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Frofntor qT tMom in Hanard UMvertUv 

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Hmerfcan f>f0torical Series 

Uader the Editorship of Craklis H. Haskins. Professor of History in 
Haryard UuTersaty. 

A series of text-books intended, like the American Science 
Series, to be comprehensive, systematic, and autboritatiue. 


lEurope Since 1815. "^ 

By Cbaklis D. Hazim. Professor in Commbia Uaiversity. 
Uodem Eoiopean History. 

By Cbaklis D. Haziv. 
The Expansion of Euxope. 

By WiLBUK C. Abbot. Professor in Yale University. 
Historical Atlas. 

By William R. Sbbphbkd. Professor in Columbia University. 
Atlas of Ancient History. 

By William R. Sbbphiio. 
History of Englsnd. 

By L. M. Lakson, Professor in the University of Illinois, 

History of American Diplomacy. 

By Cau. Russill Fish. Professor in the University of Wisconsin. 

Medieval and MMem Eorope. 

By Chaklbs W. Colbt. Professor in McGill University. 
The Reformation. 

By Pxbsbxvbd Smith. 
The Renaissance. 

By FiROXMAND ScHSviLL, ProfcssoT in the University of Chicago. 
BoTope in the ZVII. and ZVIII. Centuries. 

By SiDNiY B. Fat. Professor in Smith College. 

History of Greece. 

By Paul Shokit, Professor in the University of Chicago, 
History of Onrmany. 

By Guy Stahton Foao. Professor in the University of Minnesota. 
History of the United SUtes. 

By FasDsaics J. Tubhib, Professor in Harvard University. 

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Oliver Cromwell. 
Panel by Samuel Cooper at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge. 

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ProfeMor of History in Y«le Uaivenity 







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OOFTUQHT, 1018, 


Pnblisbed May. 1918 

I «umii A aooiN oa mu» 

■AMWAT, N i. 

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GermaDj — ^The German States — ^The northern powers — The Cos- 
sack revolt — ^Western Europe — ^The Fronde — England — ^The 
execution of Charles I—fThe North and Eastr—The Peace of 
Oliva and Kardia — Peace of Copenhagen— The Franco-Spanish 
War — ^The Peace of the Pyrenees— ^he "Puritans — ^Their rise 
and membership — ^Their positions-Ireland — Scotland — ^Their 
reorganization — ^Holland-^England — The Navigation Act — ^The 
Anglo-Dutch War— The PTbiectorate — Cromwell — ^The Puritan 
Policy — ^The Puritan contribution to liberty — ^The Restoration 
— ^The changes on the continent > 3 



Europe oversea — ^North America — Holland — ^New France — The Ex- 
ploration of the Northwest — South America — ^Brazil — South 
Africa — ^Portugal — The English East India Company — Dis- 
oover^-fRussia in Asia-ft^ntellectual progress — Painting — 
Changes^in style and spirit— -Moral s^The effect of the Ref- 
ormation and Counter-Reformation/f^The clergy and the sects 
(^Literature — ^Moli^re — ^Pascal-^The Jansenists — ^The English 
lawyers — 8alu8 populi auprema lew->^The rise of parliamen- 
tary authoritj^^Hobbes — ^Qther writer*-^I*olitical science — 
Newspapers — Coffee-houset4-Science— The biologists — ^The mi- 
croBoopists — Scholarship — ^Literature 24 



THE AGE OF LOUIS XIV. 1660-1678 

Louis XIV—England under Charles II— The system of Louis XIV^ 
— ^The bureaucracy — ^England and Holland — ^France — ^The de- 
^ signs of Louis XIV— The Anglo-Dutch War — Peace of Breda — 
f The first "War of Devolution "-Triple Alliance and the 

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Treaty of Aix-la-Chapell^^-^he Triple Allianc^France and 
England — ^The rise of English political parties — ^The Anglo- 
French attack on Holland — ^The coalition against France — 
The second '' War of Devolution "—England's entry into the 
war — ^The Peace of Nymwege^^astern Europe — ^Branden- 
burg and Austria — ^The northern powers— :The Great Elector — 
Poland and Russia — Austria and the Empii'^The Turks — 
The Kiuprilis~The Austro-Turkish war— Rattle of St. Got- 
hard — The Turks, the Cossacks, and Poland — Austria and the 
Peace of NymwegenJ 51 



Louis XIV at the Peace of Nymw^gen — Opposition to his designs — 
France beyond the sea — Colbert — ^His colonial plans — ^Explora- 
tion—La Salle— Joliet^-The securing of the West— Colbert's 
plans — ^French expansion — ^Holland and England oversea — ^The 
decline of Holland — Organization of the Dutch trading em- 
pire — ^English expansion — ^The East India Company— -The 
Royal African Company — England in America — ^Hudson's Bay 
Company — ^The English colonies in North America — ^Their re- 
organization — ^Their protest — ^The settlement — ^Results of the 
period 73 



France— Louis XIV— Versailles— The Revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes — The dispersion of the Huguenots — The Turkish in- 
vasion — ^The overthrow of the Whigs — ^The renewal of the 
French aggression— The Revolution of 1688— The Bill of 
Rights — ^The War of the League of Ai^burg — ^Peter the Great 
— Colonial developments — ^The Peace of Ryswick — Spanish- 
Portuguese rivalry in South Americar— The Buccaneerft— The 
French explorers — ^Reorganization of the English colonies — 
Foundation of Pennsylvania — ^The quo toarrantos— The Revo- 
lution of 1688 and the American colonies — ^King William's 
War— William and Mary and America— The Board of Trade 
and Plantations — England in the East — ^The English East 
India Company — ^The "Dowgate Association" — Economic 
thought and policy— The Bank of England— The English Na- 
tional Debt — The rise of insurance — ^Development of facilities 
for safety and comfort — ^Effect on politics — ^The position of 

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France at the Peace of Ryswick— Anglo-French rivalry— The 
expansion of European population in America — Result on 
Eujope — Spain and Portugal — ^England and Holland — Change 
in colonial status 04 



The new basis of life — ^France u^i^er the Gran^TlMoiAfque^^rench 
literature — ^French cultureQs^Progress in th^ art of war — 
Cavalry — Fortification — Standing armie^Reaction against 
French dominatioii-^tietters and politics — ^Milton — Spinoza — 
, The scientific spirits-England — ^Her scientific and inventive 
' interest— Boyle— The scientists— The phlogiston theory— The 
law of gravitation, Newton — ^The invention of calculus— The 
general progress of mathematic»— Astronomy and physics — 
Huyghens — ^Leifanits— His philosophy — ^Rationalism — ^Psychol- 
ogy—Invention — ^The steam-engine — Coal — Statistics— Mercan- 
tilism— Clubs— The "Age of Louis XIV {''-^Popular govern- 
ment— Law— PufendorfiT-Locke— His philosophy— The **new 
course" . 124 




The results of the seventeenth century — ^Europe at the beginning 
of the eighteenth century— The European system — Spain and 
Sweden — ^The Spanish question— ^The Partition Treaties— The 
War of the Spanish Succession- The Peace of Utrechtr— The 
end of the Age of Louis XIV — European rulers and states — 
The Northern War— Charles XII— Peter the Great and 
Charles XII— The Russo-Turkish War and the Peace of Pruth 
— ^The Northern War and the Peace of Nystadtr— The Austro- 
Turkish War and the Peace of Passarowitz — ^Political results 
— Russia under Peter the Great — ^Russian advance into Asia — 
The War of the Spanish Succession oversea — Queen Anne's 
War — ^The North American colonies — ^The South American 
colonies— Uruguay— Minas Geraes— The Pacific Coastr— The 
Caribbean lands— The expansion of Mexico— French advance 
in North America— The Great Lakes— The Mississippi valley 
— The Le Moynes — ^Louisiana — ^The age of the adventurers — 
The South Sea Company— John Law— The results of the 
period 162 

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The age of the pacifists and the intriguers — ^England and France — 
Spain— The Pragmatic Sanction— The arts of peace— India 
— Its situation — ^The death of Aurungzebe — ^The Mahrattas— 
England and France in India — Indian trade — ^The Americas — 
The English— Carolina — Georgia— The English and the In- 
dians — ^The English colonies and the home government — New 
France — Louisburg — ^The French Empire — ^The French and the 
trans-Mississippi region — ^The V^rendryes — France and Spain 
in America — ^Russia in America — ^The Hudson's Bay Company 
— Spanish-America — Spanish expansion in South America-r-Re- 
organization— Brazil — ^The War of the Polish Succession — ^The 
Peace of Vienna — ^Political readjustment in Europe — Russia — 
The east European states — ^The new rulers — ^Europe and Amer- 
ica — ^The War of Jenkins' Ear — Its results — ^Altered position 
of the colonies 177 



The altered world — Comparison with Europe of the fifteenth 
century — ^Politics — Letters — ^Voltaire and Montesquieu — The 
Papacy and the Jansenists — Clement XI — Classicism — ^Archi- 
tecture — ^Formalism — ^The reaction — ^Theology— ^The Scientific 
Renaissance — ^The mystics — ^The Moravians — ^The Methodists — 
Swedenborg — ^The rationalists — ^Voltaire — ^Letters and philos- 
ophy — ^The English novel — Music — ^Archeology — Scholarship 
— ^Applied science and invention — ^The decline of classicism — 
The scientists and philosophers — Linnaeus— Growth of intel- 
lectual and cultural organization — Chemistry — Geology — 
Character of the eighteenth century 204 



The rise and fall of states— The dynastic interest— Savoy-Prussia 
—Frederick the Great and Maria Theresa— T^e War of the 
Austrian Succession-— The Silesian project— The first Silesian 
War— The revival of Austria— ^The Peace of Berlin— The 
second Silesian War— The new alliances— The war— The 
Treaty of Dresden— The Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle— The war 
beyond the sea— India— The Mohammedan states— The Hindu 

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states — ^Dupleix — ^America — ^The war in India and America — 
The Peace of Aix-la-Cliapelle — ^The Diplomatic Revolution 
— ^The third Silesian War — ^England and France in India — 
Glive — England and France in America — ^America — ^The Seven 
Tears' War— India— Europe— India— Pitt— The fall of New 
France — English success in India — ^The war in Europe — 
George III— The Treaty of St. Petersburg— The Peace of 
Hubertsbnrg and Paris— Its results in Europe— Oversea — 
The position of England— Louisiana 232 



The phil osop hers — ^Montesquieu — ^The Physiocrats— Rousseau — 
Ciderot and the Encyclopedists— The triumph of Voltaire — 
Buffon— d'Alembert — ^Franklin — Galleries, museums, and acad- 
emies — Education — China — ^Applied science — ^The Agricultural 
Revolution — ^England and naval progress — ^The explorers — • 
Spain — ^Reorganization of Spanish imperial policy — The Eng- 
lish North American colonies — ^Their resources — ^Their com- 
merce — ^Their population — ^Their expansion — ^Their intellectual 
and economic progress — ^Edwards — ^Berkeley — Colonial politics 
— Europe and the colonies 261 



^ The results of the Peace of Pari^Liberal thought — ^Economic 
progres»&The enlightened despots*M!)atherine and Russia — 
Poland'A'-The first partition of Poland — ^Results of the peace 
of the colonies — ^Holland — ^Portugal — ^Pombal-^The fall of the 
Jesuits — Choiseul — Character of the Jesuits — ^The causes of 
their dissolution — Spain—- d'Aranda — ^Reorganization of Spain's 
colonial system — ^The British Empire — Its extent in 1763 — 
England's political character and situation — Government of 
the colonies^The Whigs— Whig policy— George III— George 
III and the Whigs— The fall of the Whig Party— Grenville— 
The problem of imperial defense — ^Imperial finance — ^America 
— Strength and character of the English colonies — ^Aristoc- 
racy and democracy in the colonies— Reorganization of the 
English colonial system — Colonial opposition — ^The Stamp 
Act — Colonial opposition — ^The Stamp Act Riots — India — 
Clive— Pitt 283 

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Repeal of the Stamp Act — Changes in the ministr^^^-The 
Townahend Act — Colonial resistance — ^Lord North — ^The colo- 
nial radicals — English opinion — Colonial doctrines — ^The Bos- 
ton Massacre — ^The tea duty and India — ^Hastings — ^The tea 
duty and America — The Boston Port Bill — The organization 
of colonial resistance — The First Continental Congress — ^The 
appeal to arms — ^The hattle of Lexington and Concord — ^Bunker 
Hill — Character of the war — Resources of the comhatants — 
English weakness — ^Difficulties and mistakes of English strat- 
egy — Washington — Congress — ^The war — ^The Declaration of 
Independence — ^Howe's incapacity — ^French aid — European yol« 
unteers — ^Howe and Washington — ^The Burgoyne expedition — 
The French treaty — Spain and Holland — ^The Articles of Con- 
federation — The last phase — ^The surrender of Comwallis— 
India— The Peace of Paris and Versailles 310 



The European revolution — European affairs — ^Painting— Pastel and 
water-color — Furniture — ^Musio — German literature — Schiller 
— Goethe — ^Kant — ^French letters — ^English literature— The 
historians — ^Hume — ^Robertson— Gibbon — ^Political economy — 
Adam Smith — ^Bentham — The Agricultural Revolution — ^The 
Industrial Revolution — Spinning and weaving — Hargreaves — 
Arkwright — Crompton — ^Watt — ^The steam-engine — ^Results of 
the Industrial Revolution — Science and invention — ^Astronomy 
— Geology and geography — ^Physics and chemistry — ^Biology — 
Influence upon thought and belief — ^Rise of humanitarianism — 
The slave-trade — Sunday-schools and prison reform — Abolition 
of torture— The "natural school"— The "search for hi^pi- 
ness "—Goldsmith— The "common man "—Exploration and 
colonization— Australia— Administrative reform— The younger 
Pitt— The enlightened despots— The United States of Amer- 
ica — American advantages — ^American limitations — American 
problems — Steps toward a new constitution — ^The Constitution 
of the United States— Its character and provisions— Its adop- 
tion — Importance of the establishment of the United States — 
The situation of France— The assembly of the States General 
— ^The conflict of forces— The French Revolution— Conclusion . 333 



Index *16 

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Olivkb Gbomwsll Frontiapiece 

John Mslton 20 

RxjBEifB' House, Antwesp 36 

MOLdBB 40 


Chahflain's Fibst Fight with the Iroquois 76 

The Pobtuouese Post at S. Jobge de Mixta 84 

Vebsaiixbs 96 

Sib Isaac Newton 136 

The Kremlin, Moscow 164 

Taj Mahal at Aosa 182 

Lbs Champs Eltsbbs, Watteau 208 

Winter Palace 212 

Cathebine II; Peteb the Gbeat; Fbedebick the Gbeat .236 

voltaibb 262 

Rousseau 264 

The Old East India Whabt, London .272 

Benjamin Fbanklin 280 

Samuel Johnson 334 

The Industbious and the Lazy Appbenticb, one of the series 

"Industry and Idleness," by Hogarth, 1747 .... 348 

James Watt 362 

Cotton Factobies in Manchester 366 

Gboboe Washinoton 366 

The Opening of the States-General, Versailles, May 5, 1780 . 370 

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The Western Hemispliere, by Henry Hondius, 1630 . . facing 26 

The Conquests of Louis XIV 63 

Be^lrawing of Joliet's Map 78 

Hennepin's Map of North America facing 80 

Africa in the 17th Century 86 

India at the Break-up of Aurungzebe's Empire, 1710-1740 183 

China 103 

The Growth of Prussia, 1416-1705 238 

The North American Colonies, 1763-1776 302 

Ckptain Cook's Voyages, 1768-1780 360 


The European World at the Middle of the 17th Century 

(c. 1648-1660) 8 

The European World at the Close of the 17th Century 

(c. 1600-1700) 121 

The European World at the Peace of Paris, 1763 .... 260 

The European World at the Peace of Paris and Versailles, 1783 . 333 


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160 ISO 

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When in the last months of 1648 was signed the great peace 
which brought to an end the Thirty Years' War and with 
it the mediffival polity which it finally destroyed; as the 
aimy of diplomats whose work it was dispersed to their 
respective governments, the awe-inspiring mass of documents 
which formed the fruit of their long labors might have led 
men to believe that Europe would hasten to enjoy the peace 
which she so needed and which her people for the most part 
80 greatly desired. But whatever hopes of quiet were enter- 
tained, were already far on the way to disappointment; for 
the Europe to which the diplomats returned was even then 
altered or altering before their eyes and already shaping 
itself for new conflict. Scarcely a state of any consequence 
prepared to recruit its resources by the arts of peace; 
scarcely a royal house but faced a crisis in its fortunes; 
scarcely a people but was stirring in unrest or already en- 
gaged in revolution. So far from ushering in a period of 
peaceful progress the Westphalian treaties became the start- 
ing point for new and bloody rivalries. 

In Qermany itself, so long afiiicted with the horrors of a Germany 
war that depopulated whole districts and dealt a blow to her 
resources and prosperity which, augmented by later conflicts, 
weakened her position for two centuries, almost the last ves- 
tige of central authority had disappeared. The imperial 
power, with all its tradition of form and precedence, remained 
but an empty symbol of unity over the four hundred and 
more sovereign states and free cities among which the lands 
between the Rhine and the Oder were divided. The house of 
Hapsburg, still the strongest of central European dynasties — 
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' support it coiHjnanded from the states of the Empire or its 
hold on the imperial dignity — clung to its slight suze rainty 
over Germany, but found its solid compensations in its Wrug- 
gle with the Turks for the Balkan lands. ' 

Among the German states which eluded its sovereignty, 
four, Saxony, Brandenburg, Bavaria, and the Palatinate, re- 
mained of importance in the European world. Among these 
the first two had already sought expansion in the east, whisre 
Prussia and Poland offered them their opportunity. The 
principle of primogeniture, spreading from house to house, 
assured, indeed, a check on further extension of that sub- 
division which had done so much to bring Germany to infinite 
and absurd partition. But with their slender patrimonies the 
petty sovereigns held the more zealously to every preroga- 
tive of independence and absolutism. For there was as little 
tendency among them to increase the shadowy authority of 
Emperor or Diet as to share their rule with their own sub- 
jects. Imperial Chamber, Aulic Council, and the local 
divisions of the so-called Circles, which might otherwise have 
become the nucleus of a united Germany, remained as im- 
potent as the dreams of liberty which were being roused by 
events outside the heart of Europe, as the last of the great 
religious wars came to an end. 

The states of the north and east were in no better case 
than their Teutonic kinsmen. Under the guiding genius of 
Gustavus and Oxenstierna, Sweden had risen with unexam- 
pled rapidity to the position of a first-rate European power. 
But there were already signs of the decline of the Vasa 
supremacy in the Baltic regions. Scarcely had Oxenstierna 
brought the fruits of his diplomacy from Osnabriick when 
he fell in disgrace with his brilliant, erratic queen Christina, 
whose extravagances of conduct and expenditure then threat- 
ened the fortunes of her crown, her country, and her house. 
Denmark, which might have taken advantage of her old rival, 
was held back by the death of Christian IV, which threw the 
state into the hands of a triumphant aristocracy whose rale 
soon brought the nation close to civil war. Russia, mean- 
while, under the sway of Alexis, son of that Michael Romanoff 

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who had established his dynasty in the preceding genera- 
tion on the throne of Muscovy, was in a similar situation. 
Harassed by popular risings and disturbances enge ndere d 1654-6 
by reform of the Russian church liturgy which was destined 
to have far-reaching consequences, no less than by the restless 
ambitions of the Cossacks in the south, the Czar was driven 
to recognize the increasing power of the boyars or nobles 
in affairs of state. Amid these distractions he found little 
opportunity for forei gn ent erprise; and at the very moment 
of the peace, in which, though he took no direct share, he 
was involved by his alliances, he was confronted simultane- 
ously by a revolt in his capital and a Cossack insurrection. 

This owed its importance to the fact that it was the last The 
serious attempt for two centuries or more to found another Cossiuik 
eastern European state, and its strength to the ambitions and 
ability of its leader, Bogdan Ehmelnitzki. Aided by their 
old enemies, the Tartar Ehans, the wild steppe horsemen 1648-9 
shook the unstable Polish monarchy to its base. And their 
final enforced acceptance of the Russian suzerainty, when 
their fierce attack broke on the resistance of the Polish chiv- 
alry, laid the foundations for the next advance of Muscovy 
toward the shores of the long-coveted Black Sea, and marked 
another stage in the ascendancy of Russia over Poland. 

The latter state was ill-prepared, indeed, to exercise her 
old authority over her far-flung, loosely woven provinces. 
Her new ruler, the Cardinal John Casimir Vasa, who came Poland 
to power as the peace was being signed, found himself con- 
fronted not alone by Cossack rebels. Of scarcely less import 
was the schism between the Polish Roman Catholics and his 
Lithuanian subjects of the Oreek communion. This was 
fraught with the more danger in that his Russian neighbors 
championed the cause of the Eastern Church. More threat- 
ening still was the claim of the turbulent Polish aristocracy 
to rights of confederation even against the crown itself. 
When this disintegrating process reached its culmination in 
the acceptance of that masterpiece of political fatuity, the 
"Zi6crj£m_««i^',by which a single vote could block the action 
of the Diet, the state found itself close to anarchy. In the 

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Polish situation appeared the climax of that ^neral tendency 
of the eastern states toward allowing political power to slip 
from the hands of the crown to those of a lower class, which, 
in far different form, was the characteristic as well of the 
western states in this momentous period. In this era 
of disorganization, the Muscovite and the Turk were held 
back from enlarging their territories at Polish expense by 
their own diflSculties at home, and this alone preserved the 
declining power of Poland from the effects of the political 
weakness which Swedish attack was shortly to reveal. 
Western Under far different circumstances yet characterized by 

Europe ^^^^ dissimilar spirit, the western powers faced the outcome 
of the peace. Italy, divided still between the petty sov- 
ereignties, the Papacy, and the conflicting claims of foreign 
powers, endured, save for Venetian conflicts with the Turk 
over Crete, a brief interval of respite from hostilities. Mean- 
while Savoy found fresh occasion to pursue that tortuous 
and adroit policy by which she had already begun to eat up 
the peniiisida ''as a man eats an artichoke, leaf by leaf." 
Only in the Spanish dominions there burst forth unparalleled 
1647 disturbance. There, ten bloody days of insurrection brought 

the Amalfl fisherman, Masaniello, for the moment, into power, 
and his brief, tragic career was the wonder of western Europe 
in the year before the peace, as that of Ehmelnitzki was soon 
to be to the east. 
The Of the greater western states Spain, shaken by the loss of 

16^^ Portugal, weakened and discredited by the great war, was 
compelled to recognize the independence of the Netherlands, 
yet, bankrupt in credit and resources, she still maintained her 
conflict with France, aided by the strangest circumstance in 
the long history of her ancient enemy. Against the French 
^tiemment, now in the hands of the Queen Dowager and 
the chief minister, the Cardinal Mazarin, began that amazing 
struggle known as the Fronde. Involved in an infinity of 
intrigue, the French nobility, even great generals like Cond6 
and Turenne, gave themselves over to a nightmare of political 
and personal rivalries, a labyrinthine maze of plot and 
counterplot, whence reason and policy alike seemed to have 

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fled. Now fighting, now allied with their own goyemment, 
with Spain, England, the Netherlands, and among themselves, 
it was a full dozen years before the discordant elements of 
French politics subsided again to an orderly and rational 

Yet with all this series of disturbances throughout the con- England 
tinent — aristocratic revolutions among the northern and 
eastern powers, Cossack insurrection, Neapolitan rising, and 
French civil war — England st i" ^filTininftd Jhe center o f 
European interest. Beside the events in the^british Isles, 
noBte^g Qvoltfl Q gtf popular disturbance paled to insignificance. 
Above Ehmelnitzki and Masaniello and CondS towered the 
heroic figure of the English Cromwell. In the dix years that 
had elapsed since that stormy August day when the English 
king had set up his standard at Nottingham and summoned 
the fo^es of the crown against his Parliament, the royal 
power had sunk lower with successive misfortunes. The king 
himself was now a prisoner, his children exiles, his army 
destroyed, his followers proscribed, his enemies in the 
ascendant. At the moment of the peace events took another 
and decisive turn. The king's negotiations with the Presby- 
terian Parliament roused the resentment of the army, which 
had fallen into the hands of the sect of Independents that 
had grown rapidly in the course of the conflict. By order of 
the army leaders Parliament had been purged of the offending 
Presbyterians. Now the remnant or Bump composed of the 
more advanced Independents, despairing of accommodation 
with a monarch they had long ceased to trust and whom they 
felt it was impossible to bind by constitutional guarantees, 
established a High Court of Justice, by which the king was jan. so 
tried and convicted of high treason to the nation. The con- ^^^ 
tinent had scarcely received the news of the signing of the 
great peace, its signers had scarcely reported to their gov- 
ernments the results of their deliberations, when all Europe 
was shocked by the execution of the English king. 

It was an event in European history of no less significance xheexecu- 
than the peace itself. In many respects it was of even more JJj** ^* j 
profound and far-reaching importance. Whatever the ulti- 


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mate merits of the case and its more technical illegalities, 
the fact remained that, in the face of the doctrine that mon- 
archs ruled by divine right and were responsible to Qod alone, 
a popular party in the English state had raised an army, 
, conquered its numerous enemies by virtue of its courage, dis- 
cipline, and its leader's unrivaled military skill; overthrown 
the royal power ; and, for the first time in European history, 
brought an anointed king to the executioner's block as if he 
were a common mortal. It was a portent whode significance 
was not lost upon the world at large. Whatever crimes were 
committed in the name of liberty, whatever reaction even then 
prepared against popular government on the continent^ no 
single circumstance for generations so profoundly evidenced 
the wakening of new forces in political affairs as this. As 
the figure of the English revolutionary leader, Oliver Crom- 
well, rose from the welter of civil war to European view, 
it was apparent that there was a new force in the world 
to be'reckoned thenceforth in all the calculations of those 
individuals and classes in whose hands political power had 
rested for centuries. For the headsman's ax became the 
entering wedge of democracy. 

In the confused decade which followed the Peace of West- 
phalia the fortunes of Europe and her oversea possessions 
took color from the great events which had accompanied the 
conclusion of the great religious war. The generation of 
rulers chiefly concerned in that conflict had already passed. 
Denmark and Poland, Russia and England were not alone in 
feeling new hands upon the reins of government. The brief 

1647-50 eventful rule of William II over the Netherlands had wit- 
nessed his attempt to centralize the power of the state in his 
own person, and put an end to the disunion which threatened 
the state. His untimely death demolished his projects and 
Holland became, in fact and name, the Republic of the United 
Netherlands. The long and important reign of the Oreat 

1640-88 Elector, Frederick William of Brandenburg, was already 
shaping those astute and far-sighted policies which were 
to lay the foundations of the kingdom of Prussia. The 

1643- boy, Louis XIV, under the tutelage of his mother, Anne 

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of Austria, and Mazarin, was busy learning those lessons 
of governance which were to bear such fruit of war and 
diplomacy in the next generation. And two years after 
the peace there was bom one who was to be his great 
antagonist, William of Orange. In his hands were to be 166O 
gathered up so many of the threads then being spun. By 
him the triumph of the house of Nassau over its republican 
rivals was finally to be achieved, the overweening power of 
France checked, and the success of parliamentary government 
in England secured. 

Yet for the moment, save for the re-entry of England into The North 
continental affairs as Cromwell rose to supreme authority, *'*^E««t 
there was little in the events of the dozen years which inter- 
vened between the peace and the almost simultaneous acces- 
sion of Louis XIV to the French throne and the summons 
which brought his cousin Charles II back to England, that 
did not grow from the ancient rivalries. Into the confused 
struggle among the northern powers the slow, sure ambi- 
tions of the Great Elector insinuated the potent factor 
of Brandenburg's increasing influence. But Sweden re- 
mained none the less the dominant factor in that quarter 
of the European world. Six years after the peace the 
brilliant, erratic Christina surrendered the throne to her 
cousin, Charles X, who, denied the recognition of his title 
by his relative, John Casimir, followed the example of his 
uncle, Gustavus, invaded the continent, fell upon Poland, 
and precipitated the so-called Northern War. 

Against him the Baltic powers combined with the Emperor 
to break the Swedish ascendancy once and for all. Through 
six years the brilliant generalship and fighting qualities of 
the Swedes maintained the unequal conflict, not without suc- 
cess, until the king's untimely death compelled them to the 
Peace of Oliva and Eardis. From that peace, thanks to his The Peace 
well-timed changes of front, the shrewd Elector of Branden- ^^^Kardis 
burg emerged the chief gainer, as the recognition of his I66O-1 
sovereignty of the Duchy of Prussia by all the contending 
powers brought the house of HohenzoUern a long step nearer 
its ultimate goal. This, with the surrender of the southern 

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Peace of 




The Peace 
of the 




part of the Scandinavian peninsula by Denmark to Sweden, 
remained the tangible results of the fierce conflict, which left 
the question of Baltic supremacy still far from its final 
settlement, while it added new and powerful factors to the 
problem of the mastery of the north. 

Meanwhile the other side of the continent was no less dis- 
turbed by the continuation of the Franco-Spanish war which 
had survived the general pacification of Miinster and Osna- 
briick. The five-year fantasy of the Fronde was concluded 
by the triumph of Mazarin and the Queen Regent. Despite 
the enlistment of the great Conde in Spanish service, the 
support of the Huguenots, and the assistance of Cromwell, 
France slowly gained ground. Following the decisive victory 
of the Battle of the Dunes, and the consequent advance of 
French forces on Brussels which threatened to give the 
Netherlands into their hands, Spain was deprived of the aid 
of the new Emperor, Leopold I. The adroit diplomacy of 
Mazarin made an ally of Cromwell, and forced her to the 
unfavorable Peace of the Pyrenees. By this treaty, — ^which, 
as the pendant to that of Westphalia, supplemented and 
concluded the settlement of western Europe for the time, — 
the French borders were rounded out by parts of Flanders, 
Hainault, and Luxembourg on the north and east, and secured 
by the dismantling of the fortresses of Lorraine and the acqui- 
sition of Roussillon. Alsace, abandoned by Spain, was left 
defenseless to French ambitions, and Portugal in turn was 
abandoned by France to the vengeance of the Spaniards. 
With these adjustments and the marriage of Louis XIV to 
the daughter of Philip IV of Spain, prophetic of future con- 
flict, the affairs of the west reached a momentary equilibrium 
at almost the same moment that the balance of power was 
adjusted in the north and east. And, as a symbol of the 
altering times, Mazarin was replaced as head of French 
affairs by the young prince who as Louis XIV was to dominate 
the politics and the imagination of western Europe for the 
next half century. 

The success of France and the discomfiture of Spain had 
not been wholly due either to the diplomacy of Mazarin or 

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to the total incapacity of hid Spanish antagonists. The final 
decisive Battle of the Dunes had brought into high relief 
another and determining element in the affairs of Europe, 
and one that had been scarcely felt for two generations. 
When at the crisis of the battle the French commander 
launched the corps of heavy English cavalry, the so-called 
Ironsides lent his master by Cr^well, the thunder of their* 
triumphant charge ^nd ilo less the swelling chorus of the 
psalm which prefaced their Attack, gave evidence of a new 
and strange element in the world of war and politics. Last 
heirs of the long enmity which since the accession of Eliza- 
beth a hundred years before had thrown a great section of 
the English people into irreconcilable opposition to the cham- 
pion of the Inquisition, the Puritans, now the controlling 
factor in English affairs, struck the last blow against the 
old supremacy of Spain as their Elizabethan progenitors 
had been the firdt to challenge it. 

They were fit representatives of the power which had Their rise 
loaned them to Prance. In the ten years which followed the f2^J?*°*' 
Peace of Westphalia and the execution of Charles I, England 
had undergone a transformation in her fortunes and her 
policy beside which the other changes in European affairs 
seem almost insignificant. The final overthrow of the royal- 
ists and the purging of the Parliament had left the supreme 
authority virtuaDy in the hands of the remodeled army whose 
leaders, for the most part, belonged to that sect of Indjg^ 
pendents which a decade of civil war had welded into a 
party. By long and victorious conflict, first with the royal- 
ists, then with the Presbyterians, there had been formed, 
under this Independent leadership, that political group com- 
monly known as the Puritans. This had attracted to itself 
a various following by its unswerving policy of religious^ 
tolerance. It included beside the Independents the extremer 
elements of Protestantism, the Baptists, the millenarians or 
so-called Fifth Monarchists, and the newly formed sect of 
Quakers, combined with political enthusiasts, republicans, 
socialistic groups like the Diggers and the Levellers. This 
host of devoted enemies to the older forms of religion, politics, 

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and society, now prepared to attempt the construction of a 
new earth if not a new heaven. They were inspired by 
the prophecies and revelations of the Bible, whose phrase- 
ology they imitated, whose more obscure and mystical pas- 
sages they inclined to translate into a guide for their own 
actions. Filled with a fiery fanaticism, a courage, and a cal- 
culating idealism which brooked no opposition, they had gone 
forth like crusaders of a new faith and practice, conquering 
and to conquer. It was in vain that every force of the old 
order, royalist and Anglican, Catholic and presently Presby- 
terian, the strength of Scotland, Ireland, and the sympa- 
thetic powers of the continent combined against them. Their 
advent, and still more their success in maintaining the posi- 
tion which they won and kept by the sword, became a portent 
of the profoundest significance in European development, a 
challenge which could not be ignored. For they personified 
militant and triumphant individualism in the two great fields 
of religion and politics. 
Tlieir It was but natural that the party which shocked every senti- 

P^** ^ ment of loyalty to an established order and made compromise 
impossible by the execution of a king should find itself, at 
home, abroad, and in most of its colonies, confronted by a 
eWorld of enemies. None the less it held its course, undaunted 
by what might have seemed to less determined or less devoted 
men a desperate situation. Protected from foreign interfer- 
ence no less by the possession of a reorgaiuzed and efiBcient 
navy than by the distracted state of the continent which left 
its sovereigns small inclination or opportunity for interven- 
tion, the new masters of England turned first to secure their 
power in the British Isles. To this task the Puritan army 
and its leader were more than equal. Six months after the 
Ireland execution of the king, Cromwell was on his way to Ireland, 
commissioned to put down royalist and Catholic rebellion 
against the usurped authority of the Parliament Two 
months of vigorous effort gave into his hands the strongholds 
of the eastern coast, Drogheda and Wexford. Their de- 
fenders were put to the sword after the manner of the Old 
Testament, as a terrible warning to their fellows in arms. 

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Thereafter, every trace of Irish offensive strength was crushed, 
every spark of opposition was extinguished in blood, as the 
resistless army of the Commonwealth pursued its course of 
subjugation, till the unfortunate island and so many of its 
inhabitants as escaped the sword lay prostrate before its first 
real conquerors. 

Scotland meanwhile endured a not dissimilar but far less Scotland 
terrible fate. For its conquest the genius of Cromwell was 
again invoked by Parliament, and a twelvemonth after his 
victories in Ireland, the Covenanting army was routed at 
Dunbar. The young prince Charles, who had been crowned 1660 
King of Scotland at Scone, followed by a royalist force, made 
one last desperate attempt to invade England, only to be 
crushed at Worcester. With these ** crowning mercies," the 1661 
fate of kingship in England was, for the moment, sealed; 
and Parliament addressed itself to organizing its newly-won 
power and to the question of foreign affairs. 

For the first time in history Ireland and Scotland had been Thdr 
effectively subdued and united to England almost if not JSuon^' 
quite as closely as Wales had been four centuries earlier. 
It remained to secure the conquest. Scotland, whose people 
were for the most part Protestant, and whose resistance had 
scarcely progressed beyond the campaigns which ended in 
Dunbar and Worcester, found itself, save for the presence 
of an English army of occupation, little changed in its rela^ 
tion to the English government. But the case of Ireland was 
far different and far worse. Her people were almost wholly 
Catholic ; their resistance had been of the most stubborn and 
desperate character, fighting as they were not only for their 
political principles but for their faith, their homes, and .their 
very existence. These it was determined to render not merely 
harmless but homeless and to secure English supremacy 
forever over the sister island by every means short of ex- 
termination. To that end, in three of the four great provinces 
of which Ireland was composed, Ulster, Munster, and Leinster, 
the land of the Irish was confiscated and allotted to adven- 
turers who had advanced the money for the war, to o£9cers 
and soldiers who had conquered it, and to supporters of the 

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Puritan regime generally. To the English and Scotch con- 
tingents which had found a foothold in the island in the 
preceding two generations there was thus added a new and 
powerful English element, which, in so far as possible, strove 
to make Ireland, in fact as name, a dependency of England 
on the same lines and by means not unlike those which were 
_ meanwhile being used in the colonization of North America. 
Holland Scarcely was the process of transplanting the Irish from 

their inheritance to the wilder western lands of Connaught 
begun, scarcely had the new landlord conquerors entered on 
their rich possessions, when the Parliament which had de- 
creed the colonization of the new dependency was called on 
to face another and more powerful enemy. Whatever else the 
Puritan triumph implied, it had invoked the rising influence 

_ of the mercantile element. Whatever else the Commonwealth 
typified^ it stood for the assertion of English commercial 
rights; and now that this great interest had control of afiEairs, 
a leader, and the strength to assert itself, it was not slow to 
settle old. scores of economic rivalry. 

* Chief of their grievances were those against the Dutch. 
Amid the ruins of the Spanish-Portuguese monopoly, and 
the confusion and weakness which had rendered the English 
government all but impotent in foreign affairs for half a 
century, the commercial power of the Netherlands had be- 
come well-nigh supreme in every activity which was related to 
the sea. The Dutch ship-building interest centering in Zaan- 
dam and its neighbors had made them the chief ship-yards of 

_the world. Amsterdam had succeeded Antwerp as the com- 
mercial and financial metropolis of those great concerns which 
were related to sea-going ventures and which were the chief 
source of wealth in Europe of that day. In the whale-fisheries 

^ of the Arctic, the cod-fishing grounds of Newfoundland, the 
herring-fisheries of the North Sea coasts, the Dutch had 

" largely supplanted their rivals. Their traders had gradually 
absorbed the traffic of the Baltic and the north. Their adrfl it 
diplomacy had well-nigh driven the long-standing English 
commerce from Muscovy. It had persuaded Denmark, which 
held both dhores of the Skagerak and the Kattegat guarding 


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the way into the Baltic, to relieve Dutch shipping from the 
so-caUed Sound Dues imposed on all vessels entering those 
waters. The Dutch colony of New Amsterdam and the 
Dutch conquest of Pemambuco gave Holland access to the 
riches of American forest and plantation. Their privateers 
rivaled the exploits of the Elizabethan heroes ; their companies 
overshadowed those of their competitors in every quarter of 
the world. And as they had wrested Brazil from the Portu- 
guese, so they had driven them and the English after them 
from any profitable share in the commerce of the East. In 
the Levant as in Persia, in Africa as in China and Japan, 
their commerce was all but supreme. Their home industries, 
reinforced by thousands of immigrants who brought them 
the arts and crafts of Europe in return for religious toler- 
ance, made them formidable rivals in the manufacturing 
field. Finally their wealth, to which the whole world con- 
tributed, enabled them, through their control of ready capi- 
tal, to undertake ventures difficult or impossible to their com- 
petitors. In brief, wherever Englishmen turned to exploit 
the resources of their own or any other country they found 
themselves anticipated by the Dutch. 

England had not followed a course in the preceding two England 
generations which enabled her to overcome this lead her 
rivals had attained. Though naturally the stronger power, 
she had been hampered by weak rulers, a feeble policy, and 
long-continued internal strife, and had thus - struggled on 
with but indifferent success. It was not surprising that the 
Commonwealth found its chief support against the royal 
authority in that class which, apart from religious considera- 
tions, had been long antagonized by the opposition or the 
indifference of the crown to its interests. It is less surprising 
still that, now its opportunity had come, this class urged 
on its government to strike for England's share in the world's 

The first blow was directed against the carrying monopoly. The 
Coincident with the triumph over the Scots was passed the Navigation 
so-called Navigation Act, confining English trade to English i65i 
ships. It was the first move which led to a great economic 

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The Pro- 

straggle, soon deepening to armed conflict, for it was evident 
that the Netherlands would not tamely submit to the curtail- 
ment of their hard-won commercial supremacy. Proud of 
their newly achieved independence, unwilling to submit to 
English rivalry, they were further irritated by the demand 
that they should expel the fugitive royalists, proscribjB the 
house of Orange, and unite with England in a single Cal- 
vinistic state. Scarcely, therefore, had each side overthrown 
its dynasty, scarcely had DeWitt and Cromwell found them- 
selves at the head of their respective commonwealths, when 
those commonwealths plunged into war. 

In this, the first of those colonial-commercial conflicts which, 
following a hundred years of religio-political strife, disturbed 
the peace of Europe and the world for a century and a half, 
the Dutch, despite their great resources and their recent tri- 
umphs, were ill-prepared to compete with antagonists 
emerging from civil war with trained forces, skilled com- 
manders, and the impetus of success. The conflict, as became 
the character of the peoples concerned, was flerce and stub- 
born. Transferring their land generals to the sea, the 
Puritans slowly made head upon that element, till beside 
the names of Ruyter and van Tromp were set those of Blake 
and Monk on the naval roll of fame. The flnal advantage, 
indeed, lay with the English. But though the peace which 
gave them Pularoon, with damages for Amboyna, and mutu- 
ally excluded the houses of Stuart and Orange from their 
thrones, was on the whole favorable to their contentions, it 
was far from satisfying their ambitions and it was evident 
that it marked rather a truce than the permanent cessation 
of hostility. 

But in the very crisis of the Dutch war the chief problem 
which confronted the Puritan party, once their position was 
assured, pressed for solution. This was the form of govern- 
ment which should take the place of the monarchy they had 
overthrown. Even in the face of foreign conflict the rivalry 
of the Parliament and the army which had succeded the 
antagonism of Independent and Presbyterian was not stilled; 
and, amid the chaos of contending theories and rival schools 

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of political thought, it seemed for a time that the Puritans 
were likely to lose by their tongues what they had gained by 
their swords. At the height of the Dutch war, just as the 
Fronde eame to an end and released French strength for i65S 
other enterprises, the issue between the o£9cers and the feeble 
but persistent remnant of the Rump became acute. Unable 
to unloose the Gordian knot by the ordinary methods of 
politics, the commander of the army cut it sheer through. 
His soldiers turned out the Parliament, he dissolved the Coun- 
cil of State, established a new council, and summoned a new 
Parliament. The coup d'Stai left him and his o£9cers virtu- 
ally supreme. Disguised under a multitude of forms, thence- 
forth the English government depended on the political and 
military skill of the man whom circumstances and his own 
pre-eminent ability had brought to the first place in the revo- 
lutionary party, — ^the Huntingdonshire gentleman, Oliver 
Cromwell. His ability had chiefly directed the organization 
of the army upon which the ultimate success of his party 
depended. His generalship had largely determined the result 
of Ihe decisive victories of Marston Moor and Naseby over 
the royalists and had conquered the Irish and the Scotch; 
while his firmness, character, and insight marked him inevi- 
tably for the first place in the state. 

To him the new Parliament resigned its powers, and when 
in December, 1653, he took office as Lord Protector under the 
Instrument of Government, first of English, and, indeed, of 
European written constitutions, he became the leading figure 
in the European world. At home his government remained, 
as it had begun, with all the limitations imposed by public 
sentiment and formal documents, with all his own personal 
inclination to the contrary, little more than a revolutionary 
power dependent on his own unrivaled political sagacity and 
his generalship. The situation of the country, and the oppo- 
sition to his rule, indeed, led to more drastic measures. The 
land was divided into ten districts each supervised by a 
major-general ; and what was nominally a parliamentary gov- 
ernment became to all intents and purposes a military dic- 
tatorship. It was, at best, not merely the government of 

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a minority, as its predecessors had been, but of a minority 
which hitherto had been largely excluded from political life. 
The result was as remarkable as it was unexpected. Among 
its fanatical religious elements, the ability of its leader pre- 
served tolerance of all thought which did not concern itself 
too closely with politics. The Anglican establishment was 
suppressed, with the extremists of the other end of the reli- 
gious scale, in the interests of civil peace; and, for the first 
time Europe beheld the spectacle of the virtual separation 
of church and state. 

Extraordinary as was the position of England's domestic 
concerns, the change that came over her foreign situation 
was more remarkable and far more disturbing. For under 
Cromwell she attained, almost at once, a place she had not 
held certainly since the days of Elizabeth, scarcely since the 
time of Henry V. That a private gentleman should succeed 
to the place and more than the power of the Stuart kings 
was to seventeenth century minds little less than a miracle. 
That such a man, after half a lifetime of the pursuits of 
peace, should develop qualities of military leadership which 
put him in the front rank of the great captains of the world 
seemed even more incredible. But that when, brought to the 
head of the state by such means, he should discover a genius 
for statesmanship which restored England to a leading place 
in European politics, passed even the bounds of the miracu- 
lous; appearing to his supporters a direct evidence of the 
interposition of divine providence, and to his enemies arguing 
no less a compact with the powers of evil. 

Yet with all this, Cromwell was but little versed in the 
real political and diplomatic forces then at work in the 
European world. His policy was in most respects the mere 
injection of Puritan ideas and ideals into a larger and an 
alien field. To him and to his party generally, Spain was 
what she had been to the England of Elizabeth, the chief 
champion of Catholicism against the reformed communions. 
With all his great ability, with all the force at his command, 
he pushed forward a combination of the outworn religious 
polity of the sixteenth century and an economic policy 

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directed against Holland. In this he but represented 
the element to which he belonged. The Puritans were the 
heirs of the Reformation, the representatives of the last phase 
of that great revolt against the Vatican. To them the antag- 
onisms of the preceding century were still a living issue; to 
them the Spanish power was still what it had been. Like 
a second Gustavus^ Cromwell stood forth to champion his 
oppressed brethren of the continent, like a second Elizabeth 
he struck at the Spanish Main. His wider dreams of a great 
Protestant federation, like his negotiations with the insurgent 
Cond£ and his encouragement of the restless Bochellois, were 1650-4 
not destined to bear fruit, nor were his plans to transplant 
the seed of New England Puritanism to the West Indies 
more fortunate. Of all the European powers, though the 
folly of the Fronde and the diplomacy of Mazarin concealed 
it from him, England and Protestantism had most to fear 
from France, and among the triumphs of the Cardinal- 
minister one of the greatest must be reckoned his enlistment 
of the Puritans against the Spaniards. 

The relations of the Puritan regime with France were sup- 
plemented by its attitude toward Spain. Under the influence 
of a great tradition and an inspired diplomacy it struck the 
final blow against an outworn power. Following the ex- 1655 
ample of a past generation no less than the demands of his 
own time the Protector despatched a fleet against the West 
Indies. This expedition under Yenables and Penn added 
Jamaica to England's Caribbean possessions, and strengthened 
her claims on the Bahamas, which a later generation was to 
make good. The exploits of Blake echoed the triumphs of the 
jBlizabethan sea-kings, and the capture of the Spanish treasure- 
tehips off Cadiz in the third year of the Protectorate seemed 
> alm^t to bring again to England the glory of Drake. And 
when, flnally, Cromwell's protection, backed by the threat of 
the most dreaded army and fleet in Europe, was thrown over 
the Vaudois Protestants then being persecuted by their Cath- 
olic masters, not only the petty states of Italy but France 
herself heeded his admonition. 

Tet if the Puritan regime looked backward to a past polity 

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it looked forward to a future economy. With all their reli- 
gious fervor, with a theology as old as Augustine, a close 
adherence to Old Testament inspiration, and a belief in the 
intimate presence of a Deity vitally concerned with their 
doings in the most minute particular, the Puritans were true 
sons of Calvin in their devotion to commerce and finance. In 
their hands began the final emergence of the mercantile ele- 
ment in English politics. However much they stood for 
an extreme, militant, and triumphant Protestantism in their 
dealings with Spain, they represented no less the determina- 
tion to make England supreme in sea-power and trade even 
against communions of their own kind. In that ambition they 
passed the Navigation Act. In that spirit they fought Hol- 
land and secured indemnity for Amboyna with a share of 
eastern trade. In that spirit they cemented England's 
long-standing political relations with Portugal by a great 
commercial treaty and launched Blake to spread the terror 
1655 of the English flag among the pirates of northern Africa, 

to enforce respect for it and for their power throughout the 
Mediterranean states. In that spirit they niade treaties with 
the Protestant states of Sweden and Denmark and gained 
freedom from the vexatious Sound Dues. In that spirit they 
placed commerce for the first time in the front rank of foreign 
politics, and set England in the path that led to colonial and 
commercial pre-eminence. \ 

The Such were the circumstances which made England ^He real 

contrfbu- Center of European interest in the decade following the ]P^e 
tionto of Westphalia. But it was not alone because the Puritans 
* ' ^ injected the spirit of a militant Protestantism into a continent 
whose interest in religious conflict was all but spent. Noi' 
was it in their emphatic challenge of the mastery of the sea^ 
though this brought them in touch with almost every phase of- 
European activity, that there lay the ultimate importance ot[ 
their advent on the European stage. Whatever their early 
Christian theology, their fantastic reversion to primitive 
church forms and phraseology, they did much to loosen the 
fetters of thought and speech by which men had been bound 
to the established order in church and state. ''No man who 

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John Milton. 
From the painting by P. Van der Plaas. 

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knows aught," wrote Milton, "can be so stupid to deny that 
all men naturally were born free . . . and were, by privi- 
lege, bom to command, and not to obey." And again, in 
his apostrophe to Cromwell, ''In human society there is noth- 
ing more pleasing to Ood, more agreeable to reason, nothing 
fairer and more useful to the State than that the worthiest 
should bear rule." 

There spoke the prophet of democracy. But even his splen- 
did theory was not the sum of Puritan contribution to Euro- 
pean progress. His fellows, as he said, were "men prepared 
not only to debate but to fight," and capable of enforcing 
their contention "that kings of England may be judged even 
by the laws of England." However the doctrines now openly 
advanced touched the thought of educated men, the Puritans 
rendered an even greater service to the cause of political lib- 
erty by their acts than by their controversial activities. They 
brought the issue down from the heights of theory to the dusty, 
blood-stained arena of practical affairs. By one fierce stroke 
they made manifest that kings may be held responsible to 
their subjects, whatever their relations to divinity. Far more 
significant than the blind struggle for supremacy among the 
northern powers, the long-drawn conflict between Spain and 
France, or even their own achievements by land and sea, 
this challenge of constituted authority was the chief contribu- 
tion of the dozen years which followed the conclusion of the 
last great religious war. For with it Europe embarked on 
another stage of her long pilgrimage toward popular gov- . 

That impetus was soon spent. On the 3rd of September, The Res- 
1658, Oliver Cromwell died; and the fabric of government *o"«<^n 
which rested on his wit and sword began to disintegrate 
almost at once in the hands of his successors. The Council 
of Officers, the Parliament, and Cromwell's son, Bichard, 
who followed him as Protector, found no support in the 
country, and promptly fell out among themselves. England 
was weary of Puritanism and its too great restrictions. Prob- 
ably a considerable majority of Englishmen had never been 
in sympathy with the Cromwellian rule even at the height 


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of its triumphs ; and with all its success abroad it had failed 
to produce any constructive work at home. The time was 
not ripe for true self-government, much less for the forms 
in which it presented itself at this moment. Royalist plots 
began to make themselves felt; the remnant of the Parliament 
and the army leaders came into sharp opposition ; and a great 
majority of the English people began to look toward the 
restoration of the exiled heir to the throne as the chief of 

1659-60 blessings which could befall them. The Puritan regime had 
exhausted its mandate. And when the commander of the 
Scotch forces, Qeneral Monk, made his way to London, de- 
clared for a free Parliament, and entered into negotiations 
with the exiled prince, the end was not long delayed. The 
navy went over to the royalists, and Charles was invited to 
return. That invitation he accepted with alacrity, and with 
his coming England entered upon another and a very different 
era of her history. 

/"""Moreover, concurrently with events in England, the whole 
face of political affairs upon the continent was changed. The 
Peace of the Pyrenees ended the long Franco-Spanish rivalry, 
with France in possession of half a score of border towns and 
districts which further strengthened her frontiers, while the 
French heir became the husband of the Spanish Infanta. 
Scarcely was this accomplished when the treaties of Oliva, 
Copenhagen, and Kardis brought to an end the northern 
war which had filled the years of the Cromwellian rule in 
I England. By them Sweden finally secured the whole of 
the Scandinavian peninsula, and remained the dominant 
power in the Baltic lands. The Polish Vasas gave up their 
claims to the Swedish throne; and Swedes and Poles alike 
renounced their suzerainty over Prussia, which thus came 
unencumbered into the hands of Brandenburg. 

Meanwhile there came an extraordinary change in the rulers 
of the continent. A new Emperor, Leopold I, took up the 

1658 long burden of his rule; the Ottoman Turks began to rouse 

themselves under the inspiration of a grea^t Albanian family, 
the Eiuprilis, who, as grand viziers, again threatened Europe 
with something of the terror it had felt in the days of 


oil the 


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Suleiman the Magnificent. After a chaos of personal and 
political rivalry among the leaders of the English Common- 
wealth, their power was overwhelmed by the wave of royalism 16«0 
which brought Charles II to his fathers' throne. A twelve- 
month later Mazarin was dead, and the young prince, Louis i66l 
XIV, declared his majority and became king of Prance. With 
this the Age of Cromwell came to an end, and a new act of 
European history took itd place upon the stage, prepared to 
develop in other hands and with far different motives another 
element in political affairs. 

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There are few periods of European history which can be 
compared with the mid-decades of the seventeenth century 
for dramatic events in the world of politics. The attempt of 
the Cossack Ehmelnitzki to establish a new state in eastern 
Europe; the effort of the Amalfi fishermen, Masaniello, to 
seize the ruling power in Naples ; and the rise of the English 
country gentleman, Cromwell, to the headship of affairs in 
the British Isles and a commanding place in European 
politics, would alone make these years memorable. But beside 
these extraordinary events, the mad fantasy of the Fronde 
in France, and the tragic failure of William II to secure 
the power of the house of Orange in the Netherlands, with 
the consequent rise of a republic there under the guidance 
of another great exponent of the popular principle, John 
de Witt, — ^these circumstances combine to form an unpar- 
alleled chapter in Europe's history. Never in her whole 
career had she seen at one time so many and such diverse 
attempts to change the forms of government. Nor was the 
least significant feature of the situation the fact that most 
of these activities were connected with the progress of the 
middle and even the lower classes into a place in public 
affairs. Thenceforth the so-called bourgeois or middle class, 
which had long been dominant in the private concerns of 
commerce and finance, took an increasing part in those affairs 
of state, long monopolized by the aristocratic element. 

Yet neither the conflicts within their own borders, nor the 
tumults which accompanied or resulted from them, nor the 
struggles between opposing principles and interests within 
their various states, exhausted the energies of Europeans in 


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this eventful period. Still less were they limited by the con- 
cems of the spirit which had played so great a part in the 
preceding century. In two directions outside the immediate 
field of politics and religion, the mid-seventeenth century was 
an era of great significance. The one was Europe oversea, 
the other was the domain of intellect. 

Of these the first was more spectacular if not of more Europe 
immediate importance. It was but natural that the turmoil |^^^ 
within Europe should send its ripples to the farthest edge 
of her possessions, even where these were not directly touched 
by events at home. It was no less natural that such great 
movements should stir the depths of thought. Above all 
was it inevitable that a crisis in English affairs, like that 
produced by the civil wars, should have an effect upon the 
societies which she had founded in America, in large measure 
from those same elements which furthered the revolt at home. 
Nor was it possible that the struggle between England and 
her continental antagonists should not be refiected through- 
out the extra-European world; or that the question of the 
mastery of the sea should not involve in some degree even 
those powers little moved by conflicts over European borders 
or discussions over popular rights. 

Nowhere was the impulse of European unrest during the North 
Age of Cromwell felt more keenly than in North America. ^^^^^ 
There New England had rejoiced in the triumph of her 
brethren at home, to whose aid many of her strongest spirits 
iad hurried at the outbreak of war. There, on the other hand, 
the more royalist Virginians had been compelled only by force 
to submit to the authority of the Cromwellian regime; while 
the belligerent Barbados planters, proclaiming Charles II, 
had carried their principles so far that only the bombardment 1655 
of their capital reduced them to submission. This accom- 
plished, and Jamaica secured by Venables and Penn, the chief 
interest in that quarter of the world remained the steady prog- 
ress of population, and the increasing if unsystematic efforts 
of the English to secure strategic points by conquest and 
colonization. These movements were strengthened by the 
course of events at home. As in the preceding decades the 

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And New 


The Ex- 
of the 

northern colonies had been reinforced by the Great Emigra- 
tion of the Puritans, so now the southern colonies received 
recruits from the ranks of royalists fleeing from the Puritan 
ascendancy. The effect was quickly apparent. Far to the 
southward of the parent colony, the Virginians began the 
settlement of the Albemarle region, known to later genera- 
tions as the Carolinas. With it began another chapter in 
the slow and steady advance of the English occupation of 
the continent, — ^the first substantial rensult of Puritan domina- 
tion as it related itself to the colonial world. 

For England found rivals in her expansion during this 
period, and her activities were not the only factor in the 
affairs of the New World. Flushed with the triumph which 
set the seal of recognition on the achievement of Dutch inde- 
pendence, the men of New Amsterdam had been quick to sig- 
nalize their country's triumph by an attack upon the neigh- 
boring Swedish settlements; and with the easy conquest 
and ultimate transfer of New Sweden to their hands, came 
the beginning of the end of Sweden as a colonizing power. 
At the same time Dutch enterprise was active in a different 
field. From their traders along the Hudson, the Iroquois had 
been supplied with arms and ammunition, and, for the first 
time, thofie fierce and warlike tribes were enabled to meet 
their old enemies, the French, on somewhat equal terms. To 
savage foe and civilized settler they now became equally ter- 
rible. The ensuing conflict along the loose frontiers, within 
which they claimed an absolute sovereignty, threatened not 
merely the extinction of their native enemies and the closing 
of all ways to the west, but the destruction of New France, 
which saw its darkest hour since its defeat by the English 
a generation earlier. Not until that long and bloody conflict 
was ended did trade return to Montreal and Quebec and 
then only on savage sufferance. In this fashion were made 
manifest the earliest results of the revival of Dutch enter- 
prise in the west. 

Yet at that very moment, in spite of this reverse, there 
was being prepared a fresh advance of French power which 
was destined to be of even greater importance in the Euro- 

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The Western Hemisphere, by Henry Hondius, 1630. 

From the Hondius-Mercator Atlas of 1633. One-third original size. A 
fine example of the skill in engraving, and the attention paid to geography 
in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. 

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pean oecapation of North Ameriea. The year after Cromwell 
died, two bold adventurers, Badisson and Groseillers, making 
their hazardous way as far as Lake Superior, pushed forward 
from there on a journey which took them south and west, 
possibly as far as the Mississippi. Thence west and north 
they found their way to the vast plains inhabited by a tribe 
till then unknown to Europeans — ^the Sioux. From this 
great exploit they finally returned with rich supply of skins 
and the first definite information of the interior of the con- 
tinent beyond the great lakes. In the same year that their ad- 
venture began, another event of scarcely less importance to the 
French province helped to determine its fortuned; for there 
arrived at Quebec one Francis Xavier de Laval-Montmorency, 
first vicar-apostolic of New France. The advent of an ec- 
clesiastic of such rank evidenced the growing importance of 
the French colony, while his spirit, ability, and character, 
no less than the strength of the great order whose repre- 
sentative he was, gave additional impetus to that opening of 
the west which was to bring a formidable rival to Spain into 
the more distant regions of North America. 

Meanwhile, the southern continent shared, with the opening souUi 
up of the interior of North America, the colonial activities America 
of the Euroi)ean powers. But it was no longer the problem 
of conquering native peoples and the exploitation of vast 
areas and rich mines which absorbed the colonist's energies. 
First in importance among mid-seventeenth century events 
in the extra-European world was the struggle for the posses- 
sion of the north and west of South America between the 
Spanish and Portuguese, the English and the Dutch— each 
straining its resources, the one to maintain its old supremacy, 
the other to gain a foothold in the heart of the great planting 
district of the colonial world. Already England had secured 
her power in Barbados and strengthened her hold upon the 
Caribbean by the possession of Jamaica. Already the ex- 
panding energies of the Barbadian planters looked toward the 
mainland, an the north to where the Virginians were begin- 
ning to occupy the Albermarle district, and on the south 
toward that portion of Surinam better known as the Guianas. 

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1659 There they had founded some settlements; and there, rein- 

forced by Jews driven from Brazil in the conflict between 
the Portugese and the Dutch, they laid the foundations of 
British Quiana. 

BroEU The struggle from which the Brazilian refugee^ fled was 

already virtually at an end. The battle of Quararapes, which 
had virtually decided Dutch fortunes in South America, left 
Holland in possession only of the districts about the ports and 
against these the Portuguese were now directing their efforts. 
Though the precarious situation of their government at home, 
and the reluctance of their king, John IV, lent little aid to 
the Brazilians, the unintentional succor which England gave 
them by her war with Holland served them well ; and among 
the results of that war perhaps the most permanently im- 
portant was the indirect effect it produced on the fortunes of 
South America. For the Dutch forces, reduced to meet con- 
tingencies elsewhere, were ill-equipped to withstand the steady 
and persistent attack of the Brazilians under the guidance of 
their leader, Joao Fernandez Vieyra. The arrival of the 
annual Bahia fleet, which he was able to enlist in his cause, 
proved the determining factor in their overthrow, which 
came with the fall of Pernambuco. Cut off from hope of aid 
from home, outnumbered if not outfought, the Dutch were 
unable to endure the Brazilian bombardment and attack. The 

1654 place was surrendered. Its defenders were given passage home 

in return fdr yielding all their posts. Dutch residents were 
granted time to settle their affairs; and, with the treaty of 
Pernambuco, which followed close on the peace between Eng- 
land and Holland, Dutch dominion came to an end in Brazil. 

South -^ Such was the first of the important consequences of the 
new and far-reaching rivalry of the northern Protestant sea- 
powers in the extra-European world; and had this been the 
only feature of Dutch colonial history during these years, 
the Netherlands might well have reckoned their short-lived 
colonial ascendancy at an end. But, great as was the loss 
which they sustained, the history of Dutch domiriion beyond 
the sea in this period was not that of entire failure, much 
less collapse, for at the same moment that Holland lost her 


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sovereignty in Brazil she gained compensation from Portugal 

elsewhere. A decade earlier she had occupied the island of I6i5 

St. Helena, and made that, with Table Bay — which the decline 

of Portuguese commerce left virtually abandoned — ^her ports ^ 

of call on the way to the East. In the year that the Peace of 

Westphalia was signed, an accident led to great, and, as 

it proved, permanent results in that quarter of the world. 

A Dutch crew, escaped from shipwreck, made land at the 1648 
present site of Cape Town. Compelled to support themselves, 
they sowed and reaped grain, obtained meat from friendly 
natives, and, on their rescue and return to Holland, demon- 
strated the habit^bpity of the place even to the satisfaction 
of the slow-moving directors of the East India Company. 
An agent, van Riebeck,.; was despatched with three ships to 
establish a station ; and with his advent, a century and a half 
after da Gama had rounded the Cape on his first voyage to 1651-9 
India, there were laid the foundations of^)ermanent Dutch 
occupation. The few and feeble natives, Bushmen and Hot- 
tentots, offered no obstacle to expansion, and, assured of 
better communication with Europe than perhaps any other 
European colony of the time, and a steady if slender liveli- 
hood from farming and grazing, supplying of vessels with 
fresh food, and a little trade, the new community grew in 
numbers and resources. Its population increased by a slow 
fitream of immigrants, and its position- thus secured, it was 
enabled to push into the interior. In such fashion South 
Africa was gradually brought within the broadening circle 
of European influence. Its far-stretching veldt became the 
birthplace of a new nation, and this remains one of the prin- 
cipal events which mark the era of the Puritan revolution. 

With it the Dutch buttressed their hold upon the East, Portugal 
where their ceaseless and ruthless aggression had destroyed 
the power of Portugal. The loss of the seaways, the trans- 
formation of a great part of her colonial population into 
Eurasians by native intermarriage, the exhaustion and cor- 
ruption of her administration, which the subjection to Spain 
had served to intensify, no less than the triumph of Holland, 
to which it had contributed, made the Portuguese thenceforth 

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an all but negligible factor in the East. They still retained, 
indeed, some factories and ports, of which Qoa, Bombay, and 
Macao were the chief. But the pacification of Westphalia 
scarcely reached to those distant regions, and the Dutch 
wrested post after post from their defenseless rivals, along 
the Malabar coast, till they crowned their triumphs by the 
occupation of Ceylon. Meanwhile, the suppression of a rising 
in Formosa against their harsh and arbitrary rule, like the 
Amboyna incident in the preceding period, and others of like 
sort in later years, showed that some Dutch agents at least 
had inherited not only the possessions but something of the 
methods of the former masters of the eastern trade. 

Only from one quarter had they reason to fear serious 
rivalry; and it might well have seemed to them that the 
twenty years of civil disturbance which England had endured, 
together with the discords among the English commercial 
interests themselves, would have so crippled the English East 
India Company that all danger from that quarter was vir- 
tually at an end. But the first acts of the Puritan regime 
had rudely awakened them from any dream which they may 
have entertained of an undisputed supremacy. For it was 
soon apparent that their dominance in the East, as in the 
other quarters of the world, was to be challenged in no uncer- 
tain terms by the power which still remembered Amboyna 
and the humiliations of the ensuing twenty years. 
The Eng- The Navigation Act gave notice to the world that English 
India Commerce was thenceforth to be reckoned with as a factor 

Company in European politics. The first Dutch war confirmed that 
warning; and the revival of the English Company followed 
in due course. Re-chartered by Cromwell, reinforced by fresh 
acknowledgment of their right to trade throughout the East, 
which his government extorted from Portugal, and backed 
by the powerful mercantile interests identified with the 
Commonwealth, the authorities of the English East India 
Company took fresh heart. The dose of the war had re- 
stored the island of Pularoon and with it their position in 
the spice trade. A factory was set up at Hooghli to take 
advantage of their old license to trade in Bengal; Madras 

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inereased in wealth and prestige. They restricted their activi- 
ties chiefly to the Indian peninsula, and, despite the troubled 
condition of affairs at home, the dread of Cromwell secured 
for them a period of quiet in which they were enabled to 
recruit their resources and their strength. Such were the 
chief results in commerce and colonies during the Age of 

Yet in this crowded mid-decade of the seventeenth century, 
with its revolutions and wars, its profound changes in the 
attitude of men toward government and society, and its alter- 
ing balance of colonial and commercial supremacy, men were 
not wholly absorbed in politics or trade. It was only nat- 
ural that the steady progress of commerce and conquest be- 
yond the sea should be accompanied by an enormous increase 
in the knowledge of geography. If the explorations of the 
preceding generation had shaken the long-lived belief in a 
transcontinental waterway across America to the Pacific, the 
missionaries and adventurers who now pushed the claims of 
France as far as Hudson's Bay and the regions beyond the 
Great Lakes were rewarded by more than converts and com- 
merce. They revealed the fact that, whether or not it was 
possible to go by boat from ocean to ocean, the way was 
infinitely longer and the intervening land far more important 
than Europeans had hitherto dreamed. 

Meanwhile European knowledge was enlarged in other Discovery 
quarters in this period. At the moment that the interior of 
North America was first opened to their enterprise, the Jesuit 1660 
Lobo's account of Abyssinia was made public and gave to 
Europeans their earliest trustworthy information of that 
mysterious land whose existence had done so much to mislead 
the continent into great enterprise. For the time, indeed^ 
there came a perceptible pause in that progress of maritime 
exploration which from Prince Henry's time to that of Tas- 
man had discovered the chief seaways of the world between 
the continents. But the spirit of land adventure, under the 
stimulus of Lobo and Radisson, prepared for fresh advance. 

Already that advance had begun, but in a far different ^^^ 
quarter of the world. Information concerning Persia had 1668 

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long since been acquired by the traveler, Jenkinson, and those 
who followed him to the nearer East. The volumes of the 
Italian traveler, della Valle, which now appeared, shed new 
light on that still powerful monarchy. But it was to the activi- 
ties of the Muscovites that Europe owed its chief increase of 
knowledge and territories at this moment in Asia. From the 
Bussian boundaries at Okhotsk a series of expeditions ex- 
tended their operations to the Pacific and deep into the 

1648- interior. In the year of the Peace of Westphalia, one set of 

adventurers rounded the eastern extremity of Asia and 
reached Kamchatka, thus completing the knowledge of the 
Siberian coast. At the same time another party pushed for- 
ward to the mid Amur, founding Eumarsk as the extreme 
outpost of Bussian sovereignty. With this an expedition 
was despatched to occupy th^ new provinces; but, attacked 
by Chinese and Manchus, the more advanced position became 
untenable, and Nerchinsk remained the limit of Muscovite 
dominion in Siberia. Ambassadors were despatched to Peking 
to negotiate for some division of authority over these central 
Asian lands. And, at the same moment that England gath- 
ered her energies to invade the eastern field by way of the 
south and the sea, there began on the north that long conflict 
of arms and diplomacy which two centuries later was to 
become a principal issue of world politics, as the rival powers 

1658 gradually made their way toward each other and became 

leading factors in Asiatic affairs. 

Intel- However little the men of action were hampered in their 

lectual efforts to extend European power in these mid-decades 6t 
1649-60 the seventeenth century, it might seem that amid such mani- 
fold disturbances Europe would have had small leisure or 
even inclination for the arts of peace. Yet there is often 
curiously little relation between these two series of activities 
in any period, and this revolutionary era was not barren of 
achievements in the field of intellect. In some measure, in- 
deed, the pursuit of letters and learning in England gave 
way to the more insistent demands of war and politics. The 
energies of the Dutch were diverted to the alterations in 

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their government, and the preservation of their commerce 
and their colonies ; while the frivolous warfare of the Fronde, 
with the French straggle against Spain, and the general pros- 
tration of Germany, tended to weaken the pursuits which 
made for civilization. Yet, even amid such unexampled dis- 
tractions, artistic and intellectual progress was not lacking, 
and, in certain directions, achieved new excellence and new 

The work of Bubens and Vandyke was done before the Painting 
passing of the Cromwellian regime, but the genius of Rem- 
brandt still remained to lead that group of painters which 
made the two branches of the Netherland school, the Flemish 
and the Dutch, for the moment supreme in the world of art. 
No phase of human activity so accurately portrays the human 
soul as painting, and none, in consequence, reveals the char- 
acter of a period so clearly and so pitilessly. And at no 
time was this more apparent than in the years which lay be- 
tween the end of the sixteenth and the middle of the seven- 
teenth century. In a measure this is due to the changing 
character and circumstances of the artists themselves. The 
Benaissance had seen them associate on nearly equal terms 
with sovereigns and statesmen. The Counter-Reformation 
saw their status depressed till, like the 'dramatists, they were 
often little more than strolling adventurers, rather the de- 
scendants of Cellini than of Leonardo. This was especially 
true in Italy, where the life of the typical figure of the age, 
the ''fantastic and bestial" Caravaggio, resembles that of 
Villon and Marlowe in its curious combination of genius and 

To this ensued the period of the great religious wars, and Changes in 
a new race of painters with a new age of art. With them gp^Jj^*"*^ 
landscape came into its own. The human body, especially 
the nude, which had so powerfully influenced the earlier 
schools, declined before the portrait, the genre, and the nature 
painters. For the first time the world as a whole was brought 
upon the canvas; for the first time men realized that beauty 
was to be found everywhere. For the first time, in conse- 
quence, painting lost the aristocratic tone which had marked 

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its earlier stages and became truly democratic. To the newer 
school a peasant was as fit a subject as an angel or a king ; a 
farm-yard or an inn as full of artistic values as a palace. As a 
result, the field of art was enormously broadened and en- 
riched, not only by the elevation of landscape but by the 
introduction of an infinite variety of classes and situations 
long excluded from the canvas. The aristocratic portrait 
school, indeed, survived. Rubens and Vandyke devoted their 
talents to that profitable pursuit; the genius of Velasquez 
immortalized the decay of the Spanish house of Hapsburg. 
But in art, as in other activities, it was evident that a new 
spirit had made its way into the European consciousness, 
and that spirit was peculiarly evident in those peoples and 
classes then coming into greater importance in the world of 

Especially was this evident in the Netherlands. There the 
brushes of Cuyp, Teniers, van Ostade, Don, and the greatest 
of them all save the master Rembrandt himself, Franz Hals, 
portrayed their country and their countrymen with unsur- 
passed fidelity and skill. The painters of peasants, burghers, 
and artisans, of homely scenes, the daily life of the middle 
and lower classes, the humbler surroundings of common ex- 
istence, testified to the altering balance of affairs no less than 
to the revolution in artistic standards. Moreover, this was 
accompanied by a change in technique, which, for want of a 
better name, we call impressionism. To the men of the newer 
School it no longer seemed necessary or even desirable to 
portray in detail ; it was often enough to suggest to the eye 
the line or color which it was supposed to see ; and economy 
of effort often served a greater purpose and produced a more 
effective result than the minutest elaboration. Like nature 
itself they not merely regarded life as a whole, they achieved 
some of their greatest effects by elimination and suggestion. 

This was not confined to the Netherlands. The genius of 
Velasquez, which immortalized and at the same time revealed 
the decadence of Spanish rulers and aristocracy, and damned 
a Pope to everlasting fame, found no less scope for its talents 
among the lower walks of life. While in the dark and earnest 

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features of Spain's burgher enemies, in the flat landscape of 
the Netherlands, and their homely life, his rivals found sub- 
jects even more interesting and far stronger than the features 
and dress of their aristocratic enemies, there was evident 
some touch of this spirit elsewhere. The triumphs of the 
French engravers who reached the climax of their art in this 
period were won, it is true, in their delineation of their noble 
patrons; in England artists like Hollar followed the fortunes 
of their employers even into war; while Vandyke and Bubens 
breathed the atmosphere of courts. Yet the greatest of mini- 
aturists, Cooper, the master of medallists, Simon, found in 
the patronage of the English revolutionary leaders no less 
incentive to their skill ; and even the courtliest of court paint- 
ers was not uninfluenced by the technical if not the spiritual 
temper of the times. 

For art, which in two centuries had come from its compara- 
tive absorption in saints and divinities to worldly subjects, 
had begun to find not only its inspiration but its rewards 
among the less aristocratic elements of society. Some brave 
spirits even began the practice of painting, not on commis- 
sion, but for the market, and so relieved their talents of the 
incubus of patronage which had too often restricted their 
natural tendencies. Thus painting turned more and more 
from special classes, interests, and selected subjects, to life 
and nature as a whole. As terrestrial subjects replaced the 
celestial in its hands, and democracy aristocracy, it reflected 
more and more truly the changing spirit of the world which 
it portrayed. Nor is it the least significant circumstance in 
this general movement that in the hands of the old Rem- 
brandt, and even in those of Velasquez, Christ appears as a 
man among men. For with the era of the Thirty Years' War 
the great age of religious painting, like the age of ecclesi- 
astical dominance itself, came virtually to an end And this 
circumstance, were there no other, marks the dividing line 
between the old and new conceptions of man's relations to 
this world and the next. 

It would be too much to expect that the tremendous burst 
of democratic sentiment in England and the Netherlands, 

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The effect 
of the 
tion and 

which distinguished the middle of the seventeenth century", 
would have found a corresponding echo throughout the con- 
tinent. Nor was it much connected with that general tend- 
ency of the age to allow political power to devolve from the 
crown to nobility, which, for the moment, seemed to indicate 
the decline of absolutism. Yet its influence was not without 
weight; and, with the advance of scientific thought, of the 
philosophy of Descartes, and the obscurer movement toward 
''naturalism'* in many fields, there came a reshaping of life 
in quarters where Anglo-Dutch influence was little felt. 

Among those gradual changes, difficult to perceive in de- 
tail, and still more difficult to express, was the alteration 
in the moral standards and conduct of European peoples 
now evident as a result of the progress of Europe during the 
preceding century and a half. It seems apparent to most 
observers that one of the principal characteristics of the 
Benaissance was the dissociation of intellect and morals. This 
was, perhaps, natural. The growth of dissatisfaction with 
the church of the later middle ages had led many men to 
neglect, even to contempt of that institution, to skepticism, 
or to absolute denial of its spiritual functions. This tended 
to a weakening of faith not only in the establishment itself, 
but, what was more serious, in the belief upon which it was 
founded. That spirit of denial was immensely strengthened 
by the new learning, for there was revealed a world which 
had apparently done very well without Christianity, and the 
passion for classical models and thought which developed with 
the spread of the Renaissance did much to discredit still 
further what were known as the Christian virtues. Thus, 
though the classes which embraced humanism were relieved 
from some of the practices which had been characteristic 
of the middle ages, the reflnements of their lives only sharp- 
ened the contrast between their intellectual and their moral 

With the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation there 
came a revolt against the C3niical immorality which char- 
acterized a certain prominent school of the humanists. Among 
the manifold elements which went to make up the movement 

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toward revolution and reform in the church establishment, 
it is probable that the reaction toward a purer mode of life, 
no less — perhaps even more — than an alteration in belief, 
affected large classes throughout the continent. The insist- 
ence upon conduct in this world, as well as upon faith in the 
next, comprised no inconsiderable part of the teaching of 
the reformed communions in particular; nor was the rise of 
the reforming agencies within the old establishment without 
effect. It is true that neither had any tendency toward 
general tolerance of faith, but it has often been remarked that 
faith and morals are not necessarily connected in any direct 
and immutable fashion. Whatever the cause, it is apparent, 
especially with the advance of the seventeenth century, that 
manners, which may be regarded as some indication of morals, 
had gradually improved. And there can be no question, to 
take one example, that the progress of Calvinism had tended 
toward the enforcement of a far stricter moral code than had 
prevailed before its advent. 

The progress was slow and unequal. No code of faith op- 
erates on every individual or every community equally. The 
ing^ined weaknesses of human nature are stubborn material ; 
and exceptions might easily be found to any general state- 
ment regarding the progress of private morality in any period. 
Moreover, each generation provides its own vices no less than 
its own virtues. Yet the profounder beliefs which resulted 
from theological controversy, the growing rivalry between the 
sects, increasing publicity, which is itself a certain check 
upon conduct, each contributed in its way to the improvement 
of habits. The historian of morals has olMierved that the intro- 
duction of hot drinks in the first half of the seventeenth 
century conduced to the same end. One would like to 
believe that this is true; and there is unquestionably much 
truth in it. But the concurrent development of the beverages 
richer in alcohol than medieval intoxicants probably neutral- 
ized the results of the introduction of tea, coffee, and cocoa 
so far as general sobriety is concerned. 

One advance is, however, indubitable, and probably indi- ^ndttie'^ 
cative of widespread improvement. This is the purification sects 

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of the clerical caste, both by the rise of Protestantism and 
by the far-reaching reforms in the Catholic establishment 
which accompanied the progress of the Counter-Reformation. 
Another indication of advance is to be founc[ in literature, 
for, with all their freedom, the productions, especially of the 
first half of the seventeenth century, lack the grossness of 
much earlier work. They are infused, besides, with concep- 
tions and ideals wanting in their predecessors. It is not, 
of course, conclusive evidence of an improved morality that 
literary expression becomes more refined, yet it seems rea- 
sonable to believe that the amelioration of language and 
situation in letters represents at least changing standards 
in conduct. Finally, the development of such sects as the 
Puritans, the popularity of the so-called Jansenists of Port 
Royal in France, and similar phenomena elsewhere, with 
the increase of religious literature which emphasized conduct 
rather than dogma, leads to the belief that European morals, 
as well as European manners, had greatly improved in the 
century and a half which had elapsed since the beginning 
of the Reformation. 
Literature The changing spirit of civilization was emphasized no less 
i<K)0-60 ^ literature than in art and morals; and, by one of those 
curious circumstances which continually distinguish its prog- 
ress, it was peculiarly evident in the domain of drama. Two 
years before the outbreak of the great German war the simul- 
1616 taneous deaths of Shakespeare and Cervantes had deprived 

Europe of its two greatest literary figures. Neither in Eng- 
land nor in Spain had any writer arisen worthy to pretend 
to the places thus left vacant. In England, especially, the 
Puritan influence had done much to <^courage a form of 
entertainment so alien to the spirit which dominated its 
religious and political tendency; and Shakespeare was fol- 
lowed by no successors worthy of much note. The so-called 
Cavalier poets, indeed, began to develop new and peculiarly 
beautiful forms of lyric verse; and the genius of the young 
Milton contributed at least two masterpieces to European 
literature in his idyllic pastorals of L'AUegro and II Pen- 
serosa. But English drama in the hands of Shakespeare's 

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successors reflected rather the form than the genius of the 
great dramatist. 

The situation in Spain was not dissimilar. There the lofty 
dpirit of Calderon, turning from the pursuit of arms, devoted 
itself to the production of plays, moral, philosophical, even 
theological, in their tendencies, and partaking of the nobler 
qualities of the old orthodoxy. But he stood apart from the 
main current of European letters, and in his own land he 
found no worthy rivals. Germany, meanwhile, had been all 
but eliminated from the field of letters. It was, therefore, to 
other hands that literary leadership fell, particularly in 
France, as the new spirit so evident in art and science invaded 
literature, and French comedy began its long and brilliant 

Its greatest exponent was Moliire, who drew from his Moli^re 
studies, his experiences as a strolling player, and his un- ^^^^^^ 
rivaled acquaintance with society of every grade, those char- 
acters and situations which revolutionized his art. The re- 
flection of contemporary life, the creation of universal and 
immortal character sketches, were not his only contributions 
to literature. He had been a pupil of the physicist Gassendi, 
he had been trained in the new philosophy, and he was thus 
in close touch with the great intellectual movements of his 
time. From these, no less than from his genius for observa- 
tion and delineation, he added new elements to the dramatic 
art. In one direction he passed beyond the limits of the 
age of Shakespeare, for he piit the people about him upon 
the stage, and painted for his auditors of every rank their 
own foibles small and great. Thus drama, like art, descended 
from its more aristocratic station to take account of classes 
hitherto as little reckoned with in stagecraft as in politics 
or painting. In so doing it related itself unconsciously to 
that movement which was coming to be called democratic. 
Nor was the circumstance that Moli^re found in the rapidly 
developing realm of medical practice the principal field for 
his satire without its wider significance. From the first court 
appearance of Le Docteur Amoureux to the final triumph of 
Le Malade Imaginaire, that motive was seldom absent. Like 

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his almost openly expressed contempt for the old physical 
hell of the church, it typified the altering tendencies of an 
art which, next to painting, perhaps, reveals the character of 
an age. 

The progress of that spirit of denial of dogmatic authority 
was no less notable in another quarter. The same decade 
which saw the Puritan ascendancy in England and the be- 
ginnings of the new comedy in France was marked in the 
latter country no less by the appearance of the so-called 
Provincial Letters from the pen of the mathematician- 
philosopher, Blaise Pascal. Its unmatched satire, directed 
against the Jesuits, voiced a new spirit in the discussion of 
the most vital concerns of religious life, and gave tremendous 
impetus to the free handling of subjects, till then reckoned, 
by ecclesiastics at least, as all but inviolable from the pro- 
faning touch of laymen. 

Pascal's work was inspired by the attacks of the Jesuits 
upon the '^ Catholic Puritans,'' the so-called Jansenists, whose 
principal seat was the abbey of Port Boyal, near Paris, which, 
under the rule of its great head, Angilique Amaud,~had 
adopted the doctrines of the Jansenist apostle, Duvergier, 
abbot of Cyran. These infused a new element into the 
religious ferment which stirred the followers of the old com- 
munion only less than the advanced disciples of the English 
revolutionary school. For the Jansenists, however they differed 
from the Calvinists in dogma, were filled with the spirit of 
mysticism and subjective experience as opposed to the 
scholasticism and rigidity of the Jesuits. They looked back 
to St. Augustine ; they laid stress on religion rather than on 
theology; they tended toward a doctrine of faith rather than 
of works; they even verged on predestination. And this — ^in 
a country and a time when '^a theological opinion was a 
political event," when adherence to St. Paul meant almost 
inevitably a controversy with the followers of St. Peter, and 
the disturbances of the Fronde shook the foundations of all 
authority — ^was a striking proof that the mind and heart of 
Europe was being altered in ways that boded iU for the 
champions of mere authority. 

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From a portrait by Pierre Mignard. 

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Yet with all the controversies of the Jesuits and the Jan- The 
senists, the activities of the revolutionists, and the doctrines J^JJl^ 
of the philosophers, the most vigorous expression of the revolt 
against arbitrary authority was to be found in England. 
Curiously enough, it was in that class whose existence seems 
most intimately bound up with government and precedent, 
the lawyers. The principle of popular share in government 
which had found its most vigorous expression in England 
was the product of a long development, not alone in practice 
but in theory. It was scarcely less the result of the growing 
strength of the middle classes, or of the philosophical specu- 
lation which provided them with a rational foundation for 
their claims to a determining share in public affairs, than 
it was of the devotion to historical precedent and law which 
had always been so characteristic of the Anglo-Saxons. 

Among them, almost alone of European peoples, during 
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the popular share in 
government had been preserved by Parliament, even in the 
days when absolutist kingship was making way among all 
European states. Tudor rule had been a despotism, but by 
popular consent; and when the Stuarts had sought to follow 
the example of their fellow-rulers on the continent, and turn 
the old royal claims into the practice of the realm, they had 
been confronted with the still more ancient claims of the 
supremacy of the law and ancient custom. In the contro- 
versies which followed, the lawyers had taken a leading part. 
Against James I's contention for the royal right to override 
the popular liberties, men Uke Coke contended for the privi- 
lege of the people as expressed in the old laws. There such 
men as he stopped. ''Sovereign power,*' he declared, ''is 
no Parliamentary word. . • . Magna Charta is such a fellow 
as he will have no sovereign.'' Th^re were others in his 
dass who did not stop there, but claimed for Parliament an 
authority whose concession would have altered the constitu- 
tion. In this lawyer class the first two Stuart kings found 
their most persistent foes. SalM9 

The crown in their contention was under, not above the ??S!!L- 
law; and the rallying-cry of those who resisted royal attempts Ux 

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at ^'innovatioiui" was the ancient maxim, "Solus populi 
mprema lex/' the welfare of the people is the supreme law. 
Nowhere else in Europe was there an echo of this principle, 
save perhaps in small and remote districts of no weight in 
affairs. Nowhere was there a legislature which made the 
laws, nor such popular share in judicial procedure as the 
jury system which prevailed in England, and which, with 
all its faults, offered a powerful support against oppression, 
private or public. It was in the resistance of such elements, 
backed by the powerful sentiment of the classes whence they 
were drawn, that the Stuart project met its first great check. 
This was not all of the situation, nor was Coke's dictum the 
cause of the final catastrophe. What mere legal opposition 
would probably never have achieved, revolution accomplished. 
From the strange anomaly of a class based upon precedent 
opposing the authority of that power which in most states 
was itself a precedent, and the origin of all law and precedent, 
there was developed a still more surprising anomaly. This 
was the result of a series of events which carried men beyond 
the doctrine of the supremacy of law even while they clung 
to its logic and its forms. With all its defiance of constituted 
authority, its actual usurpation of government, the Puritan 
regime held tenaciously to legal form and precedent, and, in 
so far as might be, to legal procedure. It sought to give its 
very destruction of the old order every appearance of assert- 
ing ancient rights against the efforts of tiie crown to enter 
upon a series of '' innovations," which would subvert the 
privileges of the people. 
The rise Their progress was rapid. Against the royal claim to the 

mcntanT" "^^* ^* modifying^— and thus making— law to meet an emer- 
authority gency, they set the principle of the inviolability of law, and 
so dealt a death-blow to divine right and royal prerogative. 
Thence as the contest deepened in intensity Parliament ar- 
rogated to itself the right it had denied the king, and, under 
guise of 'interpreting" the law it assumed virtually Uie law- 
making power stripped of the old royal right of veto. So 
from royal supremacy across the bridge of law-making the 
r^vQlutionary party came to the supremacy neither of king 

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nor of law, but of Parliament, and ultimately of the people 
who chose that body. Thus if the English Revolution is 
the event which marics the break-down of royal supremacy 
in the state, it is as well the event from which dates the 
beginning of the ascendancy of the people and their legis- 
lature over king and law alike. 

It was natural that while the revolutionaries assumed the Hobbes 
guise of the champions of the old order the efforts of the 
political philosophers should be directed toward the discov- 
ery of some rational basis for government, and on every 
hand there arose prophets and priests of new beliefs. First 
of these in time and importance was Thomas Hobbes. Bom 
in the year of the Armada and living almost to the Revolution 
of 1688, this great thinker comprehended in his life as in 
his writings all those great convulsions which profoundly 
influenced his fortunes and his philosophy alike. His views 
were perhaps no less tinged by his studies in the field of 
science. He began his speculations with the doctrines of 
Euclid, and developed his theory of the principle of motion 
as the basis of energy in life and thought. The political con- 
troversies which culminated in the civil wars turned his 
mind to politics; and from his observations and meditations 
he evolved his masterpiece, the Leviathan. Like its frontis- 1651 
piece, his book figured the state as a huge artificial man, 
composed of lesser individuals, with a life and development 
of its own, capable of being modified or destroyed. 

He was a pupil of the ^^mechanistic" system of thought, 
and though insufficiently trained to appreciate fully the ef- 
forts of the experimenters to arrive at scientific truth, or 
to contribute to advance in that field himself, he none the 
less fills a not inconsiderable place. He did much to found 
a school of thinkers bent on the construction of a theory of 
universal relationship between man and nature, and between 
man and the society which he created. His conception of 
the moral nature, ''the natural springs and rational grounds 
of human action," has given him the appellation of the 
''founder of the utilitarians." This has been strengthened 
Iqr a philosophy which seems to indicate men as moved chiefiy 

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or entirely by self-interest, and judges events by their results 
rather than by any standard of higher motives. His declara- 
tion of the virtual irresponsibility of the sovereign i)owery 
however modified by later thinkers, opened the way for a 
discussion of the fundamental principles of politics. The 
forerunner of so-called materialism, of criticism, and what 
came to be known as positivism, he was at once a psychologist 
and a moralist. To him philosophy meant less vague 
speculation than correct thinking; and, however bitterly 
attacked, he did one great service. He established that 
method of rational and historical investigation, that applica- 
tion of natural laws to society and government which led to 
the next advance in political theory. 

Other Beside him labored many men of many minds. Algernon 

writers Sidney and his fellows, inspired by the tradition of the 
classical world, dreamed of a republican form of government 
after the model, as they conceived it, of Greece and Rome. 

1666 To these Harrington, in his Oceana, contributed another ele- 

ment, that of an ideal state, after the manner of More's 
Utopia, but infused with the newer doctrines evoked by 
revolution. To these, again, Cromwell's Latin secretary, 
Milton, added his great literary gifts in defense of the Eng- 
lish people against the charge of regicide, and his plea for 
liberty of speech in his Areopagitica. This not only remains 
the armory for the arguments in that cause, but had its 
practical effect in bringing about the virtual tolerance in Eng- 
land of all writings not positively treasonable from that day 
to our own. 

Political As Hooker, Grotius, and Hobbes put forward the doctrine 

destined to be of such great influence thereafter— that govern- 
ment was the result not of divine inspiration and guidance, 
but of historic evolution, achieved by some process of social 
contact — political science took its place as a department of 
European thought. Against the ideas of the thinkers who 
sought a rational basis for human polity, the prophet of the 
divine right of kings, the royalist Filmer, had composed the 
great formal defense of that doctrine, the Pairiarchia. This 
dogma of absolute royal power, allied with the spirit of 


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revealed religion and dogmatic authority, stood out as the 
chief opponent of the new principles upon which Europe was 
to base its next advance in political theory and practice. 

Opposed to this stood the champions of still more advanced 
thought, the extremists, among whom the so-called Levellers 
and Diggers were conspicuous. These voiced doctrines of 
social no less than political equality, scarcely heard again 
for two centuries. The effect was profound, not only upon 
the more superficial aspects of European life and literature, 
but upon those deep, underlying forces which, as the years 
went on, came more and more to dominate men's actions and 
their thought. Not since the Reformation had Europe ex- 
perienced so vast an outpouring of controversial literature 
on so vital an issue. Nor had it been so deafened by a clamor, 
which found echo in many quarters as yet but little moved 
by the questions now, during the Age of Cromwell, for the 
first time debated in the open air of political controversy. 

In two respects, at least, the Puritan period, following in Ncws- 
the wake of the disturbances of the preceding years, con- P*pew 
tributed even more directly to the development of European 
practice and principles. The first was the evolution of a 
new power in public affairs. In an age of unprecedented 
freedom in thought and speech, amid events of such nation- 
wide importance, when every day brought forth a crisis in 
affairs, the appetite for news no less than for opinion grew. 
The demand created the supply; and, building on the model 
of the older news-tract, broadside, coranto, and news-book, 
that characteristic product of the modern European world, 
the newspaper, was rapidly evolved. Despite the fact that 
earlier generations had seen something of this form of pub- 
licity; despite the fact that later generations were to see it 
enlarged and altered almost beyond resemblance to the form 
in which it now appeared; it is to the era of the Puritan 
Revolution that we must ascribe the establishment of this 
tremendous engine of civilization in the essential form which 
was to make it probably the most powerful weapon of those 
who contended for popular authority. 

This ''fourth estate," as the newspaper was to be called. 

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did much to modify the habits of those peoples, — ^principally 
the English and the Dutch, — among whom it flourished. Not 
unrelated to it as a means of the dissemination of news and 
public opinion was another institution which owes its origin 
to the same period. Perhaps no single minor dreumstance 
in the transition from mediseyal to modem life is more note- 
worthy than the development of new forms of association in 
almost eyeiy field of human activity, intellectual, political, 
and sociaL Among these the rise of places of public resort 
for the upper classes ia conspicuous; and the mid-decades 
of the seventeenth century are notable, among other things, 
for the establishment of so-called coffee-houses, where men 
met to drink the beverage then becoming fashionable through- 
out Europe, to exchange gossip and opinions, and to read the 
newspapers. These institutions, unknown to the ancients or 
the middle ages, seem to have owed their origin to similar 
meeting-places in Constantinople, and their extraordinary 
popularity to the increasingly urban habits of Europeans. 
Vienna is usually credited with the first venture of the sort ; 
and thence, or from a common source, they spread with 
great rapidity throughout Europe. London boasted its first 
coffee-house under Cromwell. There in particular they in- 
creased in numbers and popularity. By the beginning of 
the next century they were among the most conspicuous 
features of English life, and, apart from their own impor- 
tance, they did much to inaugurate that institution so char- 
acteristic of the Anglo-Saxon race, and known by its English 
name in nearly every tongue, the dub. 

It was, too, in Cromwell's day that there began that asso- 
ciation of English men of science which was to develop into 
the Royal Society in the ensuing reign. Its formation was 
characteristic at once of the great advance of English science 
and the extension of that principle of co-operation which 
was making itself felt in the formation of new academies 
and learned societies vthroughout Europe. It was particu- 
larly significant of that tendency to correlation of forces to 
wrest from nature the secret of life and its phenomena which 
became the function of the biologists. To them the invention 

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of the microscope had been so great a service that it is scarcely 
too much to say that it created biology in the modem sense. 
In consequence, the Cromwellian period saw the beginning 
of a series of contributions to the knowledge of the structure 
of animals and plants which is the principal characteristic 
of the science of the time, until the rise of the great mathema- 
ticians of the late years of the century. This was, indeed, the 
dawn of the golden age of microscopy. 

The progress in the investigation of structure was not con- The micro- 
fined to any land. The labors of the Englishmen Grew and ^^P^^ 
Hooke and Bay; of the Dutchmen, Swammerdam and 
Leeuwenhoek; of the Italians, Redi and Malpighi, among 
others, raised the knowledge of living organisms to heights 
undreamed of even a generation earlier. Their researches 
disturbed the belief in spontaneous generation which had 
persisted since the time of Aristotle. With them began 
comparative anatomy as the foundation for zoology and the 
consequent transition from medieeval to modern natural his- 
tory. With them begaii that microscopic study of the minute 
structure of plants and animals, of insects, even of animal- 
culse, which made a beginning for those branches to which 
we give the name of histology, of embryology, and bacteri- 
ology. Above all, so far as practical application goes, was 
their contribution to the knowledge of human anatomy and 
physiology. Here they explained the various structures and 
functions of the higher organisms through their investiga- 
tions in the lower, by comparative anatomy. It was a sig- 
nificant testimony to the passing not only of mediesval 
ignorance but of classical error; and though their results were 
not immediately evident, and Iheir conclusions long doubted, 
the triumphs of the microscopists now began to rival those 
of the astronomers and to excel those of the chemists. And, to 
confirm the fact that the Age of Cromwell marked a turning- 
point from one age of science to another, it is a noteworthy 
coincidence that in the year which saw the beginning of the 
end of the Thirty Years' War and the outbreak of hostilities 
in England, 1642, Galileo died and Isaac Newton was bom. 

Finally, if it needed any further proof that the mediaeval 

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Scholar- period was at an end, the course of scholarship in the pre- 
^P ceding generation afforded ample demonstration of that fact. 

For the first half of the seventeenth century is notable for 
the publication of those chronicles and literary remains which 
the middle ages bequeathed to history and literature. Beside 
the editions of the classics and the church fathers there began 
to appear such monumental works as the Jesuit compilation 
of the Acta Sanctorum. This owed its origin to BoUand, 
and its continuation to his Belgian followers. It has absorbed 
their energies from that day to our own, and, however apart 
from the general interest or even the general knowledge 
of most men, it has contributed incalculably not only to 
their faith but to their information concerning the middle 
aged. In France the Benedictines of St. Maur entered upon 
historical enterprises of no less consequence, and Ducange 
began his labors, which were to supply the world for the 
first time with a dictionary of medisBval or low Latin. At 
the same time, others, from Bacon to Pallavicino, laid the 
foundations of modem historical writing along the lines of 
Machiavelli and Guicciardini rather than those of the chron- 
iclers; and so confirmed the place of another art in the 
European world. 

This activity was of far more significance than the mere 
progress of historiography. In at least two directions it 
marked a distinct epoch in the intellectual development of 
Europe. On the one side it refiected the continuance into 
the historical field of the confiicts between the communions 
which had begun with the Reformation, found their fiercest 
expression in the Thirty Years' War, and in some form, con- 
tinue to our own day. But it implied, no less, the begin- 
ning of a reaction against that classical interest which had 
now dominated Europe for a century and a half. It rein- 
troduced into the content of European intellect something 
of that mediaeval infiuence which had inspired so many cen- 
turies of European life and thought. That infiuence was 
never to regain its old ascendancy. But in its love of mystery, 
its devotion to faith, its romantic and picturesque qualities, 
no less than in its self-sacrifice, so alien to the classical spirit^ 

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Hooke's Compound Microscope. 

From an illustration in his MicrographiOy 1664. This is one of the 
earliest forms of this instrument, and is notable for its devices for adjust- 
ment and illumination, which can be easily identified in the drawing. 

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it was to modify the sharper outlines of the seientifie and 
pagan attitude which had become interwoven into the fabric 
of European thought, and it was to become, in later years, 
a clearly discernible thread in that fabric. 

The era of the Puritan Revolution was thus a peculiarly Literature 
active period in many departments of intellectual achievement, 
apart from politics. England and France, in particular, 
had been prolific in literature scarcely less notable for its 
form than its content. The genius of the English Puritan, 
John Milton, had not merely been devoted to the composition 
of political polemics. It had in earlier years given to the 
world some of the most beautiful of its odes. The so-called 
Cavalier poets had introduced fresh beauties into verse with 
their love songs and conceits, while the talentd of the leading 
English satirist, Butler, meditated the composition of that 
famous mock-heroic poem of Hudibras which found its sub- 
ject in the peculiarities of the masters of the English state. 
At the same time the letters of Madame de Sevign6 founded 
a new form of prose literature which was to play a great 
part in another century. Still more important as a sign of 
the times was the establishment of the French Academy, 
which did all that is possible for authority to accomplish in 
giving to letters and scholarship a public and ofScial recogni- 
tion such as they had not previously received. 

These phenomena revealed an altering attitude toward Decline 
letters and learning which was characteristic of an era of gyt^^on 
freer expression in many fields. Another circumstance was 
still more significant of a changing mental attitude. It was 
the obvious decline of the old delusion concerning witches 
and witchcraft which had fio long disgraced European intel- 
lect. The process of emancipation was by no means complete ; 
and it was to be another century before the practice of witch- 
hunting was abandoned in even the most enlightened countries. 
But the progress of more liberal opinions, in particular 
the rationalism of science had weakened the old belief in such 
superstition. The Protestant commimions had not yet fully 
or even in great part accepted the revelations of science. They 
. had contributed little or nothing directly to the doctrines of 

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toleration by their own teaching or practice; and it was in 
their hands that the last great outburst of the witch delusion 
was to find expression. Yet they had more or less uncon- 
sciously served the interests of greater freedom of belief, 
and this had powerfully aided the emancipation from the 
credulity which had dominated men's minds from the earliest 

The Age of Cromwell forms a brief period in the long 
history of European peoples; but it has an importance beyond 
its years. Through it was visible that powerful tendency of 
a modem world toward freer expression of individual opinion 
and that unity in diversity of intellect, religion, and politics, 
which offers the widest field for achievement to every species 
of human capacity. Though the English experiment was of 
few days and full of trouble it revealed that political capacity 
was not wholly confined to that handful of royalties and 
nobilities which had hitherto monopolized its conduct and its 
rewards. And in this, even more than in its purely intellec- 
tual aspects, it contributed to the general emancipation of 
European intelligence from the shackles of the past. 

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Ahonq the manifold changes which came over European life 
in the three years between the death of Cromwell and the 
accession of Louis XIV to personal rule, none, not even the 
cessation of the two great wars which had disturbed the east 
and west, was more striking than the reversed. positions of 
England and France in European politics. Under the Pro- 1658-61 
tector, English power had reached its greatest height since 
the death of Elizabeth. Under the guidance of Mazarin, 
France, despite her innate strength, despite her minister's 
ultimate triumph, despite her victory over Spain, was weak- 
ened by the faction of the Fronde, till her position, like that 
of her minister, was but a shadow of the predominance of the 
Age of Richelieu. Now in a moment everything seemed 
changed. Young as he was, the new king of France had 
scarcely ascended his throne when it was evident that a new 
force had appeared in the affairs of the continent, for his 
abilities, his resources, and, above all, his ambitions, made 
him almost at once the most conspicuous figure among Euro- 
pean rulers. What Charles V had been to the first half of 
the sixteenth century and Philip II to its later years, the 
French king was to become; and his long reign of more than I66I-1715 
fifty years grew to be, in fact as in name, pre-eminently the 
Age of Louis XIV. 

The French king ruled no such wide lands as did the great Louis XIV 
Emperor, nor did he focus so fully in himself the manifold 
interests of the European and the extra-European world as 
Charles V. But, like Philip II, he devoted his energies and 
the resources of the largest and richest state in western Eu- 
rope to the accomplishment of a single purpose which vitally 
affected almost every people on the continent. And it was 


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this which made the activities of the young kiiiig the leading 
motive in the politics of the ensuing generation. The age 
of religious controversy was now all but at an end in inter- 
national affairs. The age of nationalism centering in monarchs, 
of standing armies and foreign oflfjces, of wide-re^chij^g-fii^ali- 
tions and overpowering secular interests was at. handt This 
new era it was Louis XIV 's role to inaugurate. In it his 
ambition led him to play the leading part, and, by the aid of 
circumstances, France was enabled to become, for a time, 
the dominant power of the continent, in arts and arms, in 
civilization as in diplomacy and war. Whatever his fortune 
in politics, and however far his triumphs fell short of 
his ambitions in adding new provinces to his sovereignty, in 
one direction the Grand Monarque, who took the sun as his 
symbol, found the triumph of his people unquestioned. 
Under his rule France conquered the imagination of all 
Europe and insured the predominance of her ideals through- 
out the continent for more than a century. 
England At the same moment England fell from the high estate 

^Hes II ^^ European councils to which Cromwell's abilities and deter- 
1660-S5 mination had raised her. The contrast between Sweden 
under Gustavus and Christina was less conspicuous than that 
of England under Cromwell and Charles II, for no Oxen- 
stiema remained to preserve the traditions of greatness in the 
British Isles. With all the Stuart charm and a wit unusual 
to his line, the exiled prince returned to enjoy the life which 
fortune had sent him, intent only on the retention of his 
throne. Devoting his unquestionable gift for politics to that 
end, he prepared to exchange for it his friends, his honor, and 
such principles as remained to him, sunk in ignoble ease and 
the enjoyment of the pleasures of the flesh. He succeeded, 
indeed, where his father before him and his brother af tmr him 
failed. He kept his throne. But he kept it at the expense 
of that for which his father and brother, with all their faults 
and folly, had not been willing to exchange their crowns. 

Only in two directions did the England of Charles II re- 
main of importance in the world of politics at large. The 
impulse toward commerce and colonies which the Crom- 

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wellian rule had done so much to stimulate, favored by the 
ambitions of the French which now absorbed their energies 
and those of their neighbors on the /continent, found full 
fruition under the second English Charles. His reign wit- 
nessed at once the refounding and the reorganization of the 
British colonial and commercial empire, and while England's 
chief rival in the extra-European field was weakened and 
distracted by Anglo-French attack, England secured her hold 
on Asia and America. At the same time those organisms 
within the state known as political parties, favored by the 
peculiar conditions in which England found herself, now 
took on permanent form, and became thenceforth not merely 
the most active and characteristic element in English political 
affairs, but a determining factor in international issues with 
which England was concerned. 

Meanwhile, Louis XIY took the center of the stage. Young, The sys- 
ambitious, diligent beyond most monarchs, or, indeed, most louIs'xiV 
men of any class, skilled in diplomacy and gifted with those 
dignities and graces which so become the occupant of a 
throne, from the very beginning of his reign he addressed 
himself to the great tasks which absorbed his life and the 
strength of his people. He was freed from all popular re- 
straint by the cessation of the old States General, which had 
not been summoned for nearly fifty years, and he neutralized 
the political importance of that factious nobility which had 
disturbed his predecessors by the establishment of a splendid 
court and a no less imposing army. These were no less useful' 
than ornamental, for the innumerable pensions and posts of 
the court lured the aristocracy to exchange their old powers 
and ambitions for its lucrative and picturesque service, com- 
peting there for the honors of dependence on royal bounty, 
while the royal authority compelled the service of the nobility 
in the army. Crowning the work of the statesmen, who, 
from his grandfather's time to his own, had labored to make 
the monarchy supreme, he strengthened and extended those 
royal councils and those local officials, which, from the be- 
ginning, had been the chief instruments of absolutism. 
These, subservient to his will, contributed to the complete 

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ascendancy at which he aimed, and royal power grew till 
the epigram attributed to him, ''I am the state/' was scarcely 
more than the declaration of the fact. 
Thebu- Such was the system which, close on the turmoil of the 

reaucracy preceding period when royal power seemed slipping from the 
grasp of European rulers, raised monarchy to the highest 
state of organized efficiency which that form of government 
had yet attained in modem Europe. This was not due wholly 
to the mere elimination of the other estates of the kingdom 
from political power. To a voiceless people and a power- 
less nobility, Louis XIV joined a ministry to which he sum- 
moned the executive talent of Prance, with small regard for 
social precedence; and this became the real strength of the 
arbitrary system which he completed. At the head of the 

^finances he set the ablest of living financiers, Colbert. The 

/conduct of the war office was intrusted to Louvois, who found 
no rival in that field till Camot organized the victories of the 

b French Revolution. And while the foreign office was put 

/nominally under the care of Lionne, the direction of the 

skilled diplomats, trained in the school of Richelieu and 

Mazarin, remained chiefly in the king's own hands. Nor 

was the iron hand beneath the velvet glove less powerful. 

»From the preceding generation were inherited the military 
talents of Cond6 and Turenne, foremost of living European 
generals. To these was added the engineering jb^ius^ of 
Vauban. The army was reorganized and its discipline per- 
fected under that drill-master whose name became a symbol 
for rigid system. Martinet; while a score of lesser men ably 
seconded the endeavors of th^r commanders. Thus equipped, 
filled with an overmastering passion for fame and power, 
a pride which passed all ordinary bounds, cold-blooded am- 
bition which disregarded all common human rights, those of 
his own subjects scarcely less than those of his neighbors, 
the master of the most numerous and prosperous people 
occupying a continuous territory in western Europe, "the 
ablest man bom in modem times on the steps of a throne," 
prepared to enter "the game of kings," and plunge the 
continent again into the throes of war. 

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If no circnmstance in the situation of the times more clearly England 
illustrated the change which had overtaken European peoples ^dland 
in the preceding hundred years than the contrast between 
the religio-political ambitions of Philip II a century before, 
and the national-political ambitions of Louis XIY, nothing 
is more striking than that they should have met opposition 
from the same quarter. As England and the Netherlands a 
hundred years earlier had fought against Spanish and Cath- 
olic supremacy, so now their people were found arrayed 
against the extension of French arbitrary monarchy and its 
territorial ambitions. 

For the moment, indeed, this was not as apparent as it 
was to become in later years, since England and Holland 
were alike divided in their interests. They were then at the 
crisis of long-standing coii^iercial andcolpnia The 

Dutch, though still adhering to a republican form of govern- 
ment, contained a powerful faction, nourishing monarchical 
principles, and devoted to the house of Orange. The English 
were ruled by a monarch who shared his subjects' dislike of 
HoUand, for reasons of his own, and who sympathized se- 
cretly with the arbitrary principles and Catholic faith of his 
cousin, the French king, rather than with the practices of 
his own people. Moreover, he was in continual pressing need 
of money, and quite unscrupulous in obtaining it. Thus he 
became a willing tool of French ambitions, ready at all times 
to exercise his power to keep England as neutral as possible 
in return for the presents and pensions Louis XIV bestowed 
on him. 

So, for a time, the real alignment of issues and antagonists and 
was obscured by the three-cornered rivalry, and the internal F'***** 
situation of the two maritime powers. Not until the question 
of colonial supremacy had been determined in favor of the 
English by two great wars did their mutual danger and 
mutual interests compel them to unite against French Cath- 
olic aggrandizement. And not until two revolutions had set 
the Prince of Orange as ruler over both nations were the 
two peoples finally committed to resist the principles and 
practices of the new school of politics exemplified in Louis 

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The de- 
signs of 
Louis XIV 


XIV. Until that time, as at a similar period in the preceding 
century, the chapter of western European history which now 
began found Holland again the storm-center of affairs. And 
its motive power was Louis XIV. 

Before the true direction of his plans appeared, the French 
king had given notice of his claims to precedence throughout 
the continent. Scarcely was he on the throne when, through 
his ambassadors' challenge of Spanish precedence at the 
Vatican and the English court, his designs on diplomatic 
pre-eminence were revealed. Scarcely were they in evidence 
when his project for securing the Spanish succession to 
himself, the marriage of his brother to Charles. Il/s^sister, 
and the purchase of the Cromwellian conquest of Dunkirk 
from England, developed his position in. the west. ^ At the 
same tiine his despatch of aid to Venice and the Emperor 
against the Turks and his negotiations with the Baltic powers, 
no less than his military prepartions and his advances to 
the west-Qerman princes, witnessed the extent of his far- 
reaching plans. For it became apparent that these involved 
not merely the extension of French boundaries but an am- 
bitioii for. unixftMlsI influence. 

For the moment, indeed, the ultimate objective of these 
designs was masked by the alliance of France and Holland 
and the outbreak of war between England and the Nether- 
laudSj under cover of which the preparations of the French 
king were hurried forward. This second conflict with the 
Dutch was inspired not only by^e long heritage of com- 
mercial and colonial rivalries, but by the personal animosity 
of the English king toward the people who had rendered 
him scant courtesy in his exile and had so recently replaced 
the Stadtholderate by a republican form of government. 
The English attack seemed at first likely to result in the 
overthrow of their rivals. The slight support afforded by 
France, joined to its own valor and resources, scarcely sufficed 
in a land so divided against itself, as was Holland between 
the republican and Orange factions, to withstand such an 
onset. Three naval battles left the advantage in English 
hands. New Amsterdam and Surinam were seized and Hol- 

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lagdijtawer seemed likely to go down before English 
attack. But what the Dutch might not have been able to 
accomplish for themselves, England's weakness and mis- 
fortunes achieved. The maladministration and corruption 
of the English court were thrown in high relief by two of the 
most terrible catastrophes which have visited any European 
capital in modem times, the Great Plague and the Great Fire 1665-6 
of London. Th^ government was brought to the end of its 
offensiye resources; and^a Dutch descent upon the English 
coasts, which for the first time in history brought the thunder Peace of 
of liostile guns within the hearing of the capital, hastened f^^ 
the signature of the treatyudiicL-ended. the war. The Peace 
of Breda preserved Surinam and the spice monopoly to the 
Dutch. England retained New Amsterdam, now named New 
York, in honor of the king's brother, while France secured 
Acadia in return for Antigua, Montserrat, and part of St. 
Kitts. Thus, at the same moment that England extended her 
sovereignty from New England to the West Indies, and 
France established herself more securely in North America, 
Holland virtually disappeared as a colonizing power in that 
quarter of the world. The buffer-state of the New Nether- 
lands was absorbed and the two nations who were ultimately 
to contend for possession of that continent were left face 
to face. 

Almost at once that situation was emphasized by the Tbeftrst 
changes which took place in European politics. Whatever ^^*i.^^ 
the shifting balance of the colonial world, whatever the unset- tion " 
tied rivalry of the English ^nd the Dutch, these were over- ^^'^'^ 
shadowed by the sudden /Revelation of French power and 
ambitions which followed tW conclusion of the Anglo-Dutch 
war. Hardly was the Peace of Breda signed when these 
ambitions were made manifest. Louis set up a claim to the 
Spanish Netherlands on the flimsy pretext of the so-called 
''droit de devolution.^* By this, in spite of its being a 
principle of private law, in spite of his wife's renunciation of 
her inheritance, the king pretended to the possession of 
the coveted provinces through his marriage to the Spanish 
Infanta. Immediately he launched his troops under Turenne. 

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and the 

Treaty of 




The Triple 



against the unfortunate districts. For the moment his ag- 
gressive tactics and his cynical disregard of international 
conventions seemed likely to succeed. But his shameless 
audacity even more than his early victories startled Europe 
into resistance. It was in vain that he bribed his cousin, 
the English king, to keep his people from intervention. It 
was in vain that Condi surprised and overran Franche 
Comt6, and Turenne advanced almost to the Dutch frontiers. 
Though the Emperor's hands were tied by the dangers which 
menaced his power from every direction, the astute diplomacy 
of the Dutch Grand Pensionary, John de Witt, was able to 
summon the Protestant states to his aid against the French 
danger. At the moment that Louis' prize seemed in his 
grasp, the Protestant maritime powers, Sweden, England, 
and Holland, signed, suddenly and secretly, a compact to 
resist further aggression on the part of France. This was the 
famous Triple Alliance, on which the French king's ambition 
foundered. He was compelled to make the Treaty, of Aix4a - 
Chapelle, which, though it gave him some of the so-called 
Darner fortresses of the Spanish Netherlands, forced him to 
give up Franche Comt6 and postpone his vengeance on the 
Dutch to a more propitious time. 

Such were the circumstances which ushered in the new era 
of European polity. No less important than those armed 
conflicts was the signature of the Triple Alliance. That 
treaty was of significance, not merely because it momen- 
tarily checked the ambitions of France to extend her boun- 
daries, nor because it brought the Protestant states again 
into alliance, least of all because it endured as a permanent 
factor in affairs. It was hardly framed when the disin- 
tegrating influence of inevitable rivalries, fomented by French 
diplomacy, began its dissolution. But its immediate effect 
none the less demonstrated the strength of the doctrine and 
practice of the balance of power in European affairs. If 
Louis XIV had shown that a powerful ruler, unhampered 
by the moral considerations which make for peace between 
states, was a tremendous danger to the security and progress 
of European society, the alliance on which his ambition 

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broke revealed the fact that Europe had found an efficient 
remedy for even this great evil. And, while French jurists 
and diplomats, reinforced by French armies, prepared a new 
enterprise against Alsace as the first of those long-continued 
efforts to extend their borders across the Rhine, so, building 
on the example set by de Witt and his coadjutors, coalition 
after coalition sprang into existence^ until the principle of 
the equilibrium of forces took its place among the recognized 
precepts of international polity. Thus, at the moment when 
Europe seemed most in danger, it devised a safeguard against 
the revived doctrine of predominance, if not supremacy, of 
any power over the rest of the continent. 

For the time, indeed, it seemed that even this remedy France and 
might not be efficacious and that Louis was in a fair way Sif^SJ^ 
to accomplish no small part of his designs. The real keystone 
of the new diplomatic arch was England, and to detach her 
from her allies the French king was quick to take advantage 
of the peculiar situation in which she found herself. The 
triumphant burst of extravagant royalism which had united 
her two chief parties, Anglican and Presbyterian, to recall 
the king, had wrecked the loose-woven elements of which the 
old CromweUian party had been composed. Under the influ- 
enee of reviving loyalty to church and crown and the fear of 
continued anarchy the Anglicans had secured control of the 
new House of Commons, elected in the first months of Charles 
II !s reign, and destined to the longest life of any English 
Parliament. The Savoy Conference between the representa- 
tives of the rival communions failed, doubtless by intention, 
to provide a compromise which would insure the compre- 
hension of the more moderate sects within the old ecclesi- 
astical establishment. The Parliament, under the direction . 
of the chief minister. Clarendon, enacted laws which deprived 
all save the Anglicans^ of political power, in so far as that 
could be accomplished by the terrors of an oath. Betrayed 
by the king on whom they had relied, by the Parliament 
whose persecuting spirit they could not check, and excluded 
from aU hope of union with the established church, the Eng- 
lish Dissenters, or Nonconformists, were thrown upon their 

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The rise of 





own resources. The breach between them and their trium- 
phant enemies became irreconcilable, and the English 
people were thenceforth divided against themselves on re- 
ligious lines. These emphasized a cleavage, first social, pres- 
ently political, between the two groups, which became no 
small factor in the world of thought and action, in regions 
far beyond the narrow confines of English domestic concerns. 

In particular there arose from this situation a permanent 
element in public affairs of profound importance in the his- 
tory of government During the bitter conflicts of the ensuing 
decade and a half, the Presbyterians were transformed into 
a so-called Country Party, organized in opposition to the 
designs of the court. Thid, chiefly recruited at first from 
the Nonconformists and the more moderate Anglicans, grad- 
ually formulated a program, developed an organization, 
a following, and a set of political principles, into a disci- 
plined and permanent Opposition in Parliament. At the 
same time the Court Party crystallized into like form, and 
the growing antagonism of the two bodies deepened the line 
of demarcation ; till from them arose the political organisms 
known as the Whig and Tory parties. Their importance was 
not confined to English politics alone, nor even to their imme- 
diate influence on foreign affairs, in which the Country Party 
determined England's position as the enemy of Louis XIV. 
With them began a more truly popular government. And 
when the parliamentary system spread throughout the Euro- 
pean world in the ensuing century and a half, it was in 
English parties, as in the English Parliament, that the 
widening circle of self-governing communities found models 
for their principles and practices. 

The first result of this cleavage in English politics, how- 
ever, was in no small degree unfortunate, for in its rivalries 
the French king found an opportunity to render England 
impotent in continental affairs. To offset the popular antag- 
onism toward France and Catholicism, he bribed Charles to 
adjourn or prorogue his Parliament whenever it grew too 
dangerous to French plans. To render its efforts futile when 
it met he intrigued with opposition leaders, reinforced their 

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stragglefl against the policy of the crown in asserting its 
anpremacy in matters ecclesiastical, and so assisted in pro- 
ducing administratiye deadlocks. To divert attention from 
his own designs and to farther weaken his enemies he 
encouraged the old Anglo-Dutch rivalry. Meanwhile, his 
diplomacy was busy isolating his intended victim. He dis- 
rupted the Triple Alliance by the secret Treaty of Dover with 16T0 
Charles 11, and a concurrent arrangement with Sweden, which 
brought both powers to the side of France. He subsidized 
the bishops of Miinster and Cologne, and, five years after 
the signature of the Triple Alliance, he hurled his troops 
upon the Netherlands. At the same moment his English 
allies again launched their fleets against their ancient rivals 
in a last effort to secure the mastery of the sea. 

Before this joint attack it seemed that the Dutch were The 
doomed to extinction as a European power. Turenne and Yre^ 
Cond^ easily overran their southern provinces. The English atuck on 
won a great victory over their fleet in Southwold Bay; and JJyS^ 
in a popular rising the mob of Amsterdam fell upon John 
de Witt and his brother Cornelius, put them to death, and 
left the state for the moment without a head. But the very 
crisis which threatened the existence of the Netherlands as 
a nation, suddenly revealed a new hero to the European 
world. In William, Prince of Orange, now elevated by the 
overthrow of the republican enemies of his house to the con- 
duct of affairs, Holland was destined to find a preserver, 
and Louis XIV a worthy antagonist. Brave, phlegmatic, 
determined, gifted beyond any man of his day in diplomacy, 
statesmanship, and war, bred from his earliest youth in the 
School of public affairs, and accustomed to danger and 
intrigue, the young prince was a fit successor to those com- 
manders and statesmen who had raised his country to inde- 
pendence and national greatness. 

His courage revived that of his countrymen, while his The 
military skill made head even against the genius of the French ^*^^ 
generals ; and his diplomacy enlisted Spain and the Emperor France 
against the threat of French predominance. Brandenburg 
was won to his side by the fear of the Swedes and the 

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"War of 
tion " 


entry Into 
the war 

danger to her western provinces. At the same time the 
rising English sentiment against the increasing danger from 
French and Catholic ambitions overpowered the hatred of 
Holland, drove from power the Cabal ministry which had 
succeeded that of Clarendon, and compelled a treaty with 
the Dutch. Again, at a critical moment, Holland found a 
savior in the house of Orange, as William's adroit and des- 
perate diplomacy revealed France and her allies face to face 
with a coalition of the most powerful states of Europe. 

Despite the earlier successes of the French, and the Swedish 
inroads into Brandenburg which diverted the Great Elector 
rom sending aid to Holland, despite French naval victories 
in the Mediterranean over the Spanish and the Dutch, the 
victory of Cond6 over William, and Turenne's ravages in 
the Palatinate, Louis XIY's forces made head with increas- 
ing difSculty against their enemies. Frederick William, 
hastening back to defend his threatened provinces, not only 
struck an effective blow at Swedish prestige by his victory 
at Fehrbellin but laid the foimdations for Prussian tradi- 
tions of supremacy in arms. The seizure of Ghent by the 
Frvich ill-compensated them for the death of Turenne in 
the Palatinate; and Louis XIV 's efforts to keep England 
neutral by bribery of all parties in the state were rendered 
futile by the determination of the country to enter the lists 
against France. Stimulated by the agents of the allies, no 
less than by their own inclinations, the leaders of the Opposi- 
tion pressed on toward war. Supplies were voted for an 
army and a fleet ; and, in spite of his obligations to his cousin 
and his own inclinations, Charles II was compelled to yield. 

His well-founded complaint that in taking from him the 
direction of foreign policy the Commons had invalidated the 
royal prerogative was significant of the changes effected in 
this great crisis. With the marriage of William of Orange 
to the English princess, Mary, it was apparent that England 
would no longer be restrained from a part in the war. It 
was scarcely less evident that the old rivalry of the English 
and the Dutch would thenceforth be lost in common ani- 
mosity against their common enemy. And when, at the same 

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moment, the Emperor's hands were freed to aid the allies, 
it was perceived by the French king that he conld no longer 
prevail against such odds. 

Under such circumstances peace seemed imperative to the The 
Grand Monarque. Negotiations already begun at Nymwegen jS y^tp^L^n 
were hurried to a con- 1678 

elusion, and ten years after 
the Triple Alliance, the 
cycle of events which had 
brought such useless blood- 
shed to the people of the 
west was completed by a 
return to peace and the re- 
adjustment of European 
relations on the basis of an 
altering balance of national 
power. Brandenburg, com- 
pelled to postpone her 
ambition in the Baltic, ex- 
changed her conquests in 
Pomerania for East Fries- 
land and an indemnity. 
Holland preserved her 
provinces intact; the Em- 
peror gave up Freiburg 
and the Breisgau for Phil- 
ippsburg ; while France 
and Spain divided a long 
line of barrier fortresses 
along the borders of the 
Low Countries. 

Such were the territorial results of Louis XIV 's second 
adventure in war and diplomacy. But it is evident, even in 
a bare outline of those events in western Europe which filled 
the first eighteen years of his long reign, that, of themselves, 
the relations between England, Holland, France, and the 
west-German princes could scarcely have exhausted the inter- 
est of European history in this period. During those mo- 

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burg and 

mentoos years when French armies and French ambassadors 
dazzled the continent and roused the antagonism of half 
Europe, it was, in fact, in other quarters and in far different 
hands than the spectacular activities of Louis XIV, that 
most of the real interests of progress were conserved and 
advanced. Two movements, in particular, challenged the 
triumphs of the French king with solid achievements of 
constructive work. The first comprised the complex activities 
of the powers beyond the Elbe^ in Europe itself ; the second 
was the activity of Europeans in North America. 

Of these, the former related itself most closely to that long 
series of events which culminated in the Peace of Nymwegen. 
What the reign of Louis XIV was to France and the house 
of Bourbon, that of Frederick William, "the Great Elector" 
of Brandenburg, was to his house and state, and that of 
Leopold I to Austria and the Hapsburg dynasty. What the 
wars in the west were to France, England, and the Nether- 
lands, the simultaneous conflicts among the Baltic powers, 
the Empire, and the Turks were to the eastern states. And 
of far greater permanent importance to the fortunes of the 
continent than the personal ambitions of Louis XIV were 
the rise of Brandenburg and the final repulse of Turkish 

The reign of the French king unquestionably was a great 
epoch in the development of European civilization. His 
very luxury stimulated that tendency of his countrymen 
toward the refinements of life which inspired imitation 
and invigorated their industry. It might be argued that 
his ambition for conquest compelled his antagonists to 
exertions which redounded to their ultimate advantage. Yet 
with all the prestige which he enjoyed in his own day 
and since, it is doubtful whether the splendid Grand 
Monarque contributed more to the real progress of the con- 
tinent and its peoples than the hard-worMng, uninspiring 
Prussian prince who, rather by management than war, fos- 
tered and organized the resources of his disjointed patrimony. 
Certainly his service was not greater than that of the Arch- 
duke-Emperor whose youth was spent in building to^ 

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chnrclied and whose age was dominated by the Jesuits, yet 
whose slender abilities, steeled by unfaltering confidence in 
his family and his faith, enabled his dynasty to emerge 
triumphant from the greatest crisis in its history, and, with 
the aid of his heroic allies, to roll back the last attempt of 
Asia to overwhelm the civilization of Europe. Neither in 
dramatic interest nor in solid results, was the great French 
adventure in the west superior to the drama which at the 
same time unfolded itself in distant Poland, with the heroic 
John SobiesM as its central figure. 

The story of eastern Europe in the years when France 
challenged the domination of the continent is a tangled skein 
of many twisted threads, and the Peace of Nymwegen deter- 
mined not alone the measure of the French king's successes 
and failures. « It marked a turning-point in the fortunes of 
the whole continent. Between the east and west the far- 
aspiring diplomacy of Louis XIV in his relations with Sweden 
and Brandenburg, Poland, the Empire, and the Turks formed 
a connecting link of common interests. Yet each of these 
various elements played, no less, its independent part in the 
complex developments which found expression in the famous 
peace; and from their interaction with the French designs 
there presently emerged a readjustment of general European 

In the north the long rivalry of the Baltic states had been The 
stimulated by their relations with events in the west. Den- p^JJe^j ° 
mark's alliance with the Dutch and her persistent mainte- 
nance of the so-called ''Sound dues," which her control of 
the Baltic gateway enabled her to demand, had brought her 
into conflict with England. This was important as one of 
the earliest efforts of the new international law to free sea- 
going commerce from that species of feudal restriction which 
had disappeared on land. That controversy had been largely 
precipitated and composed by Cromwell who, in pursuance 
of his Protestant and commercial policy, had made terms with 
Sweden and Denmark. By them English ships enjoyed for 
a time the freedom accorded to the Dutch, but the issue 
was not finally determined and remained to vex Europe 

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for two centuries more. But the chief interest of Danish 
activitieiS lay in the circumstance that, like Sweden, her 
people, wearying of noble and clerical dominance, assented to 

1660 a Lex Regia, which made the king virtually absolute. It was 

symbolic of that general reaction in favor of royalty which, 
marked the transition from the Age of Cromwell to the 
Age of Louis XIV, and seemed to presage the fall of popular 
influence in government. 

That tendency, which had restored Charles II to the Eng- 
lish throne and presently made William of Orange Stadt- 
holder of the United Netherlands, was even more conspicuous 
in Sweden. Seduced from the policy which, under her domi- 
nant aristocracy had brought her into the Triple Alliance, she 

1660 had, on the majority of Charles XI, put the state in his 

hands; and like his English namesake, the Swedish king 
entered the train of Louis XIV. The change was fatal to his 
country's ambitions, and all but fatal to her ascendancy. 
Her army was beaten by the Brandenburgers, her fleet was 
first crippled by the Dutch and then destroyed by their allies, 
the Danes. And it was a bitter commentary on her policy 
that the power which had played a leading part in the nego- 
tiations of Westphalia was only enabled to retain her 
boundaries thirty years later by the French king's resolution 
not to abandon his ally at the Peace of Nymwegen. 

The Great Far different was the case of Brandenburg, whose astute, 

iqSo^ unheroic Elector was no less bent on the extension of his 
boundaries and his power than the French king himself, and 
exerted his talents with no less success. His first care was 
the establishment of his authority. By his adroit and arbi- 
trary management the privileges of the Estates of Branden- 
burg were limited, and the restless nobility of Prussia and 
Cleves repressed. The right to tax was enforced through- 
out his various lordships as an expression of sovereignty, no 
less than to increase revenue, and the straggling possessions 
of the Hohenzollems began to take on some appearance of 
administrative if not of territorial unity. His stem but ef- 
ficient administration maintained an army out of proportion 
to the extent and resources of his lands; and with his ''state 

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all sting" he was enabled to play a part to which the size 
of his dominions would otherwise not have entitled him. 
Meanwhile he bent his energies to the enlargement of those 
lands, by the extension of his authority over the Hohenzollem 
share of the Cleves-Jiilich inheritance, the acquisition of 
East Friesland and Magdeburg, Schwebus, and part of 
Pomerania. More important still was his effort to make his 
subjects prosperous, and thus increase his revenue. Every 
part of his dominions felt the impulse of an executive which 
lent itself to projects of drainage and canals, to the improve- 
ment of agriculture, the encouragement of immigration, and 
the spread of manufacturing industries, no less than to 
diplomacy and war. Scarcely anywhere in Europe was there 
a power which so fully represented the dominant tendencies 
of the age of absolutist nationality as did the disjointed 
territories of this second-rate state. As it developed a 
strong, well-organized administration, steadily reinforced by 
increasing economic prosperity, and directed by competent 
military, diplomatic, and political capacity, it prepared to 
claim a higher rank in European affairs. 

The manifold activities of Frederick William and the am- Poland ana 
bitious plans by which he hoped to bring his electorate from f^^^ 
merely (German into European polity were meanwhile favored 
no less by the entanglements of his neighbors upon the east 
and south than by the relative decline of his northern rival. 
Poland and Russia, in particular, formed the antithesis to 
Brandenburg. The one was rent by one of those recurrent 
struggles for the throne, which, at this time, followed the 
abdication of John Casimir Vasa, and divided the warlike 
nobility, even while the great Cossack revolt transferred the 
allegiance of those wild horsemen from Warsaw to Moscow. 

For Russia this was a doubtful gain in the disturbed condi- 
tion of the state. Tom by the Baskol, or great schism, she now 
revealed a powerful element filled with fanatical hatred of 
aU change, especially of those west-European influences which 
were making way among the Muscovites. The quarrels with 
Poland over the Cossacks were accentuated by the turbulence 
of those new subjects; and until the resulting war with the 

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and the 

1667 Turks left Zaporogia and the Ukraine in Russian hands, the 

wide lands along the Don, the Dnieper, and the Cadpian were 
the scene of war and pillage. Meanwhile, the religious 
fanatics, escaping the clutches of the government, bore with 
them seeds of disaffection into the forests and the wastes even 
while they extended the hold of Russia upon the vast and 
sparsely settled lands which surrounded her on nearly every 
side. And had it not been that Poland was scarcely less 
disturbed by the complexities of her dynastic rivalries and 
harassed by conflict with the Swede and Turk, the Czars 
might well have rued the day that brought new cause of 
quarrel with their neighbors on the west. 

Such was the situation of the north and east in those 
years when France aspired to control the west. Save in so 
far as Sweden and Brandenburg had emphasized their grow- 
ing rivalry by taking different sides in Louis XIV 's wars, 
and Denmark found herself embroiled between the English 
and the Dutch, those powers played no decisive part in the 
western conflict. It was far different with Austria. If 
Holland, between England and France, was a storm-center 
of that struggle, the Emperor, between the Turks and Louis 
XIV 's German ambitions, found his position no less hazard- 
ous. Along hi9 wide frontiers lay the heart of that great 
problem which for five hundred years has disturbed the 
peace of the continent, — the Ottoman Turks. These now 
approached another crisis in their long career, and at the 
moment when Louis XIV prepared to execute his designs 
against his neighbors, they showed signs of a revival of those 
energies which had so terrified Europe in the preceding cen- 

The Turks It had been the good fortune of the Christian powers that 
the Thirty Years' War had found the Turks unable to take 
advantage of their opportunity to extend their conquests 
while their enemies were engaged in religious conflict. For 
the eighty years after the death of Suleiman the Magnificent, 
the aggressive strength of his people, following their defeat 
at Lepanto, had gradually declined, with the incompetence 
of their rulers and the disorganization of their military force. 

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But the Age of Cromwell had revealed signs of their reviving 
activity. Its first manifestation was their attack on Crete, 1648- 
whose siege, beginning in the year of the Peace of Westphalia, 
dragged its slow length for twenty years, till, just as the 
Triple Alliance came into being, the fall of Candia wrested 1668 
from Venice the most important possession left to her in the 
eastern Mediterranean. 

In large measure Turkish regeneration was due to one The 
family. At the moment that Cromwell concluded his war ^"^^^Jg** 
with Spain, a palace revolution had brought to the head of 
Ottoman affairs an old Albanian, Mohammed Kiuprili, as 
Grand Vizier. Under his relentless severity the Turks began 
to recover something of their famous skill in the one branch 
of human activity for which they seemed peculiarly adapted, 
the art of war; and for forty years thereafter, guided by 
some member of the Kiuprili family, they again threatened 
the peace of eastern Europe, and with it the course of events 
in the west. 

The brunt of their attack fell, as always, upon Austria, The 
then iU-prepared for such a stubborn conflict. The diverse xurkS 
territories which Leopold had inherited were united only by war 
his personal rule and were in no condition to give him the 
adsistance he required. Bohemia was wasted with war and 
cowed by the disasters of the long conflict which had begun 
in her borders. The portion of Hungary remaining under 
Hapsburg rule seethed with disaffection; and beyond its 
boundaries the restless principality of Transylvania — ^whose 
control was still in dispute — ^was scarcely more than a de- 
pendency of the Porte. And while Buda Pesth as an outpost 
of Turkish power threatened the imperial boundaries on the 
east and south, the old enmity of Sweden was now reinforced 
by the rising power of Prance which endangered the Em- 
peror*s authority upon the west and north. 

Looking about for aid, Leopold found his two natural allies 
against the Turks, Russia and Poland, absorbed in mutual 
antagonism and internal difSculties. His appeal to the princes 
of the Empire brought little response. But Louis XIV, to 
whom he was flnally driven to apply, was not unwilling to 

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Battle of 
St. Goth- 


The Turks, 
the Cos- 
sacks, and 

play a generous part which, at the same time, enabled him 
to secure some influence in that quarter of Europe. Prom 
him the harassed Emperor was able to secure a contingent 
o|' French troops. Thus reinforced, the imperial commander, 
Montecuculi, seized a defensive position on the Baab, and 
there — ^at almost the same moment that the English fleet, as 
a prelude to the Anglo-Dutch war, took possession of New 
Amsterdam — ^was fought one of the decisive engagements of 
modern times. Unable to force the Austrian position, the 
Turks were first repulsed, then all but annihilated in the 
great battle of St. Qothard. Not since Don John of Austria 
had crushed their naval power at Lepanto a century before 
had they suffered such a decisive reverse; and, as a result, 
they were compelled to sign a truce for twenty years. With 
this the Empire gained a breathing-space for the prosecution 
of the great enterprises which awaited her elsewhere. 

Disastrous as was the battle of St. Gothard to the ad- 
vance of the Turks along the Danube, they were still dan- 
gerous. Though they were foiled in their attack on Austria, 
and compelled to share the suzerainty of Transylvania with 
Leopold, though their hold on Hungary was shaken, they 
were far from the end of their aggressions. The year of 
the Triple Alliance had seen their conquest of Crete despite 
the aid despatched by Louis XIV to the heroic defenders of 
its capital. And, four years thereafter, the joint attack of 
England and France upon Holland was accompanied by a 
Turkish and Cossack descent upon Poland. 

The course of events in these two coincident yet widely 
diverse conflicts was curiously similar. Each of the states 
attacked was divided against itself by factions aspiring to 
control its destinies. Each seemed about to sink beneath the 
force and treachery of its enemies; and each, in the great 
crisis of its fate, found a deliverer. For as the Netherlands 
were saved by the stubborn courage and adroit diplomacy 
of WiUiam III, so Poland was preserved by the military skill 
of John Sobieski. At the same moment that the Prince of 
Orange drew together the forces of a second coalition against 
his great antagonist, at Khoczim the Polish levies, under 

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Sobieski's leadership, turned back the tide of barbarism which 1673 
threatened their country's existence. And as de Witt had 
been replaced by William III, so the new Polish hero, some- 
time a pensioner of the French king, was raised to that 
precarious throne, against whose former occupant he had 
conspired. Nor was this all of his great services to Poland 
and to Europe generally. During the following year, while 
the Swedes were being beaten at Fehrbellin, and Turenne's 
conquest of the Palatinate was ended by his death, Sobieski's 1675 
victory at Lemberg relieved Poland from the fear of Cossack 
and Turk alike. 

It was inevitable that this series of events should react Austria 
on the west. Had Austria during these years been at liberty pe^^f 
to direct her full strength to the defense of Germany, the Nymwegcn 
whole career of Louis XIV might have been different. This 
was at once apparent when the Emperor, relieved of the 
danger from the Turks, despatched their conqueror, Montecu- 
culi, to face Turenne and co-operate with William III and 
his allies. The imperial general was no less fortunate on 
the Bhine than on the Danube. His cannon cost Louis XIV 
the services of Turenne; his ability manoBUvered the French 
out of Germany; and, as he had earlier saved the eastern 
borders of the Empire from the Turk he now relieved its 
western states from the French. 

The effect of the Turkish defeats and Montecuculi's success, 
joined to the activities of the great coalition William III had 
built, and to the threat of English hostility, proved too great 
for the French king's resources. It was in vain his diplomats 
had striven east and west to avert defeat. The Polish throne 
was occupied by SobiesM, who had become a firm ally of 
Austria. Not all French urgency availed to move the Turks 
to break their truce and face again the Poles and the Im- 
perialists. The Hungarians, under Tokolyi, who had sig- 
nalized his leadership by a medal inscribed ''Ludovicus XIV, 
Galliae Bex, Protector Hungariae," remained in arms against 
the Emperor. But their power was small, and the unnatural 
policy which joined Frenchmen, Swedes, Turks, and rebel 
Hungarians against the rest of Europe broke down before a 

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coalition which from English Parliamentary opposition on 
the west to a reviving Empire on the east, combined against 
the enemy of European peace. Thus were woven the elements 
of the Peace of Nymwegen on which was wrecked another 
effort to subordinate Europe to a single power. 

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With the treaties of Nymwegen Louis XIV virtually reached Louis XIV 
the height of his power if not of his ambitions and his pres- p^^ ^^ 
tige. For a decade and a half his armies and his diplomats Nymwegen 
had disturbed the peace of Europe in an attempt to give 
Prance wider boundaries. However slight the handbreadth 
of territory which was the reward of such an expenditure 
of blood and treasure, it had required the efforts of half the 
continent to check his aggressions, and he stood forth, in 
consequence, the greatest figure of the European world. Yet 
his desire for fame and power, growing by what it fed on, 
aspired to fresh triumphs; while Prance, infected by his 
spirit of aggrandizement, and filled with the spirit of 
militant nationality, remained a menace to the quiet of the 

Scarcely touched by the religious zeal which had inspired 
Gustavus and Cromwell, unmoved by the spirit of intellectual 
and political liberty which found expression in the Nether- 
lands and England, Louis XIV, save in his identification 
with the principle of nationality, had thus far appeared only 
as a destructive and reactionary force in the European world. 
The glamor of military glory and diplomatic pre-eminence, 
the glitter of a brilliant court, and the splendid burst of 
intellectual genius which accompanied and lent luster to his 
reign, could not conceal the great danger to European progress 
which every triumph that he won brought with it. Por 
the real value of his personal activities and ambitions lay 
rather in the opposition which they evoked and which was 
to make their realization impossible. Thus during those mo- 
mentous years when Prench armies and Prench ambassadors 
dazzled the imagination of the continent and roused the 


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antagonism of half the sovereigns of Europe, it was in other 
quarters and in far different hands that the substantial prog^ 
ress of mankind was chiefly conserved and advanced. The 
Peace of Nymwegen determined not alone the limits of the 
French king's ambitions, it marked a turning point in the 
fortunes of the continent^ only second in importance to West- 
Opposition If, from the commanding eminence which he occupied, 
desiffDs I^Tiis XIV's vision had been capable of wider range, he 
would have seen that the position which he had assumed, 
despite the apparent greatness which it brought, had per- 
mitted his ambition to lead him and his nation into a by-path 
of European progress. That position was, indeed, the cul- 
mination of the older traditions of arbitrary power, of Euro- 
pean domination, the apotheosis of kingship as it was then 
understood. In him that school of thought and practice of 
government reached its climax. But in the very days of 
his ascendancy it was in far different fields and very different 
hands that Europe was turning to other ends. Not in the 
narrow theater of the Rhineland and the Low Countries, 
nor in the extension of personal and irresponsible sovereignty, 
still less in the domination of the continent, lay the important 
lines of future progress. At the very hour of its apparent 
triumph the idea of divine right of kings was about to 
receive a fatal blow. At the very height of its challenge to 
the control of the destinies of Europe was bom the idea of 
balance of power which made the continued supremacy of 
any single state impossible. Thus while war and diplomacy 
seemed to Louis XIV, and to most men besides, the principal 
business of mankind, the forces of commerce and colonization 
were altering the foundations of power in regions far 
beyond his ken, and so re-shaping the bases of government and 
France Not that France was without those who perceived the 

tfte sea truth far more clearly than the Grand Monarque. At the 
moment that his energies and those of his subjects were en- 
gaged in the struggle for the Low Countries, far from the 
precincts of his brilliant court, far from France itself, scarcely 

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heeded by the ruler whom they served, other and humbler 
Frenchmen were laying foundations for a wider empire than 
all his European conquests could have won. For, in the years 
he gave to the attack upon the Netherlands, there was first 
laid bare, under French auspices, the vast interior of North 
America, where men aspired to found a new and broader 
France. While their master contended for the few miles of 
coveted sea-coast, and his contemporaries in the east hurled 
back the Turkish hosts, a new chapter was begun in the history 
of Europe by these daring adventurers. 

What dreams France had of this great exploit were chiefly Colbert 
centered in the far-reaching designs of the minister of finance, ^^^^-^ 
Colbert, in whose hands the expanding forces of French 
commerce and colonies now woke to new life. What enduring 
achievement France accomplished was chiefly due to him. 
The new minister personified the altering forces of his time. 
From a draper's apprentice to service under Mazarin, by 
him bequeatEed to Louis XIV, Colbert had early signalized 
his advent to power by reorganizing the finances whose 
condition had been no small cause of French decline during 
Cromwell's ascendancy, and whose prosperity was a large 
element in Louis' successes. He established a council of 
finance and an exchequer court, punished dishonest farmers 
of the revenue, and arbitrarily scaled down the public debt. 
He established what was virtually the first system of customs 
duties or tariff in the modem sense. In twenty years he 
increased by half the revenues of the state, while decreasing 
the cost of its collection in even greater proportion, and thus 
revealed himself as the first great master of modem European 
public finance. 

Nor were his activities confijtied to the administration of 
the revenues. Conmierce was encouraged; an infinity of 
industries, especially lace-making and silk-weaving, were 
added to French resources. Roads were built and supple- 
mented by a network of water communication crowned by 
the Languedoc canal, which provided France not merely 
with interior communication but an inland waterway from 
the Atlwtic to the Mediterranean. Thus he filled the first 

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great need of her uidnstry. Created minister of marine^ he 
created in turn a navy^ and, in the process of improving 
the civil laws, enriched them by special codes for the marine 
and for the colonies. He was no less a patron of learning 
and the arts, of science and literature, than of the business 
interests. He founded academies of science, inscriptions, 
and architecture, and so set France on the way to wider and 
more enduring successes. And, finally, ''persecuted because 
he had brains without birth by those who had birth without 
brains,'* he met his reward in popular execration for the 
taxes he was compelled to raise, and royal neglect by him 
for whom he raised them. 

His Of all Colbert's many claims to remembrance as one of 

pla^^ the founders of modem Europe, not the least is that, amid 
the clash of arms, he re-founded French colonial empire. It 
was high time that this was done, if France was ever to 
play a part beyond the sea. In the first year of Louis XIV 's 
reign the powerful tribe of the Iroquois, who held the lands 
south of the St. Lawrence and the two most easterly of the 
Qreat Lakes of North America, had almost destroyed the 
slender population of New France, and cut them oflp from 
the way to the west and its wealth of furs. To the despair- 
ing appeal of the survivors the French government had 
responded generously. The power of the old company of 

1669- the Hundred Associates, into whose hands Richelieu had 

given the administration of the colony, was replaced by that 
of the crown. A Sovereign Council was created; a governor 
and intendant appointed; five hundred colonists were sent 
out and given maintenance for a year at state expense; and 
New France became a royal province. For its protection 
troops were despatched, forts built along the Richelieu, and 
the Iroquois so severely defeated that they were no longer 
a menace to the French frontiers or the fur traders. This 
accomplished, a part of the soldiers was left in garrison, as 
settlers; more emigrants arrived, including some shiploads 
of young women; and a premium on marriage established 

1668 foundations of a sound colonial society. Thus revived and 

strengthened, New France took its place among European 

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colonies as the peculiar product of French royal power, in 
the first decade of the new king's reign. 

From it three elements almost at once began the extension Explora- 
of French influence westward and northward into the wilder- ^^^ 
ness. As the spirit of colonial enterprise passed from the 
hands of Portugal and Spain to the other powers; as English 
and Dutch traders and religious refugees opened the ways 
of commerce and settlement; French soldiers, priests, and 
fur-traders vied with each other for the control of this new 

It was, above all, to the priests and fur-traders that France 
owed her empire. Nowhere in the stirring annals of European 
adventure among savage peoples is the story of their daring 
and devotion overmatched. A handful of explorers braved 
almost incredible experiences to open up the interior of North 
America to French enterprise. The high courage and self- 
sacrifice of the Jesuits and their followers not only maintained 
the highest traditions of an order notable for those great 
qualities : it contributed, perhaps, more than any other single 
force to the strength of France in America. Badisson and 
Oroseillers had earlier followed the track of Nicolet, and 
now, as the danger from the Iroquois subsided, the explorer 
Joliet was despatched along their trail to^ find the copper 
deposits about Lake Superior rumors of ^ which had reached 
Quebec. Returning from an unsuccessful search for that 
source of wealth, he met a party under Robert, Cavalier LaSaUe / 

de La Salle, who, with Sulpician missionaries accompany- 
ing him, had just signalized his entry into the field of ex- 
ploration by the discovery of that tremendous gorge through 
which the water of the Great Lakes plunges on its way to 
the dea, Niagara Falls. Thence, parting from his priestly 1669-70 
companions, who retraced Joliet 's course to the missions 
which their predecessors had established on the distant shores 
of Green Bay, La Salle found his way to the Allegheny. 
Thereafter he made his way to the river which drains 
the western slopes of the Allegheny Mountains, now for the 
first time seen by Europeans, and known as the Ohio. From 
this momentous journey the intrepid explorer returned to 

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lead another expedition northwest to Mackinac, and thence 
by way of Lake Michigan and the lUinoiB. There he founded 
the post of Fort Crdvecoeur and sent some of his followers 
farther on, across the vast prairies stretching to and beyond 
the Father of Waters, which flowed, men thought, either to 
the southern gulf or to the Pacific. In such fashion was the 
way into the heart of the continent revealed. 

Re-drawing of Joliet's map. The medallion contained the inscription. 
Compare with Hennepin's map (facing p. 80). 

Before La Salle had reached his goal New France felt a 
fresh impulse. Her energetic ruler, Talon, under whose 
auspices these initial explorations had been carried on, was 
replaced by the Count de Frontenac, who sent Joliet to find 
a way to the great river which now became the goal of French 
exploring enterprise. Joined at Mackinac by a Jesuit mis- 
sionary, the two found their way to Green Bay, thence by the 
Fox River to Lake Winnebago, then to and down the Wis- 
consin. At the same moment that on the eastern edge of 
Europe John Sobieski drew his forces to resist the Turks 
and farther west William III rallied to his support the princes 
of the continent to check the aggressions of Louis XIV, the 

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two French adventurers reached the Mississippi River, laid 
bare the secret of the heart of North America, and, as it 
was to prove in no long time, widened the area for which 
their master was to strive against his foes. 

Thereafter, as the great continental war went on, the ener- The secur- 
gies of New France were directed to securing the way into ^fg^'***® 
this vast interior. Under the guidance of Frontenac, who 
brought to its accomplishment the talents which had earlier 
given him reputation in German and Italian wars and gained 
him the favor of Maurice of Nassau, the government's first 
care was for the military control of the route to the west. 
A seigneury near Fort Frontenac wa^ conferred on his lieu- 
tenant, La Salle, who obtained a patent from the crown and 
planned the commercial conquest of the inland empire. 
Accompanied by his friend and follower, the Italian ofiicer, 
Tonty, and a R^coUet friar, Hennepin, the great adventurer 
next established a post at Niagara, and, at the same moment 1679 
that the Peace of Nymwegen was being signed, prepared an 
expedition to bring the Ohio and Mississippi valleys under 
French control. Such a plan, successfully accomplished, 
would have given his native land a far more splendid and 
valuable heritage than she could hope to gain along the blood- 
stained boundaries at home. Properly supported, it would 
have enabled her to anticipate the advance of the English 
sea-coast colonies across the Alleghenies into the hinterland, 
and make France supreme in North America. 

Some men, even in France, saw the vision. If the am- Colbert's 
bitions of La Salle and Frontenac had led France to the P^°^ 
threshold of a magnificent achievement, the view of the great 
minister who encouraged and supported them had meanwhile 
taken an even wider range. At the same moment that the 
explorers brought the interior of the North American con- 
tinent under French influence, Colbert embarked upon far- 
reaching plans of colonial and commercial enterprise, of 
which even the great exploits of the heroes of New France 
formed but a part. Beginning with the reorganization of 
Canada, he sought to rival English and Dutch success in 
the foundation of trading corporations. The old Northern 

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or Baltic company and that of the Levant were galvanized 
into new activity and reinforced by an African company 
basing its privileges on a treaty negotiated with Algiers. 
The moribund Senegal Association, ceding some of its privi- 
leges to a French West India corporation, was transformed 
into a new body; while the societies trading to the east were 
fused into a French East India Company under whose aus- 
pices it was proposed to enter the Persian field and open 
relationd with Madagascar. At the same time the various 
interests in the west from Canada to St. Christopher were 
combined in the hands of the French West India Company. 
Thus equipped, with a naval force prepared to protect the 
commerce which this burst of company promotion was ex- 
pected to pour into France, Colbert planned to challenge the 
Anglo-Dutch monopoly of colonial and commercial enterprise. 
Frendi But the ambitious plans which were to have brought French 

expansion po^er about the Atlantic from Quebec to the Cape of Good 
Hope and extend its influence through the nearer and the 
farther East, were destined to brief existence. The temper 
of the times, the ambitions of the monarch whom Colbert 
served, and, above all, the genius of his people^ did not lend 
themselves to the devices which brought fortune #tnd empire 
to England and the Netherlands. Like Spain and Portugal, 
France achieved her ends by different means. A few years 
of unsuccessful experiment and the colonies were united to 
the crown. Yet the efforts of Colbert and his lieutenants 
were by no means wholly vain. The expeditions of French 
traders and missionaries not merely widened the bounds of 
their country's knowledge and power; they poured into her 
markets a tremendous wealth of furs. More important still, 
from the standpoint of her rulers, they secured an increasing 
influence over the Indian tribes, providing allies w&o enabled 
her to maintain pretensions to the interior of North America 
for three-quarters of a century, and a position which other- 
wise would soon have become untenable. The development 
of the marine reinforced the warlike ambitions of the king 
and brought into existence a navy which in a dozen years 
was able to challenge even English supremacy on the sea. 

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The impetus given by Colbert's efforts in behalf of the sugar 
industry in the French West Indies not merely drew from 
that source an increasing stream of the coveted colonial 
product. Within a century it made those islands, in propor- 
tion to their size, the most valuable colonial possession in 
the world. 

Such was the contribution of the French to the expansion Holland 
of Europe beyond the sea in the years that her master struck SJli^nd 
for the domination of the continent. But, great as it was, oversea 
French energy by no means absorbed all the importance of ^^'^^'^ 
European activities in that field during this momentous 
period. Spain and Portugal, indeed, had been stricken from 
the list of leaders in Europe's conquering advance. England 
and Holland had replaced them; and these, however involved 
in the designs of Louis XIV, however overshadowed for the 
moment by the discoveries of the French, were still to be 
reckoned with. They were, in fact, at a turning-point in 
their affairs. Both at the moment faced a crisis in their 
domestic concerns no less than in their fortunes as world 
powers. And if Louis XIV stood for the spirit of national 
monarchy which had succeeded the struggle for politico- 
religious supremacy, the Anglo-Dutch powers represented 
no less the spirit of colonial-commercial dominance, which was 
the second great element in late seventeenth century polity. 

In that struggle Cromwell had already struck a decisive 
blow and laid down the lines for the economic warfare which 
preceded, caused, and accompanied the appeal to arms. The 
renewal of the Navigation Act on Charles II's accession to 
the throne gave notice to the world that England had not 
abandoned the Cromwellian policy of commercial exdusive- 
ness. A succession of like measures which ensued, at once 
committed the English to those protective principles which 
crystallized into the so-called mercantile system, and brought 
her again and yet again into conflict with the Dutch. In 
opposition to that policy of high protection, despite Holland's 
ability to contend on fairly equal terms by sea, the lesser 
nation could hardly be expected to endure, weakened as it 
was, meanwhile, by French attack. The first decade and a 

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1660-75 half of Charles II 's reign was the period when England 
took Holland's place in the commercial and colonial world. 
And it is a fact not unworthy of note that the second and 
third Anglo-Dutch wars, like the first — and in perhaps still 
greater measure — originated not within but without Europe. 
Each was preceded by naval engagements off the African or 
the American coasts. The great prize of the wars, New 
Amsterdam or New York, was actually seized and occupied 
by the English before the outbreak of hostilities in European 
waters. So early and so great was the influence of the extra- 
European world upon the course of European politics at home. 
But what Holland's courage and resources could scarcely 
have accomplished, the ill-fortune of her principal enemy 
once more achieved. To the fear of the Cromwellians which 
had long possessed the English mind succeeded the greater 
fear of French and Catholic predominance. The ill-advised 
activity of a part of the English Catholics reinforced the 
alarm caused by the advance of the French into the Nethec^ 
lands. Before these dangers even economic rivalry had de^ 
clined. The growing opposition in the nation compelled p^e 
with Holland, and forced on the reluctant king the mar- 

1678 riage of the Princeds Mary to William III. The most famous 

agitation of history, the Popish Plot, inflamed England to 
madness against the Catholics ; and among the many threads 
which were gathered up at N3rmwegen, not the least was the 
beginning of an Anglo-Dutch connection, which, concluding 
their long-lived rivalry, was destined to become a turning- 
point of European history. Thus, with the division of Eng- 
lish Protestantism into opposing camps and the ensuing 
evolution of the party system of parliamentary government, 
and with the growing power of the Commons in finance and 
foreign affairs, began a revolution not alone in English but 
in European affairs which was to be extended into the whole 
world of politics. 

The de- Beside the establishment of such far-reaching relationships 

HoUimd ^^^ institutions of the maritime states, even the successive 
wars and treaties in which they were involved sank into 
relative insignificance. Nor was the period less notable for 


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its effect on the balance of power throughout the world 
which hung upon their respective authority. The causes of 
the decline of Holland and the concurrent rise of England 
lay largely outside the circumstances of their wars with each 
other, and in some measure even beyond their relations 
with the other continental powers. The situation was not 
much altered by the misfortunes of the Dutch. Beyond the 
transfer of New Amsterdam, — ^itself a source of no great 
revenue in comparison with the profits of the eastern trade, — 
Holland had suffered scarcely any territorial losses. The 
chief sources of her wealth had not been seriously impaired ; 
while the recovery of Pularoon, the strengthening of her 
hold on African ports, and the virtual recognition of her 
monopoly of trade with the farther East and the Spice 
Islands — ^which were confirmed by the last peace with Eng- 
land — seemed only to make her more secure. 

None the less she had suffered an absolute decline in two Her losses 
^.^i^ctions, moral and financial, and a relative loss of position 
as compared with her chief rival. Save for the narrow strip 
of Surinam and her scattered West Indian possessions, the 
long succession of reverses which had begun with her ex- 
pulsion from Brazil and ended with the conclusion of the 
conflict with England, saw her authority extinguished 
throughout the western hemisphere. At the same time the 
English, by securing their hold on the North American coast, 
from Florida to Acadia, became the dominating influence in 
that region. Nor was this all. The loss of Pemambuco and 
of New Amsterdam, despite the indemnity of eight million 
florins which the former yielded, and the privilege of 
Brazilian trade which remained to it, dealt a death-blow to 
the Dutch West India Company. Compelled to dispose of 
its interests to the Company of Surinam, the corporation, 
which in fifty years had won and lost an empire and con- 1678 
tributed in no small degree to its country's independence, 
passed out of existence. At almost the same moment the 
expulsion of Dutch factors from Formosa by a Chinese ad- 
venturer left them no port in the China Sea. And though 
their Nagasaki post remained to them, the terrible revolt of 

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tion of the 





the Japanese Christians which shook the throne before it 
was suppressed, weakened their position in the island king- 
dom, at the same moment that they lost their principal posts 
in the Americas. 

But with the two extremities of their empire lopped off, 
their hold on what remained became the more secure. The 
** frontier fortress of India/' the Cape of Good Hope, was 
reinforced and fortified. The Portuguese were expelled from 
Ceylon and the absolute monopoly of its trade assured; 
and, while they still disputed with the English for possession 
of Java and the Sumatra trade, there had already begun that 
virtual division between the rival powers which ended with 
Dutch supremacy in the Spice Islands and England's advance 
in the Indian peninsula. Under the authority of the gov- 
ernment at Batavia, eight governorships — ^Amboyna, Banda, 
Temate, Macassar, Ceylon, Malacca, Java, and the Cape — 
with posts in Bengal and along the Coromandel coast, in 
Siam, Surat, and Bandar Abbas, rounded out the imposing 
and highly profitable possessions of the Dutch East India 
Company. Thus narrowing the scope of their activities, re- 
lieved from the pressure of English rivalry by mutual accom- 
modation and union of their ruling families and national 
interests, the Dutch withdrew from the pursuit of power 
and devoted themselves to dividends. Thenceforth their 
activities were confined to the intensive cultivation of what 
remained to them, and, inevitably drawn into England's 
train by their converging interests, they ceased to be a leading 
force in European politics. Rich, indolent, secure, Holland 
thenceforth declined to insignificance. 

Meanwhile, England's position in the world greatly im- 
proved. Though her sovereign had long been harnessed by 
a golden chain to the French king's chariot, and the terror 
which Cromwell inspired on the continent had given way to 
the contempt inspired by Charles' rule, the Restoration had 
proved an important period in her history. As the lustful 
extravagance of the king increased the power of Parliament, 
so her rivals' absorption in European war gave her an oppor- 
tunity to exercise her talents in a wider field. In conse- 

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qnence, whatever her humiliations in foreign affairs, her 
colonial and commercial interests flourished, and however 
contemptible she appeared to her neighbors at home, beyond 
the sea she played a different part. For as the reign of 
Elizabeth had been the age of courtier-privateers, that of 
Charles II was the age of courtier-promoters. 

The impulse to the activities on which the real importance The East 
of England in foreign affairs during the Restoration depends, c^^|Lny 
was due in large measure both in colonial and in parliamen- 
tary affairs to the same elements which had inspired the 
Puritan regime. Beginning with the enactment of the Navi- 
gation Laws, there came a burst of activity in those fields 
which revolutionized the whole colonial establishment. Its 
most immediate results were seen in India. Among the first 
acts of Charles had been the issue of a new charter to the 1661 
East India Company. This, with his marriage to the 
Portuguese princess, Catherine of Braganza — ^who brought 
as part of her dowry Tangier and Bombay — gave English 
enterprise new impetus and direction. Tangier, indeed, dis- 
appointed the expectations of those who saw in it a key to 
the Mediterranean, and after two decades was abandoned; 
but Bombay was destined to become a bulwark of the British 
empire of India. With it the company's establishment now 
comprised the Presidency of Bantam with Jambi, Macassar, 
and lesser posts in the eastern archipelago; the Presidency 
of Madras, or Port St. (Jeorge, with its dependencies, of 
which Surat was chief; and Gambroon, which divided the 
trade of the Persian Gulf with the Dutch post of Bandar 
Abbas and the Portuguese post of Ormuz. This, though it 
scarcely rivaled, as yet, Holland's far-flung empire of trading- 
poets, was neither weak nor unprofltable. 

From their new vantage point of Bombay, whose wharves The Royal 
and dockyards soon offered facflities for an increasing com- Q^p*" 
merce, the English strove to extend their operations through 1660-78 
Siam, Tonquin, Formosa, and China to Japan, whence their 
Dutch rivals were being driven out. Nor was this the sole 
result of the Portuguese marriage and the development of 
Asiatic commerce. Hard on the re-chartering of the East 

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India Company, that group of interests and individuals, 
which, under various forms, had long striven for control of 
1663-3 the Quinea trade, was reorganized as the Royal Company of 

Adventurers, or the Royal African Company, as it was better 
known, with the king's brother at its head and the king him- 

Africa, re-drawn from the Atlas prepared by Dapper in 1676, and 
showing the 17th century knowledge of the coast and interior. (From 
Jacobs's The Story of Oeographical Discovery, courtesy of D. Appleton 
& Ck>mpany.) 


self as a stockholder. From its long conflict with the Dutch 
came much of the bitter hostility which led to the wars with 
the Netherlands; and though it was ruined by the second 
of those wars for which it was so largely responsible, it was 
again reorganized, with the king's cousin, Prince Rupert, 
among its directors. The decline of Dutch power enabled it 
to establish factories along the Gk)ld Coast and to extend 
British influence throughout Guinea. There it soon rivaled 

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the Portuguese in the traffic which gave the Slave Coast its 
unenviable name, while the coinage of those gold pieces, 
'' guineas," so-called, which took their name from the new 
source of precious metals, emphasized its growing interest in 
English eyes. 

Important as were these movements, two other circumstances England in' 
in this period were of more immediate and no less ultimate '^™«™* 
significance. The first was the development of English power 
in America. The Dutch wars had done more than give her 
control of the Atlantic coast between the territories claimed 
for France and Spain and put in her hands the great harbor 
of New Amsterdam, re-named New York. Par to the north, 
indeed, England for the time abandoned her efforts to hold 
the St. Lawrence mouth. But far to the south, from Virginia 
and Barbados, almost simultaneously, emigrants began to 
make their way into the region between Virginia and Florida, 
which, chartered and organized as Carolina, added another 
province to the broadening bounds of British-American 1663 

More important still were the concurrent developments Hudson's 
in the Arctic. The explorer Radisson, discredited by his eJ^p^ny 
countrymen, to whom he first bore news of the rich fur field 
of the great northwest, had found his way to Boston and so 
to the English court, whoide adventurers, with those of Lon- 
don, turned their attention to the region which fifty years 
before Hudson had found and named. Scarcely had the 1667 
first Dutch war been brought to a close when a royal ship 
was despatched thither to find means to compete with the 
Fi'ench traffic in furs. Fori Charles was founded at the 
mouth of a stream called Rupert's River, and a beginning 
made in barter with the natives for the coveted treasures of 
the northern forests. Other ships followed the lead thus 
given, and, within three years, a charter was issued to Prince 1670 
Rupert and his associates as the ''Governor and Company of 
Adventurers trading to Hudson's Bay." Under such aus- 
pices, at the same moment that the French outflanked the 
English on the west by occupying the central valley of the 
continent, the English, in turn, took the French colonies in 

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colonies in 





the rear, and opened up the empire of the great north- 

Meanwhile, another series of events profoundly influenced 
the British Empire in America. This was the situation which 
developed in the older colonies. Fortunately for them, the 
English settlers, save in their earliest years, had not been 
called upon to face the fierce native resistance which Spanish 
and Portuguese, or even the French had encountered. Vir- 
ginia, indeed, fared hardly for a time, but New England, 
apart from French and Indian forays, had been exception- 
ally peaceful. Its Indian tribes were few and feeble as 
compared even with the Iroquois; beside the Aztecs and 
Incas, much less the states of India and the East, they were 
contemptible. In consequence, the only conflict worthy the 
name of war which the New England settlers had thus far 
endured — ^the rebellion of a native chief. King Philip so- 
called — ^was magnified beyond its real importance, and pro- 
duced almost as great an expenditure of ink as of blood. 

Free speech, indeed, early became a peculiar character- 
istic of the colonies. Removed from the immediate pressure 
of their home government, they were, at all times, freer to 
express their minds, while they felt themselves important 
beyond their actual numbers and wealth by virtue of their 
unique and illimitable opportunities. These sentiments were 
reinforced by all the independence of the pioneer, and further 
strengthened by the increasing numbers of immigrants fleeing 
from French conquest and Qerman Catholic persecution. In 
consequence, what the North American colonies lacked in na- 
tive hostilities they made up in an antagonism to home au- 
thorities, which was at once a reminiscence of their origin 
and a prophecy of their future. The more immediate causes 
of the conflicts which now arose were the outgrowth of the 
mother country's domestic politics. It was to be expected, 
after twenty years of English revolution, that the Restora- 
tion should bring reorganization not only at home but in 
colonial affairs. It was perhaps as natural that, in addition to 
the efforts to restore the royal power throughout the Empire, 
the royal favorites should be rewarded; and it was no less to 

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be expected that the colonists, accustomed to a large measure 
of self-government, should resist any attempt at the curtail- 
ment of their rights and privileges. 

From these elements, therefore, resulted the third set of Their reor- 
events which characterized English expansion during this fS^Mg^" 
I)eriod. The extension of the Navigation Acts to include all 
goods carried between England and her colonies was accom- 
panied by administrative reorganization. The re-establish- 
ment of crown authority in Virginia in the person of the 
old royal governor, Berkeley, was followed by the restoration 
of proprietary rule, and the quit-rents and escheats of that 
province were granted to Lords Culpepper and Arlington.- At 
the same time Connecticut and New Haven were joined under 
the terms of a new charter ; as were Rhode Island and Provi- 
dence ; ,while Lord Baltimore was confirmed in the possession 
of Maryland. The efforts of Massachusetts to secure control 
of the Qorges inheritance of Maine were accompanied by a 
revision of its own patent. The assumption of the Crom- 
wellian prize of Jamaica was signalized by the appointment 
of a governor with power to call and constitute an assembly. 
The conquest of New Amsterdam transferred it to the Duke 1664 
of York, and the neighboring territory between the Hudson 
and the Delaware was conferred by him upon his followers, 
Berkeley and Carteret. The Bahamas were conferred on the 
proprietors of Carolina. 

All this, with a grant of Carolina to the minister Clarendon 
and his associates, and its organization under the fantastic 
provisions of a ''Fundamental Constitution" — drawn up by 
the political philosopher, John Locke — ^within a dozen years 
after the Restoration, put the whole North American estab- 
lishment on a new footing. 

It did far more ; it roused the bitterest hostility among the Their 
colonists. Massachusetts and Connecticut protested against P"^*^ 
the new arrangements with a violence just short of revolu- 
tion. The latter opposed by force of arms the efforts of the 
governor of New York, Andros, to extend his jurisdiction 
to the east; and in Virginia the resistance to proprietary 
rule compelled the crown to commute the proprietary rights 

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into a tobacco duty. Worse followed. Boused by the Indian 
policy of the tyrannical governor, which revived the long- 
standing antagonism between the conservatism of the older 
''tide-water" aristocratic element and the advancing fron- 
tiersmen who desired rapid expansion, the colonists rose in 

1676 rebellion. The revolt destroyed Jamestown and only ended 

with the death of its leader, Bacon. It was only too evident 
that the policy of grants to court favorites, and even the far 
more defensible plan of colonial amalgamation and reorgan- 
ization, would have to be abandoned unless the English 
government was prepared to put down resistance by 

Under such circumstances it resorted to other measures. 
Commissioners were despatched to investigate and secure 
crown rights in Maine and New Hampshire, enforce the 
Navigation Acts, and inquire into the courts and the rda- 
tions of the colonists with the Indian tribes. In the face 
of continued disturbances a further and more important step 
was presently taken. This was the reorganization of the 
central authority. Colonial affairs, which had long been 
administered by committees of the royal council, were now 
combined with those of foreign trade, and, under the guid- 

1675-8 wice of the Earl of Shaftesbury, who represented at once 

the Nonconformists, the opposition and the commercial ele- 
ment in politics, there was contrived a Board of Trade and 
Plantations, with Shaftesbury himself at its head. 

The arrangement was, indeed, short-lived. The great po- 
litical leader, who, with all his faults, best represented the 
two chief principles of the coming age of his country's rise 
to eminence, — ^the supremacy of Parliament with its control 
by parties, and its world-wide commercial policy, — soon fell 
from place if not from power. The Whig Party, which he 
organized in opposition to the Tories who developed from 
the court, did not secure control of government in his life- 
time. But when, within a half dozen years, the revolution, 
which cost the Stuarts their throne, brought William III to 
the head of English affairs, the Whig Party which Shaftesbury 
formed was the chief gainer by the change of which it had 

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been the chief promoter. The commercial policy which they 
had inherited from their progenitors, the Cromwellians, came 
in their hands, as a consequence, to be a prime factor in 
the politics of the world. In it the reorganizing policy which 
proved so disastrous to the Stuarts came to its fruition, and 
the instruments designed to re-shape the Empire were at last 

Such were the chief lines of development in the European Results of 
world in the eventful eighteen years which intervened be- 5^g^g*^^ 
tween the accession of Louis XIV and the Peace of Njrm- 
wegen. If tjiey appeared largely political rather than cul- 
tural, if the clash of arms and the negotiations of the diplo- 
mats seem to bulk larger in the story of the period, it is 
because these occupied a place, not greater, perhaps, than 
hitherto, but of a different character. For the first time the 
extra-European causes of European war were openly avowed. 
Commerce and colonies frankly became the prizes of success, 
the subject of treaties, a chief concern of statesmen. Thus 
war, in one view, became the servant of economics as it had 
earlier been of religion, and as it was of royalty and 
nationality then and thereafter. Of its achievements the 
advance of France, the repulse of the Turks, and the transfer 
of Dutch North America to English hands were the chief 
fruits. Yet even these yielded in importance to the develop- 
ment of English party government, the exploration of the 
North American interior, and the division of the world into 
new spheres of European influence by which they were accom- 
panied. For amid the innumerable activities of a broadening 
Europe, those which concerned themselves but little with either 
war or diplomacy or government, with commerce or colonies, 
raised the race to new levels of capacity and influence. Oreat 
as were the activities of the Grand Monarque in the flelds 
which were still regarded as the most honorable, and so the 
chief prerogative of kings, the progress of his own people, as 
well as that of their rivals, was making the foundations of 
civilization more secure than all his triumphs in war and 

For it is the advance of arts rather than the clash of arms 

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which makes the Age of Louis XIV, if not so memorable, 
at least more useful to mankind than the quarrels over the 
border lands between France and her neighbors. One may 
not be able to determine the relative importance of the 
acquisition of Alsace and the establishment of political par- 
ties, the rise of Brandenburg or the discoveries of La Salle. 
But it is certainly true that, without the intellectual and 
political progress of this period, the military activities of 
European rulers, apart from the repulse of the Turkish 
power, would have been as fruitless as the barbarous con- 
flicts between the Hurons and the Iroquois. For only in so 
far as supremacy in arms contributes to the advance of 
civilization in a nation, or its defense against less civilized 
opponents, can it be regarded as superior to the struggle 
for power between two savage tribes, if progress toward what 
we call a higher civilization be regarded as the chief end of 
man's striving. In that view, the extension of popular gov- 
ernment and its devices in England, the extension of Euro- 
pean authority and population in lands hitherto outside of 
European influence, and the repulse of Cossack and Turkish 
power, must be reckoned of greater importance than the 
aggrandizement of Louis XIV. 

None the less, the age to which historians have agreed to 
attach his name was a great period in European development, 
and the French king a noteworthy figure in the world's affairs. 
For of the two forces which make for political betterment, 
liberty and eflSciency, his rule contributed much to the latter, 
and, indirectly, l)y the opposition which his ambitions roused, 
to the former. In like degree his far-reaching designs did 
much to keep alive that sense of common interest, that unity 
in diversity among the threatened peoples of the continent, 
which has become the principal characteristic of interna- 
tional relationships. Finally, in so far as it aroused the 
French national ambitions in arts as well as arms, and stimu- 
lated the progress of what had come to be the most civilized 
society in Europe, that of France, promoted its ideals and 
inspired emulation among its neighbors to achieve like 
triumphs, it did much to mitigate the evils which its ruler's 

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ambitions brought in their train. For long after those am- 
bitions proved impossible of realization, the more humane 
ideals and practices of his countrymen made way upon the 
eontinent, and played their part in its advance toward higher 
forms of social and inteUectual expression. 

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France No circumstance better illustrates the fact that at any given 
1675-1700 moment men do not know whither they are tending than 
the position of the French monarchy in the concluding decades 
of the seventeenth century, and the views then generally 
held of its predominance. To most western European rulers 
nothing seemed more certain than that France had solved 
the age-long problem of government. From the confusion 
of more than a century had emerged an efficient, powerful, 
centralized kingship, ensuring stable and peaceful adminis- 
tration at home and pre-eminence abroad ; the model and the 
terror of adjoining states, the single, all-pervasive element 
in international affairs, the most active agent of territorial 
expansion beyond the sea. Beside it England, escaped from 
one revolution and tending toward another, the Hapsburg 
monarchy, threatened by Turkish invasion and internal dis- 
sension, decadent Spain, half-Asiatic Russia, the declining 
power of Sweden and the Netherlands, ill compared. Prob- 
ably no man in Europe, looking forward twenty years, could 
have foreseen that the political balance of the European 
world was even then trembling in an unstable equilibrium 
which was to be altered by one of the most extraordinary con- 
vulsions in its troubled history. 
Louis XIV Least of all, perhaps, could Louis XIV have figured the 
future to himself; for at this moment he embarked upon two 
enterprises which at once typified his own spirit and em- 
phasized his resemblance to Philip II. The one was the 
erection of the palace of Versailles, which he began on the 
completion of the Louvre, to provide the monarchy with an 
appropriate habitation, separated from all contact with the 
world of its subjects. Like Philip II, the French king chose 


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a site removed some distance from his capital. Like the 
Escorial, Versailles owed nothing to nature, for the flat, 
sterile, and uninteresting plain selected for its location was 
as unproinising as the gloomy wilderness the Spanish king Versames 
chose for his abode. There the resemblance ceased. For if 
Philip's palace reflected even in its plan the deep religious 
character of its master, if its massive and gloomy pile in 
some sort symbolized the spirit which it was built to house, 
and the genius of the people which gave it birth, the equally 
imposing but infinitely lighter and more worldly Versailles 
typified at once the altered standards of a new period and 
a new authority, no less than the character and taste- of its 
master and his subjects. 

Still more did the new palace and its surroundings reflect 
that spirit of authority which, having made itself supreme 
over its people, transferred to the realm of art and nature 
its determination to dominate not only men but the more 
stubborn quality of material circumstance. Disregarding the 
simplest law of architecture that a building should rise, as 
it were, from the soil and partake of the character of its 
surroundings, the French king elected to create surround- 
ings fit for the palace he designed to build. The sandy waste 
which lacked nearly every element necessary to support life 
was provided with those elements by royal authority. Under 
its surface miles of pipes conducted to every part of the 
domain, water drawn thither at vast expense through great 
mains for a hundred miles. The soil was created for gardens. 
The very horizon was limited by plantations, so that, which- 
ever way one looked, he saw only the triumph of royalty over 
nature — ^nor was he embarrassed by contemplation of the 
dwellings of the poor. The site thus prepared by the fore- 
most engineers of France, the genius of the most eminent 
of living landscape gardeners, le Notre, was summoned to 
adorn it, and the result of his labors was the most splendid 
if not the most beautiful pleasaunce in Europe. From the 
slight elevation, upon which stood the old hunting-lodge 
of Louis XIV, the ground was made to fall away in every 
direction. Behind the chateau lay the formal gardens^ whose 

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long alleys of grass and trees, adorned with stataary, led to 
the magnificent fountains and the huge Grand Canal which 
formed the center of the scheme. On every hand the eye was 
led along splendid vistas to delightful retreats of shade; 
while the ingenuity of French sculptors and hydraulic en- 
gineers combined to produce a series of fountains unequaled 
in the world 

The palace itself, standing at the entrance to this paradise 
of gardens, was built about the hunting-lodge which had 
long preceded it; and was worthy, at least in size and pre- 
tensions, to its setting. Built in French Renaissance style, 
it was vast and imposing, if not distinguished; and though 
the talents of Mansart were unequal to conceiving real 
grandeur or the highest beauty, the result was certainly 
the largest and perhaps the most impressive piece of royal 
architecture on the continent. To this were added, at 
intervals throughout the grounds, other buildings of less size 
but greater charm, the Grand and Petit Trianon, the 
Orangery, and, at the entrance of the great court, a heroic 
statue of Louis XIV. That motive was repeated indefinitely. 
In the pictures which adorned the walls, in the statuary 
which relieved them, in the mirrors which reflected the figure 
of the king himself, the dominating note was everywhere the 
glory of the Grand Monarque. 

Had he been able to inspire those who served his will in 
the realm of art with that spontaneous genius which is only 
the offspring of liberty of thought, he might have made 
Versailles and all France the most inspiring as it was the 
most imposing monument of despotism. That gift was 
denied him. The dignity and ceremonial of the court stifled 
originality. The painters, like the philosophers, could not be 
taught to march with the beat of the drum; and art, under 
royal patronage, achieved its triumphs in the delineation of 
splendid drapery and magnificent costume rather than in the 
portrayal of character. Architecture, even literature, tended 
to follow the same course; and the Age of Louis XIV, with 
all its splendor of form, did much to deprive genius of its 
one indispensable quality, freedom of spirit. Without that 

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. .9 

1 § 

9 > 

I « 

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qnality those arts dependent on royal or courtly patronage 
tended toward the formalism which became the characteristic 
not only of this but of the succeeding period. And of this 
Versailles was at once the symbol and the type. 

The erection of this splendid retreat for the most splendid The 
of European monarchs was not the only, nor even the greatest of^55e*^*°" 
event in those years of his reign which followed immediately Edict of 
on the Peace of Nymwegen. It was not the only circumstance ^^^^ 
which emphasized his resemblance to the Spanish ruler who 
became the champion of Catholicism. The differences be- 
tween them were largely superficial, the resemblances largely 
fundamental. No single act of Philip II had been more 
characteristic of his character and policy than his expulsion 
of the heretics and the strengthening and extension of the 
Inquisition in his domains. No part of his policy was more 
striking and more disastrous than his effort to impose his 
will and his belief upon the Netherlands; no phase of Euro- 
pean politics more decisive than the resultant conflict between 
Spain and the Protestant powers of England and Holland. 
Nor was the situation without its personal side. Louis XIV's 
mother was the daughter of Philip III of Spain, and it is not 
inconceivable that he inherited from her and from the influ- 
ence she brought into France something of that religious 
spirit and that formalism which distinguished her grand- 
father, Philip 11. 

As the seventeenth century wore to a dose and the author- 
ity of Louis XIV rose to its height, the absolute Catholicism 
of France ventured on the same stroke of state as its Spanish 
predecessor had attempted a century earlier. It was nearly 
a hundred years since Louis XIV 's grandfather, Henry IV, 
had issued the edict of Nantes which secured to French 
Protestants political equality. Now, inspired by diverse mo- 
tives, — ^his Catholic subjects' jealousy of their Huguenot 
rivals in trade, his own religious tendencies, strengthened 
by the influence of his confessor and that of a new and deeply 
religious mistress, — ^the disabilities which had pressed harder 
on the Huguenots year by year since his accession, were 
crowned, some seven years after the Peace of Nymwegen, by 

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the revocation of the great Edict, and the consequent dis- 
persion of the Huguenots. 
The Perhaps no single circumstance of the time had wider 

^f^toe^^** consequences than this ill-judged piece of persecution. The 
Huguenots French Protestants were a numerous, rich, and industrioas 
1686-8 element, and they bore with them to every comer of the 
European world their wealth and skill to strengthen the 
enemies of France, and deepen the fear and hatred of her 
king and his faith. London welcomed their silk-weavers. 
The Great Elector invited them to populate the thinly settled 
lands of Brandenburg. The English colonies in North Amer- 
ica and the Dutch settlements in South Africa were reinforced 
by the addition of this vigorous element. Above all, Holland 
profited, for William III recruited his power with the talents 
of men like the great general, Marshal Schomberg, and the 
no less eminent diplomat, Ruvigny. These, with their fellows, 
were soon to play a great part in the drama of war and 
politics. For they brought to the Netherlands thousands of 
citizens and soldiers at the very moment that liberal and 
Protestant states, with others, neither liberal nor Protestant, 
rallied to resist the pretensions of the recognized champion 
of Catholic absolutism. 

In a peculiar sense the dispersion of the Huguenots typifies 
the conflict now coming to a head between the spiritual no 
less than the material forces of the continent. On the one 
hand were arrayed the powers of the old establishment, the 
throne and altar, the statecraft which reckoned lands and 
peoples as the mere pawns and prizes of the great game of 
war and diplomacy, the ecclesiastical system which main- 
tained its old pretensions to dictate its beliefs to individual 
consciences, the absolutism which aspired to be supreme not 
only within but without its own borders. On the other stood 
the principles of self-government, and independence of belief, 
of toleration, and of the right of individuals and communities 
to determine the bases of their own existence. 

Above all, perhaps, there was the introduction of new ele- 
ments of thought and practice into fields where they had 
long been denied recognition by authority, and the enlist^ 

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ment of forces not hitherto reckoned in the calculations of 
the state. It was no mere accident that the discoverer of 
the law of gravitation was intrusted with the reorganization 
of England's coinage; that the leader of the English opposi- 
tion was chief among the deists of his day; that Leibnitz 
became the Hanoverian ambassador to France; that Colbert 
lured Huyghens to adorn the learned circle which centered 
in Paris. Whatever the future relations between religion 
and politics, there had begun the connection between science 
and affairs, between power and knowledge, and the decline of 
persecution for heterodox beliefs which were not associated 
with politics. Thus the flight of the Huguenots which spread 
their skill through Europe and her colonies, marked the final 
act in the emancipation of the continent from its older con- 
ception of politics and economy. For the dispersion was the 
last attempt made by any west-European power to drive from 
its midst any such body of its people who were at variance 
with the official faith of their government. 

The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes was but one of many The 
notable circumstances which marked the years when French ^!J^* 
monarchy dominated the European situation. At the same 
moment that Louis XIV signalized his power and his short- 
sighted bigotry by expelling the Huguenots, two events of 
widely different character and at the opposite ends of Europe 
altered the whole complexion of the European polity and 
joined with the action of Louis XIY to precipitate another 
conflict. The one was the renewed activity of the Turks. In 
the years between the Peace and the Revocation their forces 
were again summoned by the talents and determination of 
the Grand Vizier, Kara Mustapha, last of the Eiuprilis, to 
take advantage of an invitation from the insurgent Hun- 
garian nobility and hurl themselves again upon the bulwark 
of Europe, the Hapsburg lands. Their initial successes 
brought them across Transylvania and Hungary to the walls 
of Vienna, whose heroic resistance under the command of 1683 
Riidiger von Stahremberg checked their advance. Even its 
strength might not have availed; but to its rescue hurried 
Charles of Lorraine with a Gterman army and the king of 

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of the 




of French 

Poland, John Sobieski. With their aid, seconded by the 
Gennan princes and Venice, the invaders were repulsed. 
Four years later Charles conquered Hungary in the decisive 
victory of Mohacs. The Turks were deprived of its suzerainty, 
the insurgent nobles suppressed, and the iron crown of St. 
Stephen, symbol of Hungarian sovereignty, was confirmed 
to the rulers of Austria. Venice joined with Poland 
and the Empire against the Porte, and conquered the 
Morea; Russia entered the war; Buda Pesth was taken by 
the Imperialists, and the Turkish menace was effectively 

Scarcely was this accomplished when the other extremity 
of the continent witnessed the first act of the great drama 
which was to absorb its interest for a generation. This was 
the crisis which overtook English politics as a result of the 
struggle between the Whigs and the crown. It began at the 
moment of the Turkish revival, with an attempt to prevent 
the accession to the throne of the king's brother, the Catholic 
JLamefi, Duke of York. The failure of an Exclusion Bill, 
designed to accomplish this end by parliamentary means, 
was followed by a conspiracy; and its discovery ruined the 
party whose members were concerned in it. Some perished on 
the scaffold. The Whig leader, Shaftesbury, fled to Holland, 
where he died. Charles II triumphed; and, in the year of 
the revocation, his brother, James II, became king of Eng- 
land, prepared with all the stubborn bigotry of a dull intellect 
to compel a nation stirred by the Protestant persecution in 
France to accept Catholicism at least on an equality with its 
established church. 

At the same time another circumstance contributed to the 
coming storm, l^e French king, taking advantage of the 
distraction of the (eastern states, the quiescence of the north, 
and the confusion of English politics, resumed his course of 
aggression. Establishing so-called Chambers of Reunion, 
which decreed the annexation to France of all border terri- 
tories which by any stretch of fact or fiction might be claimed 
by the French crown, his armies scarcely waited on the legal 
farce to occupy Strassburg and invade German Alsace, Lor- 

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raine, and Luxembourg. Such were the events which com- 
bined to plunge Europe again into war. 

Despite the League of Augsburg formed against him by TheRcvo- 
his great antagonist, William III, despite English hostility Jj^"^* 
to his policy, despite the hatred his aggressions had aroused, 
and his treatment of the Huguenots, it seemed for the moment 
that Louis XIV 's high-handed policy would be successful. 
Without England, Louis' enemies were hard put to make 
head against his power, and the accession of James seemed 
to make English aid impossible. But what William's ability 
could not accomplish, his father-in-law's folly did for him. 
The efforts of James to force the recognition of Catholicism 
upon a hostile people infuriated the Anglicans and Non- 
conformists, dismayed the more moderate English Catholics, 
and alarmed even the Vatican. Popular discontent found ex- 
pression in a rebellion headed by James' illegitimate half- 
brother, the Duke of Monmouth, and the greatest of Scotch 1685 
Covenanting nobles, Argyle. These hastened from their refuge 
in Holland to strike a blow against the crown. Their failure 
was followed by a reign of terror; and that by even more 
violent efforts of the king to make Catholicism not merely 
equal but superior to the Anglican establishment. Con- 
spiracy followed. Whigs and Tories united to invite William 
of Orange to save them from Catholicism and arbitrary gov- 
ernment. Hundreds of English refugees hurried to enlist in 
the Dutch service, and, completing the plans for his great 
exploit with such care and secrecy as to deceive even the 
most experienced of French diplomats, three years after 
James' accession to the throne, William invaded England Not. 5 
at the head of a formidable force. To his standard flocked ^^^ 
the principal men of the country; and James, deserted by 
bis followers, his friends, and at last by his own family, fled 
to Prance. 

It was a fatal error. A Convention Parliament declared TheBUi 
his flight an abdication, and offered the throne to William les^*^**** 
and Mary, accompanying the offer with a Declaration of 
Bights, which marked an ^och in the history of parliamen- 
tary government. It secured, once for all, the personal lib- 

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erty of the subject, the independence of the judiciary, the 
right of jury-trial, habeas corpus, freedom of speech, and 
frequent and regular Parliaments. Its acceptance by the 
joint sovereigns crowned that long struggle for the rights 
of the governed which had begun with Magna Charta and 
had been continued with the popular triumphs of the period 
of the civil wars. But, however bloodless the English revolu- 
tion proved in England itself, the victory of Parliament over 
the crown — complicated as it was by the situation which had 
brought Louis XIV 's greatest antagonist to the English 
throne — ^was not to be won without war. There remained 
to be dealt with Scotland and Ireland, supported by the 
power of the French king; and there began, in consequence, 
a civil conflict, and a second hundred years' war with Prance, 
on whose result, in some sort, depended not only the future 
of Europe but of the world. 
The War Such was the great episode which began another struggle 

Lecumeof ^^ *^® continent. The French armies which had already 
Augsburg begun to overrun the fertile fields of the Palatinate against 
1689-97 ijjg forces of the Augsburg League, were now called on to 
face a Grand Alliance in which England was to play a 
leading part. For a time it seemed that they might succeed. 
Holding his position on the Rhine, Louis hurled his forces 
against Holland, despatched the dethroned English king with 
French support to raise Catholic Ireland ; encouraged Scotch 
rebellion, attacked Savoy, which had joine8 the allies, and 
stirred his subjects in North America to fall upon the English 
colonies. Meanwhile the long preparation of the French and 
the disorganization of the English navy incident to the events 
of the Revolution, gave Louis an advantage on the sea. For 
nine bloody years the Low Countries were again the center 
of a European war. There, defeated again and again by the 
ablest of French generals, Luxembourg, William wrested more 
advantage from his reverses than his opponents gained from 
victory, and, finally crowning his exertions with the capture 
1695 of Namur, approved himself one of the great captains of 

Meanwhile, he found time to defeat his rival, James II; 

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and, with Schomberg's aid, he regained Ireland at the battle 
of the Boyne. The case of Scotland was more difficult. His 1690 
troops were routed at KilliecranMe by the greatest of the 
Jacobite leaders, Dundee; but, on that general's death, Wil- 
liam's lieutenants found no enemy able to make head against 
them, and Scotch rebellion was finally suppressed. Mean- 
while, the naval victory of La Hogue restored the long- 1693 
threatened English supremacy at sea, and inclined the balance 
in favor of the allies and the English succession as deter- 
mined by Parliament. Even in the south — ^where Savoy, 
by one of those "well-timed treacheries,*' which contributed 
to her increasing power, had made peace with Louis XIV — 1696 
French aggression was checked; and with the weakening of 
French offensive strength their fate was sealed. France, 
indeed, defended herself with brilliance and with no small 
measure of success against a world of enemies, but her resist- 
ance demonstrated that no power could hope for ultimate 
.victory against half Europe. Her resources endured a fear- 
ful strain. Her f oes-wCfTscarcely more willing to continue the 
conflict; and, after nearly a decade of destructioil, the diplo- 
mats gathered again at Ryswick near the Hague to determine 1696 
once more the settlement of peace. 

Twelve months earlier, the Peace of Carlowitz had given to The Peace 
Austria all of Hungary and Transylvania except the Banate iq^^^ ^ 
of Temesvar ; and to Venice the Morea. At the same time, the y^ 
death of Sobieski had brought the Elector of Saxony to thev/ 
throne of Poland. Now the general peace of Europe was 
again restored by the treaty between Louis XIV and his 
enemies. The terms of Ryswick recognized William and 
Mary as the sovereigns of England, with James' daughter, 
Anne, as their successor; restored French conquests in Ger- 
many, save Alsace, to their old owners. The ''barrier for- 
tresses" along the borders of the Netherlands were gar- 
risoned with Dutch troops. Spain regained a part of the 
''reunited" places she had lost since NymwcTgen; and the 
Rhine was declared a free river. Such were the net results 
of a decade of conflict east and west — ^territorially, the annexa- 
tion of Alsace, with its stronghold of Strassburg, to France, 

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Peter the 




and the extension of Austrian power over Hungary; politi- 
cally, the establishment of two new dynasties and the preser- 
vation of the principle of popular government 

To these was added another circumstance of scarcely less 
importance. Equally removed from the triumph of the 
English Parliament over the crown, the repulse of the Turks 
by the Austrians and their allies and the determination of 
affairs at Ryswick, an event upon the eastern edge of Euro- 
pean politics was of an importance worthy to be compared 
with almost any of the transactions which absorbed the 
attention of the wefit. At the precise moment that the Eng- 
lish convention parliament offered the crown to William and 
Mary there ascended the throne of Russia a sovereign des- 
tined to affect the future of Europe no less than the greatest 
of those rulers in whose hands rested the fortunes of Euro- 
pean politics. For, with the accession of Peter the Great, 
the spirit and the organization of the west found a champion 
able to compel even the backward Muscovites into step with 
the advancing civilization of the continent. As the war was 
brought to an end and the diplomats gathered at Ryswick, 
within a few miles of where they sat the ruler of Russia 
might have been found in the garb of a shipwright learning 
in the yards of Zaandam something of the art which had 
made Holland so rich and powerful. And, as the peace 
conference disbanded, the young prince brought back to his 
own land, from his romantic wanderings in England and 
Holland, those artisans and officers, who, under his direction, 
were to guide Russia into the path which led to a high place 
in European polity. 

Such an apparently trivial occurrence as the adventur- 
ous exploit of the Russian prince might well have failed to 
impress its real importance on men absorbed in the great 
European conflict, even had they known of Peter's presence 
in the west. But there were other elements in the moije 
distant confines of European power to which, however ab- 
sorbed in events nearer at hand, they could not be wholly 
indifferent. These were the developments in the colonial 
field. They were, indeed, conspicuous neither in the military 

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plans of the chief combatants nor in the negotiations which 
ended the straggle. Neither the border war between English 
and French in North America nor the transfer of Pondi- 
cherry in India from Holland to France, which was one of 
the results of the conflict, seemed vitally connected with the 
issues then being fought on the European field. Much less 
were events in South America reckoned a part of the war 
of^jhfijjeagufi^pf Augsburg. Yet in this period these neg- 
lected proceg^ngs laid foundations upon which later gen- 
eratio ng w^re to build new edifices of societyLandj^Jitics. 

P^irst in spectacular effect, if not in ultimate significance, Spanish- 
among these widely separated straggles were the events in ^^gS^^ 
Spanish America. There, as a half century before, Spain's South 
hold on either end of her vast empire was challenged simul- America 
taneously by the same forces which had earlier sought to 
invade her closely held frontiers. On the south the straggle 
centered, as before, on the possession of the La Plata region, 
where Spanish and Portuguese contended for the Banda 
Oriental, that land debatable between Brazil and Argentine. 
In the years which preceded the Revocation and the English 
revolution, there was founded on the east bank of the huge 
estuary of the river mouth the post of Colonia, the first rival leso 
in that region of Buenos Ayres which stood opposite, and 
until the foundation of Montevideo, the chief port for the 
rich grazing plains of what was to be known as Uruguay. 

Such was the first breach in Spanish monopoly. Far to The 
the north^ meanwhile, another and still more dramatic episode ?^j^"" 
in colonial history reached the surprising climax of a long 
career. This centered in the activities of the buccaneers. 
During the fifty years since they had established themselves 
as an element in the Caribbean, their fortunes had greatly 
changed. The decline of Spanish commerce, which was 
strikingly apparent by the middle of the century, removed 
a great share of their livelihood; while the desperate efforts 
of Spain to drive them from their strongholds had made their 
very existence precarious. Their old haunt, Tortuga, was 
alternately lost and won, and European nations had often 
intervened in their affairs. The French had not overlooked 

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the opportunity i||fforded by their presence to seize the island 
and even attempt San Domingo; while Cromwell, by his 
1655 capture of Jamaica, afforded them a refuge which Spain's 

conquest of Tortuga had lost to them. Th ereafter, turnin g 
from th e sea, they began a series ^ attacks on mainlan d 
ports wBi6h jw ep_t the snores of the Caribbean for more tha n 
^t3Efin^2j:ear8. New Segovia, Cuba, even Porto Bello, fell 
victims to their plundering exploits, and the name of their 
great leader, Morgan, became a terror to the Spanish Main. 
It was, in fact, largely due to these ferocious raids that 
Spain had agreed, some two years after the final recognition 
of Portuguese independence, to come to terms with JSngl^d, 

1670 and recognize her title to her American colonies in return 
for th^^cessation of hostilities, smuggling, and aid to these 
pirates^ Such was their greatest permanent contribution to 
political events. It was at once succeeded by their greatest 
exploit. Under Morgan's lead, two thousand of these sea- 

1671 rovers made their way to Panama, captured, sacked, and 
burned the town, and butchered its inhabitants. This began 
a decade of adventure, crowned by the second capture of 
Porto Bello. The years preceding the English revolution 
saw their power at its height. Their plundering expeditions 

1680-3 led them to the Pacific, and the harassing of Peru, even to 
the East Indies, and it seemed for a time that nothing could 
preserve the Spaniards from further destruction. But the 
rival elements among the buccaneers fell out among them- 
selves. They degenerated rapidly, and, after one more bril- 
liant exploit, an attack on Cartagena in conjunction with 
the French, the naturally disintegrating influences of their 
wild society broke up their loose organization into separate 
piratical bands. Thenceforth they played no great part in 
affairs. By the time of the Peace of Eyswigk their day in 
world politics was past. But they had served their turn. 
They had contributed to English, French, and Dutch in- 
vasion of the Spanish preserves, they had directed European 
eyes continually to the importance of the West Indies, and 
they had added a romantic if bloodstained chapter to the 
history of the western hemisphere. More than this, perhaps. 

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many of them, like Morgan, who reformed and became gov- 
ernor of Jamaica, contributed another element to that pop- 
lating of the New World which made up in energy what it 

The activities of these picturesque and destructive pirates The 
formed but a part of the romance of the long story of expan- ]^^^„ 
sion. At the same moment that they reached the culmina- 
tion of their fortunes another group of adventurers, no less 
romantic and far more useful, had attained the climax of 
their far-reaching activities. These were the French explorers 
in North America. While England was absorbed in the 
great struggle over the Exclusion Bill and the downfall of 
Shaftesbury and the Whigs, while Austria girded her arms 
against Turkish attack and Hungarian conspiracy, and the 
Reunion Chambers pushed forward their task of seizing 
Strassburg, the great French explorer. La Salle, had crowned 1679-89 
his long adventures with a new exploit. Beaching the Missis- 
sippi by way of the Illinois, he made his way down that 
great river to the Gulf of Mexico, took possession of the 
imperial valley in the name of France, and christened it 
Louisiana. Thence he returned to France to enlist in a 1683-4 
project against the mining districts of northern Mexico, 
framed under the guidance of a renegade Spanish official. 
Despatched with a small force of soldiers and a little fleet. 
La Salle found his way to land in Espiritu Santo Bay in 
Texas. Thence, after two years of residence, deserted by the 
commander of the fleet, betrayed by his Spanish coadjutor, 
he sought to retrace his way to Canada, only to be murdered 
by his own followers. Such was the tragic fate of an ad- 
venturer who gave an empire to Louis XIY and brought 
the Mississippi Valley within the bounds of European knowl- 
edge and rivalry. With all his efforts, for the time it seemed 
that his exploit was to have no permanent result. His Texas 
post was soon destroyed by Spain, the efforts of the French 
to break down the resistance of the Iroquois and win their 
way to the interior proved fruitless, and the foundation of 
Kaskaskia on the Illinois remained the sole tangible result of 
French activity in these twenty years. 

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isation of 
the English 

tion of 


Far greater changes came within the English sphere of 
influence. Among them the establishment of new provinces 
and the reorganization of the administration were the chief. 
Following the disturbances of the preceding period, colonial 
jurisdictions were now rearranged. Maine was joined to 
Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, removed from its con- 
trol, was erected into a separate colony with president and 
council appointed by the king, who retained as well the veto 
power over the acts of its assembly. At the same time West 
Jersey was restored to the Berkeley heirs as a proprietary 

A twelvemonth later this policy was extended by the grant 
of a region bounded by Delaware, New York, and Maryland 
to William Penn — an event of no small significance in the 
colonial world. Son of that admiral who had taken Jamaica, 
one of the trustees of West Jersey, and a favorite of James II, 
from whom his charter was derived, Penn was a leader 
among the Quaker sect. Forming a ''Free Society of Traders 
of Pennsylvania," he summoned to his aid his co-religionists 
as colonists. With the assistance of the republican, Sidney, 
Penn framed a constitution which established popular gov- 
ernment, led his settlers to America, concluded with the 
Indians ''the only treaty never sworn to nor broken"; 
founded a town at Philadelphia ; and so laid the foundations 
of a new society on liberal lines. It was recruited rapidly 
no less from (Germany, Holland, and Scandinavia than from 
England. Pennsylvania grew so rapidly in numbers and 
prosperity that within a generation it ranked among the 
leading provinces in the western world. To it, and to the 
region on either side flocked thousands driven from their 
homes by war and persecution. Walloons and Palatine Ger- 
mans, fleeing from the armies of Louis XIY, Huguenots 
escaping the Revocation, Quakers and Nonconformists, seek- 
ing to evade the pressure of their governments, with many 
desiring only peace and greater opportunity, poured a new 
flood of immigrants into the British North American colonies. 

Almost at the same moment the relations between the 
English government and New England threatened a crisis in 

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their affairs. The old antagonism between the crown and 
the colonists, increased by the protection of the regicides, the 
persecution of the Quakers, and long controversy over the 
Massachusetts charter, had all but produced rebellion. This 
was complicated by disputes with tiie Gtorges heirs over the 
title to Maine and by the evasion of the Navigation Laws. 
Writs of quo warranto were issued against the stubborn lasi 
colony, and the charter was forfeited. The death of Charles 
and the accession of James increased the repressive policy of 
the crown. Quo warrantos were issued against Connecticut 1686-7 
and Carolina, and presently against Maryland ; while the New 
York assembly, established five years before, was suspended. 
Virginia became a royal province. Andros, created president 
of New England, assumed the government of Bhode Island, 
took possession of Connecticut, joined New York and the 
Jerseys to his jurisdiction, and was finally created Governor- 1688 
General of North America. At the same time, his endeavors 
to strengthen the Established Church in the heart of dissent- 
ing Boston, the formation of an Episcopal society there, and 
the seizure of the Old South Church for its use, added a 
religious factor to the rapidly growing political antagonism 
which his acts and English policy had roused. 

With this attempt to consolidate royal authority and sup- The 
press colonial charter rights, the Stuart efforts to unite the ^^[^g**^ 
provinces in dependence on the crown seemed likely to bring and the 
North America to subjection or revolt. From that altema- ^^j^l^ 
tive it was preserved by events in England. The revolution 1689 
of 1688 not merely secured the supremacy of Parliament 
and the English Church; it saved the liberty of the colonies. 
With the news of William's arrival in England, Massachu- 
setts, New York, and Maryland rose in revolt. Andros was 
arrested in Boston; his deputy in New York was ousted; 
and in Maryland a rising destroyed Stuart authority. In 
every colony the new sovereigns were proclaimed. Massa- 
chusetts petitioned for her old charter; Bhode Island and 
Connecticut resumed their privileges. In New York the 
popular party, under Leisler disregarding the royal coun- 
cillors, called a convention, made their leader virtual dictator, 

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and for two turbulent years directed their own affairs, till 
Leisler was convicted of treason and hanged. With this, 
colonial disturbances gradually lessened as the provinces 
emerged from the most serious danger which thus far had 
threatened their chartered rights. 

But they escaped one crisis only to face another scarcely 
less serious, as they became involved in the great struggle 
against Louis XIY, which was known in America as King 
William's War. The conflict was filled with the reprisals 
incident to a border war. Upon their outlying posts and 
frontier settlements, from Casco Bay to the Hudson, the 
French and Indians fell with devastating force. To this 
the English retaliated by seizing Port Royal, by futile efforts 
to take Quebec, and by inciting the Iroquois against their 
old antagonists. In turn, Frontenac led three expeditions 
against the Iroquois ; a new English post in Maine was taken 
by a French expedition; and Newfoundland was only saved 
from an attack by the Peace of Byswick, which ended the 
fierce but indecisive conflict. Insignificant as it appeared 
beside the greater forces and more dramatic interest of the 
struggle in Europe, the war in America had an importance 
beyond its incidents. It was the beginning of a new order 
in the world. 

The horrors of border war, destructive as they were, 
scarcely checked the more important activities of England and 
her colonies during this period. First among these was the 
problem of reorganization, interrupted by the Revolution. 
Far from reversing the Stuart policy, the colonists soon 
found that William's ministers were bent on following it, 
with more tact but no less rigor. The new charter of Massa- 
chusetts offered an opportunity and an index of their plans. 
By its provisions, the crown retained the appointment of a 
governor empowered to call or dissolve the general court or 
assembly, appoint military and judicial officers, and veto 
the acts or the appointments of the assembly. The old 
religio-political arrangement was broadened by a uniform 
property qualification and all except Catholics were granted 
religious liberty. 

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How vital the questions of theology remained was witnessed The Board 
by a frantic witchcraft delusion which had meanwhile burst ^nJpian- 
forth in Salem and claimed twenty victims before its fury tations 
was quenched. How far-reaching was the new reorganizing 
policy appeared in the appointment of, Andros as royal gov- 
ernor of Virginia and Copley of Maryland; of Fletcher to the 
joint rule of Pennsylvania and New York; and, above all, in 
the elaboration of that centralized control so bitterly opposed 
by the separatist colonies, through the erection of a body 
to supervise colonial affairs. This so-called Board of Trade 
and Plantations had originated long before in a council 
conimittee, and had been definitely formulated in Shaftes- 
bury's short-lived scheme. It now took permanent shape in i696 
a standing commission of which the great political philosopher, 
John Locke, was a member, intrusted with the task of '^ mak- 
ing the colonies most . . . useful to England ... to 
examine and weigh the acts of the assemblies," — ^and gen- 
erally supervise colonial affairs. Such was the origin of a 
body, which, had it been allowed sufficient powers or exer- 
cised greater activity, might well have solved the vexed 
problem of colonial unity. At the same time the Navigation 
Acts were renewed; the supremacy of Parliament asserted; 
soldiers despatched to protect the colonists ; and efforts made 
to establish a systematic administration through the prov- 
inces under the unifying influence of the crown. With these 
events, at the same time that she vindicated her principles 
of Protestant and parliamentary supremacy, England at last 
prepared to take up the problem of her loose-woven imperial 
concerns, to frame an empire from a congeries of provinces, 
and an imperial policy from a series of makeshifts. 

That task was well worthy of attention. The colonists 
now numbered nearly if not quite a quarter of a million 
souls. Their settlements occupied a territory stretching along 
the north Atlantic coast from Maine to Cape Fear, and 
fifty miles inland. They were able to cope with all the ordi- 
nary dangers which threatened their frontier. Their agri- 
culture was established. Their trade and fisheries were 
considerable; and, above all, their vast tracts of forest of- 

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England in 
the East 

The Eng- 
lish East 


fered almost unlimited facilities for settlement to Europeans, 
suffering from poverty or persecution. It was small won- 
der that from this time on their population grew by leaps 
and bounds ; and that their love of independence grew in equal 

Meanwhile the English activities in America, considerable 
as they were, scarcely exceeded in importance the develop- 
ment of their possessions and interests in the farther 
East. Boyal favor and their consequent increase in 
strength and resources which had begun with the Restoration, 
strengthened by the acquisition of Bombay and by a succes- 
sion of able governors for nearly a quarter of a century, had 
enabled the English East India Company to prosper, until, 
just before Charles II 's death, its stock reached an unprece- 
dented premium. But at this juncture a succession of re- 
verses tended to weaken its position. Mutinies at Bombay 
and St.J§^en& injured its security and prestige; while 
the rise of the so-called Mahratta powers in central India 
not merely compelled the Company to recognize their rebel- 
lious existence but exposed its posts to predatory raids. It 
became, therefore, increasingly evident that the English 
directors' long-established policy of opposition to ''garrisons 
and land-wars" must be abandoned. Under direction of 
Sir Josiah Child at home and his brother, Sir John, the 
Governor of Bombay in India, they accordingly changed their 
course, and with it the fortunes of England in the East. 

The year following James II 's accession, the Company's 
posts were moved to Calcutta, and simultaneously war was 
declared on the Mogul Empire. Troops and a fleet were 
sent out to India ; but their instructions, framed in ignorance 
of Indian politics and geography, and their incompetent 
leadership, ensured defeat. The Calcutta establishment was 
abandoned. The factors fled to Madras, and only the em- 
barrassments of the Delhi Emperor, Aurungzebe, in the 
Deccan and his fear of the interruptions of pilgrimages to 
Mecca by the English fleet, enabled the Company to secure 
humiliating peace and re-establish their Calcutta factory. 
But while they were thus preserved from their great enemy. 

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and the pressure from the Dntch was relieved by William's 
accession, the Company's situation became precarious at 
home. It was allied with the Stuart regime, discredited by 
the failure and expenses of the war, and greatly envied for 
the huge profits of its close monopoly. This tempted inter- 
loping traders to poach on its preserves, and its efforts to 
widen its scope by more liberal directors were succeeded, 
after the Restoration, by the establishment of a rival company. 

Against it Child intrigued and bribed in vain. The Dow- The "Dow- 
gate Association, as it was called, allied with the Whig ^^^^^^S^ 
Party, secured a resolution that only by act of Parliament 
could any Englishman be held from trading with India. 
This invasion of the royal prerogative was reinforced by a 
loan of £2,000,000 to the government, then hard pressed for 
money to conclude the European war; and in the year of the 
Peace of Byswick Parliament chartered a General Society i697 
which, saving the privileges of the Old Company, was author- 
ized to trade in India. The services of the greatest of inter- 
loping traders, Thomas Pitt, grandfather of the future min- 
ister, were secured. Subscribers were found for a joint-stock 
association; and the new company prepared to compete for 
the great prize of Indian trade on more than equal terms. 

Such was the crisis which confronted the most powerful Economic 
of English trading corporations as the seventeenth century *^*^!; 
wore to a dose. It was closely bound up with far-reaching 
interests no less political than economic. Among the 
numerous concerns of England, trade was now rapicDy be- 
coming predominant; and from the first its literary cham- 
pions, as well as its practical administrators, had been found 
among the members of the India Company. Two generations 
earlier, one of them, Thomas Mun, had published a famous 1664 
tract, "England's Treasure by Forraign Trade," which had 
done much to stimulate the practice as well as the theory of 
commerce and legislation. Amid his manifold activities, Sir 
Josiah Child, despite occasional leanings toward a freer com- 
merce, found time to reinforce the so-called mercantilist 1668-90 
school by his "Discourse on Trade." In this, as in his 
Indian policy, and his plea for reduction of interest, he sought 

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to follow "the wise practice of the Dutch," and lay founda- 
tions for a wider industry. 
The Bank This extraordinary commercial activity and its resultant 
1694°^*"*^ literature had profound effect on European politics, for at 
this moment political exigency combined with economic pres- 
sure to accomplish an important project which was adopted in 
a somewhat different form from continental practices. The cost 
of William's European wars was great. The English currency 
was in deplorable condition. The revenue, though not incon- 
siderable, was scarcely regular enough for the demand, since 
entire dependence upon parliamentary grants — ^which were 
themselves subject to fluctuation of public sentiment — ^made 
the state's income precarious. Private banking facilities were 
inadequate to such great operations as Louis XIV had forced 
upon England. To obviate these difficulties a Scotch mer- 
chant in London, one William Paterson, proposed the estab- 
lishment of a Bank of England. The consent of Parliament 
was obtained. He and his wealthy merchant friends raised 
the necessary capital; and, with the aid of Montagu, the 
Chancellor of the Exchequer, there began the long and useful 
career of this great enterprise. 
The At the same time and under much the same pressure, an- 

national Other and still more important step was taken by the govem- 
debt ment. Having established the coinage and set up the Mint, 

1694-5 under the direction of Sir Isaac Newton, Montagu proceeded 

to adopt a principle long in operation on the continent, in 
Italy, in Holland, and more recently in France. This was 
the pledging of the nation's income for a long-time loan, 
in brief the establishment of a national debt. It originated 
in a duty on beer and liquors, which was kept separate from 
the ordinary revenue and was made security for money loaned 
on life annuities. Thence the principle was extended to 
borrowing money on the general security of the government, 
and the cost of war was thus transferred in some measure from 
the generation which incurred it to their successors. With 
the extension of this principle of public borrowing upon 
national security, capitalism, which had long dominated pri- 
vate affairs, entered the domain of the state. It was reinforced 

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by two other forms of taxation destined to become important 
permanent additions to public finance. The one was the 
stamp tax, imitated from Dutch practice, and developing into ^ 
many forms in later years. The other was the land tax.^ 
These were supplemented by customs and excise, which to- ^ 
gether laid the foundations of modem finance. Thenceforth 
finance and financiers were to play a part in politics not 
unlike the feudal baronage two centuries earlier. And in 
this was revealed another symptom of a changing world. 

The principle of national debts, which thus spread through 
Europe chiefiy during the reign of Louis XIV and partly 
as a result of his activities, was probably the most important 
alteration in public administration which owed its origin t^. 
the seventeenth century. But it was by no means the only 
change which affected the world of business, public and pri- 
vate, in that important era. It was accompanied by a striking 
change in the conduct of national affairs to which we give 
the name of administration, but which is in large measure at 
bottom, financial. Prom the time of Sully, through the period 
of Cromwell's ascendancy, the reign of the Oreat Elector, 
and the ministry of Colbert and of John de Witt, the chief 
nations of Europe experienced a reformation in the manage- 
ment and system of their affairs, of which they had long 
stood in need. It is, indeed, scarcely too much to say that 
with the accession of these able men to power in their re- 
spective countries, modem administration began. This was 
unquestionably due to the gradual transfer of public affairs 
from the hands of the aristocracy to those of the middle 
classes versed in the conduct of business. New principles 
were thus introduced into what had long been reckoned the 
"mysteries of state'*; and these were not perhaps unrelated 
to the general tendency toward rationalism which affected 
every department of life but was most conspicuous in theology 
and philosophy. 

It was accompanied by another phenomenon which at once The rise of 
enlarged and illustrated the same spirit in another field. l^yjS^ 
This was the development of that important phase of business 
activity to which we give the general name of insurance. 

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Thongh this was not a national concern like the bank and the 
public debt, the adjustment of taxation, the encouragement 
of industry, the regulation of tariffs, and the rigid auditing 
of accounts, which marked the reorganization of administra- 
tion, it was not unconnected with public prosperity and stabil- 
ity, and through one channel at least it was closely connected 
with these more general interests. Like them it was due in 
no small degree to the application of a crude form of what 
we know as statistics to public and private business affairs. 
In Holland the genius of John de Witt calculated population, 
by births and deaths. In England Sir William Petty and 
Child adopted the same course in what came to be known at 
first as Political Arithmetic. Upon such sets of figures was 
based much of the change in public business as time went 
on; and like compilations were now employed in protecting 
commerce against accidental loss. 

The principle of marine insurance at least was not new. 
In modem times it had been practised in some form by 
the Italian cities certainly as early as the sixteenth century. 
Thence it had spread through the domains of Charles V, to 
the Netherlands and to England and France. It had received 
ofScial sanction from the Dutch government as part of the 
business renaissance which characterized Dutch ascendancy 
in the first years of the seventeenth century. It remained 
for the English, as the leading commercial nation of the late 
seventeenth century, to develop it. In the same year as the 
1688-9 revolution which placed William III on the throne, there was 

set up in London an association of merchants, ship-owners, 
and brokers known as Lloyd's which finally organized the 
business into the most powerful of marine insurance cor- 
porations and thus stabilized the English carrying trade. 

The idea had already found its way into other fields. For 
more than a century there had been sporadic local attempts 
to extend insurance to cover risks by fire as well as by water. 
In English hands, after the Great Fire of London in 1666, 
this movement took more definite form; and in the last 
quarter of the seventeenth century the formation of com- 
panies undertaking such risks became a recognized element 

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in business enterprise, till, by the end of the reign of Wil- 
liam III, the practice was fully established. It was extended 
more slowly to the continent, but even there, within fifty 
years it had become fairly common. It was natural — espe- 
cially after the study and publication of mortality lists in 
this same period — ^that the idea of extending the same prin- 
ciple to human life should make headway; and the first 
life insurance companies seem to have sprung up in England 
at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Their develop- c. 1701-5 
ment was slow and uncertain, and it was not until nearly a 
century later^ when more accurate statistics of popula- 
tion and of the accidents of life were available, that they 
became the considerable factor in affairs which they have 
since remained. 

It is apparent that in all of these activities the under- Develop- 
lying principle of making life and its affairs more stable fJSuties 
and secure by common action to protect the individual was for safety 
making rapid headway. It is no less evident that the idea fort^^™' 
at the root of scientific advance — ^the application of reason 1675-1700 
and method as well as investigation which led to more exact 
knowledge — ^was peculiarly active. There was involved, as 
weU, that instinct which had long been evident in its minor 
affairs toward making life more comfortable and more en- 
durable, as well as more secure. To this was added the rapid 
development of certain appliances for safety. Chief of these 
were the lighthouses which, in this period, became more 
numerous and more efficient, aided as they were at once by 
the support of governments and the discoveries of science, in 
particular the development of reflecting mirrors which had 
resulted from the activities of the physicists in the preceding 
century. And, if one should choose to pursue the subject still 
further, it might be noted that the general tendency to make 
life more agreeable for the rapidly increasing number of 
city dwellers was enhanced by the introduction of appliances 
to combat fires. These owe their origin to this same period of 
the last quarter of the seventeenth century, and the inven- 
tion of a pumping-engine throwing a continuous stream of 
water resulted from this evolution at the beginning of the 

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eighteenth. To this may, perhaps, be added the introduction 
of the public or hackney coach. This came into common 
use at this same time, and, among its other characteristics, 
it indicated that same tendency toward the extension of 
the amenities of existence to wider classes in the general 
progress toward social as well as political devolution. 
Effect on In such fashion were introduced new elemenis into Euro- 
politics p^j^jj jjfg^ Qf widely differing character and importance, yet 
all tending, in some measure, to the same end. So far as the 
factors relating to colonial and financial affairs were con- 
cerned, the new situation redounded greatly to the advantage 
of those nations opposed to the ambitions of Louis XIV. 
In no small degree they were the product of the same people 
and of the same individuals who at that moment embarked 
on another phase of imperial expansion. To oppose French 
designs the economic forces of a coming age were set beside 
arms and diplomacy. Against French ambitions in America 
the wave of emigration to the English colonies for which 
French continental policy was in no slight degree responsible 
had unconsciously begun to turn the scale. 

'*It is no matter,'' Louis XIV is reported to have said, on 
hearing of William's arrival in England, ''the last gold- 
piece will win," To this the establishment of the Debt and 
the Bank, the reorganization of imperial concerns, east and 
west, was the English retort. For the last gold piece depended 
on other resources than the soil. Reinforced by Holland's 
precepts and practices, England, though inferior to France 
in agricultural wealth and vastly inferior in population, 
was none the less Louis XIV's most dangerous enemy. Her 
pre-eminence in naval power, on which modern affairs leaned 
more and more, besides making her immune from invasion, 
secured the growing profits of commerce with colonies and 
dependencies. Her superior popular initiative and her in- 
creasing financial facilities looked toward the future in her 
politics and economy. And with all the weakness of a tur- 
bulent polity, in England, rather than in the conti- 
nental states, lay the direction in which Europe was to 

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In no particular were the changes of the preceding years The 
more clearly defined than in the altered situation of the ^ p^Jncc 
European states. The East had now definitely passed from at the 
the control of Spain and Portugal to that of the English ^^^ 
and the Dutch. So far as Asia and Africa were concerned, 
William III now occupied the place which Philip II had held 
a century earlier. With the Peace of Byswick the third 
national state of the continental system was finally consti- 
tuted, as France obtained essentially the boundaries she was 
to keep for nearly two centuries. Encircled by Vauban's 
iron girdle of fortresses, which at once defined and defended 
her frontiers, she took her place beside Spain and Portugal 
as a power which had virtually reached its final bounds and 
form. What further growth she might hope to attain must 
be beyond the sea; and there her field and her rival were 
determined. With all the weakness of their home affairs, 
the Iberian powers, Spain and Portugal, had proved them- 
selves all but impregnable in South America. The great 
prizes which remained were to be found in the northern 
continent of the western hemisphere; for India, still united 
under the great Mogul Emperor, Aurungzebe, as yet offered 
no opportunity to European political expansion. 

It was, then, in the Anglo-French rivalry for the control An^o- 
of North America rather than in Europe itself, that the next ^^i^ 
phase of European territorial progress centered. Among the 
military operations which ended with the Peace of Byswick, 
the border wars between the English and French colonists 
played no decisive part in the determination of the great 
conflict. In those negotiations, only the foothold gained by 
the French at Pondicherry was of importance in the ultimate 
result. Yet, none the less, it was in this field and in this 
period that the foundations were being laid on which another 
generation was to build a greater edifice of joint European 
and colonial polity. 

That process, indeed, had already begun ; for the status of 
the colonial world had vastly altered since the time when the 
discovery of new peoples and new lands had been a leading 
motive in the intellectual as in the economic and political 

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development of Europe. Discovery had, indeed, not ceased, 
but it no longer held the place it once had occupied in men 's 
minds. In like degree, the impetus of European trade by 
the discovery of the seaways east and west, and the no less 
tremendous revolution in finance by that supply of precious 
metals which Spain had poured into the continent, had taken 
their places among the elements of Europe's existence and 
progresel. "What influence her oversea expansion was hence- 
forth to exert, lay, for the most part, in other directions. 
The ex- First among these was the establishment of a permanent 

Emv^can^ and increasing European population spreading slowly but 
popiiution steadily across the lands best fitted for its occupation. This 
in America process, long since in evidence through South America, had 
been so reinforced in the preceding century by English and 
French enterprise in the northern continent, that it promised 
a time when mere increase of numbers would profoundly 
alter the balance of the European world. Second was the 
development of the American colonies not as mere outposts 
of Europe, reflecting the status of her society, but as a sep- 
arate entity, transformed by different environment to organ- 
ism s like and yet unlike those of the old world from whence 
they sprung. They were at once the extension of the old and 
the beginning of the new, each with its own problems and 
circumstances whence they derived peculiar character. They 
formed, in fact, experimental stations for European society 
and polities, whose lessons were to be of vital importance 
in the years to come. To these were to be added presently 
the problems of the establishment of territorial as well as 
commercial empire in the East, which circumstances were 
about to make possible if not inevitable. 

Above all, and comprehending the whole situation thus 
produced, were two far-reaching issues. The one was the 
prospective increase of Europe's resources by the opening 
of unlimited free land for surplus population, which meant, 
virtually, a huge extension of her boundaries. The second 
was the inevitable transfer of the center of gravity, in some 
degree, by the direct inclusion of colonial interests as elements 
in the European situation. A century 'earlier, events 

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ISO 140 liO IM 

LonffitiMie from Gn mwieh Eart 

100 120 140 160 \m 

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*' beyond the line'* were scarcely reckoned an integral part, 
of European polity. That view had slowly given way before 
the changes of the seventeenth century. The Peace of 
Ryswick saw its disappearance from the stage; and the new 
chapter of history which then began took little cognizance 
of demarcation lines between the continent and Europe be- 
yond the seas. 

It was a natural development. From the beginning of Result on 
territorial expansion the agents of that movement had been ^^^V^ 
largely, if not chiefly, concerned with the acquisition of those 
products which their own countries could supply scantily 
or not at all. These were, for the most part, drawn from the 
tropics, and they comprised, generally, perhaps save for the 
precious metals,* rather the luxuries than the necessities of 
life. In their passion for sudden wealth, Spanish and Portu- 
guese alike had long neglected or despised lands best fitted 
for European settlement and industry; while their sole 
political conception, except in the Atlantic islands, had been 
the conquest and exploitation of non-European peoples. It Spain and 
was, in consequence, not until the first flush of the conquering P®**^8"^ 
and prospecting age had passed that the development of a 
varied economy, of planting, trading, farming, and cattle- 
raising, really began ; and long after these were in operation 
their chief energies were directed to supplying the necessities 
of the colonists themselves, rather than acting, like the mining 
industry, as a real extension of the resources of the mother 

The English and the Dutch at first had followed the ex- England 
ample thus set, and their expansion, like that of the Spanish ??i|^j 
and Portuguese, was long a naval adventure rather than a 
real colonial experiment. But the plantation idea was never 
wholly absent in any of these peoples; and, apart from the 
natural and inevitable tendency of men to seek new lands 
to make or better their fortunes, another element — 
though it was largely wanting in the Iberian powers — soon 
powerfully reinforced the colonizing impulse throughout cen- 
tral and northern Europe. This was the religio-political dis- 
turbance which divided the northern societies against them- 

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selves and developed the idea of refuge from persecntion in 
the New World. With this development the interest of ex- 
pansion tended to shift from tropical to temperate zones, 
from mere exploitation to actual settlement, from mining, 
commerce, planting, and piracy, to the transfer of a stable 
and diversified European society and economy to lands be- 
yond the sea. 
GhanRein With the carrying out of such new principles and the 
Sat^*^ concurrent changes in Europe itself, there gradually grew up 
an altering theory and practice of colonial status and 
development. On the one hand the problems of existence 
under a strange environment tended to evolve a sense 
of separation from the old world, and the modifi- 
cation of standards and methods, customs and even 
character to meet the new conditions of life under colonial 
skies. On the other hand, these new societies found 
it as impossible as it was undesirable to separate them- 
selves wholly from the world whence they came. The 
" necessities of existence, no less than political exigency and 
economic interest, made them a part of an increasingly vast 
and complicated network of common alliances and antag- 
onisms. These were, in large measure, determined by com- 
mercial relationships. Between the West Indies and the 
North American colonies, between West Africa and the 
plantations, even between the East Indies and the western 
hemisphere, the trade-currents ran ; while from Europe itself 
there radiated in every direction streams of commerce which 
bound the world together in an increasingly far-reaching 
community of interests. 

At the same time, while the old world maintained and 
strengthened its hold on the tropics, and their luxuries grew 
into necessities, it had tended more and mo|*e to draw means 
of subsistence and utility from latitudes which corresponded 
with its own. Thus it became increasingly dependent upon 
its temperate possessions oversea. Spain had come to rely 
upon America not merely for precious metals to recruit her 
scanty revenue; with the decline of her own resources at 
home she was compelled to lean more and more upon the 

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produce of her colonial fields and herds. From her American 
forests, farms, and fisheries England had begun to draw the 
food, the raw material, the nautical supplies which neither 
her own territory nor that of the Baltic states could supply 
in sufficient quantities. Fur-bearing animals had vanished 
from western and central Europe; but the scanty store pro- 
vided by the north and east was more than supplemented 
from North America. The Newfoundland Banks had long 
since reinforced the North Sea as a source of fish; and 
colonial whale-hunters had now begun to rival the activities 
of the English and the Dutch in that important industry. 
Thus from forest, farm, and fishery, from ship-yard and 
distillery, from pampas and prairie, no less than from mine 
and plantation, Europe drew to herself vast quantities of 
supplies in exchange for her own manufactures and the prod- 
ucts of the East. 

Her far-stretching possessions oversea became, in fact, a 
real extension of her economic no less than her political 
boundaries. Increasingly divergent in the character and 
aims of its component parts, increasingly involved in the 
concerns of European politics, the years of the War of the 
League of Augsburg mark with definiteness the entry of 
commercial and financial elements into the most pressing 
concerns of the continent. For in the development of the 
Bank of England and the National Debt, in the beginning 
of a new regime in India, the growth of English colonies, 
and the extension of French infiuence into the heart of 
North America, rather than in the ambitions of Louis XIV, in 
the triumph of Protestant and parliamentary supremacy in 
England rather than in the revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes, lies the enduring importance of the last two decades 
of the seventeenth century. 

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If there is one feature of European development which 
stands out most conspicuously as one approaches the grand 
climacteric of the Age of Louis XIV, it is the increasing 
scope, content, and complexity of the affairs with which men 
concerned themselves, in comparison with the standards and 
activities of Europe three centuries earlier. There is no gain 
in the evolution of society without some loss, and many 
modem men have bewailed the disappearance of the simplicity 
of life which, to their minds, the middle ages afforded. 
There is, it is true, something to be said for this view if one 
considers merely that peace of mind which arises from im- 
mobility or blind confidence in the possession of absolute 
truth. Yet there is a fallacy involved in this view. The 
mediaeval peace of mind was, in large measure, the peace of 
the desert. Its peace of spirit was purchased on terms which 
would seem unendurable to the great mass of modern think- 
ing men. And, even amid the wars which resulted from 
the ambitions of the Grand Monarque, it is probable that 
the greater part of Europe suffered less disturbance than 
from the incessant local conflicts which marked the **age of 
superstition and force.'* 
The new On the other side is to be set the natural tendency of 

buisof j^^^ toward activity, which gives the more energetic ele- 
ment of society its chief satisfaction in accomplishment. For 
such men the earth was now a better place in which to live. 
Europe had gradually broadened to include more than half 
of the world. Its interests, no longer confined to means of 
subsistence, or the narrow concerns of church and state, were 
involved with situations and probleps unknown or scarcely ^ 


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realized by men of earlier times. This was due even more 
to the internal than to the external expansion of the con- 
tinent. The mathematicians and geographers kept equal pace 
with the wide-traveling explorers and conquerors; the vic- 
tories of the founders of empire were not more fruitful, 
scarcely more spectacular than those of the pioneers of the 
arts and sciences. New intellectual capacities and new 
worlds of thought were acquired at the same time that new 
continents and islands were revealed. As a consequence, 
the number of things that men reckoned worth doing and 
recording were infinitely multiplied. The forces at work in 
molding nations and individuals grew in like proportion; 
and the whole fabric of life became at once more complex 
and more interesting to the vast majority of European 

No circumstance more fully illustrates this development of France 
human interests and achievement than the situation of France ?''^?'vtt7 
under Louis XI V. Her triumphs m those years which saw 
his rise to power and fame were by no means confined to 
arms and diplomacy, still less to the apotheosis of royal ^^ 
authority. About him the Grand Monarque had draMm the 
most brilliant court Europe had yet seen. If the later years 
of Elizabeth had revealed a burst of intellectual genius which 
rivaled the triumphs of the Italian Renaissance, and a skill 
in war scarcely inferior to that in letters, the Age of Louis 
XIV revealed him and his court to Europe in a no less 
brilliant light. In arts as well as in arms Prance bid for 
the domination of the European world, and not without suc- 
cess. While her ambassadors and her generals became at 
once the terror and the admiration of the continent, her / 
men of letters and of science assured her eminence in the 
domain of intellect, and the countless exponents of the arts 
of life made her the center and the fountain of the increasing 
tendency toward the refinements of existence. 

In those years the genius of French comedy in the hands French 
of MoliSre achieved a triumph only rivaled by the tragedies 1**«^**'*'« 
of Racine. The lofty spirit of Bossuet reached heights of 
grave and majestic oratorical eloquence scarcely touched be- 

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fore or since ; while the critical talent of Boileau infused new 
life into that form of literature and established canons of 
taste and execution accepted by the writers of at least two 
generations. Inspired by the influence of Montaigne, the 
acute observation and the perfect prose of Rochefoucauld's 
Maxims established a new school of expression in one form 
of literature as did La Fontaine's Fables in another. Bossuet, 
La Fontaine, and Rochefoucauld alike found tbeir chief rival 
for literary eminence in their saintly countryman, the gentle 
and gifted Fendon. Besides these, still, a new form of lit- 
erature, the novel, flowed from the pen of Madame de La- 
fayette, whose pioneer efforts in developing what was to 
be so characteristic a feature of later literary history were 
only challenged by her contemporary, the Englishwoman, 
Aphra Behn. 
French While French genius found voice in this, the greatest period 

culture Qf ji^ literature, it was winning triumphs in other fields, of 
no less consequence. Of these the chief were manners, dress, 
and war. Moreover, the refinements of language that arose 
in part from the development of its literature, and in part 
from French ascendancy in other fields, made it pre-eminent 
among European tongues. This, at least, may in some sort 
be credited to its ruler. The personal dignity which took 
pleasure in clothing its authority with stately form and 
ceremony, housing its greatness in splendid dwellings, and 
lightening its grandeur with an elegance borrowed and am- 
plified from Italian originals, impressed its character on 
every department of life it touched, and captured the im- 
agination of the continent Along the eastern border of 
France each petty prince strove to emulate the example of 
the Grand Monarque. Gardens and palaces, court-theaters 
and musicians, costume and ceremony formed themselves on 
* French examples. The French, like the English, had earlier 
found their chief models in Italy; now Europe took its cue 
from France. Everywhere its arts could penetrate, they 
bore their language with them; and French became not 
merely the tongue of war and diplomacy, but of manners, 
dress, art, architecture, literature, even cooking and domestic 

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famishing. This was no temporary triumph. The words 
thus introduced into many other languages found permanent 
place and, in their native dress or transformed by their new 
users, enriched at once the vocabulary and the thought of 
half the continent And whatever else Louis XIV 's subjects 
achieved, their taste and graces did much to relieve the 
dullness which continually overshadows life. ^■' 

At the same time they pushed still further the advance Progress 
made in the preceding century in the art of destroying their ©f war*'* 
fellow-men. Of all the activities which had employed the 
people of Europe during the seventeenth century none had 
absorbed more energy, more talent, and more lives than the 
art of war. The almost perpetual conflicts which had in- 
volved every nation of the continent developed an infinity 
of new methods and materials and called to their aid scientific 
knowledge. They enlisted the ability no less of mathema- 
ticians than of commanders, of inventors as well as of admin- 
istrators, till the military system which emerged bore small 
resemblance to the irregular arrangements under which the 
conflicts of previous generations had been waged. 

First in importance came the improvement in artillery^-^* -> — 
A hundred years earlier that branch of service had reached 
its highest development in Turkish hands, and to their 
superiority in that arm much of the success of their conquer- 
ing advance had been due. To counteract that advantage, 
their nearest enemies, Italian and Austrian gunners and 
mathematicians, were driven to follow and improve on their 
achievements by the study of projectiles and explosives. The 
long sieges of the Low Country fortresses by the Spanish 
had at once contributed to the science of fortification and 
produced a corresponding advance in heavy artillery, while 
the early campaigns of the Thirty Years' War had done 
something to develop the lighter arm. But it was only when 
Gustavus took the field that Europe saw for the first time 
that mobile field artillery capable of a rapidity of fire much 
superior to the crude musketry of the day. With him, too, 
came the flintlock and cartridge which gradually replaced the 
more cumbersome and far less dependable matchlock; and, 

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toward the end of the century, the bayonet, which enabled the 
infantry to combine the duties hitherto divided between pike- 
man and musketeer. The Swedes developed as well those 
auxiliary branches of service, essential to a self-contained 
force like theirs, operating far from its home base, and de- 
pendent on itself for defense as for offensive resources. Sap- 
pers, miners, and engineers, now organized into a well-defined 
and recognized branch jof the army, with a more fully 
equipped commissariat, taught Europe a new art of war. 
With these there was evolved a school of tactics which, relying 
on mobility rather than on the old mass formations that had 
given the Spaniards their long ascendancy in the field, 
opened a new era of warfare. 
Cavaliy Assisted by these lessons as well as by those of the Low 

Country conflict which had been a military school for half 
Europe, the next great advance came in the English civil 
wars. To them Leslie brought the innovations of Gustavus; 
Prince Eupert, the systems of Tilly and Wallenstein; Monk, 
the lessons of the Low Countries ; adventurers like Qascoigne, 
the methods of Italy. Here for almost the first time the 
various schools of warfare were brought face to face. From 
them the genius of Cromwell developed another phase. Cav- 
alry had been till now but little more than mounted infantry.' 
In his hands, building on the suggestions of the Swedes, 
it developed the shock tactics, the crashing charge of solid 
squadrons of armed horses and men, on squares of pikemen 
and musketeers disorganized by artillery fire. Almost at the 
same moment the talents of Cond6 found in the French ilan ' 
a new weapon; and at the battle of the Dunes the solid 
squares of the once dreaded Spanish infantry met their ^ 
death-blow at the hands of the mobile French attack and the 
invincible charge of the English Ironsides. That decisive 
victory marked the climax of the transition between old and 
new, like Crficy two centuries before. While the order of 
field warfare was thus altered, two other influences were at 
Fortiftca- work to revolutionize military affairs. Chief of these was 
^^^^ fortification, which reached its greatest perfection in the 

hands of the French engineer Vauban. Bred in those long 

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confliets which ended in the Peace of the Pyrenees, he bor- 
rowed from the Turks their device of approach by parallels; 
from the Swedes their organization of a permanent corps of 
engineers; from Italian and German scientists the adapta- 
tion of mathematics to the problems of ballistics; from the 
architects, the lessons of masonry and architecture. From 
these, infused with his own genius, he evolved those triumphs 
of fortification by which, before the Peace of Nymwegen, he 
had begun to surround France with a cordon of fortresses, 
the ceinture de fer, an iron girdle equally designed for de- 
fensive and offensive operations. Within this • all but 
impenetrable shell Louis XIV was able to pursue his designs 
against the peace of Europe in virtually undisturbed security. 

With the improvement of the art of war and its almost 
constant practice through the century, together with the evo- sunding 
lution of more centralized government and the increase of *™^*®^ 
royal power, France took the lead in another and even more 
important phase of national development. This was the 
formation of standing armies, which gradually became one of 
the chief factors in European polity. To the old feudal levy, 
on which kings had relied two centuries before, had been 
added the use of mercenaries, as the substitution of taxes 
for service had put in royal hands the means of paying a 
permanent force devoted to the crown interest. Little by 
little the profession of arms had fallen into the hands of 
military adventurers ready to sell their services to any prince : 
to supplement the forces which he raised by right or fear from 
his own subjects. These were reinforced, as time went on, 
by a permanent guard for royalty itself, composed of noble* 
or mercenary elements, till, at the opening of the seventeenth 
century, scarcely a prince in Europe was without a force of 
this kind at his command. 

But with the increasing stress of international politics and 
war, especially with the long German conflict which saw the 
climax of the mercenary movement, it became apparent that 
the rising national states must have at once larger and more 
trustworthy forces at their command. In consequence, Eu- 
ropean rulers, following the lead of Louis XIV, raised armies 

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composed of their own subjects, formed into regiments whose 
officers, enlisting and paying the men composing their com- 
mands, received from the crown the means to support their 
troops. Arms thus became a profession, differing as much 
from the old status of feudal times as from the dena- 
tionalized mercenary system which had supplemented it, yet 
partaking in some measure of both elements. With this the 
modem plan of standing armies entered on the phase which 
was to endure in some form for more than a century, and 
to play a great and often decisive part not only in inter- 
national affairs but in domestic politics. For in it lay the 
means of making absolute the royal master of a well-disci- 
plined and equipped force. 

It seemed for a time that it would be impossible for any 
other force to contend against the all-pervasive French cul- 
tural influences which so dominated other nations. Every 
oflBicer from lieutenant to marshal bore a French title; every 
dish from entree to dessert, the steps of dancing, the terms of 
gallantry, the terminology of the arts of life were all tinc- 
tured by Gallic infusion. Against this glittering pretension 
to absolute authority the contest seemed scarcely less hopeless, 
for it was armed with such powers, robed in such splendid 
garb, and adorned with such graces that many were blinded 
to its real dignificance, or terrified into submission. Yet at 
the very moment two other rivals for the approbation of 
Europe began to assert themselves. The one was the advance 
of science and of scholarship, the other the growing power of 
the English race. 

In one sense they were co-workers in the same field. If 
Louis XIV raised to its highest point the older ideal of 
despotic monarchy, the English Puritan Revolution had 
already dealt a fatal blow to the doctrine of the divine right 
of kings. Even while the French king personified the tri- 
umph of absolutism, his cousin and client, Charles II, had 
seen his Parliament filch from him no small part of the old 
powers of royalty, and develop new machinery to make 
popular control of Parliament more effective. Even while 
France attained the height of her authority on the continent 

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and her adyentdrers bore her influence deep into the heart 
of the American wilderness, England began to draw together 
the scattered threads of her imperial administration and push 
her slow-moving boundaries forward in the same direction, 
and to organize her financial and commercial interests to 
meet the crisis which was about to overtake her fortunes. 

And even as the brilliant burst of literary genius and —in letters 
courtly grace, with the military and diplomatic ascendancy *»dpoWticfl 
of the Grand Monarque, dazzled the continent, there pre- 
pared an intellectual movement, not bounded by the frontiers 
of any nation, which had begun to revolutionize the thought 
and was presently to affect the activities of the European 
world. In this England was to bear more than her share. 
Important as the Reformation had been in releasing half 
Europe from the domination of the Papacy and in establish- 
ing the rights of individual judgment, with whatever far- 
reaching consequences that involved, the last half of the 
seventeenth century saw the beginnings of a revolution no 
less profound because it was not clearly recognized. This 
was the working out of those doctrines and discoveries in 
science and politics which not merely altered man's whole* 
conception of the universe, its ruler and its laws, but directly 
affected the theory and even the practice of human govern- 
ment as well as of man's intellectual processes. 

What Luther and Calvin, Copernicus and Galileo, 
Descartes and Bacon had been to an earlier generation, a new 
group of men, Newton and Locke, Spinoza and the Deistsv 
became to the Age of Louis XIV. What the Italian epic poet, 
Dante, had been to the fourteenth century, the Englishman, 
John Milton, was to the seventeenth. Perhaps no single figure ' 
so epitomized the spirit of the transition period of the Eng- MUton 
lish race as he. Author of the most beautiful of pastorals ^^^^'^^ 
in his youth ; his middle life was spent as the literary cham- 
pion of the Commonwealth; his blind old age, reviving an 
ancient art, brought forth Paradise Lost. Pilled with a 
Calvinistic theology, his great poem was at the same time 
instinct with the classical tradition of the Renaissance ; while 
its imagery was drawn no less from the recent triumphs of 

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science and the newly revealed splendors of the eastern world 
than from Greek mythology and Hebrew Testament. Thus 
clothing his conception of the fall of the angels, the creation 
and the fall of man, in the sonorous magnificence of a new 
blank verse, he gave Europe as imperishable a possession as 
did Dante or Virgil or Homer. 
SpinMa What the English Milton was to literature, the Portuguese 

Jew, Spinoza, was to philosophy. With this grave solitary 
thinker, who, like his master, Descartes, was a resident of 
the Netherlands, European speculation entered another stage 
of its development. His basic conceptions were those of 
substance, attributes, and mode. Building on Descartes' 
dictum, ''I think, therefore I am," he developed the idea of 
''attributes," by which God is figured to mankind in mind 
and matter and nature. It was a gallant effort to reconcile 
the old theology with the new science. Though his doctrines 
were denounced as atheism and pantheism, long misunder- 
stood and violently attacked, they were, in fact, the expression 
of a novel if rigid monotheism. They offered a logical clue 
to extricate European thought from the impossible situation 
in which it found itself between the old dogmatic assumptions 
of the so-called ''revelation" which had ruled for centuries, 
and the advance of knowledge which made many of those 
older doctrines untenable to one who accepted scientific dis- 
coveries. To him God was not the creator nor the father of 
the world but the eternal universe itself. He strove to intro- 
duce reason for revelation, to unify the conception of God 
and nature and place mankind in some rational relation at 
once to the phenomena of existence and the conceptions of 
theology. In this his philosophy t3rpified the attempt of 
men to find what so many desired, a middle way between 
the old and new, a compromise between conflicting influences. 
The defense of liberty of thought in speculative matters 
had thus advanced from the old Reformation school to that 
of the so-called Deists, who, like Spinoza, proposed to bring 
dogma and revelation to the test of reason and investigation, 
and introduce free inquiry into the realm of belief. It was 
now reinforced by that critical study of the Bible, which, in 

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Spinoza's hands, had begun the modem methods of analysis, 
comparison, and textual criticism that challenged the long 
dominance of the revelationists. Thus the whole field of 
theology was threatened with invasion by the spirit which 
had gone far toward solving some of the old mysteries of 
the universe. At the moment, therefore, when Europe found 
itself divided between the rival schools of French and Eng- 
lish thought and practice in politics and administration, 
between Louis XIV and his enemies in international rivalry, 
and between two sets of antagonisms in colonial affairs, she 
found herself involved in a crisis of thought which was to 
prove a turning-point of her intellectual existence. 

This was the beginning of that change which, pressing The 
on from physical investigation into the study of politics j^|^^^^ 
and finally into theology, marks the real break between th§ 
mediaeval and the modem intellectual world, and the emer- 
gence of modern religious thought. It was the natural and 
inevitable result of that scientific spirit which, from its 
earlier triumphs, had developed so greatly during the seven- 
teenth century. Against it the anathema of St. Peter's and 
the protests of Protestant divines alike had thundered in 
vain, as it prepared to assault the citadel of dogma. It bore 
within itself, had its ecclesiastical opponents been able to 
recognize them, two elements which should have commanded ^ 
their respect. The one was a crusading zeal, self-sacrifice, 
and moral courage worthy of the best days of the church 
itself. The other was the possibility of introducing into 
theology, which was naturally dogmatic and thus at no time 
wholly attractive to many of the freer spirits of mankind, 
something of that liberty which could replace its formulie 
by a more vigorous appeal to the reason, and prevent the 
spread of dry rot which always threatens any system based 
on ceremonial and dogma. But it was not to be supposed 
that its opponents could see that what they so feared and 
denounced as atheism and pantheism was no real foe to the 
essence of their beliefs, however it attacked what it regarded 
as blind superstition. Still less could they comprehend that 
It might lead to even higher conceptions of the universe and 

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man and their Creator than did the Pentateuch, to whose 
legends the hierarchy so devoutly clung. Least of all could 
they perceive that it was no irreconcilable foe even to the 
mystical appeal which the church makes to the emotions and 
the springs of conduct, and which, in the last resort, is 
perhaps its real strength. 

While then the conflict for temporal power went on 
throughout the European world, the struggle between 
science and dogmatic theology altered ythe basis of men's 
thought. And while Locke from his Oxford study put for- 
ward that political philosophy which justified resistance to 
arbitrary power and nullified the doctrine of divine right of 
kings, it was but natural that the land where freedom of 
thought was most fully recognized should find itself in the 
forefront of the scientific movement, as it was of the political. 
Thus as Italy had been the leader in the artistic renaissance, 
England became the leader in the development of science 
during this period. 

From highest to lowest her people shared in this movement, 
which experienced, in consequence, a tremendous impetus. 
Among the members of the British Royal Society, chartered 
by Charles II as a scientific academy, were men of all ranks, 
professions, and beliefs. The king had his own chemical 
laboratory. His cousin, the once famous cavalry leader and 
admiral, Prince Rupert, divided his old age among naval 
affairs, company promotion, and science, to such effect that 
his name is perpetuated by such curiously divergent means 
as an Arctic land and that curious toy known as Prince 
Rupert's drops. The Marquis of Worcester issued his 
Century of Inventions, at once a record of achievement and 
a prophecy. 

Above all, another apostle of experiment, Boyle, brought 
from his study of "the new paradoxes of the great star- 
gazer, Galileo" that passion for physical science which in 
his hands produced the air-pump, and established aerostatics 
as a department of knowledge, with Boyle's law as its first 
principle. Proceeding further, he demolished the old doc- 
trine of the four elements, earth, air, water, and fire, and the 

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spagyrists ' ' tria prima. ' ' He substituted for them a ' ' mechan- 
ical philosophy," which, virtually basing itself on what was 
later to be known as the atomic hypothesis, became the 
accepted doctrine of matter. His experiments were innu- 
merable. From those on temperature and the circulation 
of the blood, on gas, magnetism, refraction, electricity, to 
his efforts to weigh light, they covered the whole range of 
physical chemistry. Identified with no primal discovery, 
he was none the less one of the greatest of scientists, the 
champion of the revolt against scientific as well as theological 
dogmatism and intolerance. And as the precursor, if not 
the founder, of the modem school of chemistry, his extraor- 
dinary position and achievements at once advanced and dig- 
nified the title of a man of science. 

Boyle was but one of the more conspicuous members of The 
an increasing group ; and the mere list of the more eminent ^!^^ 
exponents of investigation in this period bears witness both 
to the extraordinary development of knowledge and the grow- 
ing importance of scientific studies. Hooke — ^who divided 
with the Dutchman Huyghens the honor of inventing the 
compound microscope and the balance-wheel which revolu- 
tionized watch-making, who conceived a flying-machine and 
claimed to have anticipated Newton's great discovery — ^led 
the way in this movement. Gregory, with his reflecting 
telescope; the naturalist, John Ray, pioneer in systematic 
botany and zoology; Ward, with his theory of planetary mo- 
tion; the universal genius of the scholar-scientist-mathema- 
tician, Barron; and the rising ability of Halley, whose 
observations had already begun to revolutionize the knowl- 
edge of the moon and tides, added their talents to the fur- 
therance of the cause of science. In medicine Sydenham, 1624-89 
''the English Hippocrates," the friend of Locke, cut loose 
from the domination of both philosophic schools of medical 
thought, and with his insistence on the ''natural history of 
disease," on specific remedies for specific ills, set the curative 
art on a stage of its existence which, in a sense, laid the 
foundations for modem treatment. To these may be added 
the discovery by Leeuwenhoek of such different phenomena 

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The law of 

88 the yeast plant and the construction of the eye, of bacteria, 
spermatozoa, and protozoa; and the labors of the greatest 
of microscopists, Malpighi, who, with Leeuwenhoek, com- 
pleted Harvey's work. For by his discovery of the 
capillaries, the circulation of the blood which Harvey had 
''made a logical necessity" Malpi^i ''made a histological 

Among this varied expression of original genius two cir- 
cumstances were conspicuous. The first was the development 
of a new theory in the field of chemistry which was destined 
to dominate the thought of that science for nearly a century. 
Beginning with the Qerman chemist, Becher, and exploited 
by his countryman, Stahl, this phlogiston doctrine, as it was 
called, assumed that all substances contained two elements, 
one, phlogiston, which was inflammable or combustible, the 
other which could not be burned. The principles of this 
school of thought, which were based rather upon alchemy 
than on chemistry, were suggested or derived from the older 
classification of substances on the basis of fire, which, in some 
form, was still to play a con»derable part in many fields of 
science, notably geology. And it was not until the eight- 
eenth century was nearly gone that men were converted from 
this last and most successful of all attempts of the old alchemy 
to maintain itself in modem thought. 

The second line of progress was upon sounder principles 
and found its chief expression in mathematics and astronomy. 
Here the great figures were the English Newton and the 
Qerman Leibnitz. Newton's Priftcipia in this period be- 
came, indeed, the gospel of a new scientific faith, and by 
the establishment of the theory of gravitation, through long 
observation and infinite calculation, marked the greatest ad- 
vance in the knowledge of the universe and its laws since 
Copernicus. For in Newton's hands were finally combined 
the contributions of the earlier astronomers. Copernicus had 
perceived the revolution of the earth about the sun. Kepler 
discovered that its orbit was elliptical. Galileo determined 
the law of falling bodies. All these Newton fused into that 
theory of gravitation which explained the binding force of 

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Sib Isaac NE^vTON. 
From the painting by Vanderbank, National Portrait Gallery. 

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the solar system, and gave a cine to the laws of the illimitable 

To this he added another element of intellectual progress, Theinven- 
whose credit he shared with Leibnitz, — the development of ^j^^ 
differential calculus or fluxions. It is not easy, perhaps it 
is impossible, to put into words, conceptions which express 
themselves in mathematical terms, since these, like chemical 
formulae, form a language nearly if not quite untranslatable 
into verbal expression. To say that "Leibnitz deserves the 
highest credit for the introduction of the symbols 5 and dx/^ 
or that Newton's great contribution was the invention of 
X y i, conveys nothing to one not versed in a science which 
uses such symbols as expression of its mental processes. It 
seems impossible to define calculus in terms which make the 
definition intelligible to non-mathematical minds. But this 
much is evident, even to those meaner intellects which cannot 
grasp the intricacies of higher mathematics — ^the new science 
dealt with the idea of variation within limits, and with infini- 
tesimal elements as exemplified in the rate of increase of a 
curve. It thus enabled men, for the first time, to consider 
quantitatively such problems as the motions of the heavenly 
bodies, and the movement of heat, and to arrive quickly and 
easily by one operation at such results as the content of 
circles and calculation of stresses, hitherto ascertainable 
only by long and cumbrous computations. The extension of 
mathematical processes into the region of the infinitesimal 
opened the ** exact science" still further to the influence of 
the imagination, and provided it with a dynamic factor which 
enormously extended its intellectual strength as well as its 
practical use. 

This was emphasized by other discoveries. The French- The 
man, Demoivre, driven from his country by the revocation ^"^^^f 
of the Edict of Nantes, found in Newton a master; and, ma&e- 
building on his work, applied trigonometry to imaginary ^^^^ 
quantities. To this Newton himself added the discovery of 
the binomial theorem and the further development of the 
theory of equations. With these, and other contributions of 
less note but much utility, the second great period of mathe- 

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matical developinent reached its climax. The arithmetical 
and geometrical learning of the Greeks, with the numeration 
and the algebraic inventions of the Arabs, had been intro- 
duced to Europe in the later middle ages. Between that 
period and the end of the seventeenth century the development 
of algebra and trigonometry, the invention of analytical geom- 
etry and logarithms, marked the beginning of modem mathe- 
matics. Now, with the work of Newton, Leibnitz, and their 
co-workers, the science entered on another and greater stage 
of its progress; and, so far from being exhausted, demon- 
strated that it was still not merely one of the most active 
agents in the practical affairs of mankind but one of the 
most fruitful fields of intellectual expansion. 
Astronomy While the progress of mathematical science was remarkable 
and physics j^ ^y^ period, and crowned a century and a half of specula^ 
tion and computation with the most ''stupendous triumph 
of the human mind in the realms of exact knowledge," — 
''the mathematical explanation of a primal law" — ^the devel- 
opment of pure intellect was not the only striking feature 
of the scientific renaissance nor was England alone in her 
devotion to its interests. Her position, indeed, was not a 
sovereignty but a primacy. In Prance the astronomical 
abilities of the Italian, Cassini, who determined the planetary 
periods, gave that nation a place in the great movement of 
discovering the secrets of the heavens. In Holland the genius 
— Huy- of Huyghens, who developed Galileo's ideas into the pendulum 
* ®^ dock, shared with Hooke the credit of inventing escapements 

for watches, and contributed to the triumph of his pupil, 
Newton, in his studies of accelerating force. He discovered 
the rings and the fourth satellite of Saturn, with a telescope 
whose construction marked the beginning of a new stage of 
optical discovery; and he developed the undulatory theory 
of light, whose proposition revolutionized that whole science, 
and had no small effect upon all scientific thought and 
— Ldbnits Meanwhile in Germany the commanding and universal 
1646-1716 talents of Leibnitz, beginning with literature and theology, 
and continuing with philology and philosophy, summed the 

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content of intellectual achievement of his day. He disputed 
with Newton the invention of the powerful mathematical 
instrument of calculus, which enabled men to command by 
one general method the most difScult problems in geometry 
and physics. Thence he proceeded to the most perplexing 
questions which confronted the European intellect as the 
result of these great scientific achievements. What relation 
did they bear to revealed religion t How were they to be ^ 
reconciled with the old doctrines of God and of creation, of 
the immediate direction of the affairs of man and nature by 
divine intervention t How were they to be considered in rela- 
tion to the connection between mind and matter, body and 
spirit T With him was completed the circle which had begun 
with theology and had come round through science again, 
by way of philosophy, to theology. To him, as to so many 
of his kind, it seemed imperative to combine somehow the 
obviously conflicting claims of science and religion. His doc- —his 
trines of ideas, his theory of "monads,'' intermediary between philosophy 
Descartes' dualism and Spinoza's monism, conceived of ele- 
ments possessing individuality, able to perceive and to strive. 
Of these God is chief, and the soul of man a single monad, 
amid the complex monads of which he is composed. Among 
these various elements, in his somewhat fantastic philosophy, 
God had established a harmony, and fused them, like the 
mind and body, into "infallible unison." 

Such was the third great effort of the human mind within Rational- 
a century, to find some explanation for the apparent conflict **™ 
between the old theology and the new knowledge. This rap- ^ 
idly developing school of speculative philosophy, which 
sought a rational, or metaphysical explanation of the uni- 
verse and man, already divided the fleld with revelation in 
matters theological. But its energies were not confined to 
the project of harmonizing religious belief with scientific 
knowledge. It was no less devoted to the explanation of the 
phe nom ena of the min d itself. And in its efforts to determine 
man's intellectual processes and capacity, — ^which was not 
only an extension of the work of the physiologists in the 
determination of the functions of the various parts of the 


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body, but the far more subtle problem of the relation between 
mind and matter, and, in a sense, between the finite and the 
infinite, — ^they gradually developed the study of what was 
known to a later generation as psychology. This was the 
inevitable climax of that long process which had slowly but 
Fsychologj surely brought all fields of thought and matter and activity 
within the scope of human investigation. With it the intellect 
was recognized, not as an incidental attribute, but as a sep- 
arate and powerful instrument in man's service; and it 
became, as well, one of the principal fields of the great con- 
troversy between the scientists and the revelationists. 
Invention This scientific advance went far beyond mere theory. If the 
1675-1700 concluding years of the seventeenth century are remarkable 
for the progress of mathematical and astronomical science, 
and the development of a new school of thought prepared 
to challenge the long dominant dogmatism of the church, 
they are no less to be remembered for the extension of man's 
physical resources in the field of invention. On every hand 
the ingenuity of mankind was aroused, and to this period 
we owe, not merely improvements in scientific apparatus, and 
the extension of man's knowledge and his mental capacity, 
but many devices of importance in every-day affairs. The 
progress of navigation, due to improved methods of construc- 
tion, and especially to the growing knowledge of astronomy 
and the measurement of time, was particularly noteworthy. 
The increasing accuracy and wider use of watches and^ 
clocks, by the principle of the pendulum and the escapement 
device, evidenced that great concern for time and its measure- 
ment which distinguishes the European from most other 
peoples of the world. The first project for a diving-dress 
extended human capacities in another direction. The im- 
provements of the age-old source of power, the water-wheel, 
whose newer forms were associated with the names of the 
Englishman Barker and the German Sprenger, indicated an- 
other line of progress which served to differentiate Europeans 
from all other peoples. The development of drainage, espe- 
cially in Holland and in England, enlarged the resources 
of Europeans by the addition of vast tracts to their -tillable 

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areas. Finally the improvement of canals and their construc- 
tion, spreading again from Holland through the continent, 
marked the first advance in transportation since the fall of 
the Roman Empire. 

To these was joined almost immediately another device, The steam- 
which, working along the new line of development that was ^fi^« 
to revolutionize the world, added another resource to Europe. 
While Louis XIV planned his last effort to impose his will 
upon the continent, from English hands proceeded the first 
successful attempt to combine the forces of fire and water 
into a new source of power. In the year of the Peace of 1697 
Byswick, one Thomas Savery secured a patent for a pumping 
engine driven by steam, which was perhaps suggested by the 
Marquis of Worcester's Century of Inventions. The crude 
device was improved by Thomas Newcomen. And though its 
projectors were, perhaps, '* neither philosophers to under- 
stand the reasons, nor mathematicians enough to calculate 
the powers and proportion the parts," none the less their 
'^ucky accident" enabled them to put into men's hands the 
beginnings of the most powerful agency which had thus far 
in human history been subdued to his service. For this 
pumping-engine ''designed to raise water by fire," which a 
later generation was to perfect, fitly crowned an age which 
marked the culmination of the great scientific movements. 
These, no less than humanism and absolutism, owed their 
origin to the fifteenth century, and now entered upon a 
period which was to see the triumph no less of science and 
invention than of popular government. 

Closely connected with the development of the steam- coal 
engine, as with industry generally, was the question of fuel. 
For, to some time toward the end of the seventeenth or the 
early years of the eighteenth century must be attributed the 
introduction into more general use of coal, which marks 
the great change between modem industry and the age which 
preceded. It was a matter of vital importance to all man- 
kind. From the beginning of time men had used wood or 
charcoal made from it, almost if not quite exclusively in the 
manufacture of their most useful metal, iron, and its prod- 

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nets. So long as wood was cheap and plentiful it had proved 
sufficient for their purpose in smelting and working ore and 
metal. But it had two drawbacks. It confined iron-working 
to those districts where it was possible to secure such fuel, 
and the supply was relatively limited. As time went on 
these hindrances became greater. The growth of population 
at once increased the demand for fuel and iron, while the 
supply of wood decreased in like proportion. For centuries 
the use of coal had been relatively common for heating and 
domestic purposes generally, but it was considered unhealthy, 
and its industrial function was all but negligible. Now, how- 
ever, the scarcity of wood, the imperative necessity for greater 
quantities of iron, and the greater attention to mechan- 
ical appliances combined to compel a substitute for charcoal. 
It is probable that the use of coal on a larger and more 
practicable scale in iron-working originated in England. It 
soon spread through the continent, wherever it was available. 
And though it was not for generations reckoned as equal to 
the fuel which it supplanted, a multitude of minor improve- 
ments in the methods of its use graduaUy accomplished that 
revolution in the production of a metal whose infinite 
adaptations in later times transformed a world of wood into 
a world of coal and iron. 
Statistics That transformation was accompanied, especially in Eng- 
land, by two other phenomena belonging rather to the field 
of organized society, in its broader sense. These helped to 
complete a readjustment long needed in that realm. The 
remarkable commercial and industrial development of the 
seventeenth century was marked — ^as all such movements are 
marked — ^by changes in the thought and practice not only of 
the world of business, but of the philosophy and procedure of 
governments. To Antwerp is attributed the origin of that 
system of ^^securities'' or shares of stock, which, developed 
especially among the Dutch, revolutionized the whole basis 
of commercial and industrial venture. To the great Dutch 
statesman, John de Witt, is attributed that system of calcu- 
lating population statistics, particularly those of life and 
death, which served as the basis for life insurance; to 

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the Englishman Petty the compilation of figures relating to 
national wealth and welfare, which he called ''political arith- 
metic," and which became the basis not only of statistics but 
of taxation and in no small degree of administration. To 
the French minister Colbert must be allowed the distinction 
of putting into effect the principle of using the old revenue 
system of customs duties for the purpose of encouraging 
domestic industries, under the now familiar device known 
as a protective tariff. 

That expedient, which owes its modem development as a MercantU- 
national policy to the last half of the seventeenth century, **™ 
was fortified by an economic doctrine which rapidly grew 
into a school of thought and practice that long dominated 
European commerce and politics, and has not wholly died 
out to-day. It was known as mercantilism, and under that 
name became the guiding policy of most European states 
during the eighteenth century, with profound results not only 
in the field of trade but in public affairs, national, iiiterna- 
tional, and colonial. It was based primarily upon the fallacy 
that wealth, especially national wealth, was measured only in 
terms of precious metals. It was reinforced by the equally 
fallacious observation that whUe Spain and Portugal had 
possessed great revenues from their oversea possessions, they 
had been powerful, and took no account of the fact that it 
was the decline of Spain's energy and internal economy rather 
than the decrease of her income from America which sapped 
her strength. 

To this doctrine Mun's pamphlet on ''England's Wealth by 
Forraign Trade" gave impetus; and its effect was to direct 
the attention of statesmen toward measures designed above 
everything else to keep the national store of specie intact or 
to increase it. To such height did this principle reach that 
companies trading oversea were long compelled to give se- 
curity to bring back as much bullion as they took out specie! 
However these doctrines of the so-called mercantilist school 
varied in their application by different nations and at dif- 
ferent times they were identical in the encouragement of 
domestic industry and conmierce — in particular of exports — 

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and the discouragement of imports. They were no less notable 
for the negotiation of treaties favorable to these ends, and the 
development of navies and merchant marines, above all of 
colonies from which raw materials could be drawn and to 
which exports could be sent — ^in brief, commercial and in- 
dustrial independence, and highly restricted intercourse. 
Such a system, apart from the obvious impossibility of its 
maintenance by all nations engaged in manufacturing and 
trade at the same time, had at once elements of weakness 
and of strength. It enormously increased the national spirit 
at the expense of international relationships and comity. It 
restricted the exchange of ideas as well as of goods, and 
developed national character as distinct from that of Europe 
in general. Finally, as events were to prove, it tended to 
alienate Europeans - oversea from their home governments, 
'and so hastened the great schism which was to divide the 
European world. 
Qubs At the same time another great change came over Euro- 

pean, in particular English, life by the establishment of those 
social organizations to which we give the name of clubs. 
These were, and, in no small degree remain, the peculiar 
product of Anglo-Saxon character. The idea was, indeed, not 
new. The classical, especially the Roman world, had known 
such associations, though not precisely in their modern form. 
At all times the connection of men bent upon a common 
purpose, spiritual, intellectual, commercial, had bred societies 
of infinite form and number. But with the rise of city life 
and the peculiar condition of "loneliness in a crowd" which 
it produces, the gregarious instinct began to take shape, espe- 
cially in London, in this organization which provided a 
meeting-place, the comforts of life, and a congenial society 
for its members. Its earliest forms were connected with 
those coffee-houses which the preceding generation had estab- 
lished in such abundance, and its earliest organization was 
loose in the extreme. But as its advantages to the individual, 
and its peculiar appeal to the nature of the Anglo-Saxon 
male, came to be recognized, it developed rapidly; and, within 
a generation, it had become a great factor in the life of 

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upper-class English society. Thence, as time went on, it 
spread, though slowly, to other nations; and though it has 
never taken the same hold upon them as among the people 
with whom it originated, it has remained a permanent and 
important factor in the lives of a large and influential section 
of society throughout the earth. A later generation was to 
see the transference of this principle, in different forms, to 
Prance. There, far more than in England itself, it was to 
play a great part in politics, and to become no small factor in 
the overthrow of the absolutist tradition so carefully fostered 
under the Grand Monarque. 

The spirit of investigation and experiment was revealed in The *' Age 
many varying forms. Whether expressed in the foundation xiv^"** 
of economics and psychology, in the enunciation of the theory 
of gravitation or in the establishment of national finance; 
in the triumph of parliamentary government or the invention 
of a steam-engine, it discovered new powers and new capabili- 
ties, no less than new theories and devices. With them and 
with the increasingly pervasive influence of capital, com- 
merce, and colonies, the Age of Louis XIV becomes, in an- 
other view, the age of science and invejjion, of rationalism, 
of popular ' go vernme nt ^[d mercantilism, rather than merely 
another era of the aggrandizement of royalism, of national- 
ism, and of dynastic interests. And could one have looked 
forward a generation further, he might have seen in the 
development of these forces rather than in the more spectacu- 
lar affairs of war and diplomacy, that the apparent triumph 
of the old order was but the prelude to its decline before 
the new elements of society. Whatever may be said of the 
years between 3.6M and jfiTB as the Age of Louis XIV, it is 
apparent that the period between the latter date and the 
beginning of the eighteenth century might better be named 
from W Miam III. For it was the Anglo-Dutch spirit and 
practice which he personified that met the system of the 
Grand Monarque on more than equal terms. If Louis XIV 
crowned the long evolution of absolute statecraft, William 
III stood at the beginning of even greater develop- 

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Popular Among these, in the reahn of political theory and practice, 

^^^"^ one factor was pre-eminent. This was the principle of popu- 
lar government, which, during the preceding fifty years, had 
found its greatest expression in England. It was the product 
of a long development of doctrine as well as of procedure. 
For it was the result of the growing strength of the middle 
classes, as well as of the philosophical speculation which 
provided them with a rational foundation for their claims 
to a determining share in public affairs. And it was due no 
less to the devotion to historical precedent and law, which 
had always been so characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon race. 
This, it has been observed, was at once stimulated and 
reinforced by the activity of the lawyers, who found in the 
field of national affairs an opportunity to enlarge the scope 
of their talents and principles, which was all but impossible 
to their continental brethren. 
Law In some measure, indeed, this renewed activity of lawyers 

and this emergence of modem public law was evident on 
J he continent throughout the seventeenth century. But there 
it took a somewhat different course. The power of the abso- 
lutist kings was too great for courts and lawyers, unsup- 
ported by an overwhelming body of public sentiment, such 
as existed in England, to have much infiuence in domestic 
'^airs. But, beginning wit h Gro |ius, there had begun to 
develop those principles which govern the relations between 
states; and beside the evolution of diplomacy and diplomats 
which characterized that century, went on the rapid develop- 
jDient of international law. To Orotius succeeded the Saxon 
Pufendorf jurist Pufendorf, whose work, De Jure Naturae et Oentium, 
1639-94 continued the doctrines laid down by his great predecessor 
and added to them the principles enunciated by the English 
political philosopher Hobbes. This effort **to evolve from 
the study of human nature a system of jurisprudence which 
should be of universal and permanent applicability," based 
itself on the three sources of law, as he conceived them, 
reason, the old civil law, and divine revelation. He went 
still further in his inclusion not only of Christian but of 
non-Christian peoples in the bonds of common humanity; 

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and he anticipated the prophets of a later age in his declara- 
tion that the will of the state is but the sum of the wills 
of the individuals which compose it 

His labors represent another development characteristic of 
the last half of the seventeenth century — ^the tendency to 
break away from the French legal tradition which had domi- ^ 
nated Europe for nearly two hundred years^ From the time ^ 
when the Italian jurist, Alciati, had settled in France on the 
invitation of Francis I and begun that long career of instruc- 
tion which made his adopted country the center of European 
jurisprudence — and brough t him J ohn jJalvin as a student — 
French legal primacy had been an acknowledged fact. ''The 
mo% OaUictis had become the fashion in the juristic world"; 
and it was hardly before the middle of the seventeenth 
century that this tradition began to disappear. Among the 
early evidences of its decline had been the work of Puf endory 
and the beginning of the publication of those English law 
reports which presently swelled to such proportions and such 
importance. But if French legal eminence narrowed, it 
strengthened. The general reorganization which overtook 
France under Louis XIV included the field of law ; and the 
labors of Xfomat and his fellows consolidatedan^systematized 
FrencC^law and procedure into greater unity and efficiency. 
With this general process of collecting and codifying the 
various legal systems then in vogue in Europe, modem juris- 
prudence may be said to have finallyjiegun. And this, were 
there no other development of these years, would have made 
this age a notable period in European history. The process 
was naturally unequal and by no means thorough; but it 
evidenced in this field, as in so many others, that general 
tendency to seek new bases of faith and conduct for a society 
busy with the manifold problems of an existence altered in 
almost every particular from that which had dominated 
Europe two centuries earlier. 

With Pufendorf there came an advance not only in law 
but in political philosophy. While the lawyers of the con- 
tinent devoted themselves to the practice of their profession, 
they held to the old civil codes derived from Roman sources, 

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modified, as the generations went on, by the exigencies of 
their own environment, with little change in either principles 
or practices. Pnfendorf, almost alone, contributed to that 
advance in the conceptions of jurisprudence and the state 
with which the English lawyers were so greatly concerned; 
and he, in consequence, became the model for a school of 
continental jurists whose labors paralleled the more political 
activities of the English lawyers. Continental law, indeed, 
unlike that of England, took no account of that qnstem of 
court practice which, by the use of a jury, introduced what 
may be called a popular element into legal procedure. It 
took still less account of laws enacted by a legislature. And 
in this, as in so many other directions, the European world 
was sharply divided into continental and Anglo-Saxon lines 
of development. In the former the dictum held by Louis 
XIV and his contemporaries, Suprema lex voluntas regis, 
the supreme law is the will of the king, was almost uni- 
versally prevalent. And nothing better illustrates the 
divergent principles at work in public affairs than the con- 
trast between this motto and that of the English law, Solus 
populi suprema lex, the welfare of the people is the supreme 
law. In that contradiction lay the prophecy of ultimate 
Locke Finally thii^ long evolution was crowned by the genius 

1639-1704 of the Englishman John Lpcke, who, no less in mental than in 
political philosophy, became the prophet of a new school 
of thinkers, then slowly rising not only to recognition but to 
dominance in the field of European thought. It is a coinci- 
dence of no ordinary interest that his great work, the Essay 
an the Human Understanding, appeared in the year of 
the English Revolution of 1688. Moreover, an exile in 
Holland, whither, as the friend and secretary of Shaftes- 
bury, he had been compelled to flee, he became, in a 
sense, the co-worker and heir of that school which, from 
Descartes to Spinoza, found refuge in the nation that had 
stood as the champion of liberty and individuality against 
all arbitrary and absolutist powers from Philip II to 
Louis XIV, 

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To Locke the great guide was rfigsonableness. He de hb 

nounced the efforts of those metaphysicists who, in their P*^Mop**y 
endeavors to understand the universe and its Creator, pushed 
their speculations beyond the reach of human intelligence. 
He opposed the efforts of those dogmatists who would have 
stifled all inquiry by their belief in revelation. He denied 
the doctrine of 'Annate" ideas, pronouncing for that of 
"experience"; which, in turn, he conceived of as a combina- 
tion of observation and reflection. The soul, he declared, was 
an *' empty tablet," gradually inscribed by the activities 
of life. And, as opposed to positive conceptions, he offered 
the doctrine of relative conceptions, of probabilities and pre- 
sumptions, such as must confront real men living in a real 
world. With him, indeed, we come more nearly to psychology, 
which was to be the next advance in philosophy. In such 
fashion he approached the great social and political problems. 
Here, as in everything else, he loved order, and usefulness, 
and, above all, reason. As his essay on the Reasonahlefiess of 
Christianity in some* sort represents his religious attitude, so 
his Letters on Toleration and his Treatises on Oovernment ex- 
press his political views in the same spirit which infused his 
philosophy. These, in brief, concerned themselves with the 
doctrines of civil liberty. Advancing from the position of 
Hobbes, he became the champion of the individual in affairs 
of state as in those of faith. In each field he applied that 
reason in which he found at once the chief expression of his 
own belief, and the principal weapon against irrational as- 
sumptions of authority, whether in matters civil or ecclesi- 

It was inevitable that he should find himself entirely 
hostile to such doctrines as those of the divine right of 
kings which Filmer had advanced, and among his contribu- 
. tions to political thought, the chief is to be found in the 
attack upon the Patriarchia. It was no less inevitable that 
in his teachings every school then marshalling its forces 
against the intrenched powers of autocracy and dogma should 
find comfort. He was himself as much opposed to that lati- 
tudinarianism which renounced every element of mysticism 

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and tended toward atheism, as he was to the party which 
founded itself on the pure dogma of revelation. He was 
no less the antagonist of that party which denied all political 
authority and tended toward anarchy, than of the cham- 
pions of divine right; and, in consequence, this ''apostle of 
reasonableness" contributed to the success of those who, 
from this time forth, sought to extend the bases of reason 
as against authority in every field. Thus he became the 
prophet of the reform and presently of the revolution which 
brought to ruin the principles and practices of the political 
school whose chief exponent was the French king. 

In such fashion, as the seventeenth century came to a 
close, the issue was joined between the old school and the 
new in the realms of philosophical and religious thought, and 
in the theory and practice of government, at the same time 
that new elements of strength were added to the resources of 
mankind. It is a common device of those historians who 
strive to wean unwilling readers from the more stirring^/ 
events of the world of action, the fine-spun schemes of 
diplomats, and the spectacular activities of captains and of 
kings, to emphasize the greater importance of these duller 
chronicles of scientists, inventors, and thinkers. To most men 
The** new no literary art can make them comparable in interest with 
course" ^j^^ dramatic vividness of battles lost and won, of great 
designs carried to victory or defeat, of the unending human 
comedy and tragedy whose conflicts form the undying theme 
of human interest. The study can never compete with the 
field of battle as the subject of history. Yet, in a wider 
view, the multitudinous activities of these untitled leaders 
of the common cause of humanity, engaged in this great 
conflict with the forces of ignorance and the dark, the struggle 
of these champions of liberty with those of intrenched dogma 
and autocracy and these discoverers of new knowledge and 
new power, take on an aspect no less dramatic, and far 
more important to the cause of progress than all the glitter- 
ing triumphs of statesmen and generals. For the cause 
which they championed, the interest which they served, are 
those which went to make the world we call our own. As 

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the great German philosopher observed, the object of uni- 
versal history is the growth of a world community pursuing 
a common purpose, the ultimate purpose of man, the creation 
and diffusion of knowledge and beauty. And in the fields of 
knowledge and capacity, popular government, and freedom 
of thought, these pioneers of the forces of light drove their 
mines deep under that stately edifice, of worldly power which, 
at the height of his glory, the Grand Monarque was raising 
before the eyes of men. That edifice was to endure scarcely 
a century. To its fall, as to the structure which arose in 
its place, it was the glory of these leaders of thought to 
contribute; and from their efforts, rather than from the 
achievements of those who fiUed the world's eye, came the 
next advance in the real progress of mankind. 

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The results 
of the 17th 

It has been observed that many of the apparent differences 
which seem to distinguish the tendencies of successive periods 
of history are due less to real divergence of aims than to 
changes in modes of expression. What to one generation is 
known as religious is not infrequently called political by 
another, and perhaps social by a third. But even if that were 
true the very changes in terminology indicate a certain 
shifting of the prevailing temper of men which accompanies 
or foreshadows a real alteration of spirit or purpose. Be- 
ginning with the period of the Thirty Years* War the con- 
spicuous feature of the political development of continental 
Europe had been the rise of France and Sweden to the 
dominance of the European system. Between them they had 
prevented the establishment of the Hapsburg Empire as a 
real political unit. France completed the work begun by 
England and Holland in breaking the power of Spain. 
Sweden and the north German Protestants had limited Aus- 
trian influence to southeastern Europe. Their activities 
aided the English and the Dutch who had destroyed the 
monopoly of Spain and Portugal beyond the sea and in 
many quarters replaced it with their own ascendancy. More- 
over, during the seventeenth century, even before the Thirty 
Years' War came to an end, the words Catholic and Prot- 
estant had begun to lose much of their force in politics. 
By the middle of the reign of Louis XIV there were still 
apparent in European affairs the feverish ambitions of 
princes and peoples which tended inevitably toward the 
recurrence of universal war. But those ambitions were no 
longer religious in name or fact; they were national and 


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above all dynastic; and they were conditioned by the results 
of the changes which had taken place daring the preceding 

Those changes were far-reaching and profound. Within Europe 
a hundred years the continent had been slowly transformed b^^njng 
into a political structure whose outlines were more familiar oftheisth 
to modem eyes than they had been during the sixteenth ^^^^^ 
century. Since that time there had been evolved a group 
of powers, fairly stable in form and character; more highly 
organized ad political and military units; more conscious of 
their existence and situation and of their relation to their 
neighbors; and better prepared to maintain or extend their 
power. Moreover, with few exceptions, they were controlled 
by royal houses, inspired by the spirit of ''high politics." 
These made war and diplomacy the chief business of life. 
They were influenced by few considerations which we group 
under the name of nationality, and determined to reckon 
their greatness by the accumulation of territories and sub- 
jects. From their antagonisms arose the next stage of Euro- 
pean disturbance, and its outbreak marks with much definite- 
ness another age of public affairs. 

The national kingdoms of Spain, Portugal, France, and The 
England, the Netherlands, the German and Italian princi- ^g^*" 
palities, the Swiss republic, and the Hapsburg power, amid 
the rivalries, entanglements, and alterations incident to a 
vigorous political activity, formed, from the Atlantic to the 
Oder and the middle Danube, a fairly well-defined and 
recognized system. Beyond this much was indeterminate. 
The lower Danube remained a land debatable between the 
Turkish Empire and its enemies. The Baltic states were 
in unstable equilibrium. Swedish ascendancy was challenged 
on every side. The pretensions of Denmark, the precarioua 
position of Poland, the rising power of Brandenburg, the 
vast and obscure ambitions of Bussia, combined to menace 
the peace of eastern Europe and pointed out that quarter 
of the continent as the probable scene of a great struggle for 
political predominance. 

At the same. timQ the more general causes of disturbances- 

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Spain and 







the old Hapsburg-Bourbon rivalry, joined to the newer an- 
tagonism of the Anglo-Dutch conflict with Prance, — ^foreboded 
another era of European war. This was the situation of the 
continent after the Treaty of Ryswick; and scarcely had that 
treaty been signed when two concurrent circumstances 
threatened to disrupt the peace of the world. The one was 
the question of the Spanish Succession, a dynastic issue which 
involved the future not of Europe alone but of a great part 
of her possessions oversea. The other was the sudden revival 
of Sweden's energies under the impulse of the last great 
figure of the Yasa house, Charles XII, and the ensuing effort 
to regain its old supremacy. 

Of these the first was of more immediate importance and 
of wider scope. The circumstances were, on their face, simple 
enough. The King of Spain, Charles II, last of the Spanish 
Hapsburgs, was childless and near his end. For his pos- 
sessions arose three aspirants, Louis XIV, Leopold I, and 
the Electoral prince of Bavaria, each basing his claim upon 
heredity with widely varying degrees of merit. Had other 
circumstances not complicated the issue, it might well have 
been determined by diplomatic processes. But the problem 
was not as simple as it seemed, for it was far less legal 
than political. England and Holland, the great naval powers, 
were equally unwilling to see the Indies revert to France or 
Austria; Louis XIV was no less opposed to the revival of 
the empire of Charles V; Leopold would not willingly 
permit the house of Hapsburg to be replaced by that of 
Bourbon on the Spanish throne, and France to cross the 

Under conditions thus pointing to inevitable war, Louis 
XIV and his diplomats moved to preserve French interests 
and avoid widespread conflict by a negotiation. As a result, 
a twelvemonth after Ryswick, there was signed the. so-called 
first partition treaty. By its terms Spain, the Indies, and 
Spanish Netherlands were assigned to the electoral prince 
of Bavaria; Milan to Leopold's son, the Archduke Charles; 
Naples and Sicily, the Tuscan ports, and Guipuzcoa to the 
French dauphin. Had Charles consented to this division 

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it might well have saved Europe from war. But, angered 
by the disposal of his lands without consulting him, he 
gained the assent of England and the Netherlands, and 
made the boy prince, the Elector of Bavaria, his sole heir. 
But the boy died. French intrigue recommenced, and, in the March 
last months of the seventeenth century, a new partition treaty ^^^ 
assigned Spain and the Indies to the Archduke Charles; 
Naples, Lorraine, and Sicily to the Dauphin; and Milan to 
the Duke of Lorraine. Again Charles II, now under the 
influence of the French party and ambassador at his court, 
intervened; devised his lands to Louis XIY's grandson, Not. 1700 
Philip of Anjou; and died, leaving to Europe a fearful 
heritage of war. Louis XIV hesitated a moment, but the 
dynastic impulse was too strong. He accepted the will and 
recognized his grandson as Philip V of Spain; sent him to 
his inheritance and prepared to fight. At the same moment 
the exiled James 11 died; Louis recognized his son as King 
of England, and, so far as western Europe was concerned, 
made i^e conflict inevitable. 

These, in brief, were the outlines of a long and bitter The War 
diplomatic dud which led to another catastrophe. At once gJ,J5j|^ 
Europe became an armed camp. Against the Grand Alliance Succession 
of England, the Netherlands, and Austria were arrayed ^'^^ 
France, Savoy, Cologne, and Bavaria. And though, with the 
beginning of hostilities, William III died, the three leaders 
on whom the burden fell, the English Marlborough, the 
Savoyard Prince Eugene, and the Dutch pensionary Heinsius, 
proved worthy successors as opponents of the Grand Mo- 
narque. For ten bloody years all western Europe, save the 
prize of the quarrel, Spain, felt the pressure of the conflict. 
Beginning with the battle of Blenheim, where Marlborough i704 
and Eugene defeated the French and Bavarians, through 
Marlborough's victory of Bamillies, Eugene's at Turin, and 1706 
their joint triumph over the French at Oudenarde, the flrst 1708 
seven years of the war did much to humble France. The 
Archduke Charles was, indeed, unable to maintain himself 
against his popular antagonist in Spain, but Eugene's victory 
destroyed French influence in Italy and gave him Lombardy. 

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The Peace 
of Utrecht 

The English overran the Spanish Netherlands and seized 
Gibraltar, where for more than two centuries they have held 
the key to the Mediterranean. 

With the crowning catastrophe of Oudenarde, reinforced by 
the sufferings of the ensuing winter, whose severity further 
enfeebled France, Louis XIV sought terms. To the aor- 
render of Spain to Charles; the border fortresses to the 
Netherlands; Strassburg and Breisach to the Emperor; to the 
recognition of Anne as Queen of England and the banishment 
of the Stuart pretenders from his realm, he gave assent. 
But with the last demand that he should help the allies drive 
Philip from Spain, his patience broke; France responded to 
his appeal and the war was renewed. But fortune still went 
against him. The overwhelming victory of Marlborough and 
Eugene at Malplaquet more than offset Philip's success in 
Spain, and Louis was driven finally to consent to pay troops 
to fight for Charles against his own grandson. 

But with this last humiliation the tide began to turn. In 
England, the Tories replaced the Whigs, and Marlborough 
fell from power. In Austria the Emperor Joseph's death set 
Charles upon the Hapsburg throne, and revived the fear of 
the empire of Charles V. In the Low Countries the French, 
relieved from the genius of the great English duke, began 
to win victories. And, as the balance turned in favor of 
Louis XIV, all sides again sought peace. After twelve years 
of war, the treaties of Utrecht, and, after another year of 
confiict, those of Bastadt and Baden, brought Europe again 
to equilibrium. With them ended Louis XIV's great attempt 
to dominate the continenti and, for the time being, French 

By this series of treaties, the greatest since Westphalia, 
England secured the Protestant succession to the throne; 
with Newfoundland, Hudson's Bay, and Nova Scotia in 
America; Gibraltar and Minorca in the Mediterranean; and 
the so-called Asiento or right to furnish slaves to Spanish 
colonies. The Netherlands procured the right to garrison the 
Barrier or border fortresses, from Fumes to Namur; and 
the destruction of the French forts at Dunkirk. Austria 

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obtained the Spanish Netherlands, Naples, Sardinia, and 
Milan; with the status established at Ryswiek. Spain kept 
her king, and rectified frontiers with Portugal in South 
America. Brandenburg was re-named the Kingdom of 
Prussia and gained Neuchatel with part of Oueldres in ex- 
change for her daiift on Orange, which went to France. 
And, from the wreck of his ambitions, Louis XIV retained 
Lille and its neighbors, with recognition of his grandson's 
claim. The war between Spain and the Emperor went on, 
and the former endeavored to regain her appanages in Italy. 
But six years thereafter a quadruple alliance among France, ins-l9 
' England, Holland, and the Empire to maintain the terms of 
Utrecht compelled Savoy to exchange Sicily for Sardinia, 1790 
whence her rulers took their royal title; and in return for 
imperial recognition of the Bourbons in Spain, the latter 
renounced their pretensions in Sicily and Sardinia. 

Such was the result of the great conflict which absorbed The end of 
western Europe in the first two decades of the eighteenth ^wi^^jv 
century — the substitution of Bourbon for Hapsburg in Spain 1716 
and of Hapsburg for Bourbon in Italy; the transfer of the 
Spanish Netherlands to Austria; and the collapse of Louis 
XrV's ambition to dominate the continent. Two years after 
the Peace of Utrecht the Grand Monarque died, leaving his 
state all but bankrupt in wealth and strength; his projects, 
save for Alsace and a few border fortresses, brought to 
naught; and the glittering edifice of courtly despotism which 
he had raised little more than an empty shell. The fifth 
attempt to bring Europe under the domination of a particular 
set of forces and formulsB had failed. What Soman and 
Frank, Papacy and Empire and Spanish-Hapsburg power 
had been unable to attain had again been proved impossible, 
and again Europe had vindicated her ineradicable deter- 
mination to rest her unity on a general community of civiliza- 
tion rather than on the supremacy of any single state or 
doctrine. Unity in diversity and balance of power had again 
been proved the pillars of the continental system. 

But even the great war which filled the first two decades ^^f^^ 
of the history of western Europe b^ no means exhausted the sutcs 

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importance of that period in the political development of the 
continent. The years which saw the collapse of Lonis XIV's 
ambitions had witnessed a series of minor changes among his 
allies and his enemies, which, like his own great adventure, 
bore within them seeds of a new order and of new conflicts. 

1714 Almost at the moment he left the scene of his activities 

the death of Anne brought to the English throne the Elector 
of Hanover as George I; and the failure of the rebeUion 
which the Stuart pretender, James III so-called, essayed 

1716 against his rival ensured not merely the triumph of the 

Hanoverian house but parliamentary and Protestant su- 
premacy, with the dominance of its champions, the Whigs. 
This was the more significant in that, during the crisis of 
the great war just past, England and Scotland, after a 
century of personal union under the crown, had finally 
achieved a legislative union under Parliament. Moreover, 

The Act England had crowned her long connection with Portugal by 

® ^^ the great Methuen treaty of commerce — and so, among other 
results, replaced Burgundy with port on British dinner tables. 

1707 The Act of Union which took eflfect at the moment of the 

allies' triumph over the French was designed to compose the 
antagonisms aroused by the revolution, and the bitterness 
produced by the failure of the Scotch Darien Company. 
Thenceforth England wad relieved in large measure from the 
danger which had long threatened her from her sister king- 
dom, and Scotland exchanged her partial autonomy for suh- 

1697 stantial share in England's wealth and power. The Elector 

of Saxony had long since become king of Poland, and this 
circumstance, with Hanoverian kingship in England, the ele- 
vation of Savoy and Brandenburg to like rank, altered the 
titular situation of the continent. 

But the effect was deeper far than that. Thenceforth 
Prussian ambition tended to translate its title into fact, and 
to extend this new-won dignity over increasing territory to 
the further disturbance of European peace. The personal 
union of Poland with Saxony and of England with Hanover 
tended to involve those extra-Gterman states in the ambitions 
of the Hohenzollems. Thus, among the remoter results of 

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the War of the Spanish Succession, these dynastic changes 
were to bear fruit in another no less far-reaching conflict, 
on whose event the fortunes of the European world during 
the next generation were to depend. 

Meanwhile, however, another series of events divided with The 
the War of the Spanish Succession the interests and the ^Yr***™ 
energies of European peoples. These centered in the so-called 
Northern War. During the years that England and Holland, 
Spain, Austria, France, Savoy, and Qerman states, made their 
half of Europe a battlefield, the circumstances of the east 
were of no less importance and of even greater dramatic inter- 
est, while they were intensified by a personal rivalry which 
succeeded the long duel between William III and Louis XIV. 
This was the struggle between Charles XII of Sweden and 
his enemies, of whom the chief was Peter the Great of Russia. 
And what the eastern conflict lacked in dynastic importance 
it more than made up in a spectacular quality which far 
exceeded the subtler antagonism of Bourbon and Orange, and 
in a tragic intensity strengthened by its romantic adventures 
and its savage background. 

Its earlier course followed dosely the developments of the 
western war. At the moment that the Peace of Ryswick 
was signed, Charles had ascended the Swedish throne and 1097 
Peter finally gained the ascendancy over his turbulent no- 
bility. At the moment that the partition treaties were being 
drawn, Russia, Denmark, and Saxony-Poland signed a not i698-» 
dissimilar agreement to wrest from Sweden those provinces 
which the house of Vasa had combined, during the preceding 
century, in its attempt to make the Baltic a Swedish lake. 
And the summer that saw the culmination of French intrigues 
which led to Charles II 's will and the final alignment of 
the western powers, witnessed the joint attack of the allies 1700 
on Sweden. With it began the Northern War, which, running 
parallel with the War of the Spanish Succession, determined 
the fortunes of the east, as the conflict between Louis XIY 
and his enemies determined those of the west. 

The allies, counting on the weakness of Sweden under the Charles 
rule of a boy-king but fifteen years of age, had promised ^^^ 

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themselves an easy triumph. Never was expectation doomed 
to greater disappointment. While the Saxons advanced upon 

1700 Livonia and the Danes invaded Schleswig, Charled landed 

unexpectedly in Zealand, threatened the Danish capital, and 
extracted from the astonished Danes the Peace of Travendal 
and their withdrawal from hostilities. Hastening thence 
across the Baltic, where the Russians were besieging Narva, 
the Swedish king fell on their army and overwhelmed it. 

1701- Thence he turned against the Saxons, compelled them to 

raide the siege of Biga, invaded Lithuania, took Warsaw, 
defeated the Poles and Saxons in two successive engagements, 

1704 and caused the election of his Polish adherent, Stanislaus 

Lesczinski, in place of Augustus of Saxony, as king of Poland. 
Following his advantage, he drove the Saxons before him 
and, at the instant that Marlborough's victory of Bamillies 
gave the Austrian Netherlands to the allies, Charles com- 

1706 *pelled Augustus to renounce his Russian alliance, abdicate 

the Polish throne in favor of Stanislaus, and supply the Swed- 
ish army for the next campaign. 

This rapid succession of brilliant achievements now brought 
the romantic figure of the Swedish boy-king to European 
eminence. In the six years which comprised the first period 
of the War of the Spanish Succession, Charles XII had 
conquered and divided his enemies, raised Swedish arms 
to a height they had not attained since the days of Gustavus, 
and regained Sweden's pre-eminence. From this achieve- 
ment he turned to complete his triumph by the conquest of 
Russia; and all eastern Europe was absorbed in the fierce 
rivalry of the great antagonists. 

Peter the Seldom have two national leaders been more unlike than 

Char^"^ Peter the Great and Charles. The one, of loose morals and 

XII violent disposition in private, ruled public matters with 

unlimited patience and deliberate resolution. The other, pas- 
sionless and of rigid private morality, pursued impossible 
political visions with incredible obstinacy. While Charles, 
with marvelous military skill, overwhelmed his enemies by 
rapid and brilliant strokes which dazzled the imagination, 
he allowed his hatred of the Saxon-Polish king to lead him 

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{rom what should have been his chief object^ the crushing 
of Bussia. While the Swedes were busy in Poland and 
Saxony, Peter founded a new capital, St. Petersburg, among 
the Neva marshes, besieged and captured Narva, and trained 170S-4 
an army with the aid of his west-European engineers and 
officers. Wlien Charles turned from Saxony against Russia, 
he found his march to Moscow rendered impossible by the 
devastation of the country. Lured from that enterprise by 
the Cossack hetman, Mazeppa, who renounced his Russian 1708 
allegiance, Charles marched southward into his new ally's 
country, the Ukraine, where he wasted time and energy in the 
siege of the Russian fortress of Poltava. There Peter, with 
an overwhelming force, fell on the exhausted and starving 
Swedes, defeated and destroyed their army, and at one blow 1709 
demolished the edifice of Swedish supremacy. Thus, by 
wholly different means, the great antagonists arrived at the 
crisis of their careers, whose results reflected the influence 
of their respective characters. 

The succeeding events brought those antagonisms into 
higher relief. As Eugene and Marlborough overthrew Louis 
XIV's last army at Malplaquet and marched into France, 
Charles XII took refuge with the Turks. As the fall of 1709-10 
Marlborough and the death of the Emperor Joseph turned 
the tide in favor of the French, Charles' new allies advanced 
upon Russia, and surrounded Peter's army on the Pruth, where The Russo- 
the Czar was preserved from destruction only by the bribery ^^^^^j 
of the Turkish leaders. The Peace of Pruth restored Azof the Peace 
to the Turks and guaranteed the safe return of Charles to J'^^™*** 
his kingdom; but the infatuated hero refused to depart, and 
harassed the patience of the Porte for three more years, 
while his rivals improved his absence to annex his lands. 
Augustus drove the Swedes from Poland; the Danes, though 
they failed to conquer the southern Swedish provinces, took 
Schleswig from Holstein-Gtottorp, together with Bremen and 
Verden, which they gave to Hanover for her aid against 
Sweden. Peter the Great occupied the Swedish provinces along i7M 
the eastern Baltic from Livonia to Finland; the Prussians 
occupied Stettin ; the Poles and Danes invaded Pomerania. 

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War and 
the Peace 



War and 
the Peace 
of Passa- 


Such was the result of Charles XII 's obstinate sojourn 
among the Turks. His return, which coincided with the Peace 
of Utrecht, was signalized by an alliance of all the northern 
powers against him. For four years, amid negotiations with 
Russia and expeditions against Norway, which had improved 
the opportunity to revolt, Charles struggled on against Us 
enemies until an assassin's shot ended the stormy and dis- 
astrous adventure of his reign. The crown, deprived of 
many of its earlier prerogatives, devolved on Charles' sister 
and so to her husband, the Duke of Hesse-Cassel ; and the 
long northern rivalry was ended by the treaties of Stockholm 
and Friedrichsburg, crowned presently with the Peace of 
Nystadt. By them Sweden lost Bremen and Verden to Han- 
over; Stettin, West Pomerania, and two islands to Prussia; 
Livonia, Esthonia, Ingermanland, and part of Karelia, with 
some islands, to Russia. Though she regained Finland, ex- 
changed her conquests with Denmark, and received money 
indemnities, her defeat was scarcely measured even by her 
lost territories. Shorn of her Baltic provinces save two, 
weakened, discredited, she fell from her high place, and the 
same twelvemonth, which finally confirmed the peace of 
western Europe on the basis of the terms of Utrecht, saw 
Sweden removed from the ranks of first-rate European 
powers, and her throne occupied by another of those Qerman 
houses which, in this period, supplied kings to half the 
thrones of Europe. 

This was not the end of the excursions and alarms which 
vexed the continent in this warlike period. The Swedish 
king's adventures not merely roused the Cossacks against 
their masters, they inspired the Turks to dreams of fresh 
conquest. Revived by their experience against the Russians, 
they turned again to attack the decaying power of Venice. 
From her they wrested the Morea, the last of her main- 
land possessions; and only the intervention of the Empire 
preserved her remaining island ports. But the pacifica- 
tion of the west brought Austria's great captain, the Prince 
Eugene, against them, and before his genius they gave way. 
His victory of Peterwardein and the ensuing siege and 

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capture of Belgrade not merely drove them finally beyond 
the Danube but secured Hungary against the danger of 
further attack. By the ensuing Peace of Passarowitz, Venice 1718 
was compelled to cede the Morea, but she retained her 
conquests in Dalmatia, while Austria obtained the Banat of 
Temesvar, Belgrade, and part of Servia, with western or 
Little Wallachia. Thenceforth these Danubian territories 
were to be no longer a land debatable, but a military frontier 
against the declining power of the Ottomans. 

These were the chief political readjustments resulting from Political 
the great wars that convulsed the continent in the first decades "^^ults 
of the eighteenth century. In large measure those conflicts 
conditioned the development not only of Europe's polity but 
of her civilization. Yet they by no means fully determined 
that progress. The Northern War, indeed, played its part in 
the evolution of the Russian empire which now began to take 
an active share in European affairs. But the energies of 
Russia's ruler and his subjects were not bounded by the 
exigencies of war. The alienation of the Spanish empire 
from Hapsburg to Bourbon, though destined to great ulti- 
mate consequence, had little enough immediate effect, even 
where it was known, upon the millions of its subjects in 
South America. The transfer of the English succession from 
Stuart to Hanover scarcely affected the perpetuation of estab- 
lished Whig policy in England itself or in the colonies. 
And the accession of a Saxon ruler to the Polish throne, 
of a Hessian to that of Sweden, even the conveyance of Russia 
Spanish appanages in Italy to Austrian princes, were of far SJ?®'^ 
less concern to the progress of the continent than the activi- Great 
ties of the masses from whose energies that development 

To this there was one striking exception. Of all the far- 
reaching influences then at work re-shaping the world, none 
wad of more consequence than the development of those lands 
and societies scarcely reckoned within the European circle a 
century before. And of the influence of monarchs on history 
there is no better example than that now afforded by Peter 
the Great of Russia. It is scarcely too much to say that 

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into Asia 

with his visit to western Europe, his country entered Euro- 
pean politics. Converted to the merits of the western civiliza- 
tion, he strove on his return to introduce its practices amon^ 
his subjects; to increase the royal authority, to reorganize 
the army, now first drilled, organized, and equipped after the 
western fashion and supplemented by the establishment of 
a navy. The substitution of a royal council for the council 
of boyars or nobles, the organization of administrative depart- 
ments, the division of Russia into local governments, the 
revision of taxation and the reform of the church, no less 
than the encouragement and supervision of commerce, wit- 
nessed the fierce reforming energy of the great Czar. The 
foundation of a new capital, St.* Petersburg, on the Baltic, 
his effort to gain access to the Black Sea, and the ensuing 
confiicts with Turkey and Sweden, like the extension of 
Russia's relations with western powers, expressed more than 
its ruler's determination to revolutionize and expand the 
Russian empire. With its expansion, the European system 
of government and society began to extend in a new direction 
far beyond its earlier confines. To the Tartar hordes which 
had so long pressed hard on Europe's eastern frontiers was 
now opposed a power which, though it still partook of Asiatic 
influence, became at once an outpost and an aggressive 
exponent of European civilization against its ancient 

This influence soon spread outside the formal bounds of 
the European continent. Far beyond the lines of its con- 
flicts, Russian explorers and adventurers contributed to the 
same result. In their progress the Czar's encouragement and 
the impulse of science bore an equal part. The seventeenth 
century had seen Russian adventurers in Kamchatka and 
the discovery of the easternmost projection of the continent. 
Now, at the end of the first decade of the eighteenth century, 
came the promise of a new advance. Two expeditions failed 
to locate definitely the New Siberian islands, but the exten- 
sion of Russian influence to Kamchatka was strengthened 
by the discovery of the Kurile islands, by new information 
regarding Japan, and by the survey of the Sea of Okhotsk. 

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The Kremlin, Moscow. 

This citadel of the old capital of the Czars was surrounded by a wall 
about 1492. The churches show the Russo-Byzantine type of architecture 
and are of various dates. The Great Palace (on the left) was built after 
the destruction caused by Napoleon's occupation. (Photograph copyright 
by Underwood & Underwood.) 

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Before his death, Peter the Great took one more step. This 
was the project of exploring that remote region where the 
eastern and western continents were all but joined. With 
that, the way was finally prepared for European advance 
through Asia to America. Though the great Czar did not 
live to see it, the next step of Russian progress carried his 
people across the narrow strait which divides the eastern 
from the western world, and, in the remote regions of the 
north Pacific, finally brought them in touch with those powers 
which were even then re-shaping the destinies of North 

Upon that continent, meanwhile, the impulse of the War The War 
of the Spanish Succession had fallen with peculiar force, g(J^^ 
and no circumstance better illustrates the new unity of Succession 
Europe, than the extension of that conflict beyond the sea. ®^^'^* 
Nowhere in the colonial world were the three states chiefly 
concerned, Spain, France, and England, more powerful; 
nowhere were the antagonisms of their colonists more sharply 
defined, and nowhere, in consequence, was the confiict waged 
more bitterly. The Peace of Ryswi<^, which had ended the 
first stage of the struggle for the continent, had effected 
barely more than such a truce as the treaty of neutrality 
which preceded the Revolution of 1688, and the colonies had 
hardly waited the death of the Spanish king and the resump- 
tion of hostilities in Europe, to fiy at each other's throats. 

For this there was cause enough in the circumstances of 
American affairs, apart from European rivalry. The Peace 
of Byswick was scarcely signed when the English and French 
each strove to anticipate the other in the seizure of the 
mouth of the Mississippi and the settlement of Louisiana. 
At the same moment, a Scotch company, under direction of i698 
the promoter of the Bank of England, Paterson, made a costly 
and futile attempt to found a colony at Darien. This pro- 
voked Spanish resistance, and resulted in a failure which 
severely strained Anglo-Scottish relations until the two na- 
tions were joined by the Act of Union. In South America 1707 
the Spanish-Portuguese rivalry blazed up afresh, and, beside 
these new causes of antagonism, the old conflict for fisheries 

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The North 

and the possession of lands east of the Kennebec, added fael 
to the flame of Anglo-French antagonism in the north. 

The result was a speedy renewal of hostilities. Eugene had 
scarcely invaded Italy when the Carolina colonists made a 
futile attack on St. Augustine; and William III was scarcely 
in his grave before the arrival of a new governor, Dudley, 
in Boston, not only revived the old quarrels between the 
province and its executive, but set New England in train for 
war. The succeeding decade took tone from these events. 
The French secured their hold on Louisiana amd hurled raid- 
ing parties against the English frontier. In New England, 
Berwick, Haverhill, and Deerfield were in turn destroyed; 
on the south, the Spaniards and French invaded Carolina 
and threatened Charleston. And when the Tuscaroras 
took advantage of the disturbances to attack the Caro- 
lina outposts, it seemed for a time that the Franco- 
Spanish allies might gain in America what they lost in 

But the advantage did not ultimately lie on the side of 
England's antagonists. A colonial force from New England 
failed to take Port Royal, but, three years later, the aid of 
an English fleet reduced that stronghold, now re-named An- 
napolis. And though an expedition against Canada, a twelve- 
month later, was not successful, the English colonists found 
themselves no longer in much danger from their foes in that 
quarter. Meanwhile the southern colonies were even more 
aggressive. The Spanish and French were expelled from 
Carolina with great loss. The Tuscaroras were not merely 
defeated but driven from their homes, and the broken rem- 
nants of their tribe, flying from English vengeance, took 
refuge with the Iroquois. 

With the Treaty of Utrecht peace again fell on the western 
world. Acadia remained in English hands and the Five 
Nations subject to their rule. The colonists' position thus 
strengthened, they turned to other tasks. The seven years 
which followed were absorbed in regulating relations with 
each other and with the Indians ; in the suppression of piracy, 
and the settlement of boundary differences. Here they were 

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ne less successful. In Carolina the Indians were finally 
driven into Spanish territory; in which as well as in New 
Providence the last remnants of piracy and buccaneering 
were put down. Carolina, indeed, remained a storm-center 
to the end; and the final effort of the Spaniards to crush this 
English outpost was accompanied by the beginnings of a 
movement to overthrow proprietary government, with which 
there commenced a new chapter in the history of the English 
colonies in North America. 

The effects of the War of the Spanish Succession were The South 
felt in regions remote from the conflict in North America or American 
even the Caribbean. Far to the south, the struggle for a 1700-30 
foothold on the north bank of the Plata had meanwhile 
broken out with new vigor. From Buenos Ayres the Spanish 
governor led a force against the Portuguese post of Colonia. 
The Jesuits, relieved of the fear of Indian raids, left their 
island post at Sariano for the mainland; and for a time it 
seemed that Uruguay, or the Eastern Province, as it was 
called, might come at once into the hands of Spain. That 
hope the Peace of Utrecht defeated and Portugal resumed 
for a brief period possession of Colonia and projected the 1716 
occupation of Montevideo. At the same moment the Creoles • 
of Santa Fe finally overpowered the Charruas, who had held , 
back their advance for a century and a half, and found their 
way to and across the Uruguay. With this, and the founda- 
tion of the river towns to secure their frontiers, the history 
of the Provincia Oriental, or Uruguay, may be said to begin. Uruguay 
And at the same time that English colonists made good their 
position in North America, Spanish and Portuguese divided 
between them the rich and long debatable lands east of the 
Plata. Thus at the opposite ends of European empire in 
America were now determined the lines of future develop- 

In other quarters the rival South American powers found Minas 
no less rewards. Though the Brazilian Portuguese were G*'*^^ 
finally balked by their Spanish rivals of the Argentine in their 
efforts to take complete possession of the Uruguayan lands, 
they found rich compensation elsewhere. In the last decade 1692-5 

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of the seventeenth century, Paulista prospectors had finally 
reached the long-suspected gold deposits about the head of 
the San Francisco Biver. As the European war broke out, 
a mining rush such as the world had not seen since those 
of Zacatecas and Potosi poured thousands of colonists and 
Portuguese into this field. The province of Minas Geraes 
ros^ as by magic between Bio Janeiro and Pemambuco. From 
its mines there flowed into Europe a stream of gold unparal- 
leled since the Spanish conquest a century and a half before, 
and there was added to the European world a new province 
whose treasures from then till now have enriched resources 
of capital. 
The At the same moment that these two widely different areas 

coitt?^ of Uruguay and Minas Geraes were thus opened to European 
energies, another series of circumstances extended at once the 
bounds of their influence and settlement in the New World. 
1700-90 Among the Spanish provinces of western and northwestern 
South America there came, indeed, little change save that 
effected by the transfer of the slave trade from Portuguese 
to English hands by the Treaty of Utrecht and the increase 
of commerce with England and France as a result of the 
smuggling caused by the war. A slow and steady ii^migra- 
tion, chiefly from northern Spain, populated Chili with a 
sound and hardy peasant stock, while Peru, for the time, 
scarcely altered its condition or its activities. But in its 
dependency. Upper Peru or Bolivia, the discovery of gold 
deposits by adventurers from the Brazilian fields, pushing up 
the Madeira and the Beni, paralleled the gold fever in Minad 
Geraes. East of Lake Titicaca, the mushroom town of Sorata 
soon rivaled Potosi, and, though its placer deposits were soon 
exhausted, the years of the great war pushed Spanish activity 
far to the north of La Paz through the headwaters of the 
Amazon, to exploit still other sources of wealth. With such 
wide extension of territory and the gradual growth of popula- 
tion came administrative change, for the creation of the vice- 
ins royalty of New Granada, including Bogota and Quito, at 
once indicated the further separation from Lima of the great 
northwestern Andean provinces. 

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Yet it was not an age of unrestricted snceess on every hand. The 
Tenezuela, her placer gold deposits exhausted, her trade i^^^"" 
ivrecked by the war, fell back in the race for the time being, 1700-90 
even though the slow advance of her Uaneros and their herds 
in the interior laid foundations for greater future prosperity. 
Central America endured a not dissimilar experience under 
the virtual embargo which England's control of the sea en- 
forced during the war; nor were the islands in much better 
case. There, as in the Pacific, the exploits of Dampier and 
Woodes — like the extraordinary attack on Rio de Janeiro by 
Quay-Tronin which, in the depopulation incident to the gold 1711 
rush, only saved that great port from French hands by a 
huge ransom — revealed another element in the situation, of 
much moment thereafter. Relieved from the attack of buc- 
caneers, the Spanish posts now felt the pressure of English 
naval commanders, which in the ensuing century was to play 
havoc with Spain's old monopoly. 

These incidents of the world-wide war, productive of heroic The 
exploits and profitable adventures, recalled the days of Ville- *5^jSS"* 
gagnon and Drake; as the concurrent events in the north 1700^90 
reflected the old rivalry of Virginia and New Prance. Yet 
it was not in these that real progress lay, nor, save for 
Uruguay and Minas Geraes, was the chief advance made by 
the Spanish in South America. At the opposite end of their 
great empire another movement became the principal feature 
of importance in this period. This was the expansion of 
Mexico. While the slow and laborious progress of society 
went on through the Americas with slight regard to Euro- 
pean war, while from Araucania to Lower California the mis- 
sionary priests pressed forward their line of missions pre- 
paring the way for Spanish occupation, the greater activity 
lay toward the north. There, from the outlying districts of 
New Spain, the "internal provinces," founded in the pre- 
ceding century and a half, New Biscay, New Estremadura, 
and New Santander, a slender stream of missions and pioneers 
began to push north and east across the fertile plains of 
the New Philippines or Texas. In that vast region, by the 
time that Europe was fairly settled after its great conflicts^ 

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scarcely one of the rivers which made their way across its 
wide prairies into the Gulf lacked an outpost of Spanish 
influence, from San Antonio on the Rio Qrande to San Miguel 
de Cuellas on the Sabine. And with its occupation during 
this period, Spain reached her widest bounds east of the 
Rocky Mountains in North America. 

French If she hoped to retain her hold upon that quarter of the 

fn NoSi world it was high time her colonists bestirred them^lves. 

America Already the great project of La Salle, which had contributed 
to this display of energy by threatening their hold on northern 
Mexico, had found successors. Even as the Spaniards ad- 
vanced, they found a formidable antagonist, and their 
pioneers met everywhere the agents of a rival power. But 
two days' march from San Miguel, La Salle's compatriots 

1717 established, simultaneously with the Spanish settlement, a post 

at Natchitoches on the Red River, which was at once the 
symbol and the culmination of an extraordinary burst of 
expanding energy. For what Spain had been to Central and 
South America in the sixteenth century, what England had 
been to the Atlantic coast of North America in the seven- 
teenth, France now became to the Mississippi basin and the 
Great Lakes; and there, as she had already challenged 
England in the maritime provinces of the St. Lawrence 
mouth, she now challenged the Spaniards in the Missouri 

The Great Her earliest eflforts following the explorations of the pre- 

m9*-i7S8 ceding generation h,. ' been directed to the west and north. 
In the first years of the great European war, Canadian of- 
ficials had despatched agents along the way pointed out by 
Noyon, and that Sieur Qreysolon Du Lhut, whose name the 
metropolis of Lake Superior perpetuates, toward the water- 
shed of the great northwest. With de la Noue's foundation 
of a post on the so-called Eaministikia River, there began a 
fresh advance through a well-watered region to Lake Winni- 
peg. With this they tapped the heart of that rich fur- 
bearing region. Still they were not content, and the reports 

1720-29 of Babe and Charlevoix, building on this achievement, pointed 
thQ way to that long-sought-for goal, the western sea. 

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Yet despite such a wide extension of her Canadian frontiers, The Mis- 
hcr chief advance lay in that field first mapped out by La ^^^^ 
Salle. For its accomplishment the French had two great 
adyantages. The first was their highly centralized colonial 
is^stem. With scarcely more than fifteen thonsand colomsts, 
they were cut off from the direct road to the west by their 
enemies the Iroquois, and opposed by them and by the Eng- 
lish simultaneously. Yet they had been able to hold their 
own against this joint attack, and retaliate against vastly 
superior forces with vigor and success, and to make the great- 
est territorial gains of the entire period. This was in large 
measure due to the second of their advantages, the courage 
and resource of their adventurous pioneers. Before the 
European war began these bold spirits had founded a 
fort at Easkaskia in the country of the Illinois, and another i699-i700 
at Biloxi, where the alertness of d Iberville anticipated the 
English in securing the mouth of the Mississippi. 

Scarcely were these outposts established when the Canadians 
hastened to strengthen their lines by other posts. In the last 
years of the seventeenth century Kaskaskia was reinforced 
by the neighboring settlement of Cahokia. The first year of 
the eighteenth century saw the fortification of Detroit. A 1701 
twelvemonth later the Biloxi settlement was transplanted to 
the convenient harbor of Mobile, and in later years the 
northern line was further reinforced by the foundation of 
Yincennes to secure the line of the Wabash River. Thus, from 
Quebec and Montreal through NiagaraifOi^ Frontenac, De- 
troit, Kaskaskia, and Vincennes, France held the waterways 
and portages which comprised the only practicable routes 
through the great wilderness which lay between the St. Law- 
rence and the Mississippi. Hardly were the treaties signed 
which set the seal on the provisions of Utrecht, when the 
establishment of Fort Chartres on the Mississippi just below 1790 
the mouth of the Missouri, added another link to the length- 
ening chain by which France held her new empire in leash. 
Beyond that line, the posts of Mackinac, the missions, and i670 
the itinerant traders and priests, at once strengthened her 
hold on the lake region and brought her in closer touch with 

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the western tribes in common cause against their mutual 
enemies the Iroquois, who strove to exercise their suzerainty 
over the great region north of the Ohio. Such was the far- 
flung if loosely woven empire which now took form in North 

The It was peculiarly fortunate for France that at this juncture 

mshim^ the manUe of La Salle and Joliet fell on the shoulders of a 
family worthy to wear it. To the Le Moynes — ^five brothers, 
of whom the two best known are remembered by their titles 
of Iberville and Bienville — she owed whatever of success she 
found along the lower Mississippi and the Gulf. Three times 
the indefatigable Iberville, through whose efforts the Eng- 
lish had been foiled in their attempts to obtain a foothold 
on the Gulf, visited this region to confirm French title by 
discovery and occupation; while Bienville, created governor 
of the scattered settlements, extended them to the Red River. 
Under their direction the Mississippi's course and delta were 
mapped, and settlers found to occupy the posts. Against 
the English seamen, who here as elsewhere in the Gulf of 
Mexico, endeavored to cripple their rivals, they combined 
French forces with Spanish to protect the infant colony. 
Against the English traders and the hostile Chickasaws, their 
friendship with the Choctaws preserved those settlements on 
the land side ; and it seemed not unreasonable to hope that by 
joining hands with Canada they might, in time, forestall the 
English and confine them to the region between the Alle- 
ghenies and the coast. 

Louisiana Louisiana indeed grew slowly. Ten years after its founda- 
tion it numbered scarce four hundred souls; nor was this 
surprising. It was cut off from free communication with 
. Europe by English naval power; and, remote from Canada, 
it found its only markets in the Spanish colonies, and garden 

1719 vegetables its chief product. But in the twelfth year of its 

existence, a twelvemonth before the Treaty of Utrecht, came 
a change. On a great French promoter-merchant-capitalist, 
Sieur Antoine Crozat, Louis XIV conferred monopoly of 
trade for fifteen years within the region bounded by the 
3kV^abash, Carolina, and New Mexico, now constituted as a 

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colony subject to New Prance. With this came new activity ; 
Bienville's energy as "commandant of the Mississippi and 
its tributaries" established a post at Natchez and secured the 
Red Biver district against the approaching Spaniards, and 
to his new venture Crozat contributed men, mon^, and 
supplies. But trade proved small, expenses large, the jeal- 
ouiE^ of a new governor, Cadillac, transferred from Detroit, 
ripened to open quarrel with Bienville ; and Crozat, discour- 
aged, presently gave up his charter. Tet this was not the 
end. The patent was conferred upon another grantee, the 
so-called Company of the West, and with this there opened 1717 
a new chapter in the history of France and her colonies; a 
chapter whose events were so romantic and so intertwined 
with the developments meanwhile in Europe itself, that it 
forms one of the most significant and illuminating episodes 
of the entire period. 

Few circumstances in European history are more astonish- The age of 
ing than the results which flowed from the transfer of trading J^^^^*"" 
privileges in Louisiana. They were, indeed, symbolic of the 1713-30 
times. The conclusion of the great European wars had left 
the continent in a state of disturbance and unrest unparalleled 
since the Peace of Westphalia. On every hand sprang up 
adventurers, high and low, eager to seize some advantage 
for their country or themselves from the unstable situation of 
affairs. In Spain the ambitions of Alberoni threatened the 
peace of the Mediterranean world ; in the north the intrigues 
of Qoertz and Gyllenborg involved not merely the Baltic 
powers but the British Isles, then disturbed by the efforts 
of the Pretender, James III so-called, to wrest his inheritance 
from George I. In France the abilities of Dubois endeavored 
to regain some of the prestige Louis XIV had lost. In 
Spain the Dutchman Ripperda, embracing diplomacy and 
Catholicism, succeeded Alberoni as prime minister, and falling 
from power there, ended his public career as the Moham- 
medan vizier of the Emperor of Morocco. 

These men were typical of a period which placed a Han- 
overian on the English throne by a Whig coup d*efat, re- 
placed the antagonism of England and France with an alli- 

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South Sea 

John Law 


ance, and revealed the hostility of Jesuit and Jansenist, of 
court and Parlement in place of the overpowering supremacy 
of crown and church under Louis XIV. They were the 
legitimate successors of the greatest adventurer of them all, 
Charles XII. Nor were they alone. In finance and colonies 
the preceding generation had made extraordinary strides. The 
foundation of the Bank of England and the National Debt 
was paralleled by the French occupation of Louisiana and 
the project of founding a colonial empire there. The revulsion 
from war, the desire for sudden wealth so characteristic of 
such a period, combined, with the developments in the world 
of credit, to produce an era of speculation which swept over 
western Europe like a pestilence. 

Its first manifestation was the ill-fated Scotch Darien 
Company. The next was the so-called South Sea Company 
under the patronage of the English minister Harley. To 
restore public credit by extinguishing the floating debt, this 
company undertook to assume its burden in return for a 
grant from the government of six per cent, on the amount, 
drawn from the customs revenue and reinforced by a monop- 
oly of the South Sea trade. It extended its operations, till 
it presently proposed to assume the whole burden of the 
national debt upon like terms. Against the opposition of the 
Bank of England and leading financiers, and in spite of 
the fact that only one ship was ever sent to the South Seas, 
Parliament lent itself to the proposal. With this a specula- 
tion craze began. The company's shares rose to ten times 
their value, fortunes were made in a night. Great frauds 
were perpetrated, till, when the bubble burst, thousands were 
ruined, and public confidence all but destroyed before a new 
minister. Sir Robert Walpole, and his associates, managed to 
readjust finance on a firm basis. 

At the same moment France experienced a like fate. Thither 
in the years following Utrecht had come a Scotchman, John 
Law, who, after some years of banking experience in Holland, 
set up a private bank in Paris in imitation of the Bank of 
England. Dazzled by its success, the regent, Orleans, adopted 
Law's plan for a national bank and soon proceeded to charter 

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Law's Company of the West. As Law's operations extended, 
he obtained the monopoly of beaver skins in Canada, and 
absorbed the East Lidia Company. He was created Duke of 
Arkansas. The shares of his great corporation were rapidly 
taken up and an era of inflation began. When, within two 
years, its privileges were extended to a monopoly of the trade 
with China, the Indies, and the South Sea, the demand for 
shares of the Company of the Lidies, as it was re-named, 
rivaled the English frenzy. It was even amalgamated with 
the national bank, and granted rights of coinage and farming 
the taxes. But over-issue of paper had produced a false 
prosperity, and the stoppage of payment by the bank brought 
about a erisis in French finance coincident and similar to the 1790 
collapse of credit in England. Company and Bank went down 
together. Law fled from France; and the nation he had, 
perhaps unwittingly, deceived was compelled to readjust its 
finances by slow and unprofitable liquidation of its debts. 

Such were the beginnings of European experiments in 
high finance. Their earliest effect was disastrous. In them 
the establishment of national credit combined with the lure 
of huge profits from the colonies to produce a craze for 
speculation. But when that craze was past and sober second 
thought at last prevailed, the ultipate result was to alter 
the whole basis of Europe's financial theory and practice. 
State banks and national debts, stock issues and operations, 
the interdependence of home countries and their colonies, 
became a part of the fabric of that widening society, and 
political economy one of its most clearly recognized functions. 

By such circumstances the twenty years which followed The results 
the outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession were ^^ 
distinguished in the field of politics and the now closely 
allied realm of finance and colonies. The great circle of 
European power in the western hemisphere was now all but 
complete, with the discovery and exploitation of the north 
and west, the opening of the Ohio and Mississippi, the trans- 
Mississippi regions, and the Pacific coast. The entry of 
Russia into the concerns of Europe and farther Asia, and 
her progress across the straits into America, marked a new 

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era in her own history and that of the world. No less the 
emergence of Brandenburg-Prussia from German into Euro- 
pean politics presaged the reshaping of policies and powers in 
both fields. And, though for the time being it was of less 
consequence, the erection of the duchy of Savoy into the 
kingdom of Sardinia was prophetic of scarcely less important 
revolution in the more distant future. The final triumph of 
the Whigs in England, with the accession of the Hanoverian 
line and the union of Scotland and England; the introduc- 
tion, in whatever modified form, of new ideas into the 
Spanish monarchy, with the transfer of power from Haps- 
burg to Bourbon hands; and, still more, the connection thus 
established between France and Spain, were of no less impor- 
tance to Europe on both sides of the sea. At the same time 
the relative decline of France and Sweden left the field open 
for new forces and new powers to. assert themselves, and new 
issues for statesmen to face. Finally, the developments in 
the colonial and the commercial fields gave to this situation 
fresh form and direction. It now became apparent that the 
period which endured the two great wars had brought about 
not only a shifting of the European system greater than it 
had experienced in two centuries, but had ushered in an age 
which differed from its predecessor scarcely less than that 
period had differed from the era of the Thirty Years' War. 
For the Age of Louis XIY marked at once the crown and 
culmination of a development already giving way to far dif- 
ferent theories and practices even in the world of politics. 

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The contrast between the first two decades of the eighteenth 
century and the twenty years which followed, forms one of 
the striking antitheses which from age to age sustain our 
interest in the evolution of mankind. The opening years of 
the century had been filled with wars which reached to every 
corner of the continent and involved the greater part of Euro- 
pean possessions oversea. Then the figures of William III 
and Louis XIV, Charles XII and Peter the Great, Eugene 
and Marlborough, occupied the center of the stage. Scarcely 
had they gone when the whole aspect of politics and the 
whole character of its chief directors were changed. To 
soldier-statesmen succeeded men of peace, Walpole in Eng- The age 
land, Fleury in Prance, the Emperor Charles VI, and Fred- ^^dSts 
erick William of Prussia. These, however they differed from i7S0-49 
each other in private qualities and public policies, were of 
one mind in seeking to avoid another general European war. 
In consequence no such universal catastrophe as had just 
taken place broke the long era of relative peace; and though 
from time to time one state or another became involved in 
conflict with its neighbors, but one war of any great im- 
portance occurred in the two decades following the Peace of 

Tet if the period in which their activities fell was an age —and the 
of peaceful rulers, it was none the less an era of feverish intriguers 
political activity ; an activity, however, which found its chief 
expression not so much in the open fields of war and politics 
as in the darker realms of intrigue and diplomacy, conspiracy 
and rebellion. Seldom if ever among the many tortuous and 
complex epochs in which European interests crossed each 
other in a tangled maze of conflicting ambitions, have inter- 


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national affairs been so subject to the influence of scheming 
diplomats and restless adventurers as in the years between 
1721 and 1742. This is not to be wondered at. The circum- 
stances under which Hapsburg was replaced by Bourbon 
in Spain, and Bourbon by Hapsburg in Italy; the reversal 
of the rdles of Sweden and Russia in the northeast; the 
dynastic changes which brought a Hanoverian to the English 
throne and a Saxon to that of Poland ; the extinction of the 
male line of the house of Hapsburg; and the existence of 
pretenders or rival heirs to half the crowns of Europe, offered 
a fertile field for the devices and desires of a crowd of am- 
bitious spirits, high and low. On the one hand, in conse- 
quence, stood the exponents of settled peace and the estab- 
lishment; on the other, those who would have gladly seen 
the dying waves again lashed into storm. 

England This was the situation, in particular, of the two greatest 

and France ^gg^g^ powers. England, now dominated by the Whigs, was 
((absorbed in securing herself against Jacobite designs and the 
results of the South Sea Bubble, while striving, under Wal- 
pole's guidance, to preserve and increase the fruits of her 
exertions. France, feverish from the hemorrhage of war 
and the excitement of the Mississippi Scheme, fearful of the 
ambitions of Orleans and Philip V, consumed with civil 
quarrels and the open licentiousness which succeeded the 
decorous vices of the court of the Grand Monarque, found 
little energy to devote to outside interests. Both joined, 
therefore, to oppose further disturbances and after long 
enmity found themselves allied against those who threatened 
their peace. 

Spain What France and England lacked in disturbing dements, 

Spain meanwhile more than supplied. There the ambition 

^of her successive ministers, Alberoni, Bipperda, and Patino, 

1714-66 / with the power behind the throne, the queen, Elizabeth 

. Famese, the Italian wife of Philip V, strove mightily to revive 

the glories if not the strength of Spanish power. Through 

an infinity of negotiation, and alliances, first with Austria, 

then with France and England, Spain's intrigues had for 

/their object the accession of Elizabeth's son to Parma and 

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Piacenza with the reversion of Tuscany; and this result the ^ 
shrewd diplomacy of the queen finally achieved. 

These were not the only nor even the most important of The 
the negotiations which filled European chancelleries with ^JJ^lJ^^ 
business in those years. The introduction of a Spanish 
dynasty in Italy, which was the most spectacular political 
event of the decade that followed the great European set- 
tlement, was accompanied and largely aided by the simul- 
taneous efforts of the Emperor to obtain Europe's assent to an"^ 
extraordinary document. This, the so-called Pragmatic Sane- 1713 
tion, was intended to secure the throne to his daughter Maria 
Theresa, in defiance of that so-called Salic Law, which had 
long dominated dynastic settlemejits among the western^ 
powers of the continent To this result the situation of Eng- 
land and France, each equally desiring peace, contributed. 
For this Charles sacrificed Italian principalities to Spain. 
And, to the accomplishment of his design, the genius of 
Eugene and the exhaustion of the Turks, with the disturbed 
condition of Russia after the death of Peter the Great, con- 
duced no less than the peaceful, parsimonious policy of 
Frederick William, which dowly made Prussia ready to play 
a greater part in international affairs. 

Tet with all the vast network of intrigue and diplomacy The arts 
which centered in Charles VI 's design and the ambitions of ^^'P^sce 
''the termagant of Spain," Elizabeth Famese; with all the 
efforts of England and France to hold the balance even, at 
home and abroad; the ultimate importance of the period lay 
outside the realm of politics, largely outside of European 
boundaries, and wholly beyond the merely dynastic problems 
with which it chiefly concerned itself. Not merely did the 
arts of peace receive new impetus, commerce and wealth in- 
crease, and city population, that sure index of a material 
prosperity, grow more rapidly than at any previous time; not 
merely did new schools of thought find opportunity to intrench 
themselves. New forms of comfort and luxury were devel- 
oped, as the growth of wealth found opportunity to express 
itself. Already an agrarian revolution was under way, an 
industrial revolution was preparing; and, above all, new 

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worlds beyond the seas were being thrown open to European 
enterprise, to reinforce the old world with their resources and 

India Of these, two in particular were now coming to occupy 

European attention. The first was India, where an event, 
midway of the great wars just closed, was to be of supreme 

1707 importance to the whole colonial world. This was the death 

of Aurungzebe, last of the great Mogul emperors. The name 
^ttoubtless meant little to the men directing European destinies 
in the days when Russia and Sweden came to death grips ; 
when in the Netherlands and Italy French generals strove 
to make head against Eugene and Marlborough. To men 
"""^gaged in conflict for European supremacy a change in 
Asiatic rulers seemed of small significance. To Europe gen- 
erally Mah ratta and Mogul, Naw ab and Eeifihwa and Nizam, 
if known at all, were~mefely curious collocations of vowels 
and consonants; Auruagzgbe as mythical a name as that of 
Jenghiz Khan. Apart from half a dozen ports and prov- 
inces, ,Goa and Calicut, Madra g, Bombay, Calcutta and 
Bengal, with Pondicherry, Delhi and AgHTahd thatTByiionym 
of'^alth, Golconda, the" gSography of India was scarcely 
better knowifto ihost Europeans than that of central Africa, 
Yet Aurungzebe 's death not merely revolutionized affairs in 
India; it was of the same nature as those events which had 
made possible the Spanish conquest of America. It was 
fraught with something of the same importance to the Euro- 
pean world; and the names which seemed no less barbarous 
than those of -Montezuma stnd Atahualpa two centuries earlier, 
were soon to be a part of European knowledge. ^ 

It is not surprising that, though India was the first Asiatic 
land to come within the circle of European interests, its vast 
interior should have remained for more than two centuries 
all but unknown to Europe in general. Its distance no less 
than the size and strength of its great native states precluded 
conquest. The nature of the enterprise which planted fac- 
tories along its coast and fought for trade, was alien to po- 
litical expansion ; and the adventurous companies, even when 
they came in contact with the central power, remained its 

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suppliants or tributaries, existing in no small degree on suf- 
ferance. That India, like Europe, was not a state, much 
less a nation, but an area, occupied by rival peoples, cultures, 
and faiths was scarcely realized. That, like Italy, it was 
divided against itself and subject to foreign conquerors, from 
the day when the migrating Aryans overran the northern 
plains before the dawn of history, through Alexander's con- 
quests to the comparatively recent invasions of Afghans and 
Turks; these facts were not as yet a part of European ex- 

StiU less was her internal history understood, though on its 
it hung the situation which was now about to confront the j^^g ^^^'^ 
European world. When the Portuguese had first landed at 
Calicut, the two great powers which shared Indian allegiance, 
the Mohammedan sultans of Delhi in the north and the Hindu 
rajahs of Vijanayagar in the south, were each, after three 
centuries of existence, on the point of breaking into groups 
of semi-independent states. Thus the petty sovereignties 
which the Europeans had first encountered, felt little obliga- 
tion to any central authority. But scarcely had the Portu- 
guese established their trading empire when India saw a 
new conqueror. Under a descendant of that Timur the Lame 
whose arms a century earlier had spread his power from the 
Ganges to the Hellespont, and from the Volga to the Persian 
Gulf, a fresh horde of so-called Moguls, half Tartar and half 
Turk, had swept from the Jaxartes through Samarcand and 
Afghanistan into the Punjab. There, at the moment that 
Luther defied the Papacy and Cortez conquered Mexico, the 
Mogul leader, Babar, had crushed the Sultan of Delhi at is26 
Panipat. Repulsed by Afghan rulers of Bengal, the Moguls 
had returned under Babar 's grandson, and conquered the 
Afghans on the same field where thirty years before the 1556 
Delhi sultan had been overthrown. In the ensuing half 
century all India north of the Deccan had come under the 
rule of the contemporary of Elizabeth and Philip II, Akbar, 
sumamed the Great. 

When the Dutch and English arrived in India, therefore, 
they found the peninsula divided between the Mogul empire. 

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death of 

the small Hindu states of the Deccan, and the still smaller 
principalities along the coast. The first English agent, Fitch, 
had visited Akbar's court at Agra. His successor, Roe, found 
Akbar's son, Jehangir, on the throne; and the authority of 
these rulers was invoked for trading rights against the privi- 
leges of the Portuguese which had been derived from the 
lesser princes of the coast. Meanwhile, the Mogul power 
made its way, and when, in the year Cromwell died, Je- 
hangir 's heir. Shah Jehan, was deposed by his son, Aurung- 
zebe, it approached its culmination. For, by that able if 
bigoted ruler's conquests at the close of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, the whole peninsula, save for Mysore and some small 
border states, owned the Delhi sovereignty. Before such 
power Europe was impotent. The ** Great Mogar," with his 
*' thousand elephants and thirty thousand horses, '' his "myri- 
ads of troops and strong places," offered no opportunity for 
conquest to trading companies little concerned with land, 
much less with political supremacy. 

But Aurungzebe died, and the effect on India was not un- 
like that of Charlemagne's death upon Europe nine hundred 
years before. Against the ambitions of peoples within his 
far-flung boundaries, eager for independence ; against Hindus 
resenting Mohammedan supremacy as much as Lombard, 
Arian, or Saxon pagpns resented Frankish and Athanasian 
dominance; against rulers like the Mahratta chief, Sivaji, 
"whose death was worth more than a great victory," Aurung- 
zebe had long contended. With his removal the Empire began 
to disintegrate. Like the lieutenants of Alexander, the Mogul 
viceroys aspired to separate sovereignties, and local rulers 
and adventurers raised their heads. Nizam and Nawab were 
transformed from viceroys to all but independent princes. 
Rajah and Sultan and Peishwa, as these subordinates were 
called, resumed their place in Indian polity. In Hyderabad 
the Turcoman Nizam ul Mulk, in Oudh a Persian adven- 
turer, in Mysore the local family, became supreme ; and Ben- 
gal 's Nawab, almost alone, remained true to the puppet 

Among these one power became predominant. Along the 

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western Ghats, through the hill country, five hundred miles The 
from north to south in central India, where the Maharashtra, Mahrattas 
or ''great kingdom" of a Hindu race, the so-called Mahrattas, 
had once been, the rebellion of Sivaji in the late seventeenth 
century had begun a Hindu revival which presaged the fall 

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of the Moguls. Upon Sivaji 's death, the Brahman ministers leso- 
of his incompetent successors had become mayors of the palace 
under the title of Peishwa, and from their separate sov- 
ereignty at Poona claimed the allegiance of all Mahratta 
tribes. These meanwhile spread from their hill fastnesses till 
by the middle of the eighteenth century their wild riders' 
boast that they had ''watered their horses in every stream 
from the Kaveri to the Indus" showed at once their strength 
and the disorganized weakness of central India. One of 

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their leaders carved a kingdom from Nagpar, Orissa, and 
Behar, and invaded Bengal. Another became the Gaekwar or 
prince of Baroda on the west. Another took Malwa and cen- 
tered his authority in Scinde; while princes of Sivaji's own 
house seized Sindhia and Tanjore, fell upon Hindustan, and 
made themselves masters of the Emperor's person. In such 

1740 fashion Mahratta rule replaced the Mogul empire throughout 

central India. 

England All the advantage hitherto in the struggle for Indian pre- 

In I^ia*^ ponderance had been with the Englissfa, whose spirit, organ- 
ization, and resources had outstrippecT the French in the com- 
mercial field. But, in the altered situation of affairs, it was 
by no means sure that the French genius for diplomacy and 
war, their gift for dealing with non-Europeans, would not 

more than compensate for their defects in trade; for it was 

evident that new methods must be devised to meet the crisis 
in Indian affairs. France had failed thus far to found her 
colonial power on the two firm bases of trade and emigra- 
tion. But those qualities which she had clearly revealed in 
6{Eer fields, the daring of picturesque adventurers, the skill 
in treating with savage chiefs, the personal ascendancy of 
individuals — ^if ever there was a field opened for these, it 
certainly was India during the eighteenth century. 

Such was the situation of Indian affairs as the great Euro- 
pean wars came to a close. It was an opportunity for inter- 
vention and conquest such as the world had scarcely seen 
since Aztec and Inca fell before the Spanish arms. Tet, for 
the moment, no European power moved. Nor was this to be 
wondered at, since, even had the intricacies of Indian politics 
been better understood, the years which saw the great penin- 
sula convulsed with the fierce rivalries of its ambitious leaders 
found Europe busy readjusting her affairs in the light of 
the late wars and the no less disturbing political and eco- 
nomic situation which ensued. Holland was now an Eng- 

1703 lish satellite; and Portugal, since the great Methuen treaty 

which bound her closer to her old ally by strong commercial 
ties, was scarcely more. Neither England nor France was 
inclined to enter on new wars for the time being; to each it 

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seemed sufficient to preserve amid the general anarchy what 
they had managed to secure. In Madras, as in Calcutta and 
Bombay, men like old Thomas Pitt, uncle of the great Ghat- 
ham, maintained the English power. In Pondicherry and 
Chandemagore, men like the young Dupleix were learning 
the lessons of Indian politics, and waiting their opportunity 
to extend French influence. In both, the more cautious com- 
mercial elements held back from meddling with affairs which 
might well cost them all that they had won. 

For, however ignorant Europeans were of Indian politics, Indian 
the value of Indian trade was well understood; and apart *"^* 
from the old English and Dutch East India companies, new 
efforts were being made to take advantage of that source of 
wealth. Law's energy had created from the moribund East 
and West India companies, with those of China and Senegal, 
a new and more vigorous French Company of the Indies. 
Among the enterprises to which the Emperor Charles VI had 
lent his countenance was an Ostend Company financed by 
Flemish capital from his new subjects in the Netherlands 
and manned by old employees of the English and Dutch 
establishments. And when those maritime powers made its 
suppression part of their price for giving their assent to the 
Pragmatic Sanction, its officers took service in a new Swedish 1731 
company for Indian trade. Meanwhile, the so-called inter- 
lopers, or independent traders swelled the rivalry for this 
rich and increasing commerce; till it grew only too evident 
that trade must presently give way to war and politics, if 
Europeans were to keep their hold upon the ports which 
made that commerce possible. 

Yet if this growing interest in India revealed one aspect The 
of Europe's attitude toward new sources of wealth and power, A™®**^^ 
concurrent developments throughout the western hemisphere 
were scarcely less significant of other phases of European 
energy. There, too, the war's conclusion brought its great 
problems; for there, to complicate the older rivalry of Eng- 
land, France, and Spain, appeared a new aspirant for North 
America as Russian traders and adventurers made their way 
southward from the frozen north. Not merely were the two 

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Americas the scene of far-reaching explorations, and of a 
huge increase of trade and population; they soon became 
political centers of the first magnitude. Their expanding 
I>eoples, coming to blows over conflicting territorial and com- 
mercial claims, drew Europe in their train; and presently 
began a series of intercolonial wars which inevitably widened 
to international conflict. 
The Among these rival colonists the English, hemmed in on 

English every side, revealed the most varied activity; and scarcely 
were the great wars at an end when they turned to the prob- 
lems which confronted them. The first was the imperative 
necessity of securing their frontiers. The second the no less 
pressing problem of asserting their rights. It was but natural 
that each should find early expression in the newer and out- 
lying colonies. Of these the Carolinas were the most con- 
spicuous; and there, in consequence, the conflict began. 
Carolina That province had been founded half a century earlier 

under a company whose proprietors stUl claimed their older, 
arbitrary rights, and it had filled up with a peculiarly inde- 
pendent element, opposing with increasing bitterness the 
exactions and pretensions of their rulers. - The clode of the 
war brought opposition to a head. They formed an associa- 
tion, refuped to obey the governor, elected a new executive, 
and defied the proprietary force. In the face of such spirit 
and concurrent danger from the Spanish, whose armed expe- 
dition had only been destroyed by the NeW Providence 
authorities and a convenient storm, the English Council was 
not disposed to risk rebellion by supporting the proprietors. 
The old charter was, in consequence, withdrawn; a pro- 
visional royal government was set up; and a governor ap- 
pointed by the crown. This action was confirmed by Par- 
liament, the proprietors yielded their political rights and for 
the most part disposed of their holdings. The temporary 
arrangement became permanent. The province was divided 
into North and South Carolina, and the two royal colonies 
took their place among their fellows under the new form of 
government In such fashion began another era of colonial 

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With this and with the settlement of the boundaries be- GeorgiA 
tween Virginia and North Carolina, and between Connecticut 
and New York, there came a fresh enterprise. For scarcely 
had the new colonies been formed when English power spread 
beyond their boundaries. On the west and south their bor- 
ders were open to occupation and attack by Spanish and 
French. Their sparsely settled or uninhabited stretches of 
forest and plain could scarcely be administered from the 
older settlements; and here in consequence a new burst of 
energy found field for its endeavors. James Oglethorpe, 
sometime member of Parliament, had drawn from his investi- 
gation of the prisons in which men were confined for debt 
a lively sense of their horrors and of pauperism generally. 
From this he sought remedy in colonizing schemes. To him 
and his twenty associate trustees, aided by parliamentary 
grant and private subscription, were chartered the lands 
between the Savannah and the Altamaha rivers, with ultimate 
reversion to the crown. Four years after the Carolinas were ITSS 
finally established, Oglethorpe came out with his settlers to 
found his first post at Savannah. The colony, named in honor 
of the first Hanoverian king, (Georgia, was a unique experi- 
ment. For military no less than for humanitarian reasons 
no negro slavery was permitted. Freedom of conscience and 
worship was assured to all but Roman Catholics; rum was 
forbidden; the Indians were made friends. As spiritual ad- 
visers, the Wesleys, now busy founding the new English sect 
of Methodists, were secured; and Charles Wesley came out 
as Oglethorpe's secretary, succeeded in time by the evangelist 
Whitefield. Scotch Presbyterians and German Moravians 
swelled the population of the little colony, whose vigor and 
strong military character made it at once a most effective 
barrier against the Spaniards of St. Augustine, with whom it 
came almost at once to blows. When, six years after the foun- 
dation of this last of the thirteen original English colonies 1739 
in North America, war was begun with Spain, it was by the 
resistance of Oglethorpe and his few followers that the attack 
from St. Augustine was repelled. In this, no less than the 
humanitarian principles of the new colony, it justified itself; 

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and the 




and the 
home gOT- 

and ai^ its population spread through the broad and fertile 
coast plains along the slow-flowing rivers to the uplands 
beyond, it formed at last an impregnable barrier against all 
dangers from the south. 

Its history was characteristic of the period. Throughout 
the long and straggling frontier of the English settlements 
danger was imminent. Against the French who stirred the 
Indians to resist the oncoming wave of English occupation, 
the governor of New York built a post at Oswego on Lake 
Ontario and prohibited trade between the natives and the 
French. Against the Abenakis, angered by the progress of 
the New England pioneers and fired to resistance by French 
Jesuits, war was declared and they were pushed back further 
in the wilderness. Against the Yamassees in Florida, the 
Carolinians, defying the Spaniards, sent a punitive expedi- 
tion. And with the Iroquois, whose Five Nations were now 
increased to six by the admission of the Tuscaroras seeking 
refuge from their southern enemies, the governor of New 
York entered into engagements of friendship at the same 
moment that Massachusetts made final peace with the eastern 
Indians. Thus, by the re-establishment of peace, and the 
extension of English protection to all of the Iroquois, the 
Indian question seemed for the moment at an end, at the 
same time that the foundation of outlying forts and colonies 
gave further security to the older settlements. And these, 
taking advantage of this situation, turned to the problem 
of maintaining their rights against the mother country and 
the development of their own resources. 

For it was not the nature of an English colony to acquiesce 
without protest in the extension of a home authority which, 
during nearly half a century, had sought a wider exercise 
of its powers ; and the conflict, long brewing, had now reached 
a critical stage. Its origin was simple enough. The New 
York governor, Burnet, who was transferred to the Massa- 
chusetts post, had not been able to suppress a quarrel that 
had broken out between his predecessor and the colonists; 
which revealed, in its progress, a fundamental issue in the 
colonial world. This had arisen over the most fruitful sub- 

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jcct of contention, a fixed salary for the governor. It had 1798-9 
already involved the crown authority. And not even the 
"explanatory charter*' which, new to colonial experience, 
conferred on the executive the right to suppress debate and 
to limit the term of adjournment of the general court, — ^by 
which latter device the astute colonists sought to circumvent 
the governor, — had quieted resistance. The question hung 
undetermined, and the flame was fanned by the arrest and 
trial of a New York printer for a libel on the governor. 1734 
Thus amid unparalleled prosperity which in these twenty 
years doubled the population of the colonies and more than 
doubled their wealth, amid a wide extension of their 
boundaries, and the repulse or subjection of their enemies, 
there remained the grounds of an insoluble dispute. Was the 
authority of the crown and Parliament to be increased and 
confirmed by the establishment of a royal executive, inde- 
pendent of colonial control ; or were the colonies to determine 
for themselves their obligations and relations to the home 
authority t Such was the question which, in varying forms, 
had taken its place among the problems of English colonial 
government. Despite its local character, it was to become in 
no long time a vital issue of world-politics. 

Matters such as these troubled the chief rivals of England New 
little or not at all. While Englishmen found their energies P'"^<* 
divided among the formation of new colonies, farming and 
planting, the slow winning of the wilderness, resistance to 
their hostile neighbors, and, the assertion of their rights 
against the mother country, France, acting on wholly different 
impulses, made a spectacular advance. Hardly was the ink 
dry on the treaties of Utrecht when her rulers prepared to 
secure their hold on North America. After the genius of 
their race and age, their first thought was of war. On a 
promontory jutting out between Gavarus Bay and a still 
smaller harbor near the southeastern point of Cape Breton 
Island was begun the fortress of Louisburg, the '^ Dunkirk Loulsburg 
of America,'' as Quebec was the Gibraltar. To its construe- ^'^ 
tion and defense were detailed French engineers and troops, 
the French inhabitants of Nova Scotia were drawn from 

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their homes to populate the new town. Vast soms were spent, 
and gradually the English saw with dismay the frowning 
walls of one of the most powerful fortresses in the colonial 
world threaten their position on the north Atlantic coast. 
Against it the feeble post of Annapolis was all but helpless 
and not until the foundation of Halifax in the next genera- 
tion did it endure a rival. 
The The building of Louisburg marks the beginning of a new 

Entire Anglo-French struggle for the St. Lawrence mouth, northern 
New England, and the West, which was to absorb the next 
generation. From this outpost of French influence, the long 
line of fortifications continued with Quebec and Montreal. 
These guarded the middle St. Lawrence, and became the head- 
quarters for a propaganda carried on by officers and Jesuits, 
which kept New England frontier settlements in constant ap- 
prehension of savage attack and against which they, in turn, 
aroused their own allies. Beyond Montreal, Fort Frontenac 
had for forty years stood at the outlet of Lake Ontario into the 
St. Lawrence, and Fort Niagara held the passage from Lake 
1749 Erie to Ontario. In due course of time Fort Bouille, now 

Toronto, was set to connect this line of forts with another 
group which was to stretch southward to the Ohio and west 
to the Wabash and Illinois; while beyond these still lay 
others which controlled the Great Lakes and the Mississippi. 
Thus, from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi 
delta, there ran a network of stations, guarding the great 
highways of that vast wilderness, the rivers and lakes, hold- 
ing the portages between the waterways, and, for all purposes 
of trade or war, giving to France the mastery of the whole 
region through her hold on these strategic points. 
The This was the first project of the rulers of New France. 

Swtrana?^ Their next was still more daring; for, starting from thig 
Mississippi line, they pressed boldly forward to seize the more remote 
irlcSfj interior. As Frontenac and La Salle had directed the occu- 
pation of the great Middle West, and Radisson had led the 
way to Hudson's Bay; so now a new group of adventurers 
introduced French influence into the trans-Mississippi region. 
The occupation of the mouth of the great river furnished at 

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once a basis of operations and an inspiration for further 
exploration, designed to find gold mines and open trade with 
the Indians, or the Spaniards of New Mexico. To these men, 
and still more to those who were then tempting the dangers 
of the northern wilderness, was added that hope of finding 
ways overland to the Pacific which had succeeded the long- 
cherished delusion of a water-route thither. Already Le Sueur 
had found his way to a new tribe of Indians who dominated 
the southwestern plains, and the names of Sioux and Dakotah 1699-1700 
took their place in French vocabulary beside Iroquois and 
Illinois. Already the French had made war and peace with 
the Wisconsin tribe of Antagomies, and their neighbors, the 
Winnebagoes and the Sacs. Already transient posts had been 
set up and trade begun in beaver skins, as well as buffalo. 
Already scattered individuals and groups began to make their 
way west from the Mississippi and up the Missouri to the 
vast plains beyond. Traders venturing too far had been 
fleized by the Spaniards and carried to Mexico. In brief, the 
opening of the Far West was begun. 

Now it was taken up by other hands. From Natchitoches, 1719-91 
La Harpe and his men pushed up the Bed River and crossed 
to the Arkansas. Du Tisne found his way through the coun- 
try of the Missouri to the Osages and Pawnees beyond ; and 
Bourgmont was despatched to build a fort on the Kansas 1794 
against the Spaniards, who, with Comanche allies, had at- 
tacked the French. To him succeeded the Mallets, who, by 
way of the Kansas, all but reached the Rocky Mountains, 1739-40 
and so opened the central plains to trading enterprise. 
Finally the mission of Charlevoix, despatched by the French 
agent to secure news of a way to the Pacific, had led to a post 
on Lake Pepin ; and from that beginning came the next great 
exploit of the French advance. One Pierre de Varennes, 
sumamed La V^rendrye, — Canadian-bom, sometime lieu- v^rendrye, 
tenant in the armies of France, and nearly killed at Malpla- ^^^ 
quet, — ^returned from his adventures on the continent filled 
with the project of cutting across the rich fur trade which 
the English of Hudson Bay enjoyed and turning its current 
toward Montreal. Through Lake Superior and so to Lake 

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and Spain 
in America 

Winnipeg and the Eaministikia ^' great portage/' his first 
trip led to failure. Once and again he tried, till he had 
explored a great part of the vast northwest, diverted no small 
part of the English trade to French hands, and established 
posts from Rainy Lake to Winnipeg. This achievement he 
finally crowned with a greater exploit. From the Assiniboin 
he made his way to the upper Missouri and the Yellowstone, 
where, guided by successive tribes, then new to European 
eyes, — Mandans, Crows, Horse, Fox, and Bow Indians, — ^to 
the borders of their old enemies, the Snakes or Shoshones, he 
beheld the northern Rockies, the Bighorn Mountains. In 
such wise was the trans-Mississippi region of America laid 
bare to Europeans, and the bounds of Louisiana extended to 
the headwaters of the Missouri. And though the V6rendryes 
were oppressed and robbed by the government they served, 
and died in poverty and neglect, they had done their work. 
It had begun in the years that the intrigues of Elizabeth 
Farnese had made her son the Duke of Parma; it reached 
its climax as that son secured the throne of Naples, whence 
he ascended to the throne of Spain. To contemporary Euro- 
pean eyes that royal pilgrimage would have seemed incom- 
parably the greater of the two events. Yet it may be doubted 
whether, in the long resolution of affairs, it can compare 
with the exploits of those all but unknown adventurers who 
blazed the trail of European progress in the western hemi- 
sphere and added an empire to the crown of France. 

For even in the remotest fastnesses of America the influence 
of European royalty was felt. Wherever French adventurers 
penetrated west of the Mississippi they met the power of 
that people on whom France had bestowed a king; and if 
the diplomacy of the Italian queen of Spain had been a 
powerful factor in her native land, that of her French hus- 
band, Philip V, had been no less important in America. 
Everywhere the French had gone they had come in touch 
with Spain. The tales told them by northern tribes of bearded 
men who worshipped in strange houses and of books whose 
leaves rustled like husks of com ; the stories of stone buildings 
beside the great water and the far sterner evidence of the 

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attack and capture of stray traders by white men, revealed 
how, in that distant quarter of the world, the powers so lately 
allied found their new interests far from identical. For, 
toward the north, Spain's outposts were being slowly pushed 
forward on the lines laid down by her adventurers two cen- 
tnriefi before. From New Galicia her traders and priests 

Sketch map of northeastern Siberia and China, re-drawn from 
d'Anville'8 AtloM (cf. p. 353). This includes much of the information 
derived from the Russian advance, and is noteworthy for the general 
accuracy of the Chinese Empire and adjoining regions. 

now occupied the lands far to the north and west of the old 
provincial capital of Santa F6. Thence they had already 
begun that occupation of the Califomian coast which was 
to give it wholly into their hands. Here, as elsewhere in 
Spanish America, was felt something of that revivifying in- 
fluence which the French prince had brought to his kingdom 
to reinforce colonial enterprise. 

Spanish and French soon found rivals in their contention Russia in 
for the farther west ; for southward to meet them, meanwhile, ^|^J* 
came the Russian advance. It had been long prepared. The 

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The Hud- 
son's Bay 


beginnings of this new burst of exploration lay in the reign 
of Peter the Great, and scarcely had he died when the plans 
he had approved began to be carried into effect. Under the 
impulse of the government, of the St. Petersburg Academy, 
and of individual enterprise, the Siberian wilds were sur- 
veyed and mapped, the coast line about the northeastern 
extremity of the continent explored and charted. Much of 
this work was under the direction of the most famous of 
Russian explorers, whose name the strait between Asia and 
America perpetuates, Vitus Bering. The work was not lim- 
ited to the mainland. One voyage carried the Bussians to 
Ye2o, the northernmost of the Japanese archipelago, and 
revealed to European eyes the curiou3 tribe of so-called hairy 
Ainus, to the perplexity of ethnologists then and since. 
Finally, with the discovery of the Kurile Islands, and of 
Mount St. Elias on the American side, Alaska was brought 
to Russian knowledge and influence. With this, trappers 
and traders pushed forward on the track of the explorers, and, 
at the moment that the French made their way across the 
plains between the Mississippi and the Boddes, Russia con- 
firmed her hold on the northwestern shores of the American 
continent and began to advance southward along the coast. 

But the reviving energy of colonial enterprise was not 
confined to those adventurous spirits which from four quar- 
ters advanced to the possession of the North American in- 
terior. Far to the north the factors of the Hudson's Bay 
Company extended their trading operations deep into the 
heart of the great northwest. And far to the south, mean- 
while, their fellows and their rivals, the smugglers, invaded 
the long-guarded preserves of Central and South America. 
Nothing, indeed, better exemplified the altering status of the 
colonial world and its problems than the activities which 
found their chief expression during this period in Spanish 

To this, three circumstances simultaneously contributed. 
The first was the disorganization of Spanish administration 
due to the war. The second was the more efficient policy 
of the new Spanish Bourbon house of Philip V. The 

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third was the increased attention paid - by other powers 
to this great field, as typified by the transfer of the 
Asiento to English hands and the temporary permission 
obtained for French ships to trade with Spanish colonies. 
The results of these new stimuli npon the colonies were soon 
manifest. The revenues from the mines which had slowly 
declined during the seventeenth century, were improved by 
the revival of prospecting and the discovery of new deposits. 
The relaxation of the old Cadiz monopoly not merely increased 
customs receipts from a nominal sum to a substantial figure 
for the time being, but even after the restoration of the old 
conditions, which had been demoralized by the war, left its 
result in a greater commerce, legitimate as well as illegiti- 
mate. The more enlightened policy of the Bourbon govern- 
ment relieved some of the worst abuses of colonial admin- 
istration. The income from the colonies gradually increased. 
And improved conditions and new opportunities, as in the 
English colonies of North America, brought a fresh wave of 
immigrants to the south seeking in the New World relief from 
the conditions of the old, and a more open field for their 
abilities and energy. 

Into the fertile valleys of southern Chili, as into the far- Spanbh 
reaching plains of Texas, into the mining districts of Peru, f^^^^^" 
the plains and plantations of the Orinoco and the Plata, America 
poured this fresh stream of colonial blood. The effect was 
immediate and permanent. Little by little the warlike Arau- 
canians were pushed back and Spanish occupation spread 
southward through Chili, founding outposts and cities as it 
went. The Portuguese effort to control the peninsula which 
commands the northern shore of the Plata was foiled, and iTi7-2e- 
the town of Montevideo was founded and fortified, as the ^''^^ 
strategic key to Uruguay, and the outlet for trade of a grow- 
ing Spanish population along the Parana and Uruguay. 
Farther north, the Jesuit theocracy of Paraguay, which had 
its chief connection with the outside world through Buenos' 
Ayres, was transferred to the protection of that government 
from the overlordship of Asunci6n. At the same time the 
Charruas, who had long held the Europeans back in the 

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ixation • 




lands between the Uruguay and Parana, the so-called prov- 
ince of Entre Rios, were finally crushed by the Creoles and 
another rich field opened to Spanish settlement. 

With this came, naturally, administrative change* Among 
the many results of Bourbon accession to the Spanish throne, 
an altered colonial policy was not the least. It had become 
apparent that Spanish South America could no longer be 
administered properly from Lima. It was no less apparent 
that new regulations were necessary to meet the situation 
created by the war. In consequence, as soon as Philip V was 
secure on his throne, the temporary erection of New 
Granada into a viceroyalty, comprehending the provinces 
of the northern coast^ marked the beginnings of a reorgan- 
izing policy, which was made permanent two decades later. 
With the elevation of Bogot& from the rank of audienda to 
that of viceroyalty over the mountain districts of the north- 
west, that policy was confirmed as the first step in a far- 
reaching change which lasted through the century. In like 
measure more intelligent control of administration and rev- 
enue accompanied increase of population and resource. 
Municipalities grew in number while retaining their older 
comparative independence in local affairs. The growth of 
trade and common interests which established agents in Spain 
for the colonies revealed a like tendency; so that Spanish 
America, like the English settlements, and on not dissimilar 
lines, emerged from the great war into new paths of prog- 
ress. It was not well nor wisely administered, perhaps, even 
allowing for the all but insuperable difficulties of the case, 
racial, geographical, economic, and historical; but in com- 
parison with what had gone before, its situation was incom- 
parably improved. 

The same could scarcdy be said for Portuguese America. 
The accession of John V during the great European war had 
brought to the throne a monarch who was intent on marriage 
alliance with the Spanish house, and who found in the erection 
of Lisbon to a patriarchate, and the title of the ''most faith- 
ful'' king, ample reward for a devotion to the Papacy which 
impoverished his own country and despatched on a last 

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crusade against the Turks the fleet with which his Brazilian 
subjects might have been able to maintain themselves. For 
these, meanwhile, were hard pressed by their rivals on the 
west. What the Anglo-French rivalry for northern New 
England and the West was to North America, the struggle 
between Spanish and Portuguese colonists for Montevideo 
and the Uruguayan region was to the southern continent. 
There, amid the internal disturbances which outlived the war, 
the Brazilians strove, with less and less success, to maintain 
themselves against Spanish advance, till the final outbreak of 
open conflict brought to an end a long period of raid and 
counter-raid, and finaUy determined the balance of power in 
that quarter of the world. 

These circumstances in the West preceded and accom- The War 
panied the outbreak of new wars, which, beginning almost ^^^^ 
simultaneously in Europe and America, were to involve the Succession 
whole European world in desperate and far-reaching conflict 
for supremacy. They were the culmination of a twofold 
rivalry, half European, half colonial, in their origin. First 
was the long-standing antagonism of Hapsburg and Bourbon 
which set the spark to the inflammable material, whose center 
was the Polish throne. The death of Augustus II of Saxony 
and Poland, just twenty years after the Peace of Utrecht, 1739 
brought forward two candidates for that uneasy crown. A^ 
majority of the Polish nobles, influenced by France, chose 
Stanislaus Lesczynski, the father-in-law of Louis XV. A 
minority, dominated by Russia and Austria, chose Augustus 
in. With that, the continent again flew to arms. In Italy, 
the allies — ^France, Spain, and Sardinia — drove out Austria 
from all but Milan; along the Rhine they wrested Lorraine 
from the Empire. In Poland, the Russo-Austrian alliance 
remained supreme. Five years of war and diplomacy, which 
found expression in the Peace of Vienna, confirmed Augustus The Peace 
in possession of the Polish crown. Stanislaus was compen- j'^***"** 
sated by Lorraine and Bar, with their reversion to France 
upon his death. The Duke of Lorraine, now the husband of 
the Hapsburg heiress, Maria Theresa, was indemnified by 
Tuscany, whose Medicean rulers now opportunely became ex- 

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ment in 

—The east 




tinct. Spain received from Austria, Naples and Sicily, with 
Elba, while Austria regained Parma and Piacenza, consolidat- 
ing her power in the north, and securing fresh guarantees of 
the Pragmatic Sanction. 

These were the most obvious political results of the War 
of the Polish Succession; but it was now dear that behind 
them lay a readjustment of European powers. France and 
Spain, under their Bourbon kings^ obviously tended toward 
a community of interests and policy ; and the Austro-Russian 
entente, which expressed itself in a joint attack on Turkey 
as soon as the Polish war was done, was even more significant 
of a new era in European affairs. For the first time in 
history Russian troops appeared in western (Germany. And 
this, no less than the fact that the long-coveted port of Azof 
rewarded her enterprise against Turkey and so gave her a 
foothold on the Black Sea, revealed the fact that another 
state was thenceforth to be reckoned with in European polity. 

That circumstance was further emphasized by the decline 
of all her neighbors save one. Sweden had f aUen from her 
high estate with the death of the last great Vasa, Charles XII. 
Poland, as the war had clearly shown, was now the pawn of 
her rivals and on the way to be their victim. Prussia alone, 
among the northern powers, showed signs of increasing 
vitality. On the south, Turkey now lost her old monopoly 
of the Black Sea; and in so far exhibited strong symptoms 
of decline, despite successes against Austria. And the house 
of Hapsburg, compelled to relinquish Belgrade with parts 
of Wdlachia and Serbia to its ancient enemy, as result of 
the ill-omened Turkish war, found, at the same moment, that 
though Charles VI had secured Europe's assent to the Prag- 
matic Sanction, it had lost by the death of Eugene the best 
security for the success of that agreement, and of its position 
in general. Though Austrian Hapsbui^ divided Italy, save 
for Sardinia, with Spanish Bourbon, and so seemed more 
secure in that quarter, a braver spirit than the old Emperor 
might have looked forward with well-founded anxiety to the 
accession of his young daughter to the headship of such wide 
and disunited realms. 

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That contingency was not long delayed. Scarcely was The new 
peace signed with the Turks when, in the same twelvemonth, JjJ[^" 
the Prussian king, the Czarina, and the Emperor himself 
were removed from their earthly activities. Two years later i749 
Walpole, after the longest lease of power ever vouchsafed 
to an English prime-minister, was driven from his place. 
Flenry soon followed; and the next act of the European 
drama fell to the hands of very different characters from 
those who, for twenty years, had striven with more or less 
success, for peace. In Prussia the young prince Frederick II 1740 
inherited the treasure and the army collected by his father, 
with whatever ambitious dreams the Hohenzollems enter- 
tained. Russia for the moment fell into the nerveless hand 
of Ivan VI, then, by a military revolution, into those of 1740-1 
Peter the Great's daughter, Elizabeth, the third of those 
extraordinary women rulers of that empire during the eight- 
eenth century. In Austria the girl Maria Theresa succeeded 1740 
to the dangers and perplexities which characterized the Haps- 
burg rule. In France frail mistresses and feeble ministers 
inherited the influence which Fleury had enjoyed over the 
weak Louis XV; and in England the young Whigs, who 
had begun their attack upon Walpole on the issue of war with 
Spain, replaced his policy of Quieta non movere with the 
more ambitious projects of Carteret and Pitt. 

In some form, indeed, the character of the incoming period Europe 
had already begun to define itself in far distant fields. Before ^JlScrlca 
the Peace of Vienna had been signed, colonial hostilities in 
North and South America had continued along the whole 
Atlantic coast the rivalries of the continent. These were 
primarily due to the activities of the colonists themselves. 
Now that their adventurous spirits had made their way 
through the wide wildernesses which had long separated 
their outposts and so remained the best guarantee of peace, 
it was apparent that the aggressive elements of either side 
could be restrained from confiict hardly or not at all, when 
they met on the remote frontiers of empire. No less active in 
promoting hostilities were the smugglers. The greatly re- 
laxed control of trade during the War of the Spanish Suc- 

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cession had brought in its train not merely a huge increase 
of trade with maritime powers, particularly England and 
Holland, but a feeling that such commerce was a right. That 
feeling was confirmed by the transfer of the Asiento, or slave 
trade, to English hands; and it was acted on by a host of 
free-traders, or smugglers, long after the war ceased. The 
old traditions of the buccaneers, moreover, had been carried 
on by pirates who, like the famous Captain Eidd and Black- 
beard of an earlier generation, though they harassed all 
commerce impartially, had a peculiar weakness for Spanish 
The War It was inevitable that when, on the accession of Philip V, 
^'^^^"^I'Jfl^Spanish administration was rescued from the chaos into 
1739-48 which it had fallen, reorganized and administered with more 
energy, the coast-guards and free-traders . should come to 
blows. As France and Spain developed a greater community 
of interests, the simultaneous fortification of Lou}3burg and 
Montevideo, the efforts of Quebec and St. Augustine to check 
English advance, and the activities of the Spanish against 
Brazil, strengthened at once the older ties between England 
and Portugal in opposition to their common enemy. This 
roused the English, in particular, to war. When, a year 
after the Peace of Vienna was finally signed, an English 
captain, Jenkins, prompted by Walpole's enemies, appeared 
before the House of Commons to exhibit the mutilations 
which Spanish coast guards had inflicted on him, England 
1739 was roused to wrath, and the '*War of Jenkins' Ear" brought 

the long period of colonial rivalry upon the European stage. 
Thus at the moment that Spain's arms and diplomacy had 
given her rulers a fresh hold on Italy, she found herself at 
war in America. 

What with the Spanish besieging the Brazilian outpost of 
Colonia and Portuguese attack on ]M;Q]i]£si<k<>---theJLtpuiBburg 
of South America; the English of Carolina fighting the 
S|$aniards of St. Augustine; projected attacks upon the 
southern colonies by Caribbean governors; Oglethorpe's new 
colony of Georgia and Brazil's fortress of Rio Grande do 
Sul against the Argentine, that confiict had been long under 

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way. Upon England's entry into war it took another turn. 
Vernon had boasted in Parliament that he could capture 17S9 
Porto Bello with six ships; and, given a squadron, he made 
good his boast. But his initial success was not continued. 
Ansony indeed, despatched to the Pacific, made his way to 
Manila and took the Acapulco galleon with a cargo valued 1740 
at half a million pounds. But he lost all his ships save one; 
and a greater attack on Cartagena failed through disease and 
dissension among its leaders. For their part the Spaniards 
were even less successful; and the military efforts of each, 
side were still more futile than their naval operations. Ogle- 174049 
thorpe besieged St. Augustine and the Spanish governor of 
Florida launched an attack on Georgia, with equal ineffective- 
ness. Joint British and colonial attack upon Cuba broke 
down; and the war ended, as it had begun, in petty reprisals 
and border skirmishes. — • 

Long peace had weakened the offensive strength of either Its results 
side. The distances were great; the prizes small; and, save 
for two circumstances, one of merely curious interest, the 
war would have been of less consequence than the concurrent 
struggle of Brazil and Argentine for the land debatable 
between them. The Spaniards, convinced by Anson's great 
exploit of the dangers of the galleon system of voyages, 
abandoned it during the war, and finally replaced it with 
permits for individual ships. Vernon, finding the long- 
established custom of serving out neat rum to the sailors 
inimical to discipline and efiiciency, replaced it with a more 
diluted drink, and thus added ''grog" to the English sea- 
service and vocabulary; an initial step, as it was to prove, 
of far-reaching reform in naval service. 

Wholly different as these circumstances were, the latter in 
particular evidenced a certain tendency toward the regula- 
tion and betterment of human relationships. This was espe- 
cially noticeable in England. There the foundation of the 
Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge in the 1098 
last years of the seventeenth century had been followed by 
the establishment of the Society for the Propagation of the 1706 
Gospel) whose work was now becoming evident in North 

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America. There too was being felt the influence of men who, 
like the greatest of Anglo-American administrators, William 
Johnson, began that remarkable tradition of English relations 
with non-European subjects, which was to become a leading 
characteristic of the spread of the British Empire. And, 
however incongruous it may seem, however unrelated appar- 
ently to these other movements of its time, it is perhaps not 
unworthy of observation that in this period were first formu- 
lated the rules of the English national sport of boxing or 
*' prize-fighting.*' Their adoption, like these other phe- 
nomena, exhibited the same tendency toward the amelioration 
of ruder customs; and the introduction of reason and laws 
even in that field which seemed on the surface remote from 
Altered Even so trifling a circumstance as this serves to illuminate 

of tiic*" the changing standards of a period; since, like Oglethorpe's 
colonies restrictions in his colony, it typified an altering concept of 
social order and efSciency. The abandonment of the galleon 
trade revealed a similar spirit; for that revolutionary policy 
marked the decline of an older commercial system in its 
last stronghold. And, wider still, the war was t3npical of 
changes now evident in world-polity. Long dragged in the 
train of the European powers, the colonies had been drawn 
into alien rivalries despite their inclination or their interests. 
Now they had come to play a recognizable part, not merely 
in causing but in initiating such conflicts. The era of inter- 
colonial war had now begun on a scale which made it a 
powerful factor in international affairs. Henceforth it was 
increasingly difScult to separate colonial from European 
politics. The ''line," beyond which Europe's relationships 
and law were almost inoperative a century earlier, had dis- 
appeared ; and Europe, at home and oversea, was now all but 
one. Hereafter it was scarcely possible to touch this vast 
web of interests at any point without producing a reaction 
throughout the whole. And, in particular, the powers at the 
center became peculiarly sensitive to disturbance on the 
remotest edge of their empires. 
This was not confined to politics and trade. The great 

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cnrreixts of European thought and practice^ however un- 
equally they reached into the extra-European world, were 
not without their influence, especially upon the communities 
of European blood And the conceptions of those more dis- 
tant societies, in turn, not infrequently produced reactions 
upon the old world, no less important because they were not 
always recognized. In the main, they differed fundamentally 
from the earliest reflexes of colonial influence. Those had 
reinforced the absolutist, military, and reactionary elements 
in the old world society, by lending their strength and re- 
sources to the less liberal powers of the continent. Now it 
wad the progressive elements which gained. A&d, among the 
manifold influences which went to the reshaping of Europe 
during the eighteenth century, not the least were those which 
radiated from the North American colonies. 

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If there is one characteristic of European peoples more 
extraordinary than another in the field of intellect it is the 
amazing discrepancy between their actual and their recorded 
history. Had their development been confined to those con- 
cerns which fill their annals to the exclusion of almost every 
other topic, — ^the ambitions and activities of their rulers, war 
and diplomacy — ^the story of the three hundred years which 
culminated in the careers of Louis XIV and Charles XII 
would resemble nothing so much as the accounts of the rise 
and fall of Tartar and Zulu tribes, the exploits of Jenghiz 
Khan and Timur the Lame, of Chaka and Dingaan. Where 
there are a score of volumes on the elaborate and, for the 
most part, futile intrigues over the disposition of the inheri- 
tance of Charles II of Spain, there is scarcely one on the 
evolution, in the same period, of the mightiest agent of the 
modem world, the steam engine. Where there are a hundred 
narratives of the battles of the wars with which the eight- 
eenth century began, there is hardly to be found a tolerable 
account of that economic revolution which then commenced to 
alter the whole basis of civilized society. 
The Fortunately for Europe and mankind in general, however, 

world^ the long coil of bloodshed and intrigue from which the system 
of European states had begun to emerge by the close of the 
seventeenth century, had been but one manifestation of the 
energy of its peoples during that period. The growth of 
commerce and industry, with the attendant leisure and op- 
portunity which wealth engendered; the consequent develop- 
ment of letters and learning; the progress of science and 
invention; and the gradual transformation of an age of 
faith and authority into an era of doubt and investigation, 


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had now altered the whole aspect and tendencies of life and 
thought, and created the beginnings of a truly modem world. 

Had a belated traveler, left over from the time when 
Prince Henry the Navigator and Poggio Bracciolini began 
to extend European knowledge and power into the realms of 
the unknown, made his way across the continent in the days 
of the treaties of Utrecht and Nystad, he would have found 
himself confronted on every hand with evidences that a 
revolution had taken place in the world he had known three 
centuries earlier. He would, indeed, have traveled scarcely 
more rapidly than in his own day, since, though roads were 
better, horses' legs or men's had improved but little, and 
canals, though they increased the facilities,' contributed noth- 
ing to the speed of transportation. But the wagon-trains, the 
post-riders, the vehicles of all sorts which he met would have 
seemed a striking contrast to the pack-horses, the pedlars, 
the pilgrims, and men-at-arms with which his own time had 
been familiar. These, no less than the chateaus and country 
houses which he passed, the decaying or decayed castles and 
monastic establishments, the cities stretching far beyond their 
medisval walls, with their great warehouses, dockyards, and 
wharves would have argued not merely an increase of popula- 
tion and wealth but of a peace unknown to feudal times, and 
a commerce impossible to that earlier period. 

He would have seen peasants working in iSelds whose Compar- 
methods of cultivation and whose crops had changed but ^^J!^ 
little from those of his own day. But once within the walls of the I5th 
of the inns or private houses he would have been tickled ^^'^^'y 
with a hundred dishes unknown to his generation. The plate 
and napery and furniture, knives, forks, and spoons, china 
and glassware, even the tables and chairs would have seemed 
amazing to one accustomed to the semi-barbarous furnishings 
and cookery of the early fifteenth century. He might have 
felt a certain loss of the more picturesque side of life. The 
men's broad-skirted coats, knee-breeches, stocking^, and 
buckled shoes, their marvelous waistcoats, their shirts and 
neckwear, their wigs and three-cornered hats, might have 
seemed to him a poor exchange for doublet and curt-hose. 

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The women's hoopskirts and high dressed hair might well 
have roused the awe if not the admiration of one who remem- 
bered the simpler and more gracef ol robes of an earlier time. 

An artist or an architect, he would have been scarcely less 
amazed at the marvels of color and form which looked out 
at him from canvas and fresco, than at the domed and pil- 
lared neo-classical monuments which had replaced the grace- 
ful Gothic arches of his day. A soldier, he would have been 
as much surprised at the absence of armor as at the musket 
and pistol, the field and siege artillery; the fortresses which 
had replaced the medieval castles; the size and discipline of 
the national armies. A man of affairs, he would have been 
absorbed by the contrast between the volume and methods of 
public and private business and that of his own time, the 
huge increase in circulating medium, of banks and credit, of 
national finance, no less than in a world-commerce unfamiliar 
to his experience. For he would have heard on every hand of 
distant lands, their very names unknown to him, now forming 
part of the great European world. 

Above all, had he been a scholar or scientist, he would 
have been confounded by a new world of thought and speech. 
He would have met with no universal tongue, which, like 
the Latin of his own day, served as a common medium of 
expression among the different peoples of the continent. He 
would have found no universal church; and, in place of 
the narrow circle of accepted truth, half-scriptural, half- 
Aristotelian, of his time, he would have been confronted by 
a body of knowledge and a variety of opinions no less over- 
whelming in range than in content. New faiths, new proc- 
esses of thought, new doubts, new methods of attaining truth, 
would have assailed him on every hand. In his own day 
men had greatly feared that they might sail over the world's 
edge into space; they had feared still more that too great 
daring of the spirit might bring on them the terrors of 
eternity. Now, neither the dangers of the earth nor the fear 
of the church held them back from adventures all but incon- 
ceivable to mediaeval minds. They looked about a world 
now tolerably well known; they viewed a sky no longer the 

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unknowable abode of spirits, but filled with the visible evi- 
dences of a universe in which earth and man played very 
different parts from that conceived three centuries earlier. 
The natural had largely replaced the supernatural in men'ii 
thought; this world, the next. Dogma and revelation had 
largely given way to reason, investigation, law; and super- 
stition had been modified to faith or even to doubt in matters 
still beyond the intellect to solve. In such a world the 
mediaeval mind would have found itself at loss; and a man 
of the fifteenth century might well have dreamed that Reve- 
lation had come true, that he beheld a new heaven and a 
new earth. 

But had he been a statesman, considering rather the inter- PoUtlcs 
action of rulers and states upon each other than these deeper 
matters of man's daily life, he would have been far better 
able to understand the world about him. Europe had 
changed, indeed, in its concepts of government and interna- 
tional relationships, and still more in the formal conduct of 
its business. Public affairs were now on greater scale and 
involved a different set of powers from those he knew; but 
the motives behind them still remained the same, and political 
methods were not so widely different from those in other ages, 
that he would have found himself wholly at fault. Feudal- 
ism, indeed, was no longer in evidence as an active factor 
in polity, since the nation or the state had replaced it in 
affairs. Yet one who had witnessed the earlier conflict be- 
tween England and France could have conceived, despite its 
different scope and circumstance, this second Hundred Years' 
War in which the Peace of Utrecht brought a truce. He 
who had seen the first Frederick of HohenzoUem become the 
first Elector of Brandenburg could well have understood this 
later Frederick who from that dignity now became the first 
king of Prussia. He who had lived in the days of the Great 
Schism and the death of Huss would have been able to com- 
prehend something of the ecclesiastical division of western 
Europe into Catholic and Protestant communions. Nor would 
one who had seen the house of Hapsburg ascend the imperial 
throne have been wholly at a loss to understand the situation 

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of that dynasty at the beginning of the eighteenth century. 
Given the knowledge of the great geographical discoveries, 
he could even have understood the conflict for lands beyond 
the sea which had become a part of European history. Beside 
these things, material, and especially intellectual, advance 
would have appeared but little short of the miraculous. For 
the ambitions of princes and peoples are among the oldest 
motives of politics, while the elements which gave Europe 
of the eighteenth century a different character from that of 
the fifteenth lay chiefly outside the scope of their activities. 

Among these the developments in science and literature, 
philosophy, and theology were not alone. In the preceding 
generation, not even the glitter of the Grand Monarque had 
quite obscured the triumphs of Newton and Leibnitz, nor 
the advance in the art of war surpassed the triumphs of the 
men of peace. So in the era of European war and diplomacy 
which followed, the skill of the inventors and the progress 
of society rivaled the activities of the diplomats and the 
productions of the men of thought and letters. 

Letters These last, indeed, were by no means contemptible, though 

even while France under Louis XIV and the Regency rode 
to courtly and literary eminence there were signs of an 
approaching change. The vigor of that movement, which 
had signalized the earlier years of the great king had ex- 
hausted itself, and his power had not been enough to raise 
up genius worthy of comparison with what had gone before. 
The dramatic talents of the court favorite, Cr^billon, were 
far from equaling those of Moli&re and Bacine, and fell 
below them in morals as in inspiration. The novels of Le 

1715 Sage, crowned by his masterpiece of OH Bias, which intro- 

duced the so-called picaresqbe romance into European lit- 
erature, surpassed, indeed, the earlier efforts of Madame 
Lafayette. But the poems of Jean Baptiste Bousseau, or 
memoirs of St. Simon, with all their interest, scarcely reached 
the heights of the masters who had preceded them. And 
even the delicate beauty of Watteau's painting, in its courtly 
medium of fans and furniture, its charm of artificial shep- 
herds and shepherdesses playing at a return to nature, lost 

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Bomething of the strength it might have shown in a freer 
and less sophisticated atmosphere. 

None the less his paintings, in which were mingled the Voltaire 
artificial and the simple life, revealed a spirit destined to Montes- 
revolntionize the life and thought of European soeiet}^; and, quieu 
in its very failure to create a perfect illusion of simplicity, 
showed the direction in which European taste was rapidly 
tending. This was almost immediately made manifest in 
other fields. Scarcely was Louis XIV in his grave when the 
appearance of a new drama, the Henriade, introduced a new 1732-3 
figure into European literature, the young Voltaire, as he 
chose to call himself. During his imprisonment in the Bas- 
tille, he had meditated this dramatic conception of the first 
Bourbon, Henry of Navarre, and with it gave a new turn 
to French literature. Scarcely were the treaties confirming 
the Utrecht settlement signed when the Lettres Persanes, from 1791 
the pen of another author, as yet unknown, Montesquieu, 
began not only a new genre of letters, but inaugurated the 
attack on the formal authority which had been crystallized 
in the preceding reign. And scarcely had Orleans assumed 
the regency when the long quarrel between the Jesuits and the 
so-called Jansenistscame to a head in the latter 's appeal from 
Papal authority to that of a geiieral council of the church. 

Such an incident was peculiarly significant. The growing 
strength of reactionary infiuence during the later years of The 
Louis XIV had found expression in the destruction of Port ^^^ \ 
Boyal, the center of Jansenist infiuence. Simultaneously Janseoista ^ 
with the Peace of Utrecht, the Pope, inspired by the Jesuits, ^^^* 
had issued the BuU-ealled TJnigenitus, condemning the Jan- 
senist propositions. But not all the power of Pope and 
Jesuits, backed by the infiuence of the aged king and the 
half-hearted acquiescence of the Parlement, could stifie dis- 
cussion or prevent a schism in the Church of France. A third 
of the French bishop»s.refused assent to the Papal-Jesuit 
contention. The liberal Ca^olics, the literary men, now 
relieved from the repression of the Grand Monarque's later 
years, above all the rising school of so-called Philosophers, 
among whom Voltaire and Montesquieu were conspicuous, 

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rallied not so mueli to the support of the Jansenists as to 
the attack upon the Jesuits and the tyranny of authorily. 
With this France entered on a long controversy Hf^hich was 
to affect the whole future of her thought and practice in 
political scarcely less than ecclesiastical affairs. 

Of all the figures of the time, perhaps that of the Pope who 
issued the pronouncement against the Jesuits best typified the 
forces then at work remaking Europe — ^for upon him they 
bore the hardest. The career of Clement XI was, in fact, the 
tragedy of the old order. An able and accomplished man, 
he found himself impotent before the forces which dominated 
his time. He desired to remain neutral in the War of the 
Spanish Succession — and he was compelled to recognize first 
Philip V, then the Archduke Charles as king of Spain! In 
the Peace of Utrecht, almost alone among the powers of 
western Europe, the Papacy was ignored, and its various 
claims on Italian territory were not even given the courtesy 
of consideration. His Papal interdict on Savoy was treated 
with contempt, and his reaffirmation of Papal infallibility 
in matters of fact met with perhaps even less success than his 
condemnation of Jansenist heresies or his advocacy of the 
more humane treatment of criminals. He was the s3nnbol 
of an age already past, and in his day the office which he 
held sank to the lowest point it had reached since the 

The situation in which he found himself was typical of 
Europe at the close of the great national wars from which 
she was beginning to emerge. It was a curious compound of 
the old and new. The neo-dassicism which, since the Renais- 
sance, had gradually replaced scholasticism in the European 
mind, had reached its culmination. The splendid burst of 
natural vigor which succeeded the humanistic revival in arts 
and letters had, after the manner of all things human, hard- 
ened to a school. The educational leaders of Europe had 
replaced the mediaeval trivium and quadrivium with a system 
chiefly confined to classics, mathematics, and theology. In 
letters the influence of Boileau, ''the legislator of Parnassus,'' 
had served to crystallize a tendency toward formalism as 

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against flexibility, and conformity to rules as opposed to 
spontane^^ His UArt Poetique, and the Essay on Criti- 
cism o^^VEnglishman Pope, alike condemned the winged 
Pegasus of the two preceding centuries to tread the roads 
laid out for him through the far-spreading fields of poetry. 
Prose followed the same course, and the last years of Louis 
XIV, like the Age of lAnne, revealed a powerful impulse 
toward formal models in the two chief centers of European 
literature. For, 

" Song from celestial heights had wandered down 
Put off her robe of sunlight, dew, and flame. 
And donned a modish dress to charm the town. 

She saw with dull emotion — if she saw, 
The vision of the glory of the world." 

In architecture the same tendency expressed itself. The Architect- 
influence of Palladio had gradually made its way through 1675.1740 
western Europe and to those eastern states where French 
models were now increasingly accepted as the acme of taste, 
till its heavy hand was evident on every building. In France, 
beside the extravagance of Versailles, was seen Perrault's 
completed masterpiece, the Louvre, with the Hotel des In- 
valides and the Pantheon; in England, the Cathedral of St. 
Paul's — whose dome and portico echo the glory of St. Peter's 
—reflected the same Palladian influence. The services of Marl- 
borough were rewarded by a palace which in Vanbrugh's 
hands became a model of massive magnificence, and the 
epitaph of that architect, '*Lie heavy on Mm, Earth, for he 
Laid many a heavy weight on thee," might well be taken 
as the motto of the whole neo-dassic school. The Great 
Elector's buildings in Berlin exhibited the same monumental 
character. Even in the newly erected Russian capital, French 
architects carried out the principles of the Italo-Vitruvian 
school, whose triumph at once destroyed the beautiful pointed 
Qothic, which it now replaced, and obscured the glories of 
true classic models which it professed to represent. Domestic 
architecture took tone from the same influence, as beside the 
spired ch&teaus of France rose the square monoliths of city 

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and country house; and in England the neo-Gothic Tudor 
was replaced by Jacobean and now by Georgian fonnality. 
Formalism Social affairs had followed much the same c(^^^ From 
the court of Louis XIV had flowed a stream oi^Rmonial 
which, paralleled or imitated by the rulers of the continent, 
and taken up by society in general, tended to rob human 
association of every symptom of spdfttaneity and make men 's 
intercourse a series of formalized observances from which 
meaning had fled. The clothing in which society lived, and, 
in so far as it could, moved, was peculiarly ill-adapted to 
any practical purpose. The elaborate and beautiful silk 
coats and waistcoats of the men; the still more marvelous 
costumes of the women, which the improvements in the weav- 
ing industry, and especially the extraordinary increase in 
the use of silk provided, contributed at once to the gayety 
of plumage and the wealth of that nation to which Colbert's 
foresight had introduced the manufacture of silk. The pow- 
dered wigs of the males, indeed, paled into insignificance 
beside the vast and towering head-dresses of the female 
leaders of society, but together they made this the golden age 
of hair-dressers. 

Manners and amusements took on the same tone. The freer 
and livelier dances froze into the stately minuet. The card- 
table became not merely the scene of gambling but a kind of 
social shrine. The use of snuff became universal, and snuff 
boxes claimed the talents of goldsmith and miniaturist. 
Duelling maintained and even increased its vogue; and the 
code of honor became continually more rigid. The stage 
revealed the same tendency. Shakespeare was discredited 
by the critics as rude and uncouth. When his plays ap- 
peared at all — and no amount of formalism could quite drive 
them from the stage — ^they were too often enlivened by the 
appearance of Hamlet and Lady Macbeth in full eighteenth- 
century costume! The result was an age of dullness which 
in France was rendered endurable by the taste which adorned 
it with some saving graces, but which in many quarters, 
especially in the lesser German courts, reached depths 
scarcely supportable to even their habitues, however inspirited 

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with the vastly increasing use of the heavier wines of this 
''age of port." 

Even great fields of intellect were infected with the same 
formality, and as one passes from the more spontaneous lit- 
erature of the seventeenth century into the more dignified 
productions of its successor, he is acutely conscious of a de- 
crease of interest in the form if not in the matter of much 
that held the attention of a more sedate era. It was, indeed, 
productive along certain lines, as the development of anti- 
quarianism testified. In others, notably in education, it had 
become conventional almost to sterility. But in all it revealed 
that tendency toward form, that devotion to ceremonial, 
which, whether expressed in stately mansions and formal 
gardens, or in the verses which were inspired by Pope or 
Boileau, marked a movement which had lost its vigor. 

Yet by that curious law of human no less than of physical The 
evolution which gives to every action its inevitable and '^■^^'^ 
equal reaction, at the height of this new reign of formal 
authority a change prepared. The development of absolute 
and national kingship which reached its height under Louis 
XTV had been accompanied by the revolution which drove 
the Stuarts from the English throne. The French effort 
to dominate Europe had been foiled by the reassertion of its 
unity in diversity, expressed in grand alliances and the 
doctrine of balance of power. Now in the world of intellect 
the same phenomenon was observable. 

This was particularly true in the realm of theology. There Theology 
the assaults of science in the two preceding centuries had 
driven men to one of these alternatives: complete rejection 
of all discoveries which trenched in any way upon the doc- 
trines of revealed religion ; or the rejection of dogma where 
it was weakened by the. new knowledge. From this arose 
a fresh antagonism bearing little relation to the older 
divisions of Catholic and Protestant. On the one side, how- 
ever they differed among themselves on questions of theology 
and ecclesiastical supremacy, were ranged the champions of 
orthodox belief. On the other stood the growing company of 
those who under whatever name, deist, philosopher, agnostic, 

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unbeliever, atheist, free-thinker, scientist, accepted the con- 
clusions of investigation and reason. These, either rejected 
wholly church dogmas ; or held judgment suspended ; or strove 
to reconcile reason and dogma. But they looked toward the 
substitution of some intellectually defensible doctrine of uni- 
verse and man and their creation and Creator for irrational 
belief. The old predicate, "I believe, therefore I know,** 
found itself confronted by the new, '*I know, therefore I be- 
lieve." Cutting across all bounds of race or faith, the princi- 
ple made way. Whether one said with the English Shaftes- 
bury, ''A wise man has but one religion, but what it is a wise 
man never tells*'; or, with the French Voltaire, observed that 
**if there were no God it would be necessary to invent one*'; 
or declared with the Swedish botanist he "thought God's 
thoughts after him," the principle was the same. Rational- 
ism, having established itself in thought, had begun to make 
headway against a blind belief. In the words of the English 
poet. Pope, whose formal versification aptly typified the 
spirit of his times, it came to be recognized that ''order is 
Heaven's first law." 

With the efforts to discover the secrets of the law and 
order of the universe there came, inevitably, a definite 
break with that theology which for more than a thousand 
years had reckoned such subjects beyond the limits of human 
prerogative even more than of human capacity. The theo- 
logians of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had spent 
an infinity of energy in argument as to whether man was 
or was not a free agent, whether the course of every indi- 
vidual was predetermined from the beginning, or whether 
he had a choice dependent on his own will, wholly or in part. 
That long and bitter controversy which has, in some sort, 
conditioned all theological and philosophical speculation, in 
all places and at all times since thought began, has, indeed, 
an endless fascination. It is, like all such abstract and 
metaphysical problems, insoluble. But this much is certain. 
Whatever the ultimate fact, men have acted as if they were 
free agents; and upon the doctrine of free-will, whether con- 
sciously or unconsciously, have been based man's material 

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achievements. And it is not the least significant commentary 
on the relation between known faith and human practice 
that among the believers in predestination have been some 
of the most active and successful examples of the influence 
of a determined will to achieve. 

At this juncture there appeared another of those antag- 
onisms on which the religious life is based — ^reason against 
revelation, or perhaps better, mysticism against materialism. 
It was revealed in an almost coincident attack from two 
quite opposite directions, and by two wholly antagonistic 
elements, on the existing ecclesiastical establishments, Prot- 
estant no less than Catholic. Since the convulsions of the 
sixteenth century, and in the face of scientific progress in 
the seventeenth, the churches had tended to entrench them- 
selves in system and dogma equally removed from the ration- 
alism of the scientists and the zeal of the fanatics. Though 
they differed from each other, they had tended toward uni- 
formity themselves and grown from a concern of the spirit into 
a school or cult. Such is the tendency of human thought, and The 
such, inevitably, brings further reaction. By the eighteenth J^!^|^c« 
century "the church," whether Protestant or Catholic, 
tended to become not so much a spiritual force as an ''estate," 
a social institution, which, like the aristocracy, was a static 
element, desiring only to be let alone. Liberalism, on the 
other hand, was less a party than it was the mass of edu- 
cated men. The eighteenth century, in consequence, saw 
a scientific renaissance, like the fifteenth-century classical 
movement, which produced, not paganism, but indifference, "U 

or antagonism. 

For men filled with the restless and skeptical impulse The ^ 

which science had brought, the churches took far too much ^7^^ 
on faith. For men to whom the universe and life remained 
a vast, insoluble mystery, the churches seemed far too prac- 
tical and material. From the beginning, the mystic and 
. the scientist had found themselves equally opposed to the 
establishment, and the preceding centuries are full of their 
confiicts. Copernicus and Qalileo, Gterman Anabaptist and 
English -Quaker, alike had found themselves outside the law 

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^ 1780-49 

no less of Befonned communions than of Roman. Now, with 
the trinmph of science and a freer thought, across the broad- 
ening gulf between belief and knowledge one element found 
expression for its state of mind in mystical concepts, the 
other in an effort to explain man's relations to the universe 
and its Creator on rational grounds. 

Sprung from the older stock of German and English dis- 
sent, new shoots grew side by side in friendly emulation. 
One group of Qerman Lutherans, denied by their brethren, 
looked back to Huss as their founder. These, owing their 
strength rather to their simple pietism than to the Augsburg 
confession which they professed, were known from the place 
of their origin ad Moravians. Under the leadership and pro- 
tection of a Saxon nobleman, Count Zinzendorf, they now 
began to extend their labors outside their old confines. From 
the first their missionary impulse was strong. During the 
War of the Polish Succession they despatched a mission to 
St. Thomas and began a work in Greenland which brought 
that cheerless and long-neglected land within the circle of 
Christianity. In British North America they found a fertile 
field for their energies. At Bethlehem in Pennsylvania, be- 
side the Quakers who welcomed them, Zinzendorf established 
one of those "communities" in whose peculiar organization 
the Moravian spirit found its characteristic expression. From 
there, as well as from Gteorgia, where some of them had 
joined Oglethorpe's colony, their missionaries soon pushed 
past the frontier to rival the zeal of the Jesuits among the 
Indian tribes between the Ohio and the Great Lakes. 

They were not alone in their advent into the western world. 
Beside them settled in Penn^lvania the adherents of that 
German sect, known from their Reformation founder as 
Schwenkfelders. In later years these bodies were rein- 
forced by others who, like the so-called Shakers, with their 
celibate communities, added another element to religious ex- 
perience and to New World society. Hither, also, came the 
leaders of another and, as it was to prove, a greater com- 
munion, not uninfiuenced by the Moravians, the so-called 
Wesleyans or Methodists. These were the product of that 

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serious Puritanism not unknown even within the Anglican 
establishment. They owed their origin to a little religious 
society which began in Oxford undergraduate days, and 
under the influence of two of its original members, John and 
Charles Wesley, and the eloquence of its apostle Whitefield, 
had slowly expanded into a new communion. All three 
of these founders were connected with Oglethorpe's experi- 
ment in Qeorgia, where their relations with tfye Moravians 
at once inspired and affected their further development 
Based on a doctrine of personal salvation by conviction of 
sin and conversion, they relied on the emotional appeal of ex- 
hortation by itinerant ministers. The new gospel, preached 
wherever men could be gathered to hear, in churches, houses, 
marketplace, or fields, appealed to classes little touched by an 
establishment which rejected the new society as it had earlier 
exi>elled the nonconformist ''denominations." 

Like the Moravians, to whom they owed so much, the 
Methodists revealed a missionary spirit as fervid as that 
which had fired St. Dominic and St. Francis five centuries 
earlier, and still inspired their followers in the remoter dis- 
tricts of New Spain. Along the far-reaching frontiers of 
the English colonies, no less than in the more thickly settled 
districts, and in the cities and countryside of England, their 
itinerant ministers and circuit-riders spread a network of 
congregations, keeping pace with the expansion of their coun- 
trymen abroad as they sought to bring the gospel to the 
neglected elements at home. They were reinforced by men 
who, like William Law with his Serious Call to a Devout 1686-1761 
and Holy Life, profoundly influenced the leaders and fol- 
lowers of this so-called Evangelical movement. And their 
labors were supplemented by those of other remarkable men, 
one of whom attained a peculiar eminence by his labors in 
this eighteenth-century religious reformation, or rather re- 
vival, which was known in the English colonies as the Qreat 

This was the Scandinavian mystic, Emanuel Sweden- Sweden- 
borg. He began his intellectual life with an interest in ^^1779 
science, and his contributions and prophecies make him a 

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prodigy of his times. He anticipated the discoveries of the 
paleontologists, suggested the nebular hypothesis of the for- 
mation of planets, advanced theories of light, of molecular 
magnetism, and cosmic atoms, — even proposed the principle 
of a flying machine which a later generation found practical. 
Though a man of the world, he advanced from science through 
philosophy to ''soul analysis" and so to a new revelation 
upon which a new sect founded itself. Combining, as he 
did, eminent talents for practical affairs, great scientific 
attainments, and those mystical qualities which made him 
seem more than human to many men of his generation, he 
was not merely one of the most extraordinary characters 
which Europe has produced, but a symbol of the extraordi- 
nary period in which he lived. 
The The older ecclesiastical establishments felt more than 

rationalists ^j^^ pressure of the men of greater faith, for, at the same 
moment of this far-reaching religious revival, beside Mora- 
vians and Methodists, Schwenkfelders and Swedenborgians, 
the men of reason made their way into the arena of theological 
controversy. Apart from the conflict which seemed then 

(inevitable between dogma based on revelation and doubt 
based on reason — ^between science and religion as it has come 
to be incorrectly known — ^the efforts of the philosophers 
from Descartes through Spinoza and Locke to Leibnitz, had 
! endeavored to find a reconciling formula between knowledge 
- I and faith. Thus they developed another school, the so-called 
' - Deists. They denied revelation and based their belief on a 
Creator as demonstrated by the discoveries of science and 
.^ the ''natural constitution" of the universe. Their beginnings 
lay chiefly in England, where the teachings of Lord Herbert 
of Cherbury in the preceding century were continued by 
Locke and taken up by a group which included the political 
leaders, Shaftesbury and Bolingbroke. Thence these doc- 
trines spread to the continent where, in this period, they 
found their greatest champion in the chief man of letters of 
his time. 
Voltaire This was the Frenchman, Francois Marie Arouet, better 

1694-1778 known by his assumed name of Voltaire, whose brilliance 

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was then bringing him into European view. He had already 
won his spurs as a dramatist, and a visit to England put him 
in touch with a new intellectual and political world which 
he, in turn, with Montesquieu, now introduced to the con- 
tinent. Oifted with an almost inconceivable fecundity of 
genius, and a delightful style, versatile, original, epigram- — -^'" 
matic, unconventional, he was inspired with a sardonic wit 
which made him the most effective and formidable of cham- 
pions. In society, in the state, above all in the church, he 
found himself continually in conflict with constituted author- 
ity, for he was, essentially, the spirit that denies. A poet 
and a dramatist inferior only to the greatest France pro- 
duced, a story-teller and a moralist, an essayist and a 
philosopher, his epigrams became the subtlest weapons in the 
armory of those forces opposed to the shams of existing 
authority. An historian, he directed that branch of letters 
into new channels; a dabbler in experimental science, his 
tendencies were continually toward doubt. Above all a 
satirist, he became the most followed and feared of all free- 
thinkers. No dignity was too high, no superstition too sacred 
to escape his barbed wit, no cause too hopeless to enlist his 
support, no individual too humble to engage his protection, 
no device of authority too subtle for his adroitness in evading 
its penalties. And, amid the mixed meanness and greatness 
of the man, the intellect of Voltaire became a dominating 
influence in European thought. 

He was but one, though the most eminent, of a class now Letters 
making a place for itself in affairs, the men of letters. "The phUosophy 
thinking heads of all nations had in secret come to a ma- iTOO-49 
jority and rose fiercely against restraint," challenging the 
ecclesiastical and even the political authorities for leadership 
and popular allegiance. It was as yet, indeed, impossible 
for scientists, even inventors, to live by the exercise of their 
talents. Letters was not a wholly independent profession. 
The private patron or some separate source of income was 
necessary, for public support as yet scarcely enabled a man 
to live by his pen. But the preceding hundred years had 
seen a rapid development, especially in the west. Printers 

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had grown into publishers; newspapers and periodicals were 
now an element in the daily life of thoosands ; and literature 
was fast learning to walk alone. 

The result was notably conspicuous in England. As the 
Age of Louis XIV brought forth a Boileau whose Art Poetique 
had molded French poetry on more rigid lines, and the Age 
of Anne had found its characteristic expression in the 
rhymed epigrams of Pope; so, following the triumphs of 
Rochefoucauld, La Fontaine, and Fenelon in French prose, 
the English essayists Steele, Addison, and Swift. had founded 
a new school of English literary expression. As Voltaire 
had crowned the line of French satirists, Swift, whose talents 
fell short only of Voltaire's, filled a like place in English 
letters. At the same time Defoe, turning from political 
pamphleteering, where his ability had ranked him all but 
equal to Swift, continued the tradition established by Mrs. 
.Behn and Madame de Lafayette, with the publication of his 
immortal story of Rohinson Crusoe. This was followed by 
other tales from his own pen and by those of his imitators 
and successors. And in the year that saw the European 
panorama change with the exit of the rulers of Austria, 
Prussia, and Russia, came the issue of Samuel Richardson's 
more ambitious experiment in fiction, the story of Pamela, 
With it and its companion-piece, Joseph Andrews, from the 
pen of another journalist and pamphleteer, Henry Fielding, 
the modem novel was bom. Thus, as the classical school 
reached its climax, from the side of journalism there sprang 
a new form of writing destined to play a major part in the 
future development of letters. Simultaneously, tiie English 
Gentleman* s Magazine, following the example already set in 
Holland and in France, added another element of strength to 
the growing power of the press with the beginning of the 
periodical. As these forces were added to the newspaper, 
which was now firmly established, a new age of literature 

But if the novel of life and character, as distinguished from 
the mere romance, pointed the way to fresh developments in 
the world of letters, a concurrent event in the field of music 

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led to scarcely less far-reaching results. This was the devel- 
opment of the oratorio, a dramatic form of religious music 
which, originating in Italy, found its highest expression in 
the hands of Bach and his fellow-countryman, Handel. The 
one, in (Germany, now advanced from his triumphs in the 
newer forms of suites, preludes and fugues, so-called, through 
the choral, to the great Passion music which crowned his 
fame. The other, meanwhile, in England, turned from his 
earlier successes in church music and opera to the same form, 
and in a brilliant succession of oratorios, beginning with 
Esther and culminating in the Messiah, brought this kind of 1710-49 
choral and solo work to a pitch of perfection only equaled 
by his contemporary and never since excelled. With it, 
music, like literature and art, became more truly democratic. 
This was the more marked since the progress of the musical 
instrument makers had been particularly notable in the cen- 
tury preceding. In the hands of Stradivari the violin had 
just attained a perfection of form and tone which even now 
remains unequaled. The seventeenth century had seen the 
invention of the harpsichord, and in the years following the 
great wars of Europe the genius of the Italian inventor, 
Cristofori, gave Europe its first pianoforte. These, with the 
many improvements in wind and string instruments, made 
possible a new world of music. 

These were but a few of the notable phenomena of a period ArdisBol- 
characterized by innovations in almost every phase of human ^^ 
endeavor. It was an age of scholars only less eminent than 
those who had shed luster on the three preceding centuries ; 
and memorable for discoveries scarcely less noteworthy than 
those of the Renaissance; yet in each case with a differ- 
ence peculiarly characteristic of the eighteenth century. At 
the same moment that the Northern War had come to an 1719-38 
end, the site of the city of Herculaneum, buried under the 
ashes of Vesuvius in the first century of the Christian era, 
was found and a beginning made of those great excavations 
which from that day to this have added to our knowledge 
and enriched our artistic life with the material treasures of 
antiquity. Another generation saw Pompeii similarly recov- 

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ered, and the science of classical archflBology firmly established 
as an adjunct of history and art. The study of inscriptions, 
so-called epigraphy, received fresh impulse ; and, with it, ad- 
vancing from the achievements of Du Cange who, in the gen- 
eration just past had bridged the gap between ancient and 
modem speech with his great mediaeval Latin glossary, other 
scholars enlarged the knowledge of that past. Art tended 
to follow the same impulse; and this age of antiquarians 
revealed no more typical figure than the engraver Piranesi, 
whose burin preserved an almost infinite number of the 
architectural remains of classical antiquity. 

To the work of Montfaugon and others on Greek hand- 
writing, or palaeography, was added one on Roman script 
issued by the order of Benedictines to which he belonged, and 
whose services to knowledge were so eminent. These increased 
the knowledge of the past no less than the material which 
Italy now supplied in the edition of her chronicles by Mura- 
tori; while his countryman, Maffei, reconstructed the history 
of Verona and revised so-called diplomatics contributed 
by Mabillon to the modem science of documents. Nor 
was this industry confined to Romance nations. England 
issued the Latin text and the translation of her greatest 
mediaeval historian, Bede, and continued that study of Anglo- 
Saxon history and language, which the mid-seventeenth cen- 
tury had begun, by publishing her early chronicles. Still 
more, she related scholarship to practical affairs, by bringing 
together and printing, for the first time, collections of de- 
bates in Parliament, and the description of her older insti- 
tutions, which were of no less importance to her publicists 
than to her scholars. 

This was, indeed, the great, outstanding, characteristic of 
the period ; the mingling of the intellectual and the material. 
If the Renaissance had been peculiarly an age of the dis- 
covery and editing of manuscripts, the eighteenth century 
renaissance was the age of the antiquarians. And if the 
earlier period had seen its chief advance along the lines of pure 
science, and mathematics in particular, this period revealed 
that tendency toward transforming those principles into 

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practice, and relating science to industry. The extraction of 
gas from coal, the extension of the principle of Newcomen's 
steam pumping-engine to the propulsion of vessels, Hadley's 
sextant, and the thermometers of Fahrenheit and Reaumur, 
witnessed the growing tendency to enlist scientific knowledge 
in the affairs of life as the age of invention approached. 
No less the experiments in cattle-breeding, in fertilizers, 
crop-rotation, soils and methods of cultivation which had set 
England on the path to agricultural revolution, promised 
at once an increase in the resources of the oldest of civilized 
pursuits and a surer foundation for the support of popula- 
tion whose rapid growth was already in evidence throughout 
Europe. In view of this it was at last coming to be recog- 
nized that ''he who made two blades of grass grow where 
one grew before" was a factor thenceforth to be considered 
in the world's affairs. 

Through all of this activity, particularly on the side of The 
science, two general principles were observable. The first ^,^Ji{JJj 
was the decline of the classical tradition as well as 
mediieval ignorance and superstition. Each of these, in its 
way, had been an opponent of progress. The triumph of 
rationalism over the blind dogmatism of the middle ages 
had been powerfully aided by the introduction of the learning 
of the Oreek and Roman -world into the content of European 
thought and knowledge. That learning had been so pre- 
eminently helpful in the destruction of theological obscur- 
antism, it had been so tremendously stimulating to the intel- 
lect, that, naturally enough, its value had been exaggerated. 
The long ascendancy of the church fathers had been replaced 
by that of the classical philosophers. Augustine and 
Athanasius, Origen and Tertidlian gave way to Ptolemy and 
Pliny, Galen and Hippocrates, who thenceforth had dom- 
inated men's minds scarcely less than their predecessors. 

Every department of life had been influenced by this 
change. Theology and education, science and scholarship, 
philosophy and literature fell before the new conquerors. 
In some measure this was essential to European progress; 
and from it flowed that impulse which set Europe on the 

of The 

rst dfcUneof ^ 

. classicism I 

Of I 

its y 

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and phi- 

path which led through the Renaissance and the Bef onnation 
to a modem world. But men had scarcely begun to perceive 
that, however valuable the content and method of the an- 
cients, their learning neither exhausted the field of knowledge 
nor was without its errors. Thenceforth, beginning with 
the second quarter of the sixteenth century, there had been 
carried on a twofold conflict. On the one hand the apostles 
of the modem school combated the ignorance of mankind 
and the superstition engendered by mediaeval theology. On 
the other, they were compelled to struggle with those who 
adhered as blindly to the dicta of the classical writers as 
their predecessors had dung to the dogmas of the church. 

In general, the burden of this long contention was bor^e 
by those men to whom was given the name of scientists, and 
they became the chief opponents of authority, whether 
classical or theological. They were aided by that group to 
which was ascribed the vague and generic name of philos- 
ophers, and from these proceeded the great antagonisms which 
marked the seventeenth century in particular. Little by 
little they made way. Before reason and investigation the 
authority of Pliny and Ptolemy, Galen and Hippocrates 
declined, Aristotle lost his ascendancy over the European 
intellect; and classical learning was infused with modem 
discovery. The classical tradition lingered longer in other 
fields. Education was still almost wholly dominated by it, 
architecture revealed its peculiar forms and characteristics, 
literature and scholarship were deeply tinged with its infiu- 
ence. But by the middle of the eighteenth century it had 
ceased to be the prevailing note in that scientific and philo- 
sophical activity upon which a great part of European 
progress depended. To it succeeded the devotion to '^nature" 
which was to play as great a part in the future. This was 
due in part to actual progress, in part, no doubt, to chan^ng 
taste. ''Fashion perishes of its own vogue, and that vogue 
in turn by its own vogue." Man's mind revolts against 
monotony as it shrinks from too violent change ; and the very 
progress of knowledge tends to destroy the forces which gave 
it birth. 

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Another of the principal factors in this change was that 
scientific advance is not, like the changes of taste, and even 
of politics, an erratic force. It is a cumulative process. With 
the invention of printing and the gradual diffusion of culture, 
the development of knowledge was secured as the investi- 
gators of each generation were enabled to build upon pre- 
ceding labors and transmit their discoveries to their 
successors. Moreover, their work had another advantage. 
Especially as the eighteenth century came on, science con- 
tributed more and more to the practical side of life, increasing 
the capacity of men to achieve results in many fields which 
added at once to the comfort, the safety, and the satisfaction 
of the community. If the seventeenth century was the era'^ 
of pure scientific discovery, the eighteenth century is pre- j 
eminently the age of the beginning of what came to be ' 
known as a pplied science," whose results were clearly ap- 
parent in nearly every field of material endeavor, in manu- 
facturing, in agriculture, in commerce, even in war and 

There are an infinite number of examples of this, and if linneus 
the period of the early eighteenth century gave to the world ^'^^-'^8 
no such discoveries as those which illuminated the genera- 
tions from Galileo to Newton, science, like scholarship, en- 
tered upon an era scarcely less important. In it there is 
perhaps no more eminent figure than the Swedish botanist, — * "* 
Linnaeus. He was a great collector and a great teacher, but he 
was much more. His Systema Naturae appeared in 1735 
and a dozen editions were required in the ensuing 
generation. It was the beginning of that classification which 
characterizes the century; while his so-called ** binominal", 
system of nomenclature, to indicate genus and species, became 
the standard for science to our own day. This scientific 
activity was not confined to cataloguing and classifying the 
knowledge of natural phenomena which established the so- 
called systematic branches of science. Nor was it unrelated 
to the antiquarianism and annotation which characterized 
much of the scholarship of the period. Human knowledge, 
indeed, had increased so greatly in the two preceding cen- 

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Growth of 
and cul- 
tural or- 

turies that such a process was as necessary as the concurrent 
preparation of dictionaries and encyclopedias in almost every 
conceivable field which accompanied this general stock-taking 
of the intellect, preparatory to another advance. But beside 
this apparently mechanical work went on a very real advance 
in attainment. The very collection and arrangement of 
material suggested new relations and new lines of investiga- 
tion; and these suggestions were multiplied by the solution 
of problems whose answers pointed to still other questions in 
a field whose limits were the universe itself. 

This was accompanied by another phenomenon which char- 
acterized this epoch of intellectual progress, — ^the establish- 
ment of an extraordinary number of organizations and insti- 
tutions to perpetuate and further the knowledge and skill 
acquired, to ameliorate suffering, and to stimulate interest in 
such work. In this great field all peoples, classes, and inter- 
ests combined. France, England, Prussia, Russia, Sweden, 
Switzerland, Italy, royal and noble patronage, learned so- 
cieties and individuals, joined in the movement. The earlier 
unity of western Europe which had been claimed by the 
Empire, and in large measure provided by the mediaeval 
church, had broken down. Politically it had failed; reli- 
giously and intellectually it had been scarcely more effective. 
But as every nation took its place in the concurrent progress 
of science, letters, art, and scholarship, the field of intellect 
offered a more substantial meeting-place than any which had 
thus far appeared. Unlike the genius of individualism which 
had filled the seventeenth century with great discoveries, the 
eighteenth' century used its talent for formal organization to 
. systematize knowledge and develop co-ordination in its pur- 
suit. For all Europe joined forces to conquer the realms of 
the unknown and make the world more endurable for the 

The accomplishment of this task was aided by the encour- 
agement of wealth and influence directed to these ends. The 
foundation of the Academy of St Petersburg gave Euler an 
opportunity to continue the work of Newton in mathematics; 
while Maupertuis found his labors in the same field sup- 

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ported and encouraged by his appointment to the presidency . 
of the Berlin Academy. Button's intendancy of the French 
royal gardens and museums enabled him to embark on the Ya^/l^ > 
great task of classifying animals, which paralleled and sup- * 

plemented Linnaeus' work under the auspices of the Stockholm ^ 
Academy, and laid the foundations of systematic zoology ^>*/v^ vm^'*^ 
beside those of systematic botany. And with these great 
contributions to biology that science was fully embarked 
upon its long and important career. 

Such activity was not confined to the foundation of acad- 
emies and museums, nor the appointment of savants to their 
management. It took the form, among other things, of an 
extraordinary revival in the foundation of hospitals, un- 
equaled since the middle ages. As the church in that period 
had exercised its humanitarian functions in this field among 
others, so now science roused itself to the same task, under 
far different conditions, if not from different motives. Lon- ^ s I L/ 

don, Paris, Edinburgh, Dublin, Dresden, Berlin, Vienna, . '-^k '- ^'^ ^ 
Lisbon, New York, and Philadelphia, with a score of lesser * 
places, set up new hospitals, lying-in wards, lectureships in 
medicine, clinics, and many sorts of practical instruction in 
healing. To this the wars which produced so much suffering 
contributed; and among the destructive results entailed by 
the ambitions of Prussia, the establishment of an improved 
system of medical and surgical arrangements for the army 
was perhaps the most substantial good which they produced. 

Two fields of scientific activity were conspicuous in their Chemistry j 
progress during this period. The first was chemistry. If 
the mid-eighteenth century were notable for nothing else, it 
would be memorable for the contributions of investigators 
like the Swedish pharmacist, Scheele, who, in his humble 1742-86 
laboratory, probably made more important discoveries than 
any single individual before or since. The organic acids, 
so familiar to modem practice under the names of tartaric, 
oxalic, citric, and gallic; manganese, chlorine, baryta; esti- 
mates of the proportions of oxygen in the air, which had so 
long puzzled mankind, rewarded his patient labors. In his 
hands technical chemistry, upon which so much of the rapidly 

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approaching age of indostrialism was to depend, took on new 
life. Still greater, on the more purely intellectual side, were 
^^^.^^ the researches of the young Lavoisier, to whom the final over- 
^ throw of the long-lived phlogiston fallacy was due. With 

these men modem chemistry may be said to begin. And 
while it is futile to make the trite moral comparison between 
the labors of such men as these and the spectacular achieve- 
ments of captains and kings, in their respective contributions 
to the comfort and capacity of the race, one may, at least, 
claim a place for them in the history of Europe beside the 
mistresses of Louis XV or even the conquests of the great 
Geologj The second of the sciences which showed signs of renewed 

vitality was geology. For almost the first time since Agricola 
wrote his great treatise on mineralogy in the sixteenth cen- 
tury, the constitution of the earth came into the active con- 
sideration of the European mind. This had prof oiind results 
not only upon practical aflfairs and scientific progress, but, 
ultimately, upon such an apparently remote field as that of 
theology. It began, naturally enough, with conflict of 
theories regarding the origin of the rocks; and it had not 
gone far before it developed two schools of thought. On the 
one hand, the Vulcanists or Plutonists, as they were called, 
attributed geological action to fire, and so formed the igneous 
school, which held to a belief in a fiery central core to the 
earth. On the other, the Neptunists contended for the forma- 
tion of rocks by crystallization or sedimentation from water. 
To this was added the study of fossils which, from the time 
of Leonardo da Vinci, had attracted the interest of intel- 
lectual men. And it was no long time before these elements 
were combined into speculation over the origin and the age 
of the planet. This, naturally, brought the new science into 
conflict with the adherents of the flrst chapter of Genesis, 
a conflict comparable to and perhaps even more bitter than 
that between the revelationists and the followers of Copernicus 
in the preceding century. 
o?th^tii "^^"^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ under way has been declared to be a 
century "bankrupt century." Viewed merely from the standpoint 

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of politics perhaps few periods have better merited such a 
title than the decades which followed the conclusion of the 
great wars. Yet an era which saw France push the bounds 
of European power through the Missouri valley, Russia 
secure the north Pacific coast of North America, Spain ad- 
vancing to meet them both, and the English colonies doubling 
their population and their wealth, can scarcely be reckoned 
of no value to even political history. Still less can an era 
which boasts the names of Voltaire and Montesquieu, Fielding 
and Richardson, Handel and Bach, the Wesleys, Swedenborg, 
Linnseus and Buffon, with all their fellow-workers, be counted 
as nothing to the advancement of the race. Little as men 
had gained by the transfer of sovereignty from one royal 
house to another, in those realms beyond the reach of prince- 
ling and diplomat the world revealed, in this eventful period, 
the dawn of a new era of mankind. 

There is a law of nature which decrees that the very suc- 
cess of any organism tends to bring about its extinction. The 
sedge at the lake-side gradually builds up soil by its decay 
and makes the foundation for other forms of vegetable life 
which replace it. The pine forest, by its too great crowding, 
dwarfs and stunts its own members. Excess of human popu- 
lation brings its attendant evils of dirt and pestilence, of 
degradation and starvation, unless relieved by artificial 
means. The frontiersman pushes forward into the wilderness 
until frontiersman and frontier alike disappear; the pioneer 
clears the land and makes it cultivable and habitable by 
increasing numbers — ^and there are no longer pioneers. The 
same is true in many fields, even in that of intellect, where it 
is strengthened by other forces ; and it was peculiarly charac- 
teristic of eighteenth-century thought and literature. 

The classical influence which had set Europe on a new 
stage of its progress during the Renaissance had followed the 
natural course of such movements. It had triumphed over 
scholasticism through its product, humanism. It had become 
the dominant element in European intellectual life; it had 
grown into a cult, with fixed rules and inflexible standards. 
It had become formalized, and it had begun to lose itself in 

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blind alleys of repetition and imitation. In some degree 
the same tendency had overtaken society. The courtliness 
which had made such progress in the preceding century had 
become so formalized as to make human intercourse all but 
unendurable to the more intelligent or the more original 
members of society. Oovemment and war took the same 
course. The one lost its energy in routine ; the other turned 
soldiers into disciplined machines. Class distinctions hard* 
ened into caste; and the very virtues of organization for 
which the eighteenth century was distinguished threatened to 
stifle originality in those who submitted to its restrictions. 

In no small degree this was true of literature. As the 
eighteenth century came on, the formal essay and still more 
formal verse replaced the more spontaneous fashions of the 
seventeenth century. The regular beat of rhymed pentameter 
and hexameter overpowered the freer measures of an earlier 
age. T he flrtifipiftl seemed about to conquer the natural. Had 
there not come a revolt against all this, the world might, as 
during the middle ages, have been reduced to formal sterility. 
But the spirit of individualism was too strong by this time to 
submit to mere authority. Revolt stirred on every hand; and 
originality, however discouraged by those who directed the 
business of life, continually burst the bonds of convention. 
The charm of formalism, whether in dress or gardens, in let- 
ters, art, and manners, which must always appeal to one side 
of human nature, did not, indeed, disappear. But beside or 
"* against it the tendency toward deviation from the prescribed 
path continually made way. Under the dominance of classi- 
-" — cism, romanticism made its feeble beginning. The middle ages 
again found expression in literature and scholarship; to the 
court painters and their splendor of robes and trappings suc- 
ceeded the pastoral painters, then the ''natural" school. 
Against the artificial conventions, naturalism began to make 
head in every field. To the reign of reason succeeded the 
appeal to nature and the law of nature. In this the dictators 
of letters as well as the political absolutists found their most 
dangerous enemy. The first third of the century saw archae- 
ology revolutionize scholarship, and journalism revive litera- 

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ture, while state and church felt the disintegrating influence 
of Montesquieu and Voltaire, and political economy altered 
under the assaults of the Physiocrats. And, especially in 
England, there began that movement which was to produce a 
revolution against the literary establishment. 

" Men felt life's tide, the sweep and surge of it. 
And craved a living voice, a natural tone. 

From dewy pastures, uplands sweet with thyme 

A virgin breeze freshened the jaded day, 

It wafted Collins' lonely vesper-chime, 

It breathed abroad the frugal note of Gray." 

Thus, at the very moment when classicism, absolutism and ) 
formalism were most in evidence, from the ground which they ) 
themselves had so largely prepared, sprang new forms of 
thought and practice which were to challenge and finally to 
overUirow the older order. 

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Among the many diverse events which make a period mem- 
orable in history none is more striking than the rise of a state 
to equality or supremacy among the powers of the world. 
Preceded almost invariably by a long period of slow develop- 
ment; precipitated by the advent of some extraordinary cir- 
cumstance, or the ambition and ability of some individual; 
The rise and culminating, for the most part, in a great convulsion, a 
of ttates ^^^ arbitrament of arms with its vast expenditure 6f energy, 
treasure, and blood, and the relative decline and readjust- 
ment of the other powers of the polity into which the new 
force thrusts its way, this recurrent phenomenon of history 
appears at once the chief motive of progress and of destruc- 
tion in the drama of politics. In the two hundred and fifty 
years which had elapsed since the discovery of the seaways 
east and west, and the expulsion of Asiatic influences from 
western Europe, various nations had undergone this great 
experience. Spain and Portugal, England, Holland, Sweden, 
and France, in turn, had found their way to the forefront 
of affairs; while the house of Hapsburg had maintained a 
precarious primacy in central Europe. As the seventeenth 
century had worn to a close, two other powers, Russia and 
Brandenburg, had appeared above the horizon of continental 
politics, aspiring to like eminence, while Europe shaped itself 
from mediaeval chaos to the semblance of the modern unity 
in diversity of a system of nations. 
The Of these various states some, like England, had found suf- 

Stercst^ ficient energy and resources to maintain the position of first- 
rate powers. Some, like Sweden, had sunk to second place. 
Some, like Holland, had fallen styMo^er in 'tHe political 
scale. Others still, like Prussia, builHBRt their own develop- 


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ment or on the weakness of their neighbors, had risen from 
insignificance to well-defined importance in the European 
system. At the same time an increasingly complex dynastic 
interest which in the preceding centuries had spread its net- 
work over the continent had given to certain families a 
position wholly out of proportion to the importance of their 
original possessions or even the ability of their members. 
In such fashion, beside the ascendancy of Hapsburg and 
Bourbon at opposite ends of Europe, the minor princely houses 
of Germany, in particular, improved their fortunes until 
the eighteenth century saw Germans on more than half the 
thrones of Europe. A Hanoverian won the English crown; 
a Saxon that of Poland. Two German princesses in 
succession occupied the Russian throne. A duke of Holstein- 
Gottorp took the place of the Vasas in Sweden; and 
these, with marriages innumerable, made Germany then, as 
now, "the breeding ground of royalty" for the continent. 
At the same time the house of Bourbon, whose younger 
branch now held the Spanish throne, divided the greater 
part of Italy with the Hapsburgs; while the house of 
Lorraine, uniting its fortunes with the latter by the marriage 
of its head to Maria Theresa, replaced the Medici as rulers of 

Lorraine was not alone in its rise. During the War of the Savoy 
Spanish Succession, the house of Savoy, pursuing its policy 
of "well-timed treacheries,'' had finally taken advantage of 
its position to extend its boundaries by the possession of 
the island of Sardinia, and to increase its dignity by assuming 
the title of king from this new territory. Almost simultane- 
ously the head of the German house of HohenzoUem had 
exchanged his title of Elector for that of King ^ Prussia, X 
derived from his ducal possession outside the bor JSrs of the 

His policy, like that of Savoy, was not merely symbolic Prussia 
of the times in which he lived. Par more than that of the 
Italian principality, it was prophetic of the immediate future. 
Yet beyond his title and his policy there was but little in the 
history of his house portending the part it was about to play. 

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Founded some seven centuries before, like Austria itself, as 
an outpost against peoples chiefly of Slavic blood on Ger- 
many's eastern frontier, Brandenburg's history, in Hohen- 
zoUem hands, had been a record of slow expansion. Unlike 
its Suabian neighbors, the Hapsburgs, the Hohenzollerns had 
thus far played a minor part even in Gterman history. They 
had never achieved the imperial dignity, their conquests had 
been neither so extensive nor so profitable, their alliances had 
not brought them the wide territories nor the royal dignities 
their rivals had enjoyed. From the title of counts of ZoUem 

1199 they had advanced to that of Burggrafs of Nuremberg; from 

that, in the fifteenth century, to Markgrafs or border counts 

1415 of Brandenburg; and to the dignity of Elector. The Refor- 

mation put in their hands the duchy of Prussia as a lay 
fief. The Thirty Years' "War gave them four bishoprics in 
western Germany. The long conflict with Sweden secured to 
them the Baltic lands of Pomerania, and, at the Great 

1688 Elector's death, the Hohenzollerns held throughout northern 

Germany scattered possessions almost from the Rhine to the 

These, with their Brandenburg homeland along the lower 
Oder, and a group of claims upon their neighbors' territories, 
formed an extraordinary state, consisting, it has been aptly 
said, of frontiers to be fllled in as opportunity presented 
itself. The country was, for the most part, barren and poor. 
The policy of its rulers, in particular the Great Elector, had 
been directed toward its improvement in material resource, 
no less than to expansion. Especially in the seventeenth 
century it had been reinforced by Protestant unmigrants 
fleeing from persecution in France and Germany ; its marshes 
drained, its barrens populated and tilled; its industries 
strengthened. Still it was poor, and its importance lay chiefly 
in an army out of proportion to its resources, which made 
it a formidable foe, and in the shrewd, none too scrupulous 
policy of its ruling house. Such was the power now equipped 
with a long hoarded treasure, a warlike people, and a power- 
ful army, which came into the hands of its new ruler, Fred- 
erick II. 

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Nothing in that yonng man's early career gave promise Frederick 
of his real character or aims. A youth spent in pursuit of J^id^ria 
music and literature was varied by bitter quarrels with his Theresa 
martinet father, after the custom of his house. The composi- ^"^^ 
tion of bad poetry, the doctrines embodied in his essay, Anti- 
Machiavel, seemed to presage an era of Prussian renaissance. 
Still less did the accession of the Hapsburg princess, Maria 
Theresa, young, charming, inexperienced, premonish war; 
while Russia, disturbed by faction and conspiracy, till the 
Czarina Elizabeth came to the throne, seemed as impotent 
for offense or defense as France, subject to the caprice of 
royal mistresses. Moreover, the old Emperor had secured 
Europe's assent to the Pragmatic Sanction which guaranteed 
the peaceful succession of his daughter to the throne, and 
seemed to insure a new lease of life to the great house now 
extinct in the male line. 

Never was the appearance of affairs more deceiving than The War 
at the outset of this fifth decade of the eighteenth century; ^f *^*- 
and never did man more deceive himself than the Emperor Succession 
Charles VI. Scarcely was he in his grave when, taking advan- ^'^^^^'^ 
tage of the apparent weakness of his house, three claimants 
to the Austrian inheritance appeared, the King of Saxony, 
the King of Spain, and the Elector of Bavaria. Each based 
his claim upon heredity; but each relied upon the inability 
of the archduchess to defend herself. And, as if this were 
not enough, the frivolous court of Prance, eager to share the 
triumph and the spoil, entered the lists against its old antag- 
onists, and the last of the great dynastic conflicts of Europe, 
the War of the Austrian Succession, began its long and 
bloody course. 

But before arrangements were made between Prance and The 

Austria's other enemies, before the allies could put their ^^^1*? 


forces in the field, a sudden and unexpected blow from a far 1740 
different quarter at once deprived the Hapsburg power of a 
great province and altered the complexion of the war. Ad- 
vancing a claim to part of Silesia, which lay contiguous to 
his Brandenburg possessions, the dilettante king of Prussia 
threw off the mask which had concealed his true character, 

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The first 





revival of 

pushed his armies into the rich valleys of the upper Oder; 
and, by the time the allies had made their way into Bohemia, 
the Prussians had overrun and held Silesia. Such were the 
circumstances under which this new, ambitious power now 
thrust itself into the European polity. Such was the 
** Silesian Project, which fulfilled all his political views — a 
means of acquiring reputation, of increasing the power of 
his state, and terminating the long-litigated question of the 
Syvf Gkres-Jiilich succession." Such were the reasons advanced 
for his entry into the war by the young king himself. Behind 
them lay the opportunity, the weakness of the Austrian court, 
its bankruptcy, the inexperience of its princess, threatened 
on every side, the nearness and desirability of the territory, 
and Russia's momentary impotence. Not even Louis XIV, 
at the height of his power, proffered so cynical an excuse for 
his aggressions, since even the Grand Monarque had conceded 
his Chambers of Reunion to such public European sentiment 
on international law and morality as then existed. 

Yet, daring and unscrupulous as it was, the Prussian king's 
exploit seemed likely to succeed, and so to justify itself to that 
school of thought which Frederick had himself attacked in 
his Anti'Machiavel, a school which recognizes no touchstone 
but material success, and no morality but that of might. The 
situation of the young archduchess seemed desperate. While 
the Prussians had gained Silesia at a blow, French and 
Bavarians invaded Bohemia and pressed forward into Aus- 
tria itself. The Saxons captured Prague; Prussia, Bavaria, 
and Saxony signed a treaty for the partition of the Hapsburg 
possessions; and the Elector of Bavaria was not merely pro- 
claimed Archduke of Austria, but, with the aid of his allies, 
was elected Emperor. Meanwhile, Sweden declared war on 
Russia and Spanish troops, in pursuance of their ruler's 
designs on Italy, landed in Tuscany, which was then virtually 
a part of the Austrian territories. Turn where she would, 
Maria Theresa found her lands invaded and her allies 

But if the invasion of Silesia had revealed the true char- 
acter of the Prussian king, the desperate situation of the 

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After the portrait 
by ShebanofT. 

From an engrav- 
ing by Anderloni. 


From an engraving by Cunejo, after the 
painting by Cunningham. 

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Hapsbnrg power threw the heroic character of the Austrian 
archduchess into high relief. While her armies made what 
headway they could against their numerous enemies, the 
young princess appealed in person to the Hungarian no- 
bility; and their mythical reply, '*Let us die for our king, 
Maria Theresa," ^ecame the rallying-cry for the Empire. june-Sept 
England listened to her appeal for aid, and an English \ ^''^l 
squadron compelled Spain to forego her dreams of a Spanish ) 
kingdom of Lombardy. A palace intrigue in Russia drove 
the pro-Prussian minister, Miinnich, from power; and the 
ensuing revolution set on the throne the Czarina Elizabeth, Dec. 
opposed at every point to Frederick's ambitious plans. To the\ 
standards of the archduchess were summoned not merely the ] 
forces of her own domains but those of the German states 
who still adhered to their allegiance from honor or from 
fear. And, on the very day that the Elector of Bavaria was 13 Feb. 
chosen Emperor, the Austrian city of Linz, where he had ^'^^ 
been proclaimed archduke six months before, was wrested 
from his grasp. With that the tide began to turn. Within 
a month the wild Croatian cavalry which formed the Aus- Feb. 1749 
trian vanguard were in Munich. The Prussians lost Moravia 
and Olmiitz; and though they were victorious at Chotusitz, 
it was apparent that the limit of their great adventure had 
been reached. As quickly and as easily as he had made and | 
broken his earlier engagements, Frederick changed sides. By The Peace 
the Peace of Breslau and Berlin he abandoned his allies; jj^*^^" 
Silesia remained in his hands as the price of his withdrawal June-July 
from the conflict ; and the first Silesian War between Prussia 
and Austria came to an end. Augustus III of Saxony and 
Poland followed Frederick's example and made peace with 
Austria, and, within ten days, the king of Sardinia followed 

This was, indeed, far from concluding the great European 
conflict; for, relieved from pressure on the north, Maria \ 
Theresa was able to turn her full strength against her other 
foes. Here she was aided by other forces, as the negotiations 
of the diplomats brought readjustment of the European 
powers. Sweden gained peace from Russia at the price of 

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southern Finland ; Sardinia secured from Austria concessions 

1743 in Italy for her support; while, on Fleury's death, France 

allied herself with Spain and declared war upon Sardinia. 

With this the course of England became clear. She was then 
carrying on a war with Spain; her king, (George II, was 
Elector of Hanover; and, in the face of the Franco-Spanish 
alliance, and French advance in Germany, she signed a treaty 

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'witli Prussia to defend the electorate, despatched an army to\ 
tlie continent, and granted a subsidy to Austria. Meanwhile, j 
tlie allies had been driven frpm Austrian territories. The 
French were beaten at Dettingen, the last battle at which an 
Soglish sovereign fought in person. Bavaria was conquered, 
and its Elector-Emperor found himself a fugitive. Thus, 
fifteen months after Maria Theresa had been compelled to 
yield Silesia to Frederick, the Hapsburg power had risen 
from disaster which threatened to overwhelm it to a position 
whence it threatened, in turn, to become, in fact and name, 
laistress of Germany. 

It was small wonder that Frederick was alarmed. Fearful 1743 
of a contingency which threatened not merely his newly won 1^^?*°^ 
province but his very existence as an independent king, he War 
strained every nerve to avert the impending danger. He 
tried, without success, to unite the princes of the Empire 
against the Hapsburg power. But he was able to secure the 
Union of Frankfort, in which the fugitive Emperor, the 17U 
Elector Palatine, and Hesse-Cassel joined Prussia to demand 
that Austria restore Bavaria to Charles, the constitution to 
the Empire, and peace to Europe. Such a concession the 
Austrian court naturally refused, and Frederick, anticipating 
that contingency, turned again to arms, and so entered upon 
the second Silesian "War. 

His desertion of his engagement with Austria and his re- The new 
entry into the conflict which had gone on in his absence *****°ccs 
between Hapsburg, Bourbon, and Hanover-England, brought 
further readjustment of alliances. Russia and Austria again \ 
grew friendly; Prussia and France joined hands against 
England and Austria; and, after the brief success of Fred- 
erick's surprise attack which carried his am^ through Saxony 
and Bohemia, another kaleidoscopic change altered the face 
of Europe's alliances. The sudden death of the Elector- 1745 
Emperor, Charles Albert of Bavaria, gave Austria oppor- 
tunity to withdraw Bavaria from Franco-Prussian influence. 
The title of the late emperor was recognized, his son restored 
to his electoral title and domains; while he, in turn, allied 
himself with Austria, promising his vote to the Grand Duke 

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The war 

of Dresden 
Dec. 95 




The Peace 
of Aix-la- 

Francis, Maria Theresa's husband, as Emperor, and his assent 
to the Pragmatic Sanction. Thus France and Prussia with 
Spain and Hesse-Cassel confronted an alliance of more than 
half the continent, England and Holland, Austria, Bavaria, 
Saxony, Sardinia, with lesser Qerman states. 

Tet the contest was not as unequal as it seemed; for the 
allies developed no such commanders as the French Marechal 
de Saxe, the Spaniard Gages, and Frederick himself. The 
Austro-Saxon treaty to partition Prussia was ineffective ere 
the ink was dry. In Oermany the Prussian king counted 
three victories against the Austrians in six months ; at Fonte- 
noy, de Saxe defeated the English as the first incident of 
a great campaign. In Italy the Franco-Spanish troops, at 
the same time, conquered Lombardy; while Charles Em- 
manuel of Sardinia tried to make terms with France. In 
[this crisis the Austrian court repeated its old tactics; and, 
by the Treaty of Dresden, confirmed Silesia to Frederick, and 
was again relieved from his attack. So ended the second 
Silesian War. 

Meanwhile for three years more the conflict went on 
among Spain, France, Sardinia, and Austria in Italy ; France, 
Austria, England, and Holland in the Netherlands; and 
France and England in the world outside. Despite the 
victories of Saxe in the Low Countries the tide turned against 
the French confronted by such powerful enemies. The Aus- 
trians and Sardinians reconquered Lombardy and invaded 
Provence; the efforts of the Young Pretender, Charles Ed- 
ward, to raise rebellion in England failed; and when the 
Russians entered the war upon the side of Austria, the 
French position, save for their conquest of the Austrian 
Netherlands, seemed desperate. Negotiations begun at Breda 
were concluded at Aix-la-Chapelle, and brought to a close 
eight years of constant war, with inconclusive peace. The 
Prusso-Swedish treaty of mutual defense was finally con- 
firmed, with Frederick's possession of Silesia. The Spanish 
heir received Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla in Italy; 
Francis was recognized as Emperor; and, for the rest, all 
conquests were restored. 

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Such were 
Qreat, as he came to be known, set Prussia among the first- 
rate European powers ; and this, in the last resort, remained 
the chief result of this long, bloody war. From it Austria 
emerged far stronger than before ; and Prance weaker. With 
its conclusion there began a series of administrative reforms 
in Prussia and especially in the Hapsburg domains. And 
with it, too, began the great design of Austria's new minister, 
Kaunitz, looking toward the recovery of Silesia and Fred- 
erick's humiliation, which made the years of peace only a 
truce between two periods of conflict. 

Yet there were many other circumstances and results of the The war 
entry of Frederick of Prussia into the European polity. Far {^e sea 
beyond the boundaries of Europe itself the war had spread 
to the remotest confines of European infiuence; and while 
the continental powers had made the lands between the 
Vistula and the Rhine a battleground, the farthest bounds 
of their respective spheres of iMuence had felt the shock of 
arms. While Prussia and Austria were at grips only in 
(Germany, English and French had fought across the world; 
and beside the emergence of the Prussian kingdom into 
Europe's affairs, may well be set the emergence of the British 
Empire into world politics. In particular those lands whose 
fortunes were destined to be so closely intertwined through 
the ensuing generation, India and North America, challenged 
the eminence even of Silesia as the center of future importance 
in Europe's affairs. 

This was the more true in that the circumstances of the India— the 
great Indian peninsula at this moment offered a fertile field dJS^gStM" 
for the extension of European influence. The effects of the 
break-up of the Mogul Empire at the death of Aurungzebe'^l'l''^ 
a generation earlier had now had time to make themselves 
fully felt. Its viceroys had not only consolidated their power 
and established a group of virtually independent Moham- 
medan states, but about them had sprung up a circle of 
bitterly hostile Hindu principalities. Of the four great 
geographical divisions into which India, exclusive of the 
narrow coast regions and the Himalayas, may be said to fall — 

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the valley of the Ganges on the northeast, that of the Indus 
on the northwest, the huge triangular plateau of the Deccan 
on the south, and the hill districts between — ^the Mogul Empire 
had ruled the greater part. Par up the Ganges valley, on 
its tributary, the Jumna, stood its capital, Delhi. To the 
east, along the upper Ganges, lay the rich lands of the Nawab 
of Oudh, below them the fertile fields and the teeming popu- 
lation of the Nawab of Bengal, whose territories enveloped 
the English post of Calcutta; and far to the south, in the 
midst of the Deccan, the Nizam of Hyderabad maintained 

—the Such were the chief Mohammedan powers of the peninsula. 

^fl^^ But those of the Hindus were no less in number and impor- 
tance. The lower reaches of the Indus were held by the 
principality of Scinde, which, from its position as a vice- 
royalty of the Mogul Empire, had now come to be a tributary 
of the rising power of the Persian Nadir Shah; while the 
upper region of the Punjab, or Five Rivers, whose junction 
formed the Indus, was becoming independent under a reli- 
gious association, the so-called Sikhs. South of them, between 
Delhi and Scinde, lay the Rajputs, three strong and warlike 
tribes; and beyond them still, up and down the central part 
of northern India, were the Mahrattas owning the so-called 
Peishwa of Poena as the titular head of their loose federa- 
tion. Beside their lands and those of Hyderabad, the 
northern Deccan held the smaller principalities of Orissa 
and Behar, while the lower third of that district was 
comprised in the state of Mysore, bounded on the east by 
the so-called Garnatic, under the Nawab of Arcot, whose 
lands surrounded the English post of Madras and the 
French at Pondicherry, and whose allegiance lay to the ruler 
of Mysore. 

It was inevitable that among so many states, most of them 
but lately emerged from Mogul suzerainty, and ruled by 
ambitious and unscrupulous military leaders, the contest for 
supremacy or for extension of frontiers should be continuous 
and acute. It was no less inevitable that, with the outbreak 
of the wars of the Austrian Succession in Europe, the energies 

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of French and English alike should be directed toward the 
exploitation of such a situation for their own benefit. In 
this the English, with far more at stake than the French, 
were slow to enter, content to maintain, as best they might 
amid the confusion of the peninsula, the territory and the 
trade which they possessed. 

But two circumstances soon made their passive position Dupldx 
untenable. The first was the invasion of the Persians under Jl^"^'^^ 
Nadir Shah; which, in the year that England had come to 
blows with Spain, swept across northern India and sacked 
Delhi. The second was the appointment of Joseph Dupleix 
as governor-general in Pondicherry. If the one circumstance 
clearly revealed the collapse of the Mogul state and heralded 
the impending conquest of India by another great power, 
the other revealed the danger that this power might be 
France. To English eyes the advent of this capable antag- 
onist presaged far more danger than the Persian hosts. Thus 
far there had been no question of the supremacy of the 
English company over the French. The one, having weath- 
ered the storms of the seventeenth century, had developed 
greatly in the preceding forty years; it had become, in a 
small way, a territorial and a military power. It had loaned 
money to the English government; while its rival, ill-sup- 
ported and under-capitalized, had barely managed to maintain 

But with the advent of a new French minister of finance, 
and of a governor who, through twenty years of experience 
in India, as member of the council and superintendent of 
Chandemagore, was wholly conversant with the affairs of the 
peninsula, all was changed. When the great European war- 
cloud burst, Dupleix, foreseeing the inevitable confiict and 
fired by the opportunity to extend French influence and his 
own, had hastened to fortify Pondicherry and negotiate with 
native princes. At the same time, feeling the necessity for 
forces to support his policy, he revived and extended the 
old plan of using native troops. An army was raised, drilled, 
organized, equipped, and oflBcered by Europeans, and stif- 
fened by French contingents, and these Sepoys, as they were ^^*> 

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The war in 
India and 


known, thenceforth proved themselves a powerful factor in 
eastern affairs. 

Nor was the East alone in preparation for the great conflict 
then about to involve the wliole European world. In two 
other quarters the struggle which centered in Germany had 
begun before the outbreak of hostilities on the continent, and 
it was now about to involve still another region in its bloody 
course. Even before Frederick had fallen on Silesia, England 
and Portugal had been at war with Spain. While the Prus- 
sians had pushed southward along the Oder, while French 
and Bavarians invaded Bohemia, Brazil and Argentine had 
contended for Uruguay, and English and Spanish colonists 
between Georgia and Florida had come to blows. The prog- 
ress of the first Silesian War had been accompanied by 
Vernon's attacks on Porto Bello and Cartagena, and Anson's 
exploits in the Pacific. While Dupleix prepared his stroke 
against the English in India, Brazil had set the fortress 
of Rio Grande do Sul against Spanish aggression from the 
Argentine, and at the St. Lawrence mouth the frowning walls 
of Louisburg had been strengthened against the day when 
France and England should strive for mastery of the Atlantic 
coast. Thus, throughout the world, were laid the foundations 
for a tremendous conflict. And, as the second Silesian War 
drew to a close, two events, occurring almost edmultaneously 
on opposite sides of the globe, brought into sharp relief the 
world-wide character of the Franco-English war, which began 
in the fourth year of the War of the Austrian Succession. 

The first occurred in India. There, while the first phase 
of the European war was being developed, the designs of the 
French governor of the Isles of France and Bourbon, Labour- 
donnais, attracted the attention of the English government. 
An English fleet appeared off the Goromandel coast to destroy 
the French settlements in India; and only the support of 
the Carnatic ruler, the Nawab of Arcot, saved Pondicherry 
and Dupleix 's designs from destruction. Four years later 
the fortress of Louisburg, which, strengthened through the 
years by French engineering skill and an expense of twenty 
million francs, threatened English supremacy on the Atlantic 

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coast, became the object of colonial attack. To its redaction 
England lent a fleet ; the colonies contributed four thousand 
men; and a vigorous six weeks' siege gave Louisburg into 
English and colonial hands, in the same summer that EVed- 
erick's victories confirmed to him Silesia for the second time. 

Such were the opening events of the world-war which 
paralleled the last three years of the War of the Austrian 
Succession, and, in a sense, formed part of the European 
conflict. Encouraged by the fall of Louisburg, the English 
colonists projected the reduction of all Canada. To counteract 
English naval supremacy in the East, the governor of the 
Isle of Bourbon, Labourdonnais, led a French squadron to 
the Coromandel coast ; while to avenge the fall of Louisburg, 1746 
the French government despatched a fleet under D'Anville. 
From this last the English colonies were saved by storm 
and pestilence to which its leader fell victim; but they gave 
up their design of conquering Canada. Their countrymen in 
India were not so fortunate. There the Nawab, failing to 
get from the Madras authorities the presents with which 
Dupleix had gained his favor, refused the protection he had 
granted to Pondicherry. Madras fell into French hands. 
Its English inhabitants, save a few brave ^irits who found 
refuge in Port St. David, twenty miles away, were taken 
prisoner, and the single fort which sheltered their more 
daring companions, remained the sole English post in 
southern India. Even that foothold was precarious. The 
French refused to give up Madras to the Nawab, beat off his 
force, and pushed forward to besiege Fort St. David. There 
only a quarrel between their leaders, with the arrival of an 
English fleet and Major Lawrence with four thousand troops, 
relieved the garrison from the fate of Madras. 

To the conflict whose fortunes varied so widely at the The Peace 
extremities of empire, the Peace of AixJa-Chapelle gave cL^Sc*" 
pause. Madras was exchanged for Louisburg, and the fate i748 
of India, as that of Canada, was reserved for the future. 
Yet despite the inconclusive character of this phase of the 
war, the lines of later conflict were laid down. In India the 
English were awakened to the fact that the peninsula was 

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The third 



ripe for a new conqueror. The French activities had not 
merely shown the strength of a great European power, 
backed by a fleet and Sepoy troops, and exercising its 
diplomacy among native princes ; but the necessity of follow- 
ing the same course if English status in the East was to be 
preserved. And if the landing of an army in India marked 
an epoch in her eastern affairs, the activity of her colonists 
in the West portended a new era in world politics. However 
negligible they appeared to European eyes, such events as the 
co-operation of colonial and English troops was an affair 
of no less consequence than' the appearance of Russian forces 
on the Rhine; and the division of spheres of influence in 
North and South America was an event quite comparable 
to the concurrent rise of Prussia in the European scale. 

But while events at the extremity of the European world 
were thus unconsciously renshaping the destinies of the powers 
involved, there was preparing in Europe itself a readjust- 
ment of alliances which was to revolutionize the political 
situation of the entire continent. Seldom has the history of 
international affairs revealed so remarkable a phenomenon 
as that series of treaties which established two great leagues 
preparing to plunge the world again into conflict. It had 
begun simply enough. Before the Peace of Aix-la-ChapeUe, 
Maria Theresa concluded a treaty with Russia which brought 
the forces of Elizabeth into the war. England joined in; 
and Frederick, in reply, had come to an agreement with 
Sweden. After the peace this process was continued. The 
diplomacy of Kaunitz, seconded by the open contempt of 
Frederick for women in politics, drew the French king's mis- 
tress, the Marquise de Pompadour, to look with favor upon 
Austria. With this was perfected a scheme which, to Aus- 
trian eyes, promised to heal the long Hapsburg-Bourbon 
enmity, and enable Austria to avenge herself upon the Prus- 
sian king. Nor was this Diplomatic Revolution, as it was 
called, less remarkable for the circumstance that it was the 
alliance of three women against a man who despised them all. 

But the flne-wrought schemes of European diplomats were 
scarcely in train before the action of men far beyond their 

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ken brought them to naught. The Russian treaty was 
hardly signed when French and English were at war again 
in India and contending for supremacy in North America. 
The logic of facts was irrefutable. Whatever George II 's 
anxiety for his Hanoverian possessions, the fear of England 
for her position in North America and India was greater 
still. It was no longer possible, as it had been even a century 
before, for Europe to ignore colonial rivalries. These had 
become a part of the European system; and disturbance in 
the remotest regions now reacted decisively on the center of 
affairs. George II hastened to conclude a neutral agreement 1755 
with Prussia; Eaunitz took advantage of the indignation at 
Versailles to sign a defensive treaty with France; and, in 
the final resolution of alliances, England and Prussia, with 
four lesser German powers, stood opposed to Austria, Russia, 
France, and the remaining states of the Empire. Such were 
the antagonists in the conflict which was to determine finally 
the possession of Silesia and the position of Prussia in 

It was, indeed, to determine much more; for it was, in 
effect, a twofold duel. In Europe it was a struggle between 
Hapsburg and HohenzoUem to establish not merely the owner- 
ship of Silesia but their respective positions in Germany. In 
India and America the supremacy of France or England was 
now at stake. 

One may not say that ''black men fought each other on the 
coast of Coromandel, and red men scalped each other by the 
great lakes of North America" that Frederick ''might rob 
a neighbor whom he had promised to defend"; nor yet that 
England was to try to "conquer America in Germany." 
Had England and France had no concern with the relations 
of Prussia and Austria, the Silesian question would none the 
less have plunged Germany into war. Had Frederick and 
Maria Theresa remained friends, the French and English in 
the Camatic and the Ohio valley would still have drawn their 
governments into confiict. And it is a striking commentary 
on the altered importance of colonial affairs that a little- 
known governor of Pondicherry, Dupleix, an obscure clerk 

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of the Bast India Company, Robert Clive, and an unheard-of 
Virginian, Gteorge Washington, should at this juncture have 
become figures of no less importance in European destinies 
than the rulers who reckoned themselves the sole arbiters of 
those fortunes. 
England The events which finally determined the status of England 

in indST" and Prance in the approaching conflict, almost in spite of 
1748 themselves, were widely separated in distance and character. 

First in time, if not in importance, was the situation of 
affairs in India. There in the year of the Peace of Aix-la- 
Chapelle the death of the Nizam ul Mulk, Subadhar or vice- 
roy of the Deccan, had precipitated the first of those questions 
of disputed succession which were to form the entering wedge 
of European interference in Indian politics. Dupleix was 
quick to seize the opportunity, the more so in that a similar 
situation arose at the same moment in the Camatic. Es- 
pousing the cause of the two pretenders, he supplied them 
with troops and a capable commander; and with this aid 
the Nawab of the Camatic was defeated and killed and his 
capital occupied by his enemies. Despite English support, 
the rightful heir maintained himself with difficulty in 
Trichinopoly while the French candidate seized the royal 
— power. In the following year the same policy compassed the 
death of the viceroy of the Deccan and the elevation of the 
^^French candidate to his place. In return Dupleix secured 
1740 the government of a territory along the Coromandel coast 

but little smaller than France, the sole right of coinage in 
the Camatic, and virtual dictation over the Nizam's policy. 
At once he directed all his strength against Trichinopoly, 
whose fall would give into his hands the rightful heir of 
the Camatic, and enable him to throw all the power thus 
gained against the English. 

From the apparent destruction which awaited it the Com- 
pany was preserved by an extraordinary character. In the 
year that the war between England- and France had begun 
CUve there had arrived in Madras an English boy of nineteen, 

1795-74 Qjjg Robert Clive, as a clerk or writer. Thence a year later, 
when the place was taken by the French, he had fled with 

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his fellows to Fort St. David, where, disgusted with the civil 
service, he became an ensign of foot, and gained some small 
distinction. Be-entering the civil department on the con- 
elusion of the peace, he found, on his return from a visit to 
Bengal, that war had again broken out and that the French 
were besieging Trichinopoly. Putting himself at the head 
of five hundred men he threw himself into Arcot, and there i76i 
held out for fifty days against ten thousand natives and 
French, until he was relieved by a Mahratta chief, employed 
to aid the heir to the Carnatic. Pursuing his besiegers, 
with the aid of Lawrence he relieved Trichinopoly. The 
French thereupon recognized the English candidate and the 
English claims in the Carnatic; and Dupleix, defeated in 
the ambitions which had so nearly given him preponderance 
in India, returned to France to die in poverty and disgrace. 

Such was the first stage in the conflict for Indian su- England 
premacy; and had these circumstances alone filled the years fn^""^ 
of the Diplomatic Revolution, Anglo-French relations, how- 
ever strained, might not have been broken. But what the 
Carnatic was to India, the Ohio valley had meanwhile become 
to America. Though the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle had re- 
stored Acadia to France, it had left a heritage of dispute 
over the boundaries of French and English possessions, which, 
within five years, brought the colonists again to blows. If 
the French claimed the Ohio region by virtue of discovery, 
the English regarded the territory as theirs by virtue of 
the original grants ; and each side prepared for the main- 
tenance of its claims in characteristic fashion. As the confiict 
in India wore to a close, Fh*ance despatched a new governor, 1759 
the Marquis Duquesne de Menneville, to Canada, with instruc- 
tions to secure the communications between the St. Lawrence 
settlements and those on the lower Mississippi, by way of 
the Ohio. At the same time the chain of forts up the St. 
Lawrence from Quebec and Montreal to the Great Lakes was 
strengthened, and, on Duquesne 's arrival, he hastened to 
anticipate the danger of an English advance by a line of 
fortified posts from Niagara to the junction of the Allegheny 
and Monongahela rivers. 

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On their part the English continued their old policy, in 
sharp distinction from that of France. Scarcely was the 

1749 Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle signed and Louisborg returned to 

France, when there arrived in Nova Scotia more than two 
thousand emigrants, discharged soldiers and sailors, with work- 
men and their families to establish a new settlement; and 
there, at Ghebucto, now re-named Halifax, was begun a town 
and a fortress to challenge the supremacy of Louisburg. At 

1760 the same time the Virginia colonists had hastened to organize 

a corporation to exploit the chief potential source of wealth 
in the new world, the great forest tracts stretching westward 
from the AUeghenies. This so-called Ohio Company, whose 
establishment gave no less offense to the French than the 
foundation of Georgia had given to the Spaniards a dozen 
years before, now began to extend its operations into the 
lands debatable. The conflict arising from the Anglo-French 
rivalry was not long delayed. The governor of Virginia 
despatched a young planter who had had experience in the 
field, George Washington, to protest against the French ad- 
vance; and, finding his mission unsuccessful, sent him with 

1754 two hundred frontiersmen to occupy the French objective, 

the forks of the Ohio. A sharp clash ensued between the 
French vanguard and Washington's command. The latter 
were victorious, but the advance of the main body of the 
French made their position untenable; and, at the moment 
that a French emissary landed in Coromandel to complete 
the negotiations between his government and the English 
authorities in India, the French secured the coveted strategic 
point by the construction of Fort Duquesne. 

With this obscure skirmish in the wilds of the Ohio, which 
began the most far-reaching war the world had yet seen, 
and introduced to European eyes the man who twenty years 
later was to become a commanding figure in the European 
world, the English were roused to action. A conference of 
colonial representatives was held at Albany to confer with 
the Six Nations, and to concert measures of defense against 
the French peril. Upon the suggestion of a member from 
Pennsylvania of much fame thereafter, one Benjamin Frank- 

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lin, the Albany congress further signalized the occasion by 
drawing np a tentative, thongh, as it proved, an abortive 
plan of nnion. At the same time the English government 1754^ 
despatched General Braddock with two regiments of regulars 
to Virginia to co-operate with the colonists. Prance coun- 
tered this move by sending out a like force under General 
Dieskau, with the new governor Vaudreuil, and thus equipped, 
each side began active hostilities. 

In America the English planned a triple attack. To Brad- —America 
dock was intrusted the reduction of Fort Duquesne; to the 
Indian commissioner in New York, Johnson, the seizure of 
Crown Point on Lake Champlain; to the governor of Massa- 
chusetts, Shirley, the capture of Fort Niagara; while a com- 
bined fleet and land force was to operate against Acadia and 
Louisburg. But Braddock, unaccustomed to border war, was 
ambushed, defeated, and killed in his attempt against 1T55-6 
Duquesne, and his force was preserved from destruction only 
by the abilities and exertions of Washington and his fron- 
tiersmen. On the other hand, Johnson drove back Dieskau, 
and the English quickly overran Acadia and deported its 
inhabitants. The new French commander, Montcalm, cap- 
tured Fort George and Fort Oswego, and parried the English 
blow, secured his front and saved Niagara and Crown Point 
for the time being from his enemies. Immediately each side 
began to fortify. The French strengthened Crown Point and 
began a new fortress at Ticonderoga on Lake George ; while to 
oppose them, the English built forts William and Henry to 
protect New England and New York along that important 
line of communication which had become one of the strategic 
points of the world. Not content with this, each extended 
its lines westward, the English in (Georgia and Carolina as 
far as Tennessee, the French as far as Illinois, and the whole 
eastern portion of North America thus became a field of 

In January, 1756, England concluded a treaty of neu- The Serai 
trality with Prussia which broke her Russian engagements, ^f^' 
In May, France signed with Austria the defensive alliance i75(M» 
which grew from this reversal of English policy. In June, 

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England and France were at war in Europe ; and in August, 
Frederick, advised of bis antagonists' designs, invaded Saxony, 
took Dresden, and poured his troops across the Bohemian 
frontier to strike at Austria before the coalitions formed to 
crush him could unite their forces. In those same months 
the Earl of Loudon had been despatched to the command of 
English armies in America; and the Marquis de Montcalm 
to lead the French in Canada. At the same moment that 
the Prussian king invaded Saxony, and Montcalm had cap- 
tured the English fort of Oswego which guarded Lake On- 

1756 tario, in India, news reached Madras that Suraj ud Dowlah, 
Nawab of Bengal, had seized Galcuttta, crowded a hundred 
and forty English, whom he found there, into a single dungeon, 
the Black Hole of Calcutta, whence the next morning scarce 
twenty emerged alive; garrisoned the city with his troops, 
and decreed that no Englishman thenceforth should enter 
his domains. In such wise began the Seven Years' War, 
greatest and last of the dynastic-colonial conflicts in which 
Europe was engaged. 

—India Meanwhile, the struggle was extended to the sea and India. 

The French capture of Minorca was balanced by English 
success against Dominica. Clive, who had been hurriedly 
despatched by the English government as lieutenant-colonel, 
co-operated with Admiral Watson's fleet, engaged in sup- 
pressing piracy in the Indian seas, to retake Calcutta. They 
drove the French from their Bengalese post of Chanderna- 
gore ; thus securing English power in the Ganges delta. 

—Europe At the same time France, Russia, Austria, Sweden, and the 
Empire threw themselves on Prussia, England, and their 
German allies, at first with every prospect of success. The 
second twelvemonth of the great war increased that confi- 
dence. Frederick's invasion of Bohemih, despite initial vic- 
tory, was turned to a retreat by Austrian advance. On the 

1757 one side the Russians crushed his army at Gross Jagemdorf ; 
on the other, the French defeated his allies at Hastenbeck; 
and only his victory over the Imperialists and his repulse 
of the Austrians held his enemies in check. Abroad, Mont- 
calm took Forts William and Henry and opened the way to 

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the Hudson; while a French fleet, aided by dissensions be- 
tween the colonists and their governors, paralyzed Anglo- 
colonial activities. 

Only in India, the English cause, sustained by Olive's —India 
genius, maintained itself. There a conspiracy against Suraj 
ud Dowlah, the Nawab of Bengal, led to his betrayal and 
defeat in the decisive battle of Plassey. This was followed 1757 
by his capture and execution; his place was filled by the 
English candidate, Mir Jafir ; the Company was granted huge 
concessions by the puppet viceroy, including the so-called 
zemindar or landlord rights over the rich Ganges delta from 
Calcutta to the sea. Clive gained corresponding honors and 
rewards ; and English dominion in Bengal was finally assured. 
Thus, after two years of war, save for Indian success, the 
scale still balanced against the Anglo-Prussian alliance. 

But at this moment a new force appeared in European Pitt 
politics, with the accession of the English secretary of state, ^"^^^^^ 
William Pitt, to full power in the conduct of the war. Grand- 
son of a famous early governor of Madras, educated partly * 
at Eton and Oxford, partly by travel on the continent, 
serving for a time as comet of horse, he had entered Par- 
liament, married an heiress of the great Whig family of 
Grenville, and, joining the opponents of Walpole, had come 
into o£Sce on the fall of that minister. His eloquence, his 
courage, his genius for popular appeal, his extraordinary 
self-confidence, his ability to conceive wide plans of conquest 
and to choose able commanders to form and carry out far- 
reaching combinations, were soon evident as determining 
factors in the great conflict. "I am convinced,'' he said, 
'*that I can save England and that no one else can." ** Eng- 
land has labored long," wrote Frederick the Great, "but she 
has at last brought forth a man." 

The Prussian king had reason to rejoice. Scarcely was iiiefaU 
Pitt in control when England granted him an annual subsidy ^ ^^^ 
which enabled his country to recruit her far-spent forces; .^v^ 

while he was relieved from the task of defending western 
Germany against the French by the formation of an Anglo- 
Hanoverian army. At the same time Clive was appointed 

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governor of Bengal and steps were taken to oppose the 
French advance in North America. The colonies were called 
upon for twenty thousand men and were reinforced by twelve 
thousand troops and a fleet from England. The effect was 
soon apparent. Though Montcalm was able to repulse the 
English from Ticonderoga, Fort Frontenac fell into their 
hands and with it the control of the Lakes. Forbes captured 
1768 Fort Duquesne, re-named Pittsburg. Finally, after two 

months of resistance, the great fortress of Louisburg sue-, 
cumbed again to the joint attack of English and colonial 
forces, and with its fall the control of the Canadian maritime 
provinces, Gape Breton, and Prince Edward Island passed 
into English hands. Meanwhile, upon the continent, defeat- 
ing the Russians and in turn defeated by the Aus- 
trians, the Prussian king maintained himself in Saxony and 

Such was the flrst result of the revivifled Anglo-Prussian 
activities. More was to come. Following up their success in 

1759 l^merica, the English captured, almost at the same moment, 
Fort Niagara, last of the French strongholds on the eastern 
great lakes, and Ticonderoga, which dominated the road 
along Lake George and Lake Champlain. French power was 
no^ hemmed in its strongholds of Montreal and Quebec. 
Against the latter, Major General Wolfe directed his attack, 
and, finding his way by night up the steep cliff on which the 
city stands, a final engagement on the Plains of Abraham 
beat down the last resistance of the French. His death at 
the moment of the victory was more than balanced by the 
fall of his great antagonist, for with Montcalm's departure 

1760 French resistance collapsed. Quebec surrendered, and, within 
a year all Canada, including Montreal, came into English 
hands. Scarcely had the news from Quebec reached England 
when Hawke's naval victory of Quiberon Bay rendered 
France all but helpless on the sea. 

English There was one further triumph of the year of victories. 

^iJiX ^^^^ ^^ defeat of the Dutch allies of the French in India, the 
English turned against their greater antagonist. What Mont- 
calm was to French North America, Lally de ToUendal was to 

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French India. Despatched to Pondicherry, he had revived 
the energies of Dupleix's old system, reorganized its troops, 
and hastened to besiege Trichinopoly. Against him Olive's 
chief subordinate, Colonel Coote, hastened from Madras, and 1760 
took Wandewash, which Lally hurried to besiege. There, four 
months after the fall of Quebec, the English, sallying from 
the town, drove Lally 's army from its intrenchments, and 
sealed the fate of France in India. The resulting capture 
of Arcot, and the siege and capture of Pondicherry within a 
twelvemonth completed their destruction. Thus, at the same 
moment that Canada passed to British hands, the English 
became the dominant European power in the Indian 

Meanwhile, the struggle on the continent had continued The war 
with varying fortunes. On the west, at the same moment in Europe 
that the outer lines of French resistance in America were 
being forced, the Anglo-German army overthrew the French 
at Mii^den, while within a fortnight Frederick himself suffered 1759 
his heaviest reverse at Kunersdorf from Austro-Russian 
troops. The following year, while England was busy securing 
her authority in Canada and in India, the victories of Liegnitz 
and Torgau once more turned the balance in favor of Fred- i7eo 
erick despite the Russian occupation of his capital. 

But at this juncture another change in English politics George III 
altered the fortunes of the combatants. At the moment the I''^0-1820 
Russians occupied Berlin, George II died and was succeeded 
by his grandson, George III. With that began a revolution 
in English affairs. Supporting and supported by the Whigs, 
George II had favored the Prussian alliance and the war. 
His son, opposed at nearly every point to his father, had 
died, and the young prince who now came to the throne, 
influenced by the family feud, had been brought up under 
the domination of the rival Tory school. His strong if narrow 
intelligence, trained in the doctrines of royal supremacy, 
reinforced by his own skill in politics and the slow-rising 
antagonism to a war which England, with all her victories, 
had found a huge burden on her resources, turned naturally 
to peace. In this he was supported by the more powerful 

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Treaty of 
St. Peters- 


Peace of 
burg and 


of the Whig nobility who now controlled the cabinet, and 
Pitt's eloquence and determination beat in vain upon the 
resolution of the interests determined to conclude the long 
conflict. The Prussian subsidy was stopped, the war lan- 
guished, till a twelvemonth saw no more activity than the 
capture of two fortresses by Frederick's enemies. 

The situation of the Prussian king was now all but des- 
perate. His armies were reduced by incessant conflict, the 
national morale depressed by the loss of the capital, the 
finances disorganized by failure of the English subsidy ; and, 
deprived of support on nearly every side, Frederick was saved 
from destruction only by another turn of fortune's wheel. 
The death of the Czarina Eli^a^eth^ at the beginning of the 
sixth year of the war, brought to the head of Russian affairs 
Peter III , an admirer of Frederick. Almost at once, he 
signed a truce which was transformed into the Treaty of St. 
Petersburg. Peace with Sweden followed, and, though the 
deposition of Peter placed Catherine II on the Russian throne, 
and deprived Prussia of the assistance Peter III had given, 
Russia virtually retired from the war, and Frederick, thus 
relieved of pressure from that side, was able again to defeat 
the Austrians. 

Meanwhile, England and France had slowly come to terms. 
Pitt, driven from ofiice by the cabinet's refusal to enter war 
with Spain, found his policy justified by a secret agreement 
between the branches of the Bourbon house which now 
brought Spain into the war. But she entered only into a 
heritage of disaster. Relieved of French antagonism in the 
east and west, flushed with her recent victories, and strong 
in the power and the prestige which success had brought, 
the onward rush of England's power was not to be denied. 
The capture of Canada had been followed by the occupation 
of the French West Indies. Anglo-colonial troops took 
Martinique, Granada, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and the smaller 
islands. Turning thence against the Spanish power, within 
six months Havana was in their hands and, on the other side 
of the world, four months later, Manila was taken by a 
British fleet. Before the news of lEatcrowning success 

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reached Europe, the preliminaries of peace had been agreed 
upon between England and France at Fontainebleau ; and 
six months later, the Peace of Paris brought the Anglo- 
French-Spanish conflict to an end. In the same week the 
treaties of Hubertsburg closed the long war between the 
eastern powers, and the European world found itself again 
at peace. 

Seldom has an^r war produced more far-reaching effect on Its results 
European affairs. On the continent itself, the territorial Europe 
changes were not remarkable, if one considers the magnitude 
of the struggle and the number of interests involved. Minorca 
was exchanged for Belle Isle, and Silesia remained in Fred- 
erick's iron grasp, whence seven years of conflict had been 
unable to wrest it. But if that conquered province was of 
no great extent when measured beside the forces involved 
in its possession, its value to Prussia was not to be estimated 
in terms of area or population. It did more than add to 
Frederick's kingdom the upper reaches of the Oder; it became 
a symbol of Prussia's title to be ranked among the first-rate 
powers of the continent. The most that the house of Haps- 
burg could set against its loss was Frederick's vote for the 
Archduke Joseph for the title of King of Rome, which was 
the stepping-stone to that of Emperor; and to offset this 
shadowy honor, Austria was forced to recognize a rival in 
the leadership of Germany. 

But the changing ownership of Silesia, even the recog- —oversea 
nition of Prussia's position in European polity, paled before 
the changes wrought in colonial affairs by the peace which 
forms one of the great landmarks in the history of the 
extra-European world. To the followers of Pitt, indeed, 
the treaties into which England entered seemed no less hu- 
miliating than the Treaty of Utrecht half a century before, 
whether they considered the conquests she had made, the terri- 
tory she then held, or her capacity to maintain the position 
she had won. There was on the face of affairs, indeed, some 
basis for such a feeling. In return for the cession of Florida, 
England restored Havana and Manila to Spain; in Africa, 
for Senegal she gave up Goree to France ; in India, she handed 

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back her conquests with virtually no conditions ; in the "West 
Indies, which lay at her mercy, she retained only Tobago, 
Dominica, St. Vincent, and Grenada. 
The But despite what Pitt and his party regarded as criminal 

fe^^lMid^' weakness, England secured her two great objects in the ^war. 
The first was her supremacy in India, the second was undis- 
puted possession of the eastern part of North America. 
France regained, indeed, her scattered Indian posts, bat it 
was a barren gift. Shorn at once of their prestige and power, 
Pondicherry and its dependencies sank to the status of Gk)a 
and Diu, and French authority in the peninsula thenceforth 
rivaled in impotence that of Portugal. Whatever the future 
of Indian empire, England was prepared to bid for the 
domination of the peninsula. 
Louisiana Nor was her position in America less firmly established by 
the peace. To Spain, in recompense for her loss of Florida, 
France ceded Louisiana — ^that huge territory which, stretch- 
ing from New Orleans to the unknown headwaters of the 
Missouri and its confluents, embraced the greater part of 
the vast plains between the Mississippi and the Rocky Moun- 
tains, an empire a fourth as large as Europe. Joined to her 
other possessions, Spain thus obtained all but undisputed 
possession of western North Amieriea, from Mexico to the 
Arctic, from the Mississippi to the Pacific. 

But if Spain now held title to two-thirds of the continent, 
the remaining third which fell into English hands comprised 
the land then the most valuable in all the world for European 
settlement. From Key West to Hudson's Bay, England now 
held the coast line. From the Atlantic to the Mississippi, the 
great valleys of the St. Lawrence and the Ohio, and the lands 
about the Great Lakes, added to the possesssion of her own 
colonies, gave her command of all but unlimited areas for 
colonization. Thence she could draw those products of for- 
ests, farms, and fisheries, invaluable to any island nation like 
that of the English, dependent for its growth on raw products 
for its expanding manufactures, on food for its people, and on 
markets for its goods. What was, perhaps, still more impor- 
tant was the triumph of the British West Indian sugar- 

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planting interest in this great settlement, which was not 
inaptly called the Sugar Peace. By it their monopoly was 
virtually secured within the British Empire and their control 
of the North American market assured. The northern colo- 
nists were thus restricted to the British West Indies for 
sugar, as they were to India for tea, and to England for 
manufactured articles. The exchange of Canada for Great 
Britain's conquests in the West Indies had obvious advan- 
tages. It eliminated the dangers which had long threatened 
the northern frontier from French an d In diaa_ attack; it 
opened a vast territory and trade to British enterprise; it 
deprived the natives of their chief support against English 
advance to the west. At the same time it confirmed the West 
Indian planters in their monopoly, which would have been 
seriously impaired by the introduction of competition from 
the other islands or the extension of the sugar industry to 
TOfiejL argas. But the limitations thus placed upon the north- 
em colonies planted the seeds of deep and bitter discontent, 
and it is questionable whether it would not have been wiser 
for England to keep her West Indian gains and antagonize 
the planting interest. It is perhaps too much to say that the 
disturbances which soon broke out in the thirteen original 
English colonies in North America are directly traceable to 
the Peace of Paris. Yet it is unquestionably true that the 
limitations then imposed upon the northern colonic P^^J^p 
selfish policy of the planters helped to fan that discontent 
with British administration which found more forcible expres- 
sion in the later trouble over tea. Sugar played but little 
part in the future discussions, but it deserves its place beside 
tea in any account of the disagreements which arose out of the 
great plan of a self-contained and self-supporting empire 
which now took form in English policy. But with all this, 
great as were England's concessions, her gains were greater 
still ; and loud were the clamors for continuance of the war. 
The fullness of conquest, the interruption of trade, and, above 
all, the huge and growing burden of expense, drowned the 
clamor. The fall of Pitt, indeed, deprived her of the services 
of a great minister ; but, as events were to prove, his work was 

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done. For the great problems of readjustment and reorgan- 
ization his genius was ill-suited ; and the hero who had ridden 
the whirlwind and directed the storm found in his x>opularity 
only the means to embarrass a government unable to replace 
him with a peace minister of equal gifts. 

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The two decades of world war which resulted from the am- 
bitions of Frederick the Great are memorable in history for 
more than the far-spreading conflict which began with his 
attack upon the Hapsburg dominions. In the career and 
character of the Prussian king, as in the activities of Louis 
XIV, appeared the apotheosis of royal and dynastic inter- 
est, which, associating itself with the principle of nation- 
ality, had found in that deeper and more enduring force 
the support necessary to achieve its aims. There was, indeed, 
as the future was to prove, no necessary connection between 
these two great elements; nor were the peoples which were 
thus enlisted in the cause of ruling houses through the appeal 
to their national aspirations, to remain forever bound to the 
fortunes of those families which had seized upon the national 
spirit to achieve their own aggrandizement. Even at the 
moment that the Prussian king planned and executed his 
great designs against the peace and the balance of power on 
the continent, there was prepared in the hands of the so-called 
philosophers a movement which was destined to be the prin- 
cipal antagonist of the spirit and practices of which Fred- 
erick was the greatest exponent. And even while he, his 
allies, and his enemies fought for the domination of the 
European world, there was being developed in lands beyond 
the sea a society which was, within a brief generation, to ' ' 
upset the whole system of political theory and practice so 
carefully prepared. 

Had the peoples of Europe during the Age of Frederick Thephi- 
the Great had no other concern than armed conflict, the years loflop*»«" 
which saw Prussia attain the rank of a first-rate power, and 


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England secure the primacy of the colonial world, would 
remain one of the great epochs of European history. But 
this was far from the fact. At the same time that the 
political balance of the world was thus readjusted, an advance 
along new lines of thought and practice in nearly every 
department of human activity proclaimed the middle decades 
of the eighteenth century the dawn of a new era in human 
affairs. If empire-builders like Clive and Pitt laid the 
foundations for world-wide English dominion, if a monarch 
like Frederick the Great altered the balance of European 
polity, thinkers and writers like Montesquieu and Rousseau 
prepared a new basis for men's conceptions of society and 
government. Diderot and his associates of the Encyclopedie 
established new canons of knowledge and taste. Quesnay and 
the French Physiocrats introduced a new economy; and a 
long list of inventors, discoverers, and scientists pushed back 
the bounds thus far set to man's knowledge. If this was 
the Age of Frederick the Great, it was no less the Age of 
Voltaire; and beside the victories of Anglo-Prussian arms 
may well be set those triumphs of the mind through which 
even the changes in political boundaries scarcely kept pace 
with the emancipation of the intellect. 
Montes- At the moment that Europe signed the Peace of Aix-la- 

1689-1755 ^^l^P®'^^^* *wo evcnts, destined to be of far greater effect than 
the treaty which then absorbed the men of politics, took 
place within the world of letters. The first was the appear- 
ance of a work entitled L* Esprit des Lois, from the pen of 
1748 Charles Louis de Secondat, Baron M la BrMe et Montes- 

quieu, by which last name he is most generally known. In- 
spired and informed by long experience and wide reading, 
its brilliant style gave to this exposition of government and 
law a wide audience and still wider influence. Basing himself 
on the doctrine that government and law should accord with 
the character and circumstances of the people which they 
rule, he declared that the '^conjunction of wills of individuals 
constitutes a state." However modified and disguised, this 
new expression of that political philosophy which was a 
development of Locke's theories, inevitably strengthened doc- 

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From a portrait by Largilli^re. ^ 

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trines of popular sovereignty against the absolutist school. 
A rational reformer, moderate even to timidity, his con- 
clusions based on reason and investigation as against author- 
ity, Montesquieu became one of the founders of modem 
political science, and, as it was to prove, despite his own 
disclaimer, the prophet of a new order. 

At the same time the allied field of economic thought felt ThePfays- 
a fresh impulse. Against the mercantilist school which held "^'*** 
that a nation's wealth depended on its store of precious metals 
and a balance of trade in its favor, the Physiocrats, headed 
by Cantillon, Quesnay, and Vincent, laid stress on agriculture 
and the freedom of commerce. ''Laissez faire" took its place 
among the shibboleths of the rising science of political econ- 
omy, with Quesnay 's dictum that every man should be free 
to cultivate whatever his interest, means, and circumstances 
made most profitable. Such was the economic protest against 

authority, reverting, like that of Montesquieu, to the *' order 

of nature" in its attack upon restriction and privilege. With 
all its fallacies it was a powerful weapon against the restric- 
tive doctrines of mercantilism. For it emphasized the ** pro- 
ductive*' labors which added to the store of raw materials, 
and so tended to elevate agriculture ; and while it depreciated 
the "sterile" activities of commerce and manufacturing, it 
pleaded for that ''jus naturae" which should emancipate 
industry from the bonds which had so long hampered its 

What Montesquieu was to law and government, what the Rousseau 
Physiocrats were to political economy, the writings of Jean ^'^^''^^ 
Jacques Rousseau were to society. In the decade preceding 
the Peace of Paris, this strange, wandering genius formulated 
his philosophy in a series of extraordinary books which ranged 
from the Confessions of his ill-regulated life, through dis- 
quisitions on the Inequality of Men, and tractates on educa- u 
tion, to his crowning work, the Contrat Social. Through all 1769 
his writing ran the strain that was inspiring men in other 
fields, ''return to nature." Man, born free, he saw about him 
everywhere in chains, to custom, to convention, above all, to 
government; and he protested against all the artificialities 

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and the 


by which men were constrained, in home life as in artistic 
taste, in education as in government. Seeking the cause of 
this enslavement to authority, he strove to reconstruct the 
origins of society and the state with Ms theory of a primitive 
social control, ^' which, hardening with time, had ceased to 
be a compact among individuals but had become a tyranny 
which crushed out liberty and equality." Wild, sentimental, 
and extravagant, his doctrines touched aclass but little 
moved by the more serious philosophies. Influenced by his 
rhetoric, children were released from the absurd conventions 
which made them old before their time; court and royalty 
played at shepherd's life; painters, like gardeners, took na- 
ture as their model ; and life, like education, felt the quicken- 
ing impulse of a genius which, ignorant of government and 
society alike, managed to revolutionize them both. ' 

Such were the three great forces in this period which strove 
against intrenched formal authority. To them were added 
two more of no less consequence. At the same time that the 
new knowledge and spirit discovered fresh fields for exercise 
of man's intelligence, another influence was busy mapping 
and organizing the conquest. This was the famous Encydo- 
pedde of Diderot and his associates. Projected in the year 
which saw the Peace of Aix-larChapelle and the appearance 
of the Spirit of the Laws, volume by volume through two 
decades, this monumental work brought to men's hands the 
principal results of the intellectual progress of the times. To 
his assistance Diderot summoned the leaders of French 
thought, the ablest of her adminirtrators, Turgot, the mathe- 
matician, d'Alembert, the physiocrat, Quesnay, and the so- 
called philosophers, Rousseau, Montesquieu, and Voltaire. His 
work was opposed by the clergy, especially the Jesuits. It 
was officially repressed by the authorities, who privately, none 
the less, protected its promoters and connived at its appear- 
ance; and it became, in consequence, the most important 
publication of its kind in history, no less remarkable in the 
political than in the literary world. Striving to create and 
guide opinion as well as to impart knowledge, it based its 
whole existence on reason and investigation. Its pages echoed 

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Jean Jacques Rousseau. 
From an engraving by J. E. Nochez, after A. Ramsay. 

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the great conflict of ideas then convulsing the European 
world; and, translated into nearly every European tongue, 
it carried everywhere the doctrines of that school whose 
thought made Paris the intellectual capital of the continent. 

Nor was this all of this great renaissance in social and The 
political thought. At the same time that Diderot, with his voiuire"' 
wide range of learning and his profound interest in the 1748-78 
individual man, instructed and illuminated Europe no less 
by his reflective and critical essays than by the direction of 
the work of his colleagues on the EncyclopSdie, the star of 
Voltaire was rising to the zenith of its ascendancy. For him 
the tide of fortune had now turned. He was chosen to the 
French Academy, given a post at court, and summoned to 
be the guest of Frederick the Great at Berlin. He finally 
took up his residence in Switzerland and devoted himself 
wholly to literature. There, on his estate of Femey, as a 
citizen of Europe he was visited by half the notables of 
the continent, seeking advice, inspiration, or the gratification 
of their curiosity. Remaining a prodigy he became a sage; 
and grew to a stature whch made him ^4es8 a man than a 
movement like the Renaissance or Reformation," as his 
penetrating satire and his destructive criticism prepared the 
way for the constructive work of his great contemporaries^ 
and successors. 

Such were the principal influences which remodeled Euro- Buffon 
pean thought during the momentous years of continental ^''^-^ 
and colonial wars. Nor were the achievements of French 
intellect, which rose to eminence as the political power of 
the state declined, confined to literature and politics. In the 
same twelvemonth which saw the appearance of the Spirit of 
the Laws and the prospectus of the Encyclopedic, was pub- 
lished the first volume of the Natural History of (George 1740 \/ 
Lederc, Comte de Buffon. This, completed more than fifty 
years later, filled the same place in the realm of natural 
science as Diderot's encyclopedia in the world of letters and 
affairs'. Too vast to be in all parts accurate, hasty in general- 
ization, not seldom ornate to the point of turgidity in style, 
his work was of profound importance in two ways. It in- 

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spired a widespread attention to nature, and it laid down 
the proper principle of investigation, pointing out that "'the 
condition of the globe is the result of a succession of 
changes." With this premise he drew attention to '*the 
phenomena by which these changes can be unraveled." In 
J this he not merely laid the foundations for that doctrine of 
evolution which later generations were to erect into the chief 
principle of their scientific creed, but began the serious study 
of geology. Here Buffon was but the most conspicuous of 
a great school then busied in exploring the secrets of the 
d'Alembert universe. The mathematical and physical researches of 
1717-83 d'Alembert revealed new laws governing solid and liquid 
bodies, and simplified the solution of dynamic problems by 
establishing the principle which still perpetuates his name 
among physicists. His study of the air in motion led to 
his theory of wind. His solution of the mystery of the pre- 
cession of the equinoxes and of planetary perturbations, no 
less than his contributions to the history of science and to 
its philosophy, spread his fame throughout the continent. 
And however little his name may be remembered by a genera- 
tion which owes so much to his talents, it is significant of the 
interest of his time in such matters that he was invited by 
^ Frederick the Great to settle in Berlin, and by Catherine of 
Bussia to become the tutor to her son. 
Franklin But if in d'Alembert many divergent streams of European 

1706-90 science, politics, and even theology were joined, to these the 
career of the American Franklin added another element, that 
of the contribution of the extra-European world to the prog- 
ress of society and knowledge. With the appearance in the 
English Oentleman's Magazine of the so-called ''Philadelphia 
experiments," by which the identity of lightning and elec- 
tricity was confirmed, there was brought to European notice 
not merely a tremendous and far-reaching contribution to its 
knowledge, but the extraordinary and characteristic figure 
of the colonial scientist-publicist. In his native land he had 
already achieved a conspicuous position as . printer, post- 
master, diplomat, and public benefactor. He was presently 
to rise tg worid-wide eminence in fields widely different from 

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the experiments which first brought him an invitation to 
the court of Prance. For his long efforts to unite the English 
colonies in opposition to the mother country led to political 
activities which were to bring him again into European view 
as the greatest of diplomats yet bred outside of Europe. 

Beside these more conspicuous figures now taking their 
place among the leaders of the world of thought, labored a 
host of other investigators in whose hands the foundations 
of knowledge, and presently of practice, were wholly revo- 
lutionized. Linnaeus, with his establishment of systematic 
botany; Condillac, the founder of the modern school of logic 
and psychology, — as opposed to the so-called ** innate ideas" 
of Descartes and Spinoza — and a contributor to the young 
science of economics; Hunter, who from his practice as a 
surgeon in London set medical education on a new plane; 
Celsius, Fahrenheit, and Reaumur, who first established "de- 
grees" of heat on the thermometer, were but a few of the 
names which illuminated the eighteenth century scientific 
renaissance. Yet a mere catalogue of names and achieve- 
ments, however long, but feebly represents the progress of 
Europe in this period. More powerful than any personality 
were the movements and the institutions to which these men 
of genius gave rise. 

It is impossible to estimate the force of the principles of GaUeries, 
rationalism vitalized by Voltaire and his followers ; the influ- mMcums, 
ence of Montesquieu on politics and administration, of academies 
Diderot on taste and knowledge, of Rousseau on society, of 
the Physiocrats on economic thought and practice. It is only 
possible to say that these revolutionized continental thought 
and laid the foundations for still more revolutionary prac- 
tice. But we may trace the tendency of the times concretely 
in the establishment of institutions. In London the govern- 
ment founded the British Museum on the collections of Sir 1753 
Hans Sloane; while under the inspiration of Hunter, the 
London School of Surgery closely followed the beginning of 
a like school in Paris. In Dresden the splendid picture- 
gallery of Augustus I was increased and became the basis 
of an Academy of Arts, which, with the development of 

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- ' i 



Munich along the same lines, made Saxony and Bavaria the 
artistic centers of Germany. 

1741 These activities were not confined to the west. Under Iiin- 

nseus's inspiration the Stockholm Academy came into exist* 
ence. The Prussian king pensioned d'Alembert and induced 
a visit of Voltaire to Berlin which begat a quarrel that 
amused all Europe. Above all, in Russia, the patronage of 
the Czarina Elizabeth enabled her ''minister of literature 
and the arts" to found the first Russian university at Moscow, 

1757 and the St. Petersburg Academy of the Fine Arts. At the 

same time the erection of the Winter Palace, the Bussian 
Versailles, typified the rising power of her empire and its 
introduction into the European circle of intellectual and 
artistic as well as political interests. To these were added 
an invitation to Diderot, who, for a time, adorned the Rus- 
sian capital with his genius ; and the foundation of the picture 
gallery of the Hermitage, which sheltered some of the greatest 
triumphs of European painters, and further cemented the 
connection between the culture of Russia and that of her 
western neighbors. 

Education In no small degree the development of so many intellectual 
forces had its effect upon education. That department of 
human activity had suffered as well as gained from the Renais- 
sance and the Reformation. The former had made a cult of 
classicism and produced a scholastic humanism. The latter, 
though it had led to the foundation of many institutions of 
learning, and, by its reflex action, produced the best school- 
masters in Europe, the Jesuits, had not lessened the tendency 
to make the school a part of the theological propaganda. It 
had destroyed many of the older seats of learning, and the 
wars which accompanied and followed it had aided in the 
destruction. It was not till toward the dose of the seven- 
teenth century that the reviving influence of science began 
to make head against these many obstacles, the chief of 
which was neither poverty nor doctrine but the idea that 
these institutions were cisterns in which learning was stored 
and whence it could be drawn, not fountains whence new 
streams of knowledge took their rise. The rise of the acade- 

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mies testified to the desire for such institutions as would 
devote their efforts to the increase of human acquirements; 
but it was not until the work of Newton at Cambridge and 
the foundation of Halle and Gottingen at the end of the 
seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century 
that this idea began to penetrate the educational world. 
Moreover, such education as there was had tended to remain 
an aristocratic monopoly. It had created schools for gentle- 
men like the Gkrman Bitterschule rather than provided educa- 
tional facilities for the poor. But this now began to change, 
and though it was another century before popular education 
in the modem sense began to make headway, though even the 
French philosophers aimed only at the education of the few, 
there was already stirring that attention to the common man 
which considered, among other things, the possibility of his 
having a mind capable and worthy of cultivation. 

Perhaps no single circumstance more fully illustrates this China 
widening interest in the finer aspects of civilization than the 
advance of that art which stands midway between the artistic 
and the utilitarian — ^the manufacture of china. Inspired 
by the success of the Meissen factory in Saxony in working \ 
the newly discovered fields of , kaolin, most of the famous ' ^ 
potteries of Europe were established during this quarter of 
a century, under royal patronage or private enterprise. 
Sevres and Orleans, Chelsea, Derby, Worcester, Munich, 1740-65 
Vienna, Berlin, St. Petersburg developed hard porcelain com- 
parable or superior to the product of China and Japan ; and 
thus, in another field, brought Europe abreast of the highest 
achievements of non-European arts and crafts. 

While the development in art, literature, philosophy, and Applied 
in the borderland between art and utility was so remarkable ^*^°^ 
in this period, the attention to more strictly utilitarian activi- 
ties had meanwhile given promise of still further service to 
the world. Midway between the age of hand-labor and the 
use of steam, this was the era which saw the application of 
scientific knowledge to the extension of man's mastery over 
nature and her resources which marked the beginning of 
that peculiar characteristic of the modem world. Frank- 

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lin's lightning-rod offered protection against one of man's 
most dreaded foes. The extraction of gas from coal, though 
its wide practical application was long delayed, ushered in 
a deries of discoveries of great future value to theoretical as 
well as applied science. The application of the principle of 
Newcomen's steam pumping-engine to the propulsion of ves- 
sels, however crude its earliest results, was prophetic of a 
great future. The invention of plated-ware evidenced another 
and useful extension of theory into practice; while the im- 
provements in knitting machinery revealed the dawn of a 
new age of industry. At the same time the problem of trans- 
portation was attacked. For the labors of the great English 
engineer, Brindley, and his patron, the Earl of Bridgewater, 
in the construction of canals, though they represented no novel 
principle, gave tremendous impetus to the solution of the 
most pressing problem of an increasing industry — ^the ques- 
tion of freer access to markets and to sources of supply. With 
the extension to other parts of Europe of this mode of con- 
veyance long familiar to Holland and France, another element 
was added to the widening resources of commerce. 

But the talents of European peoples were by no means 
limited to the development of the newer arts and crafts. 
While the activities of the scientists and inventors had busied 
themselves with the application of their lately acquired knowl- 
edge to problems of industry, the oldest of civilized activities, 
the cultivation of the soil and the breeding of domestic 
animals, had begun to experience the same tendencies toward 
improvement and innovation as the other forms of social 
activity exhibited. In France the progress of the doctrines 
of the Physiocrats turned men's attention more and more to 
the land as the ultimate source of wealth ; and, with the intro- 
duction of new principles of political economy, they trans- 
ferred to that field the spirit of the *' return to nature" which 
had been evident in letters and in art. Such movements 
always characterize periods of excessive refinement or formal- 
iism in any age of the world, as a protest against the com- 
plexity and artificiality of a too highly organized or too 
minutely ordered society. 

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The influence of the Physiocrats extended far beyond letters The Arrf- 
and political economy; it had a practical influence on the S^IlShlLftn 
development of French agriculture. But it was in England 
that this movement took on its chief characteristics and 
achieved its greatest success. It was associated at first with 
the development of root crops and their use as food for 
cattle and sheep. It was continued with the introduction 
of a new system of cultivation, the so-called "horse-hoeing 
husbandry." This is associated with the name of the great 
agricultural innovator, Jethro TuU, who advocated that 
method of sowing seed in rows and cultivating by ** horse 
hoes," which has become the established practice of modem 
farming. With it came attention to the use of fertilizers 
and the rotation of crops, long recognized but now first 
studied and improved. To these were added experiments 
in the breeding and the care of cattle and of sheep, and the 
development of a crude system of seed selection, to improve 
the stock. 

Beside the movements in the domain of letters and politics, 
even in those of science and the arts, the progress of this 
elemental occupation of society lacks much of the attractive 
qualities which make for general interest. Yet in the last 
resort it yields nothing to any subject in importance to the 
race ; nor did it prove unattractive to many minds, however 
slowly it found its way into the most conservative of indus- 
tries. It soon produced a literature of its own, and the Age 
of Louis XIV is notable for the first agricultural periodical, 
as the Age of Frederick the Qreat is remarkable for this 
Agricultural Revolution, as it came to be called. It enlisted 
the interest of the great landlord class, among whom Lord 
** Turnip" Townshend, as he was nicknamed, was conspicuous. 
It produced the agricultural societies, which thenceforth 
played an increasing part in rural life. It led to the founda- 
tion of cattle-breeders' associations, of no less importance, 
and, as a natural result, it enormously increased the pro- 
duction of food. Crops grew in number and variety; the 
weight of cattle and sheep doubled in a century, and their 
numbers increased in like proportion. England improved the 

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condition of her own people and became a great exporting 
country; France, though in a less degree, followed the same 
course ; and Europe generally began a new age of agricultora' 
prosperity. When, within another generation, the improved 
farming finally established itself, it led to other and more 
far-reaching social changes; and, among the ultimate results 
of the Agricultural Revolution, must be reckoned that process 
of building up those great estates which were to become a 
characteristic of modem England. 
Enriand If England led the way in most of this activity as the 

*°£^[^ leading industrial and agricultural society of Europe, it was 
not to be supposed that, as the principal carrying and com- 
mercial agency of the world, her people should not extend 
their energy into the field of navigation. Nor was this the 
case, for her advance upon her ^' other element" was no less 
marked by her devotion to the interests of navigation. With 
the general use of Hadley's quadrant, which replaced all 
other forms, marine surveying and navigation made a great 
advance. To this Colson's New Mariners^ Kalendar and 
Harrison's chronometers contributed no less; and these three 
most important contributions to the art of seamanship virtu- 
ally introduced a new age of maritime achievement. The 
government stimulated the skill of individuals by its prizes 
for the chronometer, and the offer of a great reward for the 
discovery of a northwest passage. 

Finally, with the appearance of Maskelyne's Nautical Alma- 
nac, and the perfection of the ship-chronometer, the whole art 
of seamanship prepared for further change. For, with the 
invention of copper sheathing, and the development of proc- 
esses of distilling water on shipboard, no less than the art of 
determining distances sailed and calculation of latitude and 
longitude more accurately, was ushered in another era of navi- 
gation. These were refiected in the achievements of the sea- 
captains; for the voyages of Middleton in the Polar regions, 
and the great exploit of Anson, in addition to the constantly 
growing traflBc throughout the world, evidenced at once the 
services of science and the spirit of the new race of seamen. 
Vessels, meanwhile, increased in tonnage no less than in 

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The old East India Wharf, London. 

After the painting by Peter Monany. Original in Victoria and 
Albert Museum. 

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numbers. Ships of two thousand tons were no longer curi- 
osities; gans increased in size and range no less than number; 
and the various classes or ''rates'* of vessels, headed by the 
so-called "seventy-four/' began to take their place in ad- 
miralty calculations. 

This was especially important to a nation which controlled 
the greater part of the commerce to North America and India. 
Prom the time when, in the preceding century, the English 
East India Company had begun to build a new type of ship, 
the so-called East Indiamen, through the eighteenth century, 
that vessel had been the model for long-distance commerce. 
It had replaced the older carrack and galleon, and found no 
rival for its peculiar purposes till the clipper and the steam- 
ships of the nineteenth century. 

Yet in wider human interest even these yielded to The 
the achievements of the French during this period. They JJJg^" 
found their chief expression in the exploits of the sons of the 
great explorer, la V^rendrye, who, following the route already 
marked to the upper Missouri in North America, penetrated 
nearly if not quite to the main chain of the Rocky Mountains. 
Through them and their successors, Lake Winnipeg and the 
Saskatchewan were reached, and forts erected to secure that 
rich fur region for France. To meet this threatened com- 
petition the Hudson's Bay Company bestirred itself. Prom 
York factory its agent, Hendry, journeyed far to the south- 
west, exploring that region later known as the Northwest 
Provinces of Canada, and so made his way to ''the land 
of buffalo." Meanwhile, the Russian explorations, begun by 
Bering, had brought in their train hunters and trappers 
who pressed southward from the strait which bears the great 
explorer's name toward the region which in another genera- 
tion was to be known from its English discoverer as Van- 
couver. To meet them in this distant quarter of the world 
came the Spaniards up the California coast and along those 
fertile valleys which still echo the names of Spanish saints 
and still preserve the missionary posts by which the southern 
power established its faith and civilization among the native 
tribes. Thus everywhere throughout the world, from the re- 

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mote Andes where French scientists sought to determine the 
figure of the earth by geodetic observations, and the Jesuits 
pushed their way along the upper Amazon and Orinoco, to 
this newest of the bjattlegrounds of commerce, these mid- 
decades of the eighteenth century saw science and trade unite 
with religion and colonization to Europeanize the earth. 

Such were the lines of human activity which at once under- 
mined the old order and laid foundations for the new, while 
the political fortunes of Europe were being altered. It was 
but natural that these events should chiefly affect the people 
among whom they took their rise, and that the old world 
should reap the chief reward of its expanding energies. Yet 
it was inevitable that the colonies, which had become a part 
of Europe in political aflfairs, should be stirred into ever 
greater activity, as widening ripples from the center of the 
European system spread to the extremities of the earth. In 
the far-flung empires of Portugal and Spain, relatively re- 
moved from the great currents of eighteenth-century thought 
by distance and the still more insurmountable barriers of 
their reactionary home governments and faith, these move- 
ments, like that of the Reformation, had found small response. 
But growing emigration, induced by the religious disturb- 
ances of the preceding centuries and by the great religious- 
colonial wars which had ensued, profoundly affected even 
these regions and their people by the introduction of new 
elements into the extra-European world. For they had done 
much to bring the old and new world in closer touch as 
European population grew beyond the sea. Now, with the 
entry of colonial peoples into world war between their various 
governments, a powerful impulse was given toward closer 
union with the stream of European progress. 
Spain Upon the remnants of the Portuguese empire that influ- 

ence was insignificant ; but Spain was in a different case. Her 
colonists had aided in the Anglo-Spanish stru^le for Carib- 
bean supremacy. Her government had been recompensed 
for loss of Florida by Louisiana; and, while she had con- 
solidated her North American empire, she had at last been 
brought into direction relations with the Anglo-Saxon power. 

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Along the Mississippi, about Vancouver, and in the lands 
around the Gulf of Mexico her colonists were now matched 
with the advancing pioneers of English blood. They treated 
and traded and inevitably absorbed something of the ideas 
a^tating that society. At the same time closer alliance with 
French interests brought them in touch with the spirit per- 
vading the new school of thought A slender, growing stream 
of youth, sent to Europe to be educated, recruited the in- 
creasing class of merchants and professional men, forming * 
seed-plots of liberal thought destined in time to spread new 
doctrines throughout the Empire. 

Meanwhile Spain's empire, after a century or more of an 
existence divided between internal growth and defending 
itself against its European enemies, gave signs of change. 
Nor was this due alone to the wars which transferred Florida 1763 
to England and gave Spain what was to prove a transient 
occupation of Louisiana. More important still was the eco- 
nomic development within. The gradual exhaustion of the 
richer lodes and surface deposits of precious metals in the 
mining provinces did more than reduce the income of the 
government ; it turned men's energies into other fields. About 
the Paraguay and Parana, along the upper reaches of the 
Orinoco, fresh grazing lands were opened, soon covered with 
ever-increasing flocks and herds. The long ascendancy of 
miner and planter was challenged by gaucho and Uanero, as 
the herders were called. Wool, hides, and animal products 
took their place beside gold and silver, cocoa, sugar, and 
coffee, as leading exports; and new sources of wealth brought 
new dassesinto prominence. 

This, joined to the effects of the war, produced another Reorgan- 
important change in government. With the colonies more ex- Nation of 
posed to foreign attack, as evidenced by the spoil that Anson ^Serial 
took in his Pacific venture, it became apparent that civil pofcy 
governors were no longer adequate, and in New Spain, as in 
Peru, a long succession of army and navy officers held the 
viceroyalties. It was no less evident that even the construc- 
tion of new strongholds, like San Juan de Ulloa, which now 1740 
took its place among Spanish- American fortresses, was not 

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sufficient to withstand attack; while the growing wealth and 
population of the Caribbean and Argentine provinces made 
it increasingly difficult to govern them from Lima. As a re- 
sult, a new viceroyalty was erected, which from its capital of 
Bogota administered the old presidency of Quito and the 
eaptain-generalcy of Venezuela. 

This was the first step in the reorganization of the Spanish 
empire. The second was more important still. Whatever 
the other results of the war, one was conspicuous; it was 
the declining authority of the home government. Not merely 
had Spanish and Portuguese colonists entered a war upon 
their own account over the Argentine-Brazilian boundary, 
which was then virtually determined; but, in the demoraliza- 
tion of commerce which the confiict with England had in- 
volved, they came more and more to take trade into their 
own hands. The government was powerless to prevent. The 
oldest Spanish commercial enterprise, the galleon trade, or. 
convoy fleets, was given up. And, as trade restrictions were 
relaxed, colonists conspired with smugglers to establish a 
commerce outside official cognizance, which flourished despite 
the government's attempt at suppression and its encourage- 
ment of regulated companies. Finally, among the many read- 
justments which flowed from the Anglo-Spanish war, the loss 
of the Asiento, or right to supply slaves, which had been held 
by England since the Treaty of Utrecht, was another notable 
instance of the changes then coming over the colonial world. 

Yet, with all the spread of new doctrines into the once 
impenetrable Spanish preserves and with the beginnings of 
an untrammeled trade which was to shatter the old order, it 
was less in South America than in the north that the develop- 
ments of the mid-eighteenth century were important. The 
northern continent was not only a principal seat of war and 
its vast reaches of forest and plain one of the chief prizes of 
victory. Spanish and Portuguese America witnessed at best 
only the late and hampered efforts of a feeble society to throw 
off the shackles of the past. But North America, and in par- 
ticular the English colonies, revealed a new and vigorous 
society in the making, absorbed not merely in the conflict 

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against its French and Spanish neighbors for room to expand, 
but in laying more solid bases for a real national existence. 

While the empires of Spain and Portugal remained largely 
an aristocracy among servile native or African population; 
while the French in North America formed scarcely more 
than a garrison; the English, though partaking of these char- 
acteristics in their plantation colonies and pioneer settlements, 
added to them a much more powerful element. Their popula- 
tion in North America alone had doubled and doubled again 
since the beginning of the century, and, increased by immi- 
gration no less than from its own loins, numbered before the 
end of the war a million and more of European blood. The 
largest, most compact, and homogeneous body of Europeans 
outside of the old world, they surpassed their neighbors to 
the south no less in numbers than in varied resources, and 
outnumbered their French antagonists twenty to one. Capa- 
ble of putting more than twenty thousand men into the field, 
they had become a determining factor in the war just closed. 

Their resources were equal to their numbers. Beside their Thdr 
plantation islands in the West Indies, which rivaled the pos- ^^^^"^^^ 
sessions of the French and far exceeded those of the other 
powers; beside their rice and tobacco fields on the mainland, 
their pioneers, traders, and trappers who competed with the 
French in the interior, and the great farming population 
which had slowly occupied the land from coast to mountains, 
they had developed other sources of strength. Already there 
were signs that industrial life had gone beyond the stage 
in which each family made what it used, wove cloth for its 
garments, wrought its own iron and lumber, made its own 
hats and shoes, and raised its own food. The efforts of Parlia- 
ment, inspired by English commercial interests, to check 
wider production, failed to suppress a varied industry. From 
the smelters of the middle colonies some thousands of tons of 
iron every year found its way to English manufacturers. 
From the New England distilleries more than a million gal- 
lons of rum annually poured into the channels of commerce. 
Made from West Indian molasses taken in exchange for 
lumber, fish, and food, it formed in turn a staple of barter 

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for slaves in Africa and furs in North America. At the same 
time colonial fleets brought from the Newfoundland Banks 
increasing wealth of cod, and their whalers, exhausting the 
rich field along the coast which laid foundations for th^r 
indnstiy, pursued their quarry in remoter seas, whenee their 
cargoes of whalebone and of oil still more enriched New Eng- 
land 's commerce. 

To carry on these enterprises the shipbuilders, with un- 
limited supplies of timber to draw on, flourished as more 
and larger vessels were required for longer and more profita- 
ble voyages. Little by little the merchant owner-employer- 
capitalist developed as enterprises grew in magnitude. From 
year to year the circle widened. Vessels for Africa ex- 
changed their northern products for slaves, which in turn, 
exchanged for molasses and sugar, brought great profits from 
their long voyages. Others again made way to the West 
Indies, thence to England, and were sold, cargo and ship 
alike, or again exchanged tropical products for English 
goods. Still others plied between the northern and southern 
ports, or back and forth across the Atlantic, as this widening 
commerce grew. 

Beside all this, from the mainland plantations poured 
an evergrowing stream of rice and tobacco; from the West 
Indies molasses and sugar ; while from the forests everywhere, 
lumber and pitch and potash swelled the commerce of this 
trade-empire. At the same time that empire rapidly in- 
creased. Seeking refuge from persecution or from poverty, 
or driven out by politics, a great flood of immigrants poured 
in. To the English, Germans, and Huguenots was added 
another group as the disturbances in the British Isles during 
the eighteenth century drove other elements to seek refuge in 
the new world. Irish and Scotch and Scotch-Irish scattered 
through the colonies. Scotch and Scotch-Irish, in particular, 
found their way to the frontiers from Pennsylvania south, 
and, reinforcing native pioneers, pushed forward rapidly the 
widening boundaries of new settlement. 

Under such impetus in the year of the Peace of Aix-la- 
Chapelle, the first English post beyond the mountains, was 

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founded on the Kanawha River. At the same moment land i748 
projectors, following the trail of traders and hunters, set up 
claims to tracts in the transmontane re^ons known from 
their rivers as Kentucky and Tennessee. Within a twelve- 
month a Virginian group had formed the Ohio Company to i749 
exploit these western lands. Such was the flood of English 
colonists whose oncoming tide the French prepared to stem. 
But not all their gallantry, nor all their forts, still less their 
claims which they inscribed on leaden plates and planted 
here and there to attest their rights of sovereignty, could long 
avail against this powerful and vigorous society which 
sought new outlets for its numbers and its energy. 

Although it was naturally more concerned with farms Their in- 
and factories, with ships and trading — and now with war JjJ^®^^*^*** 
for territory — ^than with the less material side of European economic 
progress, it was inevitable that intellectual development, art, JJJf!^* 
literature, science, philosophy, should find some welcome in 
a society so largely European and so closely bound to the 
old world by ties of language, politics, and trade. Already 
America had produced one figure of European eminence, 
Benjamin Franklin. He was a characteristic product of his 
generation. In local matters, in general provincial affairs, in 
his relations with the English government and the French 
court, no less in his proposals to unite the colonies than in 
his philosophical experiments in electricity, he represented 
the highest intellectual achievement of Europe beyond the 
seas. He was one among many. The years of war saw not 
merely an increase in colonial wealth and population, but 
no small gain in the first elements of intellectual advance. 
To the three educational institutions then existing, Harvard, 
William and Mary, and Yale, the x)eriod accompanying the 
war saw five more added, Princeton, Pennsylvania, King's 
College, Rhode Island College, and Dartmouth, till every 
northern colony could boast a college. Under Franklin's 
inspiration the Philadelphia Academy came into being. In 
Boston, the British officers introduced Freemasonry among 
the colonists; in Philadelphia the first colonial hospital was 
established; in Savannah was founded the first orphan 

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asylum; and from his evangelical labors in the South, the 
eloquent apostle of the new Methodist sect, Whitefield, car- 
ried his message through the colonies and laid foundations 
for a new communion. Against his emotional appeal, so- 
called Revivalism, New England produced a champion of 
that stern, unbending school of Galvinistic thought, Jonathan 
Edwards, the greatest of American theologians. Deriving 
his conclusions with unfaltering logic from his premise of 
the sovereignty of €k)d and man's depravity, he epitomized 
the grimmest features of a belief already at variance with 
every impulse of the newer thought, and gave to Presby- 
terianism that rigidity of intellectual conviction which it 
was slow to lose. Far different was the influence of Bishop 
Berkeley, who, for some years, made his home in Rhode 
Island, and there, as in England, developed that system of 
metaphysics which, in distinction from the materialism to 
which Descartes and Locke tended, lifted the problems of 
philosophy to higher levels and paved the way for men like 
Hume. He introduced the idea of subjective as opposed to 
merely objective reality; of causation; of a deep spirituality 
underlying intellectual processes. And this, taken in con- 
nection with his humanity and philanthropic character, made 
this sojourner in the colonies one of the master-spirits of his 

Yet with all their interest in trade, settlement, and war, 
their very real concern with questions of theology, and their 
slighter achievements in literature and science, the chief intel- 
lectual interest of the American colonists lay in the field 
of politics. The theories of the origin of government, then 
making way upon the continent, had a peculiar charm for 
men who felt themselves, however dimly, the founders of a 
new nation. The doctrine of natural rights strongly at- 
tracted those perpetually at war with the restrictions which 
the mother country imposed, and with the officials sent to 
administer her laws. Far more than Locke's metaphysics, 
which inspired Edwards and Berkeley and colonial the- 
ologians generally, the colonists laid stress on that philoso- 
pher's treatise on government. Nor was this mere theoiy 

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Benjamin Franklin. 

From an engraving by J. Thomson, from the original 
picture by J. A. Duplessis. 

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with them; for each event in their expanding history gave 
opportunity to test these doctrines in their own experience. 

The outbreak of hostilities had been accompanied by Frank- 
lin 's proposal to unite the colonies. The crisis of the war 
developed quarrels between royal governors and provincial 
assemblies in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania over the right 
to tax and to quarter troops; and, as earlier, the efforts to 
press men for the navy had led to popular risings in Boston. 
The spirit of controversy was aroused, fed no less by European 
theory than by colonial practice ; and the whole was crowned 
by the quarrel which the efforts of England to restrict com- 
merce and regulate colonial affairs now brought to a culmina- 
tion. Following the Molasses Act of the preceding genera- 
tion, opposition to British colonial policy was increased by 
the limitations set on manufacturing, especially of hats and 
ironware, the prosecution of slave trade despite the opposi- 
tion of Virginia and Carolina, and the issuance of so-called 
Writs of Assistance to enable customs officers to check the i76l 
evasion of customs so generally practised. And, at the moment 
England triumphed over her continental enemies, her govern- 
ment found itself confronted by colonial resistance to its 
measures. That resistance, centering in Boston, spread 
through her American provinces the doctrine of no taxation 
without representation, couched in the phrases of the most 
advanced political theorists and supported by a powerful 
element in colonial affairs. 

With this, the circle of these two eventful decades ended Europe 
as it began, within the colonies. By them and for them in ^j^^ 
large part, war had been waged. Their economic development 
had been conditioned by like progress at home. From their 
frontiers the boundaries of European knowledge and influ- 
ence had been pushed forward; and now, through them, the 
newer doctrines of politics were to be tested in practice. 
Not even the rise of Prussia nor the decline of France upon 
the continent were of such importance to the next generation 
as the development of this new society beyond the sea. From 
a position of outlying frontier provinces, they had won a 
place in European circles; and, however little recognized by 

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those whose eyes still turned only to Europe, North America 
was in no long time to take the center of the stage. With 
its entry into affairs, and the- corresponding rise of new 
political doctrines and industrial conditions, the European 
world was on the eve of change worthy to rank beside the 
greatest convulsions of its eventful past. 

For, as they had earlier been connected with religion, as 
they had been later associated with politics, and were at all 
times bound up with economic development, so now the 
colonies came into touch with the great intellectual movement 
of the time, which made for liberty. From their situation no 
less than from their inclination, this chiefly appealed to them 
on its political side. It was not long before they endeavored 
to translate theory into practice; and in that effort, which 
was ultimately to prove successful throughout the western 
hemisphere, they were destined to inaugurate a new era of 
history on both sides of the sea. 

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When in February, 1763, the treaties of Paris and Huberts- The results 
burg were signed and the long wars of the Austrian Succession p^^ ^^ 
came to an end, it was apparent that Europe had reached Paris 
another great turning-point in her career. For more than 
twenty years she had scarcely known peace within her own 
borders, while the most distant peoples of the earth had been 
drawn into her quarrels, whose settlement had altered the 
aspect not of Europe alone but of the world. Nor did the 
changes end with conclusion of the war. The treaties which 
brought it to a dose were followed by a period of trans- 
formation which filled the ensuing decade with movements and 
events of as far-reaching influence and of even more pro- 
found importance than those of the war itself, and due only 
in part to that conflict. In large measure they arose from 
causes lying deep in the heart of the times, and were the 
expression of an inquiring skepticism, which, rejecting mere 
authority, sought a basis of life and thought through reason 
and investigation. This force now prepared to carry the 
scientific method far beyond the regions to which it had 
originally been confined, and uniting with it the historical 
spirit and method to inquire into the foundations of authority 

"The first step toward philosophy,'* wrote Diderot, *'is Liberal 
incredulity"; and in almost every field of human thought, ***o"«**t 
in science and invention, in literature and art, in religion 
and philosophy, in economics, as in politics, administration, 
and law, the spirit he thus expressed made its way. Believed 
from the long burden of the war, m«n turned with greater 
eagerness to the new activities opened to intellect. Under 
Voltaire's ascendancy skepticism contended for the first time 

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on equal terms with superstition. The Encyclopcdie of 
Diderot and his colleagues, then completed, diffused knowl- 
edge and ideas of the new crusade wherever it penetrated. 
1763 Bousseau's Contrat Social, which appeared in the year of 

the peace, attacked the citadel of a society organized on the 
basis of aristocratic privilege. The foundations of that edifice 
had long since been undermined by such books as Montes- 
quieu's Spirit of the Laws, supporting and supported by the 
earlier arguments and theories of English political philoso- 
phers such as Hobbes and Locke. Influenced by these more 
famous works or by the currents of the time, a crowd of 
lesser writers brought the new doctrines home to thousands 
untouched by prof ounder thinkers. Thus the works of Italian 
poets and philosophers — ^Beccaria's study of Crimes and Pun- 
ishments, the political teachings of Burlamaqui, the dramas 
of Alfieri — ^were reinforced by the open defense of democracy 
from the pens of obscure forerunners of revolution. And these 
found readers and believers not alone in Europe but through- 
out her colonies, preparing the way for wide acceptance of 
the theory of ''natural'* rights and popular government. 
Economic While the fetters of human thought were being loosed, 
progress j^^^ wajs were being opened for it to tread. In France the 
Physiocrats pleaded for the emancipation of industry, the 
freedom and improvement of the land; and liberal adminis- 
trators like Turgot began to put their principles into practice. 
In England, Adam Smith was formulating the doctrines of 
his Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of 
Nations. Such work was to alter all economic thought, 
loosen the bonds which hampered commerce, and extend to 
the province of government the methods and ideas which made 
possible a further advance in other departments of intellectual 
activity. There, too, while enlightened individuals were inter- 
esting themselves in that scientific study of agriculture and 
cattle-raising which was to multiply the resources of mankind, 
inventors, like Arkwright and Hargreaves, with their spinning 
machinery, and Watt, with his improved steam-engine ; Brind- 
ley with his canals; the road builders, the potters, the iron- 
workers ; revolutionized the industry and the communications 

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of the people which was even then beginning to take the 
lead in the impending material revolution of the worid. 

Pure science made no less advance, for in those same years Science 
were laid the foundations of the study of gasesi^ of electricity, 
and of heat, which gave fresh impulse to the study of physics 
and of chemistry. Literature reflected the spirit of the times. 
The revival of criticism, the rise of a natural and a romantic 
school, opposed to the classic and formal canons of the passing 
age, were no less symptomatic of the altering tastes and 
standards of the age than the '^ return to nature,'' evidenced 
simultaneously in fields so widely different as art and political 
philosophy. ** Everything I see," wrote Voltaire in the 
year following the peace, 'Ms scattering the seeds of a revolu- 
tion, which will come inevitably. Light has so spread from 
neighbor to neighbor that on the first occasion it will kindle 
and burst forth. Happy the young for their eyes shall see 
it I" 

It was but natural that an era of political reorganization The en- 
should follow the peace. It was no less natural that, in the ^****^^ 
face of the movement in other fields, this should be affected 
in greater or less degree by the prevailing spirit of the times. 
As a result, throughout the continent a new race of rulers 
arose — the enlightened despots. These, converted by the cur- 
rent scientific and social ideas to the belief that tlifiiiUjunEer 
broui2[ht with it duties and responsib ilitifta ar wftll ^r privi, 
leges, undertook to repair not only the ravages of war but 
those long-standing abuses of administration which had 
weakened the resources of their states. They endeavored no 
less to improve the material welfare of their subjects, as 
prudent landlords of vast estates might have cared for their 
tenants. The great Frederick, turning to the arts of peace, 
revised the laws, reformed the courts, encouraged immigra- 
tion and agriculture, with an energy and ability no less con- 
siderable than he had shown in war and diplomacy — and with 
results certainly more beneficial to mankind and at least as 
valuable to his subjects as his conquests. His old antagonist, 
Maria Theresa, and still more her son, the future Emperor 
Joseph n, entered on the field of legal and administrative 

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reform with no less zeal. And in like kind, if varying degree, 
the rulers of nearly all the greater autocratic states through- 
out the continent, followed the lead thus set, as an era of 
better institutions and more intelligent administration began 
to dawn. 
Catherine Its most conspicuous expression was in the east. There 
ire^^e**^* Russia, under her great, bad Empress Catherine, revised her 
laws and reformed her administration after the most approved 
fashion of enlightened despotism. At her court the liberal 
notions of western Europe presented a curious contrast to 
the imperfectly civilized masses of a great part of her pos- 
sessions. The admirer of Voltaire, the friend of Diderot^ 
Catherine secularized the property of the church while with 
cynical toleration she allowed the Jesuits to settle at one end 
of her dominions and the Tartars to build mosques at the 
other. Science she favored more sincerely, and while the 
children of Louis XY and Charles III died of smallpox, the 
Russian empress became the first subject in her empire of 
the newly discovered treatment by vaccination. Like Fred- 
erick the Great, she brought the persecuted of Germany to 
people her unoccupied lands. The vast steppes of the Volga 
and the Ukraine, the Cossack hetmanates of Little Russia, 
the Zaporogian "setcha,'* were invaded by the settlers from 
the west; and colonization pushed eastward the limits of 
actual European settlement till the land was dotted with two 
hundred new towns which owed their beginnings to her far- 
sighted policy. 
Poland Yet this peaceful and beneficent progress was eclipsed in 

the eyes of the world outside by the expansion of her political 
power with which it was accompanied. In that field, at least, 
Russia, like Prussia and Austria, showed that the most ad- 
vanced ideas of the eighteenth century renaissance were quite 
compatible with the most selfish diplomacy. On her western 
border lay the ancient kingdom of Poland, anarchic in its 
constitution, medissval in its conception of religion and of 
war. Its monarchy was elective. Political authority, such 
as there was, rested for the most part in the hands of a proud 
and intractable nobility controlling a Diet, where by a triumph 

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of fatuous imbecflity, one vote could block all action. The 
Polish population, divided between lords and serfs, Greek 
and Roman Catholics, Poles and Lithuanians, lacked the 
steadying influence of a middle class, and offered a fertile 
field for intestine feud. 

Amid such confusion the liberal element strove to alter The first 
the constitution, give the king more power, and abolish the JJ poi^nd 
liberum veto which paralyzed the action of the Diet. Had 
it succeeded, Poland might still have a part in European 
councils. But Russia took advantage of the situation thus 
created to form a party in the state, which, under guise of 
preserving the old constitution, fomented the quarrel it pro- 
fessed to check. Its candidate, Stanislaus Poniatowski, was 
elected king. Religious and political discord increased; and, 
within three years, the Roman Catholics formed the Confed- 
eracy of Bar against their fellow-countrymen of the Eastern 
Church, backed by the Russian power. When the inevitable 
civil war broke out, Russia, Austria, and Prussia intervened. 
The French minister, Choiseul, almost alone among European 
statesmen, strove to save Poland from her fate, and strove 
in vain. Only the Turks responded to a call for aid, and 
they soon felt the weight of Russian arms. For five years 
the unequal confiict went on, but the end was determined 
from the first. Polish power was overthrown, and ten years i77»^ 
after the great peace, the Polish Diet was compelled to accept 
a treaty which robbed Poland of a great part of her territory 
and sealed her fate as a nation. Austria took Qalicia and 
the south. Prussia united the Polish lands from which her 
king took his title to her Brandenburg electorate ; and Russia, 
advancing her borders to the Dwina, absorbed old Lithuania. 
A year later the war with the Turks came to a triumphant 
close. The Treaty of Eutschuk Eainardji brought the Tar- 1774 
tars of Crimea and Eouban under the Russian rule, which 
now stretched from the Dnieper on the west to the Caucasus 
on the south, and embraced the long coveted northern shore 
of the Black Sea and the navigation of its waters, with the 
protectorate of the Danubian principalities, Moldavia and 

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Results of 
the peace 
on the 


— Pombal 

Yet, great as were the changes wrought in the boundaries 
and the administration of Europe during the decade which 
followed the Peace of Paris, it was but natural that the 
alterations in those states which held lands beyond the sea, 
and the effect upon those extra-European lands, should be 
greater still. 

For to all the colonial powers save one, that period 
was peculiarly significant. Holland alone, having taken 
no part in the war, had no voice in the peace. Sunk 
in commercial lethargy, she remained relatively insensi- 
ble to the political changes then taking place about 
her. Neither in her internal nor in her colonial affairs 
did she alter her course to suit the current of the times; 
and, though still the refuge of the intellectually and 
politically oppressed, she shared but little in the movements 
in those fields which were absorbing the interest of her 

Far different was the case of Portugal. There her greatest 
minister in modem times, Sebastian de Carvalho, later and 
better known as Marquis of Pombal, had striven for many 
years and with no small measure of success to raise the state 
to something of its former eminence. He had checked the 
power of the Inquisition and reorganized finance, re-estab- 
lished the navy, and founded a police. Seeking new springs 
of wealth and enterprise abroad, he set up trading com- 
panies to exploit the riches of Brazil, and moved the capital 
from Bahia to Bio Janeiro. Nor were the indirect results 
of his activities of less importance than their immediate 
effect. In pursuance of his projects he freed the slaves in 
a great part of the colony and negotiated the transfer of 
the Jesuit "reductions" in Paraguay from Spain to Portugal. 
This led him into conflict with that powerful society; and 
to curb its strength, thrown against him and the king, he 
expelled the Jesuit confessors from the court. A ''visitor,'' 
appointed by the Pope, checked their activities in trade ; and, 
finally, following an attack upon the king, in which they were 
suspected of a share, the order was driven from Portugal and 
her colonies. 

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Scarcely was the Peace of Paris signed when the attack The fall 
upon the Jesuits was taken up by France. There Choiseul, j's^uUs 
laboring to repair the results of his own restless diplomacy --Choiseul 
and restore his country's lost prestige, was busy reorganizing ^'^^^'^^ 
affairs at home and gathering up the remnants of power 
abroad. In the face of debts which drove her financiers to 
desperation, of royal extravagance and official maladministra- 
tion which sapped the foundations of the state, he still 
dreamed of future greatness and revenge. His emissaries 
strove, and not without success, to maintain the ascendancy 
of French diplomacy in European courts. Punitive expedi- 
tions against the pirates of Tunis and Biserta, the strengthen- 
ing of French influence in Egypt and the Levant, the renewal 
of friendly relations with the Turks, revived the dreams of 
a French Mediterranean; and these were magnified by the 
purchase of Corsica, which was in revolt against her suzerain, 1768 
Qenoa. Meanwhile, he planned commercial conquest in the 
west. The Family Compact which gave to France trading 
concessions in the Spanish colonies, the islands which re- 
mained, and a new settlement of Kouron in French Guiana — 
now re-named Equinoctial France — on which he spent thou- 
sands of lives and millions of francs, were made the basis 
for a project of a new colonial empire to replace the one 
just lost. 

Here, like Pombal, he trenched upon the Jesuits. The 
failure of their factor in Martinique, and the repudiation of 
his debts by the society, with the consequent losses to mer- 
chants in the south of France, led to an attack which drove 
the society from French soil. The other Bourbon powers 
followed the lead thus given, and Spain, Naples, and Parma, 
in turn, expelled it from their borders. For a time the 
Papacy held firm, but when it gave way the order which 
would not bend was broken. To the appeals for reform, 
the haughty answer of its general, '*Si nt ut sunt, aut non 
sint," '*Let them be as they are or cease to be,'* became a 
classic of conservatism. The retort was swift and decisive. 
Ten years after the peace, Clement XIV in a famous bull, 1773 
Dominus ac Redemptor, decreed the dissolution of the great 

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of the 

The causes 
of their 




organization, which, though it was to continue in different 
hands and under various names, thenceforth no longer filled 
the place in the world's affairs which it had occupied for 
two eventful centuries. 

Nothing was more symbolic of the period upon which 
Europe was entering than the suppression of the Jesuits. 
For two hundred years they had been a power throughout 
the European world. A bulwark against the Protestant 
Revolt, their schools had covered the continent. The pioneers 
of the faith, their missions had reached the farthest comers 
of the earth. In face of fearful persecution and tremendous 
obstacles their undaunted agents had preached the doctrines 
of the church through crowded centers of the East, as throu^ 
the trackless plains and forests of the West, with equal devo- 
tion and success. Their schoolmasters and niiasionaries were 
alike the admiration and despair of their rivals ; and, had the 
order been content with spiritual triumphs, it might well 
have kept its place. 

But the Jesuits had developed a system of casuistry reck- 
oned dangerous to society, no less inside the church than out. 
They had entered politics. Their confessors had gained the 
ear of kings. Their emissaries had embarked in temporal 
affairs, entered trade, founded a state; and had become so 
all-pervasive and so powerful that the most Catholic of gov- 
ernments, even the church itself, came to regard them as a 
menace. It was the irony of changing circumstance that 
the order should receive its first reverse at the hand of that 
power under whose auspices its first missionary had sailed 
upon his first crusade. It was even more significant that 
its downfall came through its commercial enterprise. The 
charges of asceticism, obscurantism, formalism, absolutism, 
leveled against it by the newer schools of thought, had proved 
as impotent as in Pascal's time to break its power. These the 
Jesuits had endured with equanimity for two centuries; 
their competition in trade ruined them in a generation. 
- Upon no state did the combined effect of war and the 
expulsion of the Jesuits fall with greater force than on 
Spain, and it was fortunate for her at this crucial time that 

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she had an enlightened king and a great minister. Charles 
III had long since embarked on a liberal career; but his path 
had been beset with difficulties of no ordinary sort, for he 
had been hampered by the past and by the church. Yet 
even in his backward land the ii^fluence of each was 
weakening. When he called the Count d'Aranda to the 
ministry to check disturbances following the war, he found 
in him an able and adroit lieutenant at whose hands the 
whole Spanish world was inspired with unusual activity. At 
first, indeed, the situation seemed precarious. By the ac- 
quisition of Louisiana, which she had received in compensa- 1709 
tion for her loss of Florida, Spain had apparently been 
strengthened in territory, wealth, and imperial possibilities. 
But her new French subjects were far from being reconciled 
to this change of masters, while the severity of their first 
governor so antagonized them that within five years they had 
rebelled and set up a republic of their own, from which they 
were only recovered by stress of force. 

Bad as this was, the commercial situation created or ag- Reorgan- 
gravated by the war was still more serious. While the ^hoT 
English had held Havana, its harbor had been crowded with colonial 
their ships. The peace which legalized their cutting of "y***™ 
mahogany in Honduras, kept open by that concession the 
door for smuggling into Mexico, which had long been used 
by them. There, as elsewhere, the slight trade which Spain 
had hitherto maintained with difficulty in competition with 
foreign contraband seemed now about to disappear. The 
king, who had already tried to lift those outworn restrictions 
80 long and zealously enforced by his people, so long and so 
successfully evaded by their enemies,* had been defeated in 
his plans by the threatened bankruptcy of Cadiz, which still 
enjoyed her old monopoly. But this new crisis left no choice, 
and his wise policy was now revived. 

Beginning with the least valued districts like Cuba, re- 
strictions were slowly and grudgingly removed. New ports 
in Spain were opened to colonial trade; and, starting with 
New Orleans, commercial privileges were gradually extended 
to the other ports in the New World. The ban on intercolonial 

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traffic was removed, untU within ten years Spain's trade 
with her colonies, despite the failure of the companies formed 
to handle it, began to rival that in smuggled merchandise for 
the first time in at least two hundred years. The great 
revival did not end with this. New methods for extracting 
precious metals, and new mines increased the wealth derived 
from that source. New territories were occupied, as at either, 
extremity of empire, Texas and Patagonia, settlements were 
begun; and, still beyond, steps were taken to occupy the 
Falkland Islands. No less were measures put into effect to 
spread Spain's civilization with her power. Orders were 
issued to enforce her language throughout New Spain, to 
unify its divergent elements and link them more closely to 
each other and to the government. Amid such varied activi- 
ties a more liberal regime began for Portugal and Spain 
in the New World as in the old; and, had it not been for 
circumstances outside the sphere of their own influence, these 
measures might have not merely revived but perpetuated their 
authority indefinitely. 

Such were the dominant forces at work accomplishing the 
revolution in affairs which accompanied and followed the 
Peace of Paris. At the moment, indeed, the dramatic circum- 
stances of war and diplomacy, the removal of French power 
from India and America, the fall of the Jesuits, and the 
partition of Poland, filled the public mind to the exclusion 
of less spectacular developments. Yet beneath the shadow 
of these great catastrophes lay still more pregnant forces, 
as science, invention, and philosophy combined lo shift the 
weight of industry and thought to an unstable equilibrium, 
where a touch would be sufficient to overthrow the old estab- 
lishment which seemed so secure. No order arose to take the 
place of the proscribed society, no new state sprang from the 
ruins of Poland. But as the new thought made its way into 
the minds of men, as the vigorous despotism of imperial 
Russia replaced Polish anarchy and Turkish autocracy, and 
European boundaries of intellect and politics broadened, it 
was apparent that forces were at work more formidable by 
far than the systems they replaced. Men still spoke, indeed, 

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the language of the old regime, but they were preparing to 
translate it into the doctrines and the actions of a rapidly 
altering society. And among the infinite, scarcely perceptible 
signs of coming change, none was more evident, to all but The 
those most interested, than the situation in that power, which, ^^^^ 
for the moment, seemed most prosperous and secure, — the 
British Empire. 

If the great peace, amid its losses and its gains, brought 
grave problems to almost every continental state, its heaviest 
burdens fell upon the nation which reaped its greatest 
benefits ; and its affairs became, in consequence, of paramount 
importance in world politics. Prom the war England emerged 
the dominant colonial power of the world. Not in extent, 
perhaps, nor in mere numbers, was she pre-eminent, for the 
huge Spanish domain, stretching along the Pacific from the 
Antarctic to the Arctic zone and half across two continents, 
rivaled her in both area and population and exceeded her 
possessions in immediate wealth. But in the deeper sources 
of imperial strength ; the mastery of the sea, the widest lands 
available for European settlement, the richest trade, the its extent 
largest group of European colonists, and possibilities of de- in 1763 
velopment, she stood almost alone. In India the French 
regained their factories ; but power and prestige remained in 
England's hands, and she became the heir-presumptive to 
that huge peninsula. In Africa she gave up Goree for Sene- 
gal; in Europe, Belle Isle for Minorca, strengthening her 
position in each case. Even in the West Indies, where 
she had made extraordinary, and as it seemed to many, un- 
necessary concessions for the sake of peace, she remained only 
second in importance to Spain. In North America, despite 
Spanish territorial preponderance, the vast areas east of the 
Mississippi and north of the Great Lakes offered sufficient 
field for even English ambitions. When, three years before, 
Pitt, to whom her victories were so largely due, brought to 
the young Prince George the news of his accession to the 
throne, he might well have echoed Cortez' proud boast that 
he gave the new sovereign more kingdoms than his father 
left him provinces. But that moment had marked the height 

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of England's power; though the peace had registered, it had 
not increased her gains, and almost before it was ratified her 
position had begun to change. 
£nffiand*s That it altered so suddenly was due to her domestic politics. 
Siar ct* Differing in so many ways from her European neighbors, 
and England's variation from the continental type was never 

situation jx^ore pronounced than at this time. Many of the movements 
which slowly revolutionized their thought through the first 
half of the eighteenth century had met small response from 
her. Nor was this remarkable. The doctrines of Voltaire 
and of Rousseau found the less welcome at her hands since 
the conditions they attacked played such small part in her 
affairs. However defective her political system appears to 
modern eyes, accustomed to broader and more uniform rights, 
England had gone so far along the path of personal liberty 
and representative government that preachers of change 
abroad found texts for their homilies in her institutions. No 
small number of the ideas then afloat in liberal circles on 
the continent owed their origin to English thought. No small 
number of the reforms demanded by them had long been the 
commonplaces of English practice. England had, indeed, 
a king, but arbitrary power had long since fallen from his 
hands. She had an aristocracy, but no well-nigh insuperable 
barriers, as abroad, divided it from the lower orders of society. 
Its ranks were open to talent, its younger sons were reckoned 
commoners, and it lacked at once the personal privilege and 
the feudal rights still recognized on the continent. English 
political power was vested in a Parliament whose lower and 
elective House controlled the purse, with all that such control 
implied. Though by this arrangement the nation lost in effi- 
ciency something of what it gained in liberty, the gain was 
reckoned greater than the loss ; and when, as during the late 
war, the parts of its system worked in harmony or were 
dominated by a master spirit, its weakness nowhere appeared. 
Yet, with all this, England was almost as far from democ- 
racy as from tyranny. Her system and ideals were those 
of an aristocracy. Her close and illogical borough representa- 
tion, which controlled the lower House, rigid, unequal, and 

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corrupt, reflected the spirit and practice of an earlier age. 
Land still remained the touchstone of social and political 
privilege, and the wealth of trade found its admission into 
society and politics only through the narrow gate of a con- 
nection with the ruling influences. The artisan and farm 
laborer, sailor and shopkeeper, the great majority of Eng- 
lishmen in fact, found small part or none in public life, for 
political power was still monopolized by the upper classes 
none the less because it was clothed in popular forms. 

One feature above all others marked a further difference Govern- 
between England and her more arbitrary contemporaries. ^*J^^^**** 
Her government, like her success in war, was largely de- 
pendent on a favoring balance of forces and the coincidence 
of their strength, no less in her imperial than in her domestic 
concerns. At no time was this more evident than now, for 
her political organization, as well as her far-reaching con- 
quests, made the problem which confronted her not merely 
greater than that of her rivals, but infinitely more complex. 
Different as Mexico, the West Indies, and the Philippines 
were from each other, the issues and methods of their govern- 
ment were not unlike. But England ruled a trading com- 
pany's territories in East India, the newly won and disaf- 
fected French of Canada, West Indian planters, widely scat- 
tered fortresses and posts throughout the world, huge savage 
areas, above all a group of self-governing colonies of Euro- 
pean blood — a vast inheritance of divergent interests, for 
which, unlike the continental states, she had no centralized 
administrative machinery. To a colonial council as to un- 
limited royal power she was as much a stranger as to great 
standing armies and religious persecution. In India a 
decadent company, and in the rest an authority divided be- 
tween crown, ministers, Parliament, and a somnolent Board 
of Trade and Plantations, alternatdy aided and embarassed 
by active and jealous provincial assemblies in many of her 
American colonies, made up an administrative complex un- 
paralleled in history. 

In some degree this lack of centralized control had long TheWhlM 
been partially supplied, partly concealed, by the supremacy i^®®-!'''^^ 

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of a political association within the state. Seventy years 
earlier the Whigs had driven James II from the throne, and 
since that time the chief thread of continuity in English 
politics had been the Whig ascendancy. Supported by the 
Hanoverian house which they had called to the throne, their 
power rested on a Parliament which they had made supreme, 
even over the cro\m itself; since the practice of choosing 
ministers from the party holding a majority in the lower 
House, and the withdrawal of the sovereign from the min- 
isterial council or cabinet, made it the real executive. Their 
practices no less than their policy gave them control of this 
majority. Their widespread, ably administered political 
organization, headed by a close-knit oligarchy of high nobility, 
was constantly recruited by popular leaders chosen for po- 
litical ability from the ambitious talent of the nation, which 
saw in Whig favor the only open way to high preferment. 
Below these stood a great array of placemen and pensioners, 
officers and officials, which royal aid and parliamentary con- 
trol enabled them to nominate. The narrow, unequal, often 
corrupt electoral system which they maintained in all its 
outworn form with great tenacity, offered a fertile field for 
the political manipulation which contributed to their hold 
on Parliament. 
Whig For popular support, beyond these elements, they relied 

V^^cy chiefly on the commercial, Nonconformist interest, attracted 
by their principles and their policy. Their principles were, 
indeed, their chief claim to greatness. Devotion to a parlia- 
' mentary and a Protestant supremacy, freedom from royal 
and military dominance, virtual religious tolerance, and those 
private rights expressed in jury trial and free speech, habeas 
corpus, and an independent judiciary, made them the most 
enlightened party of their time. Their narrow and selfish 
economic policy differed from that of the continent chiefly 
in its superior measure of success, due to England's naval 
supremacy. Restricting British sea-borne trade to British 
ships, and manufacturing to British soil, confining colonial 
production to raw materials or those ill-suited to the British 
climate, it partook of that most stringent form of high pro- 

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tection known as the mercantile system. On the political 
side. Whig imperial policy was far more liberal. Subject 
to supervision of the home government and to the law-making 
power of Parliament, it allowed the English colonists the 
right to legislate upon their own affairs, and freed them 
from imperial taxation, save for customs on certain ar- 
ticles — ^imposed for the purpose of regulating trade, and 
not for revenue — ^in return for supplementing English 
power with money and troops required in time of colonial 

By such means the Whigs strove to make England not 
merely the legislator and defender of the Empire, but its 
factory, its market-place, its nursery for seamen, and, above 
all, perhaps, its treasury — a reservoir of wealth and power, 
easily accessible to taxation, which would have been difficult 
and might have been impossible to impose directly on distant 
colonies and dependencies. ^To this imperial policy their 
diplomacy contributed its share. Under their rule no war 
was fought, no peace was signed, without some gain to British 
trade, if not to territory. With the triumphs of the Seven 
Years' War this party, whose parallel Europe had scarcely 
seen, save for the Venetian Council of Ten, to which they 
were sometimes compared, reached the grand climacteric of 
its long career. 

It is small wonder that when, three years before the peace, George ill 
the young king, George III, came to the throne, Whig domina- 1760-1820 
tion seemed to him the chief problem of politics. He had been 
estranged from his grandfather, the Whig George II; and 
the doctrines of Bolingbroke's Patriot King, the lectures of 
the great jurist, Blackstone, combined with the teachings of 
his mother and those around him to instil his mind with Tory 
principles. In the spirit of enlightened despotism as applied 
to English conditions, he conceived a king ruling through 
Parliament, forming a party there to support ministers chosen 
by the crown, and governing by the same means which had 
kept the Whig oligarchy in power. Well educated, with 
strong if narrow intelligence, an unusual aptitude for 
politics, conscientious, industrious, virtuous, with the stub- 

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bom courage of his house, he set himself to replace Whig 
supremacy with that of the crown, 
tree 111 In the situation of affairs the struggle between the king 
^."* and the oligarchy became an event of more than English, 
iTGoS more even than European significance. It was not merely 
a conflict between two parties and two theories of govern- 
ment. Events were soon to prove that it involved the destinie 
of the whole European world. To its conduct the king 
brought certain advantages. Unlike his predecessors he was 
English bom. He adopted Whig policies. Save for the ques- 
tion of the position of the crown, he was aided at once 
by the considerable element in the nation opposed to Whig 
domination, and by the factions which too long continuance 
in power had bred in the ranks of the raling party itself. 
He chose his position, moreover, with skill, and, avoiding 
the issue of principle, attacked the oligarchy on its weakest 
side, its practices. As the European war dragged to a close, 
the English monarch resumed the royal patronage, replaced 
Whig placemen with his own followers, built up a party in 
Parliament, disputed control of the electorate, and fomented 
dissension among the Whigs. Pitt was driven from office by 
the ''silken barons" of the oligarchy, with whom he had 
long been at feud. The king forced their leader, the Duke 
of Newcastle, to resign by depriving him of his political 
patronage; and called his own tutor and favorite, the Tory 
Bute, to take his place. This done, he enlisted the chief Whig 
manipulator, Fox, and combined his forces with such effect 
that the Commons, which had followed Pitt to war, now, in 
the face of his fiery eloquence, voted five to one to bring the 
conflict to an end. Such was the flrst European result of the 
struggle between the English crown and the Whig Party. 
The faU of This was not the only effect of the flrst years of George 
^«Whig Ill's activity. Under the pressure of the crown and the 
170^ disintegrating forces in itd own ranks came the disruption 

of that great political connection which had so long directed 
the destinies of England. Party gave way to groups. Pitt, 
1770 Grenville, Bedford, Rockingham, led separate foUowings, 

hating each other no less than the common enemy; while. 

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with a composite following from the rival camps, the king 
was enabled to divide and rule by the same means the oli- 
garchs had employed. Bute was driven from place by his 
unpopularity. The Whig George Grenville became prime min- 
ister; and his administration, following the peace, began a 
new era of English politics. It was far more than a change 
of ministry. Upon this state where power still hung unde- 
termined in an unstable equilibrium of shifting groups there 
fell the burden of remodeling an empire, already stirring in 
a vague unrest. 

Between Grenville 's uninspiring talent for finance and Grenyme 
Pitt's more dazzling gifts there lay a gulf which typified the i'^^-* 
altered situation of world politics, as armed confiict gave 
way to payment of the debts it had incurred and organiza- 
tion of the territories which had changed hands. The situa- 
tion of the new minister was difficult in the extreme. Without 
Aranda's or Pombal's authority; without the genius of the 
highest statesmanship or an inspiring eloquence; hampered 
by the exigencies of domestic politics, — ^where a mishandled 
controversy with the adventurer Wilkes grew to a quarrel 
over popular liberties, — in full accord neither with his own 
party nor the king, this first of English imperial financiers 
addressed his thankless task. His earliest duty was to the 
newly conquered lands, and even before the peace was signed 
a royal proclamation organized the new territories in America ; 
where four governments, Quebec, East and West Florida, i76»-s 
and Grenada, were set up with royal officials. To Nova 
Scotia were annexed the adjacent islands and mainland; to 
Grenada the unorganized islands of the West Indian archi- 
pelago. The Georgia line was carried south to Florida ; and, 
' in apparent contradiction of the older colonies' chartered 
rights, the lands west of the Alleghanies were erected into 
an Indian reservation, and white settlement forbidden there 
for the time being. New officials were named for colonial 
offices, and England embarked upon a policy which looked 
toward greater imperial unity. 

Scarcely was it in train when at both extremities of the 
empire the eternal question of defense was raised in its acutest 

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The form. In North America an Algonquin chief, Pontiac, inspired 

to^riS^' by thehope of aiding his old friends the French, and check- 
defense ing the English occupation of the west, formed a confederacy 
^^^ of the western tribes, seized the outlying posts, raided the 

border, and laid siege to Detroit. At the same moment war 
broke out in India. There Mir Cossim, the Nawab of Bengal, 
failing to meet the demands of the Company, to which he 
owed his throne, rebelled against its authority. For months 
both situations remained dangerous. In North America 
troops hurried to the front. The influence of the great Indian 
agent. Sir William Johnson, held the Six Nations to their 
allegiance. The posts were retaken. Detroit, after the longest 
siege in border history, was relieved. Pontiac was compelled 
to take refuge with tribes farther west; and the frontier 
resumed uneasy peace. At the same time in India, Mir 
Cossim was deposed, defeated by the forces of the Company, 
and deprived of all his fortresses save Patna. Putting to 
death his English prisoners there, he fled to Oudh, whose 
nawab, Sujah Dowlah, had already joined forces with the 
Mogul Emperor, Shah Alam II. The three rulers, marching 
1764 against the English, were overwhelmingly defeated at Baxar, 

the Emperor sought protection in the English camp, and 
Oudh was overrun by the Company's troops. Thus, at the 
very moment of her triumph over France, the problem of 
guarding her far-flung frontier was thrust violently on Eng- 
land's attention. 
Imperial With it were bound up other interests, growing largely 

finance ^^^ ^^ ^^^^1 conflict. Pitt had made war regardless of ex- 
pense, with such effect that England's national debt had 
doubled in five years, its interest charges alone equaling the 
whole cost of government not many years before. Despite 
her territorial expansion, the increase of her potential 
strength, and her immediate commercial prosperity, Eng- 
land's available resources had not multiplied proportionately 
to the new demands; and her eight million people who en- 
dured this fresh burden were weary of its i^eight. That 
feeling had contributed no small part to the majority against 
continuance of the glorious but extravagant war which pro- 

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dnced it. In relation to their numbers it was as heavy as 
that of France, now staggering on to national bankruptcy. 
It was not lightened by the new problems of administration 
and defense; and beside these two perplexing questions^ it 
forced on the embarrassed ministry a third, and even more 
pressing exigency, that of taxation. 

It is small wonder that in this crisis their eyes turned to America 
the American colonies. There the triple problem of empire 
was revealed in its most concrete form. There lay a popu- 
lation of a million and a half, with half a million slaves, 
possessed of vast natural resources, enjoying most of the 
benefits of the imperial bond, with few or none of its burdens 
or responsibilities, its taxes scarce a fiftieth of those levied 
on Englishmen at home. Colonial frontiers and commerce 
were guarded by British arms. Imperial markets wQre open 
to their goods; and their sole contribution to the support of 
the imperial establishment lay in paying their own judges 
and governors, in the indirect profits of their trade, and in 
the money and men which their own interest no less than 
that of the mother country impelled them to lend to colonial 
wars. They were singularly privileged to conduct their own . 
political affairs, with a minimum of interference from the 
sovereign power, as compared with other European de- 
pendencies. At the same time no small part of their wealth, 
especially that of the New England provinces, was derived 
from almost open violation of the laws which professed to 
regulate imperial commerce; and, economically, no less than 
politically, they were the freest of European colonies. 

Such was the situation as it appeared to English eyes. 
Was it too much to ask, in this emergency, that the colonists, 
like Englishmen, should contribute to imperial defense within 
their borders, and obey their countrjr's laws? To the min- 
isters, and to most Englishmen beside, the question seemed 
one of administration and finance, of mutual obligations and 
responsibilities, of laws and charters, to be arranged, as such 
matters had always been, by Parliament. Only here and 
there an unregarded prophet foresaw that this apparently 
simple question touched the very heart of things, and brought 

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to an issue of legislation what might better have been allowed 
to rest undetermined. The attempt to define what was in 

the nature of things undefinable, was but too apt to rouse th^ 
long-repressed rivalry of two great societies. And, viewed in 
another light, this extension of administrative reorganization 

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to America, however consonant it was to the spirit of enlight- 
ened despotism then making way upon the continent, seemed 
to American minds to savor rather more of despotism than of 

For the American colonies were no longer what they had strength 
been even two generations earlier, and what most English- character 
men doubtless still conceived them to be. Strengthened in of the 
numbers by immigration and the naturally rapid increase of ^"f^jeg 
a pioneer society ; favored by nature and the salutary neglect 
of successive ministries, which had left them free to exercise 
their abilities in nearly every direction, the feeble frontier 
settlements had developed into a powerful community, well 
on its way to nationality. They still lacked, indeed, many 
characteristics of the European world; its greater social and 
industrial complexity; its powerful aristocratic and financial 
interests; but even here they had made beginnings. Still 
more they lacked the old world's literature and art, its music 
and drama, its educational facilities, its science and inven- 
tion, though these, too, were not wholly wanting. The pioneer 
still held large place in their affairs; the soil was still their 
principal source of wealth. Greater equality of opportunity 
with greater freedom in society, the simpler means and man- 
ners of a new community in a state of rapid development, 
made them like and yet different from the society whence 
they sprung. Though far removed from the conditions of 
the tropical dependencies of the European powers, and with 
their various elements and possibilities not yet welded into 
a homogeneous whole, they were a people but not yet a 
nation, much less a state. 

Yet many of the differences between the old-world order 
and the new were already fast disappearing in the longer 
settled colonies. There, on every hand, was rising an aris- 
tocracy of wealth from land and trade, not unlike that which 
had established itself in England. Statelier houses, finer 
furnishings and clothes, books, pictures, evidences of taste, 
among the northern merchants and southern planters, re- 
vealed growing resemblances to the older society and increas- 
ing inequalities in the new. These were but reflections of 

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progress in the economic field. Shipyards and little fac- 
tories; mines and metal works; with handicrafts of many 
sorts, proclaimed an emergence from the pioneer and agricul- 
tural to the industrial stage. Newspapers and lawyers' 
ofSces, schools and colleges, in increasing numbers sprang up 
to meet the demands of altering circumstances in a com- 
munity continually recruited by a steady stream of immi- 
grants, reinforcing at once its numbers and variety, and 
strengthening its resources with the chief necessity of a new 
land — stout hearts and willing hands. 

Already it was rising rapidly to a consciousness of its 
strength. The war which freed it from fear of the French 
and relieved it from the consequent close dependence on 
English rule, had contributed much both to its growth and 
its self-confidence. Its commerce flourished as it never had 
before. Its troops fought side by side with English regulars 
on not unequal terms. Their ofScers gained distinction and 
experience; and the colonists rightly regarded Havana and 
Louisburg as their triumphs no less than England's. Most 
of all, American spirit lost something of its provincialism in 
the struggle. Almost for the first time the men of different 
colonies were brought together in a common cause, and an 
impulse was given to new ambitions of more than provincial 
scope. Broader fields than their local assemblies afforded had 
not been altogether wanting hitherto. Some colonists had 
sat on governors' councils; some had held crown ofiSces; a 
few were even now rising to governorships; even more had 
found employment abroad. Many had known the hard 
schooling of popular politics, where leaders fought their way 
to place and power by means still rare in England and 
unknown on the continent. To all, the war had opened 
wider vistas in the prospect of intercolonial activities, which 
not all the efforts of statesmen hitherto had been able to 
effect. Finally the association of the colonists against the 
common enemy, through actual co-operation and the personal 
contact of men from different colonies, became a powerful 
force in the ensuing development, at the same time that the 
failure and incapacity of expeditions like that of Braddock 

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diminished the respect of the colonials for British military 

The situation held another element. Despite what seemed Aristoc- 
to European eyes the simple and more equal conditions of democracy 
a "natural" society, equality was more apparent than real in the 
in most of the colonies; for there was no open way for the ^*®°"^ 
talents in American politics. No insurmountable barriers, 
indeed, divided class from class, no pocket-borough system, 
no vested interest of crown or aristocracy prevailed, save in 
the appointment of royal officials. Yet the colonies were, 
none the less, far from pure democracy, and distinctions 
based on religion or on property were the rule rather than 
the exception in their electorates. Beside the oligarchy cen- 
tering about the governor in nearly every colony, and the 
popular party which found its opportunity in the assemblies, 
each province held an unenfranchised class. Popular leaders, 
ambitious to control the whole machinery of government, 
came into conflict with the entrenched authority of those 
who held ofBce from the crown. And it was no long step 
to oppose the authority which made their rivals' position 
invulnerable, and enlist in their cause the unprivileged classes 
by invoking the vague and powerful watchword of liberty, 
which then, as at all times, meant all things to all men. 
Every colony held a discontented element, social, political, 
economic ; and it needed only a common cause to unite them 
against vested authority in whatever form. 

Such was the condition of the community whose resources Reorgan- 
the English ministry sought to enlist, and over which it ^^^ 
planned to strengthen its hold. The policy was not new, and English 
the results of a century of experiment should have warned ^gt"^* 
the English of its danger. But prudence was not Grenville's 1760-3 
chief characteristic. Before the peace was signed, steps had 
been taken to tighten the reins. To check smuggling the 
revenue forces had been strengthened and the navy enlisted 
in their aid. The duties on molasses and sugar, which, as 
the raw materials for the New England rum distilleries, were 
the chief source of contention, were lowered so as to increase 
revenue and make illicit trade unprofitable. To make royal 

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officials independent of assembly grants, a permanent civ3 
list had been proposed; to guard the frontiers a standing 
army was planned. Finally, to defray the cost of this estab- 
lishment, a stamp tax on legal documents and newspapers 
was suggested for America. 
Colonial Already colonial protests against England's policy had 

1760^3 *^ ^^^ heard. In Boston, James Otis had vainly attacked tbo 
validity of the writs of assistance which enabled the civil 
authorities to call for naval and military aid in searching 
for smuggled goods. In Virginia, another lawyer, Patrick 
Henry, maintained the popular cause against the clergy who 
^ — ^attempted to enforce their legal salary rights. When, follow- 
ing the peace, smuggling felt the pressure of the new meas- 
ures, and (]iua2leiiugL§ct3 were passed to secure provision for 
the troops, not even the trade concessions which accompanied 
them, nor memory of recent appeals for help against Pontiac, 
softened colonial resentment. Though colonial agents, after 
a year's deliberation, offered no alternative save voluntary 
grants from the assemblies, which had already proved unsat- 
isfactory; though the ill-fated measure was passed with '*no 
more interest than a turnpike bill"; though opposition leaders 
like Pitt and Burke voiced no protest and few men thought 
it inexpedient or unjust; the dullest of politicians was soon 
The stamp undeceived. For the Stamp Act supplied what the dissatisfied 
1785 elements in America had lacked, a common ground of opposi- 

tion to the home government and a tangible instance of 

From the first New York and Boston had led in protest 
against the new policy; and scarcely had the Stamp Act 
become a law when the assemblies of Massachusetts and 
Virginia passed vigorous resolutions against it. The vocal 
Colonial elements of society — the lawyers and the press, on whom the 
opposition new tax fell — ^were roused to fury. The interests attacked by 
the customs regulation joined in; clergy and debtors lent 
their voices with those of more unselfish patriots in opposition. 
In vain the ministers pointed out that the new revenue was 
to be spent within and for the colonies, adduced the powers 
of Parliament, the law and custom of colonial rule^ the press- 

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ing exigency of imperial finance. Against them the American 
party of protest appealed to the law of nature and of God, 
to statute and common law, to charters and the inherent right 
of Englishmen not to be taxed without their own consent, 
hinting not indirectly at home rule. More ominous still, they 
began to organize. Almost alone among the opposition 
orators, Colonel Barr£ had protested in debate upon the act; 
hailing the colonists as Sons of Liberty. The phrase crossed 
the Atlantic and spread like wildfire through the colonies. 
Under that name the radical clubs and "caucuses" began 
to coalesce into a national society, reinforced by Masonic 
lodges, fire-companies, groups not hitherto formally organ- 
ized, even by congregations here and there. At once com- 
mittees were appointed to correspond with one another, con- 
cert joint action, and, in brief, to mold resistance. As they 
organized effective protest they became a power in general 
politics, provided popular leaders a wider field of infiuence, 
drew to themselves the discontented in every colony, and 
proceeded to the control of local, then of provincial govern- 
ment, thus forming the nucleus of a revolutionary force. 

Under such circumstances and in such hands words passed The stamp 
to deeds. The stamp distributors were driven to resign. ^55^****^ 
Stamps were destroyed or kept from circulation. Biots broke 
out and property was destroyed ; while town after town saw 
a new emblem rise on its central green, the liberty tree or 
pole, where radical eloquence coined a new language of 
resistance to tjrranny in speeches against English oppression. 
Measures were taken to check the use of English goods ; and, 
more important still, before the year was out, a congress of 
representatives, for the most part Sons of Liberty, met in 
New York to devise fresh means of opposition to the act. 
In the face of this storm the government seemed powerless; 
the act became inoperative; outrages went unchecked; and 
for the time English authority was at a stand. 

This impotence was not wholly due to the American rad- India 
icals. Coincident with the Stamp Act disturbances the min- ^'*^^'^^ 
istry faced a series of difficulties at home and abroad, of 
which the chief was the situation in India demanding imme- 

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diate attention, and thus preserving the radicals in part from 
the more serious consequences of their acts. The recent gains 
had brought to the East India Company neither wisdom nor 
power competent to cope with the problems raised by the 
results of the war. Corruption and maladministration were 
the first fruits of victory; discord and jealousies weakened 
its counsels. The divided power of the three Indian presi- 
dencies aggravated by quarrels of Directors and Proprie- 
tors at home; the extortion of its agents in India joined 
to the increase of its dividends in the face of a declining 
revenue, had thrown its affairs into politics and finally 
brought them into Parliament for regulation. This was the 
more imperative in that the native princes were meanwhile 
roused to fresh activities. Sujah Dowlah gathered fresh 
forces. The rulers of Berar and Poona widened their bound- 
aries and their pretensions; and though Mahratta and Ro- 
hilla raids were checked, these abetted by the ablest of Indian 
adventurers, Hyder Ali of Mysore, threatened the English 
supremacy on every side. 
Clive Even so the Directors were with di£Sculty compelled to 

1765-67 consent to the despatch of Clive as governor of Bengal to 
save the empire he had won. His brief administration coin- 
cided with the Stamp Act disturbances and was scarcely less 
important in imperial affairs. The mere terror of his name 
brought the ^{asEabjto terms and the emperor to seek his pro- 
tection. As a result, Oudh was secured to Sujah Dowlah on 
payment of indemnityrS^d to the Emperor, Shah Alam, in 
return for a concession of authority, was confirmed a pension 
and a principality; while the possession of his person, still 
sacred to millions, strengthened the Company's prestige. 
Meanwhile, the disaffected ofBcers were overawed, the civil 
and military establishments reformed, salaries raised, presents 
and private trade prohibited. Most important of all, the 
Company secured the dewanee or financial rights in Bengal, 
Orissa, and Behar, and jurisdiction in the north Circars 
under imperial suzerainty; and thus, permitting the native 
rulers to retain their empty titles and dignities, the English 
laid the foundations of their actual sovereignty in the right 

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to tax. With the adoption of this policy, in the days when 
America seemed slipping from English grasp, was India 
preserved by its old conqueror. 

It had been well for England if American affairs, or even Pitt 
domestic politics, could have enlisted such talents as those ^^^^"^^ 
of Clive. But he returned to find a state from which strength 
seemed to have departed. Amid the struggle for supremacy 
between the crown and Whigs, the nation lacked at once a 
leader, a party, and a policy able to save the situation. All 
eyes turned naturally to Pitt, whom the king urged to form 
a ministry. But the great days of the great commoner were 
past Hampered by circumstances alien to his genius, the 
coil of personal politics, and the defects of his (s^n char- 
acter, his efforts and his plans were vain. Still a popular 
idol, he had become an impracticable public man. His pride 
and self-sufl3ciency declined before disease into intolerable 
egotism. His occasional utterances, though they breathed a 
lofty spirit of imperial destinies, did little to solve imperial 
problems, less to heal domestic differences, least of all to 
conciliate the colonies. The eloquence which painted a glit- 
tering bow of promise across the stormy sky did as little to 
diispel its clouds as the projects of the financiers had done to 
find the pot of gold at the political rainbow's end. With 
no responsibilities he harassed those who would have carried 
out the policies he had himself earlier approved, drew 
difficult distinctions between the right to legislate and the 
right to tax, between external and internal revenue, and in 
every way encouraged the colonists to resist. Thus, within 
five years after the signature of a peace which made her 
the dominant power of the colonial world, England found 
herself confronted by a combination of political impotence 
at home and resistance abroad, which threatened at once the 
efficiency of her administration and the integrity of her 

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The focus of the great revolationary movement which was 
sweeping through every department of European life in the 
seventh decade of the eighteenth century was the British 
Empire. There, for the moment, was every element of the 
forces then altering the world to be found in its most sig- 
nificant form. There the Industrial Revolution had begun; 
and the Agricultural Revolution been largely accomplished. 
There the rationalists had established themselves, and the 
new reformation among the Protestant sects found full ex- 
pression. There Adam Smith had commenced those labors 
which were to alter the whole progress of economic thought 
in a nation already set far on the way toward popular gov- 
ernment by the upheavals of the seventeenth century and 
the writings of the school of Locke. There, above all, the 
old school of absolutism, in new guise, stood face to face with 
the advancing power of the people, who, beyond the sea, had 
set up self-governing communities. And there, as a result 
of the activities of George III, the antagonism between the 
old and new had now become acute. 
Repeal of With the collapse of the attempt to impose a stamp tax on 
the^stamp America, and the disorganization of the Whigs under the 
attack of the crown, there had come a moment of political 
anarchy. Ministry dissolved into ministry, like the swift 
changes of a kaleidoscope. Grenville, tormenting his sov- 
ereign by his well-deserved but unpalatable homilies, antag- 
onizing the nation by unpopular taxes and his pursuit of 
1765-6 Wilkes, gave way to Rockingham. The Stamp Act was re- 
pealed; and jubilant America ignored the accompanying 
Declaratory Act, which reafiSrmed the right to tax the colonies, 
and celebrated its victory over the mother country. 


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When Grafton followed Rockingham, with Pitt as the chief Changes 
figure in the ministry, the American agitation gradually died JJJiJJgtiy 
out, and it seemed that all might yet be well. The radicals 1767 
were correspondingly depressed, the ministry encouraged. 
But Pitt became a peer ; his eloquence fell on dull ears among 
the Lords. His health grew worse. First virtually, then 
actually, he withdrew from politics; and the old practices 
revived. The fatal eloquence of an inexperienced Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer, Charles Townshend, moved the Com- The 
mons to lay duties on wines and paper, painters' colors, ^^^ ° 
glass, and tea, a pitiful sum at best, to meet the charges of 1767 
colonial establishment. Writs of assistance were revived; 
revenue cases transferred from provincial courts, where con- 
viction was all but impossible, to admiralty jurisdiction ; and 
customs' commissioners appointed for America. '*A policy," 
said Napoleon, ''may lead to a catastrophe without any real 
crime being committed"; and this was the case of America. 

With the Townshend Acts the hopes of colonial opposition Colonial 
revived. New York, under radical influence, refused pro- J^^Jo^ 
vision for troops quartered there; Massachusetts petitioned 
against the Townshend measures and sent an appeal to the 
other colonies for aid. And even men like Washington, who 
had deprecated the Stamp Act disturbances, now declared 
that no man should hesitate to ''maintain liberty with arms." 
So far had colonial opinion moved. Assemblies were sus- 
pended or dissolved in vain; while non-importation agree- 
ments were renewed in stronger terms, and enforced by the 
radical organization more rigorously than before. In turn 
the English government resorted to more extreme measures 
to compel obedience and suppress disturbances. Parliament 
passed resolutions looking toward the transfer of treason 
trials from colonial to English courts. The Boston revenue 
ofiScers seized the sloop Liberty, owned by John Hancock, a 
rich merchant, friend and follower of the chief radical agi- 
tator, Samuel Adams, and long identified with illicit trade. 
Riots ensued, the officers were defied, and when troops were 
finally despatched from Halifax to enforce order, the town 
denied them quarters. The assembly, refusing to meet under 

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threat of force, moved to Cambridge, and the crisis became 

The Grafton mifiistry at the same moment found itself 
equally unable to advance or retreat. The London mob had 
taken up Wilkes* cause, and was held down only by force. 
That ambitious Indian adventurer, Hyder Ali, threatened 
Madras and Bombay, reducing the Company'^ revenue and 
power in England and India. The inextricable quarrels in 
domestic politics made the situation impossible ; and Grafton, 
in despair, resigned. Chatham endeavored vainly to form 
Lord a ministry; and, as a last resort, the king summoned his 

mcS» friend and follower, Frederick, Lord North, to take the 
difBcult and thankless post of prime minister. 

Seldom has any man been brought to power less willingly 
or under less favorable auspices. Royal assumption of po- 
litical leadership, the perennial Wilkes imbroglio, America 
and India, all presented difficulties of the first magnitude. 
The parliamentary situation was precarious; the popular 
discontent was great; financial questions pressed for solu- 
tion; even the foreign horizon was far from clear. To deal 
with these the minister's following in the House was a 
heterogeneous company. Tories, king's friends, placemen, 
and penisioners, the Bedford Whigs, the old Newcastle fol- 
lowing, and, presently, • on George Grenville's death, his ad- 
herents, made up a restless and ill-assorted majority. Save 
for North himself, his ministry contained scarcely a man 
who had not once been a Whig,--*nd even North had served 
in a Whig government. This was not the least significant 
feature of the times. From his long struggle with the oli- 
garchs the king had now emerged not merely victorious. 
The Whig organization no longer existed. Only a handful 
Of^Chathamites and Rockinghams opposed Lord North's as- 
cendancy. The rest, in large measure, were absorbed in the 
new Tory Party which the king had created, and to. which 
he had ensured a lease of power as long as that which the 
old Whigs had enjoyed. 

Among his motley ministry the new leader stood almost 
alone in his disinterested honesty and ability, perhaps wholly 

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alone in the personal attachment to his sovereign which im- 
pelled him to accept and remain in ofiSce, and which was at 
once his weakness and his strength. Ablest of living English 
financiers, skilled in debate and parliamentary management, 
sensible, sympathetic, humorous, he was both efBcient and 
beloved by the majority of Englishmen, of whose interests 
and opinions for the time he was perhaps the best representa- 
tive. Like them he was committed to the colonial policy of 
the government which he had helped to frame, the regulation 
of imperial affairs, enforcement of the laws at home and 
abroad, defense of the frontiers, the reformation of colonial 
civil service and the East India Company, and the supremacy 
of Parliament and the crown. 

It was peculiarly unfortunate for any man holding these "me 
doctrines that he should come to power at the moment that ^^^ 
the Americans discovered a formidable element opposed at 1760-TO 
almost every point to such a program, and encouraged by 
their previous success, prepared as never before to make their 
opposition effective. In the preceding decade this element had 
made scarcely less headway than the home government in 
formulating its first vague principles into a settled pro- 
gram; and in evolving organization and leadership it had 
accomplished much more. While English administration had 
been disorganized by political dissensions, the colonial 
''Whigs*' or "patriots," as they called themselves, increased 
in numbers, unity, and influence, till, though probably at all 
times a minority, their energy and determination made them 
the dominating factor in American politics. Having gained 
the upper hand in nearly every provincial assembly, they 
had made their partisans colonial agents, and compelled gov- 
ernors and judges to recognize their power. In every district 
their agents and correspondents, spokesmen and newspapers 
enlisted support or silenced opposition by argument or force. 
From legal and constitutional precedent they appealed to a 
higher law, the origin and basis of society itself, and in par- 
ticular, of their own society. Abandoning their earlier 
battle-cry, "no taxation without representation," they repudi- 
ated plans for admitting colonial delegates to Parliament, 

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and claimed for their assemblies equal rights with it under 
the crown. Thus they advanced from the older doctrine of 
parliamentary supremacy across a theory of personal union, 
like that which Scotland enjoyed during the seventeenth 
century, toward independence of all effective control. 

On their side were the doctrines of the rights of man, the 
immeasurable power of the appeal to liberty, the spirit of 
the age, the nature and sentiments of a new society, the 
circumstances of the time. Of these last none wag more 
important than the character of English politics and the men 
who had directed them in the preceding decade, and were 
now in control. Of all the disadvantages under which Eng- 
land labored at the moment, the greatest was the lack of 
men of high statesmanship. It may be doubted whether 
in the state of the colonial mind at the accession of Lord 
North, any concession short of virtual independence would 
have satisfied the great majority of the radicals, as it is 
tolerably certain that anything that the mother country did 
would have been used as capital by the most advanced of 
their leaders at almost any time previous. But there were 
not many men in England, and no man in power there, who 
would have ventured to propose the abandonment of author- 
ity in America. The opinion of the Parliament, which, 
whatever else it did, and however it was composed, repre- 
sented the English people's opinions in the great controversy, 
testified to England's determination to retain her authority 
over the colonies. Chatham and Burke thundered in vain. 
Fox blunted the keen edge of his eloquence on an unyielding 
majority; the opposition could muster more votes on almost 
any other question in politics than on America. Wilkes 
regained his seat in the House against the opposition of the 
court. In the face of its reactionary policy, reforms were 
instituted in many directions; but so long as there was any 
hope at all, England maintained what any nation so situated 
would have demanded — ^predominance over its possessions. 

Meanwhile, from the pages of Locke and of the forgotten 
Dr. Ellis, the Boston agitator, Adams, drew the indpiration 
of his utterances. The great pamphleteer of the middle colo- 

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nieSy DickinBon, attacked the ''innovations" of the ministries 
in terms that echoed the Puritan protest against the rule of 
the early Stuart kings. And, in Virginia, Henry invoked 
Cromwell against Cteorge III and Jefferson searched Rush- 
worth for language and precedent to embody the new revolu- 
tionary spirit. Nor was it only from England's armory that 
weapons were drawn against her. Montesquieu, Beccaria, 
Burlamaqui, and lesser continental prophets, lent their aid 
to Bousseau in the conflict of argument The natural senti- 
ments of a new, self-made, and largely pioneer community 
scarcely needed this stimulant to its own interests and am- 
bitions. "An innate spirit of freedom," wrote Washington, 
''first told me that the measures are repugnant to every 
principle of natural justice.'* 

But it could hardly be supposed that any nation would The Boston 
acquiesce in the destruction of long unquestioned legal rights Massacre 
of sovereignty by vague appeals to natural law and liberty, 
or would submit peacefully to the overthrow of its supremacy 
in its most valued possessions. Almost the first act of the 
new ministry had been to assert the English claim to the 
remote and useless Falkland Islands, seized for Spain by a 
too zealous governor of Buenos Ayres; and the national 
approbation of that act revealed an honest if jealous pride 
of sovereignty which was not likely to brook a challenge 
from its own dependencies. Scarcely was North in power 
when an unfortunate incident revealed the combustible ele- 
ments with which he had to deal. A Boston mob, threatening 
an English guard, was fired upon and three men killed. 
Though the authorities disavowed the act and gave up the 
officer in command to trial; though he was defended by local 
lawyers land set free by local courts; the Boston Massacre, 1770 
as it was promptly christened, embittered relations already 
too strained. Trumpeted through the colonies by the radicals, 
made the subject of a provocative print by one of their num- 
ber, it did much to neutralize the repeal of the Townshend 
Acts, save for the tea duty, by which the ministry signalized 
its entry into power as an earnest of its conciliatory attitude 
toward the colonies. For it was evident that there was now 

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The tea 
duty and 



an element in America to which no concession short of inde- 
pendence, actual or virtual, was sofficient; and whose de- 
mands were absolutely inadmissible to the majority of the 
English people. Thenceforth any spark was almost certain 
to produce an explosion. 

In the excitement fomented by the radicals, concession was 
ignored and the impost on tea was emphasized, and this be- 
came the next, and, as it was to prove, the deciding issue 
between the mother country and the colonies. To the English 
mind that tax was wholly defensible. It was retained first 
as an expression of Parliamentary supremacy. But it was 
more than that, for it was bound up with the ever-present 
problem of the East India Company, which had suddenly 
become again a leading issue of English and imperial politics. 
In the half dozen years since his return Olive's settlement had 
already broken down. The Company had increased its divi- 
dends while it defaulted its obligations to the government; 
and, with declining powers and revenues, it faced administra- 
tive and financial bankruptcy. The ablest of Indian admin- 
istrators, Warren Hastings, was therefore hurried out as gov- 
ernor of Bengal, and with him began a new era of English 
authority in India. Reforming the civil service, he removed 
the Company's treasury to Calcutta, where he built the 
Strongest of European fortresses in Asia, Fort William, to 
secure English authority. To the Nawab of Oudh he lent 
troops to help collect tribute from the Bohillas, in return for 
territory and a sum sufficient it was hoped to save the Com- 
pany 's credit. 

Meanwhile the question came to Parliament, which, under 
North, had embarked on a career of constructive legislation 
to which that body had long been a stranger. It had already 
passed the Grenville Act, correcting the worst evils of election 
disputes. It was preparing to settle the government of 
Canada; and it now determined the question of the East 
India Company by the Regulating Act. Replacing the divided 
authority of the three presidencies by the appointment of 
the governor of Bengal as governor-general of India, and 
the establishment of a supreme court, it checked the reckless 

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dividend policy of the Company, remitted its debt to the 
government, and tided over its embarrassment with a short 
term loan. Finally, to relieve its immediate necessities, a 
drawback of three-fifths of the duty on tea destined for 
America was allowed, in the belief that, by disposing of its 
huge surplus its burdens would be lightened, and that the 
smuggling trade, by which the Dutch supplied the colonists, 
would be made unprofitable and so checked, since the Amer- 
icand would get cheaper tea. Thus were the two great cur- 
rents of imperial policy — the commercial and the political — 
joined, as it was hoped for mutual benefit; and thus they 
came into touch with the movement of European thought as 
expressed in the transatlantic colonies. 

Never was a political device which seemed so beneficial and The tea 
so reasonable destined to worse fate. A series of irritating America 
circumstances combined, or devised, to check accommodation, 1T7{? 
was crowned meanwhile by the destruction of the revenue 
boat Oaspee by some of the inhabitants of the great smug- 
gling center. Providence, whom royal ofiicials attempted in 
vain to convict of the deed. The drawback on tea was hailed 
by the radicals as an insidious attempt to secure by bribery 
the recognition of the right to tax which England had failed 
to enforce by other means. The tea was sent, but Philadel- 1773 
phia and New York turned back the ships. Charleston stored 
the chests in cellars, where the contents spoiled; and at 
Boston a group of radical members of a Masonic lodge 
boarded the tea ships and threw their cargoes into the sea. 
This act of defiance was accompanied by an attack on Qovemor 
Hutchinson. His removal was demanded by the assembly; 
his letters to the ministry were stolen. And, coming into the 
hands of Franklin, the agent for Massachusetts, New York, 
and Pennsylvania, they were published in America to fan 
the flame of discontent, since they counseled the strengthen- 
ing of English authority, and described unflatteringly the 
Boston radical leaders as they appeared to their most eminent 

The ministry and the English people generally were nat- Port Bill 
urally roused to action by these events, and bills were hurried i'''^* 

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The organ- 
ijcation of 

The First 

through Parliament, by great majorities, dosing the port of 
Boston, annulling the Massachusetts charter, and enabling 
the government to try those accused of capital crimes outside 
the colony where the deeds were done. General Gage, com- 
mander of the forces in America, was despatched from 
Halifax to supersede Hutchinson, troops were hurried to the 
scene of conflict, and Boston was put under martial law. At 
the same time the government of Canada was settled by the 
Quebec Act, establishing a governor and council there and 
confirming the Catholic establishment in its ancient rights. 
The able and popular Carleton was appointed governor, and 
the French colonists conciliated. 

In their turn the American radicals roused to fresh activity. 
Their local organizations took on the form of committees 
of public safety, whose committees of correspondence revived 
their chain of communications with new vigor. The same 
principle was extended to the provincial assemblies now 
largely controlled by the same element. Through such influ- 
ences the Bostonians who had done so much to keep this 
spirit and organization alive, sought and found support. 
Salem opened its warehouses to the Boston merchants; reso- 
lutions of sympathy and promises of support came in from 
every side, and every Massachusetts county held a convention 
of protest. That of Suffolk County, in which Boston was 
situated, voiced the opinion of Adams and his party in de- 
claring that no obedience was due the measures framed by a 
wicked administration to enslave America, and called for a 
congress of the colonies. The whole radical organization 
echoed the demand, and in September, 1774, the first Con- 
tinental Congress met in Philadelphia. 

With it the development of opposition to the English policy 
reached its last pacific stage. From scattered local opposi- 
tion to vested authority, through the consolidation effected 
by the Stamp Act to concerted control of provincial politics, 
came delegates from the committees of safety of the Sons 
of Liberty to form, in effect, a continental executive com- 
mittee of safety, a central assembly of the radical party. 
Formulating the doctrines and policy which had evolved 

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through a decade of controversy into a program, their declara- 
tions and resolves denounced England's attempt to raise 
revenue in America, to establish an independent civil service, 
to take colonists abroad for trial, or to dissolve provincial 
assemblies. They- asserted their rights as Englishmen to legis- 
late for ihfis^lves since adequate representation in Parlia- 
ment was impossible, to ^^aspmhto and pfititiony to be free 
from sta nding ar giifis in time of peace, from royal councils 
at aU tijpjds, and, above all, from t axoo laid by Pflrliampc t. 
They"^lared the revenue acts, the coercive measures, even 
the Quebec Act, since it legalized Catholicism, to be unconsti- 
tutional and unjust. They prepared addresses to the crown 
and the English people, to Florida, to Qeorgia, which had 
sent no delegates, to the West Indian colonies, even to the 
Canadians, whose religion they had just denounced, asking 
for support Finally, to give their principles force, they 
founded an association to sever commercial relations with 
Oreat Britain until their grievances were redressed. Under 
its authority the committees of public safety were directed to 
observe the conduct of all persons toward the association, 
inspect entries, and enforce the embargo by all means within 
their power. 

The revolutionary organization was now complete. It had The appeal 
set up a central authority, supported by a widespread and *""* 
powerful system of local committees. It had passed a legis- 
lative act which was a declaration of economic war in defiance 
of English constituted authority. It had called on its mem- 
bers to execute its orders; and it had, within the imperial 
boundaries, attempted a kind of .diplomatic negotiation with 
the other colonies, inciting them to similar resistance. Al- 
most immediately to these activities was added another of 
even more significance. The Massachusetts assembly, dis- 
solved by Gage as a seditious body, met as a provincial con- 
gress, and took steps to resist his authority. Acting under 
the same influences which inspired it and the Continental 
Congress, a similar spirit became manifest in the other 
colonies ; and before the end of the year it ' was evi- 
dent that, unless some unforeseen circumstance intervened. 

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The battle 
of Lexing- 
ton and 

the preparations then under way must lead to an appeal to 

It was in vain that efforts were made to stem or avert the 
tide of the oncoming war; all attempts to localize or evade 
the issue failed. The colonists did not, indeed, lack allies 
in the mother country. The Irish, looking forward to home 
rule, favored their cause; merchants fearful for their trade 
favored anything which would secure its continuance; Chat- 
ham, Burke, and Fox led a forlorn hope of anti-Imperialists 
in Parliament. But the bitterness of the attack upon the 
government was only equaled by its futility. Though Wilkes 
succeeded in having the resolution against him expunged 
from the Commons' records; though crown influence was 
openly and successfully attacked; though two general elec- 
tions offered an opportunity to overthrow the ministry; the 
English people, if united on nothing else, followed the king 
and minister to the bitter end on this issue. Such widely 
different spirits as Edward Gibbon, John Wesley, and Samuel 
Johnson, with scarcely any other common ground, found 
themselves in accord with each other and their countrymen 
in this. ' ' We are, ' ' said North, * ' no longer to dispute between 
legislation and taxation but to consider only whether or not 
we have any authority in the colonies/' And to this there 
could scarcely be but one reply. 

While, then, the ministry made some effort to conciliate, 
it none the less prepared for war. Such colonies as agreed 
to contribute to their own defense and government were 
promised exemption from duty or tax save those that regu- 
lated trade. More troops were hurried to Boston. The town 
was fortified; and a bill restraining New England's commerce 
was passed by large majorities. As the war spirit spread 
through America, the prohibition was extended to the other 
colonies. Promise and threat alike were vain. In April, 
1775, troops sent by Oage to seize provincial military stores 
were met by local levies called to arms by Boston revolu- 
tionary leaders, and armed conflict began in earnest. 

The fight at Lexington and Concord Bridge was no mere 
clash of British regulars with an enraged countryside, as it 

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appeared to unobservant eyes. Behind the '^ embattled 
farmers" stood an organization and a policy less complete, 
indeed, than that of England, yet far from despicable either 
in numbers, discipline, or armament. For it had not rested 
with the establishment of civil authority and the declaration 
of economic and legisdative independence; as the controversy 
deepened it had prepared a military force. Existing colonial 
militia had been recruited and drilled; arms and ammunition 
had been bought abroad and smuggled in, despite the Eng- 
lish efforts to prevent, by vessels long accustomed to that 
trade, or through Canada and Florida. Konths before the 
first engagement, forts guarding harbors like Portsmouth had 
been seized and their armament and stores secured. 

So smoothly and rapidly did the plans of rebellion work 
that three weeks after the fight at Lexington, the fortresses 
of Crown Point and Ticonderoga were in revolutionary hands, 
a rapidly increasing army was encamped near Boston, and 
a second Continental Congress was in session at Philadelphia. 
Two months after the first shot was fired, the Americans Bunker 
seized and fortified Bunker Hill commanding Boston, and HiU 
with the attack and capture of that strategic point by the 
British the war began in form. And it was not the least 
significant feature of that hard-fought engagement that the 
drums which had beat at Louisburg now led the colonists at 
Bunker Hill, while the great captain who now assumed the 
leadership of the revolutionary army had commanded the 
party which, twenty-three years before, fired the first shot 
of the Seven Years' War in the remote wilderness about 
the frontier post then known as Fort Duquesne. 

The conflict then begun was not, as we see now, the des- Character 
perate, unanimous rising of an oppressed continent driven <>'**»®^" 
to rebellion by unbridled and unbearable tyranny, as patriotic 
historians, following the lead of revolutionary orators, long 
pictured it. Still less, perhaps, was it the first step in the 
conscious, deliberate attempt of a despotic king bent on the 
destruction of English liberties, and beginning his maleficent 
design with the subjugation of America, as the Whigs de- 
clared. The liberties of England, which had survived the 

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Stuart rule, were no such weakly growths as that view im- 
plies; the American grievances were far from the insupport- 
able miseries which have driven other peoples to like courses. 
The Revolution was the translation into arms of thoughts and 
interests long tending consciously and unconsciously to rup- 
ture, the culmination of antagonisms, old and new, perhaps 
inevitable, between two powerful forces of society, and two 
conflicting doctrines of government. Though no one waj3 then 
conscious of the fact, it was but the first blow in a world-wide 
struggle against existing order, social no less than political. 
For nearly sixty years this was to convulse three continents 
in almost constant war, involving the whole European world, 
and finally altering not merely the political destinies of 
both hemispheres, but the whole fabric of European society. 
It was no mere confiict between a mother country and her 
colonies; behind their rivalry lay the antagonism of great 
classes and interests in every state, which soon or late were 
to contend for power. 
Resources Nothing could have been more typical of this than the 
batentr™" <5<>^d^ct of the ensuing war. Neither England nor the 
colonies were well prepared, much less desirous for a long 
confiict; neither anticipated such a contingency. The one 
counted on the speedy suppression of ill-organized resist- 
ance; Hhe other on the recognition of its claims before the 
threat of arms. Both were destined to disappointment. 
Under the most favorable auspices the complete subjection 
of a united America would have been as hopeless as the 
attainment of complete independence without some outside 
aid by a community so divided as America. Though the 
contest seemed unequal, its inequality was not as great as it 
appeared. Of all the great European powers England was 
the least prepared for war. If the preceding decade of her 
politics had cheeked constructive legislation, it had well-nigh 
paralyzed her fighting arm. Lack of continuity in policy, 
wasteful retrenchment, corruption, and sheer neglect, were 
emphasized by the baneful intrusion of social rank and 
political partisanship into every department of public service. 
These were crowned by the antagonism of many of her ofBcers 

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to the government which they served and to the policies they 
were set to carry out. 

England was incapable of supplying troops enough for the English 
American enterprise by enlistment or from her own establish- ^*^**°«s* 
ment without greatly weakening her garrisons throughout the 
world. She therefore resorted to her usual practice and 
engaged from petty Qerman states the necessary comple- 1775 
ments, known generically as Hessians. These, with the 
irregular levies furnished by her Indian allies, provided the 
revolutionaries fresh ground of grievance; and in that they 
helped to make the quarrel irreconcilable, they weakened 
England's moral position more than they aided her military 
power. Nor was she more fortunate in her commanders. 
Able administrators were scarcely to be expected under exist- 
ing conditions in the world of politics. Her navy revealed a 
wealth of mediocrity, and worse; while the bitter epigram 
attributed to Walpole, and not unnaturally reattributed to 
North, measured the zeal and capacity of her chief army 
officers. '*I do not know," he said, ''whether my generals 
will frighten the Americans, but they certainly frighten me.'* 

Under such circumstances the successful conduct of any DifBculties 
war would have been difficult. In the present instance it J2?°^f" 
was all but impossible, for such a war as this the world had English 
never seen. Separated by three thousand miles of sea from ^^^^tSY 
its theater, operating through a thousand miles of wilderness 
or sparsely settled land, almost devoid of roads, against men 
accustomed to arms and the guerilla tactics of the woods, 
experienced officers from the first regarded the whole adven- 
ture as an ''ugly business.'' In no long time it developed 
into "the grave of reputations.'' Had English strategy been 
based, like Pitt's campaigns, upon the sea, as able men 
advised; had ports been blocked, the more violent districts 
occupied, and the crisis allowed to work itself out, the result 
might well have been different. But invasion, and especially 
the later policy of plundering expeditions, served only to 
rouse successive neighborhoods to resist the foreign enemy, 
and gradually to unite opinion and arms against the mother 
country, depriving her of the support of thousands who were 

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anxious to befriend her canse. Many more who were in- 
different to whatever constitutional question was involved, 
took arms to drive out the troops which threatened their 
own homes. The unorganized loyalists, or '* Tories, '^ were 
either compelled to join the invaders, suppress their own 
opinions, or suffer the bitterest of persecutions, that of 
their own neighbors. Thousands were driven to emigration. 
Their property confiscated and their homes destroyed, they 
settled for the most part in lands provided for them in 
Canada. Thousands more entered the British ranks. But 
neither their presence there nor in the neighboring colony 
compensated the mother country for the destruction of a 
great part of the best element in the revolting colonies, while 
the economic and social loss to the community from which 
they were driven was incalculable. That loss was not without 
its compensation on the political side. It seems hardly proba- 
ble that, had the loyalists remained, America could have 
developed quickly or easily a real democracy — ^at least such a 
democracy as she has created. And, if that be reckoned as a 
gain, it must go far toward justifying the expulsion of the 

Measured by later standards, the military operations of 
the ensuing war are not imposing. The issues at stake, the 
circumstance that small forces at the extremity of empire 
produce results out of proportion to their size, above all, 
the later development of the United States, make the Amer- 
ican Revolution bulk large in the eyes of later generations. 
Nor was its ultimate success due in any considerable degree 
to those agitators who roused the opposition to the English 
rule. Without them it would, perhaps, never have occurred, 
but had it depended on their efforts alone it would have ended 
as it began, in words. To the more dangerous, enduring 
temper of the fighting men, to their valor and skill, the cause 
owed what strength it possessed. In particular to the com- 
mander, without whom its ultimate success would have been 
inconceivable, and to the allies whose hatred of England 
enlisted them on the side of America, was due the strength 
of the colonial cause. 

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Among the many events reckoned the turning-points of Washing- 
the struggle, one stands pre-eminent. Two days before the *^"^ 
battle of Bunker Hill, George Washington of Virginia was 
eommiasioned commander-in-chief of the army, and three 
weeks later he took up his duties. Of planter ancestry, 
trained in the hard school of frontier war, the wealthiest 
and most distinguished figure in America, brave, patient, 
resolute in a desperate cause, great as were his abilities, 
his character was greater still. The typical product of his 
time and circumstance, he was superior to both. The highest 
representative of a new form of European stock since known 
as *' colonial, '' he was not merely the greatest figure which 
the war produced, he was the greatest European yet born 
outside of Europe. 

The cause for which he fought had need of him. Whatever Congress 
the capacity of popular leaders to bring on the war, they all 
but exhausted their mandate with that achievement. The 
Congress, which now became their chief authority, found its 
strength taxed to maintain its own existence. It had not 
merely to provide for defense, it had to erect a government, 
create and enforce its authority at home and gain recognition 
abroad, while its very life depended on circumstances over 
which it had small control or none. It lacked experience in 
great affairs, as well as in the conduct of regular adminis- 
tration. It had to deal with state governments which had risen 
on the ruins of provincial establishments and were little dis- 
posed to subordinate local to general interest. Without for- 
eign support or credit, without money or power to tax, its 
chief concern was diplomacy, finance, and war, and only in the 
first did it achieve any considerable success. It could sununon 
forces for such exploits as the siege of Boston, since threatened 
states or neighborhoods would rally to resist invasion; but 
the troops, ill armed, worse disciplined, needed nearly all the 
qualities which distinguish an army from a mob. To organize, 
equip, and maintain a permanent force, establish discipline, 
hold it together, in the face of defeat, privation, and dis- 
couragement, and make it fight, was beyond Congress' power. 
This was the task of Washington. 

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The war Amid difficulties of every sort, he and his officers, during 

^^^^ the nine months' siege of Boston which followed the battle 

of Bunker Hill, strove to mold an army from the material 
at their command, while Congress found means to carry on 
the war. Before the outgeneraled British troops were finally 
forced to evacuate the town and sail for Halifax, both were 
in some degree achieved. The expeditions of the colonists 
against Canada failed to capture its strongholds or seduce 
the French Canadians from their new allegiance. Meanwhile, 
too, England had made her preparations, and when the 
Howes appeared with thirty thousand men and a convoying 
fleet off Long Island, swept Washington's inferior force aside, 
and occupied New York, it seemed that the power which had 
but lately humbled Prance would crush colonial resistance 
with even greater ease. 
The Dec- Yet in the face of the threatened collapse of its fortunes 
(Tf inde- ^y *^® destruction of the army on which its life depended, 
pendence Congress took the final step. It projected a constitution, as 
a result of a vote to suppress royal authority in the various 
provinces, and of resolutions looking toward absolving them- 
selves from allegiance to the crown. And on July 4, 1776, 
Thomas Jefferson of Virginia read and Congress adopted a 
Declaration of Independence. 

It was a momentous document. Conceived in the spirit of 
Bousdeau, whose doctrine of natural rights infused its pre- 
amble; formed on the model of the Grand Remonstrance 
which a hundred years before had voiced England's griev- 
ances against Charles I; this able and adroit pronuncia- 
mento, at once a statement of principles and the subtlest of 
appeals to American sentiment and prejudice, was much the 
most important state paper which the colonial world had yet 
produced. It was couched in language which breathed the 
loftiest sentiments of humanity, and appealed to every emo- 
tion of justice and liberty against despotic tyranny. It 
arraigned the English king for all the crimes committed by 
Parliament in stifling colonial development and endeavoring 
to destroy its inalienable rights. It summoned all those 
touched in their principles or interests to resist, and the 

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sonorous splendor of its phraseology, no less than its immortal 
sentiments, shedding their magic over perverted history and 
partisan statement of the existing situation till they were 
transformed into rhetorical fact, make it a model of all such 
appeals. Not England itself had ever given birth to such 
a powerful instrument of rebellion. However vague its po- 
litical philosophy, however weak its historical basis, however 
distorted its charges of fact, it became the inspiration of the 
conflict which produced it and remains a far-sounding 
trumpet-blast of liberty. 

Yet, had the English commander been capable and deter- Howe's 
mined, its summons would have been vain, for its defiance ^capacity 
was accompanied by disaster to the arms of the cause it so 
ably voiced. Deprived of their control of Lake Champlain, 
driven from their position on the Hudson, the main revolu- 
tionary army under Washington was compelled to retire 
southward before Howe's superior forces, and only a daring 1776-7 
surprise of the enemy's winter quarters encouraged the 
colonists to go on. Had Howe persisted in his pursuit, had 
he not held his hand when the Americans were within his 
grasp, the single barrier which stood between the revolu- 
tionary cause and destruction would have been forced. But 
the English commander delayed, procrastinated, wasted time 
and opportunity, till both were gone beyond recall. While 
he tarried, what the English Parliament or even the revolu- 
tionary agitators could not do, had been accomplished by 
wanton and fruitless invasion, as district after district was 
roused by the appearance of a hostile force. 

Meanwhile, congressional agents had been busy abroad. French aid 
There was one power from which help might reasonably have 
been expected, and to that power application was early made. 
Prance, humiliated, bankrupt in credit and colonies, her 
prestige impaired, her pride touched, could not, indeed, hope 
to regain the territory which she had lost a dozen years 
before. But her statesmen, especially the able and adroit 
C^oiaeiili^ had kept in sight the prospect of revenge. His 
plans had been continued under Vergennes, and France was 
hopeful of the present crisis. Yet the prospect so long fore- 

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and Wash- 



Been was still so dubious and uncertain that when it came 
her ministers at first hesitated to embark upon so unprom- 
ising an enterprise. What they had not ventured openly 
they did not scruple to do by stealth. Under the transparent 
guise of a private company the French politician-dramatist. 
Beaumarchais, and the Connecticut promoter-diplomat, 
Deane, professing to deal with Bermuda, shipped small arms, 
cannon, and supplies, despite the protests of the English, 
and so kept the colonial resistance alive. 

To this traffic events soon gave a more serious and important 
turn. The most astute of all Americans, Franklin, won the 
sympathy of the French public ; the young Marquis de Lafay- 
ette, with other noblemen, selected from a host of volunteers, 
embarked for America at their own expense. Experienced 
soldiers were enlisted— the French Baron de Ealb, the Pole 
Pulaski, the Qerman Steuben — to organize, drill, and marshal 
the American levies into a force able to contend with British 
regulars on equal terms, and the New Model of the colonists, 
under such auspices, gradually took on more dangerous form. 

Finally, the events in America brought these activities to 
the test. Howe^ having failed to crush or capture Washing- 
ton, a campaign was planned to hold New York and Phila- 
delphia, and at the same time cut off New England from 
the other colonies by an expedition from Montreal, which, 
making its way along the Richelieu, Lakes Champlain and 
George, should join hands with like expeditions from New 
York and from the west along the Mohawk. The first part 
of the program offered few obstacleis. Washington's weak 
forces were still no match for Howe, and, easily defeated, 
they were forced to abandon Philadelphia. They lost the 
forts commanding the Delaware, failed to surprise the British 
again, and, as Howe took up his winter quarters in the 
American capital, whence Congress had fied, Washington led 
his dispirited and suffering troops to the hardships of a winter 
in the huts of Valley Forge. 

Never had the American cause appeared more hopeless, yet 
the tide had already turned. While Burgoyne 's army of 
British and Hessians made its triumphant way past the forts 

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guarding the route to the Hudson, which surrendered or 
were abandoned at his approach, and St. Leger with his 
motley Indian and English force advanced from the west, 
the Americans had retired on Saratoga. But no aid came 
from the British commander in New York. A raid on Ben- 
nington to recruit his failing supplies roused the Vermonters 
to inflict defeat and loss upon the Hessians. The Indian allies 
began to withdraw, while from every side reinforcements 
flocked to join the colonial army under Schuyler and Qates. 
In such circumstances Burgoyne, abandoned by those on 
whom he had relied, was forced to fight under adverse con- Oct. 17 
ditions of every sort, and twice defeated, was finally compelled 
to surrender his entire force. 

It was a fatal blow. Scarcely had the news of this reverse The 
to English arms reached France when Vergennes hurried f^^j^ 
forward the treaties which brought French power to aid the 1778 
Americans. Spain held back for a time, but presently entered 
the alliance; and when Washington's army emerged from 
the sufferings of Valley Forge, it found the whole status of 
the cause for which it fought had altered. Already con- 
ciliatory proposals had been introduced in Parliament by 
North. Commissioners had been despatched to offer the Amer- 
icans the repeal of the coercive acts, a general amnesty, and 
every right short of entire independence. But conciliation 
and commissioners alike came too late. Neither received a 
hearing, and England, failing in her tardy attempt to divide 
her enemies and preserve her colonies at the expense of her 
sovereignty, made ready with a heavy heart to face again a 
world of enemies. Though refusing to ally herself with the 
United States, Spain presently declared war in concert with Spain and 
France. Holland, which had aided the Americans from the ^79^ 
first by throwing open her West Indian ports to the exchange 
of tobacco and other colonial products for munitions of war, 
followed suit; and, to crown England's misfortunes, the 
states of northern Europe took advantage of her embarrass- 
ment to injure her by forming a league of Armed Neutrality 
against her pretensions on the sea. 

These circumstances, with the decline of her credit in the 

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The Arti- 
cles of 

The last . 
phase — ^the 
of Corn- 

face of new demands on her resources, put her on the de- 
fensive. None the less, from necessity as from choice, she 
pursued the war. A new commander, Rodney, was appointed 
to command the fleet; Clinton replaced Howe at the head 
of the army; and the old plan of seizing the French West 
Indies was revived with a new plan of land campaign. Phila- 
delphia, the Capua of the Revolution, was abandoned; and 
Washington's attack on the retiring English troops was the 
last engagement fought in the north. Thereafter, three other 
circumstances combined to change the character of the war. 
The first was the despatch of a French force under Count 
Rochambeau. Its arrival at Newport, with the operations 
of d'Estaing's fleet, which returned from its conquests in the 
West Indies, cleared New England of English troops, at the 
same time that Philadelphia was lost to them. The second 
was the concurrent loss of the western posts, save Detroit, 
to the Americans under George Rogers Clark. The third was 
the progress of the adoption of those Articles of Confedera- 
tion, which Congress had drawn up immediately following 
the Declaration of Independence, as the basis of union and 
constitutional government. 

Loose as was the bond, feeble as were the powers of the 
proposed central authority, the particularist spirit of the 
old colonial divisions was so strong that not even the pressure 
of the war had greatly prevailed on the separatists in the 
various states to consent to any curtailment of local powers. 
Thus the necessary ratification by the separate states had 
dragged its slow way with small success and little interest. 
Now, however, the recognition of independence by foreign 
powers and the prospect of their aid gave impetus to union. 
And, though this was long delayed by provincial jealousies 
over conflicting claims to western lands, the closing years of 
the war saw the ratiflcation of the Articles and the consequent 
establishment of a central government. 

Meanwhile, the conflict proceeded to its flnal phase. The 
English hold on New England and the middle colonies had 
now been broken, the Hudson lost, and Qeorgia overrun by 
the Americans. Their plundering expeditions from New York 

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'^ accomplished little but the destruction of property and the 
:^: exasperation of the colonists; their own coasts were terrified 
::c by the exploits of the American naval commander^ Paul 
b3 Jones; and at the solicitation of the southern loyalists, the 
i' British turned to that quarter of the continent Charleston 
was occupied, and from there Comwallis, with his lieutenant, 
Tarleton, despite occasional reverses, drove the Americans 
before them. Marching north from the Carolinas to join 
hands with the other British forces in Virginia, the brilliant 
campaign was brought to a sudden and untimely end. The 
French fleet outmanoeuvered the British admiral and fore- 
stalled the arrival of Clinton's too long delayed reinforce- 
ments from New York, on whose assistance Comwallis had 
relied. The Chesapeake was blockaded. Washington and 
Lafayette, eluding Clinton's relaxed vigilance, hurried their 
forces to co-operate with the French fleet. Comwallis found Oct 19 
himself abandoned and entrapped; and, after attempting in ^'^^^ 
vain to defend himself on the peninsula of Yorktown, was 
compelled to surrender his army to the allies. 

It was the crowning blow. ;The drum-major who ordered 
his men to play a popular air, "The World turned upside 
down," as the British defiled from their entrenchments, was 
a true prophet of the great event. Though two years were 
still to intervene before the treaties were signed which recog- 
nized the independent existence of the United Stated of 
America, now added to the nations of the earth, Comwallis' 
surrender determined the result. And not that alone: 
North's ministry, long tottering to its fall, was overthrown; 1739 
and the confusion of the successive coalition governments 
paralyzed the state until the accession of the younger Pitt i784 
brought order out of, chaos with the rise of the new Tory 
Party to a long lease of power. Before that was achieved, 
Ireland had taken advantage of English embarrassments to i789 
organize a force of volunteers, nominally to protect herself 
against threatened invasion. With that force she was able 
to extort recognition of parliamentary independence from 
the English government, and a species of home rule which 
endured two decades. 

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Peace of 
Paris and 

At the same time, England had lost most of her gains in 
the West Indies to the French. In India, Hyder All, who 
had already occupied the Camatic, was reinforced by Soffren 
in command of a French squadron. And though Gibraltar, 
which had long been besieged by Spain, was relieved by 
Rodney's victory over the Spanish fleet and saved by Elliot's 
splendid defense ; though England regained command of the 
Channel, which had meanwhile almost slipped from her 
gras£| almost simultaneously she lost Minorca on the one 
side of the Atlantic and Florida and the Bahamas on the 
other. With this, however, the tide turned, and as she was 
relieved from the pressure of the American war, and thus 
enabled to throw her strength against her European enemies, 
she regained something of her old position and power. The 
defeat of de Grasse's fleet by Rodney preserved her greater 
West Indian possessions from capture. The death of Hyder 
Ali removed her most dangerous enemy in India; and when 
the Peace of Paris and Versailles was signed she lost, indeed, 
her American colonies, but she was able to retain more of 
her old possessions than two years before would have seemed 

With it came new alignment of frontiers. Spain kept 
Florida and Minorca; France recovered her East Indian 
posts, with St. Lucia and Tobago in the West Indies, Senegal 
and Ooree in Africa; and the United States secured the 
rights of fishery, and the western lands as far as the Missis- 
sippi and Florida, with privilege of navigation to the Gulf. 
For the rest, the British Empire remained as before; and, 
however fallen in territory, credit, and prestige from the 
proud state which twenty years before emerged triumphant 
from the Seven Years' War, England was still the leading 
colonial power of the world, and, in the interval of peace, 
she turned to adjust domestic and imperial concerns in which 
the crisis of recent events had shown the fundamental neces- 
sity of reform. In such fashion was concluded the war of 
the American Revolution, which, as Frederick the Great de- 
clared, was the most important European event of its time! 

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y ^ 

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14t |» 

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I . 

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The period of a little more than twenty years which elapsed 
between the passage of the ill-fated Townshend Acts by the 
English Parliament and the final steps in the organization 
of the American colonies into an independent state, marks 
the last great turning-point in the long road from mediaeval 
to modern forms of thought and action in the world's affairs. 
Its most dramatic circumstance was, of course, the conflict The 
between England and her colonies. But the American Revo- ^JJS^'^ 
lution was by no means the only event of importance in those 
momentous years, nor the independence of the United States 
of America the only great result of the period. Seldom 
within so brief a time has Europe had the foundations of 
her beliefs and traditions so profoundly altered, or the long- 
standing practices of her every-day life so rudely disturbed. 
Had there been no revolt of the colonies this would still 
have been an era of eminent significance in European history. 

On the continent itself the year in which the Americans European 
finally appealed to arms was characterized by a series of J^^" 
events which determined for the moioient many activities 
whose origin had long preceded the American revolt, and 
pointed to the future. That twelvemonth saw the final blow 
struck against the Jesuits, and the occupation of Ottoman 
territories by Russia and Austria which indicated the begin- 
ning of Turkish decline. It saw the accession of Louis XVI 
and his Austrian wife to the French throne and the inheri- 
tance of misfortune which it entailed. At the same time 
the enactment of the India Bill and the appointment of 
Warren Hastings as the first governor-general of India 
marked the initial step in the reorganization, and, as it 
proved, the extension of English power in the East Mean- 


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while, James Cook returned from the second of those voyages 
which not only directed English attention to the Pacific and 
resulted in the settlement of Australia, but, by his discovery 
that scurvy, the curse of seamen before his time, could be 
prevented by means of simple changes in diet, added, as it 
were, a new realm to human activity. Finally, the passage 
of the Quebec Act began the modem history of Canada. 
Painting Still more than these activities in politics, the concurrent 

1760-89 developments in the fields of art and intellect exemplified 
and contributed to the transition now taking place in the 
European world. In England, a great school of portrait 
painters, headed by Reynolds, Bomney, and Gainsborough, 
achieved new triumphs in a remarkable combination of 
modest and graceful naturalness. Meanwhile, Greuze and 
Boucher and Fragonard continued the more sophisticated 
naturalism of Watteau in France, where the luxury and 
licentiousness of the court vitiated morals and taste alike. 
Continued by Reynolds' followers, Raeburn, Lawrence, and 
the American Copley, the English '' natural" school was 
reinforced by a group of landscape painters who furthered 
the reaction against artificiality, and contributed to the '' re- 
turn to nature" fresh sources of strength. And there is 
perhaps no better evidence of the feeling that man was now 
at last prepared to meet nature on at least equal terms than 
the increasing tendency of art and literature to depict her 
fiercer moods. It was sure confirmation of the fact that man 
was no longer afraid of his ancient antagonist, 
—pastel The artistic revival was further strengthened by new 

S^^**^'' mediums of expression. From the preceding centuries had 
come an art not unrelated to crayon drawing, that of painting 
in ''pastel," or dry color. It rose to eminence in the eight- 
eenth century. Nearly every artist of note, from Watteau 
to the greatest of the pastelists, Liotard, tried his hand at 
it, and so established it firmly in the taste and technique of 
the continent. Allied to pastel was painting in water-color, 
which owes its origin to this period. This art developed from 
the old practice of washing in pen-drawings. By substituting 
paper for canvas, and achieving a variety of effects impossible 

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Samuel Johnson. ^ 

After the painting by Joshua Reynolds. A good example of 18th century 
costume and portraiture. Compare with Luther and Calvin, vol. I, p. 208, 
the Colignis, vol. I, p. 208, and with Frans van der Borcht, vol. I, p. 398. 

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to oils, it extended the field of pictorial representation in 
another and, as it was to prove, a peculiarly popular direction. 
For the moment it lent itself particularly to the genius of 
those last exponents of the expiring rococo style, ''the painters 
of frivolity,*' who, like Fragonard, devoted their talents to 
the delineation of beaux and belles, and amatory situations 
of the high society which for the moment led continental art 
in its train. 

Neither graphic nor plastic art kept pace with the progress 
of painting, despite the encouragement of royal and noble 
patronage, the establishment of great galleries, new educa- 
tional facilities, and the revival of classical models which 
had followed on the achievements of the archseologists. The 
genius of QasiL ''the regenerator of French painting,'' was, 
indeed, profoundly affected by this last influence ; while that 
of fiaogsa, ''third greatest of Italian sculptors," owed much 
of its inspiration to the same source. With the entry of such 
men into the field, the vogue of that school which catered to 
the patronage of the French court and was represented in 
the beautiful if decadent productions of Fragonard, began 
to decline. But with the death of Hogarth the talents of his 17^4 
successors were unequal to maintainTng line-drawing at the 
level which he had reached ; and though engraving increased 
in quantity, it was at the expense of its quality. 

In another direction, however, not unrelated to general Furniture 
artistic progress, this was a notable period. Classical models 
in architecture, as in other fields, were still prominent, though 
a century of development had greatly modified their earlier 
and more uncompromising outlines. The eighteenth century 
had seen them adapted with much success to domestic build- 
ing ; and their infiuence had been especially marked in decora- 
tion, both interior and exterior. No small part of the princi- 
ples known among Anglo-Saxon peoples as Georgian or 
colonial owe their origin to the last half of this eighteenth- 
century classical adaptation. In particular, the work of the 
English architect, Adam, typifies the movement of the time; 1798-99 
not merely on account of the buildings which he designed, 
but because it was connected in his hands with another art 

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whose development makes this period memorable. For, not 
content with building, he devoted his talents to furnishing, 
and so put himself in touch with the making of furniture, 
which reached its golden age in the era of the American 

This art or craft was influenced not a little by the passion 
for eastern, in particular Chinese, products, which character- 
ized the taste of the mid-eighteenth century. As architecture 
was reinforced by the use of stucco, so furniture-making was 
aided by the introduction and improvement in finishing ma- 
terials, derived largely from tropical gums whose names, 
varnish and lacquer, betray their eastern origin. The brilliant 
if unsubstantial grace of the styles developed in France under 
Louis Quinze and Louis Seize, and known by their names, 
owed mudTof their charm to the marvelous lacquer invented 
and used by the family of furniture-makers, from whom it 
derived its name, Vernis Martin. In England, meanwhile, 
the successive labors of the Chippendales, Sheraton, and the 
Adams brought the art of furniture-making to the greatest 
heights it had yet attained. In the work of such men was 
found a mingling of many styles and many influences, classic, 
Ck)thic, oriental, rococo, to produce masterpieces which have 
stood the test of the changing tastes of more than a century, 
and remain the models of elegance and sound construction. 
In such hands formalism was at once relieved and refined, 
and pronounced advance was made in a not unimportant 
and certainly an interesting and useful art. 

Music I^ some measure and on a greater scale the same was true 

of another phase of human activity, that of music, which 
now entered on one of the greatest periods of its history. 
Though Handel had passed away, the oratorio continued its 
development, in England especially; while its democratic 
influence was now promoted in a different quarter and by 

1707-93 different means. The work of the Italian Ooldoni at once 
elevated light opera to the level of a high art and made it 
a factor in modem life. It did more. Drawing its motives 
and characters from the same elements which Moli&re had 
earlier exploited in the drama, it put the operatic stage in 

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touch with every-day life, and strengthened the connection 
of music with the popular movement which was then influ- 
encing almost every department of human existence. 

But it was neither in English nor Italian hands that there 
came the most remarkable triumphs of music in these years. 
For a century Germany had held high place in that field; 
and now Haydn, and still more Mozart, following in the 
footsteps of Bach, and in turn followed by their still greater 1750^9 
pupil, Beethoven, pushed past all bounds hitherto set in 
musical composition. In their hands the opera attained new 
greatness; and with the elaboration of new forms of expres- 
sion, the symphony and sonata, music was raised to heights 
of achievement and capabilities scarcely suspected before. 
Beyond even the triumphs of Gluck, who had done so much 
to bring Qerman music into touch with the progress of opera, 
rose the glory of Mozart. His Idomeneo reached the highest 1756-91 
level yet attained in that field ; and when to these were added 
Don Giovanni, the ZauberflSte, and the uncompleted Requiem, 
and, from Beethoven's hand in later years, the Choral^Sy^' 
phony, the world entered upon the greatest era of its musical 

Besides her triumphs in harmony, Germany astonished the German 
world in two other lines of hitman achievement. The one ^**'**^" 
was literature. At this juncture, inspired in part at least by 
the translation of Shakespeare and the example of Percy and 
his colleagues in the revival of the older and more ''natural" 
forms of literature, an amazing burst of genius suddenly set 
her among the principal intellectual nations of Europe. 
There the poet-philosopher, Lessing, who, with Diderot, had 1799-81 
done most to foster a critical spirit in European art and 
letteni, had been joined by such men as Wieland and Elop- 
stock to protest against the classical decadence which had 
overtaken German letters. This ''Sturm und Drang" move- 
ment, as it came to be known, bent all its genius to the 
destruction of conventionality, the tyranny of old forms and 
superstitions, and to encouraging the tendency toward the 
freedom of "natural" genius. 

From that beginning came a new German renaissance. 

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Herder, with his folk-songs, emulated the trimnphs of the 
English school; and, following him, came the twin stars of 
Germany's literary constellation, Schiller and Goethe. WAat 
Petrarch and Dante had been to Italy in successive centuries, 
what Shakespeare and Milton had been more recently to 
England, these two became almost simultaneously to the 
German people. Schiller, beginning with his romantic drama 
of the Robbers, proceeded through the medium of historical 
plays, WaUenstein, Maria Stuart, The Maid of Orleans, to 
his final and perhaps his greatest work, WUhdm TeU, At 
the same time he contributed a history of the Thirty Years' 
War to that form of literature; wrote philosophical dis- 
sertations, enunciating his creed compounded of mysticism 
and deism; and produced a body of poetry which has naade 
him one of the most read and best loved of German poets. 

Beside Schiller towered the genius of his friend, Johann 
Wolfgang Goethe, the vast range and content of whose mind, 
no less than his literary powers, made his work not merely 
the culmination of German literary expression, but gave it 
a place in world literature. Pew departments of intel- 
lectual effort were alien to his genius. Like Schiller, he began 
with romantic drama, in Ooetz von Berlichingen. Like him, 
he drew material from history for his dramas, as Egmont, 
Tasso, Mahomet, and lesser plays fell from his pen. To 
these Goethe added two other forms; one was the drama 
drawn from classical sources, like Iphigenia auf Tauris; the 
other was that strain of sentimental romance which found 
voice in the Sorrows of Werther, and imitators through the 
whole German-speaking world. He had, moreover, a lyric 
^ft unequaled in his native tongue, a breadth of mind and 
human sympathy which, joined to no inconsiderable scientific 
acquirements, made him the wonder of the European world 
of intellect. He was at once the representative and the 
highest type of his literary age. His translation of Gray's 
Elegy, his admiration of Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield, of 
Ossian, of Shakespeare above all, testify to the close connec- 
tion of the forces remaking European life and thought 
Moreover, Goethe contributed not only the most considerable 

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impetus to the Sturm uud Drang movement, but, in his 
Herrmann und Dorothea, and in his ultimate masterpiece, 
Faust, which only a later generation was to see completed, 
he gave that impulse to nature and humanity which his 
novel of Wtthelm Meister foreshadowed, and of which his 
whole life and work was an example. 

If it were not enough to have produced Goethe and Schiller Kant 
in one generation, with Beethoven and Mozart, Germany 1''24-1804 
crowned the long development of philosophy since Descartes 
in this same period by the genius of Immanuel Eant. In 
him there culminated, and, in some sense closed, the era of 
critical philosophy ; for his Critique of Pure Reason, with its 
comprehensive grasp of method and content, rejected at once 
the empiricism of the English thinkers like Hume, and the 
loose emotion of current German thought. God he identified 
with the general law of ethical necessity ; and upon the reason 
rather than on the emotions he placed the responsibility for 
conduct. He denied the contention of the mere rationalists 
that there was any law of absolute truth, as he denied the 
existence of phenomena without relation to the mind that 
perceived them. For the abstractions of his predecessors, 
therefore, he substituted ''practical reason," and the ** su- 
preme cause" was to him a moral rather than a sensual force. 
In such fashion was joined the conflict between the realists 
and the idealists, with which every intellectual force of the 
period was concerned, and which, from this day to our own, 
has divided the intellectual and the artistic world. And 
though he had no intention to ''humiliate reason," he rele- 
gated it to a secondary place among the faculties. To him 
the basic quality was the wUl, and in this he combats alike 
materialism and spiritual dogmatism. Thus, as in the early 
seventeenth century the thought of Descartes gave a new 
basis of reason to the intellectual processes then stimulated 
by the progress of science, the last years of the eighteenth 
century were provided with intellectual foundations and 
formulae to express the new concepts then coming into exist- 
ence under the stress of movements which revolutionized 
man's life and his performance. 

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These great figares of Germany's golden age personified 
the highest intellectual achievements of their race ; but theirs 
was not the Germany of Frederick the Great. The mild and 
peaceful culture of the courts in whose atmosphere their 
genius flourished, that older and truer Germany between the 
Rhine and the Elbe, bore little relation to the proud, warlike, 
unintellectual militarism of the Germanized Slavic lands of 
Prussia. Weimar, the ** German Athens," and not Berlin 
was the intellectual capital of the German people. Prussia, 
neither then nor later, produced from her own loins a litera- 
ture or a culture comparable to that of these small but truly 
enlightened states. Like Catherine of Russia, Frederick the 
Great took France for his intellectual guide rather than the 
genius of his own land. Though these liberal powers were to 
be overwhelmed and discredited by Prussian might in future 
years, this overthrow of a German Athens by a Prussian 
Sparta was to prove more of a loss to the world, and to the 
German people themselves, than could be atoned for by any 
aggrandizement of the HohenzoUem dynasty. For with the 
triumph of absolutism over enlightenment, German literature, 
philosophy, and culture suffered in proportion as German 
material prosperity increased. 

Into those higher realms of thought, whatever their great 
importance to the human race, most men have neither cared 
nor been able to penetrate. But to another series of phe- 
nomena which distinguished this period above all others in 
history they were not so indifferent. While the outljdng 
regions of thought and action, like the remoter confines of 
European possessions, were thus stirred by new forces, at 
the very heart of every-day existence there were being 
wrought changes of no less significance and of far more 
immediate interest and importance to the masses of mankind. 
French Their first and most obvious expression was in literature. 

The Age of Voltaire and the philosophers had merged insensi- 
bly into the Age of the American Revolution which trans- 
muted into action the doctrines which had long been at work 
remolding European thought. The great skeptic had lived 
to hear of the surrender of Burgoyne ; and at the very moment 


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that he made his final and triumphal visit to Paris there was 1778 
signed the treaty between France and the colonies which 
recognized the independence of the United States of America. 
That circumstance gave a tremendous impetus to the princi- 
ples of liberty for which he, with his fellow-philosophers, 
had long contended. There was no hand in France, nor in 
Europe, both able and willing to take up the pen which fell 
from his hands. For Ooethe, with all his genius, had but 
a languid interest in politics or the controversy which de- 
lighted the soul of the great Frenchman, and Eant's phi- 
losophy, even had it taken the form of liberalism, was as yet 
too remote from popular thought to affect its course. 

But if French letters felt the loss of its leader, its spirit French 
remained that of the philosophers ; and a host of lesser hands L^^^eralism 
continued the work of Voltaire, Diderot, Rousseau, and 
Montesquieu. The salons of the free-thinkers flourished. The 
cult of the common man, of liberalism in religion and politics, 
was more and more sedulously cultivated; and a thousand 
circumstances pointed to an approaching revolution. Despite 
the labors of men like Prevost and St^JBiei^re, the prevailing 
tone of French letters was didactic and political. The latter 
author, indeed, opened a new vein of fiction with his Paid 1789 
and Virginia, in which the extreme sentimentality of his 
time was blended with an extra-European setting to produce 
a new genre of idyllic literature not without its influence 
on later times. But it had neither philosophical nor political 
importance save in so far as it reflected the general tendency 
toward spontaneity and simplicity. 

It was not without significance that this apostle of senti- 
ment had begun life as an ofiicer in Mauritius and became 
the superintendent of the Jardin des Plantes ; thus typifying 
that connection between the various streams of activity which 
dominated the imagination of his time. Even more typical 
of that spirit was the Abb6 Raynal's Hisioire phUosophique 1770 
et politique des etablissemenis des EuropSens dans les deux 
Indes, This curious compilation, to which many of the 
group of so-called philosophers contributed, lacked real his- 
torical spirit. It was as full of errors lis it was of declamation 

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about liberty, the rights of man, and the current shibboleths 
of the school to which the author belonged. Yet it enjoyed 
a peculiar popularity, partly as the first effort to relate the 
history of Europe beyond the sea, and more largely as the 
expression in history of the principles of liberalism then being 
practically exemplified in America and becoming so f ashion^ 
able in France. 

But French literature, especially in history, yielded, like 
all European efforts in that field, to the labors of the English 
in this remarkable period. At this moment the British Idles 
boasted the three greatest living historians, one of whom still 
challenges comparison with any historical writer before or 
since. The first was the Scotch philosopher, David Hume, 
whose death in the year of the American Declaration of 
Independence removed one of the most distinguished figures 
of that circle which made Edinburgh at this time a principal 
intellectual center of Europe. He belonged to the rational- 
isti c school ; and his Natural History of Religion was one of 
the earliest efforts of that group to carry the confiict between 
science or philosophy and theology into the field of dog- 
matism and revelation. His contributions to psychology, 
ethics, and economics ranked him among the leading intel- 
lects of his time. His History of England, chiefly by virtue 
of its style, — ^for he was no historian in the modern sense, — 
had become and long remained the classic account of Eng- 
land's development; nor with all of its bias and its inac- 
curacy was it without its merits for the days in which it 
was written. 

Not inferior in style and infinitely superior in method to 
Hume was his countryman Robertson, who, in addition to 
his labors on the history of Scotland, devoted his talents to 
the same subject which had attracted the Frenchman, Baynal, 
and had produced the earliest of German colonial historians, 
— the doings of Europeans beyond the sea. It was the s3rmbol 
of a changing age when British, French, and German writers 
took up the task of explaining to their countr3rmen the story 
of those regions then for the first time breaking away from 
European leading-strings. And it was emphasized by the 

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appearance of another historical production from the pen of 
one, who, by his position on the English Board of Trade and 
in the House of Commons, had done something to precipitate 
that catastrophe. 

In the year of the Declaration of American Independence Gibbon 
there was published the first volume of Edward Gibbon's ^'^^'^'^^ 
History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. In- 
spired and informed by the labors of scholarship, antiquarian- 
ism, and archseology which distinguished the eighteenth cen- 
tury, Oibbon's work was peculiarly characteristic of the 
intellectual movement of its time and by far its greatest his- 
torical product. It raised English and indeed European 
historical writing to a plane scarcely reached since the days 
of Thucydides. For to a great gift of style it added scientific 
method, great learning, and a sweep of imagination which 
made it a literary portent of the time, comparable in value 
with the labors of the scientists and philosophers, and in 
popularity with that of the novelists. 

With Gibbon's work modern historical writing may be said 
to begin. It partook of another quality which gave it sensa- 
tional importance and produced a whole library of contro- 
versy. Like his contemporaries. Gibbon was profoundly 
influenced by rationalistic thought, and at least two of his 
chapters, — ^those which ventured to enumerate the non- 
spiritual causes for the spread of primitive Christianity, — 
became the object of the bitterest attacks of the orthodox, 
and the prophecy of a new era of historical approach. 

It might well be argued that the year 1776 is the most Political 
important date in history since the discovery of America or «co»o™y 
the fall of Constantinople, as the one from which the final 
stage of European revolution took its rise. For it marks 
not only the formal separation of the new world from the old 
and the entry of an astonishing number of new ideas into 
European thought, but it was the climax of a period which 
revolutionized European thought and practice in nearly every 
field of human activity. This is especially true of the litera- 
ture concerning itself with public affairs and those concerns 
which we commonly think of in terms of statesmanship. In that 

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Adam field the simultaneous publication of two volumes in a sense 

im^ marked the final break with the theories of the past and laid 
the foundations of a new era of thought, and presently of 
practice, in economics and government. The first was the 
Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 
by the Scotch political philosopher-economist, Adam Smitli. 
It is scarcely too much to say that his work is not unworthy 
to set beside even Jefferson's immortal document as a land- 
mark in the* history of liberty. Whether its author be re- 
garded as the founder of that school of economic thought 
which has governed men from his time almost to our own and 
still exercises a powerful influence on affairs, or whether he 
be looked on as merely the greatest exponent of the tend- 
encies of his own time, it is true that, — completing the work 
begun by the Physiocrats, — ^he sounded the death-knell of 

His work was infused with that historical spirit which had 
been so lacking in most earlier economic writing but was 
so characteristic of his day, and had proved one of the most 
powerful antagonists of authority. It emphasized the prin- 
ciple enunciated by the Physiocrats known as laissez-faire — 
the spirit of individual initiative as against that of the 
paternal authority of the state, of competition against monop- 
oly, of the operation of '* natural*' laws in politics and 
economics against the artificiality which had long prevailed 
there. And however that spirit tended to ignore the problem 
of welfare in its emphasis upon wealth, however it found itself 
in need of correction as the era of unrestricted competition 
and industrialism — "the age of tooth and claw" — came on, 
it was not only in full accord with the instinct of a generation 
bent on breaking the long domination of authority, privilege, 
and aristocratic supremacy, but it played a great part in that 
emancipation. His book was not merely a classic of economic 
literature; it had profound and far-reaching effect on prac- 
tical affairs. The praise which has been accorded its influ- 
ence had found expression in the assertion that had it ap- 
peared a generation earlier there would have been no 
American Revolution; and its influence may be measured by 

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the complete reversal of English policy which it and its suc- 
cessors effected within the ensuing half -century. 

Were these not enough to mark 1776 as an anniis mirdbUis, Bentham 
there appeared at the same moment another book, briefer, ^''^^i^Si 
less easily comprehensible, and far less popular than that of 
Smith, ^but scarcely less influential on political thought and 
ultimately on political practice. This Fragment on Oovern^ 
meni brought into European view the doctrines of Jeremy 
Bentham, in whose hands the principles sketched by Hobbes 
in the seventeenth century and elaborated by lesser men in 
the eighteenth were formulated into the school of thought 
known as ntilitRyian To these men the chief object to be 
sought by organized society was, in their famous phrase, ''the 
greatest good of the greatest number"; the chief test of 
gdverlnncntrgtfli ty ; th r Chief motiveof human action, self- 
interest In this doctrine they aligned themselves, consciously 
or unconsciously, on the side of democracy. Utilitarianism 
ignored certain obvious limitations of its philosophy of mo- 
tive, especially as applied to individuals, and, in a sense, 
it followed eighteenth-century fashion in lowering the plane 
of thought and action in the interest of practicality. None 
the less it exercised a profound and not unsalutary effect 
on future thought and still more on legislation. When sup- 
plemented by Bentham 's work on the Principles of Morals 
and Legislation, which coincided with the formation of the 
American constitution, it gave his doctrines a position, par- 
ticularly in the field of legislative reform, comparable to 
those of the Scotch economist in political economy. If the 
one revolutionized the theories which underlay the vast com- 
plex of politics, manufacturing, and commerce, the other 
influenced no less that other related complex of politics, 
morals, and society. Prom such efforts^ joined to the prac- 
tical demonstration of liberty then being given across the 
Atlantic, flowed a stream of thought and action which was 
to reshape the destinies of a great part of the European 

In itself this literary and philosophic production was 
remarkable. It was still more remarkable when taken in 

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connection with the development in another line which had 
unquestionably done much to turn men's thoughts to such 
matters and with which it was to have such tremendous inter- 
action. Among the claims of the eighteenth century to a 
high place in history is the fact that it was the period in 
which the modem world of agriculture and industry took 
The Agri- its rise. In England, particularly, the so-called Agricultural 
RevohiUon Revolution was reaching its zenith during the years of the 
1760-89 American revolt. During the preceding half-century almost 
every phase of production from the soil and the breeding of 
cattle had been improved beyond the imagination of preced- 
ing generations. It is perhaps unworthy the dignity of the 
chroniclers of kings and ministers to record the fact that in 
this period crop returns were doubled by more scientific 
cultivation, and that the weight of cattle and sheep was 
increased by half through careful selection in breeding and 
the spread of root crops for feeding. But it may be within 
even their province to note that by the time of George III 
and Louis XVI farming had become not only profitable but 
fashionable; or that, as a sign of the more practical side of 
the eighteenth century's return to nature, Oeorge Washington 
was not only the savior of the American cause but one of 
the foremost agriculturists of his time; while Oeorge Ill's 
favorite title was that of ''a gentleman of Berkshire." 

These are trifles significant of a rapidly altering society, 
and a no less rapidly changing attitude toward affairs. It 
was reflected and reinforced by another phenomenon of im- 
portance to many classes of society. The increased rewards 
derived from land made land more valuable; and in Eng- 
land especially it led to a revolution not only in cultivation 
but in distribution. The immemorial conmion fleld system 
was destroyed. The common lands were inclosed; and small 
farms were consolidated into large holdings more easily and 
more profitably worked by those possessed of capitaL The 
effect was twofold. On the one hand, production was in- 
creased ; on the other, the destruction of the small landholder, 
or yeoman class, long since begun, was virtually completed. 
The generation which experienced the troubles in America 

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effected the greater part of the first stages of this change 
largely through the action of a landlord Parliament which 
secured its monopoly by enclosure acts. This tendency wad 
less observable* on the continent, ' where the land-holding 
classes had no such legislative powers. And while in the hands 
of men fitted by knowledge, skill, and capital this grazing or 
waste land developed into greater productivity, and so in- 
creased the wealth of the nation, it is now questionable whether 
the social loss by lowering the status of the agricultural masses 
did not more than ofifset the economic gain of larger crops. 

The situation of these lower classes in what was at this The ^ 
time the leading agricultural, industrial, and commercial r^oIuUoti 
nation in Europe, was thus depressed, not only by their own 1760-89 
dispossession but by the relative improvement of their su- 
periors, as they descended into mere laborers. It is, indeed, 
difficult to determine what would have been their fate had 
it not been for another phenomenon which at this precise 
moment tended for the time to provide their surplus numbers 
with a market for their only commodity, their labor. This 
was the so-called Industrial Revolution, whose results are 
not to be reckoned inferior to the revolt of the colonies, nor, 
indeed, to any event since the discovery of America. 

Like its agricultural forerunner, its earliest seat was the 
British Isles. There the development of manufacturing had 
proceeded on different lines and on a larger scale than in 
any other European country, and there it was but natural 
to expect the most marked improvements in mechanism. 

Provided with markets not only on the adjacent continent 
but in far-flung colonies and dependencies bound to her by 
the closest of commercial restrictions, and controlling virtu- 
ally the sea-going commerce of the world, England, unlike 
France, had found her chief profits during the eighteenth 
century in staple and quantity, rather than in articles of 
quality and fashion. Her manufactures, like her commerce, 
had doubled, even trebled, in fifty years, till, especially in 
the two great fields of iron and weaving, she now led the 
world. That progress had been accompanied and in no small 
degree caused by two circumstances. The first was her 

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colonial policy, which at once provided her with enormous 
supplies of raw material and made her the manufacturing, 
commercial, and financial center of her empire. The second 
was the improvement in her methods of production and 

The development of coal and iron mines in which the con- 
tinent was as yet relatively deficient, the supplies dra¥ni 
from across the sea, coupled with the industry and skill of 
her artisans and her unsurpassed merchant marine, no less 
than the resources and ability of her financiers, were aided 
by still another and perhaps the most important of her advan- 
tages, — ^the ingenuity of her inventors. Until well into the 
eighteenth century England, like the rest of the continent, 
depended almost wholly upon the so-called cottage syBtem 
of manufacturing, and very largely on hand labor. Through- 
out Europe the horse-driven treadmill was used to some ex- 
tent. The windmill, which adorned the Dutch landscape and 
provided power for Dutch mills, found little or no place 
elsewhere ; and water provided the chief means of propulsion 
for such machinery* as was not driven by the human hand 
or foot. The fuel for smelting operations had long been 
provided by the forests ; and it was not until the period of 
the wars of the Austrian Succession that pit-coal began to 
replace wood and charcoal. Only in coal-mining was steam 
power used, and that in the form of the relatively crude 
Newcomen pumping-engine, used to clear the mines of water. 
Other attempts to apply this principle to the driving of 
stationary engines, or to means of communication by land or 
water had not as yet been a practical success. 

In some measure industrial development had been stimu- 
lated by improvements in spinning and weaving which char- 
acterized the second quarter of the century. The foot-driven 
spinning-wheel was still in use, with some modifications from 
its original form, and the efforts to substitute some mechanical 
means, like rollers, to draw out and twist the threads, were 
as yet commercially unsuccessful. Weaving was more fortu- 
nate. The flying-shuttle of Eay, and his later invention 
of shuttle-boxes, greatly increased the capacity and ease of 

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*>- 1^ cL 

flj CO ••*' 

O be-- 

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manipulation of the loom. Finally its adaptation to figured 
work, begun by the Frenchmen Falcon and Bouchon, in the. 
same period, extended its capabilities and formed probably 
the greatest advance in weaving since the invention of the 
loom itself. • 

With these improvements the weavers for the moment 
passed beyond the capacity of the spinners to produce thread 
sufficient for their purposes; and the inventors at once began 
to endeavor to remedy that serious deficiency. The years of 
the American Revolution saw the difficulty removed. James Har- 
Hargreaves, an English blacksmith, devised what was known f^^ 
as a spinning- jenny, which realized the dream of producing 
threads by machinery. But the Hargreaves machine, though 
it spun twenty or thirty threads at a time, could not make 
them strong enough for warp. Almost at once, however, Arkwright 
Richard Arkwright contrived an improved jenny which was i''^® 
capable of producing as many threads as Harg^^aves' device, 
and of any required fineness and strength. Ten years later, 
at the crisis of the American troubles, Samuel Crompton ciompton 
corrected the defects of the spinning-jenny by the invention 1^79 
of the "mule," which could twist threads suitable for the 
weaving of muslin, and so came to be known as the muslin- 
wheel. With these inventions the spinners caught up with 
the weavers, and the industry was revolutionized. Within a 
decade the manufacture of textiles was transferred from the 
handworkers, who had carried it on since the dawn of history. 
For the first time it became possible not only to take 
raw wool, cotton, flax, or silk and weave fabrics virtually 
without the use of the hands, save to direct the machines; 
but, what was more important, to produce from the same 
amount of labor an enormously increased output of goods. 

There remained the problem of power to drive these ma- w^tt 
chines. Arkwright had first used horses, then the water- 1736-1819 
wheel, with moderate success. But even while he was casting 
about for other and better methods of operation, a Scotch 
instrument-maker, one James Watt, engaged in repairing a 
model of the Newcomen engine, was inspired to correct its 
defects. The original steam-engine had been merely the 

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application to a pump of steam which, reversing the pumping 
principle, drove the piston forward and so worked the handle. 
It had many flaws, the chief of which was the enormoas 
waste of power. This Watt endeavored to correct, chiefly by 
various devices to conserve the steam. These included the 
condenser; the use of oil to lubricate the piston which would 
thus work more easily and hold in the steam more effectively ; 
a covering to the upper end of the cylinder and its inclosure 
in an outer shell of non-conducting material; and a device 
to keep the piston-rod, ^s well as the piston, in a steam-tight 
The steam- compartment. By such means he preserved a great part of 
engine the heat which had been largely wasted in the Newcomen- 

Savery engine, and so increased its power enormously. To 
this he added other devices to regulate its action — ^the throttle- 
valve, the governor to control the speed of rotation, and the 
indicator to record steam pressure. He found means to con- 
vert the back and forth motion of the piston to the rotaiy 
motion necessary to drive the wheels of a machine, as well as 
to keep the piston to a straight line and enable it to pull as 
well as push, and a process of so-called ''expansive working," 
by which the steam drove the piston forward by its expansion 
after entering the cylinder. With these devices the steam- 
engine took on much the form which, save for the use of 
superheated steam, it has since maintained; and the new 
source of power, thus effectively harnessed, became the motive 
principle of another era of human development. 

It is scarcely too much to say that Watt began a new age 
of the world. The improvements in the manufacture of iron 
and steel which had preceded his invention were now 
enormously stimulated by the power he put in men's hands 
to handle metal in quantities and sizes hitherto impossible. 
The necessity for more and better material for the production 
of machinery in turn brought with it an advance in the proc- 
esses of mining and smelting. The application of steam 
power first to cotton mills, then to blast furnaces, increased 
at once their capacity and adaptability to conditions of 
production. Coal took the place of water as the chief source 
of power; and wherever it was available there sprang up 

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the first products of the Indxistrial Revolution, the factories. 
Hand labor, indeed, continued long, but with decreasing 
ability to meet the competition of man's new servant in 
quantity production. Thus at the same moment that the 
political revolution in Europe came to its fruition, the 
mechanical revolution began to transform the industrial and 
social conditions of the world. 

For the eflPects of English inventive genius were by no Results 
means confined to the mere field of industry. As production iJ^^striai 
was thus infinitely multiplied it brought in its wake an Revolution 
infinity of unsuspected forces and results. To the centers 
of the new manufactupng activity, the factory towns, were 
drawn increasing thousands of workers. This not merely 
shifted population from one district to another, but made 
the long-neglected regions which produced the coal necessary 
for the new source of power, the scenes of unexampled energy 
and wealth. They brought with them great problems of 
society. Wealth and its unequal distribution grew in equal 
pace. Beside the landlord, the factory owner took his stand, 
in the revised arrangement of society. Beside, or in the 
place of agricultural tenant or laborer, appeared the factory 
hand; and every social class and force was compelled to 
readjust itself to the situation thus produced. This was no 
mere question of wealth and labor ; it was a problem of life, — 
for human society no less than industry was revolutionized. 

Not merely was the productive capacity of the world 
multiplied, strangely enough demand increased proportion- 
ately with supply — or better, perhaps, supply proved for the 
first time equal to demand. And, as always happens in such 
cases, men found their desires, even their necessities, in- 
creased by the very wealth of new material placed at their 
disposal. The world became capable of supporting more 
human beings, with more wants ; and instead of relieving the 
pressure for production, that pressure actually increased. 

The result was an unprecedented stimulus to every phase 
of human activity. New conditions of existence, new prob- 
lems of wealth and welfare, new organisms within the body 
politic, a whole new world of men and conditions, arose 

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with startling rapidity from the situation thus produced. 
So strange was it to human experience that nothing short 
of the marvelous tale of Aladdin's genius of the lamp, or 
the fantastic tale of Frankenstein, sufSced to provide a 
parallel. Nor is that parallel complete, since the industrial 
genius and the social Frankenstein, so far from being bottled 
or destroyed by those who summoned them into existence, 
have come to be the dominant powers of an altered world. 
The stimulus of the demand for labor was soon felt in an 
increase of population; and among the manifold and unex- 
pected results of the industrial revolution not the least im- 
portant was the enormous increase of European peoples, with 
its complex and far-reaching consequences. 
Science These great changes, whose principal results belong to 

in^ntion ^^^^^ generations, were accompanied by two other phenomena, 
not unrelated to the movement typified by Watt and his 
fellow-inventors^ The latter represented that spirit of em- 
pirical or even accidental talent which, unrelated to scientific 
advance, produces inventions, so to speak, from its inner 
consciousness. Watt, on the other hand, achieved his suc- 
cess not only by this process but by his study of the proper- 
ties of the material on which his fame was based, steam. 
Astronomy Something of that spirit was evident in the other scientific 
1750-1800 achievements of his time, whose history is the record of 
great names. Herschel's improvement of the telescope now 
enlarged man's knowledge of the planetary i^stem with 
the discovery of Uranus. The Mecanique Celeste of Laplace, 
whose mathematical solution of the mechanics of the uni- 
verse formed the greatest of astronomical contributions since 
Newton's Principia, joined to the work of Lagrange and Euler 
and their contemporaries, was to round out the eighteenth 
century's task of deducing and generalizing the achievements 
of astronomy. Those labors were yet under way ; and it was 
not until the beginning of the nineteenth century that they 
were completed and accepted. But by the time which we 
have now reached, a great part of the work upon which they 
were based had been accomplished ; and it was the province 
of Laplace to combine the series of eighteenth-century tri- 

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James Watt. 

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nmphfi in astronomy into a systematic whole, no less than to 
infuse that body of knowledge with his own genius. 

Coincident, and in a sense corollary to these astronomical Geology 
achievements, were the concurrent investigations of the earth. *nd 
In these years Werner established the principles of geological ^^^^^ y 
formation; while Haney and Dolomieu laid the foundations 
of mineralogy. Buffon published his Epoques de la Nature, 1779 
the first attempt to deal chronologically with the history 
of the earth* Finally Hutton and his disciple Playfair 
inaugurated that classification of geological strata, which, 
expanded presently by the work of Lamarck and Cuvier on 
fossils, began modern geology. Meanwhile, the explorers were 
not idle; and to the achievements of Cook were added those 
of Mackenzie, who first reached the river which bears his 1789 
name and followed it to the Arctic. The polar regions and ^ 
central Africa felt the presence of adventurous travelers. 
And, apart from his labors in delineating the world as it 
was revealed by these new additions to knowledge, the French 
cartographer, d'Anville, rendered such service to the cause 1697-1789 
of ancient and even mediaeval historical geography as to 
make him the virtual founder of that branch of human 
learning. It is not surprising that, with these advances in 
knowledge, philosophers and theologians alike were compelled 
to revise their beliefs, and among the circumstances which 
typified the times, not the least significant is the fact that 
Eant lectured on physics and physical geography. 

No less remarkable were the advances in physics and Physics 
chemistry. For in those years, among a multitude of scarcely ^^^^ 
less important discoveries, the experiments of Volta and 1768-89 
Galvani produced the electric pile and the battery generating 
a continuous current, upon which the future of electricity 
so largely depended. The chemists were no less active. The 
labors of Priestley and Lavoisier dealt a final blow to the 
phlogiston theory which had long hampered advance, and 
with the resolution and re-creation of water from its elements 
pointed out new lines of investigation. Scheele and Priestley 
finally isolated oxygen. Cavendish and BerthoUet laid the 
foundations of pneumatics; Scheele continued to provide the 

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and belief 

world with new materials for its use, among which chlorine 
and glycerine were the most conspicuons. And these, with an 
increasing company of investigators besides, added from year 
to year, almost from month to month, to man's knowledge 
of nature and her laws; and increased his capacity to adapt 
them to his own purposes. 

The biologists, meanwhile, contributed to the same end, 
as the contemporaries and successors of Linnaeus and Buffon 
continued and completed their work. The classification and 
systematization of plants and animals, which had marked the 
century, led inevitably to consideration of the reasons why 
so many varieties of animal life occurred. With this came 
the beginning of that theory of species which was to lead 
to the modem doctrine of evolution. Among its pioneers 
the name of Lamarck was conspicuous; while Spallanzani 's 
work on the problems of generation introduced another 
element of the highest importance to the study of life and 
its mysteries. Still more practical were the. investigations 
of the blood, which in the hands of Jenner were to lead to 
the vaccination treatment and the consequent betterment of 
human health. 

It is apparent from the most cursory review of the more 
conspicuous contributions to human knowledge and capacity 
in this noteworthy period that the world had come to another 
great turning-point not only in its affairs but in its thought. 
What the rationalists had hardly been able to accomplish in 
their attacks upon the theologians, the scientists now began 
to achieve. Before the discoveries of the geologists and 
astronomers the Mosaic doctrines of the origin and age of 
the earth began to crumble; and with them went much 
beside. The change affected much more than foundations of 
belief. The eighteenth century was at once skeptical and 
sentimental, highly theoretical yet severely practical, intel- 
lectual but curiously humanitarian. And, as a result of these 
strangely assorted qualities, it developed, among its other 
manifestations, a remarkable tendency toward the alleviation 
of human ignorance and suffering, inspired and directed by 
its passion for organization. 

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It was, above all, infused with the spirit which had already 
produced one revolution and was preparing another, — ^the 
attention to the common man. This rose to eminence at 
the very moment that aristocratic dominance seemed at its 
height. And if the development of political and economic 
philosophy paralleled the progress of science and invention 
to increase the wealth of nations, the development of that 
movement to which we give the name of humanitarian was 
a still more remarkable evidence of the changing standards 
of a world. ''Man's inhumanity to man makes countless 
thousands mourn," wrote Burns. And it was in the effort 
to correct somewhat the suffering and injustice which men 
endure at the hands of their fellows that the later eighteenth 
century, from the so-called enlightened despots of the con- 
tinent to the democratic English reformers, began a new age 
of social regeneration. 

It was, perhaps, natural that, as the French political the- Rise of 
orists had led the way in the reaction against the apotheosis ta^j^^ 
of royal authority exemplified in Louis XIV, the English —the slave 
reformers led the way in the reaction against the evils orig- ^^^ 
inating in the peculiar development of their own society. In 
the nation which, after the Portuguese, had most profited 
from the slave-trade, there was begun a movement destined 
to put an end to that wretched traffic. Lord Mansfield, 
among the great series of decisions which contributed to his 
fame as the founder of the English commercial law, and 
the political activities which caused him to be called ''the 
founder of modern Toryism," gave utterance to a famous 1719 
judgment which made a freeman of any man who set foot 
on English soil, whatever his previous status. He himself 
was far from a propagandist; but there sprang up in the 
years of the American Revolution a school of devoted anti- 
slavery advocates, Ramsay, Sharp, Clarkson, and Bishop 
Wilberforce. Their efforts within one generation were to 
abolish the slave-trade, and in another to abolish slavery 
throughout the British Empire. - 

At the same time, owing in part perhaps to the so-called 
''evangelical movement" growing out of the religious revival 

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schools and 


of torture 

of the century, other forces rallied to the protection of Bociety. 
Robert Raikes founded the ''Sunday School," which thence- 
forth, especially in the hands of the Nonconformists, played 
a great part in church affairs. The activities of the prison 
reformer, John Howard, who was the greatest figure of an 
increasing group, began the practical betterment of the fear- 
ful prison conditions which had long disgraced Europe. This 
was furthered by the talents of men like Bentham who founded 
a new school of theory and practice in the treatment of crimi- 
nals, and not merely revolutionized penology but opened new 
avenues of social thought and service. 

Such activities were emphasized by a change in judicial 
procedure which came to affect the whole European worlds 
From very early times the use of torture in extracting evi- 
dence from unwilling witnesses had been common to most 
European countries, and recognized as a part of the criminal 
code in virtually every nation save England. Even there 
the royal houses of Tudor and Stuart had used it as an engine 
of state though not of law. Following the work of reformers 
— ^the. English penologists, like Bentham, and the Italian 
writers on criminal subjects, like Beccaria and Burlamaqui, — 
there came a rapid change in men's attitude toward this 
practice. It is a notable feature of the general movement 
toward the alleviation of manners as well as morals that the 
Age of the American Revolution saw its virtual abolition in 
nearly every European country save perhaps some of the 
German states where it had always found its principal foot- 
hold and its chief defenders. Nor is it without significance 
that the last auto-da-fe was held at the same time that torture 
disappeared from. European practice. Thus the iastitutions 
which in an age of faith had claimed as victims such different 
individuals as Machiavelli, Bruno, and Villon, Savonarola, 
Servetus, and Campanella, by the irony of circumstance dis- 
appeared in the age of skepticism. 

This circumstance is not merely notable as an evidence of 
the changing attitude of the world toward matters of belief, 
and as a prophecy of greater tolerance, of gentler manners, 
and more rational action. It revealed a wider sympathy and 

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9 ^ 





O (4 


•5 b 

ss i 


O S 



.S s 


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a deeper recognition of the varied aspects of humanity. Still 
more, the humanitarian movement began to develop pro- 
tective agencies for a society experiencing new disabilities, 
new problems, and new evils arising from its own success in 
material fields. In the efforts to adjust the diverging inter- 
ests of the wealthy few with the welfare of the many ; in the 
endeavor to ameliorate the suffering and injustice increas- 
ingly evident in human relationships; no less than in the 
attempt to relate social with material and intellectual prog- 
ress, the eighteenth century revealed one of the principal 
concerns of the modem world. This was not wholly the prod- 
uct of skepticism. But, whatever the cause, modern Europe 
proved itself superior to the ancient world, and modem Chris- 
tianity, reinforced by rationalism, superior to ancient pagan- 
ism, or medifeval superstition in this respect at least. 

The spirit of liberty thus making itself felt so powerfully The 
in practice was no less evident in the literature of the period, ^^j 5?^ 
While France followed the footsteps of the philosophers, the 
British Isles, concrete as always in their expression of emo- 
tion, had entered on another phase of their literary progress 
closely connected not only with the return to nature and the 
cause of political emancipation but with the rising cult of 
common humanity. English literature had begun to outlive 
the Age of Pope and to substitute imagination and sympathy 
for correctneBBTfiild criticism. It had experienced Fielding 
and Richardson, Smollett and Sterne; and it was now at a 
point which produced forms of expression which, like the 
outlines of politics and thought, seem more familiar to 
modem eyes. From the French had been borrowed the 
genre of the epistle, and the aristocratic authors. Lord Ches- 
terfield, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, had worked that vein 
almost to exhaustion. From the antiquarians had been 
secured that impulse to revive the past, which was evident 
in the forgeries of the unfortunate Chatterton and in the 
scarcely more genuine productions of Ossian, as well as the 
labors of Bishop Percy in his Reliques of Ancient Poetry, i7d6 
From the general tendency toward systematization which 
characterized the age had come the Dictionary of Dr. John- 

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** search 
for happi- 



** common 

son, and the first edition of the Encyclopedia Bn^onntca, 
whose appearance coincided with the first year of Lord 
North's administration. 

English literary activity was not dependent on borrow- 
ing. Diderot's great Encyclopidie had began, in fact, as 
the translation of an English production of like nature. And, 
in another direction, the British Isles contributed an element 
of profound importance to literary evolution. 

The curious phenomenon which the eighteenth century 
exhibited, as a part of its peculiar psychology, the search 
for happiness, was evident here no less than on the continent. 
The talents of Voltaire had undertaken the search in his 
Candide; to this the lexicographer, Dr. Johnson, added his 
contribution in Rasselas; and Gibbon did not think his history 
complete without attributing that golden age to the Antonine 
era of Roman history. But it remained to the most graceful 
of poet-essayists, Oliver Qoldsmith, to offer a solution for 
the mystery which was typical of the altering standards of 
life and letters. He discovered its seat, not in the distant 
palaces of the East nor in the remote ages of the past, but 
in the eighteenth-century cottage and the simple life of 
the Vicar-oiJW^ks^eld. That motive he emphasized in the 
greatest poem since Pope, The Traveller^ who, reviewing his 
journeys, concludes, with Milton, that happiness depends not 
on political conditions, or any artificial state, but that the 
human heart can ''in itself make hell of heaven and heaven 
of hell." 

Goldsmith, who died the year before the battle of Lexington, 
was, with all his personal peculiarities, the true prophet of 
the oncoming generation. Like Rousseau, he lacked the quali- 
ties which made for worldly eminence. Like him he was 
neither deeglyjleamed-iior.of good judgment; but like the 
great Frenchman and far morTappeattfigly and clearly, he 
voiced the sentiment of his time and the profoundest truths 
of society. He had many echoes. It was in the household 
tasks that Cowper found his inspiration ; in a country church- 
yard that Gray penned his immortal Mg^y. And in the 
lines of men like these there echoed not merely the return 

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to the simple and natural, the spirit of liberty and equality, 
but that sentiment of sympathy and universal humanity which 
is the greatest product of the later eighteenth-century mind. 
When that movement was crowned with the work of the 
Sc ottish plowman . Bums, who challenged the old r^me 
with his lines, ^'The'^rahk is but the guinea's stamp, A 
man's a man for a' that," it was already apparent that the 
world was set on a new course. For these were more than 
pleasing literary productions, they were the heralds of a new 
order of society. 

With these movements, intellectual, industrial, political, Explora^ 
and sentimental, was bound up another issue, which, in a ^io„^ 
sense, was not unrelated to them all. It was the opening tion 
of new lands and new opportunities beyond the sea. When, 
hard-pressed by her old rivals, the exigencies of her domestic 
affairs, and the successes of her rebellious colonies in America, 
England had been compelled to recognize the independence 
of her greatest oversea possession, concede home rule to 
Ireland, and surrender some of her earlier conquests, it was 
evident that a great change impended in world politics. But 
it was not apparent what that change implied. To many 
it appeared that English dominance was on the wane. They 
thought her empire had felt a mortal blow ; that the downfall 
of her colonial supremacy had come; that the England of 
Elizabeth, of Cromwell, and of Pitt was at an end ; and that 
her possessions oversea, like her French conquests after 
Henry V, would presently revert to other hands. Few or 
none foresaw that her power was destined to a new lease of 
life, surpassing even that which went before. Not even the 
most sanguine of prophets anticipated that the conflict just 
closed was but the beginning of an age of revolution which 
would raise a family of free states in the new world ; and in 
the old would bring new classes to the conduct of affairs. 
None could conceive that the inchoate state now cast adrift 
from the old European system would become, within a cen- 
tury, not only the most advanced society yet founded outside 
the one from whence it sprung, but comparable in power, 
wealth, and size to even the greater states of Europe itself. 

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Least of all did any prophesy that there should rise in the 
antipodes still other states, based on not unlike principles, 
to carry on in those unknown regions the principles and 
practices of European life. 

Yet even before the peace was signed, something of all of Australia 
these great changes was under way. Its first result was in 
those distant lands which Cook's voyages had brought to 
European and especially to English eyes, in the preceding 
twenty years. This land, once called New Holland, and 
rechristened by him Australia, the English administration, 
moved by the necessity of reorganizing its system of trans- 
porting convicts, which had been checked by the American 
Revolution, began to consider as a solution of the problem 
of its criminals. America was no longer available. France 
and Spain were ready and able to oppose fresh aggression, 
even were that considered; and the expedient first adopted, 
of sending the unfortunates to Quinea, was so deadly that 
the awakening conscience of the government revolted against 
the condemnation to slow and horrible death which it in- 
volved. Though the new regions which Cook's discoveries 
had laid open to European Imowledge and occupation were 
distant, they were not inhospitable ; and there, whatever her 
neighbor's jealousies, they were little inclined and less able 
to oppose an English occupation. Five years, therefore, after 
the peace was signed, England despatched a convict ship 
thither. At a spot pointed out by Cook as fit for settlement 
and christened Botany Bay, there were set up the Australian 1787-8 
colonies of Sydney and Norfolk Island, first of those penal 
settlements, which, for a generation, were recruited by two 
thousand convicts a year. Under such unpromising auspices, 
surrounded by every adverse circumstance, began a new 
extension of European power and occupation, destined in the 
ensuing century to conquer its earlier disadvantages and 
distress, and, under vastly altered conditions, form a power- 
ful European state in the South Pacific. 

It would have been surprising if amid such revelations of Adminis- 
energy in so many fields the politics of Europe had felt none trativc 
of the general impulse to progress. Nor was this the case. 

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The en- 



The earlier years of the century, indeed, had been little dis- 
turbed by creative legislation ; and reform, like law, had been 
silent amid the conflict of arms and diplomacy. But what 
those years had lacked was fully atoned for in the last quarter 
of the century. Following the constructive work began by 
Lord North's administration and the reforms forced on the 
government by the increasing opposition strength bent on 
reduction of the royal power, the administration of the 
younger Pitt, which succeeded an interregnum of coalition 
ministries, committed the new Tory Party to a program of 

Widely as continental monarchies varied from that of 
England, different as were the means they used, their efforts 
had been directed to not dissimilar ends. Even while Cath- 
erine intrigued with Frederick for the partition of Poland 
and warred with Sweden for the Baltic provinces, she, like 
her great Prussian contemporary, labored to give her people 
a sound administration. Greater than either in the effort to 
reform the old abuses and bring government abreast of prog- 
ress in other fields was the Emperor Joseph II, who mean- 
while became the ruler of all the Hapsburg territories. While 
he was the author of the one considerable conflict which dis- 
turbed Europe in the decade which followed the Peace of 
Versailles, the Austro-Turkish war, he strove with single aim 
to consolidate his heterogeneous dominions. His failure 
might well have daunted a less zealous character. In his 
endeavors to secure religious toleration, he antagonized the 
church which claimed the allegiance of half his subjects. 
His efforts to equalize taxes irritated the higher classes; 
while that to unify his people by imposing the German lan- 
guage on them all alienated every non-Oerman subject from 
Belgium to Hungary. Only his early death and the accession 
of his brother Leopold, who, as Grand Duke of Tuscany, had 
played the part of benevolent despot with sound judgment 
and success, preserved the Empire from the spread of insur- 
rection which broke out in the Austrian Netherlands as a 
retort to the tactless and ill-timed zeal of the most eminent 
reformer of his time. 

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But even the beginnings of colonization in the Pacific, and 
the first steps in the establishment of sound administration 
along modem lines in European states, yielded in importance 
to the developments in America during the six years which 
followed the Peace of Paris. Those developments, indeed, 
attracted but little attention in Europe. Beside the labors 
of Pitt and Catherine, of Joseph II and the enlightened 
despots in whose activities there seemed the fairest promise 
of progress in the important science and art of government, 
the doings of the American colonists appeared of little 

This is not to be wondered at.. Scarcely a nation, much The 
less a well-organized state, the thirteen colonies which g^^^^f 
emerged into independence bound together by the loosest of America 
ties, lacked nearly every element of strength when measured ^"^^^^ 
by old world standards. Their territory, indeed, surpassed 
that of any European power save one. But, hemmed in by 
the provinces which England still retained and by the Span- 
ish territories, the claim to much of the land nominally theirs 
was still disputed by fierce and powerful Indian tribes, while 
English troops still occupied the western posts to insure per- 
formance of treaty obligations. Theirs was of all lands then 
inhabited by Europeans outside the old world probably best 
fitted for white settlement. For, unlike South America, 
no tremendous natural obstacles divided one region from 
another, and no extremes of heat or cold, arid or torrential 
areas made the land unlivable; while within its far-reaching 
boundaries the products of every clime from Egypt to 
Scandinavia could be grown, and it contained incalculable 
if scarcely suspected mineral wealth. Moreover, its rivers and 
ports and inland seas increased its unsurpassed natural 
opportunities; and it suffered only the immediate disadvan- 
tages incident to any such new society. 

Its economy was still simple. Still essentially an agri- American 
cultural community, relieved by trapping, trading, fishing, »^v*»**8«» 
and a slender commerce, now cut off from British markets, 
it was a race of countrymen. A few ports claimed the rank 
of cities; the temporary capital, Philadelphia, with most 

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reason, though it numbered scarcely thirty thousand sonla. 
The average of material prosperity was consequently high, 
but wealth was evenly distributed ; and the prevailing home- 
spun typified the society which it clothed. England bad 
already entered the factory stage of industry. But the use 
of steam was as yet all but unknown in America, as else- 
where ; and in so far she was ill-equipped to solve the problem 
of her inheritance. In most fields, intellectual activity, like 
customs, manners, laws, and language, was a reflex of Eng- 
land. Only in three particulars did the Americans excel. 
The first was the insatiable curiosity and inventiveness of 
the New Englander; the second was a certain political ca- 
pacity, bom of colonial self-government and nourished by the 
Revolution; the third was the self-confident courage of the 
pioneer spirit which enabled the new society to face the future 
as it faced the wilderness, ignorant but unawed. 
American Its chief disadvantages were largely the product of its 
limitatioiis environment and the effect of the recent conflict. Its self- 
contained and largely self-supporting communities had hith- 
erto been bound together as little by tradition of common 
interests and activities as by economic interdependence or 
by geographical or political exigence. In means of communi- 
cation as in sympathies they were only less distant from 
Europe than from each other; for there was little com- 
munity among merchant and farmer and fisherman of the 
north, the southern planter, and the western pioneer. Be- 
tween the states and within them existed the perpetual antag- 
onism of confiicting interests, which even the crisis of the 
war had not repressed. The replacing of wealthy, cultured, 
and conservative loyalists by a more radical element had done 
much for democracy but little for unity; since the 
new leaders, now chosen to state ofBces, jealous of popular 
rights and local privile^, confirmed in separatist principles, 
were as ready to oppose the Congress they had created 
as the Parliament whose authority they had destroyed. 
They had, as one of their ablest countrymen observed, 
''talked liberty so long they had forgotten the necessity of 

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Of the three problems which faced this new society, social American 
improvement, expansion, and unity, the last was most press- J^^lj™' 
ing. The organization of provinces into states had been 
completed; and long before the peace was signed most com- 
monwealths were conducting their own affairs. But na- 
tional administration existed in scarcely more than name; 
and in consequence the people endured the worst form of 
decentralized control. State legislated against state, refused 
or neglected to pay its quota of tax, which Congress had 
neither force nor authority to collect. Credit, national, then 
local, disappeared. The debt increased. The interest in a 
bankrupt and impotent central government declined, till 
Congress often had no quorum for months. The state authori- 
ties, evading the only real remedies, firm administration and 
sound finance, embraced the wild expedients of paper money, 
land banks, commercial and sumptuary legislation, with such 
results that Rhode Island soon faced business anarchy, and 
Massachusetts armed rebellion. Within four years after the 
peace it seemed that those who had won their independence 
might fall a prey to anarchy or foreign intervention through 
the weak f oHy of those very men who had been most active 
in the agitation for freedom. 

In this crisis the higher intelligence of the community steps to- 
united with its larger interests to provide a remedy; and, J|^i"J!*^ 
as earlier, the elements which rallied to save the nation were tion 
those whose leadership had brought success to its arms. In ^'^^'^'^ 
this they were aided by various circumstances. The separa- 
tion from European influence had strengthened the sense of 
unity. The consciousness of their vast inheritance beyond the 
Alleghenies which had fallen into the hands of the central 
government as the price of the acceptance of the Articles, 
and the desire to exploit its wealth which led to a great 
movement toward the west, combined with the distress pro- 
duced by the financial situation. Prom a conference, with 
Washington at its head, to consider the improvement of com- 
munication, the pressure to amend the Articles received new 
strength; and, as a result, seconded by business interests 
everywhere. Congress authorized the summoning of a constit- 

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uent assembly. This meeting at Philadelphia in May, 1787, 
under the presidency of Washington, wrestled in secret for 
four months with the great problem of a new organization. 
From their deliberations they brought forth not a revision 
of the Articles but a new instrument of government, the Con- 
stitution of the United States. It marked an epoch in the 
political evolution of the European race. The first and still 
the most remarkable contribution of the new world to the 
science of politics, it set up a form of government till then 
unknown, and till then deemed impossible — an effective union 
of states so federated as to maintain the rights of both central 
and local authority without emasculating the one or destroy- 
TheCon- ing the other. Confronted by the inextinguishable particu- 
of Uie^** larist sentiment of states' rights, the antagonisms between 
United commonwealths of widely varying size, the rivalries of north 
^ and south, of free and slave-holding communities, above all, 

the century-long quarrel between the conflicting views of 
those believing strong administration the goal of their efforts 
and those contending for popular government, the framers 
of the Constitution steered a middle course with eminent 
ability and success. To their task they brought the fruits of 
their experience in state affairs and under the defective system 
of the Articles. They invoked the lessons of the old world, 
from the days of Greece and Rome to the theories of the 
English and French philosophers. In particular they 
adopted the principle of separation of powers set forth so 
skilfully by Montesquieu, while, at the same time, they 
leaned heavily on English precedent and practice. Thus, 
combining old and new, practice and theory, into a novel 
form of polity, they justified their proud claim of forming 
^'a more perfect Union, establishing Justice, promoting the 
general Welfare, and securing the Blessings of Liberty for 
themselves and their Posterity." 

By adroit compromise and ingenious constitutional device, 
avoiding expression of principles, they used the machinery 
of check and balance to produce a practical paradox, which, 
however capable or incapable of logical defense, was to prove 
a marvel of prudent efficiency. By an initial masternstroke 

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George Washington. 
After the portrait by Gilbert Stuart. 

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of policy they disarmed the most powerful mutual antag- 
onisms by transferring the source of constituted authority 
from the states to the people. They frankly divided sov- 
ereignty between the central government and the common- 
wealths, according to the functions to be performed, adjusting 
the authority of each so as to preserve their respective rights 
in mutual interdependence. They formally separated the 
executive, legislative, and judicial departments of govern- 
ment, with powers so defined as to make the permanent 
domination of any one difficult if not impossible. 

Upon the people in their various capacities was conferred 
the duty and privilege of choosing their rulers. Electors were 
named by popular vote within the states to select the chief 
executive. Prom districts, apportioned according to popula- 
tion within the states, the people elected the members of the 
popular branch of the national legislature, the House of 
Representatives. The same electorate, differently districted, 
returned the members of the state legislatures, who not 
merely enacted statutes for the separate commonwealths but 
chose the members of the national upper house, or Senate. 
Thus was preserved the balance between the large and small 
units, whose antagonism might othcirsid^ have wrecked the ' 
plan. State governments jyere undisturbed in form or powers 
within their own boundaries ; while those functions best per- 
formed collectively were transferred to the Qfintral authority. 
TJiftjj8-4yas Qreated.ft^federal judiciary, its Supreme Court co- itschar- 
ordinate with Congress and the chief executive, or President, p^^^tons 
Control of army and navy, customs, excise, diplomatic service, 
treasury, coinage, and postal service, were reserved to the 
federal power, and forbidden to the states, as interference 
in their affairs was denied to the central government. 

Such was the nicely balanced system — typified in the motto 
of the state it established, "£ Pluribus Unum'' — which now 
took its place among the constitutional classics of the world, 
and became the model for later republican experiments. Its 
compromises measured at once the wisdom of its framers 
and the strength of the opposing interests it sought to com- 
bine. Its most ardent advocates scarcely dared anticipate its 

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tance of 
the estab- 
of the 

adoption as it stood, or its unaltered continuance, in the face 
of the many conflicting interests it sought to reconcile. Its 
most ardent opponents hoped to modify or destroy it before 
the nine states whose assent was necessary to its adoption 
had sanctioned it. Necessary and equitable as it was, the 
advocates of wider states' rights and greater popular liberties 
were not prepared to yield their convictions without a 
struggle. Every element of disorder helped their cause. As 
often happens in such a contingency, the hopes and fears of 
neither side were destined to be fully realized. Prom the 
ensuing conflict over adoption the body of the instrument 
emerged unaltered; but scores of amendments were pro- 
posed, and of these ten finally became the price of its accept- 
ance by the states. They formed a bill of rights securing: 
guarantees not mentioned in the document itself. Thus were 
established free speech and religious liberty, the privileges of 
assembly and petition, right to bear arms, and freedom from 
the quartering of soldiers upon the people in time of peace, 
security against unwarranted search, speedy and public jury 
trial; safeguards against excessive bail, prolonged imprison- 
ment without judicial hearing, cruel or unnecessary punish- 
ment. In short, the old provisions of English protection to 
the individual against the executive, embraced in documents 
from Magna Charta to the Bill of Bights, were thus ensured. 

With these additions the assent of the states necessary ^o 
adoption was secured, and the new constitution took its place 
among the political eystems of the world. The great general 
who had led the armies of the colonists to victory became, 
not a dictator, but the elected president of a real self-govern- 
ing community. Of the three stages of any revolution, the 
agitation which precedes appeal to force; the clash of arms; 
and the formation of a new organization to replace the old; 
the third was safely past. With the adoption of the Consti- 
tution the American Revolution was now complete. 

The establishment of the United States was the end of 
a long development, the climax of two powerful movements 
which had been at work for centuries. The one was the evolu- 
tion of self-government, the other the territorial expansion of 

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the European race in lands beyond the sea. It was not merely 
that this was the first child of Europe to break away to inde- 
pendence. In 80 doing it was the first of European societies 
to make on a great scale the most crucial experiment on which 
any people can embark, that of ruling themselves. Nor was 
the spirit which found expression in the American Revolution 
confined to the new world or to the realm of politics. In 
a far truer sense than even the astute Prussian monarch 
dreamed, it was at once a part of the great European move- 
ment then on foot in almost every department of human 
endeavor, and an incentive to still further change. During 
the years of armed conflict in America at least four principal 
departments of European activity, politics and economic 
thought, colonial affairs and industry, were revolutionized. 
Now at the very moment when the constitution which gave 
the new nation its final form was adopted, the spirit which 
had informed the struggle that gave it birth was transferred 
to the oldest of continental monarchies, there to inaugurate 
a new era of political development in the old world. 

It has been observed that, among the various activities of The 
the enlightened despots which distinguished the Age of the ^f^wce 
American Revolution, the efforts of Joseph II to unify his 1774 
territory "had brought his people of the Austrian Netherlands 
to the threshold of revolt. The Belgian discontent was but 
the prelude to a greater drama on which the curtain was 
about to rise. At the moment that England drifted into 
war with her American colonies there had come to the throne 
of France the amiable and well-intentioned youth, Louis XVI. 
Seldom had ruler faced a more dubious heritage. The vast 
debt laid on the nation by Louis XIY's war and diplomacy, 
increasing through the century by the ambitions of his 
weaker successors, by maladministration and courtly extrava- 
gances, was the eighth wonder of the world of politics. From 
taxation the clergy and nobility were exempt; from it they 
drew the pensions and rewards reserved for them alone ; from 
it they sucked the life-blood of the unprivileged. With every 
disposition to reform, the king had found his best endeavors 
thwarted by the noble courtiers and the army of officials, 

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The _ 


of the 



5 May 


as well as by the obstinate pride and extravagance of his 
wife, the Austrian archduchess, Marie Antoinette. It was in 
vain that the great administrator of the Limousin, Target, 
who had made that unpromising province flourish, was sum- 
moned to perform the same miracle in national affairs. It was 
no less in vain the Genevese banker, Necker, was called to 
reconstruct finance. Both failed before the intrenched privi- 
lege of court and officials; and the incompetents who suc- 
ceeded them plunged France into the final stages of insol- 
vency. In this crisis the king, like Charles I of England 
a century and a half before, when faced by a similar situation, 
summoned the great nobles and clergy to an Assembly of 
Notables, Filled with the spirit of class privilege, unmindful 
of the signs on every hand, this body found no remedy ; and 
with reluctant voice the government was compelled to summon 
the States-Oeneral, which, since its last meeting under Louis 
XUI a hundred and seventy-five years before, had taken no 
part in the affairs of France. 

" The Notables had assembled in the same year that the 
American constitutional convention framed its great docu- 
ment. In the very days that the assent of the states necessary 
to adoption was being obtained there came together at Ver- 
sailles the body which was to determine the destinies of 
France, and in no small degree of Europe itself. It was 
significant that it should meet in that nation where the old 
order had reached the zenith of its power, and so fully demon- 
strated its incompetence; and where, at the same time, the 
theories of the newer school of thought had taken deepest 
root. In it the irresistible doctrines of Montesquieu and 
Rousseau came face to face with the immovable pretensions 
of the old regime, the Rights of Man with ancient forms and 
the prescriptive authority of privilege. On the side of the 
former were now ranged the forces of the new world of 
affairs and thought; the nobles who had fought for liberty 
in the western world; the lawyers who had argued its doc- 
trines in the debating dubs of Paris and provincial capitals; 
the scientists who had long since defied the precedent and 
authority of the past in search of truth. Even foreigners who 

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of forces 


with voice or pen had been enlisted on the same side, stood 
finally arrayed against the champions of the old regime. For The 
that regime it was the beginning of the end ; its last defenses S°S^« 
were already being attacked by forces inspired by the same 
doctrines which had sapped those defenses. Against oncoming 
millions bred to new ways of thought, against the progress 
of that thought itself, not all the weight of long-established 
authority, the awe of immemorial royal and aristocratic 
supremacy, the power of entrenched inequality, sufficed to 
protect its lessening defenders. And it was a symbol of the 
time and the event that marshaled in the ranks of the 
States-Gteneral beside the hero of America, Lafayette, the 
victim of the Bastille, Mirabeau. With the free-thinking Abb6 
Sidyes were found the chemist Lavoisier, Bailly, the royal 
astronomer, Lamarck, the great biologist, and Thomas Paine, 
the agnostic pamphleteer of the Americans. The last meeting 
of the States-General was, in brief, no mere political phe- 
nomenon. It marked not only the end of an outworn system 
of government and the beginning of new things as yet untried 
and scarcely realized in many different fields. It marked no 
less a crisis in the world of thought; it included among its 
numbers many exponents of the world's progress in many 
different lines; and though it took the form of politics, it 
symbolized the rapidly altering basis of a complex and an 
increasingly intelligent society. 

The French Revolution, even more than the independence 
of America, t3rpified the profound change which had come 
over European society in the preceding three centuries — a 
change but imperfectly described by the mere enumeration of 
isolated events or movements. The mediaeval period had been 
dominated by three powers, the crown, the church, and the 
nobility. In it that element we know generically as ''busi- 
ness," which so greatly affects the life of to-day, played but 
a minor part. In it the concerns of intellect,^ the development 
of devices to extend man's capacity^ much less the infinite 
complex which goes to make up what we call culture, were 
relatively neglected, rudimentary, or unknown. Had royal, 
clerical, and aristocratic dominance continued, it is not prob- 

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able that this situation would have greatly changed* The 
number of authors, inventors, scientists, philosophers, and dis- 
coverers in those ranks was not large; the quality was even 
less conspicuous. Whatever those classes contributed to gov- 
ernment and the stability of society ; however their patronage 
assisted the advancement of learning and the progress of the 
arts; they made little direct addition either to knowledge or 

That was pre-eminently the work of what we have come to 
know as the middle class. This class created a new basis of 
life and thought. It wrote books, made discoveries in science, 
produced inventions, composed music, created new styles in 
architecture, painted pictures, set up new philosophies, inves- 
tigated the past, explored and exploited the lands beyond the 
sea, founded new communions, and set commerce and industry 
among the chief concerns of mankind. From its efforts emerged 
a new social order. Only in one direction, by the end of the 
eighteenth century, this middle class or bourgeoisie had made 
but little progress in their conquest of the affairs of life. 
Save for the so-called Anglo-Saxon countries, England and 
America, they had but little voice in those concerns which go 
under the name of politics. And if there is one generalization 
more striking than all others in this long history of the crea- 
tion of a new world of men, it is that the Age of Revolution, 
which now began in the new world and the old, is, in this view, 
only the extension of the activities of this class into the realm 
of politics. They had created a new society, largely in their 
own image ; they were now about to enter upon its government. 
The royal, clerical, and arist(jcratic forces had exhausted their 
mandate in many fields. They were now about to lose control 
of their last stronghold, the conduct of public affairs. The 
story of the so-called democratic movements which make up 
so large a part of the political history of the ensuing century 
is the narrative of the efforts of this middle class to secure 
control of the society which they had brought forth. In that 
conflict the American Revolution had already played its part^ 
With the meeting of the French States-Qeneral the struggle 
was transferred to Europe in a far more definite form. And 

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though the issue was long undetermined, though the hold of 
the traditional masters of the state has even yet not been 
wholly shaken off; it is apparent that the classes which have 
made the world what it is to-day are now the dominant factors 
in its affairs. 

Pour years from that eventful 5th of May the raw levies The 
of a republican France faced the veteran arms of more than ^yoiJltion 
half the rulers of Europe, outraged by the execution of the 1789- 
Prench monarch and trembling for the loyalty of their own 
subjects in the face of a new crusade "waged on governments 
in behalf of peoples" by the Jacobin apostles of liberty, 
equality, and fraternity. These had flung into the arena as 
iheir gage of battle the head of a king, and by a reign of 
terror held down their enemies at home. In such hands and 
nnder such bloody auspices did Revolution make its entry 
into the affairs of Europe, and at her summons the whole 
world of forces which had been developing through the 
preceding centuries roused to new life. With that there 
began a new age of European history. 

The great circle of events which had begun nearly four Conclusion 
centuries earlier with the unfolding of the classical civiliza- 
tion, and the discovery of the lands outside Europe, was now 
complete. Every continent now held a European popula- 
tion; and Europe was now the dominating factor in world- 
politics. The realm of nature had begun to yield its secrets 
to the use of man. Art, letters, and invention had increased 
his capacity to express himself; the progress of knowledge 
and thought had enormously developed his range of ideas, 
and his ability to realize them. His physical comfort had 
grown in like proportion; and he had reached heights in 
nearly every field of human endeavor beyond the greatest 
achievements of the imagination five centuries before. He 
was possessed of the two greatest instruments which science 
and politics had been able to devise, the steam-engine and 
popular government. With them he was prepared to enter 
upon a new social and industrial inheritance. And, however 
far he fell short of that great and intangible ideal 
toward which he strove, whatever tremendous problems 

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still confronted him, as they must confront every succeeding 
generation, his feet were set upon new paths, his eyes 
looked forward to new goals, from which there was to 
be no turning back. The Expansion of Europe was by no 
means at an end. But with the beginning of the Age of 
Revolution and the Age of Steam men had attained the 
boundaries of that world toward which they had been striving 
for four hundred years. That realm is still far from being 
fully explored or conquered — ^and it may never be ; but with 
the impulse of great achievement and the insatiable thirat 
for knowledge and power engendered by long striving and 
success, men had developed that spirit and those qualities 
to which no undertaking seemed too great, no way too long. 
And this, in the last resolution of events, remains the ultimate 
result of those activities which brought them to the borders 
of the promised land, ''strong in will to strive, to seek, to find, 
and not to yield," the inextinguishable desire to achieve new 
triumphs in new fields, and the capacity to accomplish them. 

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nmoDuonoN and ohafteb i 

It iB obyiouBly impossible to provide such a work at this with a 
bibliography which is in any sense exhaustive, without an inordinate use 
of space. The following lists include, therefore, only the titles of such 
books as seem useful for more extensive treatment of particular subjects 
or periods, and are fairly accessible to the average reader or student. 
More minute bibliographies of the principal countries involved are to be 
found among the following: — 

MoNOD, Bihliographie de Vhistoire de Framoe (1888). Dahlhann- 
Waitz, Quellenhwnde der deutsohen Cfeschichie (8 ed., 1912). Nu- 
Honr, Bihlioteoa HiBtorioo-Nederlandica (1898-00). Hidalgo, Dio- 
cianario general de BibUografia EeT^aiHola ( 1862-81 ) . Ds Bbito Aranha, 
Dtcctonario hihliographico PortugueM (1868, etc.). For England there 
is no such compilation, but the bibliographies at the end of the several 
volumes of Hunt and Poole's Poliiioal Hiaiory of England, 12 vols., 
(1012), and Oman's Hiaiory of England, 6 vols., London (1012), are 
good. There is a good specialized bibliography in Tbaill, Social 
England (1805, etc.). For the United States, the bibliographies in the 
American Nation series are especially useful. The principal bibliog- 
raphy proper is the collection of Channing, Habt, and Tubnbb, Guide 
to the Study of American History (1012); supplemented by the 
annual Writinga on American History. See also Labnsd, Literature of 
American Hiatory (1002). See also H. Pibbnne, BiUiographie de 
VHiatoire de Belgique (2 ed., 1002) ; and R. Altamira t Gbevba, 
Hiatoria de Eapafla y de la dviUtBOoi&n eapa4lola, vol. iv., (1011). To 
these may be added the Jcthresherichte der €^eschiohtawiaaenaohaft 
(1878, etc.) and the general reviews in the historical periodicals, 
especially in the Revue Hiatorique. 

It should perhaps be added that the printed catalogue of the British 
Museum is the most comprehensive accessible book-list; that of the 
London Library (last ed., 1014) the most generally useful; while the 
printed cards issued to subscribers or purchasers by the Library of 
Congress are the most convenient sources of general bibliography. 

For encydopflBdic accounts of the period here treated, Lavisse et 
Raicbaxtd, Hiatoire 04n6rale (1806) and the Cambridge Modem His- 
tory (1002, etc.) offer the most comprehensive and satisfactory accounts. 
Each is accompanied by book-lists, of which the latter is by far the 
fullest yet compiled for European history in general. There is no 
corresponding work in German, since the older Oncbxn's Allgemeine 
Oeschiohte in Einzeldarstellungen, besides being now somewhat anti- 
quated, is arranged on the plan of treating each country separately. 
For those who wish brief and popular accounts of various countries in 


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English, the Btories of the Nations series offers a fairly complete, 
though very unequal, collection of sketches. 

The general histories of the world, which are usually, like the works 
noted above, of the syndicate or co-operative type, are none of them 
beyond criticism. The Historians* History of the World, 25 vols., 
(1908) is a compilation from the writings of a great number and 
variety of historical writers, connected by running accounts from 
editorial pens. It contains a considerable bibliography, often of value. 
Helmolt'b History of the World, available in an English translation 
from the German original, with an introductory essay by Lord Bryoe 
(1901) is a curious and interesting attempt to write history from an 
anthropo-geographical standpoint, and deserves consideration as such. 
The History of all Nations, ed. J. H. Wbight (1902-05), is a useful 
adaptation and condensation of the Oncken series. 

There are, besides these, a number of encyclop«Bdias and biographical 
dictionaries, many of which are extremely valuable both in content 
and bibliography. The most recent, and in many respects the best, is 
the eleventh edition of the EncyolopcBdia Britannioa, in which the 
bibliographies are a notable feature. The French Orande EncydopMie ; 
the Grerman Brockhaus Konversations Lewikon, though older, are still 
valuable. Besides these still, the new Everyman's EncydopiBdia, the 
New International Cyclopcedia, and the Century Dictionary of Names 
and Places each has its own merit for quick and ready reference. 

The greatest of biographical publications is the English Dictionary 
of National Bioyraphy, which includes a vast amount of bibliographical 
material in addition to its articles, which are of singularly high and 
imiform merit. In German the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic, and 
in French the Nouvelle Biographic G^nirale of Hoefeb (1857-66) ; and 
the Biographic UniverseUe of Michaud (1854-65) are useful. The 
Austrian Biographisohcs Lexikon des Kaiserthums Oesterreich of 
WuBZBACH (1856-01), and for the Netherlands, Van deb Aa's Biogra- 
phisch Woordenhoek der Nederlanden and Molhittsbn and Bix>k, 
Nieuw Nederlandsch Biografisch Woordenhoek (1011-14) are of value, 
as is also the Biographic Nationalc dc Bclgiquc — ^which extends, how- 
ever, only to "Ryt." (1866-1010). 

There are a number of manuals of dates and events which may be 
foimd of use in quick reference. Of these the chief is Ploetz, Epitome 
of History, translated into English by Tillinghast, and enriched with 
American sections by Channino. Putnam's TdbtUar Views of Urn- 
versal History is the most recent and one of the best of these works, 
and may be supplemented by Hassall's European History 476-1871, 
The great French publication, L'Art dc V4rificr les Dates des Faits 
Historiques, is invaluable but extends only to the first quarter of the 
nineteenth century. See also Stokvis, Manuel d'histoire dc g^nMogie 
et dc chronologic des tous Ics 4tats du globe, 3 vols., (1888-93). 

In such a view of history as is here presented, historical geography 
is an essential; and the past generation has seen the appearance of 
many valuable contributions to this subject. The older works of 
Dbotsen and of Spbuneb may be supplemented by those of Poolb and 
of SCHBADEB, and by the more recent geographical volume prepared to 
accompany the Cambridge Modem History, This last, like Poolk and 

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SoHKADEB, includes an interesting running account of the changes noted 
on the maps. Among the lesser and more easily accessible atlases, 
designed for school use but of much wider utility, may be noted those 
of PuTZOEB, Dow, MuiB, and Shepherd. Of these the last is the most 
comprehensive and in many ways the most useful. Dow and Shepherd 
are particularly well indexed, which makes them especially valuable. 
No single historical atlas contains every possible desirable map; for 
some purposes the older publications of GARDnnsR and even Golbegk 
may be found to contain material not accessible in later publications. 
Finally, no such list would be complete without mention of the great 
work of N0RDSN8KIOLD, the Faonmile AtUu (1889), and the Periplua 
(1897), which contain not only magnificent reproductions of fifteenth 
and sixteenth century maps but a history of early cartography. With 
these may be mentioned Kretsohmer'b Entdeokung Amerika'a (1892) 
and the contributions made by Professor E. L. Stevenson to early 
cartography. And, though it is confined to the Americas, no account 
. of the principal works in this field could omit Winsor's Narrative and 
Critical History of America (1886-89), which is replete with geo- 
graphical and bibliographical, as well as historical, data for the entire 
period here considered. 

There remain to be noted some of the more useful works covering 
various topics over the whole period between the fifteenth and the 
nineteenth centuries. In the field of art there are a number of good 
accounts, of which that of Muthee, now available in English, is the 
most readable popular book on the subject of painting. Of architecture 
the same cannot be said. Perhaps the work of James Ferouson (1873), 
though it is now forty years old, is as good as any handbook; though 
the works of Viollet-le-Duo are at once entertaining and instructive 
from a historical standpoint; while Sturgis' History of Architecture 
is of considerable value. See especially A. Michel, Hiatoire de Vart, 
5 vols., (1905-12), and the convenient sketch of S. Reinaoh. 

Literature is far more fortunate, and every European nation boasts 
a history of its literature, though it would be impossible to enumerate 
them here, for almost every nation has more than one. Perhaps the 
most easily accessible work in English on the general subject is the 
series on the Periode of European Literature under the editorship of 
Professor Saijvtbburt. The Oamhridge History of English Literature, 
the series entitled Les grands 4crivains de la France, and Brockhaus, 
Bihliothek der deutschen National-Litteratur in 18-19 Jahrhundert, 
are useful. 

Education is blessed with as great a literature as literature itself 
so far as the individual countries are concerned, and perhaps even 
more liberally so far as the general history and aspects of the subject 
are concerned. A full accoimt of the works on the subject may be 
found in W. S. Monroe's Bibliography of Education (1897) ; a briefer, 
more analytical summary is Oubberlet's Syllabus of Lectures on the 
History of Education; and fairly complete accounts of most educa- 
tional activities in J. M. Baldwin, Dictionary of Philosophy and Psy- 
chology, 3 vols., (1901-05). A convenient general accoimt is P. 
Monroe's text-book on the History of Education (1905) ; see, also, his 
Cyclopwdia of Edtux4ion, which contains much bibliographical material. 

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See altM> B. Rand, Bibliography of Philosophy, Psychology, etc., 3 vols., 
1905; in Baldwin as above; and F. Ubebweg, Ctrundriss dor G^eschiehte 
der PhUosophie (1868-98). 

The history of scholarship falls far short of that of education in the 
number though not in the quality of the works on the subject. J. B. 
Sandy's History of Classical Scholarship, ii., Renaissance, iii., 1908, 
covers the modem period ably and thoroughly. History is treated 
with equal fullness in Fueteb, Chschichte der neueren Historiographie 
(1911), revised for the French translation, while there is a large 
variety of monographs upon special subjects, primarily scholarly, 
but reckoned as educational, noted in the bibliographies in the latter 

The number of books on the social and economic development of 
Europe is legion, and it is difficult to choose among them. The great 
German work of Schmolleb, Ctrundriss der aUgemeinen Volksunrth- 
schaftslehre (1901-04); Palobave's Dictionary of Political Economy 
( 1894-99 ) ; Cunningham's Essay on Western Civilisfation in ite eoo- 
nomic aspects (1898-1900) ; Day's History of Commerce; and Buchbb's 
Entstehung der Volkswirthschaft (1901) translated as Industrial Evo- 
lution, may be taken as illustrations of the various types of books 
which would be of use in following out particular phases of the subject, 
or as works of reference. Similarly in the field of colonization there 
is a multitude of books on almost every conceivable phase of expansion. 
In English the work of Mobbis is perhaps the most popular though 
not a highly scientific work. In (Serman the most considerable book 
is ZiMlCEBMANN's Die Europdischen KoUmien (1896). In French, 
Lkboy-Beauliku's De la Colonisation chez les Peuples modemes ( 1908 ) 
is of great value. Probably the most satisfactory account, however, is 
Lannoy and Van deb Linden's VExpa/nsion Coloniale des Peuples 
Europ4ens, of which, however, but two volumes have appeared. See 
also P. Hinnebebo, Die Kultwr der Gegenwart, a great series covering 
nearly all departments of human activity, and contributions in many 
fields (1905, etc.). See in it W. Lexis, Allgemeine Volkswirthsohafts- 
lehre, etc., (1910). To this should be added L. Elsteb, Worterbuch 
der Volksfcirthschaft (1898); Konbad, Elsteb, Lexis, etc. Hand- 
worterbuch der Staatswissensohaften (7 vols., 1898-1901). 

The history of science remains to be written in such fullness and 
with such detail as that of the political or even the cultural activities 
of modem Europe. There is as yet no adequate history of invention. 
The old book of Beekman on the subject is a misnamed collection of 
curious facts. Ube's Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures, and Mines 
(1843) contains much information, but is not a history. The most 
recent and by far the most valuable compilation is Dabmstaedteb's 
Handbuch zur Ceschichte der Naturwissenschaft und der Technik 
(1908), but it is a chronological table and not in any sense a history. 
Probably the most valuable single addition to the study of the history 
of science and invention in recent years is comprised in the bibliog- 
raphies compiled under the auspices of the John Grerar Library by 
A. G. S. JOSEPHSON (1911-15). 

The general history of science is the subject of two very recent books: 
the one by William Libby (1917), the other by W. T. Sedgwick and H. 

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W. Trus (1917). There should perhaps be added here besides the vari- 
ous works of BuoKLE, Dbafeb, Lampbecht, etc., on the deyelopment of 
European civilization; A. D. White, Hiatofy of the Warfare of Science 
and Theology (1910). But in spite of the excellences of these volumes 
the subject must be pursued in detail in the accounts of the various 
separate sciences. In medicine the best books for this period are those 
of Gabbison, History of Medicine (1914), and J. H. Baas, Chsohiohte 
der Medizin (1876), Eng. tr., though the more recent volume of Buck 
has some interesting material for the Renaissance in its final chapters. 
See also T. Pubohmann (ed.), Hamdhuch der Cheohichte der Medimn 
(1902-05). Probably the most accessible account of the progress of 
biology is to be foui^i in Loot's Biology and ite Makers (1908), which 
may profitably be compared with Gabbison. In chemistry the work of 
VON Meteb, translated by MoGk>WAN (1906), is the most authoritative 
and exhaustive. The most easily available popular history is that of 
Venable (1894). The standard history of physics is Gebland's 
Geeohichte der Phyeik (1913). There is no adequate account in Eng- 
lish. Mathematics has a large historical literature. Among its 
numerous titles in English may be noted Cajobi's History of Ele- 
mentary Mathematics (1896) and BemaN' and Smith's translation of 
Fink's Chschichte der Elementar-Mathematik (1906), imder the title 
Brief History of Mathematics, while among more extensive treatises 
the chief is that of Gantob. Three recent popular books on astron- 
omy are Sir Oliveb Lodge's Pioneers of Science (1893); W. W. 
Bbyant's History of Astronomy (1907); and G. Fobbes' History of 
Astronomy (1909), the last in Putman's History of the Sciences. See 
also F. Dannehann, Orundriss einer Geschichte der Naturwissen^ 
schaften, 2 vols., (2 ed., 1902). 

The use of explosives and the art of war have not been very scien- 
tifically or exhaustively treated in comparison with many subjects 
here enumerated. Kohleb's Die modemen Kriegswaffen, 2 vols., ( 1897- 
1900); Himb's Gtmpotoder and Ammunition (1904); Weiss' Waff en- 
kunde, 3 vols., (1908-99) may be noted as more specifically technical 
works. See, also, W. W. Gbeeneb, The €fun and its Development, and 
T. F. Fbemantle, The Book of the Rifle, Viollet-le-Duo's Annals of 
a Portress is an entertaining volume. Admiral Mahan's Influence of 
Bea-Power in History is the classic work on the importance of naval 
strength. The contributions of successive commanders to the art of 
war may best be studied in the biographies of individuals, which are 
fairly numerous and usually of value. 

The literature of church history is too vast to receive adequate notice 
here. Perhaps the best brief book-list is to be foimd in the printed 
Catalogue of the London Library (last ed., 1915); the fullest bibliog- 
raphy in the Catholic Encyclopcedia (1907-12), which is the most valu- 
able accessible source for the subject in general. There are also excellent 
articles and bibliographies in the Realencyclopaedie fUr Protestantische 
Theologie und Kirche (1896-1913). For the history of the Papacy, see 
especially those by M. Cbeiohton (1899-1901) ; L. Ranee (1885) ; and 
L. Pastob (1912). All of these are available in English editions of the 
dates mentioned, and though each covers a somewhat different field, 
together they form a comprehensive account for most of the period here 

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treated. For the Church proper, see W. Moelleb, History of the Chris- 
tian Church, tr. J. H. Fbeese (1803-1900) ; P. Schaff, History of the 
Christian Church, and G. P. Fisheb, History of the Christian Church 
(1887). These are written from the Protestant standpoint. The prin- 
cipal Catholic works on the subject are those of J. Alzoo, Manual of 
Universal Church History, (tr. 1003); Cardinal Hergenrother, revised 
by J. P. KiBSCH (German only) and F. X. voir Funk (1011). For the 
period of the Reformation there is a useful compilation by B. J. Kidd, 
Documents Illustrative of the Continental Reformation (1911). See, 
also, the Dictionnaire de ThMogie Catholique (1904). 

General Note. — It is to be observed in the following brief book-lista 
that no reference is ordinarily made to the works included in the 
general list above, which may be consulted for many of the subjects 
comprised in the following chapters. 

the benaissakoe 

Probably the best brief general account in English of the Renaisauioe 
remains the article, under that head, by J. A. Stmonds in the EneydO' 
piBdia Britannica. His larger work, The Renaissance in Italy, 7 vols., 
and the abridgment of it under the title A Short History of the Renais- 
sance in Italy, are standard accounts of that part of the movement. 
They may be supplemented by Bubokhabdt's Die Kultur der Renais- 
sance in Italien, which is available in an English translation. The 
most recent summary of the entire movement is HutiCE's Renaissance 
and Reformation (1915). The various volumes of MUNTZ on the Ren- 
aissance in Italy and France, and Art during the Renaissance, are the 
standard works in French. There are no easily accessible accounts of 
the influence of the Renaissance movement on England, Germany, and 
the Netherlands comparable to these. Seebohm's Era of the Protestant 
Revolution, and his Oxford Reformers, contain a good deal of informa- 
tion in a popular form relating to the English Renaissance leaders; 
while the histories of the English universities, like Mullinoeb'b His- 
tory of the University of Cambridge, in particular, Rashdall's Uni- 
versities of Europe during the Middle Ages, and the biographies of 
Erasmus, Melanchthon, and their fellows, throw much light on this 
period. One should perhaps note also Sandys' History of Classical 
Scholarship and the biographies of the humanists, from Petrarch 
through Bracciolini to the members of the Florentine Academy, as 
well as the Renaissance studies of Walteb Pateb. Emebton'b Erasmus 
(1899); Stbauss' Ulrioh von Hutten (translated, 1874); Store's edi- 
tion of The Letters of Ohsoure Men (1909); the various biographies 
of Savonarola; Vasabi's Lives of the Painters (Bohn Library); and, 
in fiction, Geobge Eliot's Romola, are useful in getting at the spirit 
of the period. See also the works of P. Villabi, especially his studies 
of Machiavelli and his times, Savonarola, etc.,— available in English 

For the invention of printing, see De Vinnb's work on that subject 
and his Notable PHnters of Italy during the Fifteenth Century (1910). 

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The best recent summary of the controversy over the invention of 
printing is to be found under the heading Typography in the last 
edition of the Britannica; and a good brief bibliography under the 
heading Gutenberg. For the invention of gunpowder, see Hime, above. 
For the compass, see Beazlbt, Daum of Modem Geography ( 1897 ) , and 
the brief account in Jacobs' Story of Oeographioal Discovery (1906), 
with the article and illustrations in Nobdenskiold quoted above. In 
general, these same sources may be consulted for the story of early 
cartography,, with those mentioned among the general bibliography. 
One of the most scholarly and readable of books in this field is Colonel 
Ym.B'B edition of Marco Polo's Travels (1871, etc.) and his Cathay and 
the Way Thither (1866). Jacobs' Story of Geographical Discovery 
is the best work of its size on the general subject. See also the various 
works of J. Kohl on his travels in many lands during the nineteenth 
century— especially useful in regard to Russia for earlier periods. 
The latter are available in English. Ruge's Geschichte des Zeitalters 
der Entdeohungen (Oacken series, 1881) is good, and the great litera- 
ture arising from the controversy over Columbus, q.v., contains much 
material on the subject of exploration and cartography prior to his 
time. Johnston's History of the Colomieation of Africa by AUen 
Races (1899) contains some slight account of the earlier period, as 
does R. Bbown's Story of Africa, 4 vols., (1894-96). In particular 
a number of the publications of the Hakluyt Society, such as Beaz- 
let's editions of Carpini, Rubruquis, etc., are of the utmost value and 
interest to the early history of geography and exploration. For the 
bibliography of the Renaissance as well as the Middle Ages, see also 
li. J. Paetow, Guide to the Study of Mediwval History (Univ. of 
California, 1917). 



For the Age of Prince Henry the Navigator and for his achievements, 
probably the best brief account is the biography by C. R. Beazlet 
(1890), though the earlier work of R. H. Majob is not without merit. 
Danvebs' The Portuguese in India (1894) is a very useful book, as is 
H. MoBSB Stephens' Story of Portugal (1891) . In this connection may 
be noted the various publications of the Hakluyt Society and of the 
Geographical Society relating to early Portuguese activities along the 
African coast. For Behaim, see Ravenstein's Martin de Bohemia 
(1900) and various articles in the Geographical Journal. For Vasco 
da Gama the best account is Ravenstein's Vasco da Gama's First 
Voyage (Hakluyt Society, 1898), and Cobbba's Three Voyages of da 
Gama (same, 1868). Beside the work of K. G. Jayne on Vasco da 
Gama and his Successors (1910), see J. P. Oliveibo Mabtins' The 
Golden Age of Prince Henry the Nwoigator, trans, with notes, etc., 

The Columbus literature is endless. Probably the best of the more 
recent popular accounts which takes cognizance of the results of the long 
controversy is F. Young's Christopher Columbus and the New World of 
his Discovery, 3 ed., (1912). In general the various publications of 

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Henri Habbibss, especially ChriMtophe Oolomh (1892), John Cahot 
(1896), and The Discovery of North America (1892), and those of 
Henri Vignaud, in particular his Hiatoire Critique de la Chrande 
Entreprise de Ohristophe Colomhe, 2 vols., (1911), are most notable 
contributions to the argument. E. G. Bourne's Spain in America 
(1904) and his contributions to the general subject of Columbus and 
the discoveries are also of the greatest value. 



The best scholarly account of the French monarchy and the relations 
between France and England during the fifteenth century is to be 
found in Lavisse, Hiatoire de France, a co-operative history which is 
of the first rank not only for this but for succeeding periods. See also 
H. Hausee, Lee eourcee de VHietoire de France, 1494-1610 (1906-12). 
There is no equally good account in English, the work of Kitchin 
being antiquated, dull, and almost entirely political. English history 
during the fifteenth century is exhaustively treated in Vickebs' Eng- 
land in the Later Middle Agee; in Gaibdneb, The Houses of Lanoa&ter 
and York (1874, etc.), and in the painstaking though not very readable 
work of Ramsat, Lancaster and York (1892). The early Tudor period 
has been most ably handled by H. A. L. Fisher in the Hunt and 
Poole series, 1906. In this period, as throughout, H. D. TslaujJb 
Social England, a co-operative history, is extremely useful, and, espe- 
cially in its illustrated form, unusually interesting. Cttnninoham's 
English Industry and Commerce will also be found helpful. 

For Spanish history in the fifteenth century the older work of 
Presoott, Ferdinand and Isabella, is still as readable as ever, but it 
has in some measure been superseded on the scholarly side by other 
works. Of these perhaps the most accessible, though not of much 
value, is that of U. R. Burke, A History of Spain to the Death of 
Ferdinand, edited by M. A. S. Hume (1900). G. Diergk's €fesehiehte 
Spaniens (1896-96) is much better. R. B. Merriman's history of the 
Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and the New, of which 
the first two volumes now in press carry the story to 1516, will be 
still better for this period. For Portugal, the best available work is 
H. M. Stephens' Story of Portugal in the Stories of the Nations series. 
The great collection of documents relating to Spanish history, that 
of Navarrete and his collaborators (1842-92) is especially valuable 
for a somewhat later period. There is no similar collection available 
for Portugal. 

For Grermany and the Empire perhaps the best recent history avail- 
able in English is the popular work of Janssen, though it leaves much 
to be desired. E. F. Henderson's History of Germany (1906) is a 
good popular account. A more detailed study of German history in 
the fifteenth century is A. Bachmann's Deutsche Reiohsgeschichte im 
Zeitalter Friedrichs III u. Mawimilians I (1884-94); and, still more 
detailed, that of K. Kaser, Deutsche Oeschiohte ssur Zeit Mawimilians I 
(1912). Beside these the work of F. Krones, Handhuch der Ceschichte 

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Oegierreieha ( 1876-70 )» and Ranke's HUtory of the Latin and Teutonic 
Nations (1494-1610), translated, in Bohn Library (1915), are to be 

For Russia there are available the translation of A. Rambaud's 
History of Russia (1870), and W. R. A. Mobfill's Russia, in the 
Stories of the Nations series, with a history of Poland by the same 
author, in the same series. More recent and in some respects more 
satisfactory is Slavonic Europe by R. N. Bain (1908) and Kliu- 
OHEVBKT'B History of Russia (translation, 1911-13). There is no very 
satisfactory history of Turkey in English; J. von Hamicsb Bubobtaix 
(usually cited as Hammer), Oeschichte des Osmanischen Reiohs, 10 
vols., 2 ed., (1840) is the basis of most of them. Perhaps the vol- 
ume of S. Lane Poole, in the Stories of the Nations series (1888), 
18 the most easily accessible account. The most recent work in (Ger- 
man is that of N. Jobqa, Oeschichte des Osmanischen Reichs, 5 vols., 

For Hungary there is accessible C. M. Knatohbull-Huobbben's 
Politiodl Evolution of the Hungarian Nation, 2 vols., (1908) ; for the 
Medici, G. F. Youno'b The Medici, 2 vols., (1909), and Abmbtbono's 
Lorenzo de Medici (1897); for Venice, H. F. Bbown'b translation of 
MoLMENTfB Venice, 6 vols., (1906-08); for the Papacy, L. Pabtob, 
Oeschichte der Pdpste, 6 vols., (1886-1913), Eng. tr. by Antbobub 
and Kebb (1891-1912); for Russia, K. Walibzewbbi's Ivan le Ter- 
rible (1904). 

EUBOPEAN FOLinos. 1492-1621 

For the period of the Italian wars, in addition to the works 
enumerated in the preceding sections, reference may be made to H. F. 
Delabobde's Eafp4dition de Charles VIII en Italic (1888) and L. G. 
Pelissieb'b Louis XII et Ludovic Sforza (1896). For Francis I, see the 
bibliographies in Lavibbe, and Boubillt in Revue d'Histoire Modeme 
et Contemporaine, vol. iv., (1902-03). For Charles V, the most accessi- 
ble work is that of E. Abmbtbono, Charles the Fifth (1902), and the 
most elaborate that of H. Baumgabtbn, Ka/rl der FUnfte, 3 vols., to 
1539 (1885-92). For the rivalry between these two monarehs see 
the detailed study of Mignet, La Rivalit^ de Francois I et Charles 
Quint, 2 vols., 2 ed., (1875). The older work of Robebtbon, Charles F, 
is still worth reading. There is a good brief and general account, 
clear and well organized, of the politics of this whole period, in A. H. 
Johnson, Europe in the Sixteenth Century, 2 ed., (1898). See also, 
especially for the fifteenth century, £. Emebton, The Beginnings of 
Modem Europe (1917). 

For England under Henry VIII, see Bbeweb'b The Reign of Henry 
VIII, 2 vols., (1884); A. F. Pollabd's Henry VIII (1902); Ranke's 
English History, mainly in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a 
translation (1876); H. A. L. Fisheb's History of England, 1485-1547, 
as above; and for the more picturesque side of the reign, the various 
studies of J. A. Fboude — especially his History of England from the 
Fall of Wolsey (1870-72). For a more general account, see W. Busch, 

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England unter die Tudars (1892), Eng. tr. by A. M. Todd, introd. by 
J. Gaibdneb (1895). 

For 8pain, the Netherlands, and the Empire, see the lives of Charles 
V, as above; Blok's History of the People of the Netherlands, a transla- 
tion ( 1900, etc. ) ; M. A. 8. HuiCB's Spain, its Oreatness and Decay, 
1479-1788 (1898)— better for the later part; H. Pibenne, Histoire de 
Belgique— also in German in Heeren-Ukert series— (1899-1907) ; the 
works of Pbxscott, now somewhat out of date but still readable and 
informing; Rankb's Deutsche Oesohichte im Zeitalter der Reformation 
(1882), and C. Eoelhaaf's work under the same title (1803). K. 
Hablxb'b Oesohichte Spaniens unter den Hahshurgen (1907) includes 
much new material of interest, though it must be accepted with caution. 

For Italy in this period, see R. Maulde la (Dlaviebb's La Diplomatic 
au temps de Machiavel, 3 vols., (1892-93); Ranke's History of the 
Popes, translated in Bohn Library (1913); M. Cbeiohton'b Hiatory 
of the Papacy during the Reformation, 6 vols., (1882); W. Robooe's 
Life and Pontificate of Leo X, ^ vols., 5 ed., (1846) ; and Sticordb' and 
Pabtqb's works, as noted above. 



For the early history of Spanish America, its organization and 
exploitation, there are a number of important works covering special 
fields. The older book of Sir A. Helps, The Spanish Conquest of 
America, though it has appeared in a new edition (1900-04) and con- 
tains much excellent material, is at once discursive and biassed. Pbes- 
oott's Conquest of Meaioo and Conquest of Peru retain their picturesque 
value; but his conclusions, like those of Helps, must be greatly modified 
by more recent investigation. Probably the best account of Spanish 
activities in America is that of £. G. Boubne, Spain in America ( 1904 ) . 
W. Rosohbb's The Spanish Colonial System, an extract from his larger 
work translated by E. G. Bourne (1904), is excellent. W. R. Shep- 
herd's Latin America (1914) is a good slight sketch, and the volumes 
of B. Moses on Spanish administration are worthy of attention. For 
the conquests, F. A. Maonittt's Life of Cortes (1909), his edition of 
Cortes* Letters (1908), and the Historia de la Conquista de Mejioo of 
Bernardo Diaz del Castillo (1632), available in translation, afford 
the best picture of Cortes' adventure. To these may be added the 
works of the Spanish historians: Oviedo, Historia €hneral y Natural 
de las Indias, 4 vols., (1861-65), and Herrara, Historia General de las 
Indias (1828-30), and Navarrete. For the entire subject reference 
should be made to the monumental work of H. H. Bancroft, The 
Native Races of the Pacific States, 5 vols., (1874-76), and to his 
History of the Pacific States, 21 vols., (1882-90), including Central 
America, 3 vols., (1886-87). 

For Magellan and Spanish activities in the East the chief sources 
are the narrative of Pigafetta printed in Rahusio's collection of 
travels, 1563-74, many of which, together with that of an unknown 
Portuguese and many others relating to this subject, are available in 

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the Hakluyt Society publicationB. A great amount of original material 
on this and kindred subjects is contained in the admirable work of 
Blaib and RoBEBTBon, The Philippine laUrnds, 1498-1898, 53 vols., 
(1903-07). The best life x}f Magellan is that of Guillemabd (1891). 

For the Portuguese in Africa and the East the best general account 
is that of F. C. Danvebs, The Portuguese in India, 2 vols., (1894). 
K. G. Jativs's Vaeoo da Cfama and hie Suooeeeore, 1460-1580 (1910) 
is good; and H. M. Stephens' Albuquerque amd the Portuguese Settle- 
ments in India (1892) is the best brief account of that period. Al- 
buquebqub'b Commentaries are perhaps the chief source for this sub- 
ject. For the Portuguese in South Africa, see G. M. Thbal's work 
under that title (1907). A. Mabvaud'b Le Portugal et see Colonies 
(1912) is among the most recent volumes on this subject. 



For the general subject of the later Renaissance, reference may be 
made to the works included in the preliminary list of comprehensive 
titles and the bibliography of Chapter I, with some titles in 
Chapter II. There are, however, a number of special studies which 
may be mentioned here. Among them are L. Einstein's Italian Renais- 
sance in England (1902) and W. H. Woodwabd, Vittorino da Peltre and 
other Humanist Educators (1897), together with the older book of G. 
VoiOT, Die Wiederhelehung des Classischen Alterthums, oder das erste 
Jahrhundert des Humanismus (3 ed., 1893), and the admirable recent 
work of Tatlob, The Mediaval Mind, See also C. Bubsian's Qeschichte 
der Classischen Philologie in Deutschland (1883) and Gbioeb's Renais- 
sance u. Humanismus in Italien u. Deutschland (1882). A fairly good 
book-list will be foimd in the Cambridge Modem History, vol. i, bibli- 
ographical section. 

Among the volumes interesting or important for the eve of the 
Reformation may be noted Ebasmus' Letters, translated by Nichols 
(1901); B. A. Gasquet, The Eve of the Reformation (1900); F. W. 
Fabbab, History of Interpretation (1886) ; and B. J. Eidd, Documents 
Illustrative of the Continental Reformation (1911). See, also, W. 
Walkeb, The Reformation. For the history of the Inquisition, the stand- 
ard works are those of H. C. Lea. The most recent suggestive work on 
the early Reformation is that of P. Imbabt de la Toub, Les Origines de 
la RSforme, 2 vols., ( 1905-09 ) . Among earlier works it is necessary to 
note The Reformation, by J. J. I. Dollingbb (1853-54) ; Lamfbecht's 
Deutsche Qeschichte, vol. v., (1896) — interesting if not always sound in 
its generalizations; A. £. Bebgeb's Die Kulturaufgahen der Reforma- 
tion, 2 ed., (1908) ; J. S. Schafibo's Social Reform and the Reformation 
(1909). For the Indulgence controversy, see H. C. Lea's History of 
Auricular Confession and Indulgences, 3 vols., (1896); E. Bbatke's 
Luther's 95 Theses u. ihren Dogmenhistorischen Voraussetzungen 
(1884) ; and W. Kohlbb's Dohumente eum Ahlassstreit von 1517 (1902). 
iSee, also, A. Schulte, Die Fugger in Rom, There are innumerable 
biographies of Luther, among whose authors may be named Koldb, 

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KiisTLiN, LiNDBAT, Bbabo, McGiffert, Smith, Dbnifub, and Gbisab— 
the last two being Catholic historians. 

On the development of the technique of painting probably the best 
work in English is that of P. O. Haheibton (1882). H. N. Humphbets' 
History of the Art of Printing (1867) and Biomobe and Wtman's 
Bibliography of Printing serve as an introduction to the great litera- 
ture on this subject. For more recent publications there is a good 
boolc-list in the article Typography in the Britannica, 11th ed. 



Many of the books most important for the study of this period have 
been noted in the bibliographies of the preceding chapters. It remains 
to enumerate those on the subjects not treated there. Among them ia 
the history of the Ottoman Turks under Suleiman the Magnificent. 
Here the study of Ranke, Die Oemanen u. die Spanisohe Monarchie 
im l€ten w. llten Jahrhundert, and the great work of J. von Hammeb 
(1834-35) are noteworthy. The recent study of A. H. Ltbteb, The Oov- 
emment of the Ottoman Empire in the Time of Suleiman the Magnificent 
(1913), is valuable on the administrative side, and contains a good 
bibliography. To this may be added the monographs of £. Cat, De Caroli 
V in Africa rebus gestis (1891), and of J. Zelleb, La Diplomatic 
Francaiee au milieu du xvi 8iicle ( 1881 ) , together with H. F. Bbown's 
Venice (1893). 

Among other works of interest in connection with the Reformation 
movement may be noted Cardinal F. A. Oasquet, Edward VI and the 
Book of Common Prayer (1890) and his Henry VIII and the English 
Monasteries (1888-89). In this connection there is an excellent essay 
in J. A. Fboude's Short Studies on Great Subjects, " The Annals of an 

The subject of the rebellion of the knights and the peasants in Ger- 
many has received great attention. E. B. Bax, The Peasants' War in 
Germany ( 1899 ) , gives a general popular account of the latter, concern- 
ing which there is a long list of German monographs, many of which are 
listed in the Camb, Mod. Hist., vol. ii, p. 753. There is a good biog- 
raphy of Ulrich von Hutten by Strauss, translated by Stubge (1874), 
and one of von Sickingen by H. Ulmann (1872). The bibliography of 
the German Reformation is too long to find any adequate representation 
here but is easily accessible in the general works noted in the bibli- 
ographical introduction, where may also be found an aoooimt of 
Reformation literature in general, which can only be touched on here. 
W. W. Rockwell has prepared a recent bibliography of the whole for 
the centenary of 1917. 

For the Swiss reformation the best English biography of Zwingli 
is that of S. M. Jackson ( 1901 ) , who has also edited Zwingli's writings. 
The best accessible English biography of Calvin is W. Walker's 
(1906). H. M. Baibd's Beea (1899) and his Rise of the Huguenots in 
France (1879) are useful. P. H. Bbown's lAfe of John Know (1895) 
and A. Lang's Know and the Reformation (1905) cover the Scotch 

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period and give side-lights on Geneva. The Autobiography of Loyola 
is available in the English translation of J. F. X. 0'Ck>iTOB (1900), and 
his Life, by F. Thompsoit (1910), is the latest presentment of that 
subject and of the early years of the Jesuits. Their activities in the 
various countries form the subject of a series of national histories now 
appearing under their auspices. The works of Calvin have been re- 
peatedly republished in every north-European language and in iimumera- 
ble forms. And it may be interesting in this connection to call 
attention to A. Harnaok'b Hiatary of Dogma, available in English, 
for a general comparative view of the results of this period. 


KUBOra BETOND THE 8EA. 1621-1542 

For the work of Cortez see the bibliography of Chapter VI. There 
is no biography of any importance of Pizarro. Sir C. Mabkham'b 
History of Peru (1892) and his Inoae of Peru (1910) touch on 
Pizarro's conquest and may be supplemented by the general works cited 
previously, and by Oabchxabsao de ul Vbqa'b Royal CommetUarieB of 
the Ineae, translated in Hakluyt Society publications. The treatment 
of the Indians is the subject of much discussion, the sanest summary 
of modem opinion being probably that of Botjbne, as above. Lab Cabab' 
great indictment of his countrymen, the Breviaeima Relacion de la 
Deatruycion dee laa Indiaa Occidentales and his Hietoria de lae Indiae 
are not available in English but that lack is partially supplied by the 
biographies of Las Casas by Sir A. Helpb (1868) and F. A. MaoNutt 
(1900). To these may be added W. Lowebt's Bpanieh Settlemeute, 
2 vols., (1901-06). 

The explorations are the subject of an unusually large literature, 
for which the bibliographies in Boubne'b Spain in Amertco, in WmsoB's 
Narrative and Critical History, and in the publication known as 
Writings on American History (1902ff.), may act as guides. There 
are several available narratives of the explorers, that of Coronado, 
edited by Winbhip (1904) ; that of Cabeca de Vaca, by Smith (1866) ; 
that of De Soto, by Boubne (1904). Navaebbte'b Ooleooion de los 
Viages y Descuhrimientos, 5 vols., (1825-37), is useful for this period 
as for the earlier. 

The so-called New Laws of Charles V are available in several Spanish 
but no English editions. The import of specie from the American 
colonies has been made the subject of a number of studies, the latest 
and perhaps the most satisfactory being that of C. H. Habino, in the 
Quarterly Journal of Economics for May, 1915. See also his Trade and 
Navigation between Spain and the Indies under the Hapshurgs (1918). 

There is no adequate history of Brazil in English. The Brazilian- 
Portuguese history of C. de Abbeu, Discohrimento do Brazil e seu 
desenvolvimento no seoulo xw (1883), the various accounts of its 
colonial development in the general histories of colonies, and the brief 
and not very satisfactory sketch in Dawbgn'b South America in the 
Stories of the Nations series, may suffice for an introduction to ita 

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The explorations of the French are treated in many TolnmeB relating 
to North America and colonial history. Among these, Paskman's 
Pioneen of France (1865) remains the most readable account. Cab- 
TiKB's Narrative has been published by J. P. Baxter (1906) and by 
the University of Toronto; H. P. Bigoab, The Preoursora of Jacques 
Cartier, etc., (documents, Canadian gov^ publications). See, also, J. F. 
Jameson (ed.). Original Narratives of Early American Hietory, 



The developments of science in the sixteenth century have been 
treated in a multitude of monographs widely scattered in time and 
place. Some of them may be found listed in the Cbebab BihUographiea, 
noted above; and many more in the scientific journals. But a general 
bibliography of such material is still desired. Apart from the histories 
of mathematics, the work of Copernicus has been elaborately treated 
in L. Pbowc's Nicolaua Copemicua, 2 vols., (1883-84), and that of bis 
predecessors in O. V. Schiapabelu's / Precureori del Copemico neW 
Antichitd (1873). F. H. Gabbison's History of Medicine (1914), apart 
from its other virtues, contains a great amount of medical bibliograpby 
of value and interest to the general reader as well as to the specialist. 
The life of Vesalius (which finds no place in the Britannica) has been 
the subject of two biographies, one in German by M. Roth (1892), the 
other in Englisb by J. M. Ball (1910). The other biographical 
material may be found in Garrison. 

The history of art has been more fortimate and there is a wealth of 
material upon painters and their work. Reference may be made briefly 
to some recent works. Woutflin, The Art of the Italian Renaissance 
(1903) ; Cbowe and Cavaloaselle, History of Painting in Italy; Early 
Flemish Painting ( 1879 ) ; Dimieb, French Painting in the 16th Cen- 
tury; L. F. Fbeeman, Italian Sculptors of the Renaissance (1902); 
H. Janitschek, Geschichte der Deutschen Malerei (1890). The source 
for much of the material relating to Italian art of this period is 
Vababi's Lives of the Painters (1550-68), which is available in many 
translations. There are several biographies of the younger Holbein 
which throw light upon his period. Among them may be mentioned 
those of H. Knaokfuss (1899) and of G. S. Davibs (1903). 

The social and economic changes of the sixteenth century may be 
studied in Ehbenbebg, Das Zeitalter der Fugger (1896); W. NaudA, 
Die Oetreidehandelspolitik der Europdischen Staaten vom ISten bis 
zum 18ten Jahrhundert (1896) ; Wiebe, Zur Geschichte der Preisrevo- 
lution des wvi u, wvii Jahrhunderts (1895); W. J. Ashuet, Intro- 
duction to English Economic History and Theory, 4 ed., (1913); G. 
Unwin, Industrial Organization in the 16th and 17th Centuries (1904) 
and his Oilds and Companies of London (1908); W. C^unningham. 
Growth of English Industry and Commerce in the Middle Ages, 4 ed., 
(1904), in Modem Times, 5 ed., (1912); M. Kovalcskt, Die Oeko- 
nomische Entwicklung Europas his zum Beginn der Kapitalisohen 
Wirthschaftsform, 7 vols., German from Russian (1901-14). 

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The best known work in English on the Ck)uncil of Trent is that: of 
Fboude (1896); in German, probably that of Maubenbbeoheb (1886- 
90) ; in French, the much older work of Pbat (1864). H. Mulleb'b 
Le9 OrigineB de la Compagnie de J^9U8, Ignace et Lainez (1898), and 
C. Sommebvogel'b BibliotMque de la Compagnie de J^ua (1890, etc.) 
afford an introduction to that vast and intricate subject. Reusch's 
Der Index der Verhoienen Bucher (1886) and the current issues of 
the Index illuminate that subject. The great work of Sabpi on the 
Ck>uncil of Trent and its answer by Pallayicuti afford the basis for 
much of the history of its activities. They have been critically exam- 
ined by Ranks in his History of the Popee, which affords a check on 
each, and on Fboude. For the history of dogma, see Habnack, as 
above. The history of political theory has been clearly set forth by 
W. A. Dunning in his Hietory of Political Theories from Luther to 
Montesquieu (1906). H. Hoitdino's History of Modem Philosophy 
(1900), P. Janet's Histoire de la Science Politique dans ses Rapports 
avec la Morale (1887), and Bax'b The Social Side of the Reformation 
in Gennany may be read with profit. 

The history of the different European countries during this period 
may be found in the general works listed under the preceding chapters. 
To them may be added H. M. Baibd, History of the Rise of the 
Huguenots in France (1879-80); J. M. Stone, History of Mary I 
(1901) ; J. L. MOTLET, Rise of the Dutch Republic (1866, etc.) ; Haao, 
France Protestants, 2 ed., (1877-96); Linoabd'b History of EngUMd 
(Catholic — ^many editions); Stephens and Hunt, History of the 
Church of England — a co-operative work (1902ff.); S. R. Mattland'b 
Essays on the Reformation (repr.-Introd. by A. W. Hutton, 1899); 

A. W. Wabd'b Brief Sketch of the Counter-Reformation (1889). For 
the part of the enigmatical l^urice of Saxony in German affairs, see 
E. Bbandenbubo, Moritz von Sachsen (1898); for the Schmalkaldic 
War, see G. Voiot, Geschichtssohreibung Hber den Schm^Ukaldischen 
Krieg (1874), and G. Wolt, Der Augsburger Religionsfriede (1890). 



For the reign and character of Philip II perhaps the most easily 
accessible works in English are those of Pbesoott, Motlxt, and M. A. 

B. Hume, all of which are written from a more or less hostile stand- 
point. A more favorable view by a Danish scholar is Bbatli, Philippe 
II roi d^Espagne (1912). M. Philippson'b Zeitalter von Philip II u, 
Elisabeth is perhaps less biassed, as is the work of Ranks. In Spanish 
there is the work of L. Cabbeba de Cobdoba, La Historia de Felipe II 
(1876), and in French that of H. Fobnebon, Histoire de Philippe II, 
4 vols., (1881-82). 

For the history of France during this period, see Abmstbong, French 

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Wars of ReUgion (1892), and Raitkb, Civil Wan and Monarchy in 
France. The best and most recent study on this subject, however, is 
that of J. W. Thompson, Wars of Religion in France "(1909). The 
little biography of Coligni by Walter Besaitt is a very readable 
though not a very scholarly account; while E. Abmstbono'b The 
Huguenots and Henry of Navarre (1887) is longer and better. For 
the civil wars and Catherine de Medici, see Comte H. de ul Febbiebe, 
who has written extensively on the subject, chiefly in monographs. 

For the Netherlands, besides Motley and Blok, the more recent 
biography of William the Silent by Miss R. Putnam, 2 vols., (1895), 
gives the more modem view of his career and character; while the 
essay by F. Habbison (1897) offers some interesting views. The 
extensive work of Kebvtn de Lettenhove on Les Huguenots et les 
Cfueuw, 6 vols., (1883-85) is the best authority on that relationship, 
but the many contributions of ''the Dutch Ranke," Fbuin, including 
his Tien jaren nit den tachtigjarigen oorlog (1861), form by far the 
most valuable contribution to the history of the period. 

Elizabethan England is the subject of a vast literature. Beeslet's 
Queen Elieaheth (1892) is a brief readable biography, as is M. 
Gbeighton'8 work under the same title (1896). M. A. S. Hume's The 
Great Lord BurgMey (1898) and the Courtships of Queen Eliedbeth 
(1896) are of interest and importance. The histories of England in 
the Hunt and Poole and the Oman series are good; while for Ireland 
the work of Bagwell, though not interesting reading, has virtually 
superseded all others in its minute accuracy. Fboude's JBnglish Seamen 
in the 16th Century (1895), chiefly derived from Hakluyt, is a fas- 
cinating book with little scholarly value. To these should be added 
W. Stiblino Maxwell's Don John of Austrict, 2 vols., (1883); and 
A. O. Meteb, England u, d. Katholische Kirche (1911) ; as well as the 
most recent and scholarly history of England in this period by E. P. 
Cheyney, of which the first volume has appeared. 

For the acquisition of Portugal by Philip II, see J. Estebanez 
Caldebon, La conquista y perdida de Portugal (1886). For the ex- 
pulsion of the Moors, see H. G. Lea, The Morisoos of Spain (1901), 
and S. Lane Poole, The Moors in Spain (1897). 

The literature on Mary, (2ueen of Scots, is as endless as the con- 
troversy which still rages concerning her character and career. It is 
only possible to observe here that there is a good book-list of it in the 
Cambridge Modem History, vol. iii, p. 810. 

With regard to the early English chartered companies the best book 
on the whole is that of P. Bonnasieux, Les Chrandes Compagnies de 
Commerce (1892). The volume of Cawston and Keanb on The Early 
Chartered Companies (1896) is too brief and general. The publica- 
tions of the University of Pennsylvania contain some interesting and 
important studies on this subject; the material for which, however, 
save for the East India Company, is relatively scanty and imsatis- 

The expansion of Russia and the Europeanization of its people is a 
subject not very easily accessible in west-European languages beyond 
the general histories. The volumes of A. Kbaubse, Russia in Asia 
(1899), and of H. Lansdell, AuMta in Central Asia, 2 vols., (1886), 

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with works like that of 6. Tolstot, The First Forty Tears of Inter- 
course between England and Russia <1875), and of A. Bbuoknbb, Die 
Europaisierung Kusslands <1888), with the accounts of the various 
travelers and ambassadors as contained in Hakluyt and Purchas, and 
in published diplomatic correspondence, comprise the available 
material on a subject which deserves more treatment in English. See, 
also, the article 1^ Mme. Lubimbnko in the American Historical Re- 
view, XIX, 525. 



For the condition of Spain and Portugal, see the works enumerated 
in the general and chapter bibliographies as above. For the Spanish 
navy, see C. Dubo Fernandez, La Armada Espafiola, etc., (1806-97). 
For the English navy, see J. Ck>BBETT, Drake and the Tudor Na/cy, 
2 vols., (1808). These should be compared with Bourel db la 
RoNCifcBB's Histoire de la Marine Francaise; R. H. Ck>LOMB, Naval War^ 
fare, 2 ed. (1805) ; Sir W. L. Clowes, The Royal Navy, 7 vols., (1807- 
1003); and Oppenheik, History of the Administration of the Royal 
Navy (1806). 

For Mercator there are works by Raemdonck, Bbeusino, Wauweb- 
MANS, and Van Obtboy, and for Belgian cartography, H. £. Wauweb- 
MANS, Histoire de Vioole Cartographique Beige et Anversoise du wvi 
Bi^le, 2 vols., (1806), is good. 

See, also, L. Batiffol, The Century of the Renaissance in FrancSf 
tr. E. F. BuOKLET (1016). 


THE ABHADA. 1676-1588 

For the exploits of Drake, see Ck>BBETT'B Drake and the Tudor Navy, 
as above, and his brief biography of Drake (1800). The pages of 
Hakluyt are full of the accounts of the exploits of Drake and his 
companions; and there is much material in the publications of the 
Hakluyt Society relating to the same subjects. See, also, E. Jones, 
Life of Frobisher (1878). For Polar exploration, see A. W. Gbeely's 
Handbook of Polar Discovery, 4 ed., (1010), which contains much 
interesting information, and for the literature of the subject, see J. 
Chavanne. The articles and bibliographies under the individual names 
in the Dictionary of National Biography are, in general, especially 

For Ireland, see Bagwell, as above, and lists in J. Kino's Irish 
Bibliography. One of the best books on Ireland is Bonn's Englische 
Kolonisation in Irland. Most of the volumes on Ireland, however, are, 
like Fboude's English in Ireland, so highly controversial as to be good 
reading but poor history. 

For the Armada, see C. DuBO Febnandbz, La Armada Invencible, 
2 vols., (1884-86), and the account of the Armada in Hakluyt and in 
the various works quoted above under English, Spanish, and naval 

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history. The most brilliant account in English is unquestionably tliat 
of Fboude, which partakes of all the qualities which made him what 
he was. 




For the general naval operations, see the works quoted aboTe on 
English and Spanish history. To these may be added J. A. Fuoxnm, 
The SpaniBh Story of the Armada (1892) ; M. A. S. Hume, The Year 
after the Armada, etc., (1896); W. F. Tilton, Die Kataetrophe der 
8fMini8chen Armada (1894). Purchae His Pilgrimes — ^the corollary of 
Hakluyt — is the source of a great amount of material relating to the 
adventures of the English in the East; and the publications of the 
Hakluyt Society contain many of the narratives of the adventurers, 
notably that of Langabteb (1877), Rob's Embassy to the Cheat Mofful 
(1889), De Vbeb'b Voyages of Barentz (1876), and the like. Bdsnkll 
and Tiele's Voyage of J. H. van Linschoten to the East Indies (1885) 
and the old collections of Kerr and Renneville have still others. The 
best Life of Raleigh is that of E. Edwabds, 2 vols., (1868), but there 
are several shorter and more recent biographies containing new ma- 
terial, by GossE, IStbbbino, Huice, and db Selinooubt. See, also, S. R. 
Gabdinee'b History of England (1883-84). 

Of secondary works, W. W. Hunteb's History of British India (1890- 
1900) and many of his other voluminous works contain a great amount 
of information relating to the subject; while the chief source for the 
early years of the English India Ck>mpany is the collection of its 
papers edited by Bibdwoqd. G. Day, The Dutch in Java, is the authority 
for its subject. J. de la GbaviScbe, Les Anglais et les Hollandais dans 
les Mors Polaires et dans les Mer des Indes (1890), covers precisely 
this field. The Dutch material is catalogued to 1875 in J. A. VAir 
deb Chijs, Nederlandsohe Indisohe Bihliographie, in his publication of 
that date; while the older work of TnxE, M^moire hihliographique ew 
les joumaux des navigateurs Nierlandais (1867), still has value. 
Most important of all is the Encyolopedio van Nederlandsch-Indie 

For the Dutch East India Company, see J. K. J. db Jongb, De Opkomst 
van het Nederlandsch gezag in oost-Indien, 13 vols., (1862-88); J. J. 
MEiNBif A, Oeschiedenis van de Nederlandsohe oost-Indisehe Bezittingen^ 
3 vols., (1872-75). The great original of most of these works is the 
old book of F. Valbnttn, Beschryving vom cud en nieuw oost-Indien, 
8 vols., (1724). 



For the economic phases of the late sixteenth century see the works 
quoted in the bibliography to C!hapter X. To these may be added H. D. 
Tbahx's Social England (1893-98), which contains a vast amount of 
informatioii ^ti^^ in tbe illustrated edition, an unusually informing series 

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of pictures. For the development of armor and weapons one of the 
best sources is Elton's Gompleat Body of the Art MUiiary (1668). 
Hswrr's Arms and Armor and the works of Viollet-le-Duo also contain 
much valuable and interesting information and many illustrations both 
of armor and costume. For the latter there is a considerable literature. 
The Cyclopedia of Costume, 2 vols., (1856-57), and Raoinet, Le Cos- 
tume Historique, 6 vols., illus., (1888) are useful. For architecture, see 
R. Stuboib, History of Architecture (1906ff.), and the volumes by 
Febousson, Hamlin, and Fletcher on the same subject. For Palladio, 
see the lives by Zanella (1880) and by Babichella (1880). 

It need hardly be said that the literature of the drama and the Eliza- 
bethan stage is almost unlimited. The latest, and in many respects 
the most important, work on that subject is the co-operative work, 
The England of Shakespeare (1916, etc.). Probably the best biography 
of Shakespeare is that of S. Lee, several editions, the last in 1915. 
The best accessible bibliography of Shakespeare is in the last edition of 
the Britannica, under his name. For a general account of Elizabethan 
drama and dramatists, see A. W. Wabd, History of English Dramatic 
lAtmatwre to the Death of Anne (1899), and the Cambridge History 
of English Literature, edited by Wabd and Walleb (1907-16). 

For the rise and development of the opera, see the Omford History of 
Music (1901-05) and G. Gbovb's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 
edited by Maitland (1904-08). 




For the character and career of Henry IV of France, see Willebt's 
Henry of Navarre in the Heroes of the Nations series, and especially 
E. Lavisse, Vie de Sully (1880), and his Histoire de France. The 
Mimoires of Sully are among the most interesting and valuable of 
the sources, and are available in an English translation. For Henry's 
Grand Design, see C. A. Gobneliub, Der Orosse Plan Heiwrichs IV 
(1896). The literature of the reign of the most popular of French 
sovereigns is very great; and an exhaustive bibliography of it is to be 
found by H. Haubeb in his Sources de Vhistoire de France ( 1909) . See, 
also, bibliography to Ghapter XII. 

For Russia and the beginning of the Romanoffs, see Stbahl and 
Hebu ANN'S Geschichte des Russischen Staates, vol. iii, (1846) ; Pbinob 
£. Galitzin'b La Russie du wvii^ Sidcle dans ses Rapports aveo VEwrope 
Occidentale (1855); R. N. Bain, The First Romanovs (1905); and 
Hakluyt Society, Russia at the Close of the 16th Century, ed. Bond 

For the early years of the seventeenth century in Germany, see 
GiNDELT's History of the Thirty Years' War to 1632, tr. by Ten Bbook 
(1884), and his various writings in German on the reign of Rudolf II; 
A. W. Wabd, The House of Austria in the Thirty Tears* War (1869) ; 
Stieve's Der Kampf um Donauu)orth (1875); Fbettao'b Pictures of 
German Life in the 17th and 18th Centuries; Waexman's The Ascend- 

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ancy of France 1598-1715. The little book of S. R. Gabdineb, The Thirty 
Tears' War, is a good introduction. For more detailed liflts, see the 
Cambridge Modem History, vol. iii; and especially Dahlmahn-Waitz 
as quoted in the general bibliographical introduction above. 

For the history of England and the policy of James I, see S. R. 
Gabdineb, History of England from the Accession of James I (1899- 
1900), and the volumes in the Hunt and Poole and Oman series. 

For the history of the Netherlands, see bibliography for Chapters XII 
and XV. To the works there quoted may be added J. L. Motlet's His- 
tory of the United Netherlands (1800-67) and his Life and Death of 
John of Bameveldt (1874). In Dutch, the work of J. A. van deb 
Chub, De vesteegiging van her Nederlandsohe gesag over de Bamda 
Eilanden 1599-1621 (1886), is good. In German, Rebb, Oeschiedenis 
der KolonifOe Politiek (1868), and Reus' C^esohichtlicher UeherbUck 
der administrativen, rechtlichen u. fi/naneiellen Entwicklung der 
Niederlandisch-Ostindischen Compagnie (1804), are among the prin- 
cipal works. For the Dutch in Brazil and Guiana, see articles by L. 
Dbiesen and G. Edmundson in the English Historioal Review, vols, 
xi to xix, passim, and P. M. Netscheb's Les HoUandais au Br^sU 
(1853) and Oeschiedenis van de KoUmieen Essequibo, Demerary, en 
Berbioe (1888). One of the best monographs on Dutch colonial expan- 
sion is that of J. F. Jameson, W. Usselinosf (1887). See also in this 
subject the elaborate reports prepared by the representatives of the 
British and American governments in the controversy over the boundary 
between Venezuela and British Guiana, and published as official docu- 
ments in 1896-97. 



The chief bibliographical and cartographical source for this period is 
the Narrative and Critical History of Winsob, quoted above. The 
principal popular works on the subject in English are those of John 
FiSKE; and, for the French, those of Fbancis Pabkhan. There is a 
vast literature on the subject of the English and Dutch colonies in par- 
ticular, which may be found for the most part enumerated in Channinq, 
Habt, and Tubneb's Guide, as above. The two volumes of the American 
Nation series, France in America, by R. G. Thwaites, and England in 
America, by L. G. Ttleb, are brief popular accounts. The best general 
authorities are E. Channino, History of the United States, vol. i 
(1905), Bbown, Oeneeia of the United States, 2 vols., (1891), Osgood, 
The American Colonies in the 11th Century, Doyle, English Colonies 
in America, 5 vols., (1882-1907), and the publications in connection 
with the Champlain celebration. E. Egolbston'b Beginners of a Nation 
{ 1897) is a good readable account of the Pilgrim Fathers. G. L. Beeb's 
Origins of the British Colonial System (1908), while chiefly devoted to 
a later period, is of importance. Shtth's Narrative is available in sev- 
eral recent editions, and Champlain's Voyages has been translated fay 
Mr. and Mrs. E. G. Boubne, and more recently edited by W. L. Gbant 

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THE TmBTT TEABS' WAS. 1618-1632 

The literature of the Thirty Years' War is too vast to receive any 
adequate notice here. There is a good hrief guide to it in the Cambridge 
Modem History at the end of the volume under that title, and a fairly 
complete bibliography in Dahlmann-Waitz. For the war itself perhaps 
the best account in English is the translation of Gindely by Ten Brook 
and Klofp. The best sketch is Gabdineb'b Thirty Year^ War (1874). 
The work of Schilleb is a classic not a history; that of Haubseb on 
the Reformation is long since displaced by better work but is still read- 
able. For the history of England, see Chapter XVII. Neal's History 
of the Puritans, though an old work, still has value. It is available 
in many editions. In the matter of biographies the period is prolific. 
Among them may be noted G. Faoniez, Le P^e Joseph et Richelieu, 
2 vols., (1894) ; A. Gindely, Friedrich V von der PfaUs, etc., (1884) ; 
K. Hauck, Elisabeth, Konigin von Bohmen, etc., ( 1906 ) ; F. Stieve, 
Ernst von Mansfeld (1890), and Kurfurst Mawimilian I von Baiem 
(1900) ; and the biographies of Richelieu by R. Lodge (1896) and by 
J. B. Pebkins (1900). Perhaps the best biographical material relat- 
ing to the period is to be found in the AUgemeine Deutsche Biographic 
and the Dictianary of National Biography. 



The biographies of Richelieu and especially those of Champlain contain 
some account of the beginnings of Canadian settlement and French 
colonial policy. For the history of Virginia, see FiSKs's Old Virginia 
and her Neighbors, 2 vols., (1900), and Bbuce'b three works on the 
Economic (1896), the Institutional (1910), and the Social Life in 
Virginia (1907) during the seventeenth century. For the New Eng- 
land settlements, see FiSKs's Beginnings of New England (1889); for 
New Amsterdam, see J. H. Innes, New Amsterdam and Its People 
(1902) and Mrs. S. Van Rensselaeb'b excellent History of the City 
of New York in the 17th Century (1909). For the administration of 
Frederick Henry, see G. Edmdndson's article on Frederick Henry in 
English Historical Review (1890), and the bibliography under his 
name in Cambridge Modem History, vol. iv, p. 931 ff. For Coen, see 
W. A. Tebwogt's Het land van Jan PietersB. Coen (1891). For Dutch 
exploits in Brazil, see F. A. Vabnhagen's Historia das Lutas com os 
Eollandezes no Brazil desde 1624 <» 1654 (1871), and especially P. 
Netscheb, Les Hollandais au Br4sil (1853), with articles as above 
Chapter XVII. G. M. Abheb's Bibliographiodl and Historical Essay 
on Dutch books, etc., relating to the New Netherland a/nd the Dutch 
West India Company (1854-57) is still useful as a guide to the litera- 
ture of this not very well worked-up subject, while the same may be 
said of the old book of Bbyan Edwabds, The History of the British 
Colonies in the West Indies, 4 ed., (1807), and of Exquemelino's 

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Bwsoaneere, available in seyeral editions and yariouB translations. The 
best sketch of the buccaneers is that by G. H. Habino <1010). For 
works relating to Spanish and Portuguese America in this period, chiefly 
contemporary or nearly so, see Winbob's Narrative and Critical History. 
For the revolt of Portugal and the regaining of its independence, J. 
DUNLOP, Spain during the Reign of Philip IV (1834) ; M. A. S. Hitmk, 
Hietary of the Spanish People (1901) and Spain: Its Oreatnesa and 
Decay (1898). In Spanish, M. Lahtbnte, Historia de Espaiia (1888) ; 
A. Caivovas del Castillo, Estudios del Reinado de Felipe IV (1889) 
and F. Silvela (ed.), Cartas de Sor Maria de Agrela y del rey Felipe IV 
(1885-86) introd.; and in German Ranks, FUrsten u. VoUcer von 8udr 
Europa im 16 u. 17 Jahrhundert (1874, etc.). 



For costume and armor see the bibliography to Chapter XVI. For 
lace-making there are a number of pattern-books of the late sixteenth 
and early seventeenth centuries; and a History of the Manufacture of 
Venetian Laces by G. M. Ubbani de Gheltof, tr. by Lady Layabd. 
Probably the best work on the subject is that of E. Lefebvbe, Em- 
hrddery and Lace, their Manufacture and History, etc., (1888), and 
another on Point d^Alengon by Mme. G. Despiebbes (1886). For 
tobacco, see W. Bbaggs'b Bihliographia NicotiatM (1880) for the best, 
yet very incomplete book-list; and Faibholt's Tobacco, its History and 
Associations, 2 ed., (1876) and TiEDifANN's Oeschichte des Tabaks 
(1866). For tea, see J. G. Houbsate, Monographic de Thi; and the 
bibliography in D. Cbole, Tea, its Cultivation and Manufacture (1897). 
For coffee, see Walsh's Coffee, its History (1902). For chocolate and 
cocoa, see W. Bakeb & Co., Cocoa and Chocolate, A Short History of 
their Production and Use (1899). The historical muse does not seem 
to have inspired the devotees of strong drink as she has those of the 
milder beverages. There is a history of the art of distillation and of 
distilling apparatus by O. Sghbeineb ( 1901 ) , but it is devoted chiefly to 
volatile oils, and we are compelled to fall back on the articles in the 
general and technical encyclopsBdias for information. 

For the advance in science, beside the works noted in the general 
bibliography, see S. A. Abbhenius' Theories of Chemistry (1907) ; E. O. 
VON Lippmann's Ahhandlungen u. Vortrdge zur Oeschichte der Natur- 
wissenschaften (1906) ; E. von Meteb's A History of Chemistry . . . 
being also an Introduction to the Study of Science (trans.), (1906); 
W. RAifSAT, Essays, Biographical and Chemical (1908) ; R. O. Moon's 
The Relation of Medicine to Philosophy (1909) ; and, among the many 
histories of medicine enumerated in the Crerar Library catalogues, and 
the catalogue of the Surgeon-General's office in Washington which is 
the most comprehensive of all book-lists relating to the subject. There 
may also be noted the popular essays of J. J. Walsh, Makers of Mod- 
em Medicine (1907) and The Popes and Science (1908), For Harvey, 
see R. Willis' biography (1878) and the Life by W. Munk (1879). 
For Galileo see the edition of his works begun in Florence in 1890; J. J. 

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Fahob, Galileo (1903) ; and F. R. WBOo-PftossKS's (MUeo and hit Judges 
(1889). For Kepler, G. G. Reusohlb's Kepler u. die Aatronamie 
(1871) and A. Mulleb's Johann Kepler, der Gesetzgaher der Neueren 
Aattxmtymie (1003). For Tycho Brahe, see J. L. £. Dbeteb's Tycho 
Brahe (1800). See, also, M. Foster's History of Physiology during the 
16th, 17th and 18th Centuries (1001), and H. Zeutheh's Cfesehichte der 
Mathematik im 16 u, 17 Jahrhundert (1003). 

For Bacon, see J. Speddino's Life and Letters of Lord Bacon, the 
standard biography; S. Lee's €hreat Englishmen of the 16ih Century 
(1904); J. M. Robektbon's Short History of Freethought; and Ch. 
Adam's Philosophie de Franois Bacon (1800), besides the histories of 
philoflophy quoted above. 

These histories are valuable for Descartes and his philosophy. For 
more detailed studies, see also E. S. Haij>anb, Descartes, his Life and 
Times, including a bibliography (1005), and the article in Cambridge 
Modem History, vol. iv, with bibliography, and N. Smith, Studies in 
the Cartesian Philosophy (1002). A complete collection of his works 
was begun in 1007. See, also, R. Adamson, The Development of Modem 
Philosophy (1003); K. Fisgheb, History of Modem Philosophy; Des- 
cartes and his School, tr., ( 1887 ) ; and L. Levt-Bbuhl, History of 
Modem Philosophy in France, tr., (1800). 

For Grotius, see L. Neumann, Hugo Orotius (1884). A life and 
bibliography of Grotius was published by Lehmann in 1727 ; an English 
life by C. Butleb in 1826; and an English translation of De Jure Belli 
(trans, and abridged) by Whewell, in 1863. See also A. Fillet, 
Fondateurs du droit international, (jhrotius (1004) ; and the edition of 
Grotius, ed. J. B. Soott, in Classics of International Law, Carnegie Inst. 

For Bruno, see J. Lewis M'Inttbe's Life, Commentary and BihUog- 
raphy (1003) and A. Rishl'b Biography, tr., (1005), among several. 
For Campanella, see L. Amabilb, Fra T, Campanella, 3 vols., (1882). 
There is a bibliography of (Campanella in the Diotionnaire de Thiologie 
Catholique (1004). 



The principal sources and bibliographies for the Thirty Years' War 
have been indicated under Chapters XVII and XIX. There are a num- 
ber of biographies of Wallenstein of importance for the period, though 
unfortunately no adequate work in English. In (German the principal 
books are those of Ranks, Oeschichte Wallensteins (1872, 1010); and 
GiNDELT, Waldstein, 2 vols., (1886). There are two English biographies 
of Oustavus Adolphus available, C. R. L. Fletoheb (1800) and T. A. 
Dodge (1806). In German, one of the principal biographies is that of 
G. Drotsen, 2 vols., (1860-70). See, also, R. N. Bain, Scandinavia 
1518-1900 (1005) for a brief account of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, 
and F. F. Cablsson, Oeschichte Schwedens, tr. from the Swedish, 
(1855). In French, see £. ChabvAbiat, Histoire de la Guerre de Trente 
Am, 2 vols., (1878), and for Austria, see F. Kbonbs' Handhuch der 

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Oeachiohte Oeaterreioha ( 1877, etc. ) ; E. Denis' Fin de VIndSpendance 
Bohime (1890) and La BohSme depuis la Montagne-Blanche (1903) are 
useful, as is H. Pibennb, Histoire de Belgique (1911). See, also, the 
works of J. B. Pebkinb, Richelieu (1900) and France under Mazarin 
(1886) ; and also G. Avenel, Richelieu ei la Monarchic Ahsolue^ 4 vols., 
(1884-90). There is an older book of popular interest \sy E. Oust, 
Live9 of the Warriore of the Thirty Tears* War, 2 vols., (1865) ; and 
more recent liyes of Bernard of Saxe- Weimar by A. Thoma (1904), 
of Bethlen Gabor by Gindely (1890) and IonIe-Acsady, Gabriel Beth- 
len and hie Court (1890). 

For the history of England in this period the standard work is that 
of S. R. Gabdzneb. For histories of Scotland, see J. H. Burton (1873), 
P. H. Bbown (1905), and Andbew Lang (1906). For the Grand 
Remonstrance, see the monographs by J. Fobsteb (1860) and H. L. 
ScHOOLCBAFT (1902). G. M. Tbevelyan'b England under the Stuarte 
(1906) is an eminently readable but not a very scientific review of the 
period, excellent on the social and literary side. J. B. Mozley's Eseaye, 
Historical and Theologicah 2 vols., (1878), is good for the high 
church point of view, and J. G. Palfrey's History of New England 
(1884) is still valuable for that part of the Puritan movement. C. H. 
SiMPKiNBON, Thomas Harrison, Regicide and Major-General (1905) 
gives a good picture of the more advanced party, and the Stuart aeries 
of biographies published by Goupil Frdres are beautifully illustrated 
works of much value historically as well as artistically. J. Morley's 
Life of Cromwell (1900) is excellent on the philosophical side, and 
T. C. Pease, The Leveller Movement (1916) is the best statement of the 
case for that group of radicals, as Miss Louise Brown's Fifth Mon- 
archists is excellent for that faction. 

The articles of the Peace of Westphalia, as of the treaties of the 
following period, are available in Duuont and Roubbel de Missy's 
Corps Universel Diplomatique du Droit des Gens oontenant un R€cue%l 
des Traitez (1727); see also J. G. von Meiern's Acta Pads West- 
ph^ilioae Puhlica (1734-36). For treaties relating to the territories 
now occupied by the United States, see F. G. Davenport, Treaties 
hearing on the History of the United States and its Dependencies to 
1648 (Washington, 1917). 



The best three biographies of Cromwell are those of Morlby (see 
bibliography to preceding chapter), S. R. Gardiner (1899), and C. H. 
Firth. See, also, Gardiner's CromweWs Place in History (1897) ; and 
for an adverse view R. F. D. Palgrave's Oliver CromweU, the Protector 
(1890 and 1903). The best edition of his letters is Mrs. S. C. Lomas' 
ed. of Carlyle's Letters and Speeches of Oliver CromweU, 3 vols., 
(1904). The most comprehensive work on Cromwell as a soldier is 
that of F. HoNio (1887) which should be compared with T. S. Baldock 
(1899); and the best account of his army is that of C. H. FnsTH, 
Cromwell's Army ( 1902) . For the navy, see M. Oppenheim, Administror 

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iion of the Royal Navy (1896). For Gromweirs foreign relations, see 
G. Jones, Relationa between Orotntoell and Charles X of Sweden ( 1897 ) ; 
BiscHOFSHAUSEN, Die Politik de8 Protectore OUver Cromwell, etc., 
(1899); J. N. Bowman, Protestant Interest in CromweWs Foreign 
Relations (1900); Cablbom, Sverige och England (1900); and G. L. 
Bebb, CromweWs Policy in its Economio Aspects (1902). See, also, 
The Last Tears of the Protectorate by C. H. Fibth (1909); and 
CromwelVs Scotch Campaigns by W. S. Douglas (1898). The prin- 
cipal Boiirce for many of these subjects is J. Thttbloe, Collection of 
State Papers, etc., 7 vols., (1702-03). 

For the English Church during this period, see W. A. Shaw, History 
of the English Church during the Civil Wars and under the Common- 
wealth, 2 vols., (1900). The articles in the Dictionary of National 
Biography are especially good for biographical data. 

For the insurrection of Masaniello, see A. G. Meissneb's and £. 
BouBo's Masaniello, For Khmelnitzki, see R. N. Bain, The First 
Romanovs, as quoted above. For the effect of Cromwell's policy over- 
sea, see the volumes quoted in Chapter XVIII, and N. D. Davis, The 
Cavaliers and Roundheads of Barbados (1887). For the Anglo-Dutch 
war, see EoifUNDSON as above. For Ireland, see R. Bagwell, Ireland 
under the Stuarts and Commonwealth; M. J. Bonn, Die Englische 
Kolonisation in Irland, 2 vols., (1906) ; and A. BEiXESHEiif, Oeschiohte 
der Katholischen Kirche in Irland, 3 vols., (1890-1901). The best brief 
account is the introduction to R. Dunlop's Ireland under the Common- 
wealth (1913) — a collection of documents. 

There are two good books on the Netherlands in this period: J. 
Geddes, T?ie Administration of John de Witt, 1 vol., (all published), 
(1879), and A. LefAvbb Pontaus, Vingt Annies de Republique Par- 
lementaire au Dix-septidme Si^cle: Jean de Witt, 2 vols., (1884), tr. 
Stephenson (1886). For naval affairs, see J. S. Cobbett, England in 
the Mediterranean, 2 vols., (1904), and his Successors of Drake (1900). 

For general political progress, see G. P. (jOOCH, History of English 
Democratic Ideas in the 17th Century (1889); C. Boboeaud, Rise of 
Modem Democracy in Old and New England, tr., (1894); and L. H. 
Bebens, The Digger Movement (1906). 

■ubopb at the middle of thb seventeenth centubt 

For the development of the English colonies in North America, see 
the books referred to in the bibliography to Chapter XVIII. To these 
may be added Mebeness' Maryland as a Proprietary Province ( 1901 ) ; 
IiATANft's Early Relations of Maryland and Virginia (1895); and 
Steineb's The Beginnings of Maryland (1903). See, also, G. Penn's 
Memorials of the Professional Life and Times of Sir W, Penn, 2 vols., 
(1833), with the articles of C. H. Fibth in the English Historical 
Review (1905 ff.) on Blake. 

For New France, see Pabkman'b works as quoted above and for New 
Netherlands, the bibliography to Chapter XVIII. For the exploration 
of the Northwest, see A. C. Laut, Conquest of the Great Northwest 

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(1909) ; G. Bbtgi, Remarkable History of the Hudaon*$ Boy Company 
{ 1900) ; E. Heawood, History of Oeographical Discovery in the 17th mtd 
18th Centuries (1912) ; and the bibliographies in the annnal Review of 
Historical PubUoations relating to Canada issued by the Univenity of 

For the history of Brazil, see bibliography to Chapter JLViii. To 
these may be added A. J. DS M. Mobaes' BraM historico, etc, ( 1866-67) ; 
F. A. Vabnhaoen, Historia das Lutas com os HoUandezes no Brazil 
desde 1624-54 (1872) and his Historia general do Brazil, 2 vols., 
(1877). O. Edicundson, The Dutch in Western Oniana, and The Dutch 
on the Amazon and the Tfegro in the nth Century {English Historical 
Review, 1901-03). See, also, L. Dominoukz, Historia Argentina, 4 ed., 
(1870), and Rodwat, The West Indies and the Spanish Main (1896). 
For the Dutch in the East, add to the bibliography of Chapter XVII, J. 
E. Tennaitt, Ceylon (1860); H. St. John's The Indian Archipelago, 
2 vols., (1853) ; and G. M. Theall, History of South Africa, 5 vols., 
(1888) ; with C. P. LucAfi, Historical Geography of the British Colonies, 
2 ed., (1905ff.). 

For the history of art in the seventeenth century, see in addition to 
the general accounts, M. Bell, Rembrandt van Rijn and his Work 
(1899); A. RosENBEBo's Rembrandt (1906) fully illustrated; Boob's 
Rembrandt u. seine Zeitgenossen; Pilkinoton's Dictionary of Painters; 
with the two series (Gterman and English) of Chreat Painters, now in 

For morals, see Leckt, History of Rationalism in Europe (1865), now 
somewhat antiquated and never very interesting. For literature in 
general and Molidre in particular, see E. Despois and P. Mesxabd's 
introduction to Moliftre*s works and the edition of his works in Les 
Orandes Eorivains de la France, See, also, P. Lacboiz, CoUeotion 
Molidresque and H. C. CHATfiELD-TATLOB, Moliire; A bibliography 
(1907) for Moliere literature. See, also, the works of Saintb- 
Beuve, Schebeb, and BBUNEntBE. For Pascal, see SAmTB-BEUVE's 
Port Royal and E. Boutboux's Life (1903). See, also, in general for 
this and following chapters, L. Petit de Juluevillb (ed.), Histoire de 
la langue et de la litt&rature frangaise (1896-1900). 

For English literature in this period, see the Cambridge History of 
English Literature; D. Masson, Life of Milton, 6 vols., (1859-80); H. 
J. C. Gbiebson, First Half of the nth Century, For Calderon and 
Spanish literature, see H. Bbbthann's Calderon Studien (1905); £. 
Mabtinenchb's La ComSdie Espagnole en France de Hardy d Racine 
(1900) and F. Picatostb t Rodbioubz's Biografia de Don Pedro Cal- 
deron, etc., (1881). 

For Hobbes, see especially the L. Stephen (1904) and G. G. 
Robebtson (1886) biographies. See, also, W. Gbaham, English Political 
Philosophy from Hobbes to Maine (1899). 

For the early history of newspapers, see Fox BouBinB, History of 
Newspapers, and especially J. B. Williams, Early History of English 
Journalism (1908). 

For the history of science in the seventeenth century, besides the gen- 
eral works on the subject, see the Record of the Royal Society ( 1901 ) ; 
Ellis, Speddino, and Heath (eds.). Collected Works of Bacon (1870) ; 

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S. P. RiGAUD, Oarreipondence of Scientific Men of the 17th Century 
(1841); C. Adam and P. Tannest (eds.), Deeoartes, CBuvrea (1897, 
etc.); Pebtz, Gbotbtend, and Gebhabdt (ed8.)» Leilmisi, Oesammelte 
Werke (1843, etc.); S. Hobblet (ed.), Newton, Opera (1779-86); J. 
Napieb, Collected Worke (1839); Galileo's treatises, tr. H. CTbew 

For the biographies of the principal scientific men of the century, 
see Spedding'b Bacon (1861-74) ; Haudakb's Deecartee (1906) ; Fahib^s 
Oalileo (1903); Bbeitbchwebt'b Kepler (1831); Guheaueb's LeilniM 
(1842-46); and Sloman'b Leibniz, Eng. tr., (1860); Napdeb'b Napier 
( 1834 ) ; Brbwbtib'b Netoton ( 1866 ) . There is a good brief bibliography 
of the subject in Oamhridge Modem Hietory, vol. v, p. 903 ff. 


THE AGE OF LDUIB ZIV. 1660-1678 

For the reign of Louis XIV, its history, administration, foreign 
policy, and general relations, see O. Aibt's little book The English 
Restoration and Louie XIV (1888); P. A. ChAbxtel'b La Politique 
ExtMeure de Louie au d4but de eon Chuvemement Personnel (1890) ; 
8. DE Gbotbstinb' ChtiUaume III et Louie XIV, 8 yoIb., (1868); O. 
Kjxxpp'b Der Pall dee Hausee Stuart, etc., 14 vols., (1875-88); F. F. 
Cablbbon'b Oeechiohte Sohwedene ( 1873-87 ) ; B. Ebduannsdobfbxb's 
Deutsche Cfeschiehte . . . 1648-1740; and especially Lavisse, Histoire 
de France, as above (1901, etc), with the great series Beoeuil dee 
Instructions dcnnSes awf Amhassadeurs et Mimstres de Fra/nce depuis 
lee trait4s de Westphalie, etc., (1884ff.); and E. Boubgbois, Manuel 
historique de politique Strangle (1901-06), and his Sources de Vhis- 
ioire de Prance, 1610-1715, continuing H. Hauseb, see above. 
Chapter IV. 

For his administration proper, see especially P. A. Ch&buel, Histoire 
de r Administration Monarchiaue en Prance, etc., 2 vols., (1855) ; Comte 
de LuGAT, Les Secretaires d'Etat . . . jusqu' d la Mort de Louis XV 
( 1881) ; the various contributions of A. Babeau; and the bibliography of 
Colbert in Lavibbe. See, also, J. H. Bbidgeb' Prance under Richelieu 
and Colbert (1866) ; A. J. Sabgent's The Economic Policy of Colbert 
(1899); Rambaud'b Histoire de la Civilisation Prancaise, 2 vols., 
(1885); A. J. Gbant, The French Monarchy, 14831789 (1900); and 
M. Phiuppson'b Das Zeitalter Ludwigs XIV (1879) ; also M. Immioh'b 
Oeschichte dee Europdischen Staatensysteme, 1660-1789 (1903, etc.). 

For the Restoration period in England, besides the general histories 
mentioned above, see O. Aiby, Charles II ( 1901 ) ; G. B. Hebz, English 
Public Opinion after the Restoration (1902) ; D. Masbon, Life of Milton, 
6 vols., (1859-94). For the rise of English political parties, see Tbent, 
Early History of the Tory Party; G. W. Cooke, History of Party, 3 
vols., (1836-37). 

For English colonial policy, see J. R. Seelet, The Expansion of Eng- 
land (1891), and his Growth of English Policy (1895); S. J. FucHS, 
Die Handelspolitik Englands u. seiner Kolonien ( 1893 ) ; O. M. Diokeb- 
BON, American Colonial Oovemment, 1696-1765; A. Todd, Parliamentary 

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Oovemmeni in the British Colonies; and especially Osgood, The Amer- 
ican Oolontes in the 17th Century, 3 vols., (1904-07). 


For the aciiyities of France in North America during this period, 
see the works of PABKif an, and Winsob, quoted above. For Colbert's 
policy, see P. CiiiMENT, Histoire de Colbert et de eon admimstnUUm 

(1874) ; £. RAifEAU, Une coUmie f4odale en Amerique, UAcadie (1877) ; 
Ii. Paulliat, Louis XIV et la Compagnie des Indes Orientdles de 1664 

(1886); 8. MiMS, Colbert and his West Indian Policy (1914). See, 
also, Kii7€»8FOiiD, History of Canada, 10 vols., (1887-98); and Mnxs, 
History of Canada under the French Regime (1872); with Gayasbe, 
Louisiana under French Dominion, 4 vols., new ed., (1904), and A. 
FOBTIBB, History of Louisiana, 6 vols., (1904). 

For French explorers, see Pabkman's La Salle (1869); Winsob, 
From Cartier to Frontenac (1894) ; R. G. TnwArrES (ed.), Jesuit Rela- 
tions (1896ff.); Pabkman, Frontenac and Tfew France under Louis 
XIV (1877). 

For Africa and the East, see O. M. Thbal, History of South Africa 
under the Dutch East India Company, 2 vols., (1897) ; W. W. Hunteb, 
History of British India, 2 vols., (1899-90); A. Ltall^ The British 
Dominion in India (1906); G. B. Malleson, The French in India 

( 1893) ; see, also, G. Bibdwood, Report on the Old Records of the India 
Office (1891); and C. R. WnflON, Early Annals of the English in 
Bengal, 2 vols., (1896-1900). 


THE AGS OF WILLIAM m. 1678-1702 

The chief source for the history of the house of Orange is Gboen van 
Pbinstebeb, Archives ou Correspondance inMite de la Maison d^Orange- 
Nassau, 2e s6rie, 6 vols., (1867-00); J. W. van Stpbstein, Oeschied- 
kundige Bijdragen en onuitgeve^ Stukken, 3 vols., (1864-66); the 
Dumont collection as above; F. A. M. Mionet, Nigociations relatives d 
la Succession d'Espagne, 4 vols., 6 ed., (1886). See especially A. 
TjEffBEr.LE, La Diplomatie Francaise et la Succession d'Espagne, 4 vols., 
(1888-92), and his Notes et Documents sur la Paix de Ryswick (1894). 

For the English side, the best work is Macaulat's History of EngUmd^ 
many editions. This may be checked by Ranks, History of England 
chiefly in the 17th Century; Elopp, Fall des Hauses Stuart, as above, 
and Bbosoh, C^eschichte von England ( 1903) . There are several sketches 
of the life of William III, the best being that in the Dictionary of Na- 
tional Biography, and the Life by H. D. Tbahx. 

For the economic side, see A. ANDBtAOES, Histoire de la Banque 
d'Angleterre (1904) ; W. A. S. Hewins, English Trade and Finance in 
the nth Century (1892); J. E. T. Rogebs, First nine years of the 
Bank of England (1903); G. Schmolleb, The Mercantile System, etc. 

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(tr. 1906); W. A. Shaw, History of Currency (1896); S. Dowbll, 
History of Tarnation (1888). 

For the military and naval side, Bee A. T. Mahan, Influence of Sea 
Power upon History, 1660-1783 (1889); G. £. Callwell, Military 
Operations and Maritime Preponderance ( 1905 ) ; J. W. Fobtescue, His- 
tory of the British Army (1899) ; W. F. Lord, England and France in 
the Mediterranean ( 1901 ) ; £. Macabtnet-Filoate, The War of William 
II J in Ireland (1905) ; Bagwell, History of Ireland; Leorelle, Louis 
XIV et Strasshourg; Rot, Turenne; Griffet, Recueil de Lettres pour 
servir d VHistoire Militaire de Louis XIV; and Sibtbma de Gbovestins, 
Histoire des Luttes et Rivalit6s Politiques entre les Puissances Mari- 
times et la France durant la Beoonde Moiti4 du wvU SiMe (1855); 
Malleson, Eugene of Savoy. 

For the Peace of Rjrswick and the Spanish negotiations, see also, A. 
Gaedeke, Die Politik OesterreUshs in der Spanischen Erhfolgefrage, 2 
vols., ( 1877 ) . For the social side, see C. Hugon, Social France in the 
11th Century (1911), and E. Levasseur, Histoire des classes ouvriires 
et de rindustrie en France avant 1789 (1901). 

For the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, see Baisd, Revocation of 
the Edict of Nantes (1895) ; Poole, The Huguenots of the Dispersion; 
Smiles, Huguenots in France after the Dispersion. 

For the Revolution of 1688, see, beside Macaxtlat, Mackintosh, 
History of the Revolution in England in 1688 (1834) ; Hallam, Con- 
stitutional History of England (1879); Agnew, Life of Henri de 
Ruvigny (1864), and his Exiles from France, 2 vols., (1871). 

For Austria and her relation to the other powers, see M. Immich, 
Europdisches Staatensystem; and Klofp, Der Fall des Hauses Stuart, 
as above; H. voN Steel, Prinz Eugen von Savoyen (1889); F. von 
Krones, Zur Oeschichte XJngams (1894); W. COXE, History of the 
House of Austria (1798). For Poland, see P. Dupont, M4moires pour 
servir d VHistoire de Sohieshi (1885), and the general histories of 
Poland. H. £. Maloen's Vienna 1683 (1883) is an account of the 
defeat of the Turks by Sobieski. A. F. Pribram's Franz Paul, Freiherr 
von Lisola (1894) contains a good sketch of the politics of this period. 
G. FiNLAT's History of Greece 146 B.C. to 1864 A J). (1877), includes 
one volume on Greece under Turkish domination with a good popular 
account of Turkish activities at this time. There is an older work In 
the Oeschichte der Europdischen Staaten by J. W. Zinebisbn, namely. 
Die Oeschichte des Osmanischen Reiches in Europa, 7 vols. (1840-63). 

For the buccaneers, see Ezquemeung and Harino, as above; J. Bub- 
net, Buccaneers (1816) ; and for the South American states, see R. G. 
Watson, Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial 
Period (1884) ; J. Pfotenhauer, Die Missionen der Jesuiten in Para- 
guay (1891-93); and the various essays in Winsob, Narrative and 
Critical History. 

For the English colonial policy, see H. E. EGiarroN, History of Colonial 
Policy (1898); A. Smith, Wealth of Nations, ed., Rogebs (1865), and 
the works quoted under Chapter XVIII; see, also, the writings of G. L. 
Beer, quoted in bibliographies to Chapter XXIII above and Chapter 
XXXV below. 

For the history of New England, see Palfbet, History of New Eng- 

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land (1859-90). For the East India Company, see the bihlio|n«phy of 
Chapter XII; Mainwabing, Croton and Company (1911) ; and Papuxon, 
Memoir of Thomas PapiUon (1887). 

For Paterson see J. S. Babboub, A History of William Patersan and 
the Darien Company (1907) ; and S. Bannisteb, Life of W. Paterson, 
3 vols., ( 1869 ) ; and for the Bank of England, see the biblio|n«phy of 
Chapter XXVII. For insurance, see Martin, History of Lloyds ( 1876) . 



For the development of French literature, see the bibliography of 
Chapter XXIV; H. Taine, La Fontaine et aes Fables, 14 ed., (1898)^; 
E. Faguet, Etudes Litt^raires: Dia-septi^me Sidcle, 10 ed., (1802) ; E. 
PIOOT, Bibliographie Com^lienne (1876); and the works of F. Bbu- 
NETiftBE and C. A. Saintb-Beuve, who have treated most of the sub- 
jects here touched upon in separate essays and monographs, chiefly 
critical. For England, see A. Beljame, Le puhlio et Us Hommes de 
Lettres en Angleterre, 1660-17 H; E. QossE, Seventeenth Century 
Studies, 3 ed., (1898) ; A. W. Wabd, History of Dramatic Literature to 
the Death of Queen Anne, 3 vols., (1899). For Milton, see Masson's 
Life as quoted above. 

For medicine, see in addition to the general histories, J. F. Payne's 
Life of Sydenham (1900) and the Life by Picabd (1889). For chemis- 
try, T. E. Thobpe's Essays in Historical Chemistry (1902). For mili- 
tary science, see T. A. Dodge's Oustavus Adolphus, 2 vols., (1896); 
Viscount WoLSELET's Marlborough (1894); J. Rot's Turenne (1884); 
C. F. M. Rousset's Louvois (1862-68); and G. Michel's Vauban 
(1878); Camfobi's Montecuccoli (1876); and for Prince Eugene, the 
biographies fay ▼. Abneth, 3 vols., 2 ed., (1864), and v. Stbel (1868) ; 
with the biographies of Cromwell quoted in Chapter XXIII. For 
mathematics and astronomy, see Newton and Leibnttz as below. For 
Boyle, see the old work of Bibch (1744), the essays by Ramsat and 
by Thobpe as above, Chapter XXI. The works of Hutghens are now 
in the process of publication. Halley lacks a biographer. 

For Spinoza, see F. Pollock, Spinoza, His Life and PhUosopky 
(1880); Mabtineau, Study of Spinoza (1882); and J. Caibd, Spinosa 
(1888) ; with the studies of Spinoza's Ethics by Joachim (1901) and 
Duff (1903). For Newton, see S. P. Rigaud, as above. O. J. Gbat, 
Bibliography of Neu>ton*s Writings (1880); A. de Moboan, Life of 
Newton (1885) ; and the older book of D. Bbewsteb on Newton's Life, 
Writings and Discoveries (1855). For Leibnitz, see the biographies by 
Bbaig (1907), the exhaustive work of Guhbaueb (1842), and its Eng- 
lish adaptation by Mackhe (1845). For his philosophy, see Fischeb, 
Leibniz (1889); E. Cassibeb, Leibniz System, etc., (1902); Kabhz 
(1909), and Russell (1900) on his system. 

For Pufendorf , see the contributions of Tbeitschke, Bluntbchlt, and 
RoscHEB, and the article in the Allegemeine Deutsche Biographic. For 
Locke, see Fowleb (1880) ; Fbazeb (1890) ; and especially H. R. Fox- 
Boubne's Ufe (1876). 

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For cIqIm and club life, see J. Timb's volumes on that subject 

i 1866) and (1872). For economic writing and thought, see Paijqbave'b 

Z>€ctionary of Political Economy as quoted above; S. Buxton's Finance 

4Mnd PoUtica (1888); C. Duquid's History of the Btock Ewohange 



EUBOFE. 1700-1720 

For the English side of the War of the Spanish Succession, see 
Sxanhopb'b History of England in the Reign of Queen Anne (1870) and 
bis History of the War of the Succession in Spain (1832). For the 
French side, see especially Lavisse, Histdre de France, as above. For 
A.iiBtria, see A. Gaedekb, Die Polittk Oesterreichs in der Spanisohen 
Erhfolgefrage (1877). For Holland, see Blok, History of the People 
of the Netherlands. For the war in Spain, see the biographies of Peter- 
borough by F. Russell (1887), and W. Stebbino; and the bibliog- 
raphy of the preceding chapter. See, also, Malleson, Prince Eugene of 
Savoy (1888) and Wilson, The Duke of Berwick. For the Peace of 
Utrecht see the works on that subject by C. Gibaud (1847), Gebaed» 
and Webee. 

For the Northern War, see R. N. Bain, Charles XII and the Vottapse 
of the Swedish Empire (1895) ; Osoab II, King of Sweden, Charles XII, 
Eng. tr. by Apgeobge (1879); Voltaibb, Charles XII; Holland, The 
Treaty Relations of Russia and Turkey, For the Prussian side of the 
war, see Tutile, History of Prussia; for the Russian, E. Sohutijs, 
Peter the Great (1884); R. N. Bain, The first Romanovs (1905) and 
The Pupils of Peter the Great (1897); K. Waliszewski, Pierre le 
Grand (1897)— also in English. 

For colonial affairs, see, in addition to the works quoted in the 
bibliographies of Chapters XVIII, XXIV, and XXVI, P. Edoab» The 
Struggle for a Continent (1902). 



For Spain in this period, see E. Abkstbono, Elixaheth Famese 
(1892); P. Bllabd, Dubois (1901); for England, A. W. Wabd, The 
Electress Sophia and the Hanoverian Succession, 2 ed., (1909) ; Stan- 
hope (Lord Mahon), The History of England . . . 1713-83, in many 
editions; W. Michael, Oeschichte Englands; E. S. RoscoE, Harley 
(1902); the biographies of Walpole by J. Moblet (1889) and A. C. 
Ewald (1878) ; W. CoxE, Memoirs of the Kings of Spain of the House 
of Bourbon 1813-15; H. Cabb^, La France sous Louis XV (1891) ; J. B. 
Perkins, France under the Regency ( 1892) ; and E. Bouboeois, Alberoni, 
Madame des Ursins et la Reine Elisabeth Famese (1891), are useful 
and generally interesting books on this period. See, also, bibliography 
of Chapter XXVIII. 

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For India, see E. S. Holden, The Mogul EmperorB of Hindustan 
(1895) ; J. a. Duff, A History of the Mahrattas, 3 vols., (1826) ; H. 
G. Keene, The Moghul Empire (1866) and The FaU of the Moghui 
Empire (1876) ; S. J. OwEir, India on the Eve of the British Canqueei 
(1872); and 8. L. Poole, Aurangxih (1896). 

For the North American colonies, see especially E. Chakhtno, His- 
tory of the United States (1910, etc.,) the best scholarly account of this 
period, superseding Bangboft. See, also, W. E. H. Legkt, History of 
England in the 18th Century (1878-90) and the bibliographies in the 
American Nation series. J. Fiske, New France and New England 
(1902) ; Colonization of the New World and Independence of the New 
World; Pabkman, A Half Century of Conflict (1892); and F. X. 
Gabneau, Histoire de Canada, 6 ed., (1913). For the Darien Com- 
pany, see Paterson, as above. For the history of Uruguay, see the 
volume published under that title, Liverpool, 1897. For Mexico, see 
H. H. Bancboft, as above; A. von Humboldt, Essay on New Spain; 
N. Leon, Compendio de la historia general de Memco (1902). See, also, 
the brief and popular sketches by Nutt, which are, however, very 
scanty on this period. 

For Louisiana, see Fobtoeb and Gatabb^ as above, and the popular 
book of G. Kino on New Orleans (1895). For John Law and his ven- 
tures, see A. Thiebs' Law et son Systdme de Finances (tr., 1869) ; and 
A. M. Davis, Law's System (1887) ; also A. W. Winbton-Gltnh, John 
Law of Lauriston (1908). See, also, Bonnabieuz, Let Orandes Cam- 
pagnies, as above. 

For the explorers, see Hbawood, Oeographieal Discovery in the 17th 
and 18th Centuries. For the reorganization of the Spanish colonial 
empire and the effect of the accession of the Bourbons, see R. Altajiiba 
Y Cbevea, Historia de Espafia (1909); M. A. Coubot, VEspagne 
apris la Paiw d*Utrecht ( 1891 ) ; and G. Scellb, La TraU4 Negri^e au» 
Indes de Castille (1906, etc.). 

For the War of the Polish Succession, see R. N. Bain, The Pupils 
of Peter the Oreat (1897) ; and the histories of England, France, and 
Russia; and for the Anglo-Spanish War, see the history of Spain 
and those of England and the colonies, as quoted above. For the 
biography of Anson, see J. Babbow's Life (1839). 


beuoion, intellect, and industby. 1700-1760 

For the development of French art in the eighteenth century, see the 
biographies of Watteau by P. Mantz (1892), G. Dabgentt (1891), and 
PniLUPB (1895-1905), and in particular, the study by C. Mauglaib 
(1905) and P. G. IIamebton's volumes on painting. For the Jansenlsts, 
see Sainte-Beuve, Port Royal, 7 vols., 6 ed., (1888-91) and C. Bbabd, 
Port Royal (1861). See, also, Rebeluau, Bossuet (1900); Mrs. S. 
Leab, Bossuet (1874), and a Bossuet bibliography by G. Ubbain 
(1900). For Boileau and the literature of his time, see the writings 
of Sainte-Beuve and BbunetiAbb; for Pope, see J. W. Cbokkb (intro- 
duction, notes, and life by Elwin and CovKtRon), Works with Life, 

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etc., 10 yols., (1871-08). For the Moravians see Hutton, History of 
the Morawon Ohwroh (1009). For the Methodists, see Townsend, 
WosKMAN, and Eaybs, New History of Methodism (1909). For the 
Wesleys, see G. J. Stevenson, Memorials of the Wesley Family (1876), 
and John Wesley's Journal, ed., Cubnock (1000-13). See, also, R. A. 
Vaughak, Hours with the Mystics, 2 vols., 7 ed., (1805); and S. 
KrrsoHL, €hschiohte des Pietismus (1880-1906) ; J. H. Ovebton, William 
Law ( 1881 ) ; and R. M. Jones, The Spiritwil Reformers. 

For Voltaire, see the bibliography hy G. Bengesoo, 4 vols., (1882- 
00) ; the essay by T. Gabltlb in his works; the essay by J. Moblet 
(1872); and the Life by J. Pabton (1881). For Swift, Addison, and 
Steele, see their biographies, especially in the English Men of Letters 
series. For the progress of scholarship, see Sandys as above; A. Mau, 
Pompeii, tr. by F. W. Kelsey, 2 ed., (1002) ; and Fueteb, Oeschiohte 
der neueren Historiographie (1011) ; also in French translation revised. 


THE age or FBEDEBIOK THE GBEAT. 1742-1763 

For the development of Brandenburg-Prussia, see L. von Ranee, 
Zw6lf BUcher Preussischer Oeschiohte (1878-70) and E. Lavissb, 
6tudes siir I'Histoire de Prusse (1870) and La Jeunesse du Grand 
FridMo. The most exhaustive Life of Frederick the Great in English 
is that by T. Cablylb, many editions. See, also, H. Tuttle, History of 
Prussia 1740-56 (1888) ; Lecky, History of England in the 18th Cen- 
tury (1878) ; Mahon, History of England 17131788 (1858) ; A. Abneth, 
Maria Theresa (1868-75) ; A. W. Wabd, England and Hanover (1899) ; 
R. KoSEB, Friedrich der Grosse (1905). See, also, A. Bachman, Die 
Pragmatische Sanction, etc. (1894). For the French side see Gomte 
de Pajol, Les Guerres sous Louis XV (1881-87). There is a good brief 
sketch of this subject by Mabbiott and Robebtson, The Rise of Prussia 

These works cover in the main the general history of the Wars 
of the Austrian Succession as well. 

For the colonies and India, see the bibliographies of the preceding 
chapters. For the Seven Years' War, R. Waddinoton, La Guerre de 
Sept Ans (1899-1007). See, also, his Louis XV et le Renversement des 
AlUances (1890), for the Diplomatic Revolution. See, also, for the 
English side, J. Gobbett, England in the Seven Years^ War (1908), 
and L. Rankin, The Marquis d'Argenson ( 1001 ) . 

For Pitt, see the biographies by Gbeen (1002); Rxtyille, Eng. tr., 
(1005); and B. WmJAMB (1013). 



For the general subject of the rise of liberal thought, see F. Roo 
QUAIN, VEsprit Rivolutiownaire avant la R^olution, Eng. tr., (1878). 
For Voltaire and Rousseau, see J. Mobley's Essays. For a bibliography 

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of Montesquieu, see L. Dangbau (1874); for his Life, see L. Vian 
(1879) and A. Sobel. For Voltaire, see bibliography of Chapter XXXI. 
For Rousseau, see the latest attempt to rehabilitate him l^ Mrs. F. 
MacDoitald (1006) ; and for Diderot, see Moblet's Eswff, and the ac- 
counts of him by Schebeb, Fagukt, and BBUNsnfcBE. For Buflfon, see 
HuMBEBT Bazile, Buffon, 9a Famille, ete., (1863). For the Physiocrats, 
see H. Hioos, The Phynoorats (1807). 

For china manufacture see Bubton, Porcelain ( 1006) ; and the bib- 
liography in the Crerar Library List of Booke on the Hietory of Indue- 
try, etc., (1015). For the Agricultural Revolution, see Tbaill's Social 
England as above and the bibliography there. See, also, R. E. 
Pbothebo*s Pioneers and Progress of English Farming (1888), and J. E. 
T. RoGEBS' History of Agriculture and Prices in England (1866-1802). 
For exploration, see Winbob and Heawood as above. For the American 
colonies, see books noted in bibliography of Chapter XXX, and earlier. 
J. S. Bassett, Short History of the United States (1013) has a good 
brief account of this period with book-list. See, also, A. L. Cbobs, 
History of England, etc., (1014). See especially C. L. Bbckeb, The 
American Colonies (1015) for a general survey of colonial conditions 
before the Revolution. G. O. Tbeveltan, American Revolution (1899- 
1012) contains much interesting material for the colonies as veil as 
for England. 

For Berkeley, see L. Stephen, English Thought in the 18th Century, 
3 ed., (1002) ; and A. C. Fbaseb's edition of Berkeley's Works, including 
a Biography, 4 vols., (1001). For Edwards, see A. V. 0. Allkr, 
Jonathan Edwards (1880). 



For the enlightened despots, see A. Sobel, L'Europe et ta Revolution 
francaise, vol. i, (1885); and the antiquated, unscholarly, but still 
interesting work of F. C. SOHlofiSEB, History of Europe in the 18th Cen- 
tury, Eng. tr., (1843-52); and especially A. H. Johnson, The Age of 
the Enlightened Despots (1010). 

For the partition of Poland, see A. Sobel, La Question d^Orient on 
XVIIIiMne Si^cle, 3 ed., (1002). For Poland in the eighteenth century, 
see introduction to R. H. Lobd, The Second Partition of Poland. 

For the suppression of the Jesuits, see J. A. M. Cbetineau-Jolt, 
Clement XIV et les J4suites (1847), and his Histoire . , . de la Com- 
pagnie de Jisus, 6 vols., (1844). See, also, Saint-Pbiest, Histoire de 
la chute des J4suites (1844). For Pombal, see J. Smith's Memoirs of 
the Marquess of Pombal, 2 vols., (1843); J. P. Oliveiba Martins' 
Historia de Portugal, 2 vols., (1901). For Paoli, see J. Boswell's con- 
temporary account (1768), and Babtoli's Biography (1801). For 
Choiseul, see F. Calmette, M6moires de Duo de ChoiseuX (1004). For 
Spain and Portugal and their colonies, see F. Rousseau, R^gne de 
Charles III d'Espagne, 2 vols., (1007); Lafuente. as above; P. R. M. 
Galanti, Historia do Braeil, 4 vols., (1006); R. Southet, History of 
Brasfil (1810). 

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For the situation of Great Britain and the colonies, see the Tarious 
referenoes in bibliography of the preceding chapters. 


For the American Revolution in general, see the bibliographies of the 
preceding chapters. See, also, for England's colonial policy, G. L. Bbeb, 
Commeroiai Policy of England Unoardt the American OoUmiee (1893), 
his Old CoUmial System, 2 vols., (1912), and especially his British 
Colonial Policy, 1754-1765 (1907). The writings of the American 
leaders have all been edited and published in critical editions, and 
their lives have often been written. Of the latter the most accessible 
volumes are those in the American Statesman series. See, also, the his- 
tories of England by Mahon and Lbckt; the biographies of Pitt as 
quoted above; the Life of North by R Luoab (1913) ; and the biog- 
raphies of Fox and Burke. 

For the Revolution itself the best scholarly account is that of E. 
Chaitning in vol. iii of his History of the United States; the most en- 
tertaining is that of G. O. Tbbveltan, as above; the best account from 
another point of view, that of the loyalists, is that of S. G. Fisher, 
The Struggle fo% American Independence, 2 vols., (1908). See, also, 
M. G. Ttueb, Literary History of the American Revoluticn, 2 vols., 
(1897); and Hunt, The Prowndal Committees of Safety of the 
Amerioa/n BevoWtum (1904). 



For the development of pastel and water-color painting in the 
eighteenth century, see "K. Robest," Le Pastel (1890) and W. L. 
Wtue, J. M, W. Turner (1906). For furniture, see P. Macjquoid, 
English Furniture (1906), and Lady DitSE's French Furniture of the 
18th Century, 

For German literature in this period, see the Brockhaus series, 
BibUothek der Deuischen National-literatur des 18 u. 19 Jahrhunderts, 
44 vols., (1868-91); J. SoHMlDT, Chsohichte der deutschen Literatur 
von Leibniz his auf unsere Zeit, 4 vols., 2 ed., (1886-90). For Schiller, 
see T. Cabltle, Life of SchiUer, many editions; for Goethe, see A. 
Bieusohowbkt'b Biography (tr., 1906, etc.), and H. G. Atkins' volume 
(1904). The chief collection is the "Weimar Edition" now nearly 
completed. /For Kant, see the bibliographies by Aoickbs (1892, etc.), 
and Reicke (1896). See, also, C. Voblandeb's Kant, Schiller, Chethe 
(1907); and A. Weib, Students Introduction to Critical Philosophy 

For French literature, see Sainte-Beuvb and BBumEntaE as above. 
For English literature, see the Cambridge History of English Literature 
and its bibliographies. For Gibbon, see his autobiography, many 
editions; S. Waupoib, Works, and W. Baqehot, Works, for essays; and 

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the edition of the History by J. B. Bxtbt (18961900). For Adam 
Smith, see J. Rae, Life of Adam Smith (1895) and the various editions 
of the Wealth of Nations, For Bentham, see L. Stephens, The English 
Utilitarians (1900) and C. M. Atkinson, Jeremy Bentham (1905). 
For the Industrial Revolution, see A. Toynbbe, The Industrial Revo- 
lution (in several editions); Hammond, The Toton Laborer (1917); 
the histories of the cotton manufacture in England, I7 Baines (1835) 
and Ube; S. Smiles, Lives of the Engineers (1861-62). W. Cunnino- 
HAM, OroiDth of English Industry and Commerce (1903). For Watt, 
and the steam engine, see J. P. Muibhead, Origin and Progress of the 
Mechanical Inventions of James Watt, 3 vols., (1854), and his Life 
of Watt (1868). 

For the early history of Australia see E Jenks' Australasia and A. 
ErrsoN's Captain James Cook (1907). 

For Joseph II, see the works of A. Abneth; and T. F. Bbiqht, Joseph 
II ( 1897 ) . For Catherine II, see K. Wauszewski, Le Roman (Time Im- 
p4ratrice (1893) ; for Frederick II, see R. Koseb, KSnig Friedrieh der 
Orosse, 3 ed., (1905). 

For the United States, see the various histories of Schouleb, Chan- 
NiNO, Basbett, etc. For the formation of the Constitution, see E^ixior, 
Debates (1830), revised and enlarged by M. Fabband (1911) ; C. Bbabd, 
Economic Basis of the Constitution (1914). See, also, the Writings of 
Madison, ed.. Hunt; Bbycb, American Commonwealth (1911); 
Jameson, Studies in the History of the Federal Convention, in 
American Historical Association Reports (1902); the biographies of 
the American statesmen; J. Fiske, Critical Period (1888). 

For the beginning of the French Revolution, see Rocquain as above; 
Lowell, Eve of the French Revolution; the brief survey of the early 
years, by S. Mathews (1912); the excellent volumes of H. Mobsb 
Stephens, The French Revolution ( 1886-91 ) ; A. Aulabd, History of the 
French Revolution, Eng. tr., B. Ml all (1910)— especially good for the 
revolutionary spirit and the rise of the idea of liberty; and the older, 
brilliant, but now somewhat discredited, volumes of H. A. Tainb, The 
Ancient R4gime and The French Revolution, Eng. tr., several editions. 
The most recent popular history of the Revolution is that of L. Madklin. 
The bibliographies in the Cambridge Modem History, and those in 
Lavisse, will serve as a general introduction. There is also a printed 
catalogue of the works on that subject in the Cornell University 
Library; and a brief survey of the source literature, by G. F. Babwick, 
in the Historians* History of the World, vol. xii. See, also. Lord 
Acton's Lectures on the French Revolution for interesting side-lights 
on the subject; and P. Cabon, Manuel de la RM>oluti<m frangaise (1912) 
for an introduction to the sources. 

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Abelard, at Paris, I. 36 

d'Abreu, Antonio, in Spice Iilands, 

I. 160 
Abflolutism, rise of, 15th century, 

I. 82-108; 16-16th century, 
124 ff.; and internationalism, 
141; failure in Germany, 203; 
and middle classes, 16th cen« 
tury, 280; 16-17th century, 
601-2; (1660-78), II. 66; 08; 
reaction against, 17th century, 
130; (Louis XIV), 310-74, 
pa§Bim; see aUo Despotism 

Abyssinia, Christian state, con- 
nection with Prester John leg- 
end, I. 72; reached by (Doyfi- 
ham and Paiva, 06; joins Por- 
tuguese against Egypt, 237; 
Lobo in, II. 31 

Academies, the, and the New 
Learning, I. 54 

Academy, Berlin, II. 227; Stock- 
holm, 227; French, see Colbert 

Academy, French, see Colbert, II. 

Acadia, I. 443; secured by France, 

II. 57; taken by English, 251 
Achin, Portuguese and, I. 236 
Ada Sanctorum, II. 48 

Act of Supremacy, English (Henry 
VIII), 1. 210; (Elizabeth), 
281 301 

Act of Uniformity (Elizabeth), 

I. 281, 301 

Act of Union, England and Scot- 
land, II. 158 

Adam, Robert and William, II. 

Adams, Samuel, II. 311, 314 

Adams, William, I. 306 

Addison, Joseph, II. 220 

Adelard of Bath, mediteval trav- 
e1er« I. 60 

Aden, port on trade-route, I. 73; 
Portuguese at, 166, 160 

Administrative reform (1760-80), 

II. 361 

Adolf of Nassau, captures Mainz, 
I. 63 

A^DesM Sylvius Picoolomini (Pius 

II), L 66 
^schines, MS. of, I. 62 
^schylus, Laurentian MS. of, I. 

Africa, east coast, Covilham on, 

I. 06; da Gama on, 103 
Africa, North, I. 86 

Africa, west coast, early explora- 
tions, I. 88; early Portuguese 
ventures on, 86, 80, 06; map, 

African Company, French, II. 80; 
English Royal, 85-6 

Agincourt, Battle of, I. 84, 110, 

Agricola, G. (Landmann), '* fa- 
ther of mineralogy," I. 250 

Agricola, R. (Huysmann), Dutch 
scholar, I. 180 

Agricultural periodicals, origin, 

II. 271 

Agricultural Revolution, the, II. 

271; 346-7 
Agricultural societies, beginnings 

of, II. 271 
d'Ailly, Cardinal Pierre, I. 60 
Air-guns, invention of, I. 250 
Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, II. 68, 

240; peace, 246, 246, 248-60, 262 
Akbar the Great, Mogul Emperor, 

L 361 ; n. 181 
Alais, Peace of, I. 420 
Alarcon, Hernando de, discovers 

Colorado River, I. 232 
Alaska, occupied by Russians, II. 

Albany (Fort Orange), founded, 

Albany Congress, the, II. 260-1 
Albemarle district, colonized, II. 

Albigensians, crusade against, I. 

Albuquerque, Affonso da, life and 

policy, I. 156-7, 150, 163-4, 173 
Alcaldes, in Spanish America, I. 



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Alchemy, decline, 16-17th century, 

I. 478 
Alciati, II. 147 

Aldus Manutius, printer, I. 18 1, 

d'Alembert, Jean Baptiate le Bond, 

II. 266, 268 

Alexander the Great, I. 66, 68, 70 
Alexander VI, I. 101, 123, 135 
Alexandria, superseded by Lisbon, 

I. 157 
Alexis, Czar of Russia, II. 4-6 
Alfieri, II. 284 

Alflnger, explorer in Orinoco re- 
gion, I. 230 
Alfonso I, King of Naples, I. 55 
Alfonso II, King of Naples, I. 135 
Alfonso V, of Portugal, I. 91 
Alfred, King of England, transla- 
tion of Orosius, I. 69 
Algarve, Prince Henry, governor 

of the, I. 85 
Algebra, introduced into Europe, 

I. 245 

Almaden, Spain, quicksilver mines 
at, I. 250 

Almagest, the, introduced into Eu- 
rope, I. 59 

Almagro, Diego, Spanish con- 
queror, I. 225, 227, 229, 232 

Almagro, Francisco de, son of 
Diego A., I. 227 

Almanacs, nautical, II. 272 

Almeida, Francisco de, Viceroy of 
India, I. 155-7 

Almeida, Lorenzo, son of Fran- 
cisco, I. 156 

Alphonsine Tables, the, I. 59 

Alsace, (1659), IL 10; joined to 
France, 103 

Altmark, Truce of, I. 432 

Alum mines in Italy, I. 56 

Alva, Duke of, in Netherlands, I. 

Alvarado, Pedro de, Cortez's lieu- 
tenant, I. 168, 221, 229 

Amadia of Oaul, I. 167 

Amazon River, explored by 6. 
Pizarro and Orellana, and 
named, I. 229; Dutch on, 352-3 

Amboyna, Portuguese in, I. 164; 
Massacre of, 401 ; indemnity for, 

II. 20; Dutch, 84 

America, Norsemen in, I. 29; dis- 
covered by Ck>lumbu8, 98 ff.; in- 
herited by Charles V, 142; ef- 

fect on Europe, 16th century, 
223; influence on Europe, 17- 
18th century, II. 121 ff.; British 
colonies in (1763), 301 ff.; map, 

Ammianus Marcellinus, MS. dis- 
covered, I. 52 

Amsterdam, rise of, I. 259, 267-8; 
first bank at, 263 

Amsterdam Company, founded, L 

Anabaptists, the, I. 210-11 

Anahuac, I. 167 

Anatomy, beginnings of science of, 
I. 247, 240; 17th century, II. 

Andagoya, brings news of Incas, 
I. 225 

Andean Conquest, I. 226 ff.; map, 

Andrada, in China, I. 160 

Andros, Sir Edmund, II. 109-10 

Anglican party in England 
(1660), IL 59 

Anglo-Dutch attack on Spain 
(1688-1603), L 338 ff. 

Anglo-Dutch invasion of the East, 

I. 348 ff. 

Anglo-Dutch War (1652-4), IL 

16; (1665-7), 66-7 
Anglo-French attack on Holland 

(1672-4), IL 61-2 
Anglo-French rivalry (1678-1702), 

IL 119-20 
Anglo-French war (1677-8), H. 62 
Anion (1453), I. 9; acquired by 

Louis XI, 112; house of, claims 

on Naples, 134 
Anne of Brittany, marries Charles 

VIII, L 112, 131 
Anson, Admiral George (Lord), 

in the Pacific, II. 201 
Antilla, legend of, I. 76; islands, 

granted to Dolmos, 96 
Antilles, name and discovery, I. 

Anti-slavery reformers, English, 

II. 355 

Antwerp, rise of, I. 259, 267; de- 
struction in Spanish fuiy, 341 

d'Anville, Jean Baptiste B., II. 353 

Aquinas, Thomas, I. 36 

Arab steel-makers, I. 17 

Arabs, and use of paper, I. 40; 
and mathematics, 59; geography 
»nd trade, 76-8; in Africa, 85; 

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in India, 103 ff.; and Portu- 
guese, 146, 154-6, 160 
Aragon (700-1400), I. 82; house 
of, in Italy, 45, 138; united with 
Castile, 113, 129; and the 
Hapsburgs, 123; Council for, 
d'Aranda, Count (Pedro Pablo 

Abarca y Bolea), II. 201 
Araucanians, Indiana in Chili, I. 

ArchsBology, development, 18th 
century, II. 221-2 

Architecture, Gothic, I. 23; Ital- 
ian Gothic, 47; Renaissance, 
47; Flambojrant School, 48; 
transition from Gothic to Ren- 
aissance, 183; Tudor Gothic, 
184; 16th century, 363; late 
16th century, 369; (1675-1740), 
II. 211; 18th century, see 
Adam, R. 

Arcot, defended by Clive, II. 249 

Arctic exploration, 16th century, 
I. 308 

Areopagitica, Milton's, II. 44 

Argentine, Mendoza settles, I. 221 ; 
development of, 16th century, 
319; war with Brazil, II. 200-1, 

Arkwright, Richard, II. 284, 349 

Arguin, Bay of, Portuguese port 
in, I. 90, 92 

Argyle, Duke of, II. 101 

Ariosto, I. 176, 178 

Aristophanes, I. 26 

Aristotle, MS. of, I. 62; mediaeval 
supremacy challenged by Pla- 
tonists, 54; influence in 15th 
century, 179; quoted, 191 

Arithmetic, I. 246 

Arkansas River, Coronado on, I. 

Arlington, Lord, and Virginia, II. 

Armada, the Spanish, I. 327 ff.; 
reprisals for the, 345; the new 
(1639), 462 

Armed Neutrality, League of, II. 

Arminians, I. 389, 450 

Armor, decline of, 16- 17th century, 
I. 467 

Armorers, decline of, I. 256 

Aniaud, Ang^lique, II. 40 

Art, medisBval, I. 24; revival of, 
43; 15th century, development. 

47-51, see also Renaissance; de- 
velopment of, 15-1 6th century, 

Arthur, King, legends of, I. 33, 

Articles of Confederation, Amer- 
ican, II. 330 

Artillery, improvement in, 17th 
century, II. 127-8 

Artisans, development of, 16-16th 
century, I. 255 

Artois, ceded to Maximilian, I. 
134, 204 

Arts and crafts, in early middle 
ages, I. 17; revival of, 68, 61-2; 
15-16th century, 254 ff. 

Aruacs, the, I. 151, 165 

Arzilla, Moorish stronghold in 
Africa, I. 84; taken by Portu- 
guese, 92 

Asepsis, practised by Par4, I. 248; 
Paracelsus on, 249 

Asia, effect on Europe, 16th cen- 
tury, I. 272-3; 17-18th century, 
IL 121 ff. 

Asiento, acquired by England 
(1713), n. 156 

Askania, house of, rulers of 
Brandenburg, I. 119 

Assemblies, national, and absolut- 
ism, I. 126-7 

Astrakhan, conquered by Russia, 
I. 309 

Astrolabe, the, I. 76 

Astronomical instruments, I. 267 

Astronomy, revival of, I. 59; 16th 
century, 79-80; development, 
17th century, II. 138; (1750- 
89), II. 352 

Atahualpa, Inca, I. 227, 229 

Atlantis, legend of, I. 76, 96 

Audiencia, established, I. 172 ff.; 
in Mexico, 223; administration 
of, 233-4, 320 

Augsburg, Diet of, condemns Prot- 
estant Confession, I. 207; rise 
of, 259-60; Fuggers in, 202-3; 
Peace of, 284, 341 

Augustinians, in Philippines, I. 

Augustus II, of Saxony and Po- 
land, II. 161-2, 197 

Augustus III, of Poland and Sax- 
ony, II. 197. 237 

Aulic Councils, II. 4 

Aurispa, Giovanni, humanist, I. 
46, 52 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Aurungzebe, Mogul Emperor, II. 

112, 180, 182 
Australia, settlement, II. 361 
Austria, (1453), I. 0; and the 
Oder mark, 110; 15th century, 
121-2; despotism in, 124 ff.; 
(1000-48), see Germanr, Thirty 
Years' War, Rudolf II, Mat- 
thias, Leopold I, Germany, the 
Empire, etc.; and Brandenburg 
(1660-78), II. 64-6; wars with 
Turks (1660-78), II. 68-0; 
(1720-40), 197-8; annexes Oa- 
licia, 287 
Austrian Succession, War of the, 

II. 236 ff. 
AustroTurkish War (1714), II. 

Autfhda-U, I. 128; last, II. 356 
Avalon, N. 8., founded, I. 443 
Aye Maria (Chiba), I. 08 
Avicenna, Arab medical writer, I. 

247, 240 
Avila, Menendes de, destroys 

French post, I. 312 
Ayila, Pedrarias de, I. 232 
Asof, to RussU (1738), II. 108 
Azores, the, colonised, I. 88 
Aztec Empire, account of, I. 

Babar, Mogul Emperor, 11. 181 

BahyUmiah Captivity of ike 
Church, Luther's, I. 104 

Bach, SebastUn, II. 221 

Bacon, Sir Francis, I. 477, 486 ff. 

Bacon, Roger, I. 26, 33 

Bacon's Rebellion, II. 00 

Bacteriology, II. 47 

Badajos-Yelves, conference of, I. 

Basdad, on trade routes, I. 73 

Bahamas, Columbus in, I. 08; 
slaves brought from, to Spain, 
150; granted to Carolina pro- 
prietors, II. 89; lost by Eng- 
land, 332; regained, 332 

Bahia, founded, I. 236, 291; taken 
by Dutch, 451; II. 288 

Balance of Power, European, II. 

Balboa, Vasco Nufiez de, at 
Darien and the Pacific, I. 164 

Balkan provinces, Turks in, 16th 
century, I, 11 

Ballenstftdt, 'house of, rulers of 
Brandenburg, I. 119 

Balliol College, Oxford, and Wy- 

clif, I. 188 
Baltic Company, French, II. 80 
Baltimore, Lord, Qeorge Calvert^ 

I. 443 
Banda, Dutch in, II. 84 
Banda, Oriental, South America, 

IL 105 
Bandar Abbas, II. 84 
Baner, Johan, I. 437 
Bank of England, founded, 11. 114 
Bankers, Qerman, in South Amer- 
ica, 16th century, I. 250 
Banking, medieval Italian, I. 37; 
rise of, in Italy, 15-16th cen- 
tury, I. 261-3; in Ckrmany, 260, 
262; in Holland, 263, 360 
Banks, beginnings of public, I. 

Bantam, English in, II. 86 
Baptists, English, I. 211; IL 11; 

eee oZto Anabaptists 
Baptistery, Florence, I. 47 
Bar, acquired by Louis XI, I. 112 
Barbados, colonized, I. 443-4; op- 

poses Commonwealth, IL 26 
Barcelona, Treaty of, I. 205 
Bardi, Florentine bankers, I. 261 
Barida, Portuguese in, I. 164 
Barr6, Colonel Isaac, IL 307 
Barrier fortresses, the, 11. 103, 

Basel, University of, founded, I. 

170; printing in, 246 
Bassorah,. on medisval trade 

routes, I. 73 
Batavia, founded, I. 400; II. 84 
Bathory, Stephen, king of Poland, 

I. 306 
Baths, I. 472 

Bavaria, and Charles V, I. 207; 
opposes election of Ferdinand, L 
224; at the Peace of West- 
phalia, 508 
Baxar, BatUe of, IL 300 
Bayard, Chevalier, I. 139, 148, 192 
Bayonet, introduction of, II. 128 
Beccaria, Osare Bonesano, Kar- 

chese di, II. 284, 315 
Bedford, Duke of, English com- 
mander in France, I. Ill 
Bedford, Duke of, Whig leader, 

IL 298 
Bedford Whigs, IL 312 
Beethoven, Ludwig von, 11. 337 
Behaim, Martin, I. 92; his globe, 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Behn, Aphra, II. 126 

Belgrade, capture of, by Eugene, 
II. 163 

Bellini, Giovanni, I. 60 

Benalcazar, Sebastian de, in San 
Miguel and Quito, I. 229-30 

Benedict XII, Pope, I. 71 

Benedictines of St. Maur, II. 48 

Bengal, Dutch in, II. 84; secured 
by English, 253 

Benin, Bight of, Portuguese in, I. 

Bentham, Jeremy, II. 345, 366 

Bergen, Hanseatic League and, I. 

Bering, Vitus, II. 194 

Berkeley, Bishop George, II. 280 

Berkeley, Lord, grantee of New 
Jersey, II. 89 

Bernard of Saxe-Weimar, I. 437 

Berthellet, Claude Louis, II. 353 

Bessarion, Cardinal, I. 63 

Besson, manual of lathe work, I. 

Bethencourt, Jean de, conquers 
Canaries, I. 87 

Bethlen Gabor, I. 384, 425 

Beza, Theodore de, Swiss re- 
former, I. 213 

Bible, the, influence, compared 
with Koran, I. 26; and the 
vernaculars, 33; first printed, 
41; translated by Luther, 195; 
English, 210, 214; and the 
Reformation, 214 

Bienville, Jean Baptiste Lemoyne, 
Sieur de, II. 172 

Billiards, modern, invented, I. 470 

Biloxi, founded, II. 171 

Biology, development, 16-1 7th cen- 
tury, I. 481 ff.; progress (1750- 
89), IL 354 

Biondo, Flavio, Italian scholar, I. 

Black Death, in the middle ages, 
I. 27; and serfdom, 266 

Black Hole of Calcutta, the, II. 

Black letter, type, I. 185 

Blake, William, English admiral, 
IL 16, 19 

Blenheim, Battle of, II. 155 

Blood, circulation of, Servetus' 
studies in, I. 248; Harvey's dis- 
covery, 481 

Board of Trade and Plantations, 
organized, II. 90, 111 

Bobadilla, arrests Columbus, I. 

Boccaccio, Giovanni, I. 32 

Bogotft, founded, I. 230; created 
a viceroyalty, IL 276 

Bohemia, independence of, in 15th 
century, I. 10; history of (Pius 
II), 56; converted, 117; rise of, 
117; conquered by Hapsburgs, 
119; and Huss, 189; silver 
mines in, 15-16th century, 260; 
under Ferdinand I, 285; (1600- 
18 ) , 383 ; subdued, 385 ; ( 1620-5 ) , 
424-5; at the Peace of West- 
phalia, 509-10 

Bohemia-Hungary, and the Haps- 
burgs, I. 123 

Boileau-Despr^aux, Nicholas, II. 
126, 210-11 

Boiador, Cape, I. 85, 89, 182 

Bokhara, Polos in, I. 74 

Boleyn, Anne, I. 206-7 

Bolivia, settled, I. 290 

Bollandists, II. 48 

Bologna, University of, I. 36; and 
the civil law, 37; architecture, 
47; Council of Trent at, 277 

Bombay, acquired by England, 11. 

Book-binding, I. 256 

Book-making, Holbein's contribu- 
tion to, I. 250 

Borelli, Giovanni Alfonso, I. 477 

Borgia family, I. 123 

Borgia, Roderigo (Alexander VI), 
L 123 

Borneo, Odoric in, 14th century, 

I. 71; Portuguese in, 160; Ma- 
gellan's followers in, 170 

Bossuet, Jacques B^nigne, IL 125 
Boston, founded, I. 447; English 

measures against, IL 318; siege 

of, 326 
" Boston Massacre," the, II. 315 
Boston Port Bill, the, IL 317-18 
Bosworth Field, Battle of, I. 112- 

Botany, beginnings of modem, I. 

Botany Bay, Australia, settlement, 

II. 361 

Both, Pieter, I. 396 
Botticelli, Sandro, I. 50 
Boucher, Francois, II. 334 
Bourbon, Charles of. Constable of 
France, joins enemies of Francis 
I, I. 200; sacks Rome, 204 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Bourbon, hoiue of, I. 282, 286, 

296-7, 380 
Bourbons, in Spain (1713-20), II. 

Bourges, Calvin in, I. 212 
Boxing, rules introduced, 11. 202 
Boyle, Robert, II. 1346 
Boyne, Battle of the, II. 103 
Bracciolini, Poggio, I. 61-2, 188 
Braddock, General, II. 261 
Brah6, Tycho, I. 484 
Bramante, Donato d'Agnolo, archi- 
tect of St. Peter's, I. 192 
St. Brandan, Island of, legend of, 

1. 76 
Brandenburg, 16th century, I. 10; 
early, and HohenzoUerns in, 
119; Protestant, 206, 283; 
house of, 208; at the Peace of 
Westphalia, 608; (1648)» II. 
4, 8-9; gains (1660-78), 67; 
gains by Peace of Nymwegen, 
63; and Austria (1660-78), 
64-6; 66-7; Kingdom of Prussia 
(1713), 167 
Brass, discovery of, I. 269 
Brazil, discovery by Cabral, I. 
164; settlement and organiza- 
tion, 236 ff.; English in, 239; 
Portuguese in (1640-60), 291; 
Jesuits in, 16th century, 291; 
French in, 16th century, 310-11; 
in 16th century, 316; (1600-26), 
391; (1626-42), 460 ff.; (1660- 
60), II. 28; (1706-60), 196; war 
with Argentine, 200-1, 244; 
(1763-8), 288 
Breda, Peace of, II. 67 
Breitenfeld, Battle of, I. 436 
Bremen, Hanseatic League, city, I. 

Breslau and Berlin, Peace of, II. 

Brill, seized by the "Water Beg- 
gars," I. 300 
Brmdley, James, II. 270, 284 
Brissot, improvement in blood- 
letting, I. 248 
Bristol, Cabots in, I. 102 
British Empire (1763), II. 293 
British Isles (1463), I. 9; Ptol- 
emy's map, 66 
British Museum, founded, II. 267 
BritUny (1463), I. 9; joined to 

France, 129 
Brook, Lord, I. 447 
Bruges, decline of, I. 267 

Brunelleschi, Filippo, I. 47 

Bruno, Giordano, I. 492 

Brunswick, becomes Protestant, I. 

Buccaneers, the (1626-42), I. 
469 ff.; (1630-1700), U. 106-6 

Buda Pesth, taken by Turks, I. 
204; taken by Imperialists, II. 

Buenos Ayres, founded, I. 229, 
319; trade with Spain, 321 

Buffon, George Leclerc, Comte de 
II. 227, 266-6, 363 

Bulgarians, I. 7 

" Bundschuh," the, I. 202 

Bunker Hill, Battle of, II. 321 

Bureaucracy, French, under Louis 
XIV, II. 64 

Burgesses, House of, Virginia, 
first, L 416 

Burgoyne, General John, II. 328-9 

Burgundy, Duchy of, in 15th cen- 
tury, I. 9-10; relations with 
Portugal, 16 th century, 84; un- 
der Charles the Bold, Duke of, 
111-12; and Louis XI, 112; and 
Maximilian I, 123; County of, 
acquired by Hapsburgs, 129; 
part of, retained by Francis I, 

Burke, Edmund, II. 314, 320 

Burlamaqui, Jean Jacques, II. 284, 

Bums, Robert, II. 369 

Bute, John Stuart, Earl of, II. 

Butler, Samuel, II. 49 

Byzantine Empire, I. 7, 16; and 
Russia, 120-1 

Byzantine influence in Italy, I. 44, 

Cabal ministry, II. 62 

Cabot, John, I. 102 

Cabot, Zuan; see John Cabot 

Cabot, Sebastian, I. 102; in South 
America, 221; governor of Mer- 
chants' Adventurers, 308 

Cabral, Pedralvarez, I. 160; dis- 
covery of Brazil, 164; in India, 

Ca da Mosta, voyage in Atlantic 
islands, 16th century, I. 91 

Cadillac, II. 173 

Caen, Jan Pieterzoon, I. 400 ff. 

Cairo, Covilham at, I. 94 

Calais (1463), only remaining 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



English possefision on Continent, 

I. 9; to France (1550), 285 
Calculua, invention of, II. 137 
Calcutta, East India Company in, 

II. 112; in Seven Years' War, 

Calderon, Pedro, II. 39 

Calicut, reached by Covilham, I. 
95; da Gama at, 103 ff.; Cabral 
at, 154; the Portuguese and, 

California, explored by Spanish, I. 
232; Gulf of, explored, 232; 
Lower, explored, 231 

Calvert, George, 1st Jjord Balti- 
more, I. 443 

Calvin, John, I. 211 ff.; conversion 
of, 224-5; and Servetus, 241, 

Calvinism, I. 212 ff.; in England, 
344; see also Huguenots, Pres- 

Calvinists, at the Peace of West- 
phalia, I. 509 

Cam, Diego, discovers Congo and 
reaches Walflsch Bay, I. 92 

Cambay, opposes Portuguese, I. 

Cambrai, League of, I. 139; Peace 
of, 204 

Cambridge, University, I. 179 

Camoens, Luis de, I. 369 

Campanella, Tommaso, I. 492 

Campanile, the, of Florence, I. 47 

Campeggio, Papal legate, I. 207 

Canada, Cartier in, I. 211; first 
governor of, 239; French in, 
early 17th century, 405; con- 
quered by English, II. 254 

Canada and Acadia, Company of, 

I. 405 

Canals, development, 17th century, 

II. 141; English, 18th century, 
270; Languedoc, 75 

Cananor, da Gama at, I. 104 

Canari, Indians, I. 229 

Canary Islands, the, I. 87-8; Por- 
tugal abandons claim on, 95; 
Columbus at, 99 

Canon law, in middle ages, I. 37 

Canova, Antonio, II. 335 

Canterhuty Tales, I. 33 

Canvas-making, 15-16th century, I. 

Cape Breton Island, taken by Eng- 
lish, II. 254 

Cape of Good Hope, reached by 

Portuguese, I. 92-4; da Gama 
at, 103; IL 84 

Cape Town, II. 29 

Cape Verde Islands, I. 91; da 
Gama at, 103 

Capet, house of, I. 9; Italian am- 
bitions, 45 

Capital, in middle ages, I. 15; 
Italian, 261; in north Europe, 
262; age of, beginnings, 260 

Capitalism, beginnings of modem, 
I. 240 ff.; and industry, 15-16th 
century, 264-5; and the guilds, 
265; and labor, 15-1 6th century, 
266; and feudalism, 266-7; and 
the extra-European world, 15- 
16th century, 268; classes and 
nationality, 15-16th century, 268 

Captaincies, Portuguese, in Brazil, 
I. 235-6 

Capuchins, origin of, I. 215 

Caracas, Venezuela, founded, I. 

Caravaggio, Michelangelo Ame- 
righi, II. 33 

Caravan routes, mediceval, I. 73 

Carbajal, Francisco, follower of 
Pizarro, I. 228; in Coro, 230; 
defeat and death, 289 

Carducci, in Portugal, I. 162 

Caribbean, origin of name, I. 165 

Caribs, I. 165 

Camargo, explorations of, I. 232 

Carleton, Sir Guy, II. 318 

Carlowitz, Peace of, II. 103 

Carolina, christened by French, I. 
311; settled by English, II. 87; 
granted to Lord Clarendon, 89; 
(1719-29), 186 

Carolingian manuscripts, I. 185 

Carpentier, Pieter, I. 452 

Cartagena, founded, I. 229 ; French 
at, 16th century, 311; Drake at, 
328; II. 201 

Carteret, Sir George, grantee of 
New Jersey, II. 89 

Cartier, Jacques, I. 211; in St. 
Lawrence, 238 

Carver, John, I. 418 

Casa da India, Portuguese, I. 151, 

Casa da Mina, Portuguese, I. 162 

Casa de la Contratacion, Spanish, 
I. 151, 233-4 

Castle-building, medisval, I. 17 

Castile (700-1400), I. 9, 82; ri- 
valry with Portugal, 83-4; united 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



with Aragon, and Leon, 113, 
129; Council for, 127 

Catalan map, I. 78 

Cateau Cambr^siB, Treaty of, I. 
285, 297 

Cathay, Columbus^ error, I. 98; 
•66 China 

Cathedral-building, medisval, I. 

Catherine, Czarina, II. 286 

Catherine de Medici, in control of 
French affairs, I. 282, 296 

Catherine of Braganza, II. 85 

Catholic League, in France, 16th 
century, I. 300 

Catholic League, German, I. 382, 

Catholiciam, triumph of (1629- 
30), L 430 

Catholics, and Protestants (1676- 
88), L 327 ff.; at the Peace of 
Westphalia, 509; 17-18th cen- 
tury, see Papacy, Jesuits, Jan- 
senists, Clement XI, etc. 

Cattle-breeding, 18th century, II. 

Cavalier poets, II. 38 

Cavalry, development, 17th cen- 
tury, II. 128 

Cavendish, Henry, 11. 353 

Cavendish, Thomas, I. 346 

Caxton, William, I. 184 

Celibacy, in the Church, enforced 
by Council of Trent, I. 279 

Celtic Church, I. 13 

Celtic manuscripts, I. 48 

Celts, L 114 

Central America, Alvarado in, I. 
221; English in, 239; gee aUo 
under separate names, Hon- 
duras, Panama, Darien, Guate- 
mala, San Salvador, Nicaragua, 

Central Europe in the 15th cen- 
tury, I. 113 ff.; map, 121 

Cerdagne, ceded to Spain, I. 134 

Cervantes, Miguel, I. 375-6 

Ceuta, attacked by crusaders, I. 
78; capture by Portuguese, 

Ceylon, Portuguese take, I. 156; 
Aavier in, 291; occupied by 
Dutch, II. 80, 84 

Chambers of Reunion, II. 100 

Champlain, Samuel, I. 406 ff.; 

Chancellor, Richard, I. 308 ff. 

Chandemagore, taken by TCnglish, 

II. 252 
Charlemagne, legends of, I. 33 
Charles I, of England, I. 429; 
reign, 497 ff.; 511; execution, II. 
Charles II, of England, II. 13, 23; 

England under, 62 ff. 
Charles I, of Spain; Me Charles 

Charles II, of Spain, II. 154 
Charles III, of Spain, IL 291 
Charles V, origm of empire, I. 
123; see aUo Hapsburg gene- 
alogy; accession and early 
reign, 141 ff.; empire of (and 
map), 142; organization of 
colonial empire under, 170-3; 
and Lutheranism, 194; middle 
period of reign, 199-201; rela- 
tions with Papacy, France, the 
Turks, and Henry VIII, 205-7; 
and the Turks, 209; age of, 218- 
19; renounces claims on Mo- 
luccas, 221; Italy, Turks, and 
Lutherans, 224; effect of Amer- 
ican conquests on his policy, 
235; intellectual advance in 
Age of, 240; and the Fuggers, 
262; crusade against Algiers, 
276; wars with Francis I, 276; 
and the Council of Trent, 277 ff. ; 
and Henry II, 282; (1532^6), 
283 ff.; and Maurice of Saxony 
(1546-7), 283-4; German policy 
(1547), 284; abdication, 285 
Charles VI, Emperor, II. 179, 235 
Charles VII, of France, L 111-12 
Charles VIII, of France, policy, I. 

123, 134-8, pataim; death, 141 
Charles IX, of France, I. 282, 296 
Charles IX, of Sweden, L 435 
Charles X, of Sweden, II. 9 
Charles XI, of Sweden, IL 66 
Charles XII, of Sweden, II. 159 ff. 
Charles Albert, Elector of Bavaria, 

IL 236-9, pa89im 
Charles Edward Stuart, the 

Young Pretender, 11. 240 
Charles of Lorraine, IL 99 
Charles the Bold, of Burgundy, I. 

Charlesburg, founded, I. 238 
Charlestown, Mass., founded, I. 

Charruas, II. 195-6 
ChatiUon, Battle of, I. 8, 111 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Chatterton, Thomas, II. 367 
Chaucer, Geoffrey, I. 33 
Chauvin, partner of Champlain, I. 

Chemistry, begimiings of modem, 

I. 249; development, 16-17th 

century, 478; 18th century, II. 

227; progress in (1760-89), 363 
Chera, kingdom of, I. 103 
Cherbury, Lord Herbert of, II. 

Chiaroscuro, development of, 16th 

century, I. 49-60 
Chiapas, Las Casas bishop of, I. 

Chibchas, conquered by Spanish, 

I. 230 

Child, Sir Josiah, II. 112-13 

Chili, invaded by Almagro, I. 227; 
conquered by Valdivia, 229; 
(1720-42), IL 196 

China (Ptolemy), I. 66; early 
missionaries in, 71; medisBval 
connection with Europe, 73; 
Portuguese in, 160, 236; vogue 
of prc^ucts in 18th century, II. 

China-making, beginnings of Eu- 
ropean, I. 370; in the 18th cen- 
tury, II. 269 

Chippendale, Thomas, II. 336 

Chocolate. See Cocoa. 

Choiseul, Etienne Francois, Due de, 

II. 289 327 
Chotusitz', Battle of, 11. 237 
Christian of Anhalt, I. 386 
Christian II, of Denmark, I. 208 
Christian IV, of Denmark, I. 424; 

II. 4 

Christina, Queen of Sweden, 11. 4 

Christianae Religumia Inatitutio, 
Calvin's, L 211 

Chronometers, Harrison's, 18th 
century, II. 272 

Church, the Greek Catholic, me- 
diasval, L 13, 117 

Church of England, origin of, I. 
281-2; (Elizabeth), 301; 16th 
century, 344; aee also Puritan 
Revolution, Puritans, Noncon- 
formists, Dissenters, Savoy (Con- 
ference, Persecuting Acts, Cran- 
mer, Edward VI, Mary, Laud, 

Church, Roman Catholic, 14-16th 
century, disorganisation, I. 8; 
in the middle ages, 13, 20, 22-3; 

16th century, 18-23, 37-8; and 
commerce, 36; and Art, 60-1; 
in East Europe, 117; and the 
Papacy, 16- 16th century, 123-4; 
in the Portuguese colonial em- 
pire, 162; and printing, 186; 
and humanism, 190; and Lu- 
ther, 192-4 ; in Spanish America, 
16th century, 222-3; and serf- 
dom, 266; aee also Papacy, 
Vatican, Reformation, Luther, 
Calvin, Xavier, Loyola, Jesuits, 
Council of Trent, Julius II, 
Clement XI, Clement XIV, 
Jansenists, Galileo, Bruno, In- 
quisition, Savonarola, Domini- 
cans, Franciscans, Angustinians, 
Capuchins, Science and the 
Church, Rationalism, Deists, etc. 

Cicero, MSS. discovered, I. 62