the absence of positive information to the contrary, that the only
actually existing units of organization are the village and the
language or dialect, and that the tribe, in the ordinary sense of
the word, and as an intermediate division, is absent.
The ending -amni, which thus seems to be at the bottom of the
differences of view regarding the Miwok " tribes," appears to be
used in this stock principally or only in the northwestern or
valley dialect. Mr. Barrett's examples of its employment and
significance are all from this dialect; and all the Miwok groups
mentioned by any author and having names showing this suffix,
are from the territory of this dialect. This fact goes to explain
why "tribes' ' like those of the plains have not been alleged among
the foothill Miwok.
While the ending -amni is found among the Yokuts, its em-
ployment by them is different from that of the plains Miwok.
It occurs on many tribal names, but is lacking from more, such
as Tachi, Taudanchi, Gashowu, Pitkachi, Chauchila, Chukchansi,
Choinok. The ending has no apparent meaning in Yokuts. Its
subtraction from names like Choinimni, Telamni, Chulamni,
Yauelmani, Tulamni, usually leaves no words that have meaning
to the Indians or that are stems identifiable by the linguistic
student. The suffix cannot be added to names of places to form
designations of people ; the people at Tishechu are the Choinimni,
not the Tishechimni, a term that would probably not be under-
stood by the Yokuts. The universal Yokuts suffix that in its
usage and meaning is the exact equivalent of valley Miwok -amni,
is -inin: as in Alt-inin, people of alit; khomt-inin, southerners,
people of khomot, south; padu-unun, people below; khosm-inin,
northerners. The supposition may therefore be hazarded that the
ending -amni is originally a Miwok ending, occurring at present
chiefly or only in the plains or northwestern dialect of the Sierra
or main division of the stock, with the meaning "people of;"
that from this dialect its use spread, as an ending of tribal desig-
nations, to the adjacent but linguistically unrelated Yokuts,
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380 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Bthn. [Vol. 6
among whom however, except possibly in the region in immediate
contact with the plains Miwok, it did not remain a freely usable
suffix, but crystallized in certain tribal names; and that it spread
in the opposite direction to the Maidu, among whom it occurs on
several names of what have been designated villages.
In the case of the northernmost Yokuts, there is some doubt
regarding the use of the ending -amni. If all M. Pinart's names
are, as he says, village names, the stem of each word must have
been used to denote the site of the village. It may be, however,
that such names as Tachikamni are not Yokuts but Miwok for-
mations, and that the Yokuts themselves spoke only of Yachik,
as one of the places inhabited by the Chulamni tribe. It is prob-
able that not all the extreme northern Yokuts names given by M.
Pinart and Dr. Merriam are co-ordinate in scope. There are
too many for them all to have designated tribes equivalent to the
tribes of the Yokuts farther south, and M. Pinart's identification
of them with village-communities indicates that at least some of
the number were such. On the other hand the existence of dis-
tinct tribes elsewhere among the Yokuts leads to a natural hesi-
tance to accept all these names as only designations of village-
communities, though such a departure from the normal Yokuts
status might have been brought about by close association with
the non-tribal plains Miwok.
As regards Mr. Barrett's Marin or southern coast Miwok, in
place of whom Dr. Merriam recognizes the Lekahtewutko and the
Hookooeko, it is sufficient to say that Dr. Merriam states the
language of the two divisions to be essentially the same, that the
name of the Lekahtewutko is taken from Lekahtewut, 17 a ranch-
eria near Petaluma, and that the name Hookooeko, which was not
encountered by Mr. Barrett, is unexplained. It would seem
therefore that in this region also a true but nameless unit of di-
vision, a homogeneous dialectic group, has been split and the two
fragments more or less arbitrarily designated by terms which in
native usage were the names only of single villages, comprised,
with numerous others, in a larger dialectic but non-tribal group.
Berkeley, California,
November 25, 1907.
"Cited by Bancroft, Native Races, I, 453, as the "Lecatuit tribe" of
Marin county, and by Powers, 195, as the likatnit
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INDEX.*
aca'ben, 272.
a'ca'tcatiuy 232.
Ackerman creek, 125, 151.
Adobe creek, 18, 192, 198, 201, 204.
Aesculus calif ornica, 13.
Agua Caliente, 314, 318.
Ahwahnee, 348.
a'ka'mdtcdlowani, 221.
akapo'lopoldwani, 223.
a'kule, 179.
Albion river, 134.
Alder, 13.
Alder creek, 161, 163.
Alexander valley, 211 n., 219, 223,
265 n., 266 n., 268, 271, 272, 275;
rancheria, 268.
Alley, Bowen & Co., 48 n., 128 n.,
132 n., 133 n., 147 n., 150, 168 n.,
170 n., 172, 249 n., 262, 281 n.
Allium, 90 n. ; Allium unif olium, 90
n., 158.
Alnus rhombifolia, 13, 223.
Aloquiomi, 44 n.
Alphabet, 51, 359.
Alter, I., 209.
Altimera, Jose, 40. .
Alt-inin, 379.
Amador, county, 335, 337, 342;
dialect, see Miwok.
Amador-Tuolumne group, 357.
amalco, 221.
amalpuwa'li, 216.
amaskatci'lan, 219.
amati'd, 216.
amaya'latci, 234.
amayelle, 310.
American occupation of California,
44, 45, 293.
American river, gold discovered,
338.
-amni, ending of tribal names, 378-
380.
Amoroso, Father, 222 n.
amo'tati, 245.
Anderson creek, 122, 150, 153, 160,
177; valley, 48 n., 126, 129, 137,
150, 151, 160.
Angels Camp, 353; vocabularies,
354.
annakd'tandma, 269.
Arbutus Menzieeii, 13.
Arctostaphylos, 13.
Armstrong, G. P., 47; B. B., 296.
Ashochimi, 247, 263.
Aspen creek, 347.
Asti, 266 n.; Italian-Swiss colony,
221.
Asylum rancheria, 136.
atcacinatca'walli, 236.
atcamdtcd'tcawi, 311.
Atenomac, 44 n.
Athapascans, 9, 14, 15, 27, 55, 111,
118 n., 120, 121, 260 n.
Athapascan, area, 125, 248, 261,
280; boundaries of, 279; stock,
7; territory, 247, 257, 279.
Austin creek, 211, 227, 228, 237.
Awani, 342, 378.
awa'niwi, 309.
baa'wel, 259.
baca'klekau, 219.
bacakleno'nan, 215.
bace'wi, 234.
bace'yokaffi, 231.
Bachelor valley, 129 n., 139, 185 n.,
198.
bado'nnapdti, 189, 191.
Baechtel, Martin, 145.
Bagil, 131 n.
bahe'myS, 166.
Bailey, M. G., 48 n., 195, 262.
baka'kLabe, 296.
baka'mtati, 245.
ba'ka'tsio, 218.
baka'uha, 146.
Baker, Wm., 299.
bakd'do, 151.
Ba-kow-a, 146 n.
Bald hill, 47, 135.
Bald mountain, 182, 190, 205.
Bale rancho, 268 n.
balolcai, 128 n.
Balsas, 25, 26, 89 n., 124.
• Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., Vol. 6.
[381]
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Index.
bana'kaiyau, 179.
Bancroft, 119 n., 142, 143, 147 n.,
169 n., 172, 173, 195, 224 n., 231,
266, 263, 264, 269, 270, 271, 273,
293, 307, 308, 310, 311, 313, 317,
376; Native Races, 371 n., 375 n.,
380 n.
Bank ranch, 186; village, 190.
Banta, 371, 375.
Bartlett creek, 204, 286, 291, 295,
296.
Basketry, 24; coiled, 338, 339;
twined, 338.
bata"ka, 143.
batcd'adand, 179.
bati'kletcawi, 223.
B&tim-da-kai, 279 n.
batifikletcawi, 223.
bati'ukalewi, 182.
batsa'tsal, 234.
batsd'mkitem, 201.
batsu'mise, 201.
Beach 's Indian Miscellany, 48 n.
Bear, black, 13.
Bear creek, 296.
Beatty ranch, 175; rancheria, 168.
Beckford ranch, 245.
Bedoh-marek, 142.
behekauna, 215.
behe'mkalum, 148.
behe'pal, 188.
behe'pata, 145.
Behring, Admiral, 39.
Bellvenue hotel, 196.
Berrye8So rancho, 271.
Berry Wright ranch, 144.
Betumke, 128 n., 146 n.
Betumki, 259 n.
bida'miwina, 197.
bida'te, 262.
Biddle ridge, 225, 226.
bidutsa'kaleyd, 216.
Big Borax lake, 208.
Big Horse mountain, 120, 125, 182,
184, 244, 248, 257.
Big river, 123, 133, 134, 154.
Big Bock creek, 281.
Big Stone creek, 239, 241, 244, 245,
285, 288, 289, 297.
Big valley, 18, 19, 41, 46 n., 118 n.,
119, 185, 186, 189, 191, 194, 195,
196, 198, 242, 273; division, 185,
191; Indians, 243.
bikeka', 148.
bilo'bida, 47.
Billodeauz, Louis, 143.
bi'mukatSn, 225.
Birds, 14.
bita'danek, 145.
bito'm-kai, 128 n.
Black point, 161 n., 229, 233.
Black ranch, 221.
Blanco, Cape, 28.
Bloody Island, 176, 189 n., 191, 196.
Blue lakes, 130 n., 139, 131 n.
Bluenose, 252.
boa'no, 181.
Boas Anniversary Volume, 375 n.
Boats, tule, 24, 25, 26, 89 n.
bo'cadilau, 166.
bd'camkutci, 147.
bd'cema, 180.
Bodega, 48 n., 354; bay, 39, 195,
229, 231, 302-5, 334; Corners,
304, 305, 307; dialect, see Mi-
wok; Head, 121, 303.
bo'dond, 165, 175, 177.
bo'gagdwi, 152.
Bohbidahme, 22 n.
Boh-Napobatin, 22 n.
050108016, 223.
Boil-ka-ya, 156, 156 n.
boTcca, 176.
Bolanos and Tamales, 307.
Bolinas bay, 307.
Bollanos, 307.
bo'maa, 140.
bo'o'mll, 195.
Boonville, 126, 150-4, 160, 177, 182.
bd'pda'wi, 180.
bo'tcawel, 157.
bo'tcemati, 180.
Bowen's Landing, 167.
Bowers, 219 n., 269 n., 270 n., 271
n., 311 n.
Brackenridge, N. B., 170, 172 n.,
281 n.
Branscomb, 280, 283.
Brasfield place, 296.
Bridal Veil Falls, 343.
Bridgeport, 166, 289, 290.
Brisco creek, 290.
Browne, J. Ross, 48 n.
Brumfield ranch, 216.
Brush creek, 163, 164.
bucka'wi, 216.
Buckeye, 13.
Buckeye creek, 225, 226.
Buckingham's island, 206.
Bucknell ranch, 188.
Buckner creek, 143, 259; moun-
tains, 143, 156.
bu'dutdlan, 215.
buki'snal, 179.
bulakowi, 226.
bu'lawil, 150.
Bulbs as food, 336.
buldam, 133.
[382]
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Index.
Bulletin, San Francisco Evening,
376 n.
buntcnondi'lyi, 282.
buntctenondi'lkut, 282.
Bureau of Amer. Ethnology, 352,
370, 375.
Burger, Jane, 150; J. F., 156; L.
P., 159.
Burk, Isaac, 176; ranch, 181.
Burns' valley, 208.
Bush, George, 142.
buta'ka, 147.
bu'takatcatokani, 223.
bQtswa'li, 222.
Butte creek, 48 n.
Buzzards, turkey, 14.
Gabadilapo, 279 n.
caba'kana, 145.
cabe'gok, 46 n., 196.
cabu'tukkawi, 179.
Cache creek, 10, 115 n., 120, 129 n.,
183 n., 185 n., 204, 286, 288,
290-6, 300, 314, 315, 317; ranch-
eria, 295, 296.
Cache Creek ridge rancheria, 291,
295.
Canto, 49, 111, 118 n., 168, 247,
249, 279 n., 281 ; Athapascans at,
261 n. ; Athapascan territory,
249, 257; valley, 118 n., 147 n.,
279 n., 280, 282.
ca'ipetel, 290.
ca'kai, 206.
caka'kmo, 222.
cako'kai, 146.
Calaveras, big tree grove, 347, 349;
county, 302, 335, 349, 355 ; river,
335, 336, 348, 352, 370, 372, 374,
375.
Calaveras-Cosumnes plains, 352.
Caldwell ranch, 221.
Calhoun, J. W., 215.
California and Nevada, Indians of,
189.
California, Alta, 28, 37; American
occupation of, 41, 45; central,
341 ; discovery of, 27, 28 ; dis-
covery of gold in, 41; explora-
tions, 27 ; Farmer, 374 n., Indians,
22; laurel, 188, 196, 234; Lower,
28, 37; northern, 338, 341; North-
western railway, 221; southern,
338; Spanish speaking people,
40; State Mining Bureau, 183 n.;
stocks, 340; north-central, 344;
survey, Archaeological and Eth-
nological, 7, 334; University of,
375; Upper, 37.
Calistoga, 112, 264 n., 266, 269 n.,
270, 271, 287 n.
Callajolmanus, 269.
Calle-Nameras, 48 n.
Cal-pa-lau, 143.
Calpella, 118 n., 128, 137, 143, 144,
151, 168 n., 169, 260.
Camebell-Poma, 48 n., 132.
ca'mli, 225.
camo'ka, 181.
Campbell ranch, 166.
Camp sites, modern, 159, 182, 191;
old, 134, 152, 157, 166, 179, 190,
200, 209, 224, 226, 233, 238, 245,
262, 274, 278, 297, 305.
Canada de los Olompalies, 310.
canS'kai, 156,
cane'-kai porno, 118, 119.
cane'l, 141, 142, 152, 171.
cane'milam, 176.
cane'mka, 147.
cane'neu, 176.
cane'uca, 166.
Canijolmano, 44 n.
Canoe, 28, 124.
Capay, town of, 294; valley, 290,
291, 292; Indians, 295.
cape'tome, 238.
Captain, 15, 344; authority of, 16.
Carez barbarae, 180.
Carez creek, 196, 200.
Carlsbad Springs, 204.
Carquin, 44 n.
Carquinez straits, 38.
Caspar, town of, 133.
catca'li, 220.
catca'mkau, 140.
Cathartes californianus, 180.
catinen, 216.
cawa'kS, 220.
Caymus, 44 n., 269; rancho, 268 n.,
269.
Cazadero, 238.
Centerville, 122, 136, 140, 141, 143.
ce'pda, 170.
cetelid, 179.
Chamisso, 370 seq., 371 n., 377 n.
Cha-net-kai tribe, 143.
Characters, sounds of, 361.
Chauchila, 379.
Chau-te-uh, 146 n.
Chebalnapoma, 48 n.
Chebal-na-Poma, 132.
Che-boo-kas, 156 n.
Che-com, 190:
Chedilna-Poma, 48 n., 132.
Chemoco, 44 n.
Chesnut, V. K., 93 n., 169 n.
Chichoyoni, 44 n.
[383]
Digitized by
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Index.
Chiefs, Yuki, 251.
Chilumne, 370.
Chlorostoma funebrale, 230.
Choam Cha-di-la Po-mo, 143.
Chochyem, 44 n.
Chocuali, 310 n.
Chocuyens, 313.
Choinimni, 340, 341, 379.
Choinok, 379.
Chokuyem, 313.
Cholovomne, 371, 375, 377.
Cholovone, 370 seq.
Choris, 377 n.
Cho-tan-o-man-as, 207.
Chowchilla river, 342, 351, 374.
Chow-e-shak, 146 n.
Christine, 149, 152.
Chukachansi, 379.
Chulamni, 371, 374, 375, 377, 379,
380.
Chulpun, 377 n.
Chu-mai-a, 247.
Chumaya, 247.
Chun-te-ya, 342.
Chwachamaju, 231.
cIS'go, 173.
ci'gom, 182, 190, 242.
ci'hobo, 166.
cii'ncil, 259.
cii'ncilmal, 145.
cima'kau, 140.
cima'kawi, 140.
ci"mela, 219, 271.
ciohutmo'kdni, 215.
ci'pomul, 258.
Civets, 14.
ciwa', 189.
ciyd'ksiti, 179, 180.
ciyol, 144, 151.
ciyole, 214.
ciyo'ton, 179.
cki'tsil, 154.
Clans, 15.
Clark's peak, 202, 203.
Clark ranch, 199, 282.
Clear lake, 11, 14, 17, 18, 22 n., 23,
41, 42, 44 n., 46 and n., 49,
89 n., Ill, 112, 114, 115 n.,
119, 120, 125, 129, 130 n., 139,
142, 156-160, 176, 183-186, 194,
196, 197, 200-210, 233, 241, 242,
247, 263, 270, 273-278, 286, 303;
333; basin, 118 n.; people, 243;
region, 158, 243.
Clements, 377.
Cleone, 120, 262, 263; beach, 124,
127, 261.
Cleveland's flour mill, 140.
Cliff ridge, 163.
Climate, 10, 23, 335-7.
Cloverdale, 87 n., 160, 162, 212, 214,
221, 272.
Coast Range, 10, 12, 23, 115 n., 118
n., 119, 239, 240, 247, 248, 249,
254, 256, 285, 288, 357; inner or
main range of, 23; Mexican set-
tlement, 41; outer range of, 23.
Coast region, characteristics of, 24.
Cobb mountain, 12, 120, 184, 210,
211, 264-6, 274, 314, 315.
Coconoon, 373 n., 374.
co'dakai, 128 n.
cS'dono, 181.
coTcadjal, 19, 168, 175, 176, 177.
co'katcal, 140.
co-katu, 123 n.
Cold creek, 127, 128, 140, 131 n.
Cole creek, 18, 40 n., 120, 183, 184,
192, 193, 201, 204, 274-8, 314.
Colovomnes, 371.
Colusa, 290; county, 10, 120; foot-
hills, 240.
comda, 150.
Compositae, 13.
co'nba, 259.
Condor, 14, 180.
Conifers, food-bearing, 336.
Conoma, 44 n.
Consonants, value of, 51,
Cook's Springs, 297.
Cooper's ranch, 213 n.
Copeh, 285.
Copehan, 285.
Corte Madre de Novato, rancho,
309.
Cortes, 27.
Cortina, creek, 290, 296, 297; val-
ley, 290-2, 296, 297.
cft'samak, 172.
co'samal, 171.
Costanoan, 22, 301, 318, 345, 351,
375, 376; boundary, 350; family,
344; stock, 350; territory, 287.
Cosumnes river, 334, 335, 345, 346,
349, 354, 355, 370.
Cotate, 312; Peak, 312; rancho,
311.
Cotati, 121, 311.
cdtomko'tca, 309.
cotd'mkowi, 308.
co'tsui, 146.
Council, 15.
Covelo, 249.
Cox rancheria, 168, 181.
Coyayomi, 44 n., 316.
co'ydme, 316.
Coyote, 189, 230; creek, 127, 149;
valley, 22 n., 44 n., 128 n., 136,
[384]
Digitized by
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Index.
Coyote — Continued.
139, 140, 151, 195, 264, 303 n.,
314-7; Valley division, 315; Val-
ley Bancheria, 136.
Cradle, 338, 339.
cta'la, 177.
Cuffey's Cove, 166.
Culle-Bulle, 47.
Culture, 22, 338, 339; classified ac-
cording to environment, 23;
classified independently of en-
vironment, 26.
Cum-le-bah, 158, 158 n.
Cummiskey, 171.
cu'naubasatnapotai, 150.
Curley Cow creek, 129, 147, 152.
Curtin, 370.
cu'takdwi, 218.
cuta'uyomanuk, 207.
cuta'wani, 222.
dakoliabe, 177.
dala'dano, 18, 277.
dama'ldau, 163.
dana'ga, 229.
dano'co, 188.
Dano-habe, 277.
Danokakea, 188.
danS'xa, 188.
Da-pi-shul Porno, 144.
da'tcimticni, 290.
da'tsin, 159.
Day's John, summer resort, 259.
Deer, 33d.
De Haven, 261; creek, 261, 262.
delema, 215.
Deming place, 158 n.
Descent in the female line, 15.
Dialects, number of, 14.
Digger pine, 12, 89 n., 93 n.
dihi'laLabe, 290, 295.
dT'kata, 234.
Di-noo-ha-vah, 188.
distegu'tslfi, 282.
diwi'lem, 188.
Dixon, R. B., 340 n., 346, 347, 355,
370.
dje'comii, 164.
djelheldjiseka'ni, 271.
djo'mi, 149.
djo'mo, 135.
djS'pten, 216.
djuhuTakai, 128 n.
Dolores, 39, 40; Mission of S. F.
de Assied, 39, 286 n.
Donahue 'a landing, 310.
dona'nto, 311.
Doolan creek, 125 n.
Dorsey, Charley, 372.
Dougarty creek, 154.
Douglas spruce, 12.
Dow, J. G., 215.
do'wikaton, 221.
Downes, J. S., 194.
Drake, Sir Francis, 28, 36 n., 37 n.
Drake's bay, 36 n., 37 n.
Dress, typical forms of, 24, 26.
Drum, aboriginal Porno, 234.
Dry creek, 19, 87 ns., 120, 160, 180,
210, 212, 213 n., 219, 220, 224,
265, 266 n.
Drytown, 355.
Ducks, 14.
duhultamti'wa, 245.
du'kacal, 237.
du'ml, 180.
Duncan's Mill, 238; point, 195,
232, 235.
du'tsakol, 226.
Dutton ranch, 181.
duwidl'tem, 226.
du'wikalawakali, 234.
duwima'tcaeli, 230.
East lake, 118 n., 122 n., 123 n.,
205-9.
Echo, 170.
Eden valley, 254, 256, 260.
edi'Labe, 297.
Eel river, 10, 11, 23, 25, 46, 48 n.,
90 n., 118 n., 239, 248, 255, 261,
279; drainage of, 285; south
fork of, 280-3.
Eight-mile valley, 130 n., 139, 158.
El Dorado, 355.
elem, 206 n.
e'lem-xawai, 123 n.
Elledge ranch, 177.
Elk, 13, 336; creek, 63, 211 n., 265
n., 289, 290; Grove, 346.
Engelhardt, Z., 44, 219, 222, 269,
270, 271, 294, 308, 309, 310, 311,
313 n., 316, 317.
E-ins'si, 230.
Estero Americano creek, 303, 305.
etcako'lum, 308.
e'tem, 310.
Etudes sur lee indiens calif orniens :
sur lee Tcholovones de Chorris,
370.
Euka, 246.
e'wapau, 309.
e'wu, 309.
Fauna, 13, 23, 336.
Fawalomne (for Tawalomne), 371 n.
Feather river, 48 n.
[385]
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Index.
Feliz, 172 n; creek, 126, 160, 171,
180; ranch, 144.
Ferrello, Bartolome, 28.
Finney ranch, 181.
Fishes, 14, 336.
Fishing, 16.
Fish Rock, 167.
Fish's Mills, 228, 230, 234, 238.
Fish, Walter, ranch, 231.
Fitch, William, 218, 219.
Fitch mountain, 218, 219.
Fitch's ranch, 48 n.
Flora, 12, 23, 336, 337.
Floyd's Landing, 207.
Flumeville, 164.
Folmer Gulch, 230.
Food-gathering rights, 16.
Food supply, 130, 162, 288, 336,
337; vegetable, 335, 336.
Foot-hills, 337, 348; of the Sierra,
335; region, 336.
Ford, H. L., 47, 48 n., 132, 141,
142, 169 n., 214 n, 264.
Forsythe creek, 128, 144, 145, 152.
Fort Bragg, 47, 131, 132, 133, 135.
Fort Brown, 128 n., 140.
Fort Ross, 39, 40, 42, 45, 230, 231,
234, 238, 307; Russian settle-
ment, 39, 40.
Foster, A. W., 168.
Fountain, 171, 179, 180.
Fox, B. B., 138.
Franciscan, Fathers, 191 n., 199,
286 n., 298, 312; missionaries,
292; Order, 37, 40.
Freeport, 377.
Freestone, Old, 309; town of, 227,
303, 309, 317.
Fresno, 372, 301; Crossing, 348,
352; Flat, 348, 352; river, 334,
335, 343, 345, 346, 348, 351, 374,
375.
Fuller creek, 212, 227, 239.
Fulton, 222.
Gaddy, Robert, 199.
gaiye'tcin, 272.
gaiyeti'l, 134.
gala'iakaleyd, 190.
Gallina, 214 n.
Gallinomero, 213 n., 265.
Gait, 340.
Game, 336.
Garcia river, 161-6; rancheria, 162.
Gardner's, 347.
Gashowu, 379.
gatciti"y5, 221.
Gather rancheria, 292.
Geysers, 272.
Geyserville, 120, 122, 210, 212, 263,
265, 265 n., 266 n., 268, 272, 275.
Ghost dance, 278.
Gibbs, 22 n., 42, 118 n., 119, 128 n.,
142, 144, 146 n., 150, 156, 169,
172, 178 n. 183 n., 189 n., 190,
193, 194, 195, 207, 259 n., 271,
277, 279 n., 285, 286 n., 287 n.,
311, 312, 313; Journal, 141.
Glen Ellen, 264.
Glenn county, 10, 120, 289 n.; foot
hills, 240.
Glossary of Indian terms, 319.
Goddard, P. E., 9, 55, 118 iu, 261
n., 279 n.
Gold, discovery of in California,
41 ; on American river, 338.
Golden Gate, 306.
Gomez, Charley, 373.
Gough, John, 153.
Government, 15.
Grant Island, 188, 200.
Grant, J. D., 216.
Grape, wild, 13.
Grasses, seed-bearing, as food, 336.
Gravelly valley, 20 n., 247, 254, 255,
257.
Greenwood, creek, 163; town of
166.
Grindstone creek, 284; rancheria,
289.
Grizzly, 13.
Group names, 20.
Gualala, 167, 230; river, 123, 160,
161, 164-7, 210, 212, 220, 221,
224-39; river division, 224.
Guenoc, 286, 314, 316, 317.
Guenocks, 317.
Guerneville, town of, 211 n., 214,
215.
guhu'la-xaxo, 128 n.
Guidiville, 136.
Guilicos rancho, 269.
Guillicas, 269.
Guinda, 295.
Guymen, 310.
Habenapo, 22 n., 194, 195.
ha'ke, 252.
Hakluyt, Richard, 36 n.
Hale creek, 47.
Hale's vocabulary, 301.
halika, 190.
Haliotis, 122.
ha'me, 296.
Handbook of Amer. Indians, 370.
Handley, 155.
Hannesuk, 376-8.
Hansen ranch, 290.
[386]
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Index.
hapa'mu, 235.
Harbin Springs, 274.
Hare river, 47, 133, 135.
Harmon peak, 355.
hatcilan, 215.
hatcTwina, 238.
ha'Hupokai, 259.
Haupt creek, 225, 235.
Haupt, Charley, ranch, 229, 235.
Hawks, 14.
Healdsburg, 17, 19, 87 n., 88 n.,
121, 211-220, 223, 224, 265, 266
n., 268, 270, 271; cemetery, 218.
Hearst, Phoebe A., 7, 334.
Heat, excessive summer, 336.
hee'man, 216.
helapa'ttai, 304.
Helatamne, 371.
helwame'can, 217.
Hennekey ranch, 292, 297.
he'malakahwalau, 234.
Henley, Thomas J., 47.
Henshaw, W. H., 370.
Hensley creek, 140.
Herons, 14.
hesa'ia, 293.
Hesley, 207.
Hessler, 207.
Hethtoya, 342.
hlbu'wl, 327.
Higgins ranch, 178, 179.
Highland Springs, 203, 204.
Higuero rancho, 268 n.
Hildreth, W. J., deposition of, 246 n.
Hill, Thomas, 215.
himeta'gala, 304.
Hioh, 31, 32, 33, 36 n.
Hipher's creek, 292; rancheria,
292.
Hi'-po-wi, 237 n.
History, Calif ornian, 27, 141 n.; of
Mendocino, 143; of Napa and
Lake counties, 129 n.
Hittell, F. H., 36 n., 141, 222 n.,
269, 270, 310, 312.
hi'walhmu, 226.
hma'ragimowina, 197.
hodudu'kawe, 146.
hSlilelenSma, 274;
ho'lo'kome, 295.
Holway, R. 8., 131 n.
ho'mtcati, 155.
Hoochmon, 256.
Hookoolko, 380.
Hopland, 17, 142, 162, 171, 173,
180; rancheria, 168; valley, 168,
171.
Hopper creek, 212, 225, 226, 227,
235; ranch, 140, 216.
Horst Brothers ranch, 181.
Hoschla Island, 118 n.
hota'kala, 304.
Hot creek, 48 n.
Hot Springs creek, 220.
Houses, 124; typical forms of,
24-6.
Howell Home ranch, 179.
Hoxie, Westley, 251.
Huchnom, 27, 93 n., Ill, 113, 120,
121, 122, 128, 246, 256, 257;
area 125, 257, 258; dialect, 247;
dialectic area, 127, 248; boun-
daries of, 256; territory, 248,
257, 280; Yuki, 242; villages,
255.
hu'da, 149.
Hudson, J. W., 119 n., 188, 195 n.,
256.
huge'lmitegago, 278.
Huichica rancho, 312.
Huiluc, 44 n., 222, 269.
huk, 202, 203.
hukabet.a'wl, 222.
hu'kdja, 173.
huku'hyume, 316, 317.
Hula-napo, 193.
Hullville, 20 n., 249, 254, 255, 257.
Hulpoomne, 376, 377.
Humboldt, bay, 45, 46; county, 48
n.
hunkali'tc, 255.
huntcisu'tak, 252.
Hunting, 16.
hii'tci, 312.
hutc-nom, 254.
Huymen, 44 n.
Ignacio, town of, 309.
Implements, specialized forms of,
24.
Indian creek, 122, 149, 150, 155,
244, 292, 297.
Indians, of California, 14; north
of S. F. bay, first records of, 28;
present condition of, 49.
Ingrham ranch, 296.
lone, 342, 355, 371.
itce'tce, 163, 164.
itcatca'idi, 224.
Iwi'da, 171.
Iwi'kbSdabau, 165.
IwT'tcal, 167.
Iwi'yokca, 166.
Jacikamne, 371.
Jackson, 337, 342; creek, 354.
Jamestown, 373.
Jarboe, Capt., 48 n.
Jepson, W. L., 9.
[387]
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Index.
Jerusalem Valley creek, 286, 314.
Jesuits, 37.
Jesus, Philippe de, 371.
Jimison ranch, 278.
Johnson, Adam, 374.
Joyayomi, 44 n, 317.
Juarez rancho, 268 n.
kaa'ika, 148.
kaa'lkfai, 209.
kaba'i, 158.
kaba'lraem, 292.
kabaputce'mali, 229.
kaba'tbadd, 144.
kaba'tdda, 134.
kaba'tui, 226.
kabeO^teli, 238.
kabe'bot, 180.
kabecal, 145.
kabe'dand, 147.
kate'dile, 148.
kabS'dima, 262.
kabe'djal, 149.
kabe'ela, 150.
kabegi'lnal, 139.
ka'be'kadSgani, 216.
kabe'klal, 170.
kabel, 157, 186.
kabelal, 144.
kabS'mali, 232.
kabe'mato, 281.
kabematd'lil, 186.
kabe'napfl, 18, 21, 46 n., 198, 202,
250.
kab€'ptewi, 220.
kabesila'wlna, 230.
kabetci'uwa, 222.
kabSte'yo, 225.
kabe'ton, 219.
kabe'tsawaro, 278.
kabe'tsitu, 134.
kabe'yfi, 146, 171.
Ka-bi-na-pek, 194, 195.
Kabinapo, 195.
Kabo'tsiu, 148.
kacaida'mal, 145.
kacl'badon, 196.
kaeilcego, 166.
kaci'mdalau, 153.
kacl'ntui, 223.
kadi'u, 132.
kadjusa'mall, 233.
kaTiowali, 154.
kaho'wam, 220.
ka'hwalau, 171.
ka'ibi, 281.
ka'ikitsil, 148.
ka'imus, 268.
Kai-nap-o, 292.
Kainomero, 214 n.
Kai Po-mo, 279 n.
kaiye"lem, 166.
kaiye'lle, 178.
ka'kiya, 216.
kakdska'l, 245.
kaku'lkalewical, 189.
kala'bida, 159.
kala'icdlem, 178.
kala'iel, 290.
kala'ili, 134.
kala'lndkca, 179.
kala'nko, 221.
Kalanol, 139.
kala'tkin, 215.
kale, 218.
jEaleca'dim, 236.
kale'cokon, 158.
kaleda, 259.
klaleliyo, 206.
kalelsema, 141.
ka"lem, 152.
kalemala'to, 231.
kalS'sima, 141.
kaletcu'maial, 237.
kale'wlca, 227.
kall'nda, 229.
kalpela, 143.
kalu'yakai, 259.
Kam-a-lal Po-mo, 260 n.
kama'dokai, 148.
ka'mddt, 206.
kapa'cinal, 230.
ka'pten, 222.
ka'raka, 156.
kaaa'sam, 167.
ka'sfle, 227.
kaatttcimada, 163.
Kastel Po-mo, 279 n.
katalca, 231.
katakal, 145.
katalrta, 245.
katcaTnda, 140, 144.
ka'tcake, 144.
katca'yo, 178.
ka'tcululukuwan, 318.
katil, 144.
ka'tffi, 137.
ka'tmatcl, 226.
katd'tnapdti, 196.
ka'tSwi, 217.
katsa'iwani, 164.
ka'taami, 154.
katsa'nosma, 220.
katsa'mugal, 159.
katsilgago, 278.
ka'tuuH, 149.
kaubd'kolai, 207.
ka'uca, 163.
[388]
Digitized by
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Index.
kla'ucel, 208.
ka'ugu'ma, 206.
kawa'mid, 218.
kawamtca'ell, 225.
kawantS'limani, 225.
kawa'tcam, 166.
kawatca'nno, 224.
kawi'aka, 171, 181.
ka'wikawi, 216.
kawi'mo, 172.
kawi'namami, 153.
kawifikwiti'man, 220.
ka'wiyome, 317.
kawo'axa, 203.
kca'kaleyo, 154, 170.
kebu'lpukut, 316.
ke'celwai, 206.
kedi'rLabe, 296.
kee'wi-na, 242.
Kelsey, 198, 207; creek, 18, 183,
189, 191, 192, 197-201, 203, 274,
275 277 278.
Kelseyville, 183, 197, 198, 200, 201,
203, 277, 278.
ke'nnekono, 304.
Kessler, 207.
Ehainapo, 292.
Khoulpouni, 377 n.
Kibbe, General, 48 n.
klca'iyi, 237.
Kidnapping, 45.
kilelio, 158.
k'iliku, 256.
King and Morgan's Map, 269.
King's ranch, 176; river, 341.
Kinship in the female line, 15.
Ki-ou tribe, 129 n.
ki'si, 295, 297.
Kitcil-ukom, 253.
klye'utsit, 208.
kle'tel, 165.
Knight's Ferry, 350, 373-5; Land-
ing, 294; valley, 162, 173, 270,
271 n.
ko'batap, 158.
koba'te, 225.
Kobb Valley, 118 n.
koTnda, 144, 145.
kobfttcitca kali, 237.
ko'cbi, 282.
kd'dakatc, 180.
ko'dalau, 163, 167.
Koessell, A. L., 297.
ko'i, 207.
kolo'ko, 170, 218, 272.
kldlolaxa, 209.
Koma'cho, 178.
ko'mli, 126, 138, 139, 158.
kdmdhmemutkuyu'k, 259.
Konachti, 183.
Koni, 353, 354.
Konockti, 183 n.
koomlcobdtcali, 238.
ko'pbutu, 278.
Kosmitas, 371 n.
Kostromitonow, 231, 307.
kdta'ti, 311.
ko'thwi, 177.
ko'ticomdta, 271.
koti'na, 296.
ko'tsiyu, 145.
Kotzebue's Voyage, 371 n.
kdwi'cal, 229.
Kroeber, A. L., 9, 93 n., 118 n.,
193, 246, 254, 255, 260, 261 n.,
289 n., 340, 342, 351, 353, 356.
kt8u'kawai, 209.
kubahmo'i, 165, 224.
kuca'dandyo, 187.
kucyi'viyetdkut, 282.
Kui, 377.
kula'i, 208.
kulaltai, 146.
Kula Kai Porno, 119 n., 147 n.
kula'Labe, 297.
Kulanapan, 118 n., 119.
kuLa'napo, 18, 21, 46 n., 119, 192,
193, 194, 198, 200, 250, 273, 277.
kula'tIS, 221.
kuna'wi, 297.
ku'ndihi, 294.
kupe'tcu, 274.
Kura-napo, 194.
kuu'lbidai, 208.
Lacatiut, 44 n.
Lacock, Dryden, 247.
Laguna de San Antonio, rancho,
308.
Laguna de Santa Rosa, 25, 89 n.,
222 223.
Lakeport, 18, 125, 130 n., 156, 158,
159, 184, 192, 194, 196, 198, 277.
lakkenhulye, 305.
Lakkisamne, 371, 371 n., 377.
la'laka, 237.
lali, 178.
Lalumne, 377.
La'-ma, 172, 173.
Lamb, Jacob, 281; ranch, 197.
Landsbary ranch, 221.
Largo, 173, 175.
la'tcupda, 164, 165, 167.
la'te, 178.
Latham, R. G., 301.
Lathrop, 372.
Laurel, California, 13.
La'xputsum, 189, 192.
[389]
Digitized by
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Index.
Laytonville, 111, 247, 249, 256, 257,
279 n., 280, 281, 282.
Lecatuit tribe, 380 n.
ledamli, 234.
Leese, Jacob P., 312 n.
Leesville, the town of, 292, 296.
Lekahtewut, 380.
Lekahtewutko, 380.
Lelamni, 376 n.
lS'ma, 173, 180.
le'raakma, 206.
le'mkolil, 150, 153.
Leppo's diary, 220, 221, 224.
Let, 290, 296.
Libayto, 44 n., 294.
HculKalexowa, 198, 200.
Lightner, Colonel, 133.
Likatuit, 380.
Lila'dihi, 296.
lil-cik-nom, 255.
lileek, 18.
Lilies, used for food, 13.
lilkool, 259.
Lal-la-a-ak, 276 n.
lil-tam-nom, 254.
Linayto, 44 n., 294.
Linguistic relationships, 54, 114;
linguistic stocks, 14, 23.
lippula'mma, 232.
Little Borax lake, 206, 207, 209.
Little Lake, 132; valley, 49, 128,
128 n., 134, 145, 259 n.
Little River, 132.
Little Stony Creek, 240, 244, 285,
292, 297.
li'wai, 294.
Li-wai'-to, 294.
Loan words, 114.
Loaquiomi, 44 n.
Locallomi rancho, 273.
Lockf ord, 340.
Locnoma, 44 n; valley, 273.
Locollomillos, 273.
Lodoga, 297.
lo'knSma, 273.
Lold-la, 291.
Lol-sil, 291.
Long's bridge, 259.
Long valley, 279 n., 280, 292;
creek, 204, 291, 295, 309; Ranch-
eria, 291.
Loons, 14.
Lo'pa, 295.
Lopillamillo, 233.
Lopillamillos, 195.
Lovelady, Wm., 297.
Lower lake, 89 n., 114, 118 n.,
120, 122, 122 n., 123 n., 204,
206-9, 278, 303, 314, 316-8;
island, 205, 207, 209; rancheria,
205; town of, 205; valley, 315.
Ludewig, 231.
lu'li, 219.
lumenta'kala, 314.
Lu-pa-yu-ma, 22 n., 195, 233.
Lupillomi, ranch, 195.
Lupilonus, 195.
Lupiyuma, 46 n.
Lynx, 14.
Lyons, Captain, 176, 196.
Lyttons, 210, 219; station, 272.
mabo'tdn, 178.
maea'l, 154, 182.
ma'canena, 164, 165.
Mackentyre springs, 204.
Madera county, 335, 351.
Madrona, 13.
madu'mda, 131 n.
Mahhas, Joseph, 296.
ma'hmo, 225.
Maidu, 339, 340, 342, 346, 355, 356,
377, 380.
maiyalnna, 269.
maiyi, 155.
Maj-su-ta-ki-as, 144.
maka'hmd, 221.
ma'kalami, 153.
maka'smo, 216.
ma'katcam, 171.
ma'kawica, 225.
Makh'-el-chel, 91 n., 207.
Malaea, 44 n.
malalatca'Li, 272.
Mallacoines, 270.
Mall, Joseph, ranch, 290.
Ma n l-tca'l-nom, 254.
mama'mamau, 155.
Mameci'cmo, 251.
ma'natol, 198.
Manchester, 162, 164.
Manzanita, 13.
mapuika, 153.
Maria, 371, 377.
Marin county, 10, 302, 334, 345.
Mariposa, 339, 354, 370.
Markwest creek, 19, 212, 215, 222.
Marshalls, town of, 307, 308.
masikawa'ni, 223.
Mason, 119 n., 188, 188 n., 194,
195, 214 n., 256.
masu', 144.
masu't, 144.
Ma-su-ta-kea, 141.
Masu-ta-kaya, 144.
ma'tasama, 165.
ma'tcata, 147.
ma'tcoko, 238.
[390]
Digitized by
Google
Index.
matelnapotl, 190.
Mateo, 262.
ma'timali, 233.
matd', 148.
Matomey Ki Pomos, 128 n.
mati'wi, 225.
Ma-tom-kai, 128 n.
Mats, tule, 26.
Mawhinney ranch, 140.
Mayacma, 44 n.
Mayacomas, 268 n, 270.
McAdie, Alexander G., 11.
McClure ranch, 152.
McCombre ranch, 253.
McDonald, 160, 179, 266.
McDowell creek, 171, 172; valley,
172.
McGough slough, 46 n., 196.
McNab creek, 173, 174, 180.
Mehwale'lenoma, 274.
Melanerpes formicivorus, 14.
mele'ya, 310.
Mendocino, 47, 170; county, 10,
119, 160, 270, 293; Beservation,
47, 48 n., 49, 50, 132 n., 135;
State Hospital, 136, 137, 138,
152 ; war cited, 132 n.
Menefee, C. A., 42 n., 268, 270,
293.
Merced, 301; county, 335; falls,
350, 372; river, 335, 342, 348,
350, 356, 374.
Merriam, C. Hart, 369 seq.
mete'ni, 230.
Methodist Episcopal church, 137,
186.
Mewko, 378.
Mewuk, 378.
Mexican, 40, 41, 45, 88 n., 92 n;
government, 198; grants, 219,
269, 270, 273, 293, 309, 311, 312
n.; occupation, 293; rancheros,
217; revolution, 40; settlement
in the Coast Range Mountains,
41; settlers, 14.
Mexico, 27, 38.
Middle creek, 120, 125, 156, 182-7,
244 248.
Middle Eel" river, 248, 249, 252-7.
Middletown, 264, 273, 274, 314.
mi'ducLabe, 297.
Migration, Miwok, 357.
miMltamti'wa, 245.
Mill creek, 125, 125 n., 128 n., 137,
138, 160, 181, 216.
Miller ranch, 215.
Missions, 191; California, 37; of
Fort Boss, 39; of San Carlos de
Monterey, 38; of San Francisco,
[391]
38, 40, 43; of S. F. de Assisi at
Dolores, 39; of San Jose, 44 n.;
of San Juan Bautista, 344, 301;
of San Rafael, 40, 44 n.; of
Sonoma, 40, 44 n.; of Santa
Rosa, 41; secularization of, 40,
41, 44. *
mitca'wicLabe, 297.
Mitoam Kai Porno, 128 n.
mitd'ma, 145.
Miwok, 288, 301, 302, 333, 337-355,
369 seq.; boundary, dialectic,
355; interstock, 355; main area,
335, 336, 346; middle, 376;
northern, 376; southern, 376;
organization, political, 344; tri-
bal, 340, 341; proper, 334, 345,
352; territory, 335, 338, 343, 347,
348, 352, 358; vocabularies of,
362; villages, 344, 350.
Dialects of, 352, 353, 354, 357,
358, 359; Amador, 347, 353,
355, 357, 368; Bodega, 302,
334, 345, 354, 357; Central
Sierra, 353; Coast, 357, 361;
Lake, 345, 354, 357; Marin,
334, 345, 354, 357; Mari-
posa, 353, 354, 356, 357,
358; Mokelumne, 356;
Northern Coast, 345, 354;
Northern Sierra, 353 ; Plains,
347, 351, 353-8; Southern
Coast, 334, 345; Southern
Sierra, 353; Tuolumne, 353,
356-8, 376; Western Coast,
334 345
M'Kee, Redick,*22 n., 42, 46, 141-4,
156, 169 n., 172, 183 n., 190 n.,
194, 196, 197.
Moal-kai, 156.
Mokalumne, 302, 377.
Mokel, 378; village of, 341.
Mokelumne dialect, 356; river, 335,
347, 349, 351.
MokelumneeB, 302.
Mokelumni, 341, 353, 376, 378.
Mokosumni, 376, 378.
Mokozumne, 377.
Molluscs, 24, 122.
mfinma'La, 290, 296.
Monterey, 37, 38, 345; bay, 301;
mission of San Carlos de, 38.
Moquelumnan, 14, 22, 27, 36, 54, 55,
108, 114, 115 n., 116, 117, 232,
301, 345; dialectic groups, 212;
lexical relationships, 107; phon-
etic relationships, 108; varia-
tions, 108; present population,
43; territory, 227, 211, 287 n.,
288, 302, 305, 345.
Digitized by
Google
Index.
Moquelumnan — Continued.
Northern dialect, 114, 115, 121,
184, 204, 205, 264, 265, 285,
286, 315, 316.
Southern dialect, 114, 121,
287, 303, 305, 306, 313.
Western dialect, 115, 116, 131,
227, 267, 302, 303, 305, 306,
309, 334, 345.
See Miwok above.
Moquelumne, 301; hill, 302; river,
302.
Morgan, W. C, 9, 241 n.
Morgan valley creek, 286, 314.
Morrison's landing, 182, 190.
md'titca'ton, 221.
mS'tkuyuk, 259.
md'tndon, 255.
Mountain lion, 13.
Mountain view, 159, 166.
Mt. Diablo, 370, 375.
Mt. Hope school-house, 292.
Mt. Kana'ktai, 46 n., 183, 184, 185,
202, 204, 206, 274, 314, 316.
Mt. M'Kee, 183.
Mt. Lyell, 347, 348, 356.
Mt. Tamalpais, 12, 123, 306.
md'wibida, 154.
Moving of villages, 17.
mto'm-kai, 128 n.
mu'cOkol, 209.
Mud Springs creek, 282.
mukakStca'Li, 219.
Mukeemnes, 302.
Mukelemnes, 302.
Mukkel, 377.
Mulgrew, Mr., 220.
mulhal, 151, 260.
mumeme't, 259.
mu'pan, 259.
Murphy, ranch, 318.
Mush-stirrer, 339.
Mushtown, 136.
Mussels, 122.
mutca'wi, 236.
Muthelemnes, 302.
Muticulmo, 44 n., 271.
Mutistul, 271.
mu'tistul, 270, 274.
Mutsun, 301, 345, 354.
mu'yamiiya, 165, 173, 174, 177.
Mythical beings, 163, 173; bird,
202.
Mythology, 186, 217, 339; coyote
in, 14.
Nabob, 146 n.
na'koca, 146.
Napa, 42, 89 n.; city, 264, 267,
286, 293; county, 10, 42, 263,
270, 302, 334; creek, 25, 268 n.,
271; river, 247, 264, 267, 268 n.,
271, 286, 293; State Hospital,
293; valley, 42, 264, 269, 270,
286, 303 n.; valley Indians, 293.
napagipu'lak, 235.
Napato, 44 n.
Na'-po-bati'n, 22 n., 195.
napo'cal, 191.
Navarro ridge, 126.
Navarro river, 122, 126, 127, 129,
149, 150, 152, 153, 154, 159, 160,
161, 182, 210; north fork of, 126.
nebo'cegut, 282.
nelyi, 282.
nelmwi, 238.
netce'ligut, 281.
New Spain, 27, 38.
Newville, the town of, 290.
niLektsdndma, 270.
no'badd, 152.
Noble's, 225, 226, 235.
nobo'ral, 156.
n6T>utu, 201.
Nome Cult Indian Farm, reserva-
tion, 49.
Nome Lackee reservation, 49.
nd'minLabe, 245.
nomlaki, 253.
nd'napoti, 197, 198, 201.
nS'nho^ho^u, 258.
no'pik, 150.
North Shore railroad, 309.
Northwestern Redwood Company,
146.
ndtce'tiyo, 178.
Notunamne, 371.
Novato, 309; Bancho de, 309; town
of, 309.
Noyo, 132, 134; river, 47, 135.
Nututamne, 371.
Nymphaea polysepala, 146.
Oak, 336; black, 12; maul, 13;
Pacific post, 12; tan-bark, 13;
valley white, 12.
Oakdale, 350.
Oakland, 318.
Obsidian, 278.
Ochakumne, 378.
Ochehak, 378.
Ochehamni, 378.
Ochekh, 378.
Ochekhamni, 376.
ddilaka, 245.
ohd'mtol, 230.
Olamentke, 308, 313; division, 310.
Olema, the town of, 307, 308,
SlemaloTce, 307.
[392]
Digitized by
Google
Index.
Olemochoe, 308.
Oleomi, 44 n., 309.
ole'yome, 309, 316, 317.
Oliver, Jesus, 371, 375.
Olompali, 310.
olompo'Ui, 310.
on-kol-ukom-non, 254.
Oregon, 28.
Oreotyx pictus, 14.
Ornbaun, Susan, 151.
Osuna, Bev. Luciano, 191 n.
otceha'mni, 341.
Otcex, 378.
oto'noe, 230.
Outlet creek, 120, 122, 124, 128,
129, 145, 146, 152, 248, 254, 257,
258.
Overland Monthly, 141 n.
oyemu'ku, 235.
oye'yomi, 309, 317.
Pacheco, 309.
paculdtmawali, 233.
Paiutes, 348.
paka'huwe, 309.
pa'kaLabe, 297.
pakatca'huya, 245.
Palanaho, 194.
Palnomanoc, 44 n.
Paque, 44 n.
Pasasamne, 371.
Pashashamne, 371, 377.
Patah, 32.
patd'lkaleyo, 209.
Patwin, 118 n., 284, 285.
payine'tca, 311.
pda'hau, 162-4.
Peachland school district, 155.
Pepperwood, 13.
petalu'ma, 310.
Petaluma, 40, 44 n., 223, 310, 380;
creek, 25, 306, 310, 311; rancho,
311; valley, 306, 311, 313.
Peterson ranch, Hans, 229.
pe'tlnoma, 273.
Petlenum, 311.
Philo, 149, 150, 153, 178 n.
Physiographic divisions, 127.
Pieta, 171; creek, 171.
Pifia creek, 220.
Pinart, A., 370 seq., 375, 380.
Pine, 133; digger, 12, 89, 93 n., 75;
sugar, 12, 335; yellow, 12.
Pinoleville, 136.
Pinus, Lambertiana, 12; muricata,
122, 127; ponderosa, 12; Sabin-
iana, 12.
pip6hdlma, 271.
Pitch Pine People, 143.
Pitkachi, 379.
Pits of dance-houses and sweat-
houses, 9.
Pitt river, 48 n.
Plantation, 234, 237.
Pleasanton, 371.
Plymouth, 346, 355.
Poam Porno, 141.
pd'dand, 152.
Pohono, 343.
Pohonichi, 342, 353, 354.
Point Arena, 161, 164; town of,
162, 164, 167.
Point Reyes, 11, 28 and n., 36 n.,
37 n., 38, 307.
Point Sur, 345.
Poison oak, 13.
Polcumol, 93 n.
Political division, 16; organization,
344.
poli'tsuwi, 190.
pd'-ma, 119, 182.
Pomas, 141.
Pome Pomos, 141.
Porno, 14, 27, 36 n., 37 n., 43, 54,
55, 91 n., 92 n., 95, 96, 114, 115
n, 116-124 passim, 129 n., 140,
141, 211, 240, 247, 250, 257, 261;
boundaries of, 120, 124, 150, 182,
204, 279; main area of, 121; of
Sacramento valley, 27, 124;
phonetic relationship, 101, 107;
population, present, 42, 43; Rus-
sian river, of, 244; territorial
divisions of, 121; territory, 7,
161, 233, 258, 280.
Central dialect, 15, 19, 97-100,
123, 126, 127, 137, 142, 150,
161, 170, 177; phonetic
changes in, 102.
Eastern dialect, 20 n., 97-100,
125, 156, 157, 182, 185-187,
205, 274, 275, 286, 315; Big
valley division of, 191, 233;
phonetic changes in, 103;
principal villages of, 185.
Northeastern dialect, 27, 125,
239, 240, 241, 248, 287;
boundaries of, 239.
Northern dialect, 97-100, 114,
116, 123, 126, 127, 129, 184,
187, 257, 261, 280; phonetic
changes in, 102; possible
sub-dialects of, 87 n.
Southeastern dialect, 98, 99,
100, 116, 123 n., 184, 192,
204, 205, 269 n., 274, 315;
phonetic changes in, 103;
occurrence of f in, 104.
[393]
Digitized by
Google
Index.
Porno — Continued.
Southern dialect, 165, 210, 212,
223, 224, 226; phonetic
changes in, 105.
Southwestern dialect, 20, 37 n.,
97-100, 114, 116, 123, 211 n.,
212, 225, 226, 235; phonetic
changes in, 105.
Porno - Moquelumnan interstock
boundary, 314.
Pomo-Wappo interstock boundary,
211 n., 265 n.
Pomo-Wappo war, 271, 212.
Porno- Wintun interstock boundary,
204.
Porno- Yuki interstock boundary,
182, 205, 257, 289.
Pone Pomos, 141.
Pond Lily People, 194.
Poonkiny, 254.
Poorman 's valley, 254.
Pope, Julian, 273 n.
Pope valley, 264, 266, 273, 286, 303.
Populated area, 26.
Population, Athapascan, present,
43; aboriginal, estimated, 42.
Porter ranch, 215.
Portola, Governor, 37.
po'taba, 154.
pd'tol, 225, 229, 235, 237, 239.
Potter, William, 142.
Potter valley, 119, 120, 124, 128,
136, 140, 142, 143, 144, 151, 152,
156, 172, 242, 244, 256, 257, 258,
260; people, 242; the Porno of,
256; rancheria, 136, 141.
Powell, J. W., 119, 143, 169 n., 172,
194, 195, 207, 214 n., 224 n., 239,
285, 301, 302, 310, 345, 374.
Powers, Stephen, Tribes of Califor-
nia, 91 n., 118 n., 119 n., 126 n.,
133 n., 141, 143, 144, 147 n., 151,
169-173, 178 n., 194, 207, 208, 214
n., 224 n., 230 n., 231, 239, 246,
256, 260 n.,263, 264 n., 265 n.,
279 n., 284, 285, 291, 293, 294,
301, 302, 303 n., 313 n., 315 n.,
343, 344 n., 354, 373 n., 374 n.,
380 n.
po'wicana, 231.
Preston, 221.
Property rights, 344.
Pseudotsuga tazif olia, 12.
puke'mul, 259.
pukumLabe, 297.
pulu'puliiLabe, 294.
Pudding creek, 132 n., 133.
Punto de los Reyes, 307.
Purdy, Carl, 89 n., 119 n., 169, 172,
194 n., 214 n., 292.
Putah, 44 n. ; creek, 10, 183 n., 264,
268, 273, 274, 286, 288, 294, 298,
299, 303, 309, 314, 316, 317.
Putato, 44 n.
Putos creek, 271, 285; river, 22 n.,
195.
Putto, 44 n.
puyulcu, 309.
Quail, 336; valley, 14.
Quercus calif ornica, 12; chrysole-
pis, 13; densiflora, 13; Garryana,
13; lobata, 12.
Babbits, 14.
Raccoons, 14.
Baft, 24, 89 n., 124.
Rainfall, average annual, 11.
Rancheria creek, 122, 126, 153, 159,
160, 162, 170, 177, 178, 182, 220;
valley, 48 n.
Bancho de Senel, 172 n.
Rattlesnake island, 206, 208, 209.
Bawles, Thomas, 137.
Baymond, 348, 351.
Bedemeyer ranch, Luther, 163.
Bed mountain, 125, 139.
Redwood, 12; belt, 23, 127, 161;
belt, characteristics of, 24; for-
ests, 214 n.; mountain, 144; In-
dians, 48 n.; valley, 128, 136, 137,
141, 143, 144, 151, 256, 260; val- *
ley rancheria, 137.
Bedwoods, 256.
Beed ranch, John, 282.
Seed's farm, 307.
Be-ho, 293.
Reservations, 46, 337; Clear lake,
46 and n.; conditions upon, 48
n.; Mendocino, 47, 48 n., 49, 50;
Nome Cult Indian Farm, 49;
Nome Lackee, 49 ; Bound Valley,
43, 49.
Rhodes ranch, 176.
Rhus diversiloba, 13.
Rice Estate, 188.
Bice fork of South Eel river, 244,
248, 249, 257, 286.
Bincons, 263.
Bitter, W. E., 9.
Robertson creek, 125 n., 160, 176,
181.
Bock Pile, 165; creek, 167, 210, 224,
225.
Bocky point, 125, 157, 159, 184,
186, 190.
Roman Catholic church, 168.
[394]
Digitized by
Google
Index.
Both, George, 317 n.
Bound valley, 19, 48 n., 118 n,, 244,
251, 252, 253, 254, 260; agency
and Indian school, 251; reserva-
tion, 43, 49, 145, 193, 249, 256,
258.
Howe's station, 146.
Bole ranch, Charles, 231, 232.
Ramsey, 290, 295.
Bumsey's slough, 196, 200.
Bussell ranch, 146, 147.
Russian-American Fur Company,
39.
Bussian river, 11, 17, 19, 22 n., 23,
25, 41, 42, 46, 49, 90 ns., 118 n.,
120, 121, 122, 125, 127, 128, 131
n., 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143,
144, 151, 152, 154, 160, 168, 170,
171-182, 210, 211, 215-8, 220,
221, 222, 224, 227-9, 231, 232,
233, 235, 238, 241, 242, 256, 258,
260, 264-8, 271, 272, 306; divi-
sion, 213; drainage of, 184, 270,
305; east fork of, 124, 127; val-
ley, 42, 46, 48 n., 87 n., 120, 125,
162, 165, 196, 212, 247, 265, 307;
Porno, 279 n.
Bussian settlement, Fort Boss, 39,
40, 230.
Bussians, 39, 45.
Sackett, J. E., 299.
Sacramento, 44 n.; county, 335;
delta, 370; plains, 337; river,
120, 239, 248, 284, 287, 290, 294,
346, 349, 351, 370; valley, 10, 12,
23, 25, 115 n., 199, 204, 244, 247.
Sah-ne'lo, 172.
Sakayakumm, 376 n.
Salan Pomos, 141, 142.
salatcada, 153.
Saliz argyrophylla, 13.
Salmon creek, 121, 126, 127, 134,
159, 161, 211, 212, 227, 233, 235,
248, 257, 259, 303, 305, 309.
Salt-beds, 240, 245; trails to, 244;
Stony creek, 9, 242, 243.
Salt Point, 230, 234.
Salt-spring valley, 241.
Salt-stealing expeditions, 242.
Salvador rancho, 268 n.
Sal-vo-di-no, 194.
sama'kahna, 156.
Sa-mun-da, 146 n.
Sanaiamne, 371.
San Antonio, 308; Arroyo, 308,
309, 310.
San Carlos de Monterey, mission
of, 38. [395 j
San Diego, 37, 38.
Sanel, 171, 172; valley, 162.
Sanels, 172.
Sanelos, 172.
sa"n51y5, 177.
San Francisco, 28, 37, 38, 39, 40, 44
and n., 48 n., 310; bay, 7, 10, 12,
28, 38, 40, 41, 45, 123, 196, 199,
224, 249, 284, 292, 298, 301,-302,
303 n., 306, 307, 318, 334, 345,
356; mission of, 38, 39, 40, 43,
44 n., 310, 318; climate of, 11;
new, 40; peninsula, 43; settle-
ments at, 38.
San Francisco Solano, 40.
Sanhedrin, 12; creek, 259; range,
248, 254, 257.
San Joaquin county, 335, 355, 371,
373, 377; plains, 336, 337, 349,
351; river, 301, 302, 346, 348,
349, 350, 370-5; valley, 318, 335,
340, 345, 346, 351, 352, 353.
San Joaquin-Sacramento valley,
287, 370.
8an Jos6, 44 n., 318.
San Juan Bautista, mission of, 344.
San Pablo bay, 121, 211, 286, 287,
305, 306, 307; drainage, 305.
San Rafael, 40, 42, 44 and n., 309,
310; mission, 213 n., 286 n., 310,
312, 318.
Santa Clara valley, 318.
Santa Inez, 39.
Santa Rosa, 41, 44, 88 n., 213
n., 222, 267, 312, 313; Creek,
121, 211, 212, 213 n., 222, 264,
305, 314; Laguna de, 25, 89 n.,
39; valley, 121, 212, 222, 306.
Santiago, 218.
Satayomi, 44 n.
Sausalito, the town of, 307.
Schoolcraft, 22 n., 118, 128 n., 141
n., 374.
Scottman residence, 318.
Scott's creek, 125, 129, 130 n., 131
n., 155-8, 184, 185; valley, 123 n.,
129, 138, 139, 157, 158, 187, 198,
277; rancheria, 155.
Scudmore, M. C, 156.
Seacos, 172, 173.
Seaview, 234; hotel, 237.
Sebastopol, 214, 222 n., 223, 305.
Sebring ranch, 223.
se'dileu, 46 n., 199.
se'ecene, 262.
seel, 141, 142.
seepi'namatci, 237.
see'tSn, 229.
sekloTce, 308.
Digitized by
Google
hidex.
Sekumne, 340.
seLgaitceli'nda, 282.
senansa' a kut, 283.
sene'tckut, 282.
sentca'ukut, 281.
Sequoia sempervirens, 12.
Serra, Father Junipero, 37.
se'satil, 152.
Settlements, 37; American occupa-
tion of California, 41, 45; of
Fort Ross (Russian), 39, 40;
influence of, upon the Indians,
43; Mexican, in the Coast Range
mountains, 41; San Francisco,
38; Sonoma, 40.
Shanel-kaya, 141, 142.
Sheetiron mountain, 11, 230, 285.
Sheep Ranch, 355.
She-kom, 190.
Shell-heap, 133, 135.
She-qum-ba tribe, 190,
Sherwood, 280; Inn, 147; station,
146, 148, 152; valley, 129, 132,
148.
Sherwood, A. E., 120, 124, 128 n.,
132 n., 133 n., 143, 147 n., 148,
150, 169, 249 n. 262, 281 n.
Shi-bal-ni Porno, 147 n.
Shoab-ow-no-ma-nook, 207.
Sho-do-Eai Pomo, 151.
Shoshonean, 339, 348, 376; terri-
tory, 348, 356.
Shumairs, 247.
Shumaya, 247.
Shumeias, 247.
Si'-a-ko, 172, 173.
Siakumne, 376.
Sierra Nevada mountains, 298, 301,
334, 335, 345, 352, 353,; foot-
hills of the, 335; higher, 335,
337, 347, 349; region, 376; sum-
mit of the, 348.
si'lala, 173.
Silver lake, 347.
si'miyaxai, 258.
Simmons, Kathryn, 294.
Singley ranch, 154.
si'tca, 295.
Sites, town of, 292, 296, 297.
si'wakal, 156.
slwi'yflme, 316.
Skaggs Springs, 220.
Slavery, 45.
Slavianska, .39.
Sleeper, 155.
Slocum, Bowen & Co., 129 n., 156,
158, 183 n., 186 n., 187 n., 188,
190,, 194, 207, 208 n., 270, 271
n., 273, 273 n., 276, 291, 312 n.
smS'-wakapda, 138.
Smith ranch, Eakle, 290, 296.
Smith, Ed., 252.
Smith ranch, Captain, 305.
Snelling, 350, 372.
Snowfall, 12, 335, 337.
Snow mountains, 12, 240, 244.
8d"bidame, 199.
Social organization, 15.
Soclan, 310.
Socoas, 172.
Soda, bay, 18, 204, 274, 276-8;
creek, 154.
sohd'ibida, 234.
So-ko'-wa, 172.
Solano, county, 10; San Francisco,
40.
son, 252.
Soneto, 44 n.
sonlal-nom, 254.
Sonoma, 40, 42, 44 and n. 46, 312,
313, 372; county of, 10, 119, 160,
263, 272, 302, 334; creek, 25,
121, 131, 211, 222, 264, 267, 269,
286 n., 305, 311, 312; Indians,
312; mission, 40, 44 n., 199, 219,
222, 270, 271, 294, 311, 312, 316,
317; settlements of, 40; valley,
42, 286, 306, 313.
Sonomellos, 312.
Sonomeno, 312.
Sonomi, 310; Indians, 312.
so'satca, 147.
so'tca, 143.
Sotoyome, 218, 219; rancho, 219.
Sounds of characters, 361.
South Eel river, 120, 122, 129, 182,
248, 249, 254-9, 260, 279; head-
waters of, 247; Rice fork of,
125.
South Valley People, 169.
so'wi, 167.
Spain, 38; New, 27, 31.
Spaniards, 231, 263, 265 n.
Spanish, 92 n.; colonies, 28; mis-
sion records, 28; navigators, 27;
speaking people of California,
40.
Squaw rock, 171.
Squirrels, 14.
Stanislaus, 301; county, 335; river,
335, 338, 339, 342, 347, 351, 373.
Stewart's point, 220, 224, 228, 229,
230, 233, 234, 235.
St. Helena, 247, 267, 269.
St. John mountain, 12, 183 n., 239,
240, 244, 285.
St. Turibius mission, 191, 196, 197,
199, 200, 201.
[396]
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Index.
Stocks, north-central California,
344.
Stockton, 348, 351, 370, 372, 373,
375, 377.
Stone and Kelsey massacre, 42,
176, 196, 198, 277.
Stony creek, 10, 83 n., 239, 244,
254, 284, 285, 289, 290; people,
242.
Stonyford, 241, 245, 254, 289, 292;
Rancheria, 244.
su'butcemal, 152.
Suffixes indicating tribal names,
378, 379.
Suisun, 44 n., 293, 294.
suka-nom, 255.
sukcultata-nom, 255.
suku' 296.
suldjd"tumall, 233.
su'lmewi, 230.
su'lmo, 180.
Sulphur Bank, 208; island, 206,
207, 208, 209; rancheria, 205;
quicksilver mine, 205.
Sulphur creek, 48 n., 139, 221, 272.
Survey of California, ethnological
and archaeological, 7, 334.
Suscol, the town of, 293, 313.
su'skol, 293.
Susol, 293; grant, 268 n.; tribe,
268 n.
susu'H, 311.
Sutter creek, 304.
su'wutene, 304.
Taa-bo-tak, 150.
taa'wina, 190.
Tabahtea, 150.
ta'bate, 149.
tabatS'wi, 230.
Tachi, 375, 379.
tadam, 259.
ta'dono, 236.
Tahtoos, 256.
Takin rancheria, 374.
takd'kalewi, 220.
takd'ton, 220.
Talanapo, 184.
talaLu'pu, 232.
Talatui, 301.
Tamal, 44 n.
Tamales, 307; Bay, 307, 308.
Tamallos, 307.
Tammukamne, 371.
ta'nahimo, 238.
Tancred, 295, 300, 297.
tanaci'l, 148.
tanako'm, 145.
tana'm, 237.
Taniamne, 371.
ta'taca, 245.
ta'tcaka, 239.
ta'tcbida, 234.
tla'tcumawali, 237.
ta'tem, 19, 175.
ta'ti, 180.
Tatu, 122, 128 n., 256.
tau'waku'lok, 305.
ta'waisak, 297.
Tawalimni, 373, 375, 376 n.
Taylor, A., 214 n., 269, 270, 273,
287 n., 293, 299, 307, 311, 313,
317, 374.
Taylor mountain, 312.
tcaco'l, 181.
tca'dam, 133.
tcaha'wi, 152.
tcahe-lil-nom, 254.
tca'ida, 149.
tcaikSsado'tcani, 238.
tca'kca, 175.
tcala'mkiamali, 236.
tcala'ntcawi, 229, 232.
tca'mkawi, 140.
tca'mna, 180.
tca'mokorae, 237.
tca'msumli, 165.
tcamu'ka, 232.
tca'pida, 229.
tca^skol, 152.
tcatam, 133.
tca'yahakatdn, 226.
tce'ckalel, 153.
tcee'tidd, 245.
tce'tcewani, 222.
Tchalobones, 371.
TcBokoyem, 313.
Tcholoones, 371 n.
Tcholovones, 371.
tcibe'takut, 282.
tcido'bate, 166.
tcidote'ya, 138.
tcie'una, 181.
tcikSlbida, 233.
tclLe'tSn, 223.
tcime'nukme, 293.
tcimonal, loO.
tci'ti, 235.
tciti'bidakali, 2b0, 234.
tci'tonS, 230.
tciyolkitLali, 206.
tcoke'ttce, 309.
tcd'kLabe, 245.
tco'mtcadHa, 143.
tcd'mtcalila, 144.
tcucamatce'm, 262.
tcuhelme'mLabe, 297.
tculgo, 149.
[397]
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I
Index.
tcuma'ti, 236.
te'bli, 291, 295, 296.
Tehama, 49; county, 289.
te'kalewi, 239.
tekena'ntsdnoma, 272.
Telamni, 340, 379.
telda, 259.
te'mblek, 313.
Temperature, 10.
Ten-mile river, 47, 118 n., 261, 262,
263, 280.
Territorial boundaries, 344.
Territory investigated, 10.
Thomas creek, 259.
Thompson, Robert A., 44 n., 219,
222 n., 224 n., 231 n., 269 n.,
310 n., 311, 313 n.; ranch, 216.
ti'kai, 147.
Timber, extent of, 12.
Timber Cove, 230.
Tishechu, 379.
Tlayacma, 44 n., 270.
td'ba, 290.
Tobah, 29, 32.
toaji'Lbi, 280, 282.
tdlimakau, 222.
td'idihi, 296.
tdltau, 304.
tSTrti, 295.
toldam, 135.
topa'idihi, 294.
To-pai'-di-sel, 294.
Tolen, 44 n.
tololuri, 290.
Tomales, 44 n.; bay, 301, 306;
Point, 308 n..
Tomki, 128 n. ; creek, 120, 124, 128
n., 257, 258, 259.
tontce'kut, 283.
to'ntdtcimatci, 233.
Topayte, 44 n.
to'pLabe, 297.
Topographic divisions, 23; names
of, 21.
Topography, 23, 121, 127, 345.
torodi'Labe, 245.
Totemic groups, 15.
to'tola, 223.
totolagotca, 223.
Tracy, 375.
Travelers' Home, 254.
Tribal organizations, 15, 340, 341,
250.
Tribe, 377; not found, 14.
tsla'bal, 209.
Tsadat, 120 n.
tsaka', 146.
tsalal, 200.
tsamd'mda, 146.
tsa'nmamau, 203.
tsapu'wil, 238.
tsawa'takka, 153.
tse'ki, 167.
tse'lmenan, 270.
tse'mandma, 269.
tai'kinldand, 147.
tsi'mpal, 143.
tsi'tsapogut, 318.
tsiwi, 206.
tsiwi'cbidaininapdti, 200.
tai'wida, 215.
tsiya^kabeyo, 156.
tsolika'wi, 222.
tsubaTiaputsum, 201.
tsuba'tcemali, 232.
tsu'kantitcanawi, 231.
t8u'nno, 226.
Tubers as food, 336.
Tulamni, 375, 379.
Tulare lake, 350, 375.
Tule, boats, 25, 26, 124; lake, 125,
129, 155, 156, 184, 185 n.; ridge,
253; river reservation, 371.
tulekalS'yo, 233.
tu'leyome, 318.
tulT, 313.
tulimho', 152.
Tulkays, 293.
tulme, 311.
Tulocay ranch and cemetery, 268 n.
Tu-lo-kai-di-sel, 293.
Tulucay rancho, 293.
tu'luka, 293.
tuHukai, 293.
tumi'stumis, 316.
Tuolumne, 354; county, 335; peo-
ple, 371, 373, 377; dialect, see
under Mi wok; river, 335, 338,
339, 342, 356, 370, 373, 374.
Turner, T. G., 208.
tu'rururaibida, 245.
tutcaiye'lin, 311.
Tuthill, 313 n.
Twin lakes, 130 n.
uka'tcim-nom, 254.
Uk-ho'-at-nom, 246.
Ukiah, 17, 41, 125 n., 126 n., 127,
136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 152, 160,
162, 168, 170, 175, 176, 178, 179,
180, 181; valley, 19, 48 n., 125
n., 127, 134, 136, 138, 158, 160,
162, 168, 169, 175, 176, 182.
Ukis, 246.
u'kumnanddn, 259.
ukutco'k, 234.
uli'Labe, 296.
uli'ydmi, 311.
[398]
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Index.
Ulucas, 268 n.
Ululato, 44 n.
Umbellularia californica, 13, 188,
190.
Uncle Sam mountain, 276 n.
upawa'ni, 215, 216.
Upper lake, 122 n., 123 n., 125,
125, 130 n., 139, 157-9, 184-9,
191, 244, 278; division, 185, 186;
Island, 189, 191, 196; valley, 155,
184, 187, 188, 198, 244.
Upper Tuolumne, 302.
Upusuni, 378.
Usal, 118 n.; creek, 118 n.
utit-nom, 254.
Utimonamoc, 44 n.
Utschiun, 310.
uwului'me, 255.
Vallejo, brothers, 195 n.; Salvador,
198.
Valley division, 168; region, 23;
characteristics of, 25.
Valleyford creek, 303, 305, 309.
Van Nader, H. H., 175; ranch, 179.
Vann, Jean, ranch, 296.
Vegetable foods, 24, 25, 124, 167,
182, 335, 336.
Village, political unit, 14.
Village sites, 345, 350; inhabited
modern, 131, 136, 162, 168, 185,
191, 205, 213, 228, 235, 244, 262,
268, 280, 289, 316; old, 337, 132,
137, 155, 163, 170, 186, 191, 206,
214, 224, 229, 236, 245, 249, 258,
262, 268, 276, 281, 290, 292, 304,
307, 316, 317, 309; uninhabited
modern, 151, 178, 198, 260, 277.
Villages, Miwok, 344, 350.
Viscaino, Sebastian, 37.
Vitis californica, 13.
Vocabularies, 350, 356, 357, 358;
Angels Camp, 354; Coast Yuki,
68-80; footnotes to, 87, 368;
Huchnom, 68-80; Miwok, 362;
Moquelumnan, 68-80; Porno, 56-
68; Wappo, 68-80; Wintun, 68-
80 ; Vokuts of lower San Joaquin
valley, 372, 373, 374; Yuki, 68-
80.
Von Baer, K. E., 308 n.
Von Helmerson, Gr., 308 n.
Von Kotzebue, 308 n., 310.
Vowels, Pomo, 101; values of, 51.
Vulture, Californian, 14.
waika'fi, 296.
Wailaki, 255, 258, 279 n.
wa'imun, 245.
Walalshimni, 376 n.
Walker valley, 128, 134, 144, 145,
152.
Wallhalla, 224 n.
walli, 342.
walnu'tse, 2Z0.
Wambold's lake, 130 n.
wa'mulu, 259.
Wana, 377.
Wapo, 264.
Wappa, 264.
Wappo, 18, 27, 48 n., 54, 87 ns., 93
n., Ill, 113, 116, 117, 118 n.,
121, 122, 219, 220, 264, 268, 303;
area, 274, 275; eolony, 247, 275;
dialect, 263; sub-dialects, 112,
267; territory of, 266, 272.
Clear Lake, 111, 112, 121, 183,
184, 192, 204, 263, 267;
boundaries, 274; territory,
205.
Main area, 263-8; boundaries
of, 264; old village sites,
223, 247.
Wappo-Pomo, boundary, 266, 267;
war, 266.
Wappo- Wintun interstock bound-
ary, 266.
Warm Springs creek, 220, 221, 224.
Wasama, 343.
Washo, 339, 352, 356, 376.
watakko'wi, 218, 219, 220.
West Indies, 28.
Westport, 262.
White and Wilson, 215.
Wilcox ranch, 177.
Wiley, Austin, 246 n.
wilipds, 269.
Williams, creek, 252 ; Robert, place,
296; valley, 252, 253.
Willits, 145, 146; valley, 128 n.
Willow, 13.
wi'lok, 222.
Wilson, 372; Charles, ranch, 238;
ranch, 282; ranch, old, 269.
Windsor, 215, 216, 222, 307.
Winters, 294, 298, 299, 300.
Wintoon language, 246.
Wintoons, 284.
Wintun, 14, 20 n., 22, 43, 54, 55,
91 n., 92 n., 109, 115 n., 117, 120,
204, 205, 207, 239, 284, 285, 293,
355; boundaries, 285; creek, 183;
lexical relationships, 109; phon-
etic relationships, 110; present
population, 43; territory, 182,
240, 285-8, 292, 305, 315.
Northerly dialect, 7, 27, 239,
248, 289, 284, 297.
[399]
Digitized by
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Index.
Wintun— Continued.
SoutBerly dialect, 115, 116,
121, 265, 290, 314; territory,
115, 306.
Wipa, 376, 377 n.
Wise creek, 170.
Wolf creek, 225, 226, 235.
Wolfskill grant, 298.
Wolf skill, John B., 298; Joseph,
298, 299; M. A. H., 298; Mat-
thew, 299; Win., 298.
Wooded Valley People, 128 n.
Woodland, 294.
Woodland Daily Democrat, 294.
Woodpecker, California, 14.
Woolridge's slough, 200.
wotokl, 310.
wotokka'ton, 218.
wugili'wa, 314.
Wukchamni, 340.
xaba'i, 158.
xa-bati'n, 123 n.
zada'butun, 198.
xa'dalam, 189, 199.
xa-dand, 277.
xaga'bidame, 278.
xa'gacdbagil, 19?.
xa'ikaiyau, 204.
xa'ikaldkise, 199.
xa'-kaiyau, 123 n.
xale'sema, 141.
xalibe'm, 198.
xa'-matd, 123 n.
xaro', 155.
xaro'malugal, 155.
xa'xmdtmot, 278.
Xosmitamne, 371.
xd'walek, 187.
xo'yi, 207.
xube', 207.
xuna'dai, 205, 208.
Yachekumnas, 375 n.
Yachichumne, 375.
Yachik, 377, 379.
Yachikamne, 371, 377, 379.
Yachikumni, 376, 377.
Yachiniesi, 375.
ya'kale, 135.
Yalisumni, 340.
ya'ma, 142.
yami', 146.
ya'md, 142.
ya'mu, 142.
Yanan, 22.
Yatchachumne, 376.
Yates, Charles, 175.
Yaudanchi, 379.
Yauelmani, 379.
Yek, 258.
yictciLti'fikut, 281.
yd, 209.
yd'butui, 185, 187.
ydci'kletowani, 218.
Yodo, 294.
yd'doi, 294.
Yodos 294.
yo'kaia, 19, 21, 125 n., 168, 169,
182, 350.
Yo'kaia Porno Indians, 169, 182;
rancheria, 138, 170, 180; village,
175.
Yokaya rancho, 170.
Yoknts, 288, 339, 341, 343, 344, 351,
355, 356, 370 seq.; area, 301,
352; territory, 348, 350, 351,
356; villages, 350.
Yolhios, 311.
Yolo, 294; county, 10, 294.
yoma'caditc, 181.
Yorkville, 170, 177, 178, 182;
rancheria, 170.
Yosemite valley, 337, 342, 343, 348,
353, 354, 356.
Yosul-Pomos, 48 n.
yo'tceuk, 171.
yd'tdgagd, 158.
Yount, George C, 42, 268 n., 269 n.
Yountville, the town of, 268, 269 n.
Yuea, 246.
Yuka,246.
Yukai, 169.
Yuki, 14, 15, 20 n., 43, 54, 55, 111,
116, 117, 120, 122, 169, 244, 246,
249, 267; chiefs, 251; dialects, 9;
lexical relationship, 111; phon-
etic relationships, 113; present
population, 43; Round Valley,
246; stock, 7; territory, 182, 240,
244, 250, 253, 285; tribal or-
ganization of, 19.
Coast, 27, 93 n., 94 n., Ill,
113, 120, 121, 125, 126, 249,
254, 261, 262, 280; boun-
daries of, 260; territory,
280.
Proper, 27, 93 n., 94 n., Ill,
121, 125, 127, 128 n., 247-
250, 255-8, 260, 287; boun-
daries of, 248; territory,
280.
See Huchnom.
Yukiah, 246.
Yukian Huchnom, 136, 280.
Yukian Wappo, 191, 223, 286, 287,
315; area, 211, 287, 287 n., 305,
306, 314; dialect, 212, 313.
yul'yul, 293.
Yu-sal Pomo, 260 n.
Zaclom, 44 n.
[400]
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