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324 Dearborn St., Chicago, III.
London : Kegan Paul, Trench, TrUbner & Company
THE EVOLUTION
GENERAL IDEAS
TH. RIBOT
PROFESSOR IN THE COLLEGE DE FRANCE
AUTHORISED TRANSLATION FROM THE FRENCH
BY
FRANCES A. VVELBY
CHICAGO
THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY
London- Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd.
i8qq
COPYRIGHT BY
The Open Court Publishing Co.
CHICAGO, u. s. A.
1899
A/l rights reserved.
PREFACE.
THE principal aim of this work is to study the
development of the mind as it abstracts and gen-
eralises, and to show that these two operations exhibit
a perfect evolution : that is to say, they exist already
in perception, and advance by successive and easily
determined stages to the more elevated forms of pure
symbolism, accessible only to the minority.
It is a commonplace to say that abstraction has its
degrees, as number its powers. Yet it is not suffi-
cient to enunciate this truism ; the degrees must
be fixed by clear, objective signs, and these must
not be arbitrary. Thus we shall obtain precise knowl-
edge of the various stages in this ascending evolution,
and stand in less danger of confounding abstractions
highly distinct by nature. Moreover, we avoid cer-
tain equivocal questions and discussions that are
based entirely upon the very extended sense of the
terms to abstract and to generalise.
Accordingly we have sought to establish three
main periods in the progressive development of these
operations: (i) inferior abstraction, prior to the ap-
pearance of speech, independent of words (though
not of all signs) ; (2) intermediate abstraction, accom-
panied by words, which though at first accessory, in-
crease in importance little by little; (3) superior ab
VI THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
straction, where words alone exist in consciousness,
and correspond to a complete substitution.^
These three periods again include subdivisions,
transitional forms which we shall endeavor to deter-
mine.
This is a study of pure psychology, from which we
have rigorously to eliminate all that relates to logic, to
the theory of knowledge, to first principles of philos-
ophy. We are concerned with genesis, with embry-
ology, with evolution only. We are thus thrown upon
observation, upon the facts wherein mental processes
are enunciated, and discovered. Our material, and
principal sources of information, lie therefore : (i) for
inferior abstracts, in the acts of animals, of children, of
uneducated deaf-mutes; (2) for intermediate abstracts,
in the development of languages, and the ethnograph-
ical documents of primitive or half-civilised peoples ;
(3) for superior abstracts, in the progressive constitu-
tion of scientific ideas and theories, and of classifica-
tions.
This volume is a risume of lectures given at the
College de France in 1895. It is the first of a forth-
coming series, designed to include all departments of
psychology : the unconscious, percepts, images, voli-
tion, movement, etc.
Th. Ribot.
March, 1897.
'i-La parole is here, and subsequently, translated by speech: U mot by
words, ot language,— verbal language being throughout understood. — Trans.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THB LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. — ABSTRACTION PRIOR
TO SPEECH.
PAGB
Two forms of intellectual activity : association and dissocia-
tion.— Abstraction belongs to the second type. Its posi-
tive and negative conditions. It is a case of attention :
psychical reinforcement. — It is in embryo in concrete
operations : in perception, and the image. Its practical
character. — Generalisation belongs to the first type.
Problem of the frimum cognitum ; difference or resem-
blance ? — Hierarchy of general ideas : need of a notation.
Three great classes. — Lower forms of abstraction and
generalisation or pre-linguistic period, characterised by
absence of words i
ANIMALS.
Different observations. Numeration in animals ; what does it
consist of ? — Mode of formation and characteristics of ge-
neric images. Reasoning in animals. — Reasoning from
particular to particular : how this differs from simple as-
sociation.— Reasoning by analogy. — The logic of images :
its two degrees ; its characteristics. Does not admit of
substitution; always has a practical aim. — ;Discussion of
certain cases 1 1
CHILDREN.
Does intelligence start from the general or the particular ? A
badly-stated question. Intelligence proceeds from the in-
definite to the definite. — Characteristics of generic images
Vlll THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
PAGE
in children ; examples. — Numeration ; its narrow limits.
Difference between real numeration and perception of a
plurality 31
DEAF-MUTES.
These furnish the upper limit of the logic of images. — Their
natural language. Vocabulary. All their signs are ab-
stractions. Syntax of position ; disposition of terms ac-
cording to order of importance. —Intellectual level 39
ANALYTICAL GESTURES.
General classification of signs. — Gesture, an intellectual, not
an emotional, instrument ; its wide distribution. Syntax
identical with that of deaf-mutes. — Comparison between
phonetic language and language of analytical gesture. —
Reason why speech has prevailed 48
CHAPTER II.
SPEECH.
Language in animals. — The origin of speech ; principal con-
temporaneous hypotheses ; instinct, progressive evolution .
The cry, vocalisation, articulation. Transitional forms :
co-existence of speech and of the language of action ; co-
existence of speech and of inarticulate sounds. — The de-
velopment of speech. Protoplasmic period without gram-
matical functions. — Roots; two theories: reality, and resi-
due of analysis. — Did speech begin with words or with
phrases ? — Successive appearance of parts of speech. Ad-
jectives or denominations of qualities. The substantive a
contraction of the adjective. Verbs not a primitive phe-
nomenon; the three degrees of abstraction. — Terms ex-
pressive of relations. Psychological nature of relation,
may be reduced to change or movement. Function of
analogy 54
CHAPTER III.
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION.
Division into two classes according to the function of the word.
— First class. Words not indispensable, and only in a
TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX
PAGE
limited degree the instrument of substitution. — Difference
between generic imnges and lower concepts. Character-
istics of these two classes. Is there continuity between
the two ? Nature of the lower forms of intermediate ab-
straction, according to languages, numeration, etc. Con-
crete-abstract period. — Second class. Words are indis-
pensable and become an instrument of substitution. —
Difficulty in finding examples. — History of zoological
classification : pre-scientific period : Aristotle, Linnaeus,
Cuvier, etc., contemporary writers. Progress towards
unity 86
CHAPTER IV.
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. THEIR NATURE.
Object of the chapter : What is there in consciousness, when
we think by concepts ? — The general idea as a psychical
state may be reduced to varieties. Investigation of this
point : the method pursued. — Reduction to three princi-
pal types. Concrete type the most widely distributed.
Variation ; reply by association of ideas. Visual typo-
graphic type : printed words seen and nothing further. —
Auditory type ; less common. — Interrogations by general
propositions : same results. Investigation of cases in
which words exist alone in consciousness. Is it possible
to think with words only ? Role of unconscious knowl-
edge. General ideas are intellectual habits. — Natural
antagonism between the image and the concept. Its
causes. — Are there general ideas or merely general terms? iii
CHAPTER V.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS.
Section i. — The Concept of Number.
Return to lower phases : concrete and abstract. — Formation
of idea of unity. Hypotheses as to its experimental ori-
gin : touch, sight, hearing, internal sensations, attention.
Unity the result of decomposition, an abstract. — The
series of numbers. Process of construction. — Function
of signs : discussions of this subject 137
X THE EVOLUTION OE GENERAL IDEAS.
PAGE
Section II. — The Concept of Space.
Extension as a concrete fact. Variable and relative charac-
teristics.— Transition to concrete-abstract period. — Space
(abstract): the current popular conception the result of
imagination. Idle problems. — The true concept is the
result of dissociation. — The notion of "function." — Im-
agination of an infinite space. — Works on ideal geometry:
constructive power of the mind ; reinforcement of distinc-
tion between space as perceived and conceived 146
Section I J I. — The Concept of Time.
Real (concrete) duration : the present, its reality ; its experi-
mental determination : maximum and minimum. Repro-
duction of duration ; experiments ; indifferent point. —
Variable and relative characteristics. — Origin of concrete
notion of time : different hypotheses : external and inter-
nal sensations : presumption in favor of the latter. — Ab-
stract duration (time). First stage, depends on memory
and imagination only : corresponds (i) to generic images
(representation of duration among the higher animals),
and (2) to the concrete-abstract period (intermediate forms
of abstraction). Primitive races. Why has time (and not
space) been personified. — Second stage depends upon ab-
straction. Function of the astronomers : measure of time.
— Infinite time. — Current hypotheses as to the psycho-
logic process which constitutes the notion of time : sensa-
tions and consecutive images : sensations which are feel-
ings of tension, of effort. "Temporal signs." — Full and
empty time 159
Section IV. — The Concept of Cause.
Psychical elements constituting the concept. — Experiential
origin of the idea of cause : different solutions have all a
common basis. — Its primitive individual character. Its
extension. — Subjective and anthropomorphic period of
generic images. — Period of reflexion, partial elimination
of its subjective character, reduction to an invariable re-
lation.— The notion of universal causality is acquired and
remains a postulate. — Two ideas have hindered the devel-
opment of this last notion : that of miracles and that of
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XI
PAGE
chance. — Transformation of the notion of cause. Rule of
scientific research : its position is exterior. Identity of
cause and effect. — Present form of the principle of uni-
versal causality. — Two quite distinct notions of cause
(force, invariable relation), one of which is alone a con-
cept i8o
Section V. — The Concept of Law.
Objective value of general ideas. Two contrary theories.
Mere approximations to the psychologist. — Three periods
in the development of the notion of law. — Period of ge-
neric images. Primitive sense of the word law. — Period
of empirical laws, corresponding with the intermediate
forms of abstraction. Characteristics : identity of fact
and law ; complexity. — Period of theoretical or ideal laws,
corresponding to medium forms of abstraction. Its fea-
tures : simplicity, quantitative determination, ideal for-
mula 194
Section VI. — The Concept of Species.
Its value : contemporaneous discussion of this subject. Com-
ponent elements of the concept of species : resemblance,
filiation. Difiiculties resulting from polymorphism, from
alternate generation. — Races, varieties. — Temporary and
provisional objectivity. — Genera. Theories of Linnaeus
and Agassiz. — Shifting character of the classifications
above the species. — One common point between trans-
formists and their opponents : practical value of concepts.
Not realities, nor fictions, but approximations. — Laws and
species dependent on conditions of existence and varying
with them 203
CHAPTER VI.
CONCLUSION.
How was the faculty of abstracting and of generalising con-
stituted ? Two principal causes : utility, appearance of
inventors. — How has it developed ? Three principal di-
rections : practical, speculative, scientific. — Resume. ■ nec-
essary co-operation of two factors : the one conscious, the
other unconscious 216
CHAPTER I.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION.
ABSTRACTION PRIOR TO SPEECH.
SAVE in extremely rare cases, — supposing such to
occur at all, as perhaps in the instant of surprise,
and in states approximating to pure sensation, — save
in such extremely rare cases, where the mind, like
a mirror, passively reflects external impressions, intel-
lectual activity may always be reduced to one of the
two following types : associating, combining, unifying,
or dissociating, isolating, and separating. These car-
dinal operations underlie all forms of cognition, from ^__
the lowest to the highest, and constitute its unity of t/
composition.
Abstraction belongs to the second type. It is a
normal and necessary process of the mind, dependent
on attention, i. e., on the limitation, willed or spon-
taneous, of the field of consciousness. The act of
abstraction implies in its genesis both negative and
positive conditions, and is the result of these.
The negative conditions consist essentially in the
fact that we cannot apprehend more than one quality
or one aspect, varying according to the circumstances,
in any complex whole, — because consciousness, like
(
2 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
the retina, is restricted to a narrow region of clear
perception.
The positive condition is a state which has been
appropriately termed a "psychical reinforcement " of
that which is being abstracted, and it is naturally ac-
companied by a weakening of that which is abstracted
from. The true characteristic of abstraction is this
partial increment of intensity. While involving elim-
ination, it is actually a positive mental process. The
elements or qualities of a percept, or a representation,
which we omit do not necessarily involve such sup-
pression. We leave them out of account simply be-
cause they do not suit our ends for the moment, and
are complementary.^
Abstraction being, then, in spite of negative ap-
pearances, a positive operation, how are we to con-
ceive it? Attention is necessary to it, but it is more
than attention. It is an augmentation of intensity,
but it is more than an augmentation of intensity.
Suppose a group of representations a-\- b -\- c=d. To
abstract from b and r in favor of a, would ostensibly
give a = d — (b -}- c). If this were so, b and c would be
retained unaltered in consciousness ; there would be
no abstraction. On the other hand, since it is impos-
sible for the whole representation d to be suppressed
outright, d and c cannot be totally obliterated. They
subsist, accordingly, in a residual state which may be
termed x, and the abstract representation is hence not
a but a -\- X or A. Thus the elements of abstract rep-
resentations are the same as those of concrete repre-
sentations; only some are strengthened, others weak-
ISchmidkunz, Ue6er die Abstraction. Halle: Strieker, i88g. This little
work of forty-three pages contains a good historical and theoretical exposi-
tion of the question.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 3
ened : whence arise new groupings. Abstraction,
accordingly, consists in the formation of new groups
of representations which, while strengthening certain
elements of the concrete representations, weaken other
elements of the same.*
We see from the above that abstraction depends
genetically upon the causes which awaken and sustain
attention. I have described these causes elsewhere, '■'
and cannot here return to their consideration.
It is sufficient to remark that abstraction, like at-
tention, may be instinctive, spontaneous, and natural ;
or reflective, voluntary, and artificial. In the first
category the abstraction of a quality or mode of ex-
istence originates in some attraction, or from utility ;
hence it is a common manifestation of intellectual life
and is even met with, as we shall see, among many of
the lower animals. In its second form, the rarer and
more exalted, it proceeds less from the qualities of the
object than from the will of the subject ; it presupposes
a choice, an elimination of negligible elements, which
is often laborious, as well as the difficult task of main-
taining the abstract element clearly in consciousness.
In fine, it is always a special application of the atten-
tion which, adapted as circumstances require to ob-
servation, synthesis, action, etc., here functions as an
instrument of analysis.
iSchmidkunz, loc. cit. This author, who rightly insists upon the positive
character of abstraction (which is too frequently considered as a negation) ob-
serves that no concept, not even that of infinity, is in its psychological gene-
sis the result of negation, for, "in order to deduce from the idea of a finite
thing the idea of infinity, it is first necessary to abstract from that thing its
quality of finality, which is certainly a positive act ; subsequently, in order to
reach infinity, it is sufficient either constantly to increase the time, magni-
tude, and intensity of the finite, which is a positive process; or to deny the
limits of the finite, which is tantamount to denying the negation."
i Psychology of Attention. Chicago : The Open Court Publishing Co.
\
4 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
A deeply-rooted prejudice asserts that abstraction
is a mental act of relative infrequency. This fallacy
obtains in current parlance, where "abstract" is a
synonym of difficult, obscure, inaccessible. This is a
psychological error resulting from an incomplete view:
all abstraction is illegitimately reduced to its higher
forms. J The faculty of abstracting, from the lowest to
"the highest degrees, is constantly the same : its devel-
lOpment is dependent on that of (general) intelligence
and of language ; but it exists in embryo even in those
'primitive operations which are properly concerned
with the concrete, i. e. , perception and representation.
Several recent authors have emphasised this point. ^
Perception is par excellence the faculty of cognising
the concrete. It strives to embrace all the qualities
^Q of its object without completely succeeding, because
it is held in check by an internal foe, — the natural
tendency of the mind to simplify and to eliminate.
The same horse, at a given moment, is not perceived
in the same manner by a jockey, a veterinary surgeon,
a painter, and a tyro. To each of these, certain qual-
ities, which vary individually, stand in relief, and
others recede into the background. Except in cases
of methodical and prolonged investigation (where we
have observation, and not perception) there is always
an unconscious selection of some principal character-
istics which, grouped together, become a substitute
for totality. It must not be forgotten that perception
is pre-eminently a practical operation, that its main-
spring is interest or utility, and that in consequence
we neglect — i. e., leave in the field of obscure con-
sciousness— whatever at the moment concerns neither
1 See especially Hoeffding, Psychologie. German translation. Second
Edition, pp. 223 et seq
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 5
our desires nor our purpos'es. It would be superflu-
ous to review all the forms of perception (visual, aud-
itory, tactile, etc.), and to show that they are gov-
erned by this same law of utility ; but it should be
remarked that the natural mechanism by which the
strengthened elements and the weakened elements are
separated, is a rude cast of what subsequently be-
comes abstraction, that the same forces are in play,
and are ultimately reducible to some definite direction
given to the attention.
With the image, the intermediate stage between
percept and concept, the reduction of the object rep-
resented to a few fundamental features is still more
marked. Not merely is there among the different
representations which I may have of some man, dog,
or tree, one that for the time being necessarily ex-
cludes the others (my oak tree perforce appears to me
in summer foliage, tinted by autumn, or bereft of
leaves, — in bright light or in shade), but even this indi-
vidual, concrete representation which prevails over
the others is no more than a sketch, a reduction of re-
ality with many details omitted. Apart from the excep-
tionally gifted men in whom mental vision and men-
tal audition are perfect, and wholly commensurate (as
it would seem) with perception, the representations
which we call exact are never so, except in their
most general features. Compare the image we have
with our eyes closed of a monument, with the percep-
tion of the monument itself; the remembrance of a
melody with its vocal or instrumental execution. In
the average man, the image, the would-be copy of re-
ality invariably suffers a conspicuous impoverishment,
which is enormous in the less lavishly endowed ; it is
O THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
here reduced to a mere schema, limited to the infe-
rior concepts.
Doubtless it may be objected that the work of dis-
sociation in perception and representation is incom-
plete and partial. It would be strange and illogical
indeed if the abstract were to triumph in the very
heart of the concrete ; we do but submit that it is here
in germ, in embryonic shape. And hence, when ab-
straction appears in its true form, as the conscious-
ness of one unique quality isolated from the rest, it is
no new manifestation but a fruition, it is a simplifica-
tion of simplifications.
The state of consciousness thus attained, by the
fixation of attention on one quality exclusively, and
by its ideal dissociation from the rest, becomes, as we
know, a notion which is neither individual nor gen-
eral, but abstract, — and this is the material of gen-
eralisation.
The sense of identity, the power of apprehending
resemblances, is, as has justly been said, "the keel
and backbone of our thinking " ; without it we should
be lost in the incessant stream of things.^ Are there
in nature any complete resemblances, any absolutely
similar events? It is extremely doubtful. It might
be supposed that a person who reads a sentence sev-
eral times in succession, who listens several times to
the same air, who tastes all the four quarters of the
same fruit, would experience in each case an identical
perception. But this is not so. A little reflexion will
show that besides differences in time, in the varying
moods of the subject, and in the cumulative effect of
repeated perceptions, there is at least between the
first perception and the second, that radical difference
1 W. James, Psychology . Vol. L, p. 459.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 7
which separates the new from the repeated. In fact,
the material given us by external and internal experi-
ence consists of resemblances alloyed by differences
which vary widely in degree, — in other words, analo-
gies. The perfect resemblance assumed between
things vanishes as we come to know them better. At
first sight a new people exhibits to the traveller a well-
determined general type ; later, the more he observes,
the more the apparent uniformity is resolved into va-
rieties. "I have taken the trouble," says Agassiz, "to
compare thousands of individuals of the same species;
in one case I pushed the comparison so far as to have
placed side by side 27,000 specimens of one and the
same shell (genus Neretina). I can assure you that in
these 27,000 specimens I did not find two that were
perfectly alike."
Is this faculty of grasping resemblances — the sub-
strate of generalisation — primitive, in the absolute
signification of the word? Does it mark the first awak-
ening of the mind, in point of cognition? For several
contemporary writers (Spencer, Bain, Schneider, and
others) the consciousness of difference is the primor-
dial factor ; the consciousness of resemblance comes
later. Others uphold the opposite contention.^ As
a matter of fact this quest for the primum cognitum is
1 Herbert Spencer, Principles of Psychology. Vol. I., Part 2, Chapter H.—
Bain ( in the last chapter of Emotions and IVill ) says that nothing more fun-
damental can possibly be assigned as a mark of intelligence than the feeling
of difference between consecutive or co-existing impressions. "There are
cases, however, where agreement imparts the shock requisite for rousing the
intellectual wave ; but it is agreement so qualified as to be really a mode of
difference." For a review and ample discussion of this problem see Ladd's
Psychology, Descriptive and Explanatory, Chapter XIV. The earlier psychol-
ogists, in considering the " faculty of comparison" which acts by resem-
blance and difference, as primordial, had observed the same fact, although
they described it in diiferent terms.
8 THE EVOLUTION OI' GENERAL IDEAS.
beyond our grasp ; like all genetical questions, ii
eludes our observation and experience.
-^ No conclusion can be formed save on purely log-
ical arguments, and each side advances reasons that
carry a certain weight. There is, moreover, at the
bottom of the whole discussion, the grave error of
identifying the embryonic state of the mind with its
adult forms, and of presupposing a sharp initial dis-
tinction between discrimination and assimilation. The
question must remain open, incapable of positive so-
lution by our psychology. The incontestable truth
with regard to the mind, as we know it in its devel-
oped and organised state, is that the two processes
Sidvz.nce part passu, and are reciprocally causative.
In sum, abstraction and generalisation considered
as elementary acts of the mind, and reduced to their
simplest conditions, involve two processes :
I. The former, abstraction, implies a iiissociatiye
process, operating on the raw data of experience. It
has subjective causes which are ultimately reducible
to attention. It has objective causes which may be
due to the fact that a determinate quality is given us
as an integral part of widely different groups.
"Any total impression whose elements are never
experienced apart must be unanalysable. If all cold
things were wet and all wet things cold, if all liquids
were transparent and no non-liquid were transparent,
we should scarcely discriminate between coldness and
wetness and scarcely ever invent separate names for
liquidity and transparency What is associated
now with one thing and now with another tends to
become dissociated from either, and to grow into an
object of abstract conterhplation by the mind. One
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 9
might call this the law of dissociation by varying con-
comitants."^
2. The latter, generalisation, originates in associa-
t£on by resemblance, but even in its lowest degree it
rises beyond this, since it implies a synthetic act of
fusion. It does not, in fact, consist in the successive
excitation of similar or analogous percepts, as in the
case where the image of St. Peter's in Rome suggests
to me that of St. Paul's in London, of the Pantheon
in Paris, and of other churches with enormous dimen-
sions, of like architecture, and with gigantic domes.
It is a condensation. The mind resembles a crucible
with a precipitate of common resemblances at the
bottom, while the differences have been volatilised.
In proportion as we recede from this primitive and
elementary form, the constitution of the general idea
demands other psychological conditions which cannot
be hastily enumerated.
And thus we reach the principal aim of the present
work, which purports, not to reinforce the time-worn
dispute as to the nature of abstraction and generalisa-
tion, but to pursue these operations step by step in
their development, and multiform aspects. Directly
we pass beyond pure individual representation we
reach an ascending scale of notions which, apart from
the general character possessed by all, are extremely
heterogeneous in their nature, and imply distinct men-
tal habits. The question so often discussed as to
"What takes place in the mind when we are thinking
by general ideas?" is not to be disposed of in one
definite answer, but finds variable response according
to the circumstances. In order to give an adequate
reply, the principal degrees of this scale must first be
1 W. James, Psychology. Vol. I., pp. 502 and 506.
t^l
lO THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
determined. And for this we require an objective no-
tation which shall give them some external, though
not arbitrary, mark.
The first distinguishing mark is given by the ab-
sence or presence of words. Abstraction and general-
isation, with no possible aid from language, constitute
the inferior group which some recent writers have
designated by the appropriate name of generic images'^
— a term which clearly shows their interme^ate na-
ture between the pure image, and the general notion,
properly so-called.
The second class, which we have termed intermedi-
ate abstraction, implies the use of words. At their
lowest stage these concepts hardly rise above the
level of the generic image : they can be reduced to a
vague schema, in which the word is almost a super-
fluous accompaniment. At a stage higher the parts
are inverted : the representative schema becomes
more and more impoverished, and is obliterated by the
word, which rises in consciousness to the first rank.
IThis term is borrowed from the well-known works of Gallon on com-
posite photographs, which are scarcely more than twenty years old. Huxley
in his book on Hume (Chapter IV.) appears to be the first who introduced it
into psychology, as shown by the following passage : "This mental opera-
tion may be rendered comprehensible by consideringwhat takes place in the
formation of compound photographs — when the images of the faces of six
sitters, for example, are each received on the same photographic plate, for a
sixth of the time requisite to take one portrait. The final result is that all
those points in which the six faces agree are brought out strongly, while all
those in which they differ are left vague ; and thus what may be termed a
generic portrait of the six is produced. Thus our ideas of single complex im-
pressions are incomplete in one way, and those of numerous, more or less
similar, complex impressions are incomplete in another way; that is to say,
they are generic. . . . And hence it follows that our ideas of the impressions
in question are not, In the strict sense of the word, copies of those impres-
sions; while at the same time they may exist in the mind independently of
language." Romanes employs the word " recept" for ''generic images," as
marking their intermediate place between the "percept" which is below,
and the " concept " which is above them.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 1 1
Finally, the third class, that of the higher concepts,
has for its distinguishing mark that it can no longer
be represented. If any image arises in consciousness
it does not sensibly assist the movement of thought,
and may even impede it. Everything, apparently at
least, is subordinated to language.
This enumeration of the stages of abstraction can
for the present only be given roughly and broadly.
Every phase of its evolution should be studied in
itself, and accurately determined by its internal and
external characteristics. As to the legitimacy, the ob-
jective and practical value, of this schematic distribu-
tion, nothing less than a detailed exploration from one
end to the other of our subject, can confirm or over-
throw it.
We shall begin, then, with the lower forms, dwell-
ing upon these at some length, because they are usu-
ally neglected, or altogether omitted. This is the //-<?-
linguistic period of abstraction and generalisation :
words are totally wanting ; they are an unknown fac-
tor. How far is it possible without the aid of lan-
guage to transcend the level of perception, and of
consecutive images, and to attain a more elevated in-
tellectual standpoint? In replying empirically, we
have three fairly copious sources of information : ani-
mals, children who have not yet acquired speech, and
uneducated deaf-mutes.
ANIMALS.
It is a commonplace to say that animal psychol-
ogy is full of obscurities and difficulties. These arise
mainly with regard to the question now occupying
us ; for we are concerned with ascertaining, not
12 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
whether animals perceive, remember, and even, when
their organisation is sufficiently advanced, imagine
(which no one denies), but if they are capable in the
intellectual order of still better and greater achieve-
ments. The common opinion is in the negative ; yet
this may rest entirely upon ambiguity of language.
Without prejudging anything, we must interrogate
the facts to hand, and link them as closely as possible
in our interpretation.
As to the facts themselves we may be sparing of
detail ; they are to be found in special treatises, and
it is superfluous to repeat them in these pages. It is
moreover evident that a large portion of the animal
kingdom may be neglected. In its lowest regions it
is so remote from us, and has so obscure and scant a
psychology, that nothing can be learned from it. In
the higher forms alone can we have any chance of
finding what we seek, i. e., (i) equivalents of con-
cepts, (2) processes comparable with reasoning.
In the immense realm of the invertebrates, the
highest psychical development is, by general ac-
knowledgment, met with among the social Hymenop-
tera ; and the capital representatives of this group are
the ants. To these we may confine ourselves. De-
spite their tiny size, their brain, particularly among
the neuters, is remarkable in structure — "one of the
most marvellous atoms," says Darwin, "in all matter,
not excepting even the human brain." Injuries to this
organ, which are frequent in their sanguinary com-
bats, cause disorders quite analogous to those ob-
served in mammals. It is useless to recall what every
one knows of their habits : their organisation of labor,
varied methods of architecture, their wars, plundering
and rape, practice of slavery, methods of education,
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 1 3
and (in certain species) their agricultural labors, har-
vesting, construction of granaries,^ etc. We, on the
contrary, must examine the exceptional cases in which
the ants depart from their general habits ; for their
ability to abstract, to generalise, and to reason, can
only be established by new adaptations to unaccus-
tomed circumstances. The following may serve as
examples :
"A nest was made near one of our tramways,"
says Mr. Belt, "and to get to the trees, the leaves of
which they were harvesting, the ants had to cross the
rails, over which the cars were continually passing
and re-passing. Every time they came along a num-
ber of ants were crushed to death. They persevered
in crossing for some time, but at last set to work and
tunnelled underneath each rail. One day, when the
cars were not running, I stopped up the tunnels with
stones ; but although great numbers carrying leaves
were thus cut off from the nest, they would not cross
the rails, but set to work making fresh tunnels under-
neath them."
Another observer. Dr. Ellendorf, who has carefully
studied the ants of Central America, recounts a simi-
lar experience. These insects cut off the leaves of
trees and carry them to their nests, where they serve
various purposes. One of their columns was return-
ing laden with spoils.
"I placed a dry branch, nearly a foot in diameter,
obliquely across their path, which was lined on either
side by an impassable barrier of high grass, and
pressed it down so tightly on the ground that they
IFor details see Romanes, Animal Intelligence, Chapters III. and V. As
to the probability of their possessing means of communication for assistance
in their co-operative labors see below, Chapter II.
14 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL TPEAS.
could not creep underneath. The first comers crawled
beneath the branch as far as they could, and then
tried to climb over, but failed owing to the weight on
their heads. . . . They then stood still as if awaiting a
word of command, and I saw with astonishment that
the loads had been laid aside by more than a foot's
length of the column, one imitating the other. And
now work began on both sides of the branch, and in
about half an hour a tunnel was made beneath it.
Each ant then took up its burden again, and the
march was resumed in the most perfect order,"
They also show considerable inventiveness in the
construction of bridges. It appears from numerous
observations that they know how to place straws on
the surface of water, and to keep them in equilibrium
or unite their several ends together with earth, mois-
ten them with their saliva, restore them when de-
stroyed, and to construct a highway made of grains of
sand, etc. (Reaumur.) They even employ living
bridges: "The ground about a maple tree having
been smeared with tar so as to check their ravages,
the first ants who attempted to cross stuck fast. But
the others were not to be thus entrapped. Turning
back to the tree they carried down aphides which they
deposited on the tar one after another until they had
made a bridge over which they could cross the tarred
spot without danger."^
I shall cite no observations on the intelligence
of wasps and bees, but I wish to note one rudi-
mentary case of generalisation. Huber remarked that
bees bite holes through the base of corollas when
these are so long as to prevent them from reaching
the honey in the ordinary way. They only resort to
1 Romanes. Animal Tntdligcnce, Chapter IIL
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 1 5
this expedient when they find they cannot reach the
nectar from above ; " but having once ascertained
this, they forthwith proceed to pierce the bottoms of
all the flowers of the same species." Doubtless asso-
ciation and habit may be invoked here, but before
these were produced, was there not an extension of
like to like ?
For the higher animals I shall also restrict myself
to the upper types. We shall of course reject all ob-
servations relating to "performing" animals, all ac-
quirements due to education and training by man, as
also the cases in which, as in the beaver, there is a
perplexing admixture of instinct so called (a specific
property), and adaptation, varying according to time
and place.
The elephant has a reputation for intelligence
which may be somewhat exaggerated. His psychol-
ogy is fairly well known. We may cite a few charac-
teristic traits that bear upon our subject. He will
tear up bamboo canes from the ground, break them
with his feet, examine them, and repeat the operation
until he has found one that suits him ; he then seizes
the branch with his trunk and uses it as a scraper to
remove the leeches which adhere to his skin at some
inaccessible part of his body. "This is a frequent
occurrence, such scrapers being used by each ele-
phant daily." When he is tormented by large flies he
selects a branch which he strips of its leaves, except
at the top, where he leaves a fine bunch. " He will
deliberately clean it down several times, and then lay-
ing hold of its lower end he will break it off, thus ob-
taining a fan or switch about five feet long, handle in-
cluded. With this he keeps the flies at bay. Say
what we may, these are both really bona fide imple-
1 6 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
ments, each intelligently made for a definite pur
pose."
"What I particularly wish to observe," says an
experienced naturalist, "is that there are good rea-
sons for supposing that elephants possess abstract
ideas ; for instance, I think it is impossible to doubt
that they acquire through their own experience no-
tions of hardness and weight, and the grounds on
which I arnTe3 to think this are as follows. A cap-
tured elephant, after he has been taught his ordinary
duty, say about three months after he is taken, is
taught to pick up things from the ground and give
them to his mahout sitting on his shoulders. Now
for the first few months it is dangerous to require him
to pick up anything but soft articles, such as clothes,
because the things are often handed up with consid-
erable force. After a time, longer with some elephants
than others, they appear to take in a knowledge of the
nature of the things they are required to lift, and the
bundle of clothes will be thrown up sharply as before,
but heavy things, such as a crowbar or piece of iron
chain, will be handed up in a gentle manner ; a sharp
knife will be picked up by its handle and placed on
the elephant's head, so that the mahout can also take
it by the handle. I have purposely given elephants
things to lift which they could never have seen before,
and they were all handled in such a manner as to con-
vince me that they recognised such qualities as hard-
ness, sharpness, and weight."
Lloyd Morgan, who, in his books on comparative
psychology, is evidently disposed to concede as small
a measure of intelligence to animals as possible, com-
ments upon the above observation as follows:^
IC. Lloyd Morgan. Anitital Life and Inielligencf, Chapter IX., p. 364.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. I 7
"Are we to suppose that these animals possess
abstract ideas? I reply — That depends upon what is
meant by abstract ideas. If it is implied that the ab-
stract ideas are isolates; that is, qualities considered
quite apart from the objects of which they are charac-
teristic, I think not. But if it be meant that elephants,
in a practical way, ' recognise such qualities as hard-
ness, sharpness, and weight,' 2,% predominant elements
in the constructs they form, I am quite ready to as-
sent to the proposition."
I agree fully with this conclusion, adding the one
remark that between the pure abstract notion and the
"predominant " notion so called, there is only a dif-
ference of degree. If the predominant element is not
isolated, detached, and fixed by a sign, it is certainly
near being so, and deserves on this ground to be
called an abstract of the lower order.
The observation of Houzeau has been frequently
quoted respecting dogs, which, suffering from thirst
in arid countries, rush forty or fifty times into the hol-
lows that occur along their line of march in the hope
of finding water in the dry bed. They could not be
attracted by the smell of the water, nor by the sight
of vegetation, for these are wanting. They must thus
be guided b)' general ideas, which are doubtless of an
extremely simple character, and, in some measure,
supported by experience."
It is on this account that the term "generic im-
age " would in my opinion be preferable for describ-
ing cases of this character.
" I have frequently seen not only dogs, but horses,
mules, cattle, and goats, go in search of water in
places which they had never visited before. They are
guided by general principles, because they go to these
1 8 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
watering places at times when the latter are perfectly
dry.^ Undoubtedly it may be objected that associa-
tion of images here plays a preponderating part. The
sight of the hollows recalls the water which, though
absent, forms part of a group of sensations which has
been perceived many times ; but since the generic
image is, as we shall see later, no more than an al-
most passive condensation of resemblances, these facts
clearly indicate its nature and its limits.
I shall merely allude without detailed comment to
the numerous observations on the aptitude of dogs
and cats for finding means to accomplish their aims,
the anecdotes of their mechanical skill, and the ruses
(so well described by G. Leroy) which the fox and the
hare employ to outwit the hunter, "when they are
old and schooled by experience ; since it is to their
knowledge of facts that they owe their exact and
prompt inductions." The most intelligent of all ani-
mals, the higher orders of monkeys, have not been
much studied in their wild state, but such observa-
tions as have been made, some of which have been
contributed by celebrated naturalists, fix with suffi-
cient distinctness the intellectual level of the better
endowed. The history of Cuvier's orang-outang has
been quoted to satiety. The more recent books on
comparative psychology contain ample testimony to
their ability to profit by experience- and to construct
instruments. A monkey, not having the strength to
lift up the lid of a chest, employed a stick as a lever.
"This use of a lever as a mechanical instrument is an
action to which no animal other than a monkey has
IHouzeau, Etudes sur hsfacultes mentales des animaux. Vol. II., p. 264 et
Beq. The same author gives an example of generalisation in bees.
2 Darwin, The Descent 0/ Man, Vol. I., Chapter III.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 1 9
ever been known to attain." Another monkey ob-
served by Romanes, also "succeeded by methodical
investigation, without assistance, in discovering for
himself the mechanical principle of the screw ; and
the fact that monkeys well understand how to use
stones as hammers, is a matter of common observa-
tion." They are also skilful in combining their strat-
agems, as in the case of one who, being held captive
by a chain, and thus unable to reach a brood of duck-
lings, held out a piece of bread in one hand, and on
tempting a duckling within his reach, seized it by the
other, and killed it with a bite in the breast. "^
One mental operation remains which must be ex-
amined separately, and in its study we shall pursue
the same method, wherever it occurs, throughout this
work. The process in question has the advantage of
being perfectly definite, of restricted scope, com-
pletely evolved, and accessible to research in all the
phases of its development, from the lowest to the
highest. It is that of numeration.
Are there animals capable of counting? G. Leroy
is, I believe, the first who answered this question in
tlie affirmative, in a passage which is worth transcrib-
ing, although it has been often quoted. "Among the
various ideas which necessity adds to the experience
of animals, that of number must not be overlooked.
Animals count, — so much is certain ; and although up
to the present time their arithmetic appears weak, it
may perhaps be possible to strengthen it. In coun-
tries where game is preserved, war is made upon
magpies because they steal the eggs of other birds.
.... And in order to destroy this greedy family at a
blow, game-keepers seek to destroy the mother while
1 Romanes, loc. cit.. Chapter XVII.
'■J
20 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
sitting. To do this it is necessary to build a well-
screened watch-house at the foot of the tree where the
nests are, and in this a man is stationed to await the
return of the parent bird, but he will wait in vain if
the bird has been shot at under the same circum-
stances before To deceive this suspicious bird,
the plan was hit upon of sending two men into the
watch-house, one of them passed on while the other
remained ; but the magpie counted and kept her dis-
tance. The next day three went, and again she per-
ceived that only two withdrew. It was eventually
found necessary to send five or six men to the watch-
house in order to put her out of her calculation
This phenomenon, which is repeated as many times
as the attempt is made, is one of the most extraordi-
nary instances of the sagacity of animals." Since
then the question has been repeatedly taken up. Lub-
bock devotes to it the three last pages of his book
The Senses of Animals. According to his observations
on the nests of birds, one egg may be taken from a
nest in which there are four, but if we take away two,
the bird generally deserts its nest. The solitary wasp
provisions its cell with a fixed number of victims.
Sand wasps are content with one. One species of
Eumenes prepares five victims for its young, another
species ten, another fifteen, another twenty-four ; but
the number of the victims is always the same for the
same species. How does the insect know its charac-
teristic number?^
An experiment, methodically conducted by Ro-
manes, proved that a chimpanzee can count correctly
1 At the end of the passage in question there is an extraordinary account
of the arithmetical powers of a dog which Lubbock explains by "thought
reading." I omit this instance, since we are deliberately rejecting all rare
or doubtful cases.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 21
as far as five, distinguishing the words which stand
for one, two, three, four, five, and at command de-
liver the number of straws requested of her.^
Although the observations on this point are not
yet sufficiently varied and extended to enable us to
speak of them as we should wish, it must be remarked
that the cases cited are not alike, and that it would be
illegitimate to reduce them all to one and the same
psychological mechanism.
1. The case of insects is the most embarrassing.
It is but candid to state a non liquet, since to attrib-
ute their achievements to unconscious numeration, or
to some special equivalent instinct, is tantamount to
saying nothing. Besides, we are not concerned with
anything relating to instinct.
2. The case of the monkey and his congeners
stands high in the scale : it is a form of concrete nu-
meration which we shall meet again in children, and
in the lowest representatives of humanity.
3. All the other cases resemble the alleged "arith-
metic" of G. Leroy's magpie and similar observa-
tions. I see here not a numeration, but a perception
of plurality, which is something quite different. There
are in the brain of the animal a number of co-existing
perceptions. It knows if all are present, or if some
are lacking ; but a consciousness of difference be-
tween the entire group, and the diminished defective
group, is not identical with the operation of counting.
It is a preliminary state, an .introduction, nothing
more, and the animal does not pass beyond this stage,
does not count in the exact sense of the word. We
shall see further on that observations with young chil-
dren furnish proofs in favor of this assertion, or at
1 Mental Evolution in Man, Chapter III., p. 58.
L
22 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
least show that it is not an unfounded presumption,
but the most probable hypothesis.
We may now without further delay (while reserv-
ing the facts which are to be studied in the sequel to
this chapter) attempt to fix the nature of the forms of
abstraction, and of reasoning, accessible to the higher
animal types.
I. The generic image results from a spontaneous fu-
sion of images, produced by the repetition of similar,
or very analogous, events. It consists in an almost
passive process of assimilation ; it is not intentional,
and has for its subject only the crudest similarities.
There is an accumulation, a summation of these re-
semblances ; they predominate by force of numbers,
for they are in the majority. Thus there is formed a
solid nucleus which predominates in consciousness, an
abstract appurtenant to all similar objects ; the differ-
ences fall into oblivion. Huxley's comparison of the
composite photographs (above cited) renders it need-
less to dwell on this point. Their genesis depends
on the one hand on experience ; only events that are
frequently repeated can be condensed into a generic
image : on the other hand on the affective dispositions
of the subject (pleasure, pain, etc.), on interest, and
on practical utility, which render certain perceptions
predominant. They require, accordingly, no great
intellectual development for their formation, and
there can be no doubt that they exist quite low down
in the animal scale. The infant of four or five months
very probably possesses a generic image of the human
form and of some similar objects. It may be re-
marked, further, that this lower form of abstraction
can occur also in the adult and cultivated man. If,
e. g., we are suddenly transported into a country
THE LOWER FORMS Of ABSTRACTION. 2}
whose flora is totally unknown to us, the repetition
of experiences suggests an unconscious condensa-
tion of similar plants ; we classify them without
knowing their names, without needing to do so,
and without clearly apprehending their distinguish-
ing characteristics, those namely which constitute the
true abstract idea of the botanist.
In sum, the generic image comes half way between
individual representation, and abstraction properly so
called. It results almost exclusively from the faculty
of apprehending resemblances. The role of dissocia-
tion is here extremely feeble. Everything takes place,
as it were, in an automatic, mechanical fashion, in
consequence of the unequal struggle set up in con-
sciousness between the resemblances which are
strengthened, and the differences, each of which re-
mains isolated.
2. It has been said that the principal utility of ab- |
straction is as an instrument in ratiocination. We may--'
say the same of generic images. By their aid animals
reason. This subject has given rise to extended dis-
cussion. Some writers resent the mere suggestion
that ants, elephants, dogs, and monkeys, should be
able to reason. Yet this resentment is based on noth-
ing but the extremely broad and elastic signification
of the word reasoning — an operation which admits of
many degrees, from simple, empirical consecutiveness
to the composite, quantitative reasoning of higher
mathematics. It is forgotten that there are here, as
for abstraction and for generalisation, embryonic forms
— those, i. e., which we are now studying.
Taken in its broadest acceptation, reasoning is an
operation of the mind which consists in passing from
the known to the unknown ; in passing from what is
24 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
immediately given, to that which is simply suggested
by association and experience. The logician will
unquestionably find this formula too vague, but it
must necessarily be so, in order to cover all cases.
Without pretending to any rigorous enumeration,
beyond all criticism, we can, in intellectual develop-
ment, distinguish the following phases in the ascend-
ing order : perceptions and images (memories) as
point of departure ; association by contiguity, asso-
ciation by similarity ; then the advance from known
to unknown, by reasoning from particular to particu-
lar, by analogical reasoning, and finally by the perfect
forms of induction and deduction, with their logical
periods. Have all these forms of reasoning a common
substrate, a unity of composition? In other words,
can they be reduced to a single type — of induction ac-
cording to some, of deduction according to others?
Although the supposition is extremely probable, it
would not be profitable to discuss the question here.
We must confine ourselves to the elementary forms
which the logicians omit, or despise, for the most part,
but which, to the psychologist, are intellectual pro-
cesses as interesting as any others.
Without examining whether, as maintained by J.
S. Mill, all inference is actually from particular to
particular (general propositions being under this hy-
pothesis only simple reminders, brief formulae serving
as a base of operations) it is clear that we have in it
the simplest form of mental progress from the known
to the unknown. At the same time it is more than
mere association, though transcending it only in de-
gree. Association by similarity is not, as we have
seen, identical with formation of generic images ; this
last implies fusion, mental synthesis. So, too, tea-
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 25
soning from particular to particular implies something
more than simple association ; it is a state of expecta-
tion equivalent to a conclusion in the empirical order ;
it is an anticipation. The animal which has burned
itself in swallowing some steaming food, is on its
guard in future against everything that gives off
steam. Here we have more than simple association
between two anterior experiences (steam, burning) ;
and this state ''differs from simple associative sug-
gestion, by the fact that the mind is less occupied
with the memory of past burns than with the expecta-
tion of a repetition of the same fact in the present in-
stance ; that is to say, that it does not so much recall
the fact of having once been burnt as it draws the
conclusion that it will be burnt." ^
Otherwise expressed, he is orientated less towards
the past than towards the future. Granted that this
tendency to believe that what has occurred once or
twice will occur invariably, is a fruitful source of
error, it remains none the less a logical operation
(judgment or ratiocination) containing an element
more than association : an inclusion of the future, an
implicit affirmation expressed in an act. Doubtless,
between these two processes, — association, inference
from particular to particular — the difference is slight
enough ; yet in a study of genesis and evolution, it is
just these transitional forms that are the most impor-
tant.
Reasoning by analogy is of a far higher order. It
is the principal logical instrument of the child and of
primitive man : the substrate of all extension of lan-
1 J. Sully, The Human Mind, I., 460. The author gives excellent diagrams
to represent the difference in the two cases. For reasoning from particular
to particular, cf. also J. S. Mill, Logic, II., Chapter III., p. 3; Bradley, Log.c,
II., Chapter II., p. 2.
/>^n
26 THK EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
guage, of vulgar and empirical classifications, of
myths, of the earliest, quasi-scientific knowledge.^ It
is the commencement of induction, differing from the
latter, not in form, but in its imperfectly established
content. "Two things are alike in one or several
characteristics ; a proposition stated is true of the
one, therefore it is true of the other. A is analogous
to B; m is true of A, therefore m is true of B also."
So runs the formula of J. S. Mill. The animal, or
child, which when ill-treated by one person extends
its hatred to all others that resemble the oppressor,
reasons by analogy. Obviously this procedure from
known to unknown will vary in degree, — from zero to
the point at which it merges into complete induction.
With these general remarks, we may return to the
logic of animals or rather to the sole kind of logic
possible without speech. This is, and can only be,
a logic of images (Romanes employs a synonymous ex-
pression, logic of recepts), which is to logic, properly
so called, what generic images are to abstraction and
to generalisation proper. This denomination is neces-
sary ; it enables us to form a separate category,
well defined by the absence of language ; it permits
us, in speaking of judgment and ratiocination in ani-
mals, and in persons deprived of speech, to know ex-
actly what meaning is intended.
It follows that there are two principal degrees in
the logic of images.
I. Inference from particular to particular. The
bird which finds bread upon the window, one morn-
ing, comes back next day at the same hour, finds it
again, and continues to come. It is moved by an as-
l/« »■« analogy, consult Stern's monograph, Die Analogic im volksthutn-
lichen Denken, Berlin, 1894.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 1^
sociation of images, plus the state of awaiting, of an-
ticipation, as described above.
2. Procedure by analogy. This (at least in its
higher forms in animal int«lligence) presupposes men-
tal construction : the aim is definite, and means to at-
tain it are invented. To this type I should refer the
cases cited above of ants digging tunnels, forming
bridges, etc. The ants are wont to practise these
operations in their normal life ; their virtue lies in the
power of dissociation from their habitual conditions,
from their familiar ant-heap, and of adaptation to new
and unknown cases.
The logic of images has characteristics which per-
tain to it exclusively, and which may be summarised
as follows :
I. As material it employs concrete representations
or generic images alone, and cannot escape from this
domain. It admits of fairly complex constructions, but
not of substitution. The tyro finds no great difficulty
in solving problems of elementary arithmetic (such
as : 15 workmen build a wall 3 metres high in 4 days;
how long will it take 4 men to build it?), because he
uses the logic of signs, replacing the concrete facts by
figures, and working out the relations of these. The
logic of images is absolutely refractory to attempts at
substitution. And while it thus acts by representation
only, its progress even within this limit is necessarily
very slow, encumbered, and embarrassed by useless
details, for lack of adequate dissociation. At the same
time it may, in the adult who is practised in ratiocina-
tion, become an auxiliary in certain cases ; I am even
tempted to regard it as the main auxiliary of con-
structive imagination. It would be worth while to as-
certain, from authentic observations, what part it
Y
28 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
plays in the inventions of novelists, poets, and artists.
In a polemic against Max Muller, who persists in af-
firming that it is radically impossible to think and rea-
son without words, a correspondent remarks :
"Having been all my life since school-days
engaged in the practice of architecture and civil en-
gineering, I can assure Prof. Max Muller that design-
ing and invention are done entirely by mental pic-
tures. I find that words are only an encumbrance. In
fact, words are in many cases so cumbersome that
other methods have been devised for imparting knowl-
edge. In mechanics the graphic method, for in-
stance."*
... 2. Its aim is always practical. It should never
V' be forgotten that at the outset, the faculty of cogni-
tion is essentially utilitarian, and cannot be otherwise,
because it is employed solely for the preservation of
the individual (in finding food, distinguishing ene-
mies from prey, and so on). Animals exhibit only
applied reasoning, tested by experience ; they feel
about and choose between several means, — their se-
lection being justified or disproved by the final issue.
Correctly speaking, the logic of images is neither true
nor false ; these epithets are but half appropriate. It
succeeds or fails ; its gauge is success or defeat ; and
as we maintained above that it is the secret spring of
aesthetic invention, let it be noticed that here again
there is no question of truth or error, but of creating a
successful or abortive work.
Accordingly, it is only by an unjustifiable restric-
tion that the higher animals can be denied all func-
1 Three Introductory Lectures on the Science of Thought, delivered at the
Royal Institution, appendix, p. 6, letter 4 ; Chicago, 1888. It should, however,
be remembered that the writer who thus uses the logic of images has a mind
preformed by the logic of signs : which is not the case with animals.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 29
tions beyond that of association, all capacity for infer-
ence by similarity. W. James (after stating that, as
a rule, the best examples of animal sagacity "may be
perfectly accounted for by mere contiguous associa-
tion, based on experience"), arrives virtually at a
conclusion no other than our own. After recalling the
well-known instance of arctic dogs harnessed to a
sledge and scattering when the ice cracked to distrib-
ute their weight, he thus explains it : "We need only
suppose that they have individually experienced wet
skins after cracking, that they have often noticed
cracking to begin when they were huddled together
and that they have observed it to cease when they
scattered." Granting this assumption, it is none the
less true that associations by contiguity are no more
than the material which serves as a substratum for in-
ference by similarity, and for the act which follows.
Again, a friend of James, accompanied by his dog,
went to his boat and found it filled with dirt and
water. He remembered that the sponge was up at
the house, and not caring to tramp a third of a mile
to get it, he enacted before his terrier (as a forlorn
hope) the necessary pantomime of cleaning the boat,
saying: "Sponge, sponge, go fetch the sponge."
The dog trotted off and returned with it in his mouth,
to the great surprise of his master. Is this, properly
speaking, an act of reasoning? It would only be so,
says James, if the terrier, not finding the sponge, had
brought a rag, or a cloth. By such substitution he
would have shown that, notwithstanding their differ-
ent appearance, he understood that for the purpose in
view, all these objects were identical. "This substi-
tution, though impossible for the dog, any man but
the stupidest could not fail to do." I am not sure of
30 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
this, despite the categorical assertion of the author;
yet, discussioif apart, it must be admitted that this
would be asking the dog to exhibit a man's reason.^
As a matter of fact, notwithstanding contrary appear-
ances, James arrives at a conclusion not very different
from our own. " The characters extracted by animals
are very few, and always related to their immediate
interests and emotions." This is what we termed
above, empirical reasoning.^
G. Leroy said : "Animals reason, but differently
from ourselves." This is a negative position. We
advance a step farther in saying : their reasoning con-
sists in a heritage of concrete or generic images,
adapted to a determined end, — intermediary between
the percepts and the act. It is impossible to reduce
everything to association by similarity, much less by
contiguity, alone ; since such procedure results neces-
sarily in the formation of unchangeable habits, in lim-
itation to a narrow routine, whereas we have seen that
certain animals are capable of breaking through such
restrictions.
\ Psychology , II., 348 et seq. James, however, recalls the case of another
dog accustomed to find and carry wedges for splitting wood. One day he did
not return. After half an hour they looked for him; he was biting and tear-
ing at the handle of a hatchet stuck in a block (the wedge was not forthcom-
ing). Had this animal clear perception of the common character of the two
instruments used for splitting? "This interpretation is possible, but it
seems to me far to transcend the limits of ordinary canine abstraction."
[Loc. cit., p. 352.) James attempts another explanation. It is singular that he
does not invoke training, and association with man: that this is an influential
factor in the intellectual development of animals cannot be doubted. It is
advisable to adduce exclusively their spontaneous inventions, with no possi-
ble suggestion : such facts alone are clear and convincing.
2 Lloyd Morgan, whose tendencies have already been indicated, distin-
guishes three sorts of inferences: (i) unconscious inference on immediate
construction (perceptual); (z) intelligent inference (conceded to animals),
dealing with constructs and reconstructs (perceptual); and (3) rational infer-
ence, implying analysis and isolation (conceptual). (Op. cit,, p. 362.)
THE LOWER iOKMS OF ABSTRACTION. 31
ON CHILDREN.
We are here concerned with children who have
not yet learned to speak, and with such alone. In
contradistinction to animals, and to deaf-mutes when
left to themselves, infancy represents a transitory
state of which no upper limit can be fixed, seeing that
speech appears progressively. The child forms his
baby-vocabulary little by little, and at first imposes it
upon others, until such time as he is made to learn
the language of his country. We may provisionally
neglect this period of transition, studying only the
dumb, or monosyllabic and gesture phase.
The problem proposed at the end of the seven-
teenth century (perhaps before), which divided phi-
losophers into two camps, was whether the human
individual starts with general terms, or with particu-
lars. At a later time, the question was proposed for
the human race as a whole, in reference to the origin
of language.
Locke maintained the thesis of the particular :
" The ideas that children form of the persons with
whom they converse resemble the persons themselves,
and can only be particular."
So, too, Condillac, Adam Smith, Dugald Stewart,
and the majority of those who represent the so-called
sensationalist school.
The thesis of the general was upheld by authors of
no less authority, commencing with Leibnitz :
"Children, and those who are ill-acquainted with
the language they desire to speak, or the matter
whereof they discourse, make use of general terms,
32 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
such as thing, animal, plant, in lieu of the proper
terms which are wanting to them ; and it is certain
that all proper or individual names were originally ap-
pellative or general. " ^
The problem cannot be accepted under this form
by contemporary psychology. It is equivocal. Its
capital error is in applying to the embryonic state of
intelltgence and of language, formulae that are appro-
priate to adult life only — to the growing mind, catego-
ries valid for the formed intellect alone. A reference
to the physiology of the human embryo will render
this more intelligible. Has this embryo, up to three
months, a nose or mouth? Is it male or female? etc.
Students of the development of intra-uterine life in its
first phases are very cautious in propounding these
and similar questions in such a manner ; they do not
admit of definite answers. That which is in the state
of envelopment and of incessant becoming, can only
be compared remotely with that which is fixed and de-
veloped.
The sole permissible formula is this : Intelligence
progresses from the indefinite to the definite. If "in-
definite " is taken as synonymous with general, it may
be said that the particular does not appear at the out-
set ; but neither does the general in any exact sense :
the vague would be more appropriate. In other
words, no sooner has the intellect progressed beyond
the moment of perception and of its immediate repro-
duction in memory, than the generic image makes its
appearance, i. e., a state intermediate between the
particular and the general, participating in the na-
ture of the one and of the other — a confused simpli-
fication.
1 Nouveaux Essazs, Book IIL, Chapter I.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 33
Recent works on the psychology of infancy abound
in examples of these abstractions and inferior gener-
alisations, which appear very early. ^ A few examples
will suffice.
Preyer's child (aged thirty-one weeks) interested
itself exclusively in bottles, water-jugs, and other
transparent vases with white contents ; it had thus
seized upon a characteristic mark of one thing that
was important to it, to wit — milk. At a later period
it designated these by the syllable mom. Taine re-
cords an analogous case of a child to whom mm and
urn, and then nim at first signified the pleasure of see-
ing its pap, and subsequently everything eatable. We
are assisting at the genesis of the sign ; the crude
sound attached to a group of objects becomes at a
later period the sign of those objects, and later still
an instrument of substitution. Sigismund showed his
son, aged less than one year, and incapable of pro-
nouncing a single word, a stuffed grouse, saying
"bird." The child immediately looked across to the
other side of the room where there was a stuffed owl.
Another child having listened first with its right ear,
then with its left, to the ticking of a watch, stretched
out its arms gleefully towards the clock on the chim-
ney-piece (auditory, not vocal, generic image).
Without multiplying examples known to every
one, which give peremptory proof of the existence of
abstraction (partial dissociation), and of generalisa-
tion, prior to speech, let us rather consider the hete-
rogeneous nature of these generic images, the result
of their mode of formation. They are in fact con-
structed arbitrarily, — as it were by accident, depend -
ICf. Taine, Dlntelli'sence, Vol. I., Book I., Chapter II., Part 2, Note i.
Preyer, Dit Seele ties Kindes, Chapter XVI.
34
THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
J^^
ing partly on the apprehension of gross resemblances,
partly, and chiefly, on subjective causes, emotional
dispositions, practical interests. More rarely they are
based upon essential qualities.
John Stuart Mill affirms that the majority of ani-
mals divide everything into two categories : that which
is, and that which is not edible. Whatever we may
think of this assertion, we should probably feel much
astonishment if we could penetrate and comprehend
certain animal generalisations. In the case of chil-
dren we can do more than assume. Preyer's son em-
ployed the interjection ass (which he had forged or
imitated) first for his wooden horse, mounted on
wheels, and covered with hair ; next for everything
that could be displaced or that moved (carts, animals,
his sister, etc.), and that had hair. Taine's little girl
(twelve months), who had frequently been shown a
copy of an infant Jesus, from Luini, and had been
told at the same time, "That is the baby," would in
another room, on hearing anyone ask her, "Where
is the baby?" turn to any of the pictures or engrav-
ings, no matter what they were. Bady signified to her
some general thing : something which she found in
common in all these pictures, engravings of land-
scapes, and figures, i. e., if I do not mistake, some
variegated object in a shining frame. Darwin com-
municated the following observation on one of his
grandsons to Romanes :
"The child, who was just beginning to speak,
called a duck 'quack,' and, by special association, it
also called water 'quack.' By an appreciation of the
resemblance of qualities, it next extended the term
'quack' to denote all birds and insects on the one
hand, and all fluid substances on the other. Lastly,
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 35
by a still more delicate appreciation of resemblance,
the child eventually called all coins 'quack,' because
on the back of a French sou it had once seen the rep-
resentation of an eagle. "^
In this case, to which we shall return later, there
was a singular mixture of intellectual operations : cre-
ation of a word by onomatopoeia (resemblance) and
finally an unbridled extension of analogy.
Such observations might be multiplied. They
would only confirm this remark : the generic image va-
ries in one case and another, because the condensation
of resemblances of which it is constituted depends
often upon a momentary impression, upon most unex-
pected conditions.
The development of numeration in the child takes
us to some extent out of the pre-linguistic period ;
but it is advisable to consider it at this point. In the
first place we have to distinguish between what is
learnt and what is comprehended. The child may
recite a series of numerical words that have been
taught to him : but so long as he fails to apply each
term of the series correctly to a number of corres-
ponding objects, he does not understand it. For the
rest, this comprehension is only acquired slowly and
at a somewhat late period.
"The only distinction which the child makes at i^/^O'^
first is between the simple object and plurality. At (f'^
eighteen months, he distinguishes between one, two,
and several. At the age of three, or a little earlier, he
knows one, two, and four (2X2). It is not until later
that he counts a regular series ; one, two, three, four.
At this point he is arrested for some time. Hence the
Brahmans teach their pupils of the first class to count
1 Romanes, Mental Evolution in Man, p, 283.
36 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
Up to four only ; they leave it to the second class to
count up to twenty. In European children of average
intelligence, the age of six to seven years is required
before they can count to ten, and about ten years to
count to one hundred. The child can doubtless re-
peat before this age a numeration which it has been
taught, but this is not what constitutes knowledge of
numbers ; we are speaking of determining number by
objects."^ B. Pdrez states that his personal observa-
tions have not furnished any indication contradictory
to the assertions of Houzeau. An intelligent child of
two and a half was able to count up to nineteen, but
had no clear idea of the duration of time represented
by three days ; it had to be translated as follows :
"not to-day but to-morrow, and another to-mor-
row. "2
This brings us back to the question, discussed
above, of the numeration claimed for animals. Preyer
tells us of one of his children that "it was impossible
to take away one of his ninepins without its being
discovered by the child, while at eighteen months he
knew quite well whether one of his ten animals was
missing or not." Yet this fact is no proof that he was
able to count up to nine or ten. To represent to one-
self several objects, and to be aware that one of them
is absent, and not perceived — is a different thing from
the capacity of counting them numerically. If the
shelves of a library contain several works that are
well known to me, I can see that one is missing with-
out knowing anything about the total number of books
upon the shelves. I have a juxtaposition of images
(visual or tactile), in which a gap is produced.
For the rest, much light is thrown on this ques-
IB. P6rez, op. cit., 211. S Houzeau, op. cit., IL, 202.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 37
tion by Binet's ingenious experiments. Their princi-
pal result may be summarised as follows. ^ A little
girl of four does not know how to read or count ; she
has simply learnt a few figures and applies them ex-
actly to one, two, or three objects; above this she
gives chance names, say six or twelve, indifferently to
four objects. If a group of fifteen counters, and an-
other group of eighteen, of the same size, are thrown
down on the table, without arranging them in heaps,
she is quick to recognise the most numerous group.
The two groups are then modified, adding now to the
right, now to the left, but so that the ratio fourteen to
eighteen is constant. In six attempts the reply is in-
variably exact. With the ratio seventeen-eighteen,
the reply is correct eight times, wrong once. If, how-
ever, the groups are found with counters of unequal
diameter, everything is altered. Some (green) meas-
ure two and one-half centimetres, others (white) meas-
ure four centimetres. Eighteen green counters are
put on one side, fourteen white counters on the other.
The child then makes a constant error, and takes the
latter group to be the more numerous, and the group
of fourteen may even be reduced to ten without alter-
ing her judgment. It is not until nine that the group
of eighteen counters appear the more numerous.
This fact can only be explained by supposing that
the child appreciates by space, and not by number, by
a perception of continuous and not by discontinuous
size — a supposition which agrees with other experi-
ments by the same author to the effect that, in the
comparison of lines, children can appreciate differ-
ences of length. At this intellectual stage, numeration
is accordingly very weak, and restricted to the nar-
1 Cf . Revue Philosophique, July, 1890.
38 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
rowest limits. As soon as these are exceeded, the dis-
tribution between minus and plus rests, not upon any
real numeration, but upon a difference of mass, felt in
consciousness.
In children, reasoning prior to speech is, as with
animals, practical, but well adapted to its ends. No
child, if carefully watched, will fail to give proof of it.
At seventeen months, Preyer's child, which could not
speak a word, finding that it was unable to reach a
plaything placed above its reach in a cupboard, looked
about to the right and left, found a small travelling
trunk, took it, climbed up, and possessed itself of the
desired object. If this act be attributed to imitation
(although Preyer does not say this), it must be granted
that it is imitation of a particular kind, — in no way
comparable with a servile copy, with repetition pure
and simple, — and that it contains an element of inven-
tion.
In analysing this fact and its numerous analogues,
we became aware of the fundamental identity of these
simple inferences with those which constitute specu-
lative reasoning : they are of the same character.
Take, for instance, a scientific definition, such as that
of Boole, which seems at first sight little adapted to
this connexion. " Reasoning is the elimination of the
middle term in a system that has two terms." Not-
withstanding its theoretical aspect, this is rigorously
applicable to the cases with which we are occupied.
Thus, in the mind of Preyer's child, there is a first
term (desire for the plaything), a last term (posses-
sion); the remainder is the method, scaffolding, a
mean term to be eliminated. The intellectual process
in both instances, practical and speculative, is identi-
cal ; it is a mediate operation, which develops by a
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 39
series of acts in animals and children, by a series of
concepts and words in the adult.
DEAF-MUTES.
In studying intellectual development prior to
speech, the group of deaf-mutes is sufficiently distinct
from those which we have been considering. Ani-
mals do not communicate all their secrets, and leave
much to be conjectured. Children reveal only a tran-
sitory state, a moment in the total evolution. Deaf-
mutes (those at least with whom we are dealing) are
adults, comparable as such to other men, like them,
save in the absence of speech and of what results from
it. They have reached a stable mental state. More-
over, those who are instructed at a late period, who
learn a language of analytical signs, i. e., who speak
with their fingers, or emit the sounds which they read
upon the lips of others, are able to disclose their an-
terior mental state. It is possible to compare the
same man with himself, before and after the acquisi-
tion of an instrument of analysis. Subjective and ob-
jective psychology combine to enlighten us.
The intellectual level of such persons is very low
(we shall return to this) : still their inferiority has
been exaggerated, especially in the last century, by
virtue of the axiom, it is impossible to think without
words. Discussion of this antique aphorism is un-
necessary ; in its rigorous form it finds hardly any ad-
vocates of note.* Since thought is synonymous with
1 Max Miiller, however, is an exception. He has not made the smallest
concession on this point in any of his works, including the last {Three Lec-
tures, etc., cited above). He even maintains that a society o£ deaf-mutes
would hardly rise above the intellectual level of a chimpanzee. "A man born
dumb, notwithstanding his great cerebral mass and his inheritance of strong
intellectual instincts, would be capable of few higher intellectual manifesta-
tions than an orang or a chimpanzee, if he were confined to the society of
40 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
comparing, abstracting, generalising, judging, reason-
ing, i. e., with transcending in any way the purely
sensorial and affective life, the true question is not.
Do we think without words? but, To what extent can
we think without words? Otherwise expressed, we
have to fix the upper limit of the logic of images,
which evidently reaches its apogee in adult deaf-
mutes. Further, even in this last case, thought with-
out language does not attain its full development.
The deaf-mute who is left without special education,
and who lives with men who have the use of speech,
is in a less favorable situation than if he forms a
society with his equals. G^rando, and others after
him, remarked that deaf-mutes in their native state
communicate easily with one another. He enumer-
ates a long series of ideas, which they express in their
mimicry, and gestures, and many of these expressions
are identical in all countries.
"Children of about seven years old who have not
yet been educated, make use of an astonishing num-
ber of gestures and very rapid signs in communicating
dumb associates" (p. 92). This thesis was attacked by thirteen critics, in-
cluding Romanes, Galton, the Duke of Argyle, etc., but Max Miiller meets
them all and replies to them without flinching. It must be confessed that the
arguments invoked by his correspondents are very unequal in merit. Some
are convincing, others not. The Duke of Argyle says happily that "words
are necessary to the progress of thought, but not at all to the act of think-
ing." Ebbels (p. 13, appendix) shows that Max Miiller has unduly limited the
question by excluding all processes anterior to the formation of concepts ;
we think in images; the transition from one form to another is impercepti-
ble, and the faculty of abstraction does not appear suddenly along with the
signs. On the other hand, we cannot admit as evidence the facts invoked
by other correspondents, e. g., chess-players who combine and calculate
solely by the aid of visual images; answers to letters, conceived in the first
place as a general plan before they are developed in words, etc. It is forgot-
ten that the persons capable of these operations have had long practice in
verbal analysis, thereby attaining a high intellectual level. So, in the phy-
sical order, the practical gymnast, even when not executing any particular
feat, possesses a suppleness and agility of body, due to exercise, which trans-
lates itself into all his movements.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 4I
with each other. They understand each other naturally
with great facility. . . . No one teaches them the initial
signs, which are, in great part, unaltered imitative
movements."
The study of this spontaneous, natural language
is the sole process by which we can penetrate to their
psychology, and determine their mode of thought.
Like all other languages, it comprises a vocabulary
and a syntax. The vocabulary consists in gestures
which designate objects, qualities, acts ; these corres-
pond to our substantives and verbs. The syntax con-
sists in the successive order of these gestures and
their regular arrangement ; it translates the move-
ment of thought and the effort towards analysis.
I. Vocabulary — G^rando collected about a hun-
dred and fifty signs, created by deaf-mutes living in
isolation or with their fellows.^ A few of these may
be cited as examples :
Child — Infantile gesture, of taking the breast, or
being carried, or rocking in the cradle.
Ox — Imitation of the horns, or the heavy tread, or
the jaws chewing the cud.
Dog — Movement of the head in barking.
Horse — Movements of the ears, or two figures rid-
ing horseback on another, etc.
Bird — Imitation of the beak with two fingers of the
left hand, while the other feeds it ; or simulation of
flight.
^De I' Education des sourds-muets, 2 vol., 1827. Notwithstanding its some-
what remote date, the book has lost none of its interest in this particular. It
must also be remembered that institutions for deaf-mutes are far more nu-
merous now than at the beginning of the century, and that the children are
placed in them much earlier. Formerly they were abandoned to themselves
or instructed very late ; in proportion to their age, they presented better ma-
terial for the study of their development.
42 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
Bread — Signs of being hungry, of cutting, and of
carrying to the mouth.
Water — Exhibition of saliva, imitation of a rower,
or of a man pumping ; accompanied always by the
sign of drinking.
Letter (missive) — Gestures of writing and of seal-
ing, or of unsealing and reading.
Monkeys, cocks, various trades (carpenter, shoe-
maker, etc.) all designated by imitative gestures. For
sleep, sickness, health, etc., they employ an appro-
priate gesture.
For interrogation : expression of two contradictory
propositions, and undecided glance towards the per-
son addressed. This is rather a case of syntax than of
vocabulary; but a few signs may be further indicated
for some notions more abstract than the preceding.
Large — Raise the hand and look up.
Small — Contrary gestures.
Bad — Simulate tasting, and make grimace.
Number — Indicate with the help of the fingers ;
high numbers, rapid opening of the hand several times
in succession.
Buy — gesture of counting money, of giving with
one hand, and taking with the other.
Lose — Pretend to drop an object, and hunt for it in
vain.
Forget — Pass the hand quickly across the forehead
with a shrug of the shoulders.
Love — Hold the hand on the heart (universal ges-
ture).
Hate — Same gesture with sign of negation.
Past — Throw the hand over the shoulder several
times in succession.
Future — Indicate a distant object with the hand,
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 43
repeated imitation of lying down in bed and getting
up again.
It does not need much reflexion to see that all
these signs are abstractions as well as imitations.
Among the different characters of an object, the deaf-
mute chooses one that he imitates by a gesture, and
which represents the total object. Herein he pro-
ceeds exactly like the man who speaks. The differ-
ence is that he fixes the abstract by an attitude of the
body instead of by a word. The primitive Aryan who
denominated the horse, the sun, the moon, etc., the
rapid one, the shining one, the measurer (of months),
did not act otherwise ; for him also, a chosen charac-
teristic represents the total object. There is a funda-
mental identity in the two cases; thus justifying what
was said above : abstraction is a necessary operation
of the mind, at least in man ; he must abstract, be-
cause he must simplify.
The inferiority of these imitative signs consists in
their being often vague, with a tendency to the oppo-
site sense ; moreover, since they are never detached
completely from the object or the act which they fig-
ure, and cannot attain to the independence of the
word, they are but very imperfect instruments of sub-
stitution.
II. Syntax — The mere fact of the existence of a
syntax in the language of the deaf-mutes proves that
they possess a commencement of analysis, i. e., that
thought does not remain in the rudimentary state.
This point has been carefully studied by different
authors: Scott, Tylor, Romanes,^ who assign to it
the following characteristics :
1 Tylor, Early History of Mankind, p. 80. Romanes, Mental Evolution in
Man, Chapter VI.
44 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
1. It is a syntax of position. There are no "parts
of speech," i. e., terms having a fixed linguistic func-
tion : substantive, adjective, verb, etc. The terms
(gestures) borrow their grammatical value from the
place which they occupy in the series, and the rela-
tions between the terms are not expressed.
2. It is a fundamental principle that the signs are
disposed in the order of their relative importance,
everything superfluous being omitted.
3. The subject is placed before the attribute, the
object (complement) before the action, and, most fre-
quently, the modified part before the modifying.
Some examples will serve for the better compre-
hension of the ordinary procedure of this syntax. To
explain the proposition : After running, I went to
sleep, the order of gesture would be : to run, me, fin-
ished, to sleep. — My father gave me an apple : apple,
father, me, give. — The active state is distinguished
from the passive by its position : I struck Thomas
with a stick; me, Thomas, strike, stick. The Abb6
Sicard, on asking a deaf-mute. Who created God ?
obtained the answer : God created nothing. Though
he had no doubt as to the meaning of this inversion,
he asked the control question. Who makes shoes?
Answer, shoes makes cobbler.
The dry, bare character of this syntax is evident :
the terms are juxtaposed without relation ; it ex-
presses the strictest necessity only ; it is the replica
of a sterile, indistinct mode of thought.
Since we are endeavoring by its aid to fix an intel-
lectual level, it is not without interest to compare it
with a syntax that is frequent among the weak in in-
tellect. "These do not decline or conjugate; they
employ a vague substantive, the infinitive alone, or
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION, 45
the past participle. They leave out articles, conjunc-
tions, auxiliary verbs, reject prepositions, employ
nouns instead of pronouns. They call themselves
"father," "mother," "Charles," and refer to other
people by indeterminate substantives, such as man,
woman, sister, doctor, etc. They invert the regular
order of substantives and adjectives."^ Although
this is a case of mental regression, hence not rigor-
ously comparable with a mind that is sane but little
developed, the mental resemblance between the two
syntaxes, and especially the absence of all expression
of relations deserves to be signalised, because it can-
not be the result of a fortuitous coincidence. It is the
work of intellectual inferiority and of relative dis-
continuity of thought.
There is little to say about numeration in deaf-
mutes. When untrained, they can count up to ten
with the help of their fingers, like many primitive peo-
ple. Moreover (according to Sicard and G^rando),
they make use of notches upon a piece of wood or
some other visible mark.
To conclude, their mental feebleness, known since
the days of antiquity by Aristotle, by the Roman law
which dispossessed them of part of their civil rights,
later on by many philosophers who refused even to
concede them memory, arises from their inaptitude to
transcend the inferior forms of abstraction and kin-
dred operations. In regard to the events of ordinary
life, in the domain of the concrete (admitting, as is not
always done, that there are individual varieties, some
being intelligent, and others stupid), deaf-mutes are
sufficiently apt to seize and to comprehend the prac-
IKussmaul, Die St'drungen der Sprache, Chapter xxx.
46 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
tical connexion between complex things.^ But the
world of higher concepts, moral, religious, cosmolog-
ical, is closed to them. Observations to this effect are
abundant, though here again — as must be insisted on
— they reveal great individual differences.
Thus, a deaf-mute whose friends had tried to in-
culcate in him a few religious notions, believed before
he came under instruction that the Bible was a book
that had been printed in heaven by workmen of Her-
culean strength. This was the sole interpretation he
gave to the gestures of his parents, who endeavored to
make him understand that the Bible contains a reve-
lation, coming from an all-powerful God who is in
heaven. 2 Another who was taken regularly to church
on Sunday, and exhibited exemplary piety, only rec-
ognised in this ceremony an act of obedience to the
clergy. There are many similar cases on record. Oth-
ers on the contrary, seek to inquire into, and to pene-
trate, the nature of things. W. James ^ has published
the autobiography of two deaf-mutes who became pro-
fessors, one at the asylum of Washington, the other
in California.
The principal interest attaching to the first is the
spontaneous appearance of the moral sense. After
stealing small sums of money from the till of a mer-
iCf. as proof, the story related by Kussmaul [op. cit.,V\\.): A young
deaf-mute was arrested by the police of Prague as a vagabond. He was
placed in an institution and questioned by snitable methods, when he made
known that his father had a mill with a house and surroundings which he de-
scribed exactly ; that his mother and sister were dead, and his father had re-
married ; that his step-mother had ill-treated him, and that he had planned
an escape which bad succeeded. He indicated the direction of the mill to
the east of Prague. Inquiries were made, and all these statements were ver-
ified.
2 Roibanes, Mental Evolution, etc., p. iSo.
8W. James, Psychology, I., a66, for the second observation; Philosophical
Review, I., No. 6, p. 613 et seq. for the first
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 47
chant, he accidentally took a gold coin. Although
ignorant of its value, he was seized with scruple?,
feeling "that it was not for a poor man like him, and
that he had stolen too much" He got rid of it as best
he could, and never began again.
The other biography — from which we make a few
brief extracts — may be taken as the type of an intelli-
gent and curious deaf-mute. He was not placed in
an institution until he was eleven years old. During
his childhood he accompanied his father on long ex-
peditions, and his curiosity was aroused as to the ori-
gin of things : of animals and vegetables, of the earth,
the sun, the moon, the stars (at eight or nine years).
He began to understand (from five years) how chil-
dren were descended from parents, and how animals
were propagated. This may have been the origin of
the question he put to himself : whence came the first
man, first animal, first plant, etc. He supposed at
first that primaeval man was born from the trunk of a
tree, then rejected this hypothesis as absurd, then
sought in various directions without finding. He re
spected the sun and moon, believed that they went
under the earth in the West, and traversed a long
tunnel to reappear in the East, etc. One day, on
hearing violent peals of thunder, he interrogated his
brother, who pointed to the sky, aud simulated the
zigzag of the lightning with his finger; whence he
concluded for the existence of a celestial giant whose
voice was thunder. Puerile as they may be, are these
cosmogonic, theological conceptions inferior to those
of the aborigines of Oceanica and of the savage re-
gions of South America, who, nevertheless, have a
vocal idiom, a rudimentary language ?
To sum up. That which dominates among the bet-
48 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
ter gifted, is the creative imagination : it is the cul-
minating point of their intellectual development.
Their primitive curiosity does not seem inferior to
that of average humanity ; but since they cannot get
beyond representation by images they lack an instru-
ment of intellectual progress.
ANALYTICAL GESTURES.
The question of signs is so closely allied to our
subject — the evolution of general ideas — that we must
insist upon the language of gesture as an instrument
of analysis, before going on to speech — of which it is
an imperfect substitute.
St. George Mivart {Lessons from Nature) gives the
following as a complete classification of every species
of sign, omitting those that are written :
1. Sounds which are neither articulate nor ra-
tional, such as cries of pain, or the murmur of a
mother to her infant.
2. Sounds which are articulate but not rational,
such as the talk of parrots, or of certain idiots, who
will repeat, without comprehending, every phrase they
hear.
3. Sounds which are rational but not articulate,
such as the inarticulate ejaculations by which we
sometimes express assent to or dissent from given
propositions.
4. Sounds which are both rational and articulate,
constituting true "speech."
5. Gestures which do not answer to rational con-
ceptions, but are merely the manifestations of emo-
tions and feelings.
6. Gestures which do answer to rational concep-
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 49
tions, and are therefore "external" but not "oral"
manifestations of the verbum mentale.
This last group, the only one which concerns us
for the moment, would to my thinking be conveni-
ently designated by the term analytic gestures, as op-
posed to the synthetic gestures which manifest the
different modes of affective life, and constitute what
is called the expression of the emotions.
This language of gesture, intellectual and non-
emotional, which translates ideas, not sentiments, is
more widely distributed than is generally known,
among primitive peoples. It has been observed in
very distinct regions of our globe ; among the aborig-
ines of North and South America, the Bushmen, etc.
It is a means of communication between tribes who
do not speak the same language ; often, indeed, it is
an indispensable auxiliary to these indigent idioms.
The most important work on this subject is by an
American, Col. Mallery, who with indefatigable pa-
tience has collected and interpreted the gestures in
use among the Indians of North America. ^ This work
alone reveals the variety of sign-language, which
hardly ever leaves the region of practical life : de-
scription of the countries traversed, hints for travel-
lers, directions to be followed, distances, time re-
quired for halts, manner, habits, and dispositions of
tribes. We may cite a brief quotation, from another
author :
" Meeting an Indian, I wish to ask him if he saw six waggons
drawn by horned cattle, with three Mexican and three American
teamsters, and a man mounted on horseback. I make these signs :
\Sign-Lani^age Among the North Afnerican Indians, 1881. Published in
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington. Cf. also : Tylor, op. cit.i
Romanes, op. cit., VI. ; Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, Chapter VI. ; Klein-
paul, Ztitschriftfur Volkerpsych., VI., 353.
50 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
I point 'you,' then to his eyes, meaning ' see'; then hold up all my
fingers on the right hand and the forefinger on the left, meaning
'six'; then I make two circles by bringing the ends of my thumbs
and forefingers together, and. holding my two hands out, move my
wrists in such a way as to indicate waggon-wheels revolving, mean-
ing 'waggons'; then, by making an upward motion with each hand
from both sides of my head, I indicate ' horns,' signifying horned
cattle ; then by first holding up three fingers, and then by placing
ray extended right hand below my lower lip and moving it down-
ward, stopping it mid way down the chest, I indicate ' beard,
meaning Mexican ; and with three fingers again, and passing my
right hand from left to right in front of my forehead, I indicate
' white brow ' or ' pale face.' I then hold up my forefinger, mean-
ing one man, and by placing the forefinger of my left hand between
the fore and second finger of my right hand, representing a man
astride of a horse, and by moving my hands up and down, give
the motion of a horse galloping with a man on his back. I in this
way ask the Indian, ' You see six waggons, horned cattle, three
Mexicans, three Americans, one man on horseback ? ' The
time required to make these signs would be about the same as if
you asked the question verbally."'
Tyler says that the language of gestures is sub-
stantially the same all the world over, and this asser-
tion is confirmed by all who have practised and stud-
ied it. Its syntax resembles that of deaf-mutes, and
it is unnecessary to repeat it. The parable of the
Prodigal Son was translated by Mallery into analytic
gestures ; and from this language translated afresh
into the spoken tongue: "Formerly, man one, sons
two," etc., etc. The comparison of the two texts is
instructive : in the one, the thought unfolds itself by
a movement of complete analysis with relations and
shades of meaning : in the other, it resembles a line
of badly quarried blocks, put together without ce-
ment.
1 Lubbock, Tkt Origin of Civilisation and tht Primitive Condition of Man,
p. 417.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 5 1
After what has already been said, there is nothing
surprising in finding a fundamental analogy, or even
identity, between the language of deaf-mutes and the
analytic gestures of primitive peoples. It was indeed
pointed out by Akerly in an institution in New York
in the beginning of the century. G^rando gave a good
many examples,^ remarking that the "gestures of re-
duction," i. e., abridged gestures, are often enough
identical in the two cases. Mallery brought together
some Utah Indians, and a deaf-mute, who gave them
a long account of a marauding expedition, followed
by a dialogue ; they understood each other perfectly.
The language of analytical gesture is thus a sub-
stitute for spoken language, and this leads us to a
question which, though purely speculative, deserves
our attention for a moment.
At a time when it was almost universally admitted
that man is unable to think without words, Dugald
Stewart ventured to write: "If men had been de-
prived of the organs of voice or the sense of hearing,
there is no doubt that they would have invented an
alphabet of visible signs wherewith to express all
their ideas and sentiments." ^ This is no rash asser-
tion ; we have just seen proofs of it. But is this pan-
tomime-language susceptible of progress?
We can hardly doubt that if humanity, with its
proper cerebral constitution, had at the same time
been unable to speak, the language of analytic gesture
would, by the initiative of certain inventors, under
press of necessity, and by the influence of co-opera-
tion and of life in common, have advanced beyond
IG^rando, op. cit., II., note K, p. 203. Among the gestures that are iden-
tical under their double form may be noted stone, water, large, tall, to see,
finished, man, house, good, pretty, now, etc.
i Philosophy of the Human Mind, Ch, I., sect. 3.
52 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
the imperfect phase at which it has remained ; and
no one can say what it might have become in the ac-
cumulated effort of centuries. Speech, too, had to
traverse an embryonic period, and oral language de-
veloped slowly and painfully. At the same time it is
an exaggeration to say that "phonetic language as-
sumed its extraordinary importance almost by chance,
and that we cannot doubt that the language of mim-
icry, had it been fashioned by social relations during
secular ages, would be hardly inferior to speech in
force, facility, and variety."^ In fact, man had orig-
inally two languages at his disposal; he used the one
and the other interchangeably and simultaneously.
They helped each other in the development of ideas
that were as yet chaotic and vacillating. Under these
conditions, speech prevailed ; the language of gesture
remained only as a survival or a substitute. There
is nothing fortuitous in this : speech has won because
of its greater value.
First, iox practical reasons. And this is the capi-
tal factor, since the main point is to communicate
with one's fellow-men. The language of gesture —
besides monopolising the hands, and thus keeping
them from other work — has the great disadvantage of
not carrying far, and of being impossible in the dark.
To this we may add the reasons cited above : its
vague character, and (with regard to the abstract) its
imitative nature, which forbids emancipation, or com-
plete detachment, from the concrete, or the transla-
tion of that which cannot be represented. It is to be
remarked, however, that the invention of "reduced"
signs seems to be a transition from pure imitation to
symbolism, a first step in the path of emancipation.
IKleinpaul, loc. cit.
THE LOWER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 53
Speech, on the contrary, is transmitted to a dis-
tance, and challenges darkness. It is dependent upon
the ear, an organ whose sensations are infinite in
number and kind ; and in the finest expression of
ideas and of feelings, language participates in this
opulence. It lends itself to variety, delicacy, to an
extreme complexity of movement in a small space,
with very little effort. We are, for the moment, citing
physiological reasons only. But these will suffice to
show that the triumph of speech has not been fortui-
tous, but that it is a very special case of natural su-
premacy. ^
In conclusion, there is nothing to add as to generic
images, and the logic of images. The important part
which they play amongst children and deaf-mutes tes-
tifies to their extension and importance as inferior
forms of abstraction, without in anyway altering their
essential nature, as previously determined.
IWriting, ideography, originated in an analytical process analogous with
the language of gestures. Like the latter, it (i) isolates terms, (2) arranges
them in a certain order, (3) translates thought in a crude and somewhat
vague form. Curious examples of this may be found in Max Miiller's
Chips from a German Workshop, XIV. The aborigines of the Caroline
Islands sent a letter to a Spanish captain, as follows : Above, a man with
extended arms, sign of greeting. Below, to the left, the objects he has to
offer ; five big shells, seven little ones, three others of different forms. To
the right and centre, drawing of the objects wanted in exchange : three large
fish hooks, four small ones, two axes, and two pieces of iron.
CHAPTER II.'
SPEECH.
BEFORE we inquire into abstraction, as fixed and
expressed in words, — whether such words are the
complement of an actual or possible representation, or
exist alone in consciousness, as complete substitutes,
-^it is indispensable that we should study the origin,
and still more the evolution, of this new factor. Al-
though many linguists resolutely abstain from consid-
ering the origin of speech (which is certainly, like all
other genetic problems, beyond the grasp of psychol-
ogy), the question is so intimately allied with that of
the evolution of articulate language, allied again in
itself with the progressive development of abstraction
and of generalisation, that we should not be justified
in withholding a brief summary of the principal hy-
potheses relating to this subject, while limiting our-
selves to the most recent.
Launching forth then into this region of conjec-
ture— do we, in the first place, find among some ani-
mals, signs and means of communication which for
them are the equivalents of language ? In consider-
ing this point it matters little whether or no we accept
SPEECH. 55
the evolutionary thesis. It must not be forgotten, in
fact, that the problem of the origin of speech is only
a particular case of the origin of language in general :
speech being but one species among several others of
the facultas signatrix, which can only be manifested
in the lower animals in its humblest form.
There can be no doubt that pain, joy, love, impa-
tience, and other emotional states are translated by
proper signs, easy to determine. Our problem, how-
ever, is different ; we are concerned with signs of the
intellectual, not of the affective, life. In other words,
can certain animals transmit a warning, or an order,
to their fellows ? Can they muster them for a co-op-
erative act, and make themselves intelligible ? Al-
though the interpretation is necessarily open to the
suspicion of anthropomorphism, it is difficult not to
recognise a sort of language in certain acts of animal
life. Is it a priori probable that animals, which form
stable and well-organised societies, should be bereft
of all means of intercommunication and comprehen-
sion ?
With regard to ants, we learn from such observers
as Kirby and Spence, Huber, Franklin, that they em-
ploy a system of signs. To elucidate this point, Lub-
bock undertook a series of patient experiments, cer-
tain of which may be quoted.^ He pinned down a
dead fly so that no ant could carry it off. The first
that came made vain attempts to remove it. It then
went to the ant-hill and brought seven others to the
rescue, but hurried imprudently in front of them.
"Seemingly only half awake," they lost the track and
wandered alone for twenty minutes. The first re-
turned to the nest and brought back eight, who, so
1 Ants, Bees, and Wasps, VII. — Romanes, Animal Intelligence, IV.
56 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
soon as they were left behind by the guide, turned
back again. During this time the band of seven (or
at least some of them) had discovered the fly, which
they tore in pieces and carried off to the nest. The
experiment was several times repeated, with different
species, and always with the same result. Lubbock
concluded that ants were able to communicate their
discoveries, but without indicating locality. In an-
other experiment he placed three glasses at a distance
of thirty inches from a nest of ants. One of the
glasses contained two or three larvae, the second three
hundred to six hundred, the third none at all. He
connected the nest with the glasses by means of three
parallel tapes, and placed one ant in the glass with
many larvae and another ant in that with two or three.
Each of them took a larva and carried it to the nest,
returning for another, and so on. After each journey
he put another larva into the glass with only two or
three larvae, to replace that which had been removed,
and every stranger brought was imprisoned until the
end of the experiment. Were the number of visits to
all three glasses the same ? And if not, which of the
two glasses containing larvae received the greater
number of visitors? A difference in number would
seem to be conclusive as proving power of communi-
cation. The result was that during forty-seven and a
half hours two hundred and fifty-seven friends were
brought by the ants having access to the glass contain-
ing numerous larvae, while during an interval of fifty-
three hours there were only eighty strange visitors to
the glass containing two or three larvae ; there were
no visits to the glass containing none. Communication
for bees as for ants, appears to be made by rubbing
the antennae. If the queen is carried off in a hive.
SPEECH. 57
some of the bees are sure to discover it before long.
They become greatly agitated, and run about the hive
frantically, touching any companions they meet with
their crossed antennae, and thus spreading the news
through the whole community. The bee-hunters in
America discover them by choosing a clearing where
they catch a few wandering bees, which are then
gorged with honey and suffered to fly when replete.
These bees return with a numerous escort. The same
process is repeated with the new comers, and by ob-
serving the direction which they follow at their de-
parture, the nest is discovered.
As regards the higher animals, the truth (notwith-
standing the exaggerations of G. Leroy — who asserts
that when they hunt together, wait for one another,
find each other again, and give mutual aid, "these
operations would be impossible without conventions
that could only be communicated in detail by means
of an articulate language [j"zV]") is that we know sin-
gularly little about them. It is certain that, in addition
to sounds that translate their emotions, many species
have other means of communication. According to
Romanes^ the more intelligent dogs have the faculty of
communicating with one another, by the tone of bark-
ing, or by gesture, such simple ideas as "follow me."
This gesture is invariably the same ; being a contact
of heads with a motion between a rub and a butt, and
always resulting in a definite but never complex course
of action. In a troop of reindeer the leader makes
one sign for the halt, another for the march forward,
hitting the laggards one after another with his horns.
Monkeys are known to produce various sounds (the
gibbon compasses a complete octave), and several
\ Animal Intelligence, XVI., p. 445.
58 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
species will meet and hold a kind of conversation.
Unfortunately, notwithstanding recent researches, we
have only vague and doubtful data in regard to mon-
key language.
We know finally, that certain birds are able to ar-
ticulate, and possess all the material conditions of
speech, the faculty being indeed by no means uncom-
mon. Parrots do even more ; there is no doubt that
they can apply words, parts of sentences, and airs, to
persons, things, or definite events, without varying
the application, which is always the same.^ Associa-
tion by contiguity sufficiently explains this fact, but,
granting that they do not as a rule make a right intel-
lectual use of articulate sounds, they seem in certain
instances to attach to them the value of a sign. Ro-
manes actually observed a more extraordinary case,
implying generalisation, with apposition of a sound.
In the first instance, one of his parrots imitated the
barking of a terrier which lived in the house. Later
on, this barking became a denotative sound, the
proper name of the dog ; for the bird barked as soon
as it saw the terrier. Finally, at a still later stage,
it got into the habit of barking when any dog, known
or unknown, came into the house ; but ceased to bark
at the terrier. While distinguishing individuals it
therefore perceived their resemblance. "The parrot's
name for an individual dog became extended into a
generic name for all dogs."'
In short, the language of animals — so far as we
know it — exhibits a very rudimentary development,
by no means proportionate to that of the logic of im-
iThe most interesting of the many observations on this subject are those
of Dr. Wilks, F. R. S., published in the Journal ^ Mental Science, July, 1879.
i Mental Evolution in Man, p. 137,
SPEECH. 59
ages, and highly inferior to that of analytical gesture.
It throws no light, notwithstanding all that has been
said, upon the problem of the origin of speech.
In respect to this subject, which has excited hu-
man curiosity for centuries without satiation, there
appear to me (when we have eliminated old or aban-
doned hypotheses) to be only two theories which have
any solidity : the one presupposes instinct ; the other
a slow evolution.
I. It must be remarked that if the partisans of the
first theory seem at the outset to have frankly admit-
ted innate disposition (the fundamental characteristic
of instinct), it is more difficult to distinguish between
some of the later writers and the evolutionists.
Thus it has been said : speech is a necessary pro-
duct in which neither reflexion nor will participate,
and which is derived from a secret instinct in man
(Heyse). Renan sustained a similar thesis. For Max
Miiller, "man is born speaking, as he is born think-
ing"; speech marks the transition from (concrete) in-
tuitions to ideas ; it is a fact in the development of
the mind ; it is created with no distinct consciousness
of means and end." For Steinthal, on the contrary,
"language is neither an invention nor an innate pro-
duct ; man creates it himself, but it is not begotten of
the reflecting mind." Through all these formulae, and
others somewhat tinged with mysticism, we can dis-
cover but one point of fact, analogous to that which
states that it is in the nature of the bee to form its
comb, of the spider to weave its web. The last word
of the enigma is unconscious activity, and whether di-
rectly, or by evasions, this school must return to in-
nate faculties.
6o THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
A somewhat recent theory, — that of L. Noird/ —
is distinct from the foregoing. In these, speech is
the direct (although, it is true, unconscious) expres-
sion of intelligence ; for Noir6, on the other hand, it
is the outcome of will. "Language is the result of
association, of community of feeling, of a sympathetic
activity which, at the outset, was accompanied by
sounds . . . . ; it is the child of will and not of sensa-
tion." Speech is derived from community of action,
from the collaboration of primitive men, from the com-
mon use of their activities. When our muscles are in
action, we feel it a relief to utter sounds. The men
who work together, the peasants who dig or thresh the
grain, sailors rowing, soldiers marching, emit more or
less vibrant articulations, sounds, exclamations, hum-
ming, songs, etc. These sounds present the requisite
characters of the constitution of articulate language ;
they are common to all ; they are intelligible, being as-
sociated by all with the same acts. Action, according
to Noir^, is the primitive element in all language.
Human labor is the content of primitive roots ; to
cut, knock, dig, hollow, weave, row, etc. Although
Max Muller adhered almost unreservedly to this hy-
pothesis, it has, like all others, encountered much crit-
icism which we need not dwell on. Is it probable, it
has been asked, that the first names should have been
for acts only, not for objects ? How explain the
synonyms and homonyms so frequent in primitive lan-
guage ? etc.
II. The hypothesis of a progressive evolution of
speech, while dating from antiquity, has only taken a
consistent form in our own days, under the influence
of transformist doctrines. The work of anthropolo-
1 Dtr Ursprung der Sprache (1877). Fr. Muller maintained a similar view.
SPEECH. 6l
gists and of linguists, above all of the former, it finds
support in the study of inferior idioms and of the
comparative method. Its fundamental thesis is that
articulate language is the result of a long elaboration,
lasting for centuries, in which we may with some
probability reconstitute the stages. While its authors
are not in complete agreement it may be said that,
generally speaking, they admit three periods : the cry,
vocalisation, articulation.
The cry is the primordial fact, the pure animal
language, a simple vocal aspiration, without articula-
tion. It is either reflex, expressing needs and emo-
tions, or, at a stage higher, intentional (to call, warn,
menace, etc.). It has been said that the speechless-
ness of animals is due to the imperfection of their aud-
itory [?] organs, and want of organic correspondence
between their acoustic images and the muscular move-
ments that produce sound : but the cause of this
aphasia must also, and above all, be referred to their
weak cerebral development ; this applies also to prim-
itive man. "What function could words have ful-
filled when the anthropoid of the Neanderthal or the
Naulette roamed, naked and solitary, from ditch to
ditch, through the thick atmosphere, over marshy
soil, stone in hand, seeking edible plants or berries,
or the trail of females as savage as himself?"^ It is in-
telligence that creates its instruments, as well speech
as all the rest.
Vocalisation (emission of vowels only) does not in
itself contain the essential elements of speech. Many
animals practise it ; our vowels, long or short, even
our diphthongs, can readily be recognised in the voice
1 A. Leffevre, Let races et les langues {Bibliothique scientifique internatio-
niile), pp. 5-6.
62 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
of different species (dog, cat, horse, birds in large
numbers, etc.). In the child, it succeeds the period
of the simple cry ; and since it is admitted that the
development of the individual hints at that of the
race; that, moreover, many primitive languages or
rudimentary idioms (as such, near the time of their
origin) are very rich in vowels, — it has been concluded
that there existed a longer or shorter period inter-
mediate between those of the cry and of articulation
(this thesis has close affinities with the theory of Dar-
win, Spencer, etc., which has been rejected by other
evolutionists) ; that speech is derived from song, in-
tellectual language from emotional language ; in
other words, that man could sing before he could
speak. Various facts are alleged in support of this
theory: (i) In monosyllabic languages, which are
generally held to be the most ancient, the accent
plays a cardinal role ; the same syllable, according to
the tone which accompanies it, takes on the most
widely different meanings. Such is the case of the
Chinese. In Siamese, /ia = to seek; A^ = plague; hd.
= five, (2) Other languages in which intonation is of
less importance, are nevertheless in close relation
with song, and by reason of their vocabulary and of
the grammatical construction, modulation is necessary
for giving a complete sense to the words and phrases.
(3) Even in our own languages, which are completely
dissociated from song, the voice is not even in tone ;
it can be greatly modified according to circumstances.
Helmholtz showed that for such banal phrases as "I
have been for a walk," " Have you been for a walk?"
the voice drops a quarter-tone for the affirmation, and
rises a fifth for the interrogation. H. Spencer called
attention to several facts of the same order, all com-
SPEECH. 63
monplace. (4) The impassioned language of emotion
resembles song: the voice returns to its original form;
"it tends," according to Darwin, "to assume a musi-
cal character, in virtue of the principle of associa-
tion."
Whatever may be the force of this reasoning, con
elusive for some, doubtful for others, the conditions
necessary to the existence of speech arose with artic-
ulation only, consonants being its firmest element.
The origin of speech has been much disputed. Ro-
manes invokes natural selection: "The first articu-
lation probably consisted in nothing further than a
semiotic breaking of vocal tones, in a manner resem-
bling that which still occurs in the so-called 'chatter-
ing' of monkeys, — the natural language for the ex-
pression of their mental states. "^ It should, however,
be noted that the question, under this form, has
merely a physiological interest. The voice is as nat-
ural to man as are the movements of his limbs ; be-
tween simple voice and articulate voice there is but
the same distance as between the irregular movements
of the limbs of the newly born, and such well-co-ordi-
nated movements as walking. Articulation is merely
one of the forms of expression : it is so little human
that it is met with, as we have seen, among many of
the lower animals. The true psychological problem lies ^^
elsewhere: in the employment of articulate sounds as \
objective signs, and the attaching of these to objects /
with which they are related by no natural tie.
Geiger in his Ur sprung der Sprache (1878) brought
forward a hypothesis which has been sustained by
other authors. It may be summed up as follows :
words are an imitation of the movements of the
\Loc, cit., 372,
64 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
mouth. The predominant sense in man is that of
sight; man is pre-eminently visual. Prior to the ac-
quisition of speech, he communicated with his fellows
by the aid of gestures, and movements of the mouth
and face ; he appealed to their eyes. Their facial
"grimaces," fulfilled and elucidated by gesture, be-
came signs for others ; they fixed their attention on
them. When articulate sounds came into being, these
lent themselves to a more or less conventional lan-
guage by reason of their acquired importance. For
support of this hypothesis, we are referred to the case
of non-educated deaf-mutes. These invent articulate
sounds (which of course they cannot hear), and use
them to designate certain things. While many of
these words appear to be an arbitrary creation (e. g.,
^a^one, ricke=^\ will not, etc.), others result from
the imitation by their mouth of the movements per-
ceived on the mouth of others. Such are mumm = to
eat; chipp^=-lo drink; ^^-jj'r^: barking of a dog, etc.^
Why should primitive man have done less than the
deaf-mute, when he not only saw the movements but
heard the sounds to boot?
To conclude with a subject in which individual
hypotheses abound, and which for us is only of indi-
rect interest, we may summarise the sketch given re-
cently enough (1888) by one of the principal partisans
of the evolutionary theory:
"Starting from the highly intelligent and social
species of anthropoid ape as pictured by Darwin, we
can imagine that this animal was accustomed to use
its voice freely for the expression of its emotions,
uttering of danger-signals, and singing. Possibly
enough also it may have been sufficiently intelligent
IHeinicke, Beobachtungen iibtr Stumme, 75, 137.
SPEECH. 65
to use a few imitative sounds; and certainly sooner
or later the receptual life of this social animal must
have advanced far enough to have become compar-
able with that of an infant at about two years of age.
That is to say, this animal, although not yet having
begun to use articulate signs, must have advanced far
enough in the conventional use of natural signs (or
signs with a natural origin in tone and gesture, whether
spontaneous only or intentionally imitative) to have
admitted of a tolerably free exchange of receptual
ideas, such as would be concerned in animal wants,
and even, perhaps, in the simplest forms of co-opera-
tive action. Next, I think it probable that the ad-
vance of receptual intelligence which would have been
occasioned by this advance in sign-making, would in
turn have led to a further development of the latter,
— the two thus acting and reacting on each other
until the language of tone and gesture became gradu-
ally raised to the level of imperfect pantomime, as in
children before they begin to use words. At this
stage, however, or even before it, I think very prob-
ably vowel-sounds must have been employed in tone-
language, if not also a few of the consonants. Event-
ually the action and reaction of receptual intelligence
and conventional sign-making must have ended in so
far developing the former as to have admitted of the
breaking up (or articulation) of vocal sounds, as the
only direction in which any further improvement of
vocal sign-making was possible. I think it not im-
probable that this important stage in the development
of speech was greatly assisted by the already existing
habit of articulating musical notes, supposing our
progenitors to have resembled the gibbons or the
chimpanzees in this respect. But long after this first
J
66 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
rude beginning of articulate speech, the language of
tone and gesture would have continued as much the
most important machinery of communication. Even
if we were able to strike in again upon the history
thousands of years later, we should find that panto-
mime had been superseded by speech. I believe it
was an inconceivably long time before this faculty of
articulate sign-making had developed sufficiently far
to begin to starve out the more primitive and natural
systems ; and I believe that, even after this starving-
out process did begin, another inconceivable lapse of
time must have been required for such progress to
have eventually transformed Homo alalus into Homo
sapiens. "^
Among all these hypotheses we may choose or not
choose ; and while we have dwelt briefly on this de-
bated problem, whose literature is copious, we may
yet have said too much on what is mere conjecture.
One certain fact remains, that — notwithstanding
the theory by which speech is likened to an instinct
breaking forth spontaneously in man — it was at its
origin so weak, so inadequate and poor, that it per-
force leaned upon the language of gesture to become
intelligible. Specimens of this mixed language are
still surviving among inferior races that have nothing
in common between them, inhabiting regions of the
earth with no common resemblances.
In some cases speech coexists with the language
of action (Tasmanians, Greenlanders, savage tribes of
Brazil, Grebos of Western Africa, etc.). Gesture is
here indispensable for giving precision to the vocal
sounds ; it may even modify the sense. Thus, in one
of these idioms, ni 7te signifies " I do it," or "You do
1 Romanes, Mental Evolution in Man, pp. 377-379.
SPEECH. 67
it," according to the gesture of the speaker. The
Bushman vocabulary is so incomplete and has to be
reinforced by so many mimic signs, that it cannot be
understood in the dark. In order to converse at night,
the tribe is obliged to gather round the fire.
In other cases, speech coexists with inarticulate
sounds (Fuegians, Hottentots, certain tribes of North
America) which travellers have compared, respec-
tively, to clinking and clapping. These sounds have
been classified according to the physiological process
by which they are produced, into four (or even six)
species : dental, palatal, cerebral, lateral ; it is im-
possible to translate them by an articulated equiv-
alent. "Their clappings survive," says Sayce, "as
though to show us how man, when deprived of speech,
can fix and transmit his thought by certain sounds."
Among the Gallas, the orator haranguing the assem-
bly marks the punctuation of his discourse by cracking
a leather thong. The blow, according to its force,
indicates a comma, semi-colon, or stop ; a violent
blow makes an exclamation.^
It was advisable to recall these mixed states in
which articulate language had not yet left its primi-
tive vein. They are transitional forms between pure
pantomime and the moment when speech conquered
its complete independence.
II.
In passing from the origin of speech to the study
of its development, we enter upon firmer ground.
Although this development has not occurred uniformly
in every race, and the linguists — who are here our
1 For documents, consult especially Tyler, Primitive Culture, V ; Sayc
Principles 0/ Comparative Philology}', I., § 17.
68 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
guides — do not always agree in fixing its phases, it is
nevertheless the surest indication of the march of the
human mind in its self-analysis in passing from ex-
treme confusion to deliberate differentiation ; while
the materials are sufficiently abundant to admit of an
objective study of intellectual psychogenesis, based
upon language.
This attempt has nothing in common with the
" general or philosophical grammar " of the beginning
of this century. The Idealogues who founded this
had the pretension, while taking language as their
basis, to analyse the fundamental categories of intelli-
gence : substance, quality, action, relation. A laud-
able enterprise, but one which, by reason of the
method employed, could only be abortive. Knowing
only the classical or modern languages, the products
of a long civilisation, they had no suspicion of the
embryonic phases ; accordingly, they made a theoret-
ical construction, the work of logicians rather than of
psychologists. Any positive genetic investigation was
inaccessible to them ; they were lacking in material,
and in instruments. If by a comparison borrowed
from geology, the adult languages are assimilated to
the quaternary layer ; the tertiary, secondary, and
primary strata will correspond with certain idioms of
less and less complexity, which themselves contain
the fossils of psychology. These lower forms — the
semi-organised or savage languages which are a hun-
dred times more numerous than the civilised lan-
guages— are now familiar to us ; hence there is an
immense field for research and comparison. This re-
trogression to the primitive leads to a point that sev-
eral linguists have designated by a term borrowed
from biology: it is the protoplasmic state "without
SPEECH. 69
functions of grammatical categories " (Hermann Paul).
How is it that speech issued from this undifferentiated
state, and constituted little by little its organs and
functions? This question is interesting to the linguist
on certain sides, to the psychologist on others. For
us it consists in seeking how the human mind, through
long groping, conquered and perfected its instrument
of analysis.
I. At the outset of this evolution, which we are to
follow step by step, we find the hypothesis of a prim-
itive period, that of the roots so called, and it is worth
our while to pause over this a little. Roots — whatever
may be our opinion as to their origin— are in effect
general terms. But in what sense?
Chinese consists of 500 monosyllables which,
thanks to varieties of intonation, sufficed for the con-
struction of the spoken language ; Hebrew, according
to Renan, has about 500 roots ; for Sanskrit there is
no agreement. According to a bold hypothesis of Max
Miiller, it is reducible to 121, perhaps less, and "these
few seeds have produced the enormous intellectual
vegetation that has covered the soil of India from the
most distant antiquity to the present day. "^ What-
ever their number may be, the question for us re-
duces itself into knowing their primitive intellectual
content, their psychological value. Here we are con-
fronted by two very different theses. For one camp,
roots are a reality ; for the other, they are the simple
residuum of analysis.
"Roots are the phonetic types produced by a force
inherent in the human mind ; they were created by
nature," etc., etc. Thus speaks Max Muller. Whitney,
who is rarely of the same mind, says, notwithstanding,
IThis list may be found in The Science of Thought, p. 406.
70 THE EVOLUTION OK GENERAL IDEAS.
that all the Indo-European languages are descended
from one primitive, monosyllabic language, "that our
ancestors talked with one another in simple syllables
indicative of ideas of prime importance, but wanting
all designation of their relations."
In the other camp it is sustained that roots are the
result of learned analysis, but that there is nothing to
prove that they really existed (Sayce) ; that they are
reconstructed by comparison and generalisation ; that,
e. g., in the Aryan languages, roots bear much the
same relation to Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin words as
Platonic ideas to the objects of the real world"
(Br^al). It has been calculated that the number of
articulate sounds which the human voice is capable
of producing amounts to three hundred and eighty-
five. These sounds, for physiological reasons, con-
stitute a fundamental theme in the various words
created by man. Later on, linguists in comparing
the vocables used in different languages, established
the frequent recurrence of certain sounds common to
several words. These have been isolated, but we
must not see in them aught besides extracts. More-
over, "the first stammerings of man have nothing in
common with phonetic types so arrested in form and
abstract in signification, as dlid, to place, vid, to see,
man, to think, and other analogous words."
To sum up. In the first thesis roots come into
existence, ab initio ; words are derived from them by
reduplication, flexions, affixes, suffixes, etc. ; they are
the trunk upon which a whole swarm of languages has
proliferated.
In the second thesis, words come first ; then the
common element disengaged by analysis, but which
SPEECH. 71
never existed as such in the pure and primitive con-
dition.
Whether the one opinion or the other be adopted,
I see no conclusion to be drawn from it save that the
first terms designated qualities or manners of being,
varying with the race. The first thesis seems the
more apt in revealing to us the primitive forms of ab-
straction and generalisation. If it be selected despite
its fragility, one finds in the list of roots (even when
most reduced) an extraordinary mixture of terms ap-
plied to the most disparate things (e. g., tears, break,
measure, milk, to choose, to clean, to vomit, cold, to
fear, etc.). To assert with Max Muller (from whom
I borrow the preceding terms) that "these are the
one hundred and twenty-one original concepts, the
primitive intellectual baggage of the Aryan family"
is to employ an unfortunate formula, for nothing could
less resemble concepts than the contents of this list.
If the second thesis be adopted, the root then being
nothing but '' the exposed kernel of a family of words,"
"a phonogram," analogous to composite photographs,
formed like these by a condensation of the similari-
ties between several terms, then clearly primitive ab-
straction and generalisation must be sought in words,
and not in roots. ^
1 How were primitive terms (roots or words) formed? A much-debated
and still unsolved question. Man had at his disposal one primary element,
the interjection. By all accounts this remained sterile, unfertile ; it did not
give birth to words ; it remained in articulate language as a mark of its emo-
tional origin. A second proceeding was that of imitation with the aid of
sound, onomatopoeia. From antiquity to the present time, it has been re-
garded as the parent, ^ar excellence. This was accepted by Renan, Whitney,
Tyler, H. Paul, etc.; rejected by M. Muller, Br^al, P. Regnaud, etc. No one
disputes the formation of many words by onomatopoeia, but those who ques-
tion its value as a universal process say that "if in certain sounds of our
idioms we seem to hear an imitation of the sounds of nature, we must recol-
lect that the same noises are represented by quite diiferent sounds in other
languages, which are also held by those who utter them to be onomatopoeia.
72 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
II. Leaving this question which, from its relation
to that of the origin of speech, shares in the same ob-
scurity, we have further to ask if the primitive terms
(whatever nature be attributed to them) were, prop-
erly speaking, words or phrases? Did man initially
give utterance to simple denominations, or to affirma-
tions and negations? On this point all linguists seem
to be in agreement. "Speech must express a judg-
ment." In other words it is always a phrase. "Lan-
guage is based on the phrase, not on the single word :
we do not think by means of words, but by means of
phrases."^
This phrase may be a single word, — or composite,
formed by confusion of words as in the so-called ag-
glutinative, polysynthetic, holophrastic languages, —
or two words, subject and attribute ; or three distinct
words, subject, attribute, and copula ; but beneath
all these forms the fundamental function is unalter-
ably to affirm or deny.
The same remark has been made of children.
"We must," says Preyer, "reject the general notion
that children first employ substantives, and afterwards
verbs. My son, at the age of twenty-three months
first used an adjective to express a judgment, the first
which he enunciated in his maternal tongue ; he said
Thus it would be more just to say that we hear the sounds of nature through
the words to which our ear has been accustomed from infancy " (Breal). I
have observed that those who study the spontaneous formation of language
in children, claim for them but little onomatopoeism. On the other hand, a
word created by undoubted onomatopoeia is sometimes by means of associa-
tion, or of strange analogies, transferred successively to so many objects
that all trace of the transformations of meaning may be lost, and the imita-
tive origin actually denied. Such was Darwin's case, cited above, where the
onomatopoeia of the duck finally served to designate all liquids, all that
flies, all pieces of money. If the successive extensions of the term had not
been observed, who could have recovered its origin ?
ISayce, loc. cit., IV., §§ 3-5.
SPEECH. 73
heiss (hot) for 'the milk is too warm.' Later on, the
proposition was made in two words : hei?n-mimi, * I
want to go home and drink some milk' (Jieim^^hovae,
mimi^mUk). Taine and others have cited several ob-
servations of the same order. ^
According to some authors, all language that has
reached complete development has perforce passed
through the three successive periods of monosyllab-
ism, polysynthetism, and analysis ; so that the idioms
that remain monosyllabic or agglutinative would cor-
respond to an arrest in development. To others, this
is a hypothesis, only, to be rejected. However this may
be (and it is not a question that we need to examine),
it seems rash to assert, with Sayce, "that the division
of the phrase into two parts, subject and predicate, is
a pure accident, and that if Aristotle had been Mexi-
can (the Aztec language was polysynthetic), his sys-
tem of logic would have assumed a totally different
form." The appearance and evolution of analytical
language is not pure accident, but the result of men-
tal development. It is impossible to pass from syn-
thesis to analysis without dividing, separating, and
arraying the isolated parts in a certain order. The
logic of a Mexican Aristotle might have differed from
our own in its form ; but it could not have constituted
itself without fracture of its linguistic mould, without
setting up a division, at least in theory, between the
elements of the discourse. The unconscious activity
by which certain idioms made towards analysis, and
passed from the period of envelopment to that of de-
IWe cannot doubt, however, that there is in the child Cand so too for
primitive man) a period of pure and simple denomination, when, in the face
of perceived objects, he utters a word, as a spontaneous action, a reflex, with
no understood affirmation. But this act is rather the prelude, and attempt at
speech, an advance towards language proper.
74 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
velopment, imposed upon them a successive order.
Polysynthetic languages have been likened to the per-
formance of children who want to say everything at
once, their ideas all surge up together and form a
conglomeration.^ Evidently this method must be given
up, or we must renounce all serious progress in anal-
ysis.
To sum up the psychological value of the phrase,
independently of its multiple forms, we may conclude
by the following remarks of Max Muller :
"We imagine that language is impossible without
sentences, and that sentences are impossible without
the copula. This view is both right and wrong. If
we mean by sentence an utterance consisting of sev-
eral words, and a subject, and a predicate, and a cop-
ula, it is wrong. . . . When the sentence consists only
of subject and predicate, we may say that a copula is
understood, but the truth is that at first it was not ex-
pressed, it was not required to be expressed ; in prim-
itive languages it was simply impossible to express it.
To be able to say vir est bonus, instead of vir bonus, is
one of the latest achievements of human speech."'
III.
The evolution of speech, starting from the proto-
plasmic state without organs or functions, and acquir-
ing them little by little, proceeding progressively from
indefinite to definite, from fluid to fixed state, can
only be sketched in free outline. In details it falls
1 There is in Iroquois a word that signifies, " I demand money from those
.who have come to buy garments from me." Esquimaux is equally rich in
terms of this sort. Yet we must recognise that these immense composite
words, themselves formed from abbreviated and fused words, virtually imply
the beginning of decomposition.
2 Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, ed. 1891, p. 196.
SPEECH, 75
within neither our subject nor our cognisance. But
the successive points of this differentiation, which
creates grammatical forms, and parts of discourse,
are under an objective form the history of the devel-
opment of intelligence, inasmuch as it abstracts, gen-
eralises, analyses, and tends towards an ever-growing
precision. The completely developed languages —
and we are speaking only of such — bear throughout
the print of the unconscious labor that has fashioned
them for centuries: they are a petrified psychology.
We must return to the roots or primitive terms,
whatever may be their nature. Two distinct catego-
ries are generally admitted : pronominal or demon-
strative roots, verbal or predicative roots.
The first form a small group that properly indicate
rather the relative position of the speaker, than any
concrete quality. They are equivalent to here, there,
this, that, etc. They are few in number, and very
simple in their phonetic relations : a vowel or vowel
followed by a consonant. Many linguists refuse to
admit them as roots, and think they have dropped
from the second class by attenuation of meaning.^
Possibly they are a survival of gesture language.
The second (verbal or predicative) is the only
class that interests us. These have swarmed in abun-
dance. They indicate qualities or actions ; that is the
important point. The first words denominated attri-
butes or modes of being ; they were adjectives, at
least in the measure in which a fixed and rigid termi-
nology can be applied to states in process of forming.
Primitive man was everywhere struck with the quali-
ties of things, ergo words were all originally appella-
1 Whitney, The Life and Growth of Language, Chap. X. Sayce, op. cii.,
VI., 28, rejects them absolutely.
76 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
tive. They expressed one of the numerous character-
istics of each object ; they translated a spontaneous
and natural abstraction : another proof of the pre-
cocious and indispensable nature of this operation.
From its earliest developments intelligence has tended
to simplify, to substitute the part for the whole. The
unconscious choice of one attribute among many oth-
ers depends on various causes ; doubtless on its pre-
dominance, but above all on the interest it has for
man. "A people," remarks Renan, "have usually
many words for what most interests them." Thus, in
ebrew, we find 25 synonyms for the observance of
the law; 14 for faith in God; 11 for rain, etc. In
Arabic, the lion has 500 names, the serpent 200,
money more than 80; the camel has 5,744, the sword
1,000 as befits a warrior race. The Lapp whose lan-
guage is so poor, has more than 30 words to designate
the reindeer, an animal indispensable to his life.^
These so-called synonyms each denominate a particu-
lar aspect of things ; they witness to the abundance
of primitive abstractions.
This apparent wealth soon becomes an embarrass-
ment and an encumbrance. Instead of 100 distinct
terms, one generic substantive, plus one or two epi-
thets, would suffice. But the substantive was not born
of the deliberate desire to obviate this inconvenience.
It is a specialisation, a limitation of the primitive
meaning. Little by little the adjective lost its qualifi-
cative value, to become the name of one of the objects
qualified. Thus in Sanskrit deva (shining) finally sig-
nified the god; sourya (the dazzling) became the sun;
akva (rapid) the name of a horse, etc. This meta-
morphosis of adjective into substantive by a speciali
1 Renan, Histoire giniraU des langues sfniitiques, pp. 128 and 363.
SPEECH. 77
sation of the general sense occurs even in our actual
languages; as, e. g. , when we say in French un bril-
liant (diamond); le volant {pi a machine); un bon (of
bread, coimting-house, bank, etc.). What is only an
accident now was originally a constant process.^ Thus
the substantive was derived from the primitive adjec-
tive ; or rather, within the primitive organism, adjec-
tive-substantive, a division has been produced, and
two grammatical functions constituted.
Many other remarks could be made on the deter-
mination of the substantive by inflexions, declensions,
the mark of the gender (masculine, feminine, neuter);
I shall confine myself to what concerns number, since
we are proposing to consider numeration under all its
aspects. Nothing appears more natural and clear-cut
than the distinction between one and several ; as soon
as we exceed pure unity, the mother of numbers, plu-
rality appears to us to be homogeneous in all its de-
grees. It has not been so from the beginning. This
is proved by the existence of the dual in an enormous
number of languages: Aryan, Semitic, Turanian, Hot-
tentot, Australian, etc. One, two, were counted with
precision ; the rest was vague. According to Sayce,
the word <' three" in Aryan language at first signified
"what goes beyond." It has been supposed that the
dual was at first applied to the paired parts of the
body: the eyes, the arms, the legs. Intellectual pro-
gress caused it to fall into disuse.
At the close of the period of first formation which
1 We can see how little the real order of evolution resembles the theo-
retical order of the XVIII. century, evolved from pure reasoning: "The com-
plex notions of substances were xh^ first known, since they came from tlu-
senses, and must therefore have been the first to have names" (Condillac;.
"With regard to adjectives, the notion must have developed with exceediu^^
difficulty, since every adjective is an abstract term, and abstraction is a pain-
ful, or unnatural operation" (J. J. Rousseau).
78 THE EVOLUTION OK GENERAL IDEAS.
we have been considering, the sentence was only a
defaced organism reproduced by one of the following
forms: (i) that; (2) that shining ; (3) that sun, that
shining.^ The verb is still absent.
With it we enter on the period of secondary forma-
tion. It was long held to be an indisputable dogma
that the verb is the word par excellence (verbunt), the
necessary and exclusive instrument of an affirmation.
Yet there are many inferior idioms which dispense
with it, and express affirmation by crude, roundabout
processes, with no precision, — most frequently by a
juxtaposition: snow white = the snow is white ; drink
me wine = I drink (or shall drink) wine, etc. Plenty
of examples can be found in special works.
In fact, the Indo-European verb is, by origin, an
adjective (or substantive) modified by a pronoun:
Bhardmi=caLXX\ex-me, I carry. It is to be regretted
that we cannot follow the details of this marvellous
construction, — the result of unconscious and collec-
tive labor that has made of the verb a supple instru-
ment, suited for all expressions, by the invention of
moods, voices, and tenses. We may note that, as re-
gards tenses, the distinction between the three parts
of duration (which seems to us so simple) appears to
have been established very slowly. Doubtless it can
be asserted that it existed, actually, in the mind of
primitive man, but that the imperfection of his verbal
instrument failed in translating it. However this may
be, it is a moot point whether the verb, at the outset,
expressed past or present. It seems at first to have
translated a vague conception of duration, of continu-
ity in action; it was at first "durative," a past which
still continues, a past-present. The adjective notion
1 p. Regnaud, Origine et philosophic dit langage, p. 317
SPEECH. 79
contained in the verb, indefinitely as to time, only
became precise by little and little. The distinction
between the moments of duration did not occur by
the same process in all languages, and in some, highly
developed, otherwise like the Semitic languages, it
remained very imperfect.^
The main point was to show how the adjective-
substantive, modified by the adjunction of pronominal
elements, constituted another linguistic organ, and
losing its original mark little by little, became the
verb with its multiple functions. The qualificatory
character fundamental to it makes of it an instrument
proper to express all degrees of abstraction and gen-
eralisation from the highest to the lowest, to run up
the scale of lower, medium, and higher abstractions.
Ex., to drink, eat, sleep, strike; — higher, to love,
pray, instruct, etc. ; higher still, to act, exist, etc. The
supreme degree of abstraction, i, e., the moment at
which the verb is most empty of all concrete sense, is
found in the auxiliaries of the modern analytical lan-
guages. These, says Max Miiller, occupy the same
place among the verbs, as abstract nouns among the
substantives. They date from a later epoch, and all
had originally a more material and more expressive
character. Our auxiliary verbs had to traverse a long
series of vicissitudes, before they reached the desic-
cated, lifeless form that makes them so appropriate
to the demands of our abstract prose. Habere, which
is now employed in all Roman languages to express
simply a past time, at first signified "to hold fast,"
"to retain."
The author continues, retracing the history of sev-
lOn this point, consult especially Sayce, op, cit., II,, § 9, and P. Regnaud,
cp,cit.,T^^. 296-299-
8o 1 liK EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
eral other auxiliary verbs. Among them all there is
one that merits particular mention on account of its
divagations : this is the verb etre, verb par excellence,
verb substantive, unique; direct or understood expres-
sion of the existence that is everywhere present. The
monopoly of affirmation, and even the privilege of an
immaterial origin have been attributed to it.^ In the
first place, it is not met with under any form in cer-
tain languages which supplement its absence by di-
vers processes. In the second, it is far from being
primitive; it is derived, according to the idioms, from
multiple and sufficiently discordant elements : to
breathe, live, grow (Max Miiller) ; to breathe, grow,
remain, stand upright {stare') (Whitney).
Hitherto we have examined only the stable, solid
parts of speech. There remain such as are purely
transitive, translating a movement of thought, expres-
sive of relation. Before we study these under their
linguistic form, it is indispensable to take up the
standpoint of pure psychology, and to know in the
first place what is the nature of a relation. This can
the less be avoided inasmuch as the question has
scarcely been treated of, save by logicians, or after
their fashion, and many very complete treatises of
psychology do not bestow on it a single word.'^
"A relation," says Herbert Spencer, "is a state of
IThe word ttre is irreducible, indecomposable, primitive, and wholly in-
tellectual. I know no language in which the French word ttre is expressed
by a corresponding word representing a sensible idea. Hence it is not tru ;
that all the roots of the language are in last resort signs of sensory ideas."
(V. Coubiii, Histoire de la phil. au XlII siicle, 1841, II., p. 274.)
2 For the psychology of relation consult Herbert Spencer, Psychology, I.,
p. 65, II., pp., 360 et seq.; James, Psychology, I., pp., 203 et seq. The latter
gives the history of the subject, which is very brief, and remarks that the
idealogues form an honorable exception to the general abstention. Thn-
Destutt de Tracy established a distinction between feelings of sensation aiid
feelings of relation.
SPEECH. 8l
consciousness which unites two other states of con-
sciousness." Although a relation is not always a link
in the rigorous sense, this definition has the great ad-
vantage of presenting it as a reality, as a state existing
by itself, not a zero, a naught of consciousness. It
possesses intrinsic characters : (i) It is indecompos-
able. There are in consciousness greater and less
states; the greater (e. g., a perception) are compos-
ite, hence accessible to analysis ; they occupy an ap-
preciable and measurable time. The lesser (relation)
are naturally beyond analysis; rapid as lightning,
they appear to be outside time. (2) It is dependent.
Remove the two terms with which it is intercalated,
and the relation vanishes ; but it must be noted that
the terms themselves presuppose relations; for, ac-
cording to Spencer's just remark, " There are neither
states of consciousness without relations, nor relations
without states of consciousness." In fact: to feel or-
think a relation, is to feel or think a change.
But this psychical state may be studied otherwise
than by internal observation, and the subsequent in-
terpretation. It lends itself to an objective study, be-
cause it is incarnated in certain words. When I say,
red and green, red or green, there are in either case,
not two, but three states of consciousness; the sole
difference is in the intermediate state which corres-
ponds with an inclusion or an exclusion. So, too, all
our prepositions and conjunctions {_for, by, if, but,
because) envelop a mental state, however attenuated.
The study of languages teaches us that the expression
of relations is produced in two ways, forming, as it
were, two chronological layers.
The most ancient is that of the cases or declen-
sions: a highly complex mechanism, varying in marked
82 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
degree with the idioms, and consisting in appositions,
suffixes, or modifications of the principal theme.
But these relations have only acquired their proper
linguistic organ, specialised for this function, by means
of prepositions and conjunctions. They are wanting
in many languages; gesture being then substituted
for them. The principal parts of the discourse are
solitary, juxtaposed without links after the manner of
the phrases used by children. Others, somewhat less
poor, have only two conjunctions: and, but. In short,
the terms on which devolved the expression of rela-
tions are of late formation, as it were, organs de luxe.
In the analytical languages, prepositions and con-
junctions are nouns or pronouns diverted from their
primitive acceptation, which have acquired a value
expressive of transition, condition, subordination, co-
ordination, and the rest. The psychological notion
common to the greater number, if not to all, is that
of a movement. "All relations expressed by preposi-
tions can be referred to repose, and to movement in
space and time, i. e., to those with which the locative,
accusative (movement of approximation) and ablative
(movement of departure) correspond in declension."^
It may be admitted that this consciousness of move-
ment, of change, which is no more, fundamentally, than
the sense of different directions of thought, belongs
less to the category of clear notions than to that of
subconscious states, of tendencies, of actions, which
explains why the terms of relation are wholly wanting,
or rare, and only conquered their autonomy at a late
period.
With these, the progressive work of differentiation
is accomplished. Discourse has now its materials and
1 Regnaud, op. cit., pp. 304 et seq.
SPEECH. 83
its cement ; it is capable of complex phrases wherein
all is referred and subordinated to a principal state,
contrary to those ruder essays which could only attain
to simple phrases, denuded of connective apparatus.
We have rapidly sketched this labor of organo-
genesis, by which language has passed from the amor-
phous state to the progressive constitution of special-
ised terms and grammatical functions : an evolution
wholly comparable with that which, in living bodies,
starts from the fecundated ovule, to attain by division
of labor among the higher species to a fixed adjust-
ment of organs and functions. "Languages are nat-
ural organisms, which, without being independent of
human volition, are born, grow, age, and die, accord-
ing to determined laws." (Schleicher.) They are in
a state of continuous renovation, of acquisition, and
of loss. In civilised languages, this incessant meta-
morphosis is partially checked by enforced instruc-
tion, by tradition, and respect for the great literary
works. In savage idioms where these coercive meas-
ures are lacking, the transformation at times occurs
with such rapidity that they become unrecognisable
at the end of a few generations.
Spoken language, as a psycho-physiological mech-
anism, is regulated in its evolution by physiological
and psychological laws.
Among the former (with which we are not con-
cerned), the principal is the law of phonetic altera-
tion, consisting in the displacement of an articulation
in a determined direction. It is dependent on the
vocal organ ; thus, after the Germanic invasion, the
Latin which this people spoke fell again under the
power of physiological influences which modified it
profoundly.
1
^W^
84 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
Among the latter, the principal is the law of analr
-^6u*^^>^ogy, the great artisan in the extension of languages.
I It is a law of economy, the basis of which is general-
isation, the faculty of seizing on real or supposed re-
semblances. The word remains invariable, but the
mind gives it different applications : it is a mask cov-
ering in turn several faces. It suffices to open a dic-
tionary to see how ingenious and perilous is this un-
conscious labor. Such a word has only a few lines ;
it has no brilliant record. Such another fills pages ;
first we see it in its primitive sense ; then — from anal-
ogy to analogy — from accident to accident — it departs
from it more and more, and ends by having quite a
contrary meaning.^ Hence it has been said that "the
object of a true etymology is to discover the laws that
have regulated the evolution of thought." Among
primitive people, the process that entails such devia-
tions from the primitive sense, is sometimes of strik-
ing absurdity ; or at least appears to us as such by
reason of the strange analogies that serve the exten-
sion of the word. Thus : certain Australian tribes
gave the names of mussels {inuyi4vi), to books because
they open and close like shell-fish ; and many other
no less singular facts could be cited. Much more
might be said as to the role of analogy, but we must
adhere to our subject.
In conclusion : it is to be regretted that linguistic
psychology attracts so few people, and that many re-
cent treatises on psychology, excellent on all other
points, do not devote a single line to language. Yet
this study, especially if comparative, from the lowest
to the most subtle forms, would throw at least as
lit is superfluous to give examples of such a well-known fact. See Dar-
mesteter, The Life of Words.
SPEECH. 85
much light on the mechanism of the intelligence as
other highly accredited processes. Physiological psy-
chology is much in vogue, since it is rightly concluded
that if the facts of biology, normal and morbid, are
being studied by naturalists and physicians, they are
available to psychologists also, under another aspect.
So too for languages: comparative philology has its
own aim, psychology another, proper to it. It is in-
credible that any one who, with sufficient linguistic
equipment, should devote himself to the task, would
fail to find adequate return for his labors.
CHAPTER III.
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION,
HAVING thus acquainted ourselves with this new
factor — speech — which as an instrument of ab-
straction becomes steadily more and more important,
we can take up our subject from the point at which
we left it. In passing from the absence to the presence
of the word, from the lower to the intermediate forms
of abstraction, we must again insist on our principal
aim : viz., to prove that abstraction and generalisa-
tion are functions of the completely evolved mind.
They exist in embryo in perception, and in the image,
and at their extreme limit involve suppression of all
concrete representation. This conclusion will hardly
be contradicted. The difficulty is to follow the evo-
lution step by step, stage after stage, and to note the
difference by objective marks.
For intermediate abstraction, this operation is very
simple. It implies the use of words ; it has passed
the level of prelinguistic abstraction and generalisa-
tion. We may go farther, and — always ivith the aid
of words — establish two classes within the total cate-
gory of mean abstraction :
I. The lower forms, bordering on generic images,
whose objective mark is the feeble participation of the
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 87
word : it can indeed be altogether foregone, and is
only in the least degree an instrument of substitution.
2. The higher forms, approximating to the class
of pure concepts, and having as their objective mark
the fact that words are indispensable, since these have
now become an instrument of substitution, though
still accompanied by some sensory representation.
The legitimacy of this division can be justified
only by a detailed comparison of the two classes.
Before giving examples that determine the nature
and intellectual trend of the lower forms, a theoretical
question presents itself which cannot be eluded, albeit
any profound discussion of it belongs to the theory of
cognition rather than to psychology. It is as follows :
Is the difference between generic images and the
lowest concepts, one of nature or of degree? This
question has sometimes been propounded in a less
general and more concrete form ; Is there any radical
difference, any impassable gulf between animal intelli-
gence^ in its higher, and human intelligence in its
lower aspects? Some authors give an absolute nega-
tion, others admit community of nature, and of transi-
tional forms.
I shall first reject as inadmissible the argument
that identifies abstraction with the use of words.
Taine seems at times to admit this : "We think," he
says, "the abstract characters of things by means of
the abstract names that are our abstract ideas, and
the formation of our ideas is no more than the forma-
1 Intelligence is taken here in its restricted sense, as the synonym of ab-
stracting, generalising, judging, reasoning.
^
88 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
tion of names which are substitutes."^ Clearly if ab-
straction is impossible without words, this operation
could only begin with speech. All that was said above
(Chap. I) proves the inanity of such an assertion.
Let us, in order to discuss the question profitably,
sum up the principal characteristics of generic images
on the one hand, of inferior concepts on the other.
Generic images are : (i) simple and of the practical
order; (2) the result of often-repeated experiences;
(3) extracts from very salient resemblances ; (4) a
condensation into a visual, auditory, tactile, or olfac-
tory representation. They are the fruit of passive as
similation.
The inferior concepts most akin to them, which
we are studying in the present instance, are in char-
acter : (i) less simple ; (2) less frequently repeated in
experience ; (3) they assume as material, similarities
mingled with sufificiently numerous differences ; (4)
they are fixed by a word. They are the fruit of active
assimilation.
It may be said that the two classes, when thus op-
posed to each other, present but minimal differences,
save for the addition of words.- For the moment, in-
deed, the word is only an instrument handled by a
bad workman, who ignores its efficacy and highest
significance, as will be proved below. But were it
otherwise, and were the delimitation between the two
classes in no way fluctuating, the thesis of a progres-
sive evolution must needs be given up, unless it be
admitted to begin only with the appearance of speech. ^
\DtV intelligence, VoL I., Bk. IV., Chap. I., p. 254, first edition.
i De I ''intelligence, I., Bk. iv., chap, i, p. 254, first ed.
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 8g
Romanes describes the passage from the generic
image to the concept as follows :
"Water-fowl adopt a somewhat different mode of
alighting upon land, or even upon ice, from that which
they adopt when alighting upon water; and those
kinds which dive from a height (such as terns and
gannets) never do so upon land or ice. These facts
prove that these animals have one recept answering
to a solid substance, and another answering to a fluid.
Similarly a man will not dive from a height over hard
ground, or over ice, nor will he jump into water in
the same way as he jumps upon land. In other words,
like the water-fowl, he has two distinct recepts, one
of which answers to solid ground, and the other to an
unresisting fluid. But unlike the water-fowl, he is
able to bestow upon each of these recepts a name,
and thus to raise them both to the level of concepts.
So far as the practical purposes of locomotion are
concerned, it is, of course, immaterial whether or not
he thus raises his recepts into concepts ; but, as we
have seen, for many other purposes it is of the high-
est importance that he is able to do this. Now, in
order to do it, he must be able to set his recept before
his own mind as an object of his own thought : before
he can bestow upon these generic ideas the names of
"solid" and "fluid," he must have cognised them as
ideas. Prior to this act of cognition, these ideas dif-
fered in no respect from the recepts of a water-fowl ;
neither for the requirements of his locomotion is it
needful that they should : therefore, in so far as these
requirements are concerned, the man makes no call
upon his higher faculties of ideation. But, in virtue
of this act of cognition whereby he assigns a name to
an idea known as such, he has created for himself —
go THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
and for purposes other than locomotion — a priceless
possession ; he has formed a concept."^
In point of fact, the transition is not so simple.
Romanes omits the intermediate stages : for with fluid
and liquid we penetrate into a more elevated order of
concepts than those immediately bordering on the
generic image. What he well brings out is that the
bare introduction of words does not explain every-
thing. It must not be forgotten that if the higher de-
velopment of the intelligence depends upon the higher
development of abstraction, which itself depends upon
the development of speech, this last is conditioned,
not simply by the faculty of articulation, which exists
among many animals, but by anterior cerebral condi-
tions that have to be sought out.
For these, we must return to the distinction
loosely established above, between passive and active
assimilation. We know that the fundamental mech-
anism of cognition may be reduced to two antagonistic
processes, association and dissociation, assimilation
and dissimilation ; to combine, to separate ; in brief,
analysis and synthesis. ^ In the formation of the gen-
eric image, as we have seen, assimilation plays the
principal part ; the mind works only upon similarities.
In proportion as we recede from this point, we have
the contrary ; the mind works more and more upon
differences ; the primitive and essential operation is a
dissociation ; the fusion of similarities only appears
later. The further back we go, the more analysis
preponderates, because we are pursuing resemblances
1 Mental Evolution in Man, pp. 74 and 75.
2 As Paulhan remarks, " Labstraction et les id6es abstraites" (Revue
Philosophitjue, Jan., 1889, p. 26 et scq.), these two processes are initially linked
one with the other, so that we find analytical syntheses, and synthetical anal-
yses.
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 91
more and more hidden by differences. Coarser minds
do not rise above palpable similarities. The peasant
who hears a dialect or patois closely akin to his own
understands nothing of it ; it is another language to
him ; whereas even a mediocre linguist immediately
perceives the identity of words that differ only in ac-
cent.
We may represent the differences between generic
images, and these general notions that most nearly
approximate to them, by the following symbol :
I. ABCde II. Abcde
ABCef xyzAf
ABCgh, etc. gAhktn, etc.
where each line corresponds to an object, and each
letter to one of the principal characters of the object.
Table I is that of the generic image. A part, ABC,
is constantly repeated in each experience ; moreover,
it is in relief, as indicated by the capitals; the elimi-
nation of differences is almost passive, — self-caused ;
they are forgotten.
Table II is that of a fairly simple general notion.
Here A has to be disengaged from all the objects in
which it is included. It still has a salient character,
indicated by capitals, and recurring in each object;
but as it is merged in the differences, as it represents
but a poor fraction of the total event, it is not disen-
gaged spontaneously; it exacts a preliminary labor of
dissociation and elimination.
Thus understood, the difference between the two
processes consists only in the faculty of greater or
less dissociation, and we are in no way authorised in
assuming a difference of nature.
But the question may be propounded in a different
92 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
manner, — more precise and more embarrassing. I
formulate it thus: the generic image is never, the
concept is always a judgment. We know that for
logicians (formerly at any rate) the concept is the
simple and primitive element ; next comes the judg-
ment, uniting two or several concepts; then ratiocina
tion, combining two or several judgments. For the
psychologist, on the contrary, affirmation is the fun-
damental act ; the concept is the result of judgments
(explicit or implicit), of similarities with exclusion of
differences. If in addition to this we recall what was
said above: that speech commences with phrases
only, that in its simplest form it is the word-phrase ;
then the debated question may be thus transformed :
Is there, between the generic image and judgment in
its lower forms, a break in continuity, or a passage by
slow transformation?
For the partisans of the first theory, the appear-
ance of judgment is a "passage of the Rubicon"
(Max Miiller). It is as impossible to deny this as to
affirm it positively and indisputably. Romanes, who
makes a stand against the "passage of the Rubicon,"
admits the following stages in the development of
signs, taken as indicative of the development of intel-
ligence itself.
1. The indicative sign; gesture or pronominal
root ; a dog barking for a door to be opened, etc.
2. The denotative sign which is affixed to particu-
lar objects, qualities, or actions; for example, the
parrot which on seeing a person utters the name of
the person, or some word which it has associated with
him, and which for the animal has become the dis-
tinctive mark of the person.
3. The connotative or attributive sign, which,
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 93
rightly or wrongly, is attributed to an entire class of
objects having a common quality; for instance, the
child which applies the word star to everything that
shines.
4. The denominative sign ; or the intentional em-
ployment of the sign as such, with a full appreciation
of its value ; for example, the word star in its meaning
to the astronomer,
5. The predicative sign, or a proposition formed
by the apposition of two denominative signs. ^
This hierarchical order, while in some measure
open to criticism, indicates at least schematically the
progressive passage from the concrete to the higher
abstractions, and may therefore be accepted.
It is clear that the two first stages scarcely pass
beyond the concrete.
To the third, Romanes attaches capital importance:
judgment begins with it. It may, however, be asked
if afifirmation really exists at this stage. For my own
part I am inclined to admit it as included in the gen-
eric image in its highest degree (for here too there
are degrees), under the form not of a proposition, but
of an action. The hunting dog assuredly possesses
generic images of man and of different kinds of game,
under the visual and more especially the olfactory
form. When it starts off on the scent of its master,
of a hare, or of a partridge, this is surely a judgment
of a certain kind, an affirmation, the least doubtful of
all, seeing that it is an act. The absence of verbal
expression and of logical information in no way alters
the fundamental nature of the mental state. We have
already (Chap. I.) spoken of /ra;(r//Vdf/ judgments and
ratiocinations ; it is needless to reiterate.
10/. «•/., VIII., 158-165. ^
94 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
The transition from the third to the fourth stage
is even more important. It is here that the true con-
cept appears; this point attained, an almost unlimited
progress is possible. Now the true cause of the true
-concept is reflexion. This formula appears to us the
simplest, the briefest, the most clear, and the most
exact. There is the possibility of concepts where there
is the possibility in the mind of detaching a single
character (or several), extracted from among many
others, of setting it up as an independent entity, of
raising it into a known object, i. e., determined in its
relations with ourselves, and with other things. Ex-
ample : to form the general idea of a vertebrate. But
this fundamental act — reflexion — is not without an-
tecedents, it does not spring forth as a new apparition.
It is the highest degree of attention, i. e., of a mental
attitude that we encounter very low down in the ani-
mal scale.
Discontinuity of evolution, in the passage from
lower to higher, is thus far from being established.
Doubtless this, like all other questions of genesis,
leaves much to hypothesis, and can only be decided
on probabilities : yet these do not appear to favor a
rupture in continuity, and opposition of nature.
In sum — to confine ourselves to what is least con-
testable : given the cerebral and psychological condi-
tions for speech (not for articulate language alone),
and application of words to qualities and attributes
raised little by little into independent entities, — and
the decisive step has been taken. Such is intellectual
progress, and we may remark in passing that the pro-
cess which creates the true concept, leads fatally by
the same issue to faith in idols, in the entities real-
ised.
INTERMEDIATE FOKMS OF ABSTRACTION. 95
Without for the moment pausing at this last point,
let us under a more positive form, and strictly on the
lines of experimental psychology, examine the nature
of the lower forms of intermediate abstraction, deter-
mining it by examples. At the same time we shall fix
the intellectual level that corresponds to the moment
of transition between generic images (animal form),
and the higher abstracts which have still to be studied
in detail. The best method is to take as a type such
human races as have remained in the savage or half-
civilised state : these are more instructive than child-
hood, because they represent fixed and permanent
conditions. We can draw on two principal sources :
their languages, and their systems of numeration.
Their religious beliefs might also be studied, with the
same results, but this would take too long, and would
moreover be less definite.^
I. The languages, considered under their most gen-
eral characteristics, reveal a notable impotence for
transcending the simplest resemblances, an incurable
incapacity for extended generalisations ; they hardly
rise above the concrete. Words play a very indistinct
part ; they are the most incomplete substitute — hardly
more than a mark, a sign, like gestures — differing
from the latter only in the future they carry within
them. The study of the ascending progress of gener-
alisation is in effect the study of the successive phases
of the emancipation of speech up to the time when it
1 We have touched on this subject incidentally in La psychologie des senti-
menis {Part II, IX, § 2, pp. 305 et seq.). Many tribes do not get beyond poly-
demonism, peopling the universe with innumerable genii ; this is the reign
of the concrete. A certain progress is marked by subordinating the genius
of each tree to the god of the forest, the different genii of a river to the god
of the river, etc. At a degree higher, the intellect constitutes a single god
for water, one for fire, one for the earth, etc. Thus there come to be genii of
individual, specific, and generic origin.
\
g6 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
becomes preponderant and dominating. At the actual
stage, which might be termed concrete-abstract, it is
not yet emancipated; it is a minor, under tutelage.
Let us take in turn substantives, adjectives, and
verbs.
The indigenes of Hawaii, says Max Miiller (^Lectures
on the Science of Language, Second Series, II., p. 19),
have but one word, "aloba," to express love, friend-
ship, esteem, gratitude, benevolence, etc.; on the
other hand, words to express variations in the direc-
tion of the force of the wind are very numerous, prov-
ing once more how at its origin abstraction or dis-
sociation is governed by practical causes. In savage
languages there are terms to express not merely each
species of dog, but their age, the color of their hair,
good or bad qualities, etc. So, too, for the horse ;
there are special words to designate its varieties, and
all its movements ; to indicate if it is mounted, not
mounted, frightened, running away, and the like. The
North American Indians have special words for the
black oak, the white oak, and the red oak, but none
for the oak in general,' — still less for tree in general.
The indigenes of Brazil can point out the different
parts of the body, but not the body as a whole (Lub-
bock). Among several tribes of Oceania, a special
word is employed for the tail of a dog, another for
the sheep's tail, and so on, but they have no designa-
tion for tail in general. Again, there is no common
term for the cow, but there are distinct words for red,
white, or brown cows (Sayce).
There are, however, cases of very clear progress
in generalisation ; the significance of a word extends
itself; from specific it becomes generic. This meta-
morphosis exists in vivo among the Finns and Lap-
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 97
landers. The former have a name for the smallest
stream, and none for river; originally again there was
a term for each finger, none for finger in general ; but
latterly the term used for thumb alone has come to
designate the fingers collectively. Among the second
race, certain tribes who had a special denomination
for each kind of bay, have now adopted one that
serves for all kinds (Max Miiller).
The same holds good of the poverty of the ad-
jective, the abstract term proper. The case of the
Tasmanians has often been quoted, how they could
only express qualities by concrete representations :
hard = like a stone; long = legs; round = like a ball,
like the moon, etc. (Lubbock). A less familiar case,
termed by linguists "concretism," is met with even
in certain more developed idioms, like a survival of
the time when the mind was unable to detach itself
from the concrete, or to forego a complete and de-
tailed qualification. Instead of saying ten merchants,
five hens, the idiom is merchants ten men, hens five
birds, and so on for similar cases.
The verb is able to express all degrees of abstrac-
tion and of generalisation as well as the adjective and
substantive. At this period, it exactly repeats the
type (as described above) of the substantive with its
burdensome multiplicity, — for want of a generalisa-
tion simple enough, according to our judgment. The
North American Indians have special words for say-
ing : to wash one's face, another person's face, the
linen, utensils, etc. : in all, thirty words, but none for
washing in general. So, too, for eating bread, fruits,
meat, etc., striking with the hand, foot, axe, etc., for
cutting wood, meat, or any other objects: for all these
there are special terms, but none for saying simply,
gS THE EVOLUTION OK GENERAL IDEAS.
to eat, to knock, to cut (Sayce, Hovelacque.) On the
Other hand, we note a case of transition, analogous to
that of the Lapps and Finlanders. Certain tribes in
Brazil have a few verbs of general, simple significance:
eat, drink, dance, see, etc., even love, thank, etc.
(Lubbock).
We need not multiply examples ; these will suffice
to throw into relief the extreme impotence in general-
ising, so soon as the mind loses its hold on the con-
crete. We might also recall the difficulty so often
experienced by missionaries. They find it almost im-
possible, even by creating new words, or by changing
the meaning of others, to translate the sacred books
into these idioms, from their paucity of concrete
terms.
2. The numeration, taking its development as a
whole, appears to sub-divide into three principal pe-
riods : concrete numeration, as studied above, in ani-
mals and children ; concrete-abstract numeration, with
which we are now occupied ; purely abstract numera-
tion, which we shall examine later, as translated into
organised arithmetic.
We have seen that speech at its origin was so
humble as to need gesture to complete and to eluci-
date it. During its concrete-abstract period, nume-
ration is in an analogous position. At first its exten-
sion is very limited : it progresses slowly and painfully
from unity. Further, it can operate only when sus-
tained by the concrete ; it must have a material ac-
companiment. Counting is accomplished by the enun-
ciation of words, with the aid of enumerated objects,
as perceived at the same time, or with that of the fin-
gers : which, let it be remarked, is the first essay in
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 99
substitution. There is simultaneously concrete or
digital, and verbal numeration.^
We know that many Australian and South Ameri-
can tribes can count verbally to two only ; some say
two one = three ; two- two = four; others by the same
process arrive at six (two-three :== five, three-three =
six): everything else is "much." For the most part
they count without words, with the aid of fingers or
of articulation ; even when they employ words, the
two numerations — digital and verbal — are performed
simultaneously.*
This manner of counting is in first degree concrete;
the concrete-abstract form is only there in embryo. A
great advance, made early enough in many tribes,
consisted in counting by five, taking the hand (^five
fingers) as a new unit, superior to the simple unit.
I TyloT, Primitive Culture, I., gives abundant data on this question. Chap.
VII. is entirely devoted to it.
2 In the account of his travels among the Damaras (in his Tropical South
Africa, p. 133) Galton says : "In practice, whatever they may possess in their
language, they certainly use no numeral greater than three. When they wish
to express four, they take to their fingers, which are to them as formidable
instruments of calculation as a sliding-rule is to our English schoolboy. They
puzzle very much after five, because no spare hand remains to grasp and
secure the fingers that are required for ' units,' — yet they seldom lose oxen:
the way in which they discover the loss of one, is not by the number of the
herd being diminished, but by the absence of a face they know." [This tal-
lies with what we said above, Chap. I., as to so-called numeration in animals
and children.] "When bartering is going on, each sheep must be paid for
separately. Thus suppose two sticks of tobacco to be the rate of exchange
for one sheep, it would sorely puzzle a Damara to take two sheep and give
him four sticks. I have done so and seen a man first put two of the sticks
apart and take a sight over them at one of the sheep he was about to sell.
Having satisfied himself that one was honestly paid for, and finding to his
surprise that exactly two sticks remained in hand to settle the account for
the other sheep, he would be afflicted with doubts; the transaction seemed
to come out too pat to be correct, and he would refer back to the first couple
of sticks, and then his mind got hazy and confused, and wandered from one
sheep to the other, and he broke off the transaction until two sticks were put
into his hand and one sheep driven away, and then the other two sticks given
him and the second sheep driven away." Galton relates many other similar
tacts which he had himself witnessed.
lOO THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
Then: one hand = 5; two hands or half a man = 10;
two hands, one foot = 15; two hands, two feet, or a
man = 20. Such is the evident origin of the quinary,
decimal, and vigesimal numerations. Sometimes fin-
gers, as instruments of numeration, have been replaced
by objects of a typical number. Ex.: i=moon or
sun ; 2 = the eyes or legs, etc.
However varied these processes (of which only a
few have been mentioned) in different races and peri-
ods, they are fundamentally identical to the psychol-
ogist. They may be reduced to this; numeration is
performed more particularly with the aids of sensible
perceptions; words are but an insignificant accompa-
niment, a superfluity — existing only as a proliferation
— of so little utility that they are for the most part
neglected.
Though it is less often spoken of, we may remark
that the measure of continuous quantity passed
through the same concrete-abstract phase ; and here
it appeared at a somewhat early stage, owing to prac-
tical and social wants. Hence we find at the outset,
the foot, the finger, the thumb (inch = Fr. pouce), the
palestra (four fingers' length), span, cubit (arm's reach
= coudee), fathom, etc., the stadium (distance a good
runner could cover without stopping).^ The concrete
character of all these measures is obvious. Again,
there are survivals in certain current locutions, such
as a day's journey. More than this ; they have a hu-
man character, their standard and starting-point be-
ing, at least at the outset, certain parts of the body,
or a determined sum of muscular movements. Little
by little they lost their original significance, progres-
sing through centuries towards our metrical system
1 And the barley-corn of English measure. — 7>.
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. lOI
the type of a scientific, deliberate, rationally abstract
system, as far as possible liberated from anthropomor-
phism.
The reader will probably obtain a more definite
idea of the nature of these lower forms by recapitulat-
ing the examples cited, than from any long disserta-
tion. Is their intellectual level very superior to that
of the generic image? This question is doubtful. At
times the only distinction between them is the pres-
ence of the word : at the present stage it makes but a
poor figure, — yet with all its modesty, it augurs a new
world wherein it is to be of prime importance.
n.
We now pass to a study of transition. In ascend-
ing from the lower to the higher forms of abstraction,
we traverse the intermediate region between the states
directly superposed upon generic images, and the
higher concepts. In fact, we shall to some extent
have to penetrate into this extreme region, before the
close of the chapter.
At the risk of repetition, we must first indicate the
characteristics by which the general notions we are
at present concerned with are distinguished from the
abstractions above and below them. To recapitulate
briefly : In the concrete-abstract phase (which we are
leaving) the general notion — so-called — is constituted
by concrete elements, plus words, whose substitutory
office is weak or null.
In the abstract phase (upon which we are entering)
the concept is constituted by an evoked or evocable
image, which may exhibit every degree from clear
-/
I02 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
representation to the pure schema, plus the word that
now becomes the principal element.
In the phase of higher abstractions (to be studied
later), no sensory representation arises, or should any
such appear, reflexion would find in it only a dubious
support, often an obstacle : the word meantime has
acquired absolute supremacy in consciousness.
Taken as a whole, psychological development ex-
hibits a complex phenomenon, a binary compound, in
y \ which one element is always increasing, the other as
steadily decreasing. Words pass from nonentity to
autocracy; the concrete from supremacy to nonentity.
We must now return to the higher forms of inter-
mediate abstraction, since we may not content our-
selves with any purely theoretical determination.
Characteristic examples must be selected; and here
we find a certain embarrassment. Does our choice
fall on numeration? Yet on leaving the concrete-
abstract period, this at once finds its formative law,
and introduces us to pure abstraction. Are we to se-
lect language? This procedure might seem to be ap-
propriate, seeing that the general ideas v/ith which
we are occupied constitute the substrata of our highly
civilised modern languages, when, on the other hand,
the more developed concepts (of mathematics, meta-
physics, etc.) are only found rarely and incidentally.
One might even plunder the dictionary, extracting all
general terms, with elimination of those that are
purely scientific, and classification of the former ac-
cording to their increasing degree of generality. But
this method, besides being very laborious and incapa-
ble of reduction to a clear statement for the reader,
would suffer the cardinal defect of being arbitrary.
How, indeed, could any common measure be estab
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. I03
lished for all these general terms, issuing from the
most diverse sources of human activity?^
But the best method would seem to be that of tak-
ing as our basis the classifications of the naturalists,
following their development historically. Here we
have the advantage of positive documents, since these
refer to concrete beings, and are formed according to
characters observed empirically. They create, namely,
an ascending progress from the individual to the more
general notions, by a methodical process of filiation ;
they operate upon living beings, or objects of the
same nature, having consequently a common standard.
The history, even in brief, of these classifications is
instructive : it shows the progressive passage of con-
crete-abstract ideas to more and more abstract con-
cepts, from a statement of gross resemblances to the
quest after subtle similarities, from the period of as-
similation to that in which dissociation predominates.
Among these different classifications, we may se-
lect those of the zoologists, since they appear to be
the most numerous, most complete, and best elab-
IWundt [ILogik, I., pp. 113 et seq.) gives what he regards as a complete
classification of concepts, but it does not correspond with our design. It
maybe summarised as follows. Four classes: I. Identical or equivalent con-
cepts; Aristotle = Alexander's tutor. II. Subordinate or superordinate con-
cepts; mammals and vertebrates, etc. III. Co-ordinated concepts, compris-
ing five species: i. Disjunctive concepts; sound and noise, French and Ger-
man, etc. They are subordinate to a larger concept, ii. Correlative con-
cepts, with reciprocal relations; men and women, mountain and valley, iii.
Contrary concepts ; high and low, good and bad. iv. Contingent concepts;
such, i. e., as touch, with very minute, perceptible differences; this highly
important category comprises numbers, v. Interferent concepts, which co-
incide or partially cross ; negro and slave, rectangle and parallelogram. IV.
Concepts which are interdependent; etc., space and movement, crime and
punishment, demand and supply, labor and wages. This table may suit the
logician but not the psychologist, because it presents the concepts under
what may be termed the static order, i. e., ready formed: we, on the other
hand, are considering them as dynamic, i. e., in their becoming and order of
genesis.
I04 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
orated. For the rest, the succeeding observations
apply equal!}', mutatis mutandis, to the classifications
of the botanists. We need scarcely add that our study
is strictly psychological, that its object is not the ab-
solute value of classifications, but the determination
of the processes followed by the human mind, in pro-
portion as the zoological taxonomy has constituted it-
self.
At the outset we find a pre-scientific period as to
which we know little ; for these essays in classifica-
tion differ, according to times and races. The Bible,
Hindu literature, the primitive poets and historians of
Greece, do however provide sufficient indications of
the manner in which man originally classified other
living beings. The repartition was usually made in
three great categories, according as the animals lived
in the water, or upon the earth, or flew in the air.
The subdivisions are remarkable. Thus, among ter-
restrial animals, there are some that walk, and some
that climb : in this last group there is a mixture of ar-
ticulate creatures, of molluscs, reptiles and amphib-
ians. Among aerial animals, we find birds, and many
flying insects. These primitive classifications are
based upon perception far more than on abstraction,
or at any rate rest upon superficial resemblances.
The habitual environment, air, water, earth, deter-
mines the cardinal classes. Some easily apprehended
characteristic makes the subdivisions: e. g., flight
(birds, insects), locomotion (walking, climbing). The
method employed is hardly superior to that by which
generic images are formed ; and in the order of classi-
fication, this point corresponds with the concrete-
abstract period of primitive languages, numerations,
INTERMKDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. I05
and religions, i. e., to a gross generalisation fixed by
a word.
The scientific period begins with Aristotle. It has
been affirmed that he owes numerous points to prede-
cessors whom he fails to mention : this is a historical
matter of no interest in the present connexion. With
him, or under his name, we have the commencement
of comparative anatomy which involves a preliminary
labor of analysis, unknown in the pre scientific period,
and marking the transition from apparent and super-
ficial to profound and essential resemblances. His
classification is of course imperfect, often inconsis-
tent ; it bears the impress of an epoch of transition.
His terminology is poor, unstable, floating. He
distinguishes two sorts of groups only : the genus
lyei'os) and the species (e?8os). "But the term yevo^
has the least constant significance : it serves as the
indistinct designation of any group of species, how-
ever great its extension, as well what we now term
classes, as other lower groups."^ Sometimes however
Aristotle speaks of large genera (yivr] fiiyaXa) and of
very large genera (yevrj /ncyto-ra), without any precise
denotation. It has been said that penury of words
was an obstacle to him : yet this is hardly a plausible
reason, seeing that he found means to create the word
evTOfm to designate insects. The true obstacle was the
insufficient determination of character.
Again, independently of nomenclature, ** while
Aristotle knew a fairly large number of animals, the
notion of grouping them in definite order, which
should express their greater or less degree of similar-
ity, does not appear to have presented itself to his
1 For details, with quotations in point, consult Agassiz : Be I'cspice, Chap.
III., and E. Penier, La Philosophie xoolo^que avant Darivin, Chap. II.
Io6 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
mind. Hence he did not attempt what we call classi-
fication. He compares different animals together, by
every possible means, and endeavors to reduce the
result of his comparisons to general propositions."
In this way he arrives at relations which are some-
times important, sometimes without importance. For
example : among animals, some have blood, some
lymph, which takes its place : this division, notwith-
standing the error on which it is based, corresponds
broadly speaking with the distinction between ver-
tebrates and invertebrates. Animals "which have
blood " are subdivided into viviparous and oviparous.
Further, animals that fly are ranged in three cate-
gories, according as their wings are feathered (birds),
or formed by a fold of skin (bats), or dry, thin, and
membranous (insects). Then there is a division of
animals into aquatic and terrestrial, social and soli-
tary, migratory and sedentary, diurnal and nocturnal,
domestic and wild, etc.
In sum, there is co-existence of two processes :
one scientific, implying a preliminary analysis ; the
other of common observation, which does not sensibly
differ from concrete-abstract classifications ; and the
idea of a hierarchy formed by abstraction of abstracts,
by a systematic arrangement of the animal kingdom,
has not yet made its appearance. Yet Aristotle's work,
just by reason of its composite nature, is interesting
to the psychologist who studies the evolution of the
faculty of abstracting and generalising.
We may pass over two thousand years, during
which no progress was made, till we come to Linnaeus.
"He was the first man who distinctly conceived the
idea of expressing, under a definite formula, what he
believed to be the system of nature." His nomencla-
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. I07
ture is fixed. Under the names of classes {genus sum-
fnum), orders {genus iniermcdiuni), genera {genus prox-
ifHuni), species, varieties, he proposes subdivisions of
decreasing value, embracing a greater or less number
of animals which all present in common more or less
general attributes. He pursues the research after fun-
damental characteristics, and essential similarities, in-
cessantly correcting his first results. Thus it is only
at the eleventh edition of his Sysiema natures, that the
class of "Quadrupeds" is converted into Mammals :
the Cetacea are included in this class, and no longer
placed among the fish, as also bats, which were for-
merly classified with birds, etc.^ Whatever their ob-
jective value, we have here a true system of rational
concepts.
We may instance Cuvier for the clearness with
which he separates the predominant and subordinate
characteristics : " If," he says, *' we consider the ani-
mal kingdom on the principles just laid down, re-
garding only the organisation and nature of the ani-
mals, instead of their size and utility, according to
our knowledge of them, or the sum of accessory cir-
cumstances, we find that there are four principal
forms, four general plans, if we may so express our-
selves, on which all animals seem to have been mod-
elled," etc. These four branches (a new word created
by him), which he held to be irreducible, were the
Vertebrata, Articulata, MoUusca, and Radiata.
Finally, since the progress of consecutive abstrac-
tion and generalisation consists in incessantly seeking
lAgassiz, op. cii., gives a summary of the successive improvements. They
are of interest not merely to the zoologist, but also from our own point of
view, as showing the increasing preponderance of analysis, and search for
fundamental characteristics, to the exclusion of the external resemblances
which served as basis for the more primitive classifications.
Io8 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
out extracts of extracts, and simplifications of simpli-
fications, the natural movement of the mind tends
fatally towards pure unity as its supreme end. This
last phase belongs to the nineteenth century, and still
more to the contemporary epoch. It comes from vari-
ous sources, and has assumed different forms :
1. Speculative in the school of Schelling. To
Oken, the highest representative of this view, man is
the prototype and measure of animal organisation ;
all other animals are constructed after his pattern.
"Their body is in some sort the analysed body of a
man ; the human organs live, whether in isolation, or
in different combinations, in the state of independent
animals. Each such combination constitutes a class."
2. Embryological, according to the labors of Von
Baer. While Cuvier, in classification, brought anat-
omy and morphology to the front, a new system now
appears, founded upon development only ; the science
of embr3'ology. To be accurate, Baer's conception
was not unitary, since it admitted four tj'pes : periph-
eral (radiate), massive (molluscan), longitudinal (ar-
ticulated), bi-symmetrical (vertebrate). But little by
little, the oft-substantiated principle asserted itself
and found firm footing among his successors : the ani-
mal with the highest organisation passes, during its
individual development, through phases which, in less
highly evolved beings, are permanent states ; or, more
briefly, among the higher animals, ontogenesis is a
repetition of phylogenesis.
3. Transformist. The boldest partisans of this
view, e. g., Haeckel, adopt a rigorously unitary con-
ception : all the innumerable examples of the animal
kingdom have issued from one common stock.
In all there is a fundamental trend of the mind to
INTERMEDIATE FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. IO9
wards the idea of original unity. It is unimportant
for the moment to examine whether this concept of
ideal unity (we might also recall the vegetable ideal
of Goethe, and the vertebrate ideal of Richard Owen)
is a delusion, or a true apprehension : we shall return
to this later, in discussing the objective value of the
notions of genus and species (Chap. V. § vi). At this
point, the subjective psychological process alone is
relevant to our purpose.
This review has no pretensions at being even an
abridged history of zoological classifications. It merely
aims at showing by facts, (i) how a hierarchy of con-
cepts is constituted, and in the travail of centuries
passes from the period of generic images to the ideal
of embryological unity, common to all beings ; (2) how
the work of dissociation and analysis has alwaj's gone
on, and multiplied, in quest of similarities more and
more difficult to discover — often indeed fragile or du-
bious— to stop at unity only, the supreme abstraction.
We are now at the threshold of the last period of
abstraction, that of complete symbolism, and it is not
without interest to note that what passes in the theo-
retical order has its equivalent in another form of hu-
man activity — the practical order — where the mechan-
ism of exchange is again developed by the aid of an
ever-increasing substitution. Thus, at the lowest
stage, all commercial transactions are reduced to
truck, to exchange by barter. The concrete for the
concrete is the method of primitive peoples. An im-
mense step is taken when this rudimentary process is
succeeded by the employment of precious metals. A
substitutory value is taken as the common measure of
other values. At the outset, silver and gold, in the
form of powder or of small bullion, were weighed out
^
no THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
by the contractors for each particular transaction.
Next, this inconvenient procedure was replaced by
coined money, issued under the control of an officer,
or of the social aggregate, thus conferring a general
value on the instrument of exchange. Lastly, at a
much later period, bills of exchange, bank-notes, and
numerous forms of letters of credit, were substituted
for gold and silver ; so that a sheet of paper worth
less than a centime may become the symbol of mil-
lions and tens of millions.
This resemblance of the two cases is by no means
fortuitous. It is based upon identity of psychological
process, namely a substitution of ascending degrees,
an ever increasing simplification, whether in the order
of speculative research, or in the department of com-
mercial transaction : and just as paper tokens, unless
financially convertible into objects of consumption,
for use or luxury, are nonentities that can accumulate
in the bank without the gain of anything more than a
simulacrum — so, if the highest symbols of abstraction
cannot be reduced to the data of experience, we may,
as too often occurs, accumulate, manipulate, build up
concepts, and still be in a state of permanent intellec-
tual bankruptcy.
CHAPTER IV.
THE HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. THEIR
NATURE.
BEFORE we embark on the study of the principal
concepts, it is incumbent upon us (in order to
determine for each of these, separately, the conditions
of their genesis and development — as was shown for
abstraction in general) to throw as much light as pos-
sible upon the very vexed question of the psj^cholo-
gical nature of the concepts of pure symbolism, where
the word appears as the sole element that exists in
consciousness. Is it true that we can think effectually
and usefully with words and nothing but words, as
has been sustained to satiety? Is not this assertion
founded upon the misapprehension of a factor which,
although it does not enter into consciousness, is none
the less in active existence? The investigation of this
point is the prime object of the following chapter.
It is unnecessary to enter in detail into the re-
searches of the last thirty years, as to the seat and
the nature of images. Yet since these have been the
point of departure of the following inquiry, the results
may be briefly summarised.
It is generally admitted that the image occupies
the same seat as the percept of which it is a weak and
112 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
incomplete residuum, i. e., in order to produce itself
in consciousness it demands the putting into activity
of certain definite portions of the cerebral centres.
The energy of the representative faculty does not
merely vary from individual to individual in a general
manner : there are particular forms of imagination,
constituted by the very marked predominance of a
certain group of representations, visual, auditory,
muscular, olfactory, gustatory.
Normal observation, and still more pathological
documents, have thus determined certain types. We
may also (though this is mere hypothesis and difficult
to verify) admit a "mixed" or "indifferent" type, in
which the different species of sensations are repre-
sented by corresponding images of equal clearness
and vigor, without marked predominance of any one
group, whilst still maintaining their relative impor-
tance; e. g., it is clear that in man the visual and
olfactory images cannot be equivalent in absolute
importance. Excluding this indifferent type, we have
three principal "pure" types: visual, auditory, mus-
cular or motor, signifying a tendency to represent
things in terms borrowed from vision, from sound, or
from movement. If we push the investigation further,
we find that these types again imply variations or sub-
types. Thus there may be a lively faculty for repre-
sentation of complex visual forms (faces, landscapes,
monuments) along with a weak sense for graphic signs
(printed or written words) and so on.
The numerous works devoted to this subject, and
too well known to be insisted on here, lead us to this
conclusion : that there is no general faculty of imagi-
nation. This is a vague term which designates very
different individual variations ; these last alone have
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. II3
any psychological reality, and are alone important in
cognising the mechanism of the intellect.
Ma}^ it not be the same for the faculty of concep-
tion? May not the word "general idea" or "con-
cept" be in its kind the equivalent of the word image,
namely a vague formula, — its psychological reality ly-
ing in types or variations as yet undetermined? I am
exposing for ideas, the problem that has already been
set forth for images, while recognising its much greater
obscurity. The psycho-physiological conditions of the
existence of concepts are practically unknown : this
is a terra incognita wherein the new psychology has
hardly adventured itself, and where it would indeed
have been chimerical to tread before the preliminary
study of the image.
The question I have set myself to elucidate is very
modest, very limited and circumscribed, representing
only part of the problem indicated above. It may,
however, teach us something of the ultimate nature of
concepts. It is as follows :
When we think, hear, or read a general term, what
arises as sign in consciousness, directly and without
reflexion ?
I have purposely italicised these words in order
to emphasise my principal aim, which was to discover
the instantaneous operations (conscious or unconscious")
that occur in such a case, in persons whose habits of
mind are widely different. I endeavored as much as
possible to eliminate reflexion and to seize the mental
state. With time and effort, minds that are least apt
in abstraction will arrive at a more or less successful
translation of general terms, or at the substitution for
114 '^^E EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
them of some mangled and halting definition. I set
myself as far as possible to suppress this secondary
phase of the mental process, and to arrest it at the
first, in order to determine what the word evokes im-
mediately^ and in what degree this differs with the
individual.
In order to make the answers more exactly com-
parable, I interrogated only the adults of both sexes,
excluding all children. It was indispensable to my
investigation that it should comprise people of very
different degrees of culture, habits of mind, and pro-
fession. The principal classes were mathematicians,
physicists, doctors, scientists, philosophers, painters,
musicians, architects, men of the world, women, nov-
elists, poets, artisans. The last class made such con-
fused replies that I must regard their documents as
worthless. Too much is left for individual interpre-
tation. The total number of persons interrogated
amounted to one hundred and three.
The method was invariably the same. We said to
the subject : "I am going to pronounce certain words;
will you tell me directly, without reflexion, whether
this word calls up anything or nothing in your mind?
If anything, what is suggested to you?" The reply
was noted down at once ; if delayed beyond five to
seven seconds, it was held to be null, or doubtful. In
the case of naive subjects, I employed certain prelimi-
naries : before pronouncing abstract words, concrete
1 Under the heading "Observations on General Terms" the American
Jojcrnal of Psychology, III. i, p. 144 (Jan., 1890) gives the results of an investi-
gation conducted upon 113 school children aged 13 to 18. The words being,
the infinite, literature, abstraction, number, flay, coldness, horror, etc., yvexe
written down, and a few moments were given the pupils to transcribe their
impressions in each case.
The summarised answers are not devoid of interest, but the object of the
inquiry is evidently very diiterent from our own.
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. II 5
terms (designating a monument, or person) such as
would evoke a simple image, were heard; then the
impulse being given, I proceeded to the enumeration
of general terms.
The words which served as material for the inquiry-
were fourteen in number, proceeding from the con-
crete to the highest abstractions. They were enun-
ciated in an indifferent order and were as follows :
dog, animal, color, form, justice, goodness, virtue, law,^
number, force, time, relation, cause, infinity.
The inquiry was invariably oral, never in writing,
the greatest care being taken to prevent the person
from knowing the end in view, unless afterwards :
which led in certain cases to interesting explanations.
The very nature of my method prevented me from
extending it as widely as I could have wished. I
could not, as was done in England, distribute printed
questions among the public, because it was necessary
to note the spontaneous answer immediately before it
was corrected by later reflection. Moreover, I needed
unsophisticated subjects, ignorant of my purpose, and
therefore eliminated all whom I suspected of being
even indirectly acquainted with it.
The majority were interrogated on the fourteen
terms cited above, others on a few only ; so that the
total number of responses was over nine hundred. It
would be beside the mark to publish them here.
They are nothing more than data which have to be
interpreted. Three principal or pure types appear to
stand out from them, besides the failures or mixed
cases. These may be termed the concrete type, the
iThe word "law" was purposely chosen for its ambiguity; physical
laws, moral or social laws. The immense majority of answers were in the
juristic sense. Ex., Code, Law of the Twelve Tables, a judge, woman with
scales, etc.
Il6 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
visual typographic type, and the auditory type. Each
of these corresponds with a particular mode of repre-
senting the general idea. We will examine them sep-
arately.
I. Concrete Type. Here the abstract word nearly
always evokes an image, vague or precise ; usually
visual, sometimes muscular. It is not a simple sign,
it does not represent the total substitution, it is not
dry, and finally reduced. It is immediately and spon-
taneously transformed into a concrete. In fact, the
persons of this type think only in images. Words are
for them no more than a kind of vehicle, a social in-
strument of mutual comprehension. When a sequence
of general or abstract terms passes through their
minds, what really passes is a succession of concretes,
save for the very abstract words which "evoke noth-
ing." This is an answer I have often received, and
which, in virtue of its importance, will be considered
apart, at the end of this chapter.
The concrete type appears to be the most widely
distributed ; it obtains almost to exclusion among
women, artists, and all who have not the habit of sci-
entific abstraction. I have selected a few examples
from among the many observations belonging to this
type.
A painter. — Cause: nothing. Relation: relations of
terms ; recital, written report. Law: judges in red
robes. Number: vague. Color: contrast between green
of plant, and red of drapery. Forffi: a round block,
a woman's shoulder. Sound: a murmur. Dog: ears
of a dog running. Animal: vague collection, as in
certain Dutch pictures. Force: hits out with his fists.
Goodness: his young mother, seen vaguely. Titne:
Saturn with his scythe. Infinity: a black hole.
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. ll^
A woman. — Cause: I had been the cause of her
son's success. Law: the government is bad. Color:
sees an impressionist picture by her son. Form: names
a beautiful person. Goodness and Virtue: names two
people who each have this quality. Force: sees men
fighting. Relation: social relations between husband
and wife. Justice: sees an audience-hall and judges.
Dog: sees a dog that bit one of her parents. Infinity:
nothing. Time: a metronome.
These two interrogatories are complete. I might
proceed by another method : that of taking each gen-
eral term (law, cause, number, etc.) and quoting all
the answers received, among which many would be
identical. Such an enumeration would be long and
superfluous : we cannot, however, neglect a few of
the particulars. For the word cause, several persons
(women, artists, people in society) replied ^ 'cause ci-
lebre,*^ "proces c^lebre," for the most part mentioning
one only, and that some recent trial. At first this
reply annoyed me, and appeared to be useless for my
inquiry. Later, on the other hand, I felt it to be in-
structive, because it characterises better than any de-
scription the type which I have denoted as concrete,
and the particular turn of this kind of mind, in which
the abstract sense does not present itself, at any rate
at the beginning.
I may also note two answers given me immediately
by a celebrated painter : — Number: I see many bril-
liant points. Law: I see parallel lines. (Is this the
unconscious idea of levelling by the law?)
The terms goodness and virtue suggested answers
which are easily summarised : they fall into two cate-
gories, (i) Nothing; this answer does not belong to
the concrete type ; (2) a definite person, who was al-
Il8 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
ways named and who thus becomes the incarnation,
the concrete representation.
Nearly all the images evoked belong to the visual
sense; the word force, however, most frequently called
up pure muscular images, or the same accompanied
by a vague visual representation. Example — Seeing
somebody lifting a weight ; I vaguely see something
pulling ; a weight suspended by a ring ; a string draw-
ing on a nail; pressure of my fist in a fluid ; the Mar-
shal of Saxony breaking an ^cu of six pounds, etc.
I have been describing the ordinary and principal
form of the concrete type. It consists in the immedi-
ate and spontaneous substitution of a particular case
(fact or individual) for the general term. In certain
observations a slightly different variation may be de-
tected ; I have encountered it among several histori-
ans and learned men. In the ordinary type, the whole
(general) is thought by means of the part (concrete);
in the variation, the thinking is by analogy, and the
mechanism seems to be reduced to pure association.
A few examples will explain the distinction. The re-
plies in duplicate were given by different persons.
Number: the "Language of Calculation," Pythagoras.
Cause: Hume's theory of causality; Kant's theory.
Law: the "Tables of Malaga," Montesquieu's defini-
tion. Color: the chemistry of the spectrum. Justice:
Littr^'s definition. Animal: the Tre/jt ^vyri<i of Aristotle.
Time: a vague metaphysical theory. Relation: dis-
cussion of Ampere and Tracy on this subject. Infinity:
books on mathematics. Color: treatises of photogra-
phy, etc.
It might be objected that there is a certain associ-
ation in ordinary cases as in these; but the distinction
will readily be perceived. The former proceed from
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. IIQ
that which contains, to the content — from the class to
the fact : they think the whole by means of the part ;
there is an internal association. The latter form as-
sociations beside and from without. Apparently these
do not reach to the concrete, they stop half way ; for
a complete generality they substitute a semi-general-
ity. Further than this, my data are neither sufficiently
numerous, nor clear enough, for the point to be in-
sisted on.
2. Visual Typographic Type. Nothing is easier
to define. In its pure form it consists in seeing printed
words and nothing more ; in three cases words were
seen written. Among some the vision of the printed
words was accompanied by a concrete image as in the
first type, but only for semi-concrete concepts (dog,
animal, color) ; for the higher abstracts (time, cause,
infinity, etc.) the typographical vision alone exists.^
This mode of representation is widely distributed
among those who have read much ; but there, are
many exceptions.
No doubt many of my readers will discover from
self-observation that they belong to this type. I have
further noticed that all who have this mode of repre-
sentation regard it as normal, and necessary, in any-
one who knows how to read. This is a fallacy. I do
not possess it myself in the faintest degree, and have
met many others who resemble me.
Thus I was little prepared to discover this type ;
and had even reached my thirtieth observation with-
out suspecting it, when I encountered such a clear
case as to put me on the track. I was interrogating
a well-known physiologist. To every word except
IFor the word infinity, those who fall under this type see the printed
word, or the mathematical sign oo.
I20 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
Law and Form, he replied ' * I see them in printed
characters " and was able to describe these accurately.
Even the words do^, aniynal, color, were unaccom-
panied by any image. He volunteered further infor-
mation which maybe reduced to the statement, "I
see everything typographically." The same holds
good for concrete objects. If he hears the names of
his intimate friends whom he meets every day, he sees
the names printed ; it is only by an effort of thought
that he sees the image. The word "water" appears
to him as if printed, and he has no vision of a liquid.
If he thinks of carbonic acid, or nitrogen, he sees in-
differently either the words printed or the symbols
CO2, N. He does not see the complex formulae of
organic chemistry, but the words only.
Surprised (from the reasons above indicated) at
this observation — of the sincerity and precision of
which there could be no doubt — I continued my in-
vestigation, and discovered this mode of thinking in
general terms to be sufficiently common. Several
cases indeed were as pure and as detailed as the one
just cited. Thenceforward I adopted the habit of in-
variably asking at the close of my interrogatory "Did
you see the words printed? "
Several people remarked that they had read a great
deal, and corrected many proofs, and that this would
account for their belonging to the typographical visual
type. The influence of habit is certainly enormous,
but is no adequate explanation here, since there are
many exceptions. I have myself read and corrected
many proofs, but no word ever appeared in my con-
sciousness as printed, unless after considerable effort,
lit should be noted that he lived among these animals and experimented
with them almost dailv.
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 121
and then vaguely. Hence this mode must be due in
great part to natural disposition.
Among the compositors questioned I found : (i)
That they saw my fourteen words printed in some
special type, which they occasionally specified ; (2)
they had a concomitant image for semi-concrete terms;
(3) for abstract terms no image accompanied the typo-
graphical vision. Here we have the superposition of
two types : the one natural, and of primitive forma-
tion (concrete type) , the other acquired, and of sec-
ondary formation (typographical visual type).
In short, — in many minds the existence of the con-
cept is associated with a clear vision of the printed
word and nothing beyond it.
3. Auditory Type. — In its pure form this seems to
be rare. It consists in having in mind nothing but
signs (auditory images) unaccompanied either by the
vision of printed words or by concrete images. Pos-
sibly it may preponderate among orators and preach-
ers ; of this I have no documentary evidence. Musi-
cians do not appear to belong to this type.
One very clear and complete case of the kind I
have, however, encountered. This was a polyglot
physician known as the author of several works, who
for many years had lived among books and manu-
scripts. He has no trace of typographical vision, but
all words "sound in his ear." He can neither read
nor compose without articulating ; as the interest of
his book or work grows upon him he speaks aloud —
"He must hear himself." In his dreams there are
few or no visual images ; he hears his voice and that
of his interlocutors: "His dreams are auditory."
None of my words, even when semi-concrete, evoked
visual images.
122 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
In most cases the auditory type is not clear. For
very general terms the heard word alone exists, but in
proportion as the concrete is approached, the sound
is accompanied by an image ; thus returning upon our
former type.
It is worth while to note that the term flatus vocis
^'nomina," first employed in the Middle Ages and
which has since become the formula of Nominalism,
seems by its nature to indicate that it was originally
invented by persons who belonged to the auditory
type, and I may even hazard an hypothesis. The typo-
graphical visual type did not exist (printing not being
invented) ; it is true that a substitute might have ex-
isted in the graphic visual type (reading of manu-
scripts). But considering that in the Middle Ages in-
struction was essentially oral, that learning came
rather through listening than by reading, that the ora-
torical jousts and arguments were daily and intermin-
able, it is undeniable that the conditions for develop-
ing the auditory type were highly favorable here.
I need hardly say that the three types described
above are rarely met with in the pure and complete
form. As a rule a mixed type prevails : a concrete
image for certain words, and typographical vision, or
auditory images, for others. To sum up : all cases seem
to be capable of reduction to the following : (i) The
word heard ; beyond this, nil (we shall subsequently
have to examine this "nothing"); (2) typographical
vision alone ; (3) the same, accompanied by a con-
crete image ; (4) the word heard, accompanied invari-
ably by a concrete image.
4. Prior to the commencement of this inquiry I
felt much hesitation on one point : should one in ques-
tioning use general 7vords or general propositions ? I
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 1 23
decided in favor of words because these are brief,
simple, isolated, and undisguised, and have the ad-
vantage of being understood directly, while they in no
way suggest to the subject what line he is to follow.
I still however felt scruples in the matter. Was
not the investigation as conducted on these lines a
little artificial? In point of fact, general terms most
frequently occur as members of a phrase, co-operating
with others, and connected with them by certain rela-
tions. I therefore recommenced my inquiry, using
the same method, but replacing words by phrases.
The general propositions employed are purposely
trite, to avoid contradiction, and to ascertain the im-
mediate mental state. They were as follows :
Cause invariably precedes effect. — Infinity has sev-
eral meanings. — Is Space infinite? — Has Time any
limits? — Law is a necessary relation. — I need not en-
large upon the results : they are pi-ecisely the same as
for words. In every case, and for each person, there
is one predominating word which absorbs all the con-
tent of the phrase, and is a substitute for it. On this
the instantaneous mental operation is concentrated.
If of the concrete type, the subject sees images.
In the second phrase, e. g., everything converges on
the word infinity. Replies : Sensation of obscurity
and depth, vague luminous circles, a sort of cupola, a
never-receding horizon, etc. If a typographic visual-
ist, the printed sentence is seen less clearly than the
simple words : "in minute characters ; no capitals" ;
some persons glimpse it rapidly: others see only "the
principal word printed."
For the pure auditory type, the answer is always
very simple. "I hear the sentence, I see absolutely
nothing."
124 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
The new method therefore simply confirms the
previous observations, with no variations. This iden-
tity of result seems to me to militate against a dis-
tinction admitted by many authors. In the classical
treatises a distinction is made between "necessary
ideas" and "necessary truths" (I use their terms un-
critically), i. e., general concepts and general propo-
sitions. Example : cause, principle of causality. In
my opinion there is merely a difference of form be-
tween the two positions, the one psychological, the
other logical. A concept is a judgment in a state of
envelopment, or of result. The proposition is a word
in the state of development. The difference is not
material, but formal ; it is the passage from synthesis
to analysis.
I thought that after an interval of two years it
might be interesting to repeat the same inquiry on the
same people ; but the results were not encouraging in
this direction. Some, remembering the previous in-
vestigation, declared that "they felt themselves in-
fluenced beforehand." Others, who had a more vague
recollection (perhaps because they did not understand
the object of the inquiry) gave answers analogous to
their former replies. In short, notwithstanding the
lapse of time, and change of circumstances, each
seemed to be consistent with his former self.
I must admit that in the preceding research the
psychological nature of the concepts was studied un-
der a particular aspect. This objection was made at
the London Psychological Congress^ by the Presi-
IThe results of the investigation were published, partly in the Revue
Philosophique, October, 1891, partly at the International Congress of Psychol-
ogy, second session, London, 1892 {International Congress of Experimental
Psychology. London : Williams & Norgate, pp. 20, et seq.).
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 1 25
dent, Professor Sidgwick, whose remarks may be sum-
marised as follows :
First, Professor Sidgwick believes that the act of
suddenly calling attention to a word, in a person not
accustomed to introspective observation, evokes a re-
sponse which does not exactly correspond to the state
ordinarily aroused by such words. In his own par-
ticular case he has found that the images evoked (us-
ually visual) were extremely feeble, but that when he
dwelt upon them they were enlivened. Secondly, the
images vary a great deal according to the terms em-
ployed ; for example, when he is occupied with math-
ematical and logical trains of thought, he sees only
the printed words. If he is engaged upon the subject
of political economy, the general terms sometimes
have for their concomitants extremely fantastic im-
ages : like value, for instance, which is accompanied
by the indistinct and fragmentary image of a man
placing something upon the pan of a balance. Thirdly,
when for such words as infinity, relation, etc., the sub-
ject answers nothing, the only conclusion justified is
that the subject is incapable of describing the con-
fused elements which exist in his consciousness.
Fourthly, Professor Sidgwick's own experience points
to the conclusion that my types may succeed each
other in the same person.
On this last point — the co-existence of several
modes of conception in the same person — I am quite
in agreement with Professor Sidgwick, and my own
data, drawn up from personal observations, would
provide me with sufficient evidence. At the same
time the object of my investigation was not to deter-
mine the manner in which each individual conceives,
but the forms under which men as a whole think of
126 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
concepts. Nor did I profess to follow the work of the
mind when it resolves its general ideas into concretes,
when it makes coin out of its bank-notes, but only to
seize the subjacent labor that accompanies the current
and facile use of general terms, in speaking, listening,
reading or writing. No doubt it would be advisable
to treat the subject in another manner by studying —
no longer the momentary state that corresponds with
the presence of the concept in consciousness — but the
stable organised turn of mind due to a long habit of
dealing with concepts. To this end it would be de-
sirable more especially to question mathematicians
and metaphysicians. My data are neither numerous
nor clear enough to permit of my hazarding any dic-
tum on this subject. Some mathematicians have told
me that they invariably require a figured representa-
tion, a construction, and that even when these are
considered as purely fictitious their support is indis-
pensable to the train of reasoning. Contra those who
think geometrically, there are others who think alge-
braically, eliminating all configuration, or construc-
tion, and proceeding by simple analysis with the aid
of signs : which (with the necessary corrections and
descriptions) would bring the first under the concrete,
and the second under the audito-motor type. Among
metaphysicians the typographical visual type seems
largely to predominate. One (who is well known) be-
longs to the pure auditory type. All this, however,
is inadequate ; the investigation would have to be fol-
lowed out, by and upon others.
A young Russian doctor, M. Adam Wizel, who
was interested in the subject, put the same questions
(following the method indicated above) to persons in
the hypnotic state. Admitting the unconscious mental
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 127
activities to preponderate in this state he asked
whether by this procedure it would not be possible to
penetrate farther into the unknown substrate of con-
sciousness. His experiments were undertaken at the
Salpetriere, in Charcot's, clinique, upon six women —
hysterics of the first order. The subjects were first
put into a state of somnambulism, then after a pre-
liminary explanation were questioned, as above. After
getting the answers Wizel ordered the subjects to for-
get all that had happened, and then woke them. He
now began again in the waking state, asking the same
questions, so that he was able to compare the answers
given successively in the two cases. They are nearly
always clearer and more explicit during somnambu-
lism than during the waking state, as may be judged
by the following example (taken from the third ob-
servation):
QUESTIONS
SOMNAMBULISM
WAKING STATE
Dog:
A big grey animal
Nothing
Form :
A red cardboard head
Nothing
Law:
A tribunal
Nothing
Justice:
A magistrate
State of justice
Number :
Figure 12 in white
The number of a note (?)
Color :
Green
Blue
Where the replies are concrete in the two cases I
note a tolerable analogy between them. M. Wizel
(who eliminated all doubtful cases, and any accompa-
nied by crises) never encountered the typographical
visual type, nor the pure auditory type, in his experi-
ments. His six hysterics belong to the concrete type,
with the predominance of visual images — much more
rarely of motor images, provoked by the word "force."
The answer "nothing " is very frequent ; less so, how-
ever, during somnambulism than during the waking
state.
128 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
II.
We now reach the most obscure and difficult part
of our subject. Among the nine hundred and odd re-
plies collected, the one most frequently met with is
"nothing." There is no observation in which it does
not occur at least once : in the majority of cases it is
found one, two, three, four, or more times. If I take
the word cause, the formula "I have no representa-
tion," forms fifty- three per cent, of the total of answers
collected ; the rest saw the printed word or some con-
crete image; e. g., a stone falling, horses drawing, or
other simulacra, of which several have already been
enumerated. It is the same with all the other highly
abstract terms (time, infinity, etc.). So that to return
to the question which was to be the exclusive object
of our investigation, — "Is the general idea when
thought, read, or heard, accompanied by anything in
consciousness?" — we may reply, an image, a typo-
graphical vision, or nothing. We must now inquire,
what this nothing is, for it must be something.
We are face to face with the problem which the
pure Nominalists attacked, when they took this nil in
its proper sense. Were there indeed any who really
pretended that we could have in mind words, and
words only — nothing besides? This is a historical
problem into which it is useless for us to enter. It is
possible that some may have pushed their reaction
against the extravagances of realism even to this
point, but the thesis is totally insupportable ; for at
that rate there would be no difference between a gen-
eral term, and a word of any unknown language : the
latter is the pure flatus vocis, a sound that evokes
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. I29
nothing. If, on the other hand, by word we mean
sign, everything changes, since the sign implies and
envelops something. Such appears to me to be the
true interpretation. 1
So that for the cases which alone concern us for
the moment, i. e., those in which the reply was
"Nothing," there are two elements, the one existing
in consciousness (word heard or auditory image), the
other subconscious, but not therefore invalid and in-
accurate. Hence we must penetrate into the obscure
region of the unconscious, in order to apprehend the
something which gives to the word its signification,
its life, its power of substitution.
Leibnitz wrote: "Most frequently, e. g., in any
prolonged analysis, we have no simultaneous intuition
of all the characteristics or attributes of a thing : in
their place we use signs. In actually thinking, we
are accustomed to omit the explanation of these signs
by reference to what they signify — knowing or believ-
ing that we have this explanation in our power : but
we do not judge the application, or explanation, of the
words to be positively necessary. ... I have termed
this method of thinking, blind or symbolic. We em-
ploy it in algebra, in arithmetic, and in fact univers-
ally:" which is equivalent to saying that potential
knowledge is stored up beneath the general or ab-
stract terms ; nor should we be surprised at finding
this doctrine in the man who first introduced the idea
of the unconscious into philosophy.
IThusTaine, who is usually regarded as a Nominalist, tells us that, "A
general idea is a name, nothing more than a name, a name which signifies
and comprehends a sequence of similar facts, or class of similar individuals,
accompanied usually by the sensory but vague representation of some of
these facts or individuals." (The words italicised for emphasis are not so
distinguished in the text.)
130 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
To determine the role of this inevitably active,
albeit silent, factor is a difficult enterprise, and one
that is necessarily inaccurate, — since it amounts to
the translation of obscure and enveloped states into
the clear and analytical language of consciousness.
The simplest procedure is to examine how we arrive
at the comprehension of general terms. ^ Set a page
of a philosophical work before the eyes of a novice
or of a man wholly ignorant of the subject. He under-
stands nothing. The only method that will render it
intelligible is to take the general or abstract terms
one after the other, and translate them into concrete
events, into facts of current experience. This labor
demands an hour or two. In proportion to the pro-
gress of the novice, the translation is effected more
quickly ; it becomes superfluous for certain terms ;
and finally but a few minutes are required for the
comprehension of a page. Untrained minds are often
surprised, on reading a sentence consisting of abstract
terms, at understanding each word, and yet not know-
ing what the whole means. This signifies that they
have not beneath each word potential knowledge suf-
ficient to establish a connexion or relation between all
the terms, and giving meaning to them. Apart from
those who are familiar with abstraction by natural gift
or by habit, it is incontestable that to the vast major-
ity the reading of an abstract page is a slow and pain-
ful and very fatiguing process. This is because each
word exacts an act of attention, an effort, which cor-
responds to labor in the unconscious or sub-conscious
regions. When this labor becomes useless, and Vve
iWe are dealing only with comprehension, and not with invention (dis-
covery of a law, or of general features in nature). Invention requires quite
different mental processes.
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. I3I
think, or appear to think, by signs alone all goes rap-
idly and easily.
In short, we learn to understand a concept as we
learn to walk, dance, fence, or play a musical instru-
ment: it is a habit, i. e., an organised memory. Gen-
eral terms cover an organised, latent knowledge which
is the hidden capital without which we should be in
a state of bankruptcy, manipulating false money or
paper of no value. General ideas are habits in the
intellectual order. Suppression of effort corresponds
with perfected habit ; as again with perfect compre-
hension.
What occurs each time we have in consciousness
merely the general term, is only a particular case of a
very common psychological fact : as follows : — The
useful work is carried on below consciousness, and
above its surface only results, indications, or signs
appear. The facts enumerated above are all taken
from motor activity. Their equivalents abound in the
domain of feeling. The "causeless" states of joy or
sorrow, which are frequent in the sound man, and still
more in the invalid, are onl)' the translation into con-
sciousness of ignored organic dispositions operating
in obscurity. What gives intensity and duration to
our passions is not the consciousness we have of them,
but the depth of the roots by which they plunge into
our being, and are organised in our viscera, and sub-
sequently in our brain. They are no more than the
expression of our constitution, permanent, or mo-
mentary. We might run over the whole province of
psychology, with variations on the same theme. I do
not propose to do so here, but would simply recall
that every state of consciousness whatsoever (percept,
image, idea, feeling, passion, volition) has its sub-
132 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
strate ; that the concept reduced to the bare word is
but another case of the same kind, and in no wise pe-
culiar : that to believe that there is nothing more than
the word, because it alone exists in consciousness, is
to seize only the superficial and visible part of the
event, — perhaps, all things considered, the least part.
This unconscious substratum, this organised and po-
tential knowledge, gives not merely value, but an ac-
tual denotation to the word, — like harmonics super-
added to the fundamental note.
To conclude: we think not with words in the strict
sense (^flatus vocis) but with signs. Symbolic thought,
which is a purely verbal operation, is sustained, co-
ordinated, vivified, by potential knowledge and uncon-
scious travail. To this it must be added that potential
knowledge is a genus, of which the concept is only a
species. All memory can be reduced to latent knowl-
edge, organised, susceptible of revival, but all mem-
ory is not material for concepts. The man who knows
many languages even when not speaking them, the
naturalist capable of identifying millions of specimens
while not classifying them, have a very extended po-
tential knowledge, but it is all concrete. The poten-
tial knowledge which underlies concepts consists in a
sum of characters, qualities, extracts, which are the
less numerous in proportion as the concept approxi-
mates to pure symbolism : in other terms what under-
lies the concept is an abstract memory, a memory for
abstracts.
In my opinion, a large measure of the obscurities
and dissensions which prevail as to the nature of
concepts, arises from the fact that the role of uncon-
scious activity has for centuries been misunderstood
cr forgotten, — psychology having confined itself ex-
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. 1 33
clusively to consciousness : and while its action is
universally admitted to-day for all other manifesta-
tions of mental life — instincts, percepts, feelings, vo-
lition, etc. — it is still excluded from the domain of
concepts. The whole of the foregoing discussion is
an essay towards its reintegration.
Need we add that the opinion adopted as to the
nature of the unconscious matters little in the present
connexion? On this point there are, we know, two
principal hypotheses. According to the one it is a
purely physiological event, and can be reduced to un-
conscious cerebration. According to the other, the
unconscious is still a psychical fact; whether it be an
affective rather than a representative state, or a com-
plex of little, scattered consciousnesses, isolated, evan-
escent, with no linkage to the self, or, again, an or-
ganisation or sequence of states, which forms another
current coexistent with that of clear consciousness.
These theories, and others which I omit, have nothing
to do with our purpose. It is sufficient to recognise
unconscious activity as a fact, without any explana-
tion, and this position would seem to be incontest-
able.
We have seen that abstraction, in proportion as it
ascends and strengthens, separates itself more and
more from the image, until finally, at the moment of
pure symbolism, the separation becomes antagonism.
This is because there is fundamentally, and from the
outset, an opposition of nature and procedure between
the two. The ideal of the image is an ever-growing
complexity, the ideal of abstraction an ever-growing
simplification, since the one is formed by addition,
the other by subtraction.
To the man who is gifted with a rich internal
134 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
vision, the shape of people, of monuments, of land-
scapes, surges up clearly and well defined : under the
influence of attention, and with time, details are ad-
ded,— the representation completes itself, and ap-
proaches more and more completely to the reality. So
too with internal audition : witness the musician who
hears ideally every detail of a symphony.
The contrary holds for abstraction. "There is,"
says Cournot, "an analysis which separates objects,
and an analysis which distinguishes without isolat-
ing them. The use of the refracting prism is an in-
stance of the analysis which separates or isolates. If,
instead of isolating the rays so as to cause them to
describe different trajectories, they are made to trav-
erse certain media which have the property of extin-
guishing a definite color, we are able to distinguish
without isolating."^
Abstraction belongs to this last type, with inter-
vention of the process described by Cournot. Atten-
tion brings a feature into relief ; inattention, and vol-
untary inhibition, act as extinguishers to the other
characteristics.
Let us pass from theory to practice. This antag-
onism is of current observation, almost a banality,
whenever men of imagination are confronted with ab-
stract thinkers. We must of course exclude those
who by a rare gift of nature (Goethe), or by the arti-
fice of education, are capable of handling the image
and concept alternately.
Let us take the artists as type of the imaginative
thinker : the novelist, poet, sculptor, painter, musi-
cian, etc. Each dreams of an organic, living work, a
complex. Some with words, others with forms, others
1 Cournot, Essai stir lesfondements de nos connaissances. L, S 109, p. 231.
HIGHER FORMS OF ABSTRACTION. I 35
with sounds; realists with the aid of minute detail,
classics by means of general sketches ; all make for
the same end. Music again, which from its nature
seems a thing apart, is an architecture of sounds of
amazing complexity, often exciting contradictory states
of mind.
Among abstract thinkers (theorists, scientists) the
tendency is always towards unity, law, generalities —
towards simplification : by what is fundamental and
essential, if the man be genuine ; by shifting and ac-
cidental features, if he is a charlatan. The mathe-
matician and the pure metaphysician have usually a
distaste for facts, for multiplicity of detail. A writer
whose name has escaped me says: " Every scientist
smells of the cadaver." This is our thesis, under the
form of an image. Abstract thought is a cadaver. It
would be more just, though less picturesque, to say a
skeleton ; for scientific abstraction is the bony frame-
work of phenomena.
The antagonism between the image and the idea
is thus fundamentally that of the whole and the part.
It is impossible to be at the same time an abstract
thinker and an imaginative thinker, because one can-
not simultaneously think the whole and the part, the
group and the fraction ; and these two habits of mind
while not absolutely exclusive are antagonistic.
*
* *
In conclusion, have we general ideas, or merely
general terms? It must first be remarked that the ex-
pressions, "general ideas or notions," "concepts," are
equivocal or rather multivocal. We have seen that
concepts differ widely in their psychological nature
according to their degree, having but one character-
istic in common — that of being extracts. It is there-
136 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
fore chimerical to attempt to include them all under a
single definition. To take the highest only, as most
frequently debated, some say, "There are no general
ideas but only general terms." To others the general
idea is only an indefinite series of particular ideas, or
"a particular idea that the mind proposes as the first
stake in a forward march. "^ To others it is a system
of tendencies accompanied or not by the possibility of
images. 2 For my own part I prefer the formula of
Hoffding^: "General ideas exist therefore in the sense
that we are able to concentrate the attention on cer-
tain elements of the individual idea, so that a weaker
light falls on the other elements."
This is the sole mode of existence that can be
legitimately conceded to them.
In regard to the higher concepts we have endeav-
ored to show that they have their distinctive psycho-
logical nature: on the one hand a clear and conscious
element which is always the word, and sometimes in
addition the fragmentary image ; on the other an ob-
scure and unconscious factor, — without which, never-
theless, symbolic thought is only a mechanism turn-
ing in the air, and producing naught but phantoms.
1 Dugas. Du Psittacis7ne et de la pensle symboligue, pp. i2i et seq.
SPaulhan. Revue philosophigut. July, 1889, pp. 77 et seq.
3H5Sding. Ptychologie, £og. tr., p. 168.
CHAPTER V.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS.
AFTER this general study of the nature of the most
- elevated forms of abstraction, we must take the
principal concepts one by one, and retrace their evo-
lution in outline. Let us once more note that we are
concerned with pure psychology, and are to eliminate
all that depends on the theory of knowledge and other
transcendental speculations. As regards the ^rs^ ori-
gin of our notions of time, space, cause, etc., each
may adopt the opinion that pleases him. Whether
we admit the hypothesis of d priori forms of the mind
(Kant), or that of an innate sense acquired by repeti-
tion of experience in the species, and fixed by hered-
ity in the course of centuries (Herbert Spencer), or
any other whatsoever — it is clear that the appearance
of these concepts, and the data of their evolution, de-
pend on experimental conditions, and consequently
fall within our province. Accordingly it is with their
empirical genesis, and development through experi-
ence, that we are concerned — and with that alone.
SECTION I. CONCEPT OF NUMBER.
The lower phases of this concept are already known
to us. We have traversed them in considering nume-
138 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
ration, in brutes, children, and aborigines. And here
we return to it finally under its higher aspects.
At the outset, counting was, as we found, merely
the perception of a plurality ; abstraction being prac-
tically at zero. Later on a rudiment of numeration
appeared, under a practical concrete form : we have
perception plus the word — a poor auxiliary, whose
part is so insignificant as to be mostly negligible. We
noted the different stages of this concrete abstract
period, marked by the increasing importance of the
word. Finally we arrived at the point at which it is
the prime and almost the only factor. Number under
its abstract form, as it results, from a long elabora-
tion, consists in a collection of unities that are, or are
reputed, similar. We have therefore first to examine
how the idea of unity is formed. Next by what men-
tal operation the sequence of numbers is constituted,
lastly what is the part played by the sign.
I. To common sense nothing appears more easy
than to explain how the idea of unity is formed. I
see a man, a tree, a house ; I hear a sound ; I touch
an object ; I smell an odor, and so on : and I distin-
guish this single state from a plurality of sensations.
John Stuart Mill seems to admit that number (at least
in its simplest forms) is a quality of things that we per-
ceive, as white, black, roundness, hardness : there is
a distinct and special state of consciousness corre-
sponding to one, two, three, etc.
Even if we admit this very doubtful thesis, we
should arrive at last only at perceived numbers, with
which consistent and extended numeration is impos-
sible. It can only be carried on with homogeneous
terms, i. e., such as are given by abstraction.
The notion of unity must however find its point of
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 39
departure in experience, at first under a concrete form.
Although it may enter consciousness by several doors,
some psychologists, with no legitimate reason, have
attributed its origin to one definite mode of external,
or even internal, perception which they have chosen
to the exclusion of all others.
For some, it is the primordial sense, the sense par
excellence ; touch. The child regards as a unity the
object which it can hold in its hand (a ball, a glass),
or follow uninterruptedly in all its boundaries. Wher-
ever his operations are interrupted, where there are
breaks of surface continuity, he perceives plurality.
In other terms unity is the continuous, plurality is
the discontinuous. Numerous observations prove that
children actually have a far more exact and precocious
notion of continuous quantity (extension), than of dis-
continuous, discrete quantity (number). ^
For others, it is sight, for which all that was said
above may obviously be repeated. The retina replaces
the cutaneous surface : an image clearly perceived
without discontinuity is the unity ; the perception of
simultaneous images leaving intermediate lacunae in
the field of vision, gives plurality.
The same may be said of the acoustic sensations.
Preyer, in a work on "Arithmogenesis," claims that
"hearing takes first rank in the acquisition of the
concept of number." Number must be felt before it
1 Maclellan & Dewey {Psychology of Number and Its Application to Methods
of Teaching Arithmetic, New York, 1895) made pedagogical deductions from
this fact. They ask, for beginners, that the examples should be borrowed
from continuous quantity, and that number be considered as a particular
species of measure. — In his book Our Notions of Nutnber and Space (Boston,
1894) Nichols, taking a theory of James about judgments of number as the
basis of his experiments, tries to show that the simultaneous sensation of
two points applied to the skin originates in the successive sensation of a dis-
tinct contact upon two separate tactile circles.
140 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
is thought. Ideas of number and of addition have to
be acquired, and this, according to him, takes place
in the child when it hears and compares sounds. Sub-
sequently, touch and sight complete this first outline.
It is known that Leibnitz assimilated music to an un-
conscious arithmetic. Preyer reverses the proposition
and says : Arithmetica est exercitium musicum occultum
nescientis se sonos comparare aninii?-
As against those who seek the origin of the idea
of unity in external events, others attribute it to in-
ternal experience.
Thus it has been maintained that consciousness of
the ego as a monad which knows itself, is the proto-
type of arithmetical unity. Obviously this assertion
is open to numerous objections. To wit, the late for-
mation of the notion of the ego, the fruit of reflexion ;
its instability, — still more, this unity, like all the pre-
ceding, is concrete, complex ; it is a composite unity.
The thesis of W. James is very superior: "Num-
ber seems to signify primarily the strokes of our at-
tention in discriminating things. These strokes re-
main in the memory in groups, large or small, and
the groups can be compared. The discrimination is,
as we know, psychologically facilitated by the mobil-
ity of the thing as a total. ... A globe is one if undi-
vided ; two, if composed of hemispheres. A sand
heap is one thing, or twenty thousand things, as we
may choose to count it. "^ This reduction to acts of
attention brings us back definitely to the essential and
fundamental conditions of abstraction.
Save this last, the hypotheses enumerated (and in-
1 1 do not insist on any such rash thesis. A discussion of it will be found
in the Report of the Int. Congress of Exp. Psychol, in London [cii., pp. 35-41).
i Psychology. \\., p. 653.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. I4I
ternal sensation might also have been invoked; e. g.,
a localised pain as compared with several scattered
pains) give only percepts or images, i. e., the raw
material of abstract unity. This is itself a subjective
notion. We said above (Chapter II) that the question
whether consciousness starts from the general or the
particular is a misstatement, because it applies to the
mind which is in process of formation, categories
valid only for the adult intelligence. So here. At the
outset there is no clear perception of primary unity
and subsequent plurality, or vice versa : neither ob-
servation nor reasoning justifies an affirmation. There
is a confused, indefinite state, whence issues the an-
tithesis of continuous and discontinuous, the primitive
equivalents of unity and plurality. It took centuries
to arrive at the precise notion of abstract unity as it
exists in the minds of the first mathematicians, and
this notion is the result of a decomposition, not of any
direct and immediate act of postulation. It was neces-
sary to decompose an object or group into its con-
stituent parts, which are or appear to be irreducible.
Then a new synthesis of these parts was required to
re-constitute the whole, in order that the notion of re-
lation between unity and plurality should be perceived
clearly. It cannot be doubted that for the lesser num-
bers two, three, four, the successive perception of
each separate object, and then of the objects appre-
hended together at a single glance, has aided the
work of the mind in the conception of this relation.
We have seen that many human races never passed
beyond this phase. The abstract notion of unity is
that of the indivisible (provisory). It is this abstract
quality of the indivisible, fixed by a word, that gives
us the scientific idea of unity as opposed to the vulgar
142 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
notion. Perceived unity is a concrete, conceived unity
is a quality, an abstract; and in one sense it may be
said that unity, and consequently all abstract number,
is a creation of the mind. It results like all abstrac-
tion from analysis — dissociation. Like all abstraction,
it has an ideal existence ; yet this in no way prevents
it from being an instrument of marvellous utility.
II. It is owing to this that the sequence of num-
bers, homogeneous in material, can be constituted ;
for the identity of unities is the sole condition in vir-
tue of which they can be counted, and the scant nu-
merations of the concrete-abstract period transcended.
The sequence is constituted by an invariable process
of construction, which may be reduced to addition or
subtraction. "Thus the number 2, simplest of all
numbers, is a construction in virtue of which unity is
added to itself ; the number 3 is a construction in vir-
tue of which unity is added to the number 2, and so
on in order. If numbers are composed by successively
adding unity to itself, or to other numbers already
formed by the same process, they are decomposed by
withdrawing unity from the previously constructed
sums; and thus, to decompose is again to compose
other numbers. For example, if 3 is 2 + i, it is also
4 — I. Addition and subtraction are two inverse oper-
ations whose results are mutually exclusive : they are
the sole primitive numerical functions."^
The simplicity and solidity of this process result
from its being always identical with itself, and al-
1 Liard, La science positive et la mltaphysique, p. 226. It should be remarked
that the process by subtraction is met with even among uncivilised people,
though very rarely. The plan of making numerals by subtraction, says Tyler
[op. cit , I., p. 264), is known in North America, and is well shown in the Aino
language of Yesso, v/here the words for 8 and 9 obviously mean "two from
ten," " one from ten."
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. I43
though the series of numbers is unlimited, some one
term of the sequence is rigorously determined, be-
cause it can always be brought back to its point of
departure, unity. In this labor of construction by
continuous repetition, two psychological facts are to
be noted :
1. No sooner is unity passed, in the elaboration of
numbers, than intuition fails altogether. Directly we
reach 5, 6, 7, etc. (the limit varies with the individ-
ual), objects can no longer be perceived or represented
together : there is now no more in consciousness than
the sign, the substitute for the absent intuition : each
number becomes a sum of unities fixed by a name.
2. For our unity-type we substitute higher unities,
which admit of simplification. Thus in the predom-
inating decimal system, ten and a hundred are unities
ten and a hundred times larger than unity, properly
so called. They may be of any given magnitude : the
Hindus, whose exuberant imagination is well known,
invented the koti, equivalent to four billions three hun-
dred and twenty-eight millions of years, for calculat-
ing the life of their gods ; each koti represents a single
day of the divine life.^
Inversely, we may consider the unity-type as a sum
of identical parts, and represent 1=y^ or ^^g, etc.
A tenth, a hundredth, are unities ten times, a hundred
times, smaller than unity properly so called, but they
obey the same laws in the formation of fractional
numbers.
l"The childish and savage practice of counting on the fingers and toes
lies at the foundation of our arithmetical science. Ten seems the most con-
venient arithmetical basis offered by systems founded on hand-counting, but
twelve would have been better, and duodecimal arithmetic is in fact a pro-
test against the less convenient decimal arithmetic in ordinary use. The
case is the not uncommon one of high civilisation bearing evident traces of
the rudeness of its origin in ancient barbaric life." (Tylor, loc. cit., I. p. 272 )
144 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
It is well for the psychologist to note the privileged
position of what we term the unity-type, or simply i.
It originates in experience, because unity, even when
concrete, and apprehended by gross perception, ap-
pears as a primitive element, special and irreducible.
So long as the mind confines itself to perceiving or
imagining, there is in the passage from one object to
two, three, or four objects, or inversely in the passage
from four objects to three, two, or only one, an aug-
mentation or diminution. But below unity in the first
case, and above unity in the second, there is no longer
any mental representation ; unity seems to border on
nonentity and to be an absolute beginning.
From this privileged point the mind can follow
two opposite directions, by an identical movement :
the one towards the infinitely great, with constant
augmentation ; the other towards the infinitely small,
with constant diminution — but in one sense or the
other, infinity is a never exhausted possibility. Here
we reach the much disputed question of infinite num-
ber : psychology is not concerned with this. For some,
infinite number has an actual existence. For others,
it only exists potentially, i. e., as an intellectual opera-
tion which may, as was said above, add or subtract,
without end or intermission.^
III. The importance of signs, as the instruments of
abstraction and generalisation, is nowhere so well
shown as in their multiple applications to discrete or
continuous quantity. The history of the mathemat-
ical sciences is in part that of the invention, and use
of symbols of increasing complexity, whose efficacy
is clearly manifested in their theoretical or practical
1 For the most recent view of this discussion, with the arguments on either
side, see Couturat : De VTnfini >iiathei)iatique (i%<)f>). and part. Bk. III.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. I45
results. In the first place, words were substituted for
the things that were held to be numerable ; next, par-
ticular signs, or figures ; later still, with the invention
of algebra, letters took the place of figures, or at any
rate assumed their function and part in the problem
to be solved ; later still, the consideration of geomet-
rical figures was replaced by that of their equations ;
finally, the use of new symbols corresponded with cal-
culations for infinitesimal quantities, negative quanti-
ties, and imaginary numbers.
These symbols are such a powerful auxiliary to the
labor of the mathematicians that those among them
who affect philosophy have gladly discoursed upon
their nature and intrinsic value. They seem to be
divided into two camps.
One faction attribute reality to the symbols, or at
least incline that way. It is the introduction of the
noniina numina into mathematics. They maintain that
these pretended conventions are only the expression
of necessary relations which the mind is obliged, on
account of their ideal nature, to represent by arbitrary
signs, but which are not invented by caprice, or by
the necessity of the individual mind — since this con-
tents itself with laying hold of that which is offered by
the nature of the things. Do we not see moreover
that the labor accomplished by their aid is, with neces-
sary modifications, applicable to reality?
To the other, symbols are but means, instruments,
stratagems. They mock at those who "look upon
relations once symbolised as things which have in
themselves an a priori scientific content, as idols,
which we supplicate to reveal themselves " (Renou-
vier). Signs, whatever they may be, are nothing more
than conventions ; negative quantities represent a
[46 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
change in the direction of thought. Imaginary num-
bers "represent important relations under a simple
and abridged form." S3^mbols are an aid in surmount-
ing difificulties, as, empirically, the lever and its de-
velopments serve for the lifting of weights. "It is
not calculation," said Poinsot, "that is the secret of
this art which teaches us to discover ; but the atten-
tive consideration of things, wherein the intellect seeks
above all to form an idea of them, endeavoring by
analysis properly so called to decompose them into
other more simple ideas, and to review them again
subsequently as if they had been formed by the
union of those simpler things of which it had full
knowledge."^
In sum : numbers consist in a series of acts of in-
tellectual apprehension, susceptible of different direc-
tions, and of almost unlimited applications. They
serve for comparison, for measurement, for putting
order into a variety of things. If we compare now
the two extremes, — viz., the first attempt at infantine
numeration and the highest numerical inventions of
the mathematician, — we must recognise the notion of
number to be a fine example of the complete evolu-
tion of the faculty of abstraction, as applied to a par-
ticular case, the principal stages of which we have
been able to note in bringing out the ever-increasing
importance of signs.
SECTION II. THE CONCEPT OF SPACE.
The idea of space has given rise to so many the-
ories that it is difficult to restrain ourselves within the
strict limits of psychology, and of our particular sub-
ICournot, op.cit., I., p. 331 et seq. Renouvier, Logique, I., pp. 377-394.
Poinsot, Thiorie nouvelle de la rotation des corps, p. 78.
EVOLUTION OF THK PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. I47
ject. Whether or no this concept be innate, given
d~ priori or derived from our cerebral constitution, we
have here — setting aside all question of origin — only
to inquire by what ways and means we attain full con-
sciousness of it and determine it to be a fundamental
concept.
In order to follow its development we must neces-
sarily set out from experience ; since space, like num-
ber or time, is perceived before it is conceived. For
the sake of clearness and precision, let us designate
the primitive concrete data, the result of perception,
as extension, and the concept, the result of abstraction,
as space — properly so called.
I. At the outset what is given us by intuition is
extension under a concrete form. What first becomes
known to us is not space but a limited and determined
extension — what the child can hold in its hand, reach
by a movement of its arms, later on the room which
it crosses with uncertain steps ; it is a street, a square
traversed, a journey made by carriage or by train, the
horizon which the eye embraces, the nebulae vaguely
seen in the nocturnal sky, etc. All this is concrete
and measurable, and can be reduced to a measure,
i. e., to a concrete extension such as the metre and
its fractions.
These different extensions, although given by the
senses, and therefore concrete, are already abstract ;
since they co-exist with other qualities (resistance,
color, cold, heat, etc.) from which a spontaneous anal-
ysis separates them, in order to consider them indi-
vidually. This analysis is translated by the common
terms, long, short, high, deep, near, far, to the right,
to the left, in front, behind, etc.
By a simplification which occurred much later (for
m
148 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
it implies the foundation of geometry) tliis somewhat
confused and incoherent list is replaced by a more
rational analysis : height, breadth, depth, distance,
position. It marks the transition from the concrete-
abstract to the abstract period. It is in fact certain
that before constituting itself as a science founded
upon reasoning, geometry traversed a semi-empirical
stage, it was born of practical needs — the necessity of
measuring fields, building houses, and the rest. More-
over certain great mathematicians have by no means
disdained to admit its relations with experience : Gauss
called it the "science of the e5'e," and Sylvester de-
clared "that most if not all the chief ideas of modern
mathematics originated in observation."
Let us, without insisting further, recollect that ex-
tension is given us by touch and sight. Touch is par
excellence the sense of extension : thus geometry re-
duces the problems of equality or inequality to super-
positions, and all measure of extension is finally re-
ducible to tactile and muscular sensations. The terms
touch and vision ought in fact to be completely co-
extensive, representing not merely a passive impres-
sion upon the cutaneous surface, or the retina, but an
active reaction of the motor elements proper to the
sensorial organs.
The term acoustic space has recently come into use.
Much work has been done on the semi-circular canals,
leaving no doubt as to the part they play in the sense
of bodily equilibrium ;^ some authors have even local-
ised a " space-sense " in them. Miinsterberg relates
from his personal experience that while the vestibule
IFor a summary of these investigations, see the chapter "Sensations of
Orientation " in Prof. E. Mach's Popular Scientific Lectures, 3rd ed., Chicago,
1898; and for original discussions of the whole subject of space-sensations,
see the same author's Analysis of the Semations, Chicago, 1897. — Trans.
KVOI.UTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. I49
and the cochlea receive excitations whence result the
purely qualitative sensations of sound (height, in-
tensity, etc.), the semi-circular canals receive others
which depend upon the position of the source of the
sound : these excitations would produce reflexes, prob-
ably in the cerebellum, the purpose of which would
be to bring the head into the position best adapted
for clear audition. The synthesis of sounds, of the
modifications perceived in the canals, and of the afore-
said movements (or images of movement) would con-
stitute the elements of an acoustic space. Wundt,
who opposes this theory, sees nothing more in the
semi-circular canals than internal tactile organs, auxil-
iary to external touch. ^
Leaving this hypothesis of acoustic space (which
is by no means well-established), we know from nu-
merous observations that the different modalities of
tactile and visual extension, notably that of distance,
are only known with precision after much groping and
long apprenticeship. 2
Extension under all its aspects, whether perceived
or imagined, presents according to constitution, age,
or circumstances, a character of variability which is in
complete contrast with the stability and fixity of the
IMiinsterberg, Beitr'dge zur experinten. Psychologic, pp. 182 et seq. Wundt,
Physiol. Psychologic, 4th ed., II. pp. 95-96.
J This is not the place to enter into the well-known discussion between
the "nativists" and the " empiricists." To the former all sensation, visual
or tactile, contains from its outset a quantum of extension which is the prim-
itive element, and the foundation for our spatial constructions. For the
others there are only local signs, tactile or visual, and movements whose
synthesis suffices to constitute all the modalities of existence. Whichever
hypothesis be adopted, the extension in point is always that given by concrete
data (not that of space conceived in the abstract) — directly cognised accord-
ing to some, a genetic construction according to others. This discussion has
no direct relation with our subject: for the full debate see Ribot's Psychologic
allemandc contemporaine, Ch. V. James [Psychology, II. Ch. XX.) has recently
taken up the nativistic theory, giving new arguments in its favor.
150 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
concept of space. The conditions of this relativity
have been exposed at length by Herbert Spencer. "A
creature without eyes cannot have the same concep-
tion of space as one that has eyes ; and it is the same
with the congenitally blind as compared with those
who are in full possession of their eyesight ; and for
the creature whose locomotion is rapid and powerful
as compared with the creature which moves slowly
and painfully. Our bodily bulk and organic dimen-
sions also affect conceptions of space ; distances which
seemed great to the boy seem moderate to the man,
and buildings once thought imposing in height and
mass dwindle into insignificance. Without speaking
of nervous subjects, who illusively imagine their bod-
ies enormously large or infinitely small, there are
also transient and momentary states of the organ-
ism which considerably modify the consciousness of
space ; thus, De Quincy, describing some of his opium
dreams, says that "buildings and landscapes were ex-
hibited in proportions so vast as the bodily eye is not
fitted to receive. Space swelled, and was amplified to
an extent of unutterable infinity."^ "Deliberate anal-
ysis of their movements," says Lotze, "is so little
practised by women that it can be asserted without
fear of error that such expressions as 'to the right,'
*to the left,' = forwards,' 'backwards,' etc., express in
their language no mathematical relations whatever,
but merely certain particular feelings which they ex-
perience when during work they perform movements
in these directions."^ In fine, the consciousness of
concrete extension varies in quantity and quality with
1 Extracted from Spencer's Psychology, Vol. I. § 90.
2 Lotze, Mikrokosmus, II. p. 47.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. I51
the structure, position, age, and momentary condi-
tion of the feeling subject.
II. Starting from these concrete data — extension
as included in our perceptions — how does the intel-
lect arrive at the abstract notion of space?
The immense majority of men left to their own re-
sources do not rise above a confused notion, half-
concrete, half-abstract, of the properties of extension,
and what Lotze says {supra) applies even better to
their total idea of space-relations. The fundamental
conception in such minds is simply the possibility of
going very far in all directions, or of placing a suc-
cession of bodies one behind the other. As to limit,
this operation remains vaguely undetermined. It is
however translated into current parlance, e. g., "bod-
ies are in space," and other analogues. Space is con-
ceived, or rather imagined, as an immense sphere
which encloses everything, as the receptacle of all
extension. It contains bodies, as a barrel holds wine.
The primitive cosmologies which yet demand a cer-
tain development of reflexion and of abstraction re-
veal the nature of this conception to us when they
speak of the circle of the horizon, the vault of heaven,
the firmament (a kind of firm enclosure), and other
expressions which denote belief in an insurmountable
limit. This conception, which is wholly imaginative
at bottom, is a fine example of abstraction elevated
into an entity, and the phantom thus created becomes
in its turn the source of idle or badly-stated problems
such as the following.
'We have never,' contends J. S. Mill, 'perceived
an object, or a portion of space, without there being
space beyond it, and from the moment of our birth
we have always perceived objects or parts of space.
152 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
It follows from this that the idea of an object or part
of space must be inseparably associated with the no-
tion of a further space beyond it. Each moment of
our life tends to rivet this association, no experience
has ever interrupted it. Under the actual conditions
of existence, this association is indissoluble. . , . Yet
we can conceive that, given other conditions of exist-
ence, it might be possible to transport ourselves to
the limits of space, and that after there receiving im-
pressions of a kind totally unknown to our present
state, we might instantly become capable of conceiv-
ing the fact and of stating the truth of it. After some
experience of the new conception, the fact would seem
as natural to us as the revelations of sight to the blind
man whose cure is of long standing.'
This argument is founded upon an equivocation.
Mill appears to admit as the basis of his discussion
the semi-concrete, semi-abstract notion of space, de-
scribed above; namely, that of common sense. Con-
sequently he confounds and mixes up two perfectly
distinct questions ; that of Extension, the concrete
fact perceived or imagined, and Space, abstract and
conceived. In the case of the former, the problem is
cosmological and objective, and we are not concerned
with it ; it is, under another form, the repetition of
the discussion on infinite number, — are we, or are we
not, to admit a continous, real magnitude? In the
latter, the problem is psychological, subjective, rela-
tive to abstraction alone, and will be answered later
on.
Up to this point, in fact, the concept of Space
corresponds to the state of evolution that we have so
frequently denoted as concrete-abstract. The true
concept of space — of purely abstract space — was only
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 53
constituted when the geometricians (Greek and other-
wise) disengaged from different extensions those es-
sential features which they termed dimensions, show-
ing by their science that elements thus abstracted and
considered separately can be substituted for all the
rest. Stallo justly observes that the geometrical ele-
ments are neither real, nor ideal, nor hypothetical;
they are conceptual, the result of abstraction. "In
the processes of discursive thought the intellect never
has before it either sensible objects or the whole com-
plement of relations which make up their mental im-
ages or representations, but only some single relation
or class of relations. It operates along lines of ab-
straction, the final synthesis of whose result never
yields anything more than outlines of the objects
represented. During all its operations the intellect
is fully aware that neither any one link in the chain
of abstraction nor the group of abstract results which
we call a concept (in the narrower sense of a collec-
tion of attributes representing an object of intuition
or sensation) is a copy or an exact counterpart of the
object represented. It is always conscious that to
bring about true conformity between concepts or any
of their constituent attributes with forms of objec-
tive reality, the group of relations embodied in these
concepts would have to be supplemented with an in-
determinate number of other relations which have not
been apprehended and possibly are insusceptible of
apprehension. . . ."^
No one imagines that there are in Nature points,
surfaces, lines, volumes, such as geometry proposes
IStallo, Concepts of Modern Physics, Chap. XIIL, p. 225, Int. Sc. Ser., third
ed. He also gives a veiy concise ooriticism of Mill's theory of induction in
geology.
154 "T^^ EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
them, nor that its concepts are copies of these, but it
is not therefore necessary to take refuge in the i priori:
abstraction suffices, the act, i. e,, by which fundamen-
tal qualities are abstracted, to be subsequently fixed
by definition. It is strange that Stuart Mill in his
long and untoward discussion of this subject should
content himself with saying that "we have a power,
when a perception is present to our senses, or a con-
ception to our intellect, of attending to a part only of
that perception or conception."^ In this remark upon
attention he is very near recognising the role of ab-
straction (which for the rest he fails to name), but in-
stead of insisting upon it he returns to his thesis, that
"the foundation of all sciences, even deductive and
demonstrative sciences, is induction . . . ."
The concept of space such as the geometers have
made it, namely at its highest degree of abstraction,
is thus the result of association. It is extension emp-
tied of all its constitutive qualities, save the necessary
conventions which determine it. This schema (apart
from all transcendental considerations) appears to us
as the total of the conditions of bodily existence in so
far as they are endowed with extension. Thus consti-
tuted, with the marks which are proper to it, and dis-
tinguish it from all others, this concept, like that of
number, is susceptible of multiple application, while
moreover it has no assignable limits in any direction
(i. e., according to the time-honored expression, it is
infinite).
Just as concrete number represents real unities or
collections, while abstract number detached from dis-
continuous realities admits of infinite numeration; so
concrete space (extension) corresponds to the intui-
l System of Logic, I. Bk. II., Chap. 15, § I.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 55
tion of certain bodies, while abstract space, by an un-
representable concept, if not by words, implies an un-
limited extension.
If, hypothetically, it were possible to count all the
leaves of all the trees in the world, this prodigious
number corresponding to concrete unities would be as
nothing to the mind that can count for ever beyond
that. So for the extension determined by the move-
ment of our arms or legs, by days of railway travelling
or sailing, by balloon ascensions, and finally by the
most powerful telescopes that can scrutinise the infin-
ity of the heavens, — in all these concrete, fixed, meas-
ured extensions we can always imagine a beyond, be-
cause the end of one extension is the beginning of the
next. All that, however, is but the work of the imagi-
nation manipulating abstraction. The law of con-
struction for infinite space is the same as for infinite
number : this infinity is only in the operation of our
mind, it is a pure psychological process ; we believe
we are dealing with real magnitudes, and we are only
acting upon our own judgment : we are but adding
states of consciousness one upon another. Space is
only potentially infinite, and this potentiality is in us,
and in nothing but ourselves ; it is a virtuality which
can neither be exhausted nor achieved. To erect it
into an entity is to reify an abstraction, to attribute
an undue objective value to an entirely subjective con-
cept. The journey to the end of space as suggested
by Stuart Mill in the passage above cited (if by space
he means the simple possibility of containing extended
bodies) would really be a journey to the end of our
minds : if he means a journey to the end of the real
world, i. e., determinable and measurable extension —
which has no limits beyond the imperfection of our
156 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
instruments — then he admits implicitly that the uni-
verse has bounds, he takes sides in a debate in which
experimental psychology (we repeat) sees nothing,
and which it is even totally incompetent to decide.
During this century certain illustrious mathemati-
cians,— Gauss, 1792, in an unpublished work, Loba-
ch^vski in 1829, Riemann, Beltrami, Helmholtz and
many others after them, constructed a new geometry
known under various names : astral, imaginary, pan-
geometric, metageometric, and lastly non-Euclidean
geometry. Its fundamental principle is that our Eu-
clidean space is only one particular case among several
possible cases, and our Euclidean geometry one spe-
cies of which pangeometry is the genus — that the sole
determining reason in its favor is that Euclidean geom-
etry alone is practically applicable to, and verified by,
experience. These essays, beyond their direct interest
to mathematicians, have already given rise to a
considerable number of philosophical considerations.
While they have only very distant relations with psy-
chology, they deserve notice, because they enable us
the better to understand the genesis of the concepts
of space, and are moreover a striking proof of the
constructive power of the mind, emancipated from
experimental data, and subject only to the rules of
logic.
Our space being of three dimensions, the neo-
geometers speculated in the first place as to the hy-
pothesis of a space of 4, 5, or ^-dimensions ; later on
they chose as their base of operations a space of three
dimensions, considered no longer as plane (Euclidean
space) but as spherical or pseudo-spherical, having,
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 57
i. e., instead of a zero curvature, either a positive
(spherical space) or a negative curvature (pseudo-
spherical space). Their point of departure is the re-
jection of Euclid's postulate — they do not admit that
it is impossible to draw through a point more than
one parallel to a given straight line. In spherical
space there is nothing analogous to the Euclidean
axiom of parallels ; in pseudo-spherical space two
parallels to a line can be drawn through any point.
In the first hypothesis, the sum of the three angles of
a triangle is greater than two right angles; in the
second it is smaller. Thus by deduction after deduc-
tion, the neo-geometers constructed an edifice very
different from ordinary geometry, subject to no other
conditions than that of being free from internal con-
tradiction.
In our connexion, the sole utility of the invention
of imaginary geometries is to have reinforced, as if by
a magnifying process, the distinction between space
perceived and conceived-^ this assumes various forms
according to the process of abstraction employed and
fixed in definitions. "Euclidean " space has only one
advantage, that it is the simplest, the most practical,
the best adapted to facts : in short, that which in-
volves the least disparity between the ideal and our
experience, and consequently the most useful. Cer-
tain neo-geometers have in fact maintained that it is
uncertain whether space can, or cannot, have the
same properties throughout the whole universe . . .
and that it is possible that in the rapid march of the
solar system across space we might gradually pass
into regions in which space has not the same proper-
ties as those we know"; yet this thesis, which, fun-
damentally, reifies an entity, does not seem to have
158 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
gained many partisans. Stallo criticises it at length
{pp. cit., Chap. XIII).
There is no agreement as to the measure in which
the new concepts agree or disagree with the theory of
space, "the a priori form of sensibility." Some hold
them to be indifferent, others to be unfavorable to
Kantism : this discussion which, for the rest, does not
concern us is still in progress.
*
* *
In conclusion, extension is a primary datum of
perception and cannot be further reduced : it is mul-
tiple, full, heterogeneous, continuous (at least in ap-
pearance), variable, perhaps finite ; while space (con-
cept) is void, unified, homogeneous, continuous, and
without limits.
Many men and races never get beyond this stage
of concrete representation, which corresponds with
the first moment of evolution in the individual and in
the species. The first step towards the concept of
space (concrete-abstract period) consists in represent-
ing it to oneself as the place, the receptacle of all
bodies. This is the direct result of primitive reflex-
ion : image rather than concept, to which the mind
attributes an illusive reality.
The true concept, resultant of abstraction, has been
the elaboration of geometricians. It is actually con-
stituted by a synthesis of abstracts or extracts which
are, according to Riemann, size, continuity, dimen-
sion, simplicity, distance, measure. This synthesis
or association of abstracts has nothing necessary about
it ; its elements may be combined in several ways ;
hence the possibility of different concepts of space
(Euclidean, non- Euclidean). Space conceived as in-
finity reduces itself to the power that the human mind
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 59
has of forming sequences, and it forms them thanks
to abstraction, which admits of its seizing the law of
their formation.
Intuition is the common basis of all concepts of
space. Euclidean space rests directly upon this, and
upon definitions. Non-Euclidean space rests directly
upon it, but more particularly upon definitions.
Although inapplicable to the real world, these last
— which are constructions in which the mind is sub-
mitted to no other laws than agreement with itself —
are brilliant examples of the power of abstraction,
when it attains its highest degree of development.
SECTION III. THE CONCEPT OF TIME.
In evolving the idea of time, as in that of space,
we must first examine the concrete fact which is its
starting-point, i. e., real duration \ next the concept
which is extracted from it, time in abstracto — and this
must be followed in the successive stages of its de-
velopment.
I.
Real, concrete duration is a quality known by it-
self, included among internal and external sensations,
as later on in the representations which psychology,
in what concerns it, must accept as an ultimate datum.
What is this concrete duration, furnished by ex-
perience? It might strictly be said to be the pres-
ent ; yet this answer is somewhat theoretical, for it
must be admitted that what we term '' the present "
has vague and fluctuating limits. Moreover, its clear
and precise distinction from what has preceded and
what is to follow it — the past and the future — is a
somewhat late production. Of this we have objective
l6o THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
witness (see Ch. II.) in primitive languages, during the
period in which the value of the verbs was undeter-
mined. Take again the fact, as frequently observed,
that children even at the age of three, or older, hav-
ing vague notions of past and future, make a general
confusion, and do not distinguish between "yester-
day" and last week, between "to-morrow" and next
week (Sully).
Still, we must admit that the present has the priv-
ilege of appearing in consciousness as the typical dura-
tion, the standard, the measure to which everything
must be referred. Nor can this be otherwise, seeing
that (as is too often forgotten) we live only in the
present ; that the past and the future have no exist-
ence for us, are only known to us under the condition
of becoming present, of occupying actual conscious-
ness. The present is the only psychical element,
which, consciously or unconsciously, gives a content
and reality to duration.
It is essential to rid ourselves of the opinion ac-
credited by many authors, that the present is only an
elusive moment, a transition, a passage, a flash, a
mathematical point, a zero, a nullity; on the contrary
— it alone has duration, is now long, now short. It is
even possible, to some extent, to determine its limits,
and to transcend this vague description. Here we are
aided by the labors of the psycho-physicists. We may
say that this study, long restricted to metaphysical
dissertations, entered upon a positive phase with
Czermak, who (in 1857) opened out a new line, in
which he has been followed by many others. The
numerous researches and experiments made upon the
"sense of time" may be omitted without prejudice to
our subject, while the discussion of them would deter
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. l6l
US from our principal aims. We must, however, give
a rapid summary of those which relate either to the
actual perception of duration, or to the reproduction
in memory of past duration.^
I. This present, declared to be inapprehensible,
has however been determined as regards its minimum
duration. For the discrimination period between two
different sensations (taken as the type of the briefest
and simplest psychical act), Kries and Auerbach found
durations varying between o-oi and 007 second with
an average of 0-03 second. At a later period, Exner,
experimenting with Savart's wheel, stated that the in-
terval at which two successive taps can be perceived
separately may be reduced to 0-05 second: as also
for the sound produced by two electric sparks. For
the eye, the minimum perceptible interval between
two impressions falling on the yellow spot, is 0-044
second. Below this, one of the conditions necessary
to consciousness — an adequate duration — is wanting.
Certain experiments contributed by Wundt and
his pupils throw light also upon the maximum dura-
tion that can be apprehended by consciousness. They
made use, almost exclusively, of auditory sensations,
which are more closely allied than any others to the
sense of time. Wundt finds that twelve impressions
equivalent to a duration varying from 3-6 to 6 seconds
can be clearly perceived to form a group. Dietze ad-
mits the continuous perception of 40 beats of the
metronome, provided the mind arranges them spon-
taneously in 5 sub groups of 8, or 8 sub-groups of 5.
Total duration : 12 seconds. Others vary in their
1 The complete history of this question, from its first beginnings to con-
temporaneous work, may be studied in Nichols's " Psychology of Time," Am.
J. 0/ Psychol., III. pp. 453-530-
l62 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
conclusions from 6 to i2 seconds and even more.^
James is inclined to think that the actual present may
extend to a minute.
Of course these figures, of which we can only give
a few, vary with the subjects, quality of the impres-
sions received, conditions of experience, exercise, etc.
Nor must we forget that these laboratory researches
are somewhat artificial, and concerned with the per-
ception of "the present" under studied conditions of
simplicity which are not precisely those of spontane-
ous consciousness. Still it is plain that " the present"
is by no means an abstraction, a nothing, and we may
conclude, in the words of James, "by saying that we
are constantly conscious of a certain duration — the
specious present — varying in length from a few sec-
onds to probably not more than a minute, and that
this duration (with its content perceived as having
one part earlier and the other part later) is the orig-
inal intuition of time. Longer times are conceived by
adding, shorter ones by dividing, portions of this
vaguely broached unit, and are habitually thought by
us symbolically."*
2. Experiments relating, not to consciousness of
actual duration, but to the reproduction of durations,
and determination of the errors involved, are numer-
ous, and contradictory. I refer to them in passing
only because they are eminently suited to show the
very relative and precarious character of our concrete
notions of duration.
Through all divergencies, the formula enunciated
by Vierordt, the principal initiator of these researches,
iFor these and the following experiments, cf. Wundt, Physiolo^ische Psy-
chologic, 4th ed., I. pp. 408 et seq.
1 Psychol., I. 642.
EVOI.UllON OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 163
remains stable ; our consciousness of time comes, not
from a sensation, but from a judgment, and in our
retrospective appreciation of duration, we diminish
intervals that are long, and increase those that are
short. The debates and disagreements of the ex-
perimenters relate above all to the determination of
the "indifferent point." Vierordt denoted by this
term the interval of time which we appreciate the
most exactly, which we have no tendency to lengthen
or abridge, so that if we are required to repeat it ex-
perimentally, the error is nil, or very rare. This dura-
tion, reproduced according to reality, is 0-35 sec. (ac-
cording to Vierordt and Mach) ; 0-4 sec. (Buccola) ;
0-72 sec. (Wundt) ; 0-75 sec. (KoUert) ; 0-71 sec;
etc. According to another author, Glass, there is a
series of points at which we find maximum relative ac-
curacy; 1*5 sec, 2- 5 sec, 3 '75 sec, 5 sec, 6 25 sec,
etc. Munsterberg again criticises the entire series of
figures and experiments, for reasons that will be given
below.
Independent of these experiments, which are re-
stricted to very simple events, the facts of our daily life
show to superabundance that our memory of duration
is almost always inexact. Thus it has often been re-
marked that the years seem to be shorter with ad-
vancing age : which is again an instance of abbrevia-
tion of the longer intervals.^ It is hardly necessary to
say that our appreciation of duration (concrete), like
that of extension (concrete), depends upon multi-
ple conditions, and varies with these. Such are pre-
eminently constitution and temperament : compare a
1 M. Janet has studied this subject, under the title " Una illusion d'op-
tique interne" (Rev. Phil., 1877, III. pp. 497 et seq.) and explains the illusion
by supposing that the apparent duration of a certain portion of time, in the
life of each individual, is proportional to the total duration of his life.
164 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
phlegmatic with a nervous individual ; an Oriental for
whom time is not, with an Occidental, agitated by a
feverish existence. Add to these, age, number, and
vivacity of impressions received, certain pathological
states, etc., and we find here, as for space, that the
variability of concrete knowledge is opposed to the
fixity of the concept.
This consciousness of duration, fluctuating, vari-
able, and unstable as it may be, is nevertheless the
source whence our abstract notion of time is derived :
but whence comes it, itself? Where does it originate?
"Time has been called an act of mind, of reason, of
perception, of intuition, of sense, of memory, of will,
of all possible compounds and compositions to be
made up from all of them. It has been deemed a
General Sense accompanying all mental content in a
manner similar to that conceived of pain and pleas-
ure
"1
Here are many answers. We may add that among
these supposed origins some authors admit only one,
to the exclusion of the rest, though nothing justifies
them in such arbitrary selection.
Some prefer external sensations, inasmuch as they
give us the consciousness of a sequence. Hearing has
been termed the sense of time par excellence. This
thesis has notably been sustained by Mach •? since in
a melody we can separate the rhythm from the sounds
which compose it, he concludes that rhythm forms
a distinct sequence, and that there must be in the ear,
as in the eye, a mechanism of accommodation which
is perhaps the organ of the "time-sense." Others de-
cide in favor of the general sense, touch, capable in
1 Nichols, op. cit., p. 502.
^Analysis of the Sensations, Chicago, 1897, PP- 1'° 6' seq.
EVOI-UTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 165
all animals of receiving a succession of impressions at
once distinct and forming a series. Sight, with its
fine and rapid perception of movements and changes,
is an organ admirably adapted to the formation of re-
lations of sequence, the constitutive elements of time.
Were not, moreover, the first essays at determining
time (succession of days and nights, seasons, etc.)
founded upon visual perceptions?
The majority of contemporary psychologists are,
however, inclined with reason to seek the principal
origin of the notion of duration in internal sensations ;
and these derive their .prerogative from the primordial
and rhythmical nature which pertains to the principal
functions of life.
"A stationary creature," says Herbert Spencer,
"without eyes, receiving distinct sensations from ex-
ternal objects only by contacts which happen at long
and irregular intervals, cannot have in its conscious-
ness any compound relations of sequence save those
arising from the slow rhythm of its functions. Even
in ourselves, the respiratory intervals, joined some-
times with the intervals between the heart's pulses,
furnish part of the materials from which our con-
sciousness of duration is derived ; and had we no
continuous perceptions of external changes, and con-
sequently no ideas of them, these rhythmical organic
actions would obviously yield important data for our
consciousness of Time: indeed, in the absence of loco-
motive rhythms, our sole data."
"Rhythm," to quote Horwicz, "is the measure,
and the sole measure, of time; a being incapable of
regular periodic intervals could not attain to any con-
ception of time. All the rhythmic functions of the
IH. Spencer, Psychology, I., g 91, p. 215.
l66 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
body subserve this end : respiration, pulse, locomotor
movements, hunger, sleep, work, habits and needs
of whatever kind." — Guyau maintains essentially the
same thesis, under a more metaphysical aspect :
"Time is embryonically in primitive consciousness;
under the form of force and effort ; succession is an
abstraction of motor effort, exerted in space. The
past is the active become passive."^
More recently, Miinsterberg^ has attributed a pre-
ponderant and almost exclusive part to respiration.
Although he affirms that the origin of our notions of
duration must be sought in our consciousness of
muscular effort in general, and that its primitive
measure lies in the rhythm of the bodily processes ;
yet the gradual rise and fall of the sense of effort
which accompanies the two phases of the respiratory
function (inspiration, expiration) seem to him the
principal source of our appreciation of duration. After
a rather sharp criticism of the attempts of his prede-
cessors (which we have already reviewed) to determine
the "indifferent point," he maintains that their dis-
agreements were caused by incomplete comprehension
of the ps3^chical events produced in the course of ex-
perience. In the perception of the successive beats
of a metronome, or taps of Wundt's electric hammer,
only the auditory impressions are attended to ; this is
a mistake. It is supposed that the sensation-limits
form the entire content of consciousness, and that the
intervals between them are empty. On the contrary,
they are filled by an act of attention. We are con-
scious of a process of variable tension which, from
1 Horwicz, Psychologische Analysen, III., 145. Guyau, Genise de Vidfe du
temps, pp. 35 et seq.
^Beitriige zur experimentellen Psychologie, 11., 1889.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 67
the initial moment, goes decreasingly towards zero,
and then rises again, to adapt itself to the sonorous
impression that should follow it. In other words,
there are, in the perception of three successive taps,
not three, but five states of consciousness : three ex-
ternal and two internal sensations. We must reckon
thus if we are rigorously to determine ^o. psychological
conditions of experience. As evidence, Miinsterberg
brings forward the following results, which are from
his own experiments.
The "normal time" is first determined, i. e., the
standard of duration that should be reproduced by
the experimenter as exactly as possible (*'time of
comparison").
In one case, different durations were given, such
as 15, 7, 22, 18 sees., etc., without attending to the
respiration (expiration or inspiration) of the subject,
who reacted independently of it. In the reproduction
of normal time, the mean error was 10.7 per cent.
In the second case, the same numbers were given
again, but care was taken that the subject began his
estimation at precisely that respiratory period which
coincided with the beginning of the normal time. The
mean error did not now exceed 2.9 per cent.
In the two cases cited, there was no interruption
between the determination of the normal time and
its reproduction ; the two operations succeeded each
other immediately. If, on the contrary, a short pause,
or arrest, was introduced between the two, varying
from I to 60 seconds, the results are — proceeding at
random as in the first case — a mean error of 24 per
cent.; as in the second, a mean error of 5-3 per cent.
Miinsterberg has been not unreasonably reproached
for attributing to respiration, among all the other in-
l68 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
ternal sensations, the exclusive privilege of measuring
time. A less justifiable criticism asserts that his thesis
is devoid of value because we can appreciate the vari-
ations in duration in the beats of a clock more read-
ily than the changes in the rhythm of respiration.
This is confounding two distinct factors in the genesis
of the idea of duration : its period of formation and
its period of constitution ; that which occurs at the
commencement, and that which takes place in the
adult. Our measure is at first subjective, variable ;
progress consists in the substitution of a fixed, objec-
tive measure. Doubtless, the latter is superior in
clearness and in precision ; yet this is no proof, not
even presumption, that it is first in order : we shall
return to this point later on.
In short, our consciousness of duration is a com-
plex state, more exactly, a process — since it is less a
state than a becoming. The rhythmical visceral sen-
sations are its core ; it is an internal chronometer,
fixed in the depths of our organisation. Around this
subjective element, other objective elements are added
and co-ordinated — the regular sequences which are
caused by external sensations. They form the sheath
of the core, and constitute the sensible portion of our
consciousness of duration, not, however, its totality.
II.
Until now we have considered time under its con-
crete form alone, whether given as an actual event in
consciousness, or revived as a past event in memory.
We have now to follow the complete development of
this idea to its extreme limit. In this study we may
conveniently distinguish two stages :
The first, which depends on memory and imagina-
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 69
tion, consists in thinking a certain extension of dura-
tion, that may be more or less vaguely represented :
a day, a week, a year, etc.
The second, which depends on abstraction alone,
gives time in general, the pure concept, which cannot
be represented, and is determined by signs alone.
First Stage. — Certain minds never get beyond
this first stage. In respect of time, this corresponds
to the lower forms of abstraction which we have so
often designated by the terms, generic image and, at a
higher degree, concrete-abstract notions (intermediate
abstracts) .
The lowest form, which is just higher than the
recognition of concrete duration, results like the gen-
eric image from the repetition of a sequence of events
that recur constantly, and are approximately uniform.
They are series of which the terms are variable, but
which begin and end always in the same manner.
Such are the appearance and disappearance of the
sun, lying down to sleep and waking up again, and
similar facts of common life. The points of departure,
the start and finish, are always the same, whatever
the variations in the intermediate states. These gen-
eric images are met with among the higher brutes,
children, and primitive races.
To what extent are the higher animals capable of
having a certain representation of time, constructed
from their experience of real duration? This is an
obscure problem which has been little studied. We
are not of course referring to time in abstracto, to the
concept, but to the recognition of certain often re-
peated cycles. Many animals are known to have an
approximate appreciation of sufficiently protracted
periods, supplied by the periodicity of their needs
170 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
(hours at which they get food, are taken out, etc.,
etc.). Prejudice apart, we know of others which, in
addition to this subjective physiological knowledge,
possess a fairly exact notion of certain regular and ob-
jectively caused periods, determined by the progress
of natural phenomena, especially by the path of the
sun.*
In all these instances we may assign as cause, the
incontestable preponderance (in animal life) of au-
tomatism and of routine : which is equivalent to say-
ing that the notion of these durations is formed by a
passive assimilation, and this — as we have seen — is
the creative process of generic images.
According to some authors, there are instances of
exact appreciation of much less simple periods. Brehm
says that during a long passage an ourang-outang vis-
ited the sailors every Wednesday and Friday at 8
o'clock, because on those days sago, sugar, and cin-
namon were served out, of which he got his share.
An anecdote has often been cited after Romanes, of
"the geese who came regularly every fortnight, from
afar, the morning after the market, in a small English
town, to pick up the corn scattered on the market-
place. One year the market was postponed for a day
of national humiliation, but the geese came as usual. "*
These and other analogous facts seem scarcely suf-
ficient in number, nor strictly enough observed, to
warrant any scientific conclusion.
IVanEnde cites a large number of facts in point, but they are not all
equally convincing. Histoire naiurelle de la croyance, pp. 208-212.
S Romanes, Animal Intelligence, p. 314. It should be remarked that the
author only reports the fact from another witness — that the narrator said it
had occurred " thirty years before," and " that he did not pretend to remem-
ber under what precise circumstances the habit of coming into the street was
acquired."
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 171
We have previously remarked that, up to the age
of three years or more, children who already have an
approximate knowledge of space relations, (distance,
proximity, within, without, upper, lower, etc.) have a
very confused notion of periods as short as three to
four days, a week, etc. It has been hypothetically
suggested that the extension of the notion of dura-
tion must for them arise in expectation rather than in
memory, in an orientation towards the future rather
than the past.
The concrete-abstract period with its different de-
grees, limited on the one extreme by generic images,
on the other by the pure concept, is met with among
savage races, and in rising civilisations. It is a stage
that has to be traversed by every human race ; many
now existing have not got beyond it. Days (solar
revolution), months (lunar revolution), and seasons,
the round of the changing aspects of nature, give the
primitive and simplest notions of time in extension.
No tribe is so low in the scale as not to have reached
this level. The determination of the (solar) year, even
when only approximate, marks a decisive progress.
The peculiar feature of this period, in its lowest
degrees, is that the notion of time cannot as yet be
separated, or extracted, from the sequence of events.
We have already given many examples of this state of
intelligence. It is not poetical feeling that makes the
savage reckon the age of his children by the flower-
ing of certain plants (and other analogous locutions
abound among primitive races,) — nor any innate taste
for metaphor : it is merely that he requires concrete
marks to determine duration. He cannot think the
longer periods in abstracto ; they must be imagined,
represented in virtue of a more or less arbitrary choice,
172 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
imprisoned in a concrete mould. Moreover, in the
absence of any extended, coherent, systematic numer-
ation, the mind loses itself after the first step. It
lacks the necessary vehicle for movement in front and
behind, knowing whither it is tending. The natural
phenomena vi^hich it takes as its starting-point are
poor substitutes for the absent sign, and moreover
rivet it invincibly to the concrete.
In my opinion, the culminating point of this period
is arrived at in the popular conception of time — con-
sidered as a vague entity which unrolls itself, as it
gives birth to events. This is the notion that is gen-
eral among most men of medium culture, who are ig-
norant of philosophical speculation on the subject.
It is the final term of common, spontaneous reflexion,
left to its own resources. Thus it is said of time that
it brings the unexpected, consoles sorrow, extinguishes
passion, changes tastes, solves difficulties, and the like;
it seems to be an active power, a thing in itself. In
fact, no other abstraction has perhaps been so often re-
ified. We may further remark that time has often been
personified and even deified in several religions. Such
an honor has never been conceded to space. The
cause of this difference is that time has an internal,
human character : above all, that it is opposed to
space as dynamic to static. It is an entity manifested
in movement and change, and thereby essentially act-
ing and living. While, in the popular conception,
space is the passive receptacle of bodies, time is the
active spring by which the whole is set in motion.
Second Stage. — The generic images of duration,
and later, the semi-concrete, semi-schematic represen-
tation of more prolonged lapses of time, provide the
material whence we obtain the purely abstract con-
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 173
cept of time. It was stated above (p. 153) that the
true concept of space was constituted on the day
when the ancient geometers disengaged from the dif-
ferent extensions, the essential features which they
termed dimensions. So must the first astronomers,
without knowing or seeking for what they did, have
laboriously disengaged the essential characteristics of
time conceived in abstracto. First, they purified the
notion of duration from all anthropomorphic features,
studying it objectively, in the course of the regular
phenomena of nature. Moreover, they introduced
measure. The Chaldaeans of Alexander's time, who
possessed a series of astronomical observations em-
bracing a period of i,goo years, who made an error of
only two minutes in their computation of the sidereal
year, who determined a cycle of 6,585 days by which
they were able to calculate eclipses ;^ who were later
on the inventors of the clepsydra, hour-glass, and
other more or less imperfect instruments for measur-
ing the subdivisions of the day ; all these counted for
more than metaphysical speculation in ridding our
subject of popular conceptions — or at least to a large
extent prepared the way. Accustomed as we are in
civilised life to a convenient and exact knowledge of
the flow of time, measuring it off at any moment by
clocks and watches, we forget how widely different
must be the state of mind in the man whose only
guides are approximations : such, e. g., as the vary-
ing height of the sun in different seasons, with other
natural changes apt to be misinforming. The one life
is precise, the other vague, or at least mysterious.
1 According to Delambre, the Chaldaeans could only discover the cycle
which the Greek mathematicians called saros by studying their commemora-
tive notes ; i. e., from a considerable mass of observations, they extracted or
abstracted a, const.int recurrence.
174 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
That our measure of time (as of aught else) is rela-
tive, matters little, and the vexed problems of this
subject do not concern us. By measure, the notion
of time acquires a quantitative mark ; it no longer ap-
pears as an entity, but as a possibility of successive
events, as a divisible and subdivisible process ; as an
extract or abstract, set apart from the events, disso-
ciated from them by an intellectual operation : in
short — time is a thing no longer real or imaginary,
but conceptual.
It is wasted labor to repeat for time what has al-
ready been said for space, and is applicable to both
concepts. Time, like space and number, can be con-
ceived as illimitable ; but here again the infinity is
only in our mental operation. We can add century
to century, million upon million of years. This in-
finite time is potential only — constituted by a two-fold
process : either as a sequence of numbers, which is
the ordinary, simplest, and most abstract proceed-
ing ; or by filling it with fictitious events, with arbi-
trary constructions, for the future ; by evoking the
image of vanished states, when we go back to the first
geological ages of our globe, to the nebulous period,
and so on. This conception of infinite time is how-
ever quite subjective, and in itself reveals nothing as
to the nature of things : we do but add one state of
consciousness to another ; it is an inexhaustible pos-
sibility of progression and retrogression ; and it is
nothing more.
It is a common illusion to transform this conceived
infinity into a real infinity; we forget that the mind is
only working upon the abstract, i. e., upon a fiction,
useful no doubt, but created by ourselves alone, ac-
cording to our intellectual nature.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 75
Let US suppose that, in consequence of gradual
cooling, the disappearance of the sea, or any other
cause, man and all animals capable of appreciating
duration were to disappear from the surface of the
earth ; time would disappear with them. Doubtless
the earth would continue to turn round its axis, the
moon' round our planet, the sun to take its course ;
yet nothing would exist beyond the movements. Just
as — if every eye were to disappear — there would be
neither light nor color ; if every ear failed, there would
be neither sounds nor noises, but only the bare poten-
tiality of luminous and auditory sensations if the ap-
propriate organs were to appear again : so, on our
hypothesis, there could only be a potentiality of time.
Consciousness is the necessary condition of any
notion whatever of the time which appears and dis-
appears with it.
*
* *
It is no part of our subject to discuss the various
theories that have been advanced as to the nature of
the psychological process by which the primitive no-
tion of time is constituted in consciousness. This
question is, on the one hand, distinct from the history
of its development as an abstract idea, which we have
been endeavoring to follow, and, on the other, from
all hypotheses as to its ultimate origin (Kant's d. priori
form, Renouvier's law of the mind, Spencer's cerebral
innateness) which explains neither its appearance as
a fact, nor its genesis in experience. We may, how-
ever, complete our account by summarising the latest
psychological opinions.^
iFor details see, in addition to Nichols's article as previously cited,
Sully,- The Human Mind, IL, Appendix E, and James, Psychology, I., pp. 632
et seq.
176 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
It is clear that a simple sequence of impressions
will not suffice to constitute the idea of time ; the se-
ries must be cognised as such, felt or thought as a
sequence. How is it to be cognised? Contemporary
opinion upon this point appears to be capable of re-
duction into two principal types.
I. Some admit, as adequate conditions, sensations
and their consecutive images, strong states and weak
states ; provided, however, that the latter arise be-
fore the former have disappeard from consciousness.
Wundt supposes that similar beats of a clock suc-
ceed each other at regular intervals in a vacant con-
sciousness. When the first has disappeared its image
remains until the second succeeds it. This reproduces
the first, in virtue of the law of association by simi-
larity, but at the same time encounters the still per-
sisting image. Hence the simple repetition of the
sound contains all the elements of time-perception.
The first sound (recalled by association), gives the
commencement, the second the end, and the persist-
ent image represents the length of the interval. At
the moment of the second impression, the entire per-
ception of time exists simultaneously, since all the
elements are presented together: the second sound
and the image directly, and the first impression by
reproduction.
"The phenomena of 'summation of stimuli' in the
nervous system prove," says James, "that each stim-
ulus leaves some latent activity behind it which only
gradually passes away. Psychological proof of the
same fact is afforded by those 'after-images' which
we perceive when the sensorial stimulus is gone. . . .
With the feeling of the present thing there must at all
times mingle the fading echo of all those other things
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 77
v\ liich the previous few seconds have supplied. Or,
!o state it in neural terms, there is at every moment
a cumulation of brain-processes overlapping each other, of
which the fainter ones are the dying phases of processes
which but shortly previous were active in a maximal de-
gree. The amount of the overlapping determines the feel-
ing of the duration occupied. . . . Why such an intuition
should result from such a combination of brain-pro-
cesses, I do not pretend to say. All I aim at is to
state the most elemental form of the psycho physical
conjunction." James is careful to repeat in several
places that he makes no attempt at explanation.
2. Others admit sensations and intervals ; sensa-
tions that are no longer images, but internal sensations
of tension, of effort ; more properly a sub-conscious
element, which consciousness is able to apprehend by
observation or induction. This theory has a more
active character than that first discussed.
The cleanest and most complete form of this inter-
pretation is that of Miinsterberg, — as set forth above.
Fouill6e supports the same thesis as a particular
case of his general theory of idees-forces. The appar-
ent present is a synthesis of real presents. Our prim-
itive perception is of change, not of stability; we are
conscious of transition. The static point of view must
be completed by the dynamic.
The complete separation of present and past is a
mathematical fiction. The sum of transition which is
a factor in appetite aids in forming the series. Time
is a form of appetite; beneath the floating image
there is a tendency to movement. A non-volitional
being would have no representation of time : time is
a form of appetition.^
IFouill^e, Psychologic des Idies-forccs, II., 81-204.
178 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
"It is probable," says Mach, "that time sensa-
tion is connected with the organic consumption neces-
sarily associated with consciousness, — that we feel
the work of attention as time. . . . The fatiguing of
the organ of consciousness goes on continually in
waking hours, and the labor of attention increases
just as continually. These sensations connected with
greater expenditure of attention appear to us to hap-
pen later. " ^
Others again (Waitz, Guyau, and more particularly
Ward) admit temporal signs in imitation of Lotze's
"local signs." Our successive acts of attention leave
a series of residua, variable in intensity and precision;
these "temporal signs" permit the conception of rep-
resentations as successive, and no longer as simulta-
neous. "What is this distance that separates A from
B, B from C, and so on? ... It is probably that the
residuum of which I have called a temporal sign ; or,
in other words, it is the movement of attention from
A to ^."2
These extracts will suffice to show the character
of the second theory, which seems to me the more
acceptable. It is the more complete, inasmuch as it
takes into consideration, not only the clear states, ex-
isting in consciousness, but the sub-conscious states
also ; it is not confined to intellectual elements alone
(sensations and images), but recognises the necessary
role of the active, motor elements.
Moreover, it seems more apt than the other to ex-
1 Mach, Analysis of the Sensations, English translation (Chicago, 1897), pp.
111-112.
2 Ward, article "Psychology," in the Encydopcedia Britannica, Vol. XX.,
pp., 65 et seq. — On the metaphysics of time considered as pure heterogene-
ity, see the recent work of Bergson, Essai sur les donnies immidiates de la
conscience , pp. 76 et seq.
EVOLUIION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1/9
plain certain facts of current experience. It is a mat-
ter of common observation that time seems long to
us, under two contrary conditions: (i) when it is very
long ; (2) when it is very empty. Here we have an
apparent psychological contradiction. The two cases,
however, are equally explained by the quantity of the
states of consciousness : the first is filled with events,
the second, with efforts. After three or four days of
a journey fertile in incident, one seems to have left
home a long time, because (in comparison with three
or four days of ordinary life) the quantity of adven-
tures held in mind, each implying a quantum of dura-
tion, appears to us in sum as an enormous duration.
On the other hand, to the prisoner incarcerated in a
cell, to the traveller at a deserted station waiting for
a train ; briefly, to all who are in the state known by
the name of expectant attention, time seems to be of
immeasurable extension. This is because there is a
constant expenditure of effort, a tension incessantly
renewed, incessantly frustrated ; consciousness is
nearly void of representations, while it is filled with
acts of attention constantly repeated. This instance
of time prolonged, while apparently empty, is difficult
to explain, if only the intellectual elements are taken
into consideration, omitting the consciousness of mo-
tor states. It should be noticed that "full" time
seems longer in the past ; "empty " time, in the pres-
ent and immediate past ; perhaps because the former
rests principally upon intellectual memory, which is
stable ; the latter, upon motor memory, which is
vague and fragile.
l8o THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
SECTION IV. CONCEPT OF CAUSE.
The idea of cause has for centuries been the sub-
ject of so many speculations, that our first care must
be to confine ourselves scrupulously to our subject,
i. e. , to retrace its evolution simply, marking the prin-
cipal phases of its development in the individual and
the species, while as far as possible eliminating what-
ever lies outside this one question.
It has been remarked that the word cause signi-
fies sometimes an antecedent, sometimes a process,
sometimes antecedent, process, and effect produced,
taken all three together. ^ This last sense alone is
complete. For, if the primitive, popular conception
tends to restrict the cause to the antecedent, to that
which acts, a little reflexion will show us that the
cause is only determined as such by its effect, that the
two terms are correlative, the one not existing with-
out the other. Finally, with more profound reflexion,
the process itself, the transition, the passage, the
nexus between antecedent and consequent, appears as
the vital point, the proprium quid of causality. As
psychical fact, as state of consciousness, therefore,
this notion is complex, and among the elements which
compose it, now one and now the other, according to
the epoch, has been considered the most important.
In what follows, we shall have to consider : I. the
origin of the idea of cause in experience j II. its gen-
eralisation, and passage from the individual subjec-
tive, to the objective form; III. its transformation as
resulting from the work performed in the various sci-
ences, its scission into two fundamental ideas : on the
1 Lewes, Problems of Life and Mind, II. p. 375.
ETOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. l8l
one hand, that of force, en«rgy, active and effective
power, cause in the true sense {vera causa), which
tends more and more to become a postulate, an x, a
metaphysical residuum ; on the other, that of a con-
stant and invariable succession, a fixed relation, which
becomes the scientific form of the concept of cause,
equivalent in all respects to the concept of law.
I. Every one seems agreed, fundamentally at least,
upon the empirical origin of the idea of cause. It is
of internal, subjective origin ; suggested to us by our
motor activity. A being who was hypothetically per-
fectly passive, while seeing or feeling constant external
sequences, would have no idea of causality. It would
be superfluous to show, by multiplying our quota-
tions, that spiritualists like Maine de Biran, empiri-
cists like Mill, critics like Renouvier, all the schools in
short, with varying formulae, agree upon this point.
At the same time it must not be overlooked that some
writers attribute an exclusive privilege to the "will,"
maintaining it to be the type of causality; whereas the
assertion that "our own voluntary action is the ex-
clusive source whence this idea is derived " is unjustifi-
able. If, with some authors, the word "will " is used
in a large and vague sense, as designating all mental
activity that is translated by movements, no objection
can be raised. But if it be used in the proper, re-
stricted sense, as meaning a fully conscious, deliber-
ate act, resulting from motive, the statement cannot
be accepted.^ Volition is a state that makes its ap-
pearance somewhat tardily. It is preceded by a period
of appetites, of needs, instincts, desires, passions ;
and all these facts of internal activity, translated into
movements, are as apt as the "will" to engender the
1 For the discussion of this point, see Renouvier, Logique, II. 384.
1 02 THE EVOLUTION' OF GENERAL IDEAS.
empirical notion of cause, i. e., transitive action, i. e. ,
change produced : they have moreover the advantage
of being anterior in chronological order.
Contemporary psychology has studied the role of
movements, far more than any of its predecessors. It
attributes to them a capital importance ; it shows that
motor elements are included in every intellectual state
without exception, in percepts, in images, and even in
concepts. Hence it feels no repugnance in accepting
the common thesis. We must however remember that
the psychology of motion is centred in the conscious-
ness of muscular effort, which moreover represents
the type of primitive causality. The nature of this
sense of effort has given rise to long and animated de-
bate. For some, it is of central origin : It is anterior
to, or at least concomitant with, the movement pro-
duced ; it goes from within outwards — it is efferent.
For others, it is of peripheral origin, posterior to the
movement produced ; it goes from without, inwards
— is afferent. It is an aggregate of the sensations
coming from the articulations, tendons, muscles, from
the rhythm of respiration, etc. : so that the sense of
effort is no more than the consciousness of energy that
has been expended, of movements that have been effec-
tuated : it is a resultant. This second theory, without
so far being decisively and incontestably established,
is daily gaining more adherents, and remains the most
probable. So that, since consciousness of effort is
essentially that of effect produced, it follows that in
considering the act as the source of the idea of cause,
we know much less of antecedent than of consequent.
Yet this consciousness of effort produced is not the
whole, whatever people may say, of what is in the
primitive conception of a proper, personal causalit)'.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 83
Something more remains : this is the confused idea,
illusory or not, of a creation that proceeds from us.
We shall return to this point.
To conclude : at the outset, the two terms ante-
cedent and consequent, form almost the exclusive ele-
ments in the notion of cause. At any rate, they pre-
ponderate in consciousness, to the exclusion of the
third, relation. The idea of a constant invariable se-
quence, wRich was, later on, to be the intrinsic mark
of the causal process, cannot yet be distinguished.
II. The idea of cause — at first strictly individual —
soon commences its movement of extension.
I. During the first period, this extension is the
work of the imagination, rather than of generalisation
properly so called. By an instinctive tendency, well-
known, though not explained, man concludes for in-
tentions, a will, and a causality analogous to his own, in
the medium that acts and reacts around him : his fel-
lows, all living things, and whatever else by their
movements simulate life (clouds, rivers, etc.). This
is the period of primitive fetishism that is fixed in
mythologies and languages. It may actually be ob-
served in children, in savage races, in brutes (as in
the dog that bites the stone by which it is hit), even
in rational man, when — becoming again for the mo-
ment a creature of instinct — he falls into a passion at
the table that has hurt him.
This period corresponds fairly well with that of
generic images, because the idea of cause thus gener-
alised results from gross, external, partial, accidental
resemblances, which the mind perceives almost pas-
sively. It cannot be doubted that the higher brutes
have a generic image of causality; i. e., they are ca-
pable— given an antecedent — of invariably represent-
184 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
ing to themselves the consequence. This mental state,
which has been termed "empirical consecution," and
which is not infrequent even among men who may
never rise beyond it, resolves itself into a permanent
association of ideas, the result of repetition and of
habit.i
All this, however, is merely an external conception
of causality, of its form, and not its nature ; it is an
outside view, an approximation. The proffer charac-
teristic of this period is that it remains subjectiv-e, an-
thropomorphic, representing cause as an intentional
activity, which produces movements only in view of
an end.
2. The second period begins with philosophic re-
flection, and proceeds by the slow constitution of the
sciences. Its development may thus be summarised:
little by little it deprives the notion of cause of its
subjective, human character, without however com-
pletely attaining this ideal end ; it reduces the essen-
tials of the concept to a fixed, constant, and invariable
relation between a determined antecedent and conse-
quent ; hence it sees in cause and effect only the two
moments, or aspects of one and the same process,
which is fundamentally the affirmation of an identity.
Here imagination recedes, to make way for ab-
straction and generalisation, — for abstraction since it
is less a question of terms than of a certain relation
1 Romanes gives some examples of what he terms appreciation of causal-
ity in animals, including that of a setter that was frightened at thunder. "On
one occasion a number of apples were being shot out of bags upon the
wooden floor of an apple room, the sound in the house as each bag was shot
closely resembled that of distant thunder. The setter therefore became ter-
ribly alarmed ; but when I took him to the apple-room and showed him the
real cause of the noise, his dread entirely forsook him, and on again return-
ing to the house he listened to the rumbling with all cheerfulness." Other
analogous cases are to be found in his Mental Evolution, in Animals, Chap. X.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 85
between the terms, for generalisation because the nat-
ural tendency of the mind is to extend causality to the
whole of experience.
It must, however, be remarked that the transition
from particular cases to generalisation, and ^finally to
the universalisation of the concept of cause, in a strict
sense, has only been effected little by little. An opin-
ion that has gained much credit, on the authority of
the apriorists, is that every man has an intuitive, in-
nate idea of the law of causality, as universal. This
thesis is equivocal. If it means that all change sug-
gests to every normal man who witnesses it an invin-
cible belief in a known or unknown agent of its pro-
duction, then the assertion is incontestable : but this,
as we have seen, is only the popular, practical, and
external notion of causality. If the true concept (that
of the solidly constituted sciences), which is reducible
to an inflexible, invariable determination, is implied,
then it is a fallacy to pretend that the human mind
acquired it at the outset. The belief in a universal
law of causality is no gratuitous gift of nature : it is a
conquest. The fallacy persists, because for at least
three centuries this idea has been propagated by the
writings of philosophers and scientists who have made
it familiar enough. None the less, it is a late concep-
tion, unknown to the great mass of the human species.
Scientific research began by establishing laws, (i. e.,
invariable relations of cause and effect) between cer-
tain groups of phenomena, began by establishing a
law of causality that was valid for these and these
only; and the transfer of this law to all that is known
and unknown has only been effected little by little,
and is even yet incomplete. In a word, the law of
l86 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
universal causality is the generalisation of particular
laws, and remains a postulate.
In support of the above (without entering into
historical detail) we may note the existence in human
consciousness of two ideas, which from time to time,
each after its own fashion, give check to the univer-
sality of the principle. Although, from the develop-
ment of scientific thought, their influence has been a
decreasing factor, they are still very active. These
two ideas are those of miracle and chance.
Miracle, taking this word not in the restricted, re-
ligious sense, but in its etymological acceptance (jni-
rari'), is a rare and unexpected event, produced ex-
trinsically to, or against, the ordinary course of events.
The miracle gives no denial to cause, in the popular
sense, because it assumes an antecedent : God, an
unknown power. It does deny it, in the scientific
sense, since it is an abrogation of determinism among
phenomena. Miracle is cause without law. Now, for
a long period, no belief could have appeared more
natural. In the physical world, the appearance of a
comet, eclipses, and many other things were regarded
as prodigies and warnings. Many races are still im
bued with weird fancies on this subject (monsters that
would swallow up the sun or moon, etc.), and even
among civilised men these phenomena produce in
many minds a certain uneasiness. In the biological
world, this belief has been much more tenacious : en-
lightened spirits in the seventeenth century still ad-
mitted the errores or lusus naiurce, held the birth of
monstrosities to be a bad augury, and so on. In the
psychological world it has been even worse. Not to
speak of the widely-spread (and not yet extinct) preju-
dices of antiquity as to prophetic dreams, auguries of
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 187
the future ; of the mystery which so long surrounded
natural or induced somnambulism, and analogous con-
temporary speculations on the occult sciences ; of
those who regard liberty as an absolute beginning,
etc.: there is, even in the limited circle of scientific
psychology, so little well-determined relation between
cause and effect, that the partisans of contingency
may comfortably imagine anything. Useless to insist
upon sociology. We need only recall the fact that
Utopians abound who, while rejecting miracle in the
religious order, admit it freely in the social ; believing
all to be possible, and reconstructing human society
from top to bottom according to their dreams. If,
finally, we consider that this very dry and incomplete
enumeration covers millions of cases, past and pres-
ent, we must recognise that the human mind in its
spontaneous and self- governed progress, experiences
no reluctance to admit causes without law.
The idea of chance is more obscure. We might
almost say that, for the majority of people who make
no attempt to clear it up, it is an event that supposes
neither cause nor law ; it is sheer indetermination, a
cast of the die arriving no one knows how, by means
of no one knows what. It is very evident that chance
excludes neither cause nor law, but evident to those
alone who have reflected upon its nature, and have
analysed the notion. To others, it is a mysterious,
impenetrable entity, a Tyche whose acts cannot be
foreseen. Hume says that "chance is only our ig-
norance of true causes." Cournot rightly observes
that this is incorrect, that chance involves something
real and positive : the conjunction, the crossing of
several sequences of cause and effect, which are inde-
pendent of one another by origin, and not naturally
100 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
intended to exert any reciprocal influence. Thus one
series of causes and effects lead a. traveller to take a
particular train : on the other hand a totally distinct
set produces at a given place or time an accident
which kills the man.^ There is, in short, in chance,
no contravention of the laws of universal mechanism.
Why then does it seem to the vulgar mind to be an
exception, indeterminate by nature? First, because
the problem set by the unexpected is insuflficiently
analysed ; but also in my opinion, because the primi-
tive idea of cause is nearly always that of a single an-
tecedent, whereas here the unique antecedent is not
present, and cannot be discovered. The conception
of a complex causation, constituted by a sum of con-
current conditions, of equal necessity, is the fruit of
advanced reflexion.
Accordingly, while the man who is formed by sci-
entific discipline refuses when confronted with these
so-called prodigious or fortuitous facts, to concede
that they are exceptions to the law of universal causal-
ity, others are quite ready to admit that the wall that
surrounds phenomena may give way at certain points,
with resulting breaches.
From the point of view of pure psychology, it is
impossible not to affirm that the idea of universal caus-
ality, of uniformity in the course of nature, of rigor-
ous determinism (and other analogous formulae), is
acquired — superposed. Whether this notion be ap-
plicable to the whole of experience, although experi-
ence is not yet exhausted, or whether it is simply a
guide to research, a stratagem for introducing order
1 For the study of Chance, see Cournot, op. cit., I., Chap. iii. [Also J.Venn
"The Logic of Chance," etc. — TV.]
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 89
into things, is a question which psychology has no
capacity for discussing, still less power to resolve.
III. We return to the work of transformation,
which, starting with the notion of cause as it is given
in experience — i. e., a force, a power, that acts and
produces — culminates finally in its last term, the law
of causality.
Just as the plurality of objects perceived in nature,
forms the material of the concept of number ; as the
diverse durations present in our consciousness are the
material of the concept of time ; so our conscious-
ness of acting, of modifying our self and our environ-
ment (a power which we attribute freely to everything
that surrounds us) is the prime material of the con-
cept of cause. But in order that this concept may be
constituted as such — fixed and determined — a work of
abstraction is needed to isolate and bring into relief
its distinctive, essential characteristic from among all
the different elements that compose the primitive and
complex notion of empirical cause (antecedent, conse-
quent, action or reaction, change, transformation,
etc.). This distinctive characteristic is an invariable
relation of sequence (the conditions being supposed
the same); and the establishment of it has been, al-
most exclusively, the result of scientific research.
A history of the secular fluctuations in the idea of
cause, as affected by the various philosophical theo-
ries and changes of method in the sciences, would be
the best review of the phases of its evolution. Impos-
sible here to attempt such a task. We may only note
the two extreme points : the speculations of antiquity,
and the contemporaneous aspect of the question.^
1 Under the title Zur Entiuickelung von KanV s Theorie der Naturcausali-
t'at, {Philosopkische Studzen, IX, 3 and 4), Wundt gives us a rapid historical
I go THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
The ancient philosophers who (at least during the
great eras) were at once metaphysicians and scien-
tists, constructed systems of cosmogony and assumed
"first causes," which were conceived either as forces,
principles of action, motive elements of nature (water,
air, fire, atoms), or as rational types (numbers, ideas).
On the other hand they invented mathematics, and
laid the foundations of astronomy and physics. Now,
as regards causality, these essays at the scientific in-
vestigation of nature involved consequences which
were not plainly disclosed until a much later period.
They exacted another position, — a passage from sub-
jective to objective : whether in relation to the fall of
bodies, or to a law of hydrostatics (such as that to
which Archimedes gave his name), anyone who studies
the physical world necessarily sees its changes from
without. He considers cause no longer as an internal
sketch. He holds that speculation, in antiquity, is characterised by the
method of contraries: the opposition of being and becoming, etc. It is wholly
qualitative. The ancients progressed by definition. Elaboration of the con-
cept of mechanical causation was impossible, by reason of the absence of
any quantitative determination. This began with Galileo. The progress of
mathematics, and the introduction of fractional and irrational numbers made
it possible to search out, not merely measure, but also the relation between
magnitudes — i. e., function. This became the type, and at the same time the
goal of all intellectual elaboration, as applied to natural phenomena. This
method culminated in the seventeenth century, with the predominance of the
logical type. In consequence of the old concept of substance, forces were
taken as cause, phenomena as eflfect. The latter is more frequently derived
from cause by deduction, not by intuition. The cause of a determined event
might either be the total of its conditions, or one antecedent event. This last
conception prevailed, as being the more favorable to the application of math-
ematics. The eighteenth century marks the genesis of the biological sciences.
The growing importance of observation and experimental research made
against the preponderance of mathematics. The facts of experience were
held more solid than the conclusions of reason. The type of causality is
placed no longer in deduction, but in sensory intuition; it is the residuum of
experience. This tendency found its exponent in Hume. Kant endeavored
to reconcile the two theses; that which models object upon subject (seven-
teenth century) and that which models subject upon object [eighteenth cen-
tury).
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. IQI
factor revealed by consciousness, but as a sequence
given by the senses. Antecedents, consequents, in-
variable succession, are for him the only useful data.
Conditions equal cause; and the important determi-
nation is that not of an operating entity, but of a con-
stant relation. This — the only scientific conception
of cause — it is which is covered by Stuart Mill's defi-
nition : "Cause is the sum of the positive and nega-
tive conditions, which, when given, are followed by
an invariable consequent."
This external aspect, old as science itself, was big
with consequences that have only been clearly re-
vealed in our own day, and which may be summed up
in a word as identity of cause and effect. There is no
separation between the two ; the antecedent is not
one thing and the consequent another ; they are two
manifestations, different in time, of a fundamental
unity. It has rightly been observed that the mechan-
ical theory of the universe (correlation of forces, con-
servation and transformation of energy, etc.) is the
contemporaneous form of the concept of natural cau-
sality. Expressed from earliest antiquity in the form
of a metaphysical anticipation {ex nihilo nihil), it en-
ters in the seventeenth century upon its scientific
phase, and is completed in our own day. The physi-
cists who have established it upon experience and by
calculation, saw plainly the consequences it involved.
To cite only one instance, R. Mayer in his Mechanik
der Wdrme says, "If the cause c produces the effect e,
then c=^e; if e is the cause of another effect /, then
e=f, and so on. Since c becomes e, e=^f, etc., we
must consider these magnitudes as the different phe-
nomenal forms of one and the same object. Just as
the first property of cause is its indestructibility, so
192 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
the second property is convertibility, i. e., capacity
for assuming different forms. And this capacity must
not be regarded as a metamorphosis ; each cause is
invariable, but the combination of its relations is vari-
able. There is quantitative indestructibility and quali-
tative convertibility."
It must not be forgotten that the general principles
of thermodynamics — the latest form of the concept of
natural causality — are not absolute, but are proposed
as ideal. We know, e. g., that heat can never give
rise again to all the work from which it was produced,
that no physical event is exactly reversible, /. e. it can-
not be reproduced identically at the opposite end of
the process, because in its first appearance it had to
overcome resistance, and thus lost part of its energy.
All this, however, is outside our scope. As much as
the doctrine of the conservation of energy is valid, so
much is the actual concept of natural causality worth.
We merely undertook to follow the evolution of this
concept down to the present day, to point out its
transformations, without in any way prejudging the
future, or still less attributing to it any absolute
value. ^
What now becomes of the idea of causality taken
in the other sense, no longer as an invariable relation
of antecedent to consequent, but as a thing that acts,
creates, modifies, or persists under all transformations
IThe question is sometimes raised as to whether psychical (and con-
sequently moral, social) facts ought to be included under the formula of con-
servation of energy and correlation of forces. Since the only evidence pro-
duced has been of the nature of theoretical affirmations, or vague and partial
experiences, without quantitative determination, the question so far remains
open. The concept of natural causality was in the same way considered
above in its positive sense, i. e., as a relation of invariable sequence, without
inquiring whether it extends to all forms of experience, — or whether it is
limited.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 93
and clothes all masks? The scientific method, as soon
as it penetrates into any order of phenomena, tends
to exclude cause, to reduce it to the strictest limits,
to make the least possible use of it. Cause then be-
comes the synonym of force. But physical science
defines force only by its effects : — movement, or work
done. So, too, the biologist rejects the notion of
"vital force"; non-metaphysical psychology will have
none of the "faculties," intervention of "the soul,"
and the like. Is the notion thus discarded, totally
suppressed? Nay, — for even in mechanics and phys-
ics it cannot be entirely eliminated. It is there as a
postulate, a residuum, an unknown factor covering
lacunae. Yet, do what we will, force or energy, in
order to be more than an empty word and to become
intelligible, can only be represented and imagined
under the form of the muscular effort whence it origi-
nates, and which is its type ; and despite all the elab-
orations to which it is submitted in order to rid it of
its anthropomorphical character, and dehumanise it,
it remains rather a fact of internal experience than a
concept. Is it destined to undergo other transforma-
tions, by reason of more profound apprehension, or
some new aspect of the problem? Is there — along
with mechanical causality and rigorous determinism —
room for any other mode of causality, proper to psy-
chology, to linguistics, to history, in short to the posi-
tive sciences of the mind, as is maintained by Wundt
and others? The secret remains for the future.
The natural tendency of the mind (which is but
one aspect of the instinct of conservation) to seek and
investigate in face of the unknown and unexpected,
its clear or confused need of explanation for better or
worse, at the outset concluded for an acting entity.
194- THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
The idea still survives under a naive or transcenden-
tal form ; it reappears in every unexplained contin-
gency, whether in regard to the first origin of things,
or (for the partisans of liberty) to freedom of action.
In this sense, "causality is an altar to the Unknown
God, an empty pedestal that awaits its statue. "^
In its other sense, which is widely different and
even contrary, which has been slowly fixed, and more
slowly extended to the whole of experience, cause is
a true concept : the resultant namely of abstraction,
summarised in the characters exclusively proper to it.
Under this form it is equivalent to the concept of
law.
SECTION V. CONCEPT OF LAW.
Our general ideas, from those immediately border-
ing on the concrete to those which attain pure sym-
bolism, constitute a hierarchy of ever-increasing sim-
plicity. What value must be assigned to this thinking
by concepts, in proportion as it ascends higher in the
scale? We are all familiar with the debates upon this
question, bearing, as it does, fundamentally upon the
objective value of abstraction and generalisation. Psy-
chology, as the science of facts, is able to ignore this
point, since it is concerned only with the nature of
the two intellectual processes, their variations, and
adaptations to multiple cases. Still, it is reasonable
enough that it should assume a position, at any rate
provisionally, and for convenience of discussion.
To recall only the two extreme opinions : On the
one side we have those who maintain that the partic-
ular alone exists — for event or individual — that our
general ideas are but a means of maintaining order,
1 W. James, Psychology, II., p. 671.
F.VOLUllON OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 95
while they teach us nothing as to the nature of things.
They are comparable to a catalogue, or to the card-
index of a library which are an easy indicator to the
millions of books, leaving us totally ignorant as to
their contents and value. Hence, the higher we as-
cend, the farther we penetrate into the region of the
fictitious and the vacant.
On the other hand, there are those who assert that
nature has general and fixed characteristics ; in dis-
covering them, we penetrate into the essence of
things. Events and individuals have but a borrowed
existence; under their fleeting appearances, we must
seek the enduring ; and thus, the greater the general-
isation, the higher we rise in reality and in dignity.
The psychologist can only take up the position of
relativity. To him, general ideas are approximations :
they have an objective value, but it is provisional and
momentary, dependent on the variability of phenom-
ena and on the state of our knowledge.
On the one hand, the similarities that are the sub-
strata of generalisation are not fictitious. Since, more-
over, knowledge of the laws of nature has a practical
value, by enabling us to act upon things, and since we
fail, in ignorance of them, — we are fain, objections
notwithstanding, to attribute to them at least a cer-
tain measure of objective value.
On the other, if there is evolution in nature, there
must also be evolution in our ideas, and the preten-
sion to laws or types that are fixed unalterably, be-
comes chimerical. There is no longer the sharp dis-
tinction, as formerly admitted, between "essential"
and "accidental," i. e., permanent and variable char-
acters. The Primary epoch of our globe may have
obeyed laws which no longer hold for our Quaternary
196 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
age : all changes in the course of development. We
shall return to this point in the concluding section.
Without insisting further upon a debate that is of
secondary interest for the psychologist, we may re-
mark that three principal periods can be distinguished
in the development of the Concept of Law: viz., the
periods of generic images, of concrete or empirical
laws, and of theoretical or ideal laws.
It is useless to study the first phase in detail, since
it interests us only as an embryonic form, a germ, or
essay. It consists in the mechanical conception of
regularity for a very restricted number of events. Re-
sulting from the constant or frequent repetition of cer-
tain cycles (the course of the sun, moon, seasons,
etc.) it is organised in the mind by a process of semi-
passive assimilation, that of generic images. Many
men have had, and still have, only this shadow, this
simulacrum of law, resting upon pure association,
upon practical habit, upon the unreflecting expecta-
tion of an often- perceived recurrence. Humble as it
is, this notion was nevertheless useful in the educa-
tion of humanity, for it checked the exuberant ten-
dency of the imagination to people the world with
capricious causes, obedient to no law. It prevented
the establishment of a rule of universal contingency ;
it was the first affirmation of a faith in regular order.
The progress of reflexion, and methodical research,
have done the rest.
We owe to Wundt {Philosophische Studien, i8S6,
III., p. 195 et seq.) an observation of great interest to
any one concerned in the development of the idea of
law. To-day this word is current in all the sciences;
indeed its most rigorous acceptance is in mathematics
and chemical physics. This was not always the case.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. ICjJ
In antiquity, the word was employed almost exchi
sively in a social, juristic, moral sense. The concept
of natural law, regarded as a sort of order, a police-
force, was only very slowly formed and established.
Copernicus and Kepler employed the word "hypothe-
sis." Galileo calls the fundamental laws of nature
"axioms," and those derived from them "theorems,"
following the terminology of the mathematicians.
Descartes begins his Philosophy of Nature by laying
down certain RegulcB sive leges naturales. Newton
says : Axiomata sive leges motus. The extension of the
word law is due apparently to the need of establishing
a clear distinction between the purely abstract axioms
of mathematics, and the principles to which we at-
tribute an objective value, an existence in nature.
Montesquieu's celebrated definition, " Laws are the
necessary relations derived from the nature of things,"
exhibits this concept in its highest degree ol generali-
sation. We may note, in passing, that in the enquiry
referred to above (ch. IV.), nearly all the answers in-
dicate that images of the social juristic order were
evoked, although the scientific acceptance of the word
was perfectly familiar to a large number of the sub-
jects : showing that the primitive signification prepon-
derates in the vulgar conscience.
In another article, entitled Wer ist der Gesetzgeber
der Naturgesetze? {loc. cit., pp. 493 et seq.), the same
author maintains an opinion, which, notwithstanding
its paradoxical appearance, seems to me perfectly
valid. Descartes called the laws of nature "rules,"
inasmuch as they explain phenomena to us; "laws,"
inasmuch as God constituted them ab initio as proper-
ties of matter. At a later period, nature takes the
place of God, which is still the survival of a panthe-
igS THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
istic conception of the world. Still later, the prepon-
derating tendency is to call laws by the names of their
inventors : Mariotte, Gay-Lussac, Dulong and Petit,
Avogadro, Ohm, Weber, etc. "In the seventeenth
century it was God who established the laws of na-
ture ; in the eighteenth it was Nature herself ; in the
nineteenth it is the affair of the scientists." This the-
sis agrees with what was said above of the approxi-
mate character of laws, of the mixture of objective
and subjective elements that obtain in their formulae,
and it is no paradox to assert that the state of mind
of a Mariotte, a Gay-Lussac, a Weber, etc., when
they discover their law, represents this approximation
at a given moment.
I. Empirical laws correspond, broadly speaking,
with the intermediate forms of abstraction and of gen-
eralisation. They consist in the reduction of a large
number of facts to a single formula, but without any
rational explanation. In the course of events we dis-
cover a constant relation of co-existence or of succes-
sion between two or several facts ; we mentally de-
tach this regular relation from the total which includes
it, and extend it to other cases. Constancy is not
even necessary for empirical laws, frequency suffices :
at least one often has to be content with it. These
laws abound in the half-sciences, and in embryo sci-
ence : they are useful, they give order and simplifica-
tion.
Their first characteristic is that they are identical
with fact. Laws and facts are only two aspects of the
same thing. To pass from facts to their empirical
law, is merely replacing simple and homogeneous cog-
nition by abstraction, multiple and heterogeneous cog-
nition by perception. Hence the empirical law is
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 1 99
rightly compared to a general fact, and it is legitimate
in psychology to say the law of association or the gen-
eral fact of association. On the other hand (in vir-
tue of the natural tendency to anthropomorphism)
vulgarisms such as "laws govern facts," and the like,
encourage in many minds the illusion of an ideal
world of law superposed upon the world of facts, ex-
ternal to experience, and acting upon it like a govern-
ment.
A second characteristic, which though frequent is
not universal, is complexity. Necessarily objective,
since it is a simple notation of observed facts, the em-
pirical law does not always succeed in embracing the
results of abstraction in one short and simple formula.
Sometimes it does so ; sometimes it is confronted
with a multiplicity that cannot be reduced to a single
proportion ; in many cases it has to distribute itself,
and resignedly to employ a long formula. Ex. : in
physiology, Pfliiger's law (or the laws of reflexes), in
linguistics, the laws of Grimm, etc. Here there is a
summary description, reduced to the principal facts.
It often has to cover a great number of details, as in
Listing's law (of the rotation of the ocular globe).
Plenty of examples are to be found in the sciences
that are in process of formation, and ill-constituted :
psychology,^ ethics, sociology, etc. Empirical law
1 Sigwart in his Logik, Book II. (English translation by Helen Dendy)
has made a profound study of the classification of the psychological laws in
psychology, and their relative value. He divides them into three categories,
according to the nature of the relations which they express : 1. Psychophys-
ical laws which formulate constant relations between states of consciousness
and the cerebral states. Ex. the relation between the sensation directly re-
ceived, and the image that is reproduced in consciousness. 2. Psychological
laws properly so-called ; these express the internal relations of the states of
consciousness. Ex. Law of conservation of impressions, law of association,
law of systematisation by volition. 3. Laws expressive of the reciprocal ac-
tion that human thoughts and volitions exert one upon the other : they pre-
200 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
could only be further simplified by changing Its na-
ture, namely by transforming it into theoretical law.
Empirical law is thus the type of law that is im-
manent, contained in the facts, invoking their repre-
sentation directly and indirectly by means of inter-
mediate abstraction, involving ascending degrees of
abstraction, that, at their highest level, bring it insen-
sibly very near to ideal law.
II. Theoretical, or ideal, law corresponds with the
higher forms of abstraction. It exhibits increasingly
approximative constructions of the mind, in propor-
tion as these ascend, and are farther removed from ex-
perience. Empirical laws are the material whence they
are derived, and the transformation is accomplished
at the moment, and in the degree, in which descrip-
tion gives place to explanation. To minds accus-
tomed to the discipline of the strict sciences, this
conception of law alone is valid, and they are prone
to treat with disdain or defiance the formulae that are
a simple summing-up of the results of experience,
judging them unworthy of the name of laws. To the
psychologist, the position is quite other : empirical
concept and theoretical concept are two forms, two
aspects of the same intellectual process : there is no
constitutional difference between them. Nevertheless,
in its higher form, the concept of law has its proper
and special characteristics which must be noted.
I. Simplicity, as contrasted with the complexity
of empirical laws ; this is the necessary corollary of
the operation that gives rise to it, since it is an ab-
straction of abstractions, the final result of a long, se-
snppose the intenrention of social causes, and are to this day vague and
ill-determined ; hence there are no fixed rules for the government of human-
ity, or the bringing up of children.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 20I
ries of eliminations. Compare with the long, vague,
entangled formulae, charged with details, of which
examples were given above, the enunciation of the
higher laws, which are usually short and invariably
precise. And, it may be added, invariably lucid, at
least to the scientist who is in the habit of dealing
with them, because he knows exactly what they cover.
In this connexion a saying of D'Alembert deserves
to be recalled and considered, because it discloses,
better than any commentary, the psychology of ab-
stract minds: "The most abstract notions, such as
the majority of mankind regard as the most inaccessi-
ble, are often those which carry with them the great-
est elucidating power : our ideas seem to be blotted
out by obscurity in proportion as, in any object, we
examine into its sensible properties."
2. Quantitative determination. The higher laws
alone can assume a numerical form, and it is a truism
to say that the perfection of any science is measured
by the quantity of mathematics which it involves.
Not that mathematical formulae imply or confer any
magical virtue, but they are the sign of reduction to
clear and simple relations, and are frequently an in-
strument of further progress. It is true that in the
domain of empirical law, there are many processes
which attempt to imitate quantitative determination :
graphic records, curves, statistics, percentages, etc.
Yet these are often a very poor substitute for the
equation, or worse — for they offer an illusory precise-
ness, and are fallacious.
3. It is well to insist upon the ideal character of
these laws, because one is apt to forget that, in virtue
of their very abstraction, they can be approximate
only ; and can but be applied, and reduced from theory
202 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
to practice, by means of rectifications and additions.
It has been said that "physical laws are general truths
that are invariably more or less falsified for each par-
ticular case." All scientific men, and there are many,
who have reflected on the subject, bring out this char-
acter of approximation.^
Thus — it is not absolutely true that a movement
is uniform and rectilinear. The theoretic law of the
oscillation of a pendulum is unrealisable, because
there is no non-resisting medium, no totally rigid and
inextensible bar, no suspending apparatus capable of
turning without friction. A planet could only describe
an exact ellipse if it alone were turning round the
sun : but as, in point of fact, there are several which
act and react upon one another, Kepler's law remains
ideal. It is known by very accurate researches that
Mariotte's law of the relations between the density of
a gas, and the pressure which it bears, is not strictly
accurate for either ; but the differences between theory
and reality are so slight that, in ordinary cases, they
are negligible. The laws of thermodynamics (con-
servation of energy, correlation of forces) which are
so much used in the present day because of their
character of generality, and are held by some to be
the ultimate principle of phenomena, have no abso-
lute value. It is not, e. g., correct to say that all
change generates a change which can be re-trans-
1 " Fundamental laws are, or should be, only the simplest, most abridged,
and most economical mode of expressing facts, within the limits of precision
possible to our observations and experiences. The laws of nature are simple,
essentially because — among all the possible modes of expression — we choose
the simplest" (see Mach, Mechanics. Chicago, 1893, and Popular Scientific
Lectures, 23d ed., Chicago, 1898, under the headings "Economy of Thought,"
"Law," etc.). "In formulating a general, simple, precise law, based upon
relatively few experiences, which, moreover, present certain divergencies,
we only obey a necessity from which the human mind cannot free •itself."
(Poincard.;
I
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 203
formed without loss or addition. The first moment
of enthusiasm passed, there was no lack of criticism
and of reservation on this point. And so in other in-
stances, ad infinitum.
In brief, the concept of law, whenever it is more
than a vague term in the mind, corresponds either to
a direct condensation of facts (empirical laws), or
to an ideal simplification (theoretical laws) ; but, im-
perfect or perfect, the mental process is the same
in the two cases. They differ only in the degree of
simplification attainable by analysis for any given ma-
terial or datum. If empirical law, which is in strict
relation with experience, has not been idolised, this
distinction and misfortune has frequently befallen the
other categories. It has been forgotten that, in the
sciences as in the arts, the ideal is only an ideal,
although it is here attained by different means, viz.,
elimination, voluntary omission for the sake of pre-
ciseness, a more or less artificial reduction to unity.
Consequently many have fallen into the strange illu-
sion of believing that, in manipulating experience by
the labor of an ever-growing abstraction, the absolute
can be brought out.^
SECTION VI. CONCEPT OF SPECIES.
In departing from phenomena by successive ab-
stractions and generalisations, we rise to laws that are
more and more extensive : so in setting out from the
individual, species, genera, orders, branches, and the
1 Since our subject is the tracing out of the concept of law in its different
degrees, starting from the generic image, w« have no need to study the na-
ture of the laws proper to each science (logic, mathematics, mechanics,
physico-chemistry, biology, etc.), nor to discuss their value. For this point,
see Boutroux, L'IdSe de lot naturelU dans la science et la philosophie contempo-
r.tine. Paris, 1895.
204 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
like, are formed by a succession of abstractions and
generalisations. We have already followed this labor
of the intellect in its primitive attempts to introduce
order into the multiplicity and variety of living be
ings (Ch. III.). We saw its start in the period of
generic images, its passage through the various de-
grees of the concrete-abstract period, and its final
outcome by diverse paths into a unitary conception.
We must now take up the subject from the point at
which we left it, and consider the nature of the classi-
ficatory concepts at the final term of their develop-
ment, the moment of their highest scientific determi-
nation. If the geometers ware the first who abstracted
from extension the essential data of Space ; if the as-
tronomers accomplished an analogous operation for
Time ; the naturalists for their part had by abstrac-
tion to disengage from among the numerous charac-
teristics of living beings, those which, as fundamental,
enable them to reduce individuals to species, species
to genera, and so on. They are the inventors of the
concepts which govern this province of experience.
The notion of the individual, which is the basis,
and preliminary material, of biological classification,
is sufficiently clear so long as we confine ourselves to
the higher creatures ; it becomes obscure and equivo-
cal in descending to the lower grades, where life mul-
tiplies by budding, or by division. Hence it has been
a great stumbling-block to the naturalists. For our
purpose, the point is negligible. We can without
inconvenience omit the debates on this subject, and
presume that individuality always has its fixed char-
acteristics. The work of abstraction and of generali-
sation alone concern us.
Among all others, the Concept of Species is cer-
EVOLUTION OK THE PRINCIPAL CONCEFIS. 205
tainly the one which — more especially in our own day
— has been the most studied and disputed. Many
efforts have been made to determine its essential char-
acters, to which some attribute, and others refuse, an
objective value. In effect, and broadly speaking —
two contrary theories obtain in this connexion :
1. That of fixity of species, the oldest, and long
paramount : still perhaps finding its partisans. If we
accept this, we admit at the same time that the natura-
list in determining species, reveals a mystery of na-
ture, and partially discovers the plan of creation.
2. The complete antithesis of the foregoing, which
maintains that only individuals exist. In its absolute
and radical form, this assertion seems rarely to have
been brought forward. It has, however, been said
that "the idea of species is not given to us by nature
itself."^ In point of fact, the contention of the trans-
formists is different. They do not refuse to recognise
the grouping of living beings, according to their de-
grees of similarity, into varieties and species ; but
they grant to species only a momentary fixedness in
time and space. It does not exist, it is not a natural
type, it is transitionally a stable variation ; the indi-
vidual is the reality. From our point of view, this
signifies that the specific characters isolated by ab-
straction are of value only as practical means of sim-
plification in no way helping us to penetrate into the
nature of things.
However this may be, — and without for the mo-
1 Brown, quoted by Quatrefages [Pricurseurs de Dar^uin, p. 218), who adds,
" If this were the case, one would not find many species denoted by particu-
lar names among savages, and our own illiterate population. The general
notion of species is on the contrary one of those that are forced upon us, di-
rectly we look round. The difficulty is to formulate it clearly, to give it sci-
entific precision, and this is a very real probl 111."
2o6 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
ment inquiring whether the work of abstraction in this
province gives objective or subjective results, whether
it limits itself to simplification in relation to man, or
discovers in relation to nature, — let us follow it in its
ascending progress. Once again, we can distinguish
two principal stages : that of species corresponding to
empirical and concrete law ; that of genera, and the
still higher forms, corresponding to theoretical and
ideal laws.
I.
The nature of a concept is fixed by the determina-
tion of its constituent elements; these are determined
by abstraction. Abstraction that is not vulgar and
arbitrary, but scientific, should disclose characteris-
tics that are the substitutes for a group (here living
beings in general), taking its place, and enabling us
to think it. These constituent elements of the con-
cept of species are met with in nearly all the natural-
ists' definitions.^ They are two in number; species is
determined by two essential characteristics : similarity
(morphological criterion), filiation (physiological cri-
terion).
I. Similarity seems at first sight easy to determine
— as though we had only to open our eyes ; yet by this
elementary procedure we hardly pass beyond the level
of generic images, and there is risk of falling into
many errors. It is necessary to penetrate into resem-
IQuatrefages {op. cit., pp. 219-222) gives a great number of definitions of
species. A few may be quoted : " Species should be defined as a succession
of wholly similar individuals, perpetuated by means of generation " (De Jus-
sieu). — "Species is a constant succession of like individuals, which repro-
duce themselves" (Buffon). — " By species we mean any collection of similar
individuals, that have been produced by individuals like unto themselves "
(Lamarck). — " Species is the individual repeated and continued in time and
space" (Blaiuville). — " Species is the totality of all individuals that have the
same origin, and of those that are as like them, as they are among them-
selves " (Brown), etc., etc.
EVOLUTION OF THE PKINCll'AL CONCEPTS. Q.O']
blances deeper than the superficial ; and here is the
first degree of complexity. Buffon observed that "the
horse and the donkey, which are distinct species, re-
semble each other more than the water spaniel and
the harrier, which are of the same species." The facts
which our contemporaries denote by the name oi poly-
morphism, entirely baffle the criterion of similarity.
Not to speak of the obvious difference between the
larva and the perfect insect, the caterpillar and the
butterfly, or between the males, females, and neuters
of bees, ants, and termites ; there are cases in which
the disparity between the two sexes is so great that
the male and the female, taken respectively as two
different creatures, have been classified in distinct
geno-a, and even orders : e. g., the lampyris or glow-
worm, Lernea, and many others. The character of the
resemblance is thus too often vague, sometimes de-
ceptive, nearly always inadequate : it follows that we
must resort to the other, to filiation.
2. This, the physiological criterion, again appears
to leave no opening for equivocation, since it can be
materially stated. Generally speaking, one is imbued
with the notion that children resemble their parents,
that the immediate product is the reproduction of the
type of the progenitors. But the alternating genera-
tions (metagenesis, geneagenesis) discovered in the
course of the present century, show that this concep-
tion is too simple, and often fallacious. This mode of
reproduction is by no means rare ; we meet with it
among a great number of the lower plants, infusoria,
worms, and even insects. "The dominating fact in
the reproduction of all these creatures, is that a sexual
being, of definite form, gives birth to asexual beings
which do not resemble it, but which in their turn pro-
2o8 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
duce by a sort of budding, or by fission of their bodies,
the sexual creatures similar to those from which they
issued." Vogt, accordingly, in his definition of spe-
cies, is forced to include the case of alternate genera-
tion by saying : "Species is the reunion of all the
individuals that originate from the same parents, and
are in themselves, or in their descendants, similar to
their primordial ancestors."
In brief, the general notion of species depends
upon two ideas, complex notwithstanding their appar-
ent simplicity, fluctuating in spite of their apparent
precision.
Till now, we have spoken of species as if it were
directly superposed upon individuals, as if it resulted
from immediate generalisation. This is not the nat-
uralists' position. Their classification descends from
the species to the individual by decreasing generalisa-
tions of the race and the variation. Thus the human
species comprises several races (white, yellow, etc.),
the white race comprises several variations (English,
Arab type, etc.). To the partisan of fixedness of spe-
cies, these three general notions have not the same
value : species alone has peculiar and irreducible char-
acters, which are deduced from the function of repro-
duction and the facts of cross-breeding.
Couple two individuals of distinct species: the
union is generally sterile. If otherwise, the hybrids
which result from it are unfruitful. If, as rarely hap-
pens, they propagate themselves, the offspring rapidly
return to the type of one of the ancestral species.
Couple two individuals of distinct races or varia-
tions, the union will be fruitful ; the resulting cross-
breeds are again fertile ; the progenitors are able to
create and fix varieties, and even races.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. SOQ
Hence, it is concluded, species must be a thing
that exists, that protects itself, does not let itself be
encroached upon.
Evidently the debated question is one of facts :
and both the parties in dispute adduce experimental
evidence. Few in number as they may be, there are
fertile hybrids, which perpetuate themselves. They
are found among birds and mammals, e. g., the alpaca
and the vicuna, the bull and the zebu, the goat and
the sheep — which have for issue the ovicaprinse, — the
hare and the rabbit — whose offspring is the leporide,
(their perpetuity has been contested). On the other
hand, if certain species have thus been formed by a
durable blend, there exist races that have been refrac-
tory to all attempts at cross-breeding: i. e. , the do-
mestic and Brazilian guinea-pig, different races of
rats, of rabbits, etc.
We need not enter into the discussion, nor enu-
merate the observations and experiments invoked on
either side : they are to be found in special works.
Our aim was to discover the constituent elements of
the notion of species in its scientific aspect. Now,
neither the morphological element nor the physio-
logical element has any distinguishing mark of per-
manence and universality. The concept of species is
possessed of no absolute value ; neither is it a simple
replica in the mind of the "plan of nature." The
result of abstraction and of generalisation, it cor-
responds to something which is fixed for a certain
time in certain conditions ; it has temporary and pro-
visional objectivity.^
IFor the transformists, as is well known, variety, race, and species are
not fixed concepts. " From variety to race, from race to species, there is a
continuous insensible passage. Individual modifications, at first slight, give
rise to a variety or to a race. Continuing to augment, and extending to a con-
2IO THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
II.
Contemporary discussion is almost entirely cen-
tred upon species. Little is said about genera, and
still less of the higher divisions. We do not, in any
case, find what we require : the determination of con-
stitutive elements, of general acceptance, which shall
be for the genus, family, order, or class, the equiva-
lent of the two denotative marks — morphological and
physiological — that are attributed to species.
This has not always been the case. At the time
when there was general belief in a scheme of creation,
the naturalists were careful, by bringing together
species, genera, families, etc., to disengage more and
more general characters, which they regarded as es-
sential, and determined by the nature of the thing.
We have already said that Linnaeus was the first to
formulate a precise notion of genus, to which he ex-
pressly attributed a reality : "You must know," he
says, in his Philosophia botanica, "that it is not char-
acter that constitutes the genus, but genus the char-
acter ; that character devolves from genus, not genus
from character ; that character exists not in order
that genus should come about {fiaf), but so that the
genus should be known." In the binary nomenclature
which he adopted, the first term designates the genus,
the second one of the species included. Thus the dog
and the wolf have characters by which they resemble
each other, and are distinguished from other animals
(five fingers on the anterior limbs, four only on the
posterior, twenty-two teeth in the upper and lower
jaw, etc.) Linnaeus classifies them as the genus Ca?iis,
stantly increasing number at individuals, they may come to constitute spe-
cific characters. Pursuing its evolution, the species then finally reaches the
rank of the genus, family, etc."
I
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 211
of which Canis familiaris, Canis lupus, Canis vulpes,
etc., are the species. Again, the genus Felis, deter-
mined by the characters common to certain animals
exclusively, comprises in its species : the cat {Felis
caius), the lion {Felis leo), the tiger {Felis tigris^, etc.
Agassiz, the last representative of the line of nat-
uralists who aspired at reproducing the order of na-
ture in the hierarchy of their classificatory concepts,
characterises the genera and divisions superior to
them by vague formulae. Of these we can judge from
the following passage :
"Individuals are the support, at the actual mo-
ment, of the characters not merely of species, but of
all other divisions. As representative of genus, they
have certain details of a definite and specific structure,
identical with those possessed by the representatives
of other species. As representative of family, they
have a definite constitution, expressive of a distinct
and specific model, in forms resembling those of the
representatives of other genera. As representative of
order, they take definite rank, as compared with the
representatives of other families. As representative
of class, they manifest the structural plan of their ram-
ifications by the aid of special means, and according
to specific directions. As representative of branches
the individuals are all organised on a distinct plan
which differs from the plan of other branch-lines."^
It was shown above (Oh. III.) that the contempo-
rary classifications, which are radically embryological,
transformist, and generic, proceed otherwise, and have
a different aim. Their ideal is to draw up the genea-
logical tree of living beings, with its multiple ramifica-
tions, marking the principal moments of evolution.
1 De I'Espice, Ch. II., §§ 6 and 7.
212 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
But if, leaving aside the material of these (animal
or vegetable) classifications, we consider only the psy-
chological labor by which they are constituted, we
find that the transformists and their adversaries have
at least one common- point which is of cardinal impor-
tance. The notion of fundamental types — conceived
as fixed or provisory — is for the one as for the other a
compass, a guide in research, a normal, by means of
which deviations are appreciated. Hence, these con-
cepts have a practical value, and it is true that we find
abstraction and generalisation in their principal role,
which is, not to discover, but to simplify, above all to
be useful.
In effect, the one side, yielding to the natural ten-
dency of the mind to reify abstractions, admit the
permanence and objectivity of types : they believe
firmly that they have in certain concepts the possibil-
ity of an ideal reconstruction of the entire world of
living beings. This faith sustains them and urges
them on to more and more exact determinations.
Their opponents, the transformists of every de-
gree, are guided by a different ideal ; they search after
continuity, transition, forms of passage. Species, gen-
era, families, etc., are but provisory starting-points,
with intermediate lacunae which they endeavor to
bridge over. Although the animal order, the chain of
life, is itself only a theoretical construction, a natural
abstraction, many fine works could be quoted which
are inspired by this faith in continuity. Such, e. g.,
are Huxley, Cope, and others upon the genus Equiis,
establishing the filiation of the four-fingered Eohippus
of the old Tertiary epoch, with the Hipparion of the
new Tertiary epoch, and with the Horse of the Quat-
ernary period.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 21 3
The hierarchy of concepts formed by superposition
of abstractions and generalisations only facilitates the
task. The sole incontestable value that can be as-
signed to any notion of species, and still more to
genus, and other still more general concepts, is that
of utility. They are successful implements in the in-
vestigation of nature. All other pretensions are open
to discussion. One position more especially is unten-
able : that which claims for concepts, the pure results
of abstraction, an absolute value. It is obvious that
they can have none. They are neither reality nor fic-
tion, but approximations.
* *
Laws and species — two general notions which
must be connected — were bound to vary in the course
of evolution, because they are entirely subordinated
to the conditions which govern the existence of phe-
nomena and of living beings. Let us — merely as an
illustration to fix our ideas — admit the hypothesis of
a primitive nebula. Imagine (which is impossible)
an intelligent being, able, at that point in the world's
history, to draw up a scheme of the existing laws. He
could discover none but those which govern matter in
the gaseous state, — some of which are still extant, oth-
ers unknown to us, and unknowable — since, their con-
ditions of existence having ceased, they are annihi-
lated. When at a later time this matter, uniformly
diffused and dispersed through space, became divided
from one or other cause into vast nebulous spheres
commencing their slow revolution, our hypothetical
being might have surprised the birth of the astronom-
ical laws. Subsequently, the constitution of the liquid
state of matter, and then of the solid state in its dif-
ferent degrees, would give birth to new physico-chem-
214 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
ical laws, others meantime disappearing. When,
finally, life — whatever may have been its origin — ap-
peared, other laws again loomed forth, and the possi-
bility of classification. Yet to the hypothetical spec-
tator, these must needs be highly singular, highly
dissimilar from our own — unless we admit the hypoth-
esis of a world created at one throw.
It is needless to enter into the details of this long
evolution, as it is generally admitted to have been.
Enough to remember that the matter whence abstrac-
tion deduces laws and species has varied, and may
vary again in the course of ages. If, on the other
hand, we consider the slow progress of human knowl-
edge, and the incessant corrections imposed by expe-
rience and reasoning from century to century, we find
ourselves confronted with two variable factors, one
objective, the other subjective. No permanence can
result from their union. Long as may be the stability
of laws and species, nothing guarantees their perpet-
ual duration. So that after two centuries which make
a brave show in the history of the sciences, we may
still advance the formula of Leibnitz: ** Our deter-
minations of physical species are provisional and pro-
portional to our knowledge. "1
Many other concepts might be added to the pre-
ceding, among them, those of the moral sciences. I
forbear, because the history of their fluctuations would
in itself exact a volume. Till now, these have been
ill-determined, badly defined. May we even speak of
any regular evolution ? Have they not rather suffered
corsi e ricorsi, which bring them back perennially to
their point of departure ? Whenever — during a devel-
opment of centuries — the work of abstraction has suc-
1 Nouveaux Essais, IIL, § 6, 23.
EVOLUTION OF THE PRINCIPAL CONCEPTS. 2l5
ceeded, we have seen it pass through successive
phases : — generic ideas, intermediate forms, higher
forms — but not by any constant process. Sometimes
it has rapidly attained the period of complete simpli-
fication, as in mathematics; sometimes it is long ar-
rested in its progress, as in the natural sciences :
sometimes, again, as in the less established sciences,
it is incapable even to the present day of transcending
the lowest stages.
CHAPTER VI.
CONCLUSION.
WE have endeavored to show how the faculty of ab-
stracting and of generalising has been developed
empirically, and to follow it in its spontaneous and
natural evolution as shown in history, — not in the
philosophical speculations which are only its efflor-
escence, and which, for the most part, ignore or de-
spise its origins. It remains to us, in conclusion, to
seek out how, and by what causes, this intellectual
process has constituted and developed itself : further
— what are the different directions it has followed in
the course of its development.
I. To contemporary psychology, the mind is a
sum of processes of dissimilar nature, whose mode of
appearance and of evolution depends upon predeter-
mined conditions. In the total of intellectual opera-
tions, abstraction is a process of secondary formation :
it does not belong to the primary stratum of sensa-
tions and percepts, of appetites and tendencies, of
primitive emotions. We found however that it was
there in embryo. How then, instead of remaining in
this rudimentary state, has it been so differentiated as
to become a function proper to the intellect, and with
a long development that is still in progress?
I
CONCLUSION. 217
The primary condition is the existence of attention,
which brings a few points into relief, amid the general
confusion. We have shown elsewhere that attention
itself depends originally upon the instinct of individ-
ual preservation.^ Attention, however, can only pre-
cede and prepare for abstraction, because it is a mo-
mentary state of application to the variable aspects
of events, and does not isolate anything.
We know how the first labor of separation, of dis-
sociation, takes effect in the formation of generic im-
ages, and how the extracted quality fixed itself, for
better or worse, by the aid of a visual, auditory, tac-
tile scheme, by a movement, a gesture, which confers
on it a sort of independence.
Finally, with the word — the substitute for the ab-
stract intuition — the mental dissociation approximates
to a real dissociation : the abstract character, incar-
nated in the word, seems, as happens only too often,
to exist by itself. The process of abstraction, with
its fitting instrument, is completely constituted.
During these successive phases, and afterwards,
throughout the course of the historical development
of human intelligence, the progress of abstraction and
of generalisation, depends upon two principal causes :
one general, i. e., utility; the other accidental and
sporadic, the advent of inventors.
I. In his book on Darwinism (Ch. XV.) Wallace,
in contesting the theory that applies the law of con-
servation of variations, useful in the struggle for ex-
istence, to the mental faculties, insists at length upon
the mathematical faculty ; he maintains that it is an
inexplicable exception, a case that cannot be reduced
to law. The inaptitude of inferior races for even the
\ Psychology of Attention, Ch. I. (Chicago : Open Court Publishing Co.)
2l8 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
simplest calculations is well known ; how — from such
a rudimentary origin — could it develop into the genius
of a Newton, a Laplace, or a Gauss ? What motive
power accounts for this development? The author
establishes by a host of sufficiently useless historical
details, that mathematical superiority played no part
in the struggle of tribe with tribe, and later on of peo-
pie with people (Greeks against Persians), and that
the victory resulted from other causes, moral and so-
cial. For this there is abundant evidence. But since
mathematical aptitude is only a particular instance of
abstraction, albeit one of the most perfect, the ques-
tion ought to be proposed under a more general form.
Had the aptitude for abstraction, ab initio, any prac-
tical value ? Yes, ''the motive power that caused its
development, that Wallace claims without specifying
it, is utility."
To avoid possibility of equivocation, let us remark
that the development of the attitude for abstracting
and generalising may be explained in a two-fold man-
ner : by acknowledging the influence of heredity, and
by omitting it.
In the former case, it is supposed that this apti-
tude appears as a "spontaneous variation" in the in-
dividual or race, that it fixes itself, is reciprocal,
grows by slow accumulation in the course of genera-
tions. This theory postulates the heredity of acquired
characters, which is accepted by some, rejected by
others, more especially since the advent of Weis-
mann. I refrain from invoking it, by reason of its
hypothetical and disputed nature. The probability of
any transmission would moreover be far harder to es-
tablish here than in other psychical directions, such
as imagination, or feeling.
CONCLUSION. 219
In the second case, with elimination of the hered-
itary factor, progress must be attributed to social
causes, utility and imitation. From all time there
have been minds which when face to face with prac-
tical problems knew better than others how to extract
the essential, and neglect the accessory, in the com-
plex of facts. The utilitj' of abstraction is identical
with that of attention, which does not require demon-
stration ; it may be summed up in a single word : to
simplify. As the process succeeds, it finds imitators.
There is no need to admit at the outset any reflected
and fully conscious abstraction : a happy instinct,
guided by the needs of life, is sufficient at the com-
mencement. Races that are poorly gifted in this re-
spect, or little apt at imitating their betters, have
never got beyond a low level. In effect, abstraction
and generalisation are the nerve of all knowledge that
transcends sensation. Is this mode of cognition use-
ful ? There can be no possible doubt as to the an-
swer.
2. The role of inventors corresponds to the fact
which, in transformist terminology, is known as spon-
taneous variation. By inventors, we mean those who
are born with the talent or the genius for abstrac-
tion. It is superfluous to prove that such have been
found, in considerable numbers. They are abstract
thinkers by instinct, as others are musicians, me-
chanicians, designers. The biography of the great
mathematicians abounds in examples : Pascal invent-
ing geometry out of a few vague indications from his
father ; Newton divining Euclid's demonstrations from
the simple enunciation of the theorems ; Ampere, be-
fore he could read or understand the use of figures,
making long calculations by means of a few pebbles \
220 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
Gauss, at five years old, rectifying the arithmetic of a
workman, etc. If fewer analogous facts can be quoted
from the other sciences, it is because mathematical
precocity is frequent, and is more surprising. All that
is the effect of innate disposition : this word serving
only to recapitulate our ignorance of the causes which
produce such minds. In the development of knowl-
edge by abstraction and generalisation, the first cause
— utility — may be likened to the part played by slow
actions in geology; whether in the case of practical
inventions, or of the constitution of an idiom, it is
continuous, collective, and anonymous. The role of
the great abstract thinkers, on the contrary, resembles
the rapid and epoch-making actions.
II. If we now consider the progress of abstraction
from a more general point of view (instead of follow-
ing it step by step, from its lowest to its highest de-
gree, as in the preceding chapters), i. e., according to
its orientation towards a given end, we find that it
has followed three principal directions during its his-
tory: practical, speculative, scientific. These are,
indeed, inseparable, inasmuch as practical abstraction
leads to science, scientific abstraction is profitable to
practice, and speculation cannot entirely forego the
other two.*
Abstraction and practical generalisation are neces-
sarily the first in order, as we found in studying their
first appearance in the lower animals, in children, and
in savages. They serve to distinguish the qualities of
things by some word, or sign ; they subserve the sim-
ple adaptations of daily life. Later on, at a higher
stage, they note the appearance of mixed processes,
IFora study of the function and practical value of symbolism consult
Ferrero, Les lots psychologiques du symbolisme : Paris, F. Alcan.
I
CONCLUSION. 221
which, while more especially directed to utility, are
already the prelude to scientific knowledge. Disinter-
ested curiosity has awakened, and timidly makes for
daylight. A minimum acquaintance with the history
of the sciences teaches us that all were at their origin
processes of applied research, and that often, in their
uncertain efforts, our forbears found what they were
not looking for. The numerative systems issued from
the need of counting objects, and later on, from rude
commercial exchanges. Elementary geometry was re-
quired, in order to measure the fields, to determine a
right angle, to fix relative positions, and to furnish
the indispensable parts of primitive architecture. The
invention of the lever, of the balance, of rudimentary
engines for the lifting of heavy masses, gave the first
foundations of mechanics. Astronomy arose in the
desire to regulate civil life and the religious festivals,
and the wish (e. g., among the Peruvians and Mexi-
cans) not to irritate the gods by delaying the sacri-
fices due to them. Metallurgy, and later on the search
for the philosopher's stone, and the elixir of life, were
the prelude to scientific chemistry. The historical
outset of each science would furnish a profusion of
similar facts.
The two other operations issued by an internal di-
vision of labor from this — at first the only — tendency
of the mind.
First come purely speculative, i. e., philosophical
or metaphysical abstraction and generalisation. This
new trend has clean and well defined characteristics ;
and it was, in antiquity, the privilege of two peoples
alone, the Greeks and the Hindus. Abstraction leads
immediately to the highest generalisations ; from the
crude and direct simplification of a few facts, the
222 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
mind leaps at a bound to the final causes of things ;
it skips the intermediate stages : it ignores the se-
quence of slow and progressive evolution. This pro-
cedure where, in point of fact, abstraction and gener-
alisation are only the servants of a particular form of
imagination, found its first complete expression in
Plato, and the Theory of Ideas. With Plato, the hu-
man intellect tasted for the first time the supreme
pleasures of playing with the highest abstractions,
and believing firmly that the universe can be summed
up, constructed and explained by the help of some
few entities. In this direction, notwithstanding its
manifold changes of aspect, the generalising process
has remained fundamentally the same, and has done
no more than repeat itself. We are here concerned
with statement, not with criticism. Psychologists
must needs admit that this tendency to construct the
world (whether or no it be illusory) is a fact inherent
in the nature of the human intellect. Stallo, in the
book already quoted,^ gives an incisive critique of the
fundamental concepts of the physical sciences, and
their unconscious trend towards metaphysics. His
appreciation of the characteristics proper to the purely
speculative process of abstraction and generalisation,
is so apt, that we cannot do better than transcribe it :
' ' Whatever diversity may exist between metaphysical sys-
tems, they are all founded upon the express or implied supposition
that there is a fixed correspondence between concepts and their fil-
iations on the one hand and things and their mode of interdepend-
ence on the other. This fundamental error is in great part due to
a delusory view of the function of language as an aid to the forma-
tion and fixation of concepts. Roughly stated, concepts are the
meanings of words ; and the circumstances that words primarily
designate things, or at least objects of sensation and their sensible
1 The Concept!: and Theories of Modern Physics, Ch. IX., p. 137, 3rd ed.
CONCLUSION. 223
interactions, has given rise to certain fallacious assumptions which,
unlike the ordinary infractions of the laws of logic, are in a sense
natural outgrowths of the evolution of thought (not without anal-
ogy to the organic diseases incident to bodily life) and may be
termed structural fallacies of the intellect. These assumptions
are :
" I. That every concept is the counterpart of a distinct objec-
tive reality, and that hence there are as many things, or natural
classes of things, as there are concepts or notions.
"2. That the more general or extensive concepts and the re-
alities corresponding to them pre exist to the less general, more
comprehensive, concepts and their corresponding realities ; and
that the latter concepts and realities are derived from the former,
either by a successive addition of attributes or properties, or by a
process of evolution, the attributes or properties of the former
being taken as implications of those of the latter.
" 3. That the order of the genesis of concepts is identical with
the order of the genesis of things.
"4. That things exist independently of and antecedently to
their relations ; that all relations are between absolute terms ; and
that therefore whatever reality belongs to the properties of things
is distinct from that of the things themselves."
The differences between this procedure and that
proper to the third (or scientific) direction need
hardly be enumerated.
Here the advance is step by step, without for an in-
stant losing hold of the thread that leads back to the
starting-point of experience. Even where the mind
takes giant strides, or leaps across the intermediate
generalisations, it pauses to verify its results and to
take up the thread it had loosed for the moment. This
is the typical process. Since it formed the basis of
our discussion of the intermediate and higher forms of
abstraction, we need not here return to it. Yet in
conclusion, it is well to recall once more what makes
it of sterling value.
To reduce the essentials of abstraction and gener-
224 "THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
alisation to the exclusive use of the word (or sign) as
is customary, is an error that can only be explained by
the time-honored neglect of the function of the uncon-
scious in psychology. The sign is no more than an in-
strument of simplification, an abbreviated formula.
When the mind works with the aid of concepts, the
co-operation of two factors, the one conscious, the
other unconscious or sub-conscious, is required, in
order that its labor may be legitimate and fruitful : on
the one hand, we have words or signs, accompanied
sometimes by a vague representation ; on the other
hand, a latent, potential, organised knowledge. We
endeavored above (Ch. IV.) to show how this couple
forms and fixes itself. The mechanism is invariably
the same, without exception. Whether we keep up a
trivial conversation by means of the abstract terms
which compose our languages, or whether we ascend
to the highest generalisations, there is in the mental
state no more than a difference in degree ; there is no
difference in nature. Beneath the words that are the
clear factors, exists the dumb travail, the vague invo-
cation, of the organised experience that gives life to
them. Without this unconscious factor which may,
often does, become conscious, there is nought but illu-
sion. When we induct, deduct, traverse a long series
of abstractions to demonstrate or to discover, the use-
ful work consists in new relations which establish
themselves in our organised potential knowledge ;
words are no more than the instruments that com-
mence the task, facilitate and mark its phases. When
the mind is grappling with the highest abstractions,
and climbs from height to height, what preserves it
from catastrophe, and guarantees against error, is the
quantity and quality of the unconscious material stored
CONCLUSION. 225
up beneath the words. The entomologist who at first
sight, and immediately, classifies one insect among
millions of species, acts in virtue of his long experi-
ence, impressed firmly in his memory with salient
characteristics : he proceeds from the sensory data to
the name. In the inverse operation, when he merely
enunciates the name, all this acquired knowledge is
the substrate. The existence of these conscious-un-
conscious couples is, so to speak, a rule in pyscbol-
ogy : general ideas are but a particular case, perhaps
the least well-known : hence we previously likened
them (Ch. IV.) to rnental habits.
It follows that in proportion as we ascend in gen-
eralisation we rise, not into vacuity, as has been said,
but into the simple — as also, it must be confessed,
into the approximate. The relatively empty concepts
(there are none that are absolutely void of content)
are the product of a discontinuous generalisation
which prevents descent without interruption or omis-
sion into the concrete. Of course these are chiefly
encountered in the world of pure speculation. They
are names representing a knowledge that is incom-
plete, partial, inadequate, or ill-organised ; they cor-
respond not to elimination of what is useless, but to
deficit of what is necessary. Having no possible con-
tact with reality, they float in an unreal atmosphere,
and are material for a fragile and quickly crumbling
architecture. The aim of thinking by concepts is to
substitute for complex states, simpler conditions that
may be turned and re-turned in every possible sense,
in order the better to discover their relations: whereas
here, by the nature of things, the unconscious activ-
ity, the labor that operates silently in the lower strata,
2 26 THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
is applied to a soil that is full of faults and fissures,
and can but project a false light into consciousness.
It has frequently been stated that symbolic thought
is thinking by substitution. This formula is admissi-
ble only when we recognise that the substitute sup-
poses, nay expects, the actual existence of that for
which it is substituted. Substitution is valid in con-
sciousness, but not for the total operation. To sum
up in a word : the psychology of abstraction and gen-
eralisation, is in a great measure the psychology of the
unconscious.
We have merely studied general ideas in so far as
they have an assignable origin in experience, and do
not transcend its limits. Are there, as some main-
tain, notions anterior to any sensory intuition — that
can by no means nor effort be derived from empir-
ical data ? It is not our part to discuss this question.
The thesis — whether or no it be legitimate — is a con-
tention in favor of innate ideas, and in whatever
fashion it is conceived {Jt priori forms, hereditary dis-
position, cerebral conformation), it is the problem of
the ultimate constitution of human intelligence, which
we have rigorously eliminated from our present sub-
ject.
INDEX.
Abstraction, a positive operation, 2 ;
a process of secondary formation,
216 et seq.; has followed three prin-
cipal directions; practical, specu-
lative, scientific, 220 et seq.; higher
forms of, III et seq.; implies a dis-
sociative process, 8; intermediate
forms of, 86 et seq. ; prior to speech,
I et seq.; stages of, 10 et seq.
Abstract thought, a skeleton, 135.
Acoustic space, 148.
Adjective, the, 76.
Agassiz, 7, 105, 107, 211.
Ampfere, 219.
Analogy, 27, 84.
Animals, causality in, 184; counting
of, 19; language of, 58; psychology
of, II et seq.; reasoning of, 30; time-
sense of, i6g.
Antecedent and consequent, 180, 183
et seq.
Ants, intelligence of, 12 et seq., 27, 55.
Arabic, 76.
Archimedes, 190.
Architecture, 28.
Aristotle, 45, 105 et seq.
Arithmogenesis, 139.
Articulation, 63.
Artists, 134.
Association of images, 18; by simi-
larity, 24.
Astronomers, the first, 173.
Attention, 134, 217.
Auditory types, 112, 121 et seq.
Aztec language, 73.
Baer, Von, 108.
Bain, 7.
Barter, 109.
Bees, intelligence of, 14, 56.
Belief in a universal law of causal-
ity, 185 et seq.
Belt, Mr., 13.
Bergson, 178.
Binet, 37.
Blainville, 2o6.
Boole, 38.
Boutroux, 203,
Bradley, 25.
Breal, 70, 71.
Brehm, 170.
Brown, 205, 206.
Buffon, 206, 207.
Cases, grammatical, 81.
Causality, belief in a universal law
of, 185 et seq.
Cause, empirical origin of, 181 ; his-
tory of concept of, 180 et seq.; uni-
versalisation of the concept of, 185
et seq.
Chaldasans, 173.
Chance, idea of, 187 et seq.
Charcot, 127.
Chess-players, 40.
Child, numeration in the, 35 ; gen-
eral ideas of, 31 et seq.; time-sense
of, 171.
Chinese, 62, 69.
Class, 211.
Classification, biological, history of,
103 et seq., 204.
Cognition, cardinal operations of, i.
Communication, 55 et seq.
Compositors, 121.
Concepts, 11, 92, 135; hierarchy of,
228
THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
109,213; relatively empty, 225 ; the
inferior, 88; ultimate nature of, 113.
Concrete type, 115.
Condillac, 31, 77.
Consciousness, the condition of any
notion of time, 175 at seq.
Convertibility, 192.
Cope, 212.
Copernicus, 197.
Counting, 35, 99, 143.
Cournot, 134, 146, 187, 188.
Couturat, 144.
Cross-breeding, 208.
Cuvier, 107, 108.
Czermak, 160.
D'Alembert, 201.
Dammaras, 99.
Darmesteter, 84.
Darwin, 12, 18, 34, 63.
Deaf-mutes, psychology of, 39 ; lan-
guage of, 41; syntax of, 43; numera-
tion in, 45 ; religious notions of, 46.
Decimal system, 143.
Declensions, 81.
Delambre, 173
De Jussieu, 206.
DeQuincy, 150.
Descartes, 197.
Determinism, 188, 193.
Dewey, 139.
Dietze, 161.
Diff. rences, 90.
Dissociation, 27.
Dogs, intelligence of, 17, 90, 29.
Dual, he, 77.
Duck, 34.
Dugas, 136.
Duke of Argyle, 40.
Duration, concrete, 159 et seq.; per-
ception of, 161 et seq.; reproduc-
tion of, 162.
Ebbels, 40.
Economy of thought, 202.
Effort, sense of, 182 et seq.
Elephant, intelligence of, 15.
Ellendorf, Dr., 13.
Empirical laws, 198.
Empiricists, 149.
Energy, conservation of, 192.
Esquimaux, 74.
Euclidean geometry, 156 et seq.
Evolution in our ideas, 195.
Exchange, no.
Expectation, in reasoning, state of,
25.
Extension, concrete, feeling of, 147
et seq.; characterised, 158.
Extracts, 70.
FacuHas signatrix, 55.
Family, 211.
Ferrero, 220.
First causes, 190.
Fouill6e, 177.
Fox, ruses of, 18.
Franklin, 55.
Function, notion of mathematical,
190.
Galileo, 190.
Galton, 10, 40, 99.
Gauss, 148, 156, 218, 220.
Geese, time-sense of, 170.
Geiger, 63.
Genera, 210 et seq.
General ideas, thinking by, 9; their
grades distinguished, loi; likened
to mental habits, 131, 225; meaning
of, 135; observations on, 114 et seq.
Generalisation, 9, 185.
Generic image, 10, 87 et seq., 93, 169,
183, 196; an almost passive conden-
sation of resemblances, 18; a spon-
taneous fusion of images, 22; comes
half way between individual repre-
sentation and abstraction properly
so called, 23.
Genii, 95.
Geometry, born of practical needs,
148 et seq.; non-Euclidean, 156 et
seq.
G^rando, 40, 41, 51.
Gesture, language of, 48 et seq., 66.
Glass, 163.
Goethe, 109, 134.
Guyau, 166, 178.
Habere, 79.
Haeckel, 108.
Hare, ruses of, 18.
INDEX.
229
Hebrew, 69.
Heinicke, 64.
Helmholtz, 62.
Heredity of acquired characters, 218.
HoeSding, 4, 136.
Horwicz, 165, 166.
Houzeau, 17, 18, 36.
Huber, 55.
Hume, 187, 190.
Huxley, 10, 22, 212.
Hybrids, 208.
Hysterics, 127.
Idealogues, 68.
liifes-forces, 177.
Identity, sense of, 6.
Ideography, 53.
Images, logic of, 26etseq., 40; also
5 et seq., iii.
Imagination, forms of, 112.
Indiflferent point, 163.
Individual, notion of the, 204.
Inference, 24, 26, 30.
Infinity, 144.
Intelligence, 87.
Inventors, r61e of, 219.
Iroquois, 74.
Isolates, 17.
James, W., 6, 9, 29, 30, 46, 80, 140, 149,
162, 175, 176, 194.
Janet, 163.
Kant, 137, 158, 175, 190.
Kepler, 197, 202.
Kirby, 55.
Kleinpaul, 52.
Kussmaul, 45, 46.
Ladd, 7.
Lamarck, 206.
Language, origin of, 31 et seq., 54 et
seq.
Languages, natural organisms, 83;
savage, 95 et seq.
Laplace, 218.
Lapp, 76.
Law, origin of concept of, 194 et seq.;
theoretical or ideal, 200.
Laws, defined, 197; called by the
names of their inventors, 198 ; vary
in the course of evolution, 213.
Leffevre, A., 61.
Leibnitz, 31, 129, 140, 214.
Leroy, G., 18, 19, 30, 57.
Lewes, i8o.
Liard, 142.
Linnaeus, 106, 210.
Lobachevski, 156.
Locke, 31.
Lotze, 150, 151, 178.
Lubbock, 20, 50, 55, 96.
Mach, E., 148, 163, 164, 178, 202.
Maclellan, 139.
Magpie, 20, 21.
Maine de Biran, 181.
Mallery, Colonel, 49, 50, 51.
Mariotte, 202.
Mathematical faculty, the, 217.
Mathematicians, 126.
Mathematics, originated in observa-
tion, 148.
Mayer, R., 191.
Measure of quantity, 100.
Memory, 132.
Mill, John Stuart, 24, 25, 26, 34, 138,
i5i> i54i 155, 181, 191.
Mimicry, language of, 52.
Mind, the, 9, 216.
Miracles, 186.
Mivart, St. George, 48.
Monkeys, intelligence of, 19.
Montesquieu, 197.
Morgan, C. Lloyd, 16, 30.
Motion, psychology of, 182.
Motor types, 112.
Miiller, Fr., 60.
Miiller, Max, 28, 39, 40, 59, 60, 6g, 71,
74> 79. 80, 92.
Miinsterberg, 148, 163, 166, 167, 177.
Muscular types, 112.
Mussels, 84.
Names, individual, appellative or
general ? 32.
Nativists, 149.
Neanderthal anthropoid, 61.
Neo-geometers, 157.
Neretina, 7.
Newton, 218, 219.
Nichols, 139, 161, 164, 175.
Noire, L., 60.
230
THE EVOLUTION OF GENERAL IDEAS.
Nomenclature, 105 at seq.
Nominalists, 122, 128.
Normal time, 167.
Nothing, the answer, 127 at seq.
Number, concept of, history and the-
ories of its origin, 137 et seq.
Numbers, sequence of, 142 et seq.;
nature of, 146.
Numeration, in animals, 19; in the
child, 35 ; its development, 98.
Observations on general terms, 114
et seq.
Oken, 108.
OnomatopcBia, 71, 73.
Order, 211.
Owen, Richard, 109.
Painter, 117.
Parallels, axiom of, 157.
Pascal, 219.
Paul, Hermann, 69, 71.
Paulhan, 90, 136.
Perception, utility its mainspring, 4.
Percepts, in.
Perez, B., 36.
Performing animals, 15.
Perrier, E., 105.
Physiologist, 119.
Phonogram, 71.
Photographs, composite, xo, 22.
Plato, 222.
Plurality, 139.
Poincare, 202.
Poinsot, 146.
Polymorphism, 207.
Practical judgments, 93.
Present, the, its nature, 160 et seq.
Preyer, 33, 38, 72, 139.
Progress, 219.
Quack, 34.
Quantity, measure of, 100.
Quatrefages, 205, 206.
Ratiocination, 25.
Realism, 12S.
Reasoning, signification of, 23 ; prior
to speech, 38.
Reaumur, 14.
Recepts, 10, 26, 8g.
Reflexion, 94.
Regnaud, P., 71, 78, 79.
Regularity, conception of, 196.
Relations, 80, 81.
Renan, 59, 69, 71, 76.
Renouvier, 145, 146, 175, i8x.
Representation, 5.
Representative faculty, 112.
Reproduction, 207.
Resemblances, 6, 90.
Respiration, 166.
Rhythm, 164, 165.
Ribot, his observations on general
ideas, 135.
Riemann, 156, 158.
Romanes, 10, 13, 14, 19, 34, 35, 40, 43,
46, 55. 57. 63, 66, 89, 93, 170, 184.
Roots, 69 et seq., 75.
Rousseau, J. J., 77.
Rubicon, passage of the, ga.
Sanscrit, 69.
Savage languages, 95 et seq.
Savage races, time-sense of, 171.
Sayce, 67, 70, 73, 75, 77, 96.
Schelling, 108.
Schleicher, 83.
Schmidkunz, 2, 3.
Schneider, 7.
Sciences, origin of the, 221.
Scientists, 135.
Scott, 43.
Semi-circular canals, 149.
Sensation-limits, 166.
Sequence of numbers. 142 et seq.
Siamese, 62.
Sicard, Abb6, 44.
Sidgwick, Prof., 125.
Sigismund, 33.
Signs, logic of, 27; imitative, 43; lan-
guage of, 49 ; development of, 92 ;
the importance of, 144 et seq.
Sigwart, 199.
Similarities, 90, 195.
Simplification, 135.
Skeleton, abstract thought a, 135.
Smith, Adam, 31.
Song, speech is derived from, 62.
Space, origin of the concept of, 146
et seq.; acoustic, 148; sense of, 148;
abstract notion of, 151 et seq.; «-d.-
INDEX.
231
mensional, 156; Euclidean, 157;
characterised, 158.
Species, origin and growth of tlie
concept of, 203 et scq.; fixity of,
205; constituent elements of the
concept of, 206; defined, 206; vary
in the course of evolution, 213.
Specific characters, 205 et seq.
Speech, origin of, 54 et seq., 59 et
seq.; development of, 67.
Spence, 55.
Spencer, Herbert, 7, 62, 80, 137, 150,
165. 175-
Stallo, 153, 158, 222.
Steintbal, 59.
Stern, 26.
Stewart, Dugald, 31, 51.
Substantive, the, 76.
Substitution, 27, no, 226.
Sully. J., 25, 160, 175.
Sylvester, 148.
S)mbolic thought, 132, 226.
Symbolism, complete, log.
Symbols, 145.
Taine, 33, 34, 73, 87, 129.
Temporal signs, 178.
Ten, the most convenient arithmeti-
cal basis, 143.
Thermodynamics, 192.
Time, origin of the concept of, 159;
consciousness of, 164 et seq ; sense
of, 164; conception of infinite, 174;
measure of, 174 et seq ; psycho-
logical process by which its primi-
tive notion is constituted in con-
sciousness, 175 et seq.
Time-perception, simple repetition
the elements of, 176; the work of
attention, 178.
Tracy, Destutt de, 80.
Tylor, 43, 50, 67, 71, 99, 142, 143.
Unconscious activity, 132.
Unconscious, the, 224 ; psychology of
the, 226.
Unity, idea of, 138; abstract, 141.
Unity-type, 143.
Utility, 218, 219; law of, 5.
Van Ende, 170.
Venn, J., 188.
Vera causa, 181.
Verb, the, 78, 97.
Vierordt, 163.
Visual types, 112, 119 et seq.
Vital force, 193.
Vocalisation, 61.
Vogt, 2o8.
Waitz, 178.
Wallace, 217.
Ward, 178.
Wasps, intelligence of, 14.
Weismann, 218.
Whitney, 6g, 71, 75, 80.
Wilks, Dr., 58.
Will, the type of causality, 181 et seq.
Wizel, Adam, 126.
Words, do we think without them ?
40; they pass to autocracy, 102.
Writing, 53.
Wuudt, 103, 149, 161, 162, 163, 176, 189.
196.
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