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Call No. .1R7A 96 B Action No. 29511 

Author Murray, H.A; 

Explorations in Personaio.^ * 

Thitybook should be returned on or before the dafe last marked below. 

Explorations in Personality is an account of a 
three-years* study of fifty young men of college 
age by twenty-eight psychologists of various 
schools and persuasions, among whom were 
three physicians and five psychoanalysts. 

The book starts with the exposition of a 
theory of personality which attempts to recon- 
cile the divergent conceptions of medical and 
academic psychology. It aims at comprehen- 
siveness, internal coherence, and usability. The 
focus of attention is always the individual who, 
while evolving within an ever-changing matrix 
of social forces, exhibits himself objectively as 
a unitary force but subjectively as the product 
of many co-operating or conflicting inner ten- 

The second part of the book is devoted to 
the description of numerous different tech- 
niques for the systematic study of human be- 
havior under conditions which approximate 
those of everyday life. The authors were less 
interested in why a man sees red when he is 
exposed to light rays of a certain wave length 
than they were in why he sees red when he is 
asked to do his boss a favor, or why he sees red 
when he meets an exponent of collectivism. 
Special attention was given to the development 
of techniques for evoking fantasies which 
would provide data for an orderly investigation 
of unconscious processes. 
? The book closes with an account of the re- 
Suits obtained, a long case history being in- 
cluded as an illustration of the order of facts 
revealed, of the workability of the theory, and 
the fruitfulness of the procedures. 

Academic psychologists may encounter here 
some facts which have not yet found a place in 
textbooks; psychoanalysts with scientific lean- 
ings will be interested in the attempt to verify 
some of their theories experimentally; sociolo- 
gists will discover that psychology is moving in 
their direction; and biographers will find most 
of the elements that have to be considered in 
interpreting a life history. 

Dr. H. A. Murray is a graduate of Harvard, 
1915, and the College of Physicians and Sur- 
geons, 1919. A two-years' interneship in sur- 
gery at the Presbyterian Hospital, New York 
City, was followed by five years of research 
in physiology, bio-chemistry, and general bi- 
ology. Murray conducted researches in the 
physico-chemistry properties of the blood 
under Professor L. J. Henderson of Harvard, 
and in chemical and physiological embryology 
under Dr. Alfred E. Cohn at the Rockefeller 
Institute and under Sir F. Garland Hopkins at 
the University of Cambridge, England, from 
which university he obtained his doctorate in 

Becoming interested in the expanding field of 
medical psychology, Dr. Murray spent some 
time with Dr. Carl G. Jung of Zurich and a 
year after his return to the United States be- 
came assistant to Dr. Morton Prince, whom 
he succeeded as director of the Harvard Psy- 
chological Clinic when the latter resigned in 
1928. In the following years Dr. Murray was 
trained in psychoanalysis under Dr. Franz 
Alexander of Chicago and Dr. Harms Sachs of 
Boston. In World War II, Dr, Murray," 
; Lieutenant-Colonel, M. G, was in charge of the 
Assessment Staffs of the Office of Strategic 
Services, for which work he was awarded the 
Legion of Merit, 





By the Workers at the 


Assistant Professor in Psychology 



















This Book is Gratefully Dedicated 
by its authors 



who had the vision, raised the endowment and 
was the first director of the Harvard Clinic, 



whose genius contributed the most fruitful 

working hypotheses, 



whose expositions of scientific procedure 

established a methodological standard, 



whose philosophy of organism supplied the 

necessary underlying generalities, 

and to 


whose writings were a hive of great 












THIS is a book of many authors. But in writing it our purpose 
was to make an integrated whole, not a mere collection of articles 
on special topics. The planned procedure for achieving unity 
was this : to have all experimenters study the same series of 
individuals with the same concepts actively in mind, and then 
in assembly a meeting being devoted to each case to re- 
port their findings and collaborate in accomplishing a common 
purpose : the formulation of the personality of every subject. The 
degree of unity attained is for others, not us, to judge. Diver- 
sity is certainly conspicuous in spots ; so difficult is it, particu- 
larly in psychology, for a group of men to reach and hold a 
common outlook. Indeed, what is now so hard for us to realize is 
that the job was done at all, that for three years the many authors 
of this book were able to work, think and talk together with en- 
joyment and some measure of productiveness. 

Four years ago every investigator at the Harvard Psychological 
Clinic was a pioneer with his own chosen area of wilderness to 
map. F^ach area was an aspect of human personality a virgin 
forest of peculiar problems. Here he lost and sometimes found him- 
self. Though there were plenty of opportunities for communica- 
tion, his obligations to other experimenters were minimal and he 
was free to follow the wilful drifts of his own elusive thought. He 
enjoyed, in other words, relative autonomy in a Jeffersonian 
democracy of researchers an atmosphere that is ttfeath to the 
nostrils of every seeker after hidden truth. 

All we workers were bound by a common compulsion : to 
inquire into the nature of man ; and by a common faith : that ex- 
periment would prove fruitful. We devoted ourselves, therefore, 
to the observation of human beings responding to a variety of 
controlled conditions, conditions which resembled as nearly as 
possible those of everyday life. Our emphasis was upon emotional 


and behavioural reactions, what previous experiences determined 
them, to what degree and in what manner. This preoccupation 
set our studies somewhat outside the university tradition. For it 
has been the custom in academic psychology to concentrate upon 
the perceptive and cognitive functions of the human mind or, 
more recently, upon the behaviour of a-nimals. 

The usual procedure at the Clinic was to compare the responses 
of a group of subjects in two contrasting situations ; each experi- 
ment having been devised to validate or contradict a prediction 
that if conditions were modified in a particular way the responses 
would also be modified in a particular way. The results which we 
obtained by following this well attested plan were, in general, of 
this nature : a majority perhaps seventy per cent of the subjects 
manifested the predicted change, but a minority reacted other- 
wise. One result, for instance, was this : after trying to complete a 
number of tasks, the majority remembered their successes better 
than their failures. Another was this : that the majority remem- 
bered best the tasks on which they had cheated. Yet another was 
this : that the majority persisted longer in an attempt to perform 
a mental operation after they had been humiliated in their initial 
attempt than they did after they had been commended. Now a 
statistical result of this kind may often be reservedly accepted as 
partial proof of the operation of a separable factor, but such a 
result conceals, as Lewin has pointed out, the other important 
forces, not selected for observation, which contributed to the com- 
mon ( exhibited-by-the-majority ) response. In lay words, the sub- 
jects who gave the majority response may have done so for differ- 
ent reasons. Furthermore, a statistical answer leaves unexplained 
the uncommon ( exhibited-by-the-minority ) response. One can 
only ignore it as an unhappy exception to the rule. Averages 
obliterate the ' individual characters of individual organisms' 
( Whitehead), and so fail to reveal the complex interaction of 
forces which determines each concrete event. 

Thus we were driven to the conclusion that the indecisiveness 
of our results was the inevitable outcome of a deficient method. 
The correct formulation of an experimental finding must, we came 


to feel, include more personality factors or ' variables ' as they 
are called than the one which the given procedure had been 
devised to set in motion. Additional factors intuitively apper- 
ceived by an experimenter were of some aid in interpreting the 
results, but they were insufficient and there was no adequate proof 
of their operation. 

We should, perhaps, have anticipated this conclusion since we 
were accustomed to conceive of personality as a temporal integrate 
of mutually dependent processes ( variables ) developing in time, 
and from this conception it follows that a large number of deter- 
mining variables as well as their relations must be recognized, and 
approximately measured, if one is to give an adequate interpreta- 
tion analysis and synthesis of a single human event. Since it 
is impossible to distinguish all these variables simultaneously, they 
must be discovered one at a time on separate occasions. 

This conclusion led to our first important decision, which was : 
that all experimenters should use one and the same group of sub- 
jects. Each worker continued as before with his own problem, but 
under the new plan he had the findings of other observers to aid 
him in the interpretation of his results. 

It then occurred to us that interpretation might be still further 
facilitated if we knew more about the past experiences and the 
aptitudes of the subjects. Our second decision followed : to add a 
number of interviews, free association hours and psychological 
tests to the schedule of experiments. The purpose of the entire 
procedure was to place at the disposal of each experimenter a 
wealth of information about his subjects and thus to assist him in 
interpreting his results and arriving at generally valid psycho- 
logical laws. This was our initial intent, and since it will not be 
referred to again, I take this opportunity to express the opinion 
that the reason why the results of so many researches in personality 
have been misleading or trivial is that experimenters have failed 
to obtain enough pertinent information about their subjects. Lack- 
ing these facts accurate generalizations are impossible. 

As I have said, our primary aim was to discover some of the 
principles that governed human behaviour, but as soon as we be- 


gan to assemble and attempt to organize the biographical data we 
discovered that we were involved in a deeper and more fundamen- 
tal problem : the problem of how to conceive of an individual life 
history. What should we agree to mean by the term ' personality * ? 
What are the fundamental variables in terms of which a person- 
ality may be comprehensively and adequately described ? Before 
we could compare and organize the results of different experi- 
ments it was necessary to construct a conceptual scheme which 
every experimenter would understand, agree to use and find effi- 
cient. This we tried to do. But, as might have been anticipated, 
we fell short of the goal. Even at the end, after many revisions, 
we could not think of our scheme as more than a rude array of 
concepts to classify our findings. 

In our explorations each session 'session' being the general 
term which we shall use to denote a planned meeting between an 
experimenter ( E ) and a subject ( S ), whether it be a conference, 
a routine test or an experiment was designed to reveal a certain 
segment of the personality ; that is, to incite and thus bring into 
relief particular processes, or variables. Though it is supposed that 
personality is at all times an integral whole that the constituent 
processes are functionally inseparable it is clear that not all 
situations provoke the same, variable to the same extent, and, 
consequently, it can be said that a specific situation serves to 
isolate, or dissect, a specific part of the personality. This part can 
rarely be understood by itself, but it can be studied as a clue to the 
general structure of the personality. These considerations have led 
us to the conclusion that if after assembling the results of many 
sessions the structure of the whole can be formulated, then each 
session may be reinterpreted interpreted in such a way that it 
conforms to all the other sessions. 

Now, to carry out this procedure to conduct a long series of 
sessions and to organize the findings from all of them into an 
intelligible portrait of a subject called for the co-operation of 
the entire staff. Each experimenter had to relinquish some of his 
dearly prized freedom. He had to use the terminology of a con- 
stantly revised scheme of thought, to arrange the time of his ex- 


periments to fit in with others and to participate in lengthy con- 
ferences. It seemed that to obtain the desired comprehensive 
formulations this amount of collaboration was necessary, yet there 
was the question of whether for each experimenter the goal was 
worth the partial sacrifice of intellectual independence. We did 
not wish to succumb to the great Arnerican compulsion to co- 
operate if it was not clearly necessary. The prospect of what might 
be achieved, however, appealed to us and so we made our plans 
and worked together, with many changes in our company, for 
three years. 

It is true that we never completely succeeded in merging our 
separate ideologies. How could such a thing come to pass in a 
group composed of poets, physicists, sociologists, anthropologists, 
criminologists, physicians ; of democrats, fascists, communists, 
anarchists ; of Jews, Protestants, Agnostics, Atheists ; of pluralists, 
monists, solipsists ; of behaviourists, configurationists, dynamicists, 
psycho-analysts ; of Freudians, Jungians, Rankians, Adlerians, 
Lewinians, and Allportians ? To the fact that we never found a 
language suitable to all, that some of the experimenters enter- 
tained reservations to the last, the reader can ascribe some of the 
annoyance or pleasure he may experience when here and there 
throughout the book he encounters varieties of terminology or 

During the two and a half years of research fifty-one male sub- 
jects of college age were interviewed and tested. The first group, 
intensively studied over a two-weeks period, was composed of 
young men drawn from the ranks of the unemployed. All the rest 
of our subjects were college men. The second group composed of 
eleven students was studied over a period of three weeks, the third 
group of thirteen over a period of two months, and the fourth 
group of fifteen, in a more leisurely fashion, over a period of six 
months. No subject had any knowledge of the theories and prac- 
tices of psychology. The college students were so chosen by the 
Harvard Employment Office that the Arts and the Sciences, high 
scholarship and low scholarship were equally represented. They 
were paid for their services at the current wage. 


It has seemed to us that more progress could be made by con- 
scientious clinical researches and by seeking experimental evidence 
for the validity of certain general intuitions about human nature 
than by devising tests to measure with precision things that have 
no influence on the course of life. Psychology should not lose sight 
of human nature as it operates in everyday existence. 

We have speculated freely, with an understanding, let us hope, 
of what we were about. If a psychologist of personality had to 
limit his discourse to theories that were securely proved he would 
have nothing to recount. In his realm there are no certainties. 

In our explorations we attempted to get below the social derm 
of personalities. Indeed, we became so bent upon the search for 
covert springs of fantasy and action that we slighted necessarily 
some of the more obvious and common phases of behaviour. This 
has resulted in a certain distortion which may seem great to those 
whose vivid experiences are limited to what is outwardly per- 
ceived and public, to what is rational and consciously intended. 


Cambridge, Massachusetts 








Conference, 399 ; 

Autobiography, 412 ; 

Family Relations and Childhood Memories, 421 ; 

Sexual Development, 425 ; 

Present Dilemmas, 427 ; 

Conversations, 428 ; 

Predictions and Sentiments Test, 431 ; 

Questionnaires, 434 ; 

Abilities Test, 441 ; 

Aesthetic Appreciation Test, 447 ; 

Hypnotic Test, 453 ; 

Level of Aspiration Test, 461 ; 


The Experimental Study of Repression, 472 ; 
a. Memory for Failures Test, 490 ; 
Violation of Prohibitions, 491 ; 
a. Ethical Standards Test, 501 ; 
Observations and Post-experimental Interviews, 504 ; 
Sensorimotor Learning Test, 508 ; 
Emotional Conditioning Test, 523 ; 
Galvanic Skin Response, 523 ; 
Tremor Responses, 528 ; 
Thematic Apperception Test, 530 ; 
Imaginal Productivity Tests, 545 ; 
Musical Reverie Test, 550 ; 
Dramatic Productions Test, 552 ; 
' Rorschach Test, 582 ; 
Miscellaneous Procedures, 582 ; 
Reactions to Frustration, 585 ; 
Social Interaction, 599. 


INDEX 751 



Chapter I 


MAN is to-day's great problem. What can we know about him and 
how can it be said in words that have clear meaning ? What pro- 
pels him ? With what environmental objects and institutions does 
he interact and how ? What occurrences in his body are most 
influentially involved ? What mutually dependent processes par- 
ticipate in his differentiation and development ? What courses of 
events determine his pleasures and displeasures ? And, finally, by 
what means can he be intentionally transformed ? These are 
antique questions, to be sure, which in all ages have invited in- 
terest, but to-day they more insistently demand solution and more 
men are set for the endeavour. There is greater zest and greater 
promise of fulfilment. 

The point of view adopted in this book is that personalities 
constitute the subject matter of psychology, the life history of a 
single man being a unit with which this discipline has to deal. 
It is not possible to study all human beings or all experiences of 
one human being. The best that can be done is to select repre- 
sentative or specially significant events for analysis and interpre- 
tation. Some psychologists may prefer to limit themselves to the 
study of one kind of episode. For instance, they may study the 
responses of a great number of individuals to a specific situation. 
They may attempt to discover what changes in the situation bring 
about important changes in response. But, since every response is 
partially determined by the after-effects of previous experiences, 
the psychologist will never fully understand an episode if he 
abstracts it from ontogeny, the developmental history of the indi- 
vidual. Even philogeny, or racial history, may have to be con- 


sidercd. The prevailing custom in psychology is to study one func- 
tion or one aspect of an episode at a time perception, emotion, 
intellection or behaviour and this is as it must be. The circum- 
scription of attention is dictated by the need for detailed informa- 
tion. But the psychologist who does this should recognize that he 
is observing merely a part of an operating totality, and that this 
totality, in turn, is but a small temporal segment of a personality. 
Psychology must construct a scheme of concepts for portraying the 
entire course of individual development, and thus provide a frame- 
work into which any single episode natural or experimental 
may be fitted. 

The branch of psychology which principally concerns itself with 
the study of human lives and the factors that influence their 
course, which investigates individual differences and types of per- 
sonality, may be termed ' personology ' instead of * the psychology 
of personality/ a clumsy and tautological expression. 1 

Personology, then, is the science of men, taken as gross units, 
and by definition it encompasses * psycho-analysis ' (Freud), 
* analytical psychology' (Jung), 'individual psychology' ( Ad- 
ler ) and other terms which stand for methods of inquiry or doc- 
trines rather than realms of knowledge. 

In its intentions our endeavour was excessively ambitious. For 
we purposed nothing less than ( i ) to construct methodically a 
theory of personality ; ( 2 ) to devise techniques for getting at 
some of the more important attributes of personality ; and ( 3 ) by 
a study of the lives of many individuals to discover basic facts of 
personality. Our guiding thought was that personality is a tem- 
poral whole and to understand a part of it one must have a sense, 
though vague, of the totality-, It was for this that we attempted 
comprehensiveness, despite the danger that in trying to grasp 
everything we might be left with nothing worth the having. 

We judged the time had come when systematic, full length 

i. Some have objected that personology, as here defined, is what all men, except 
professional psychologists, call psychology. Since it has to do with life-histories 
of individuals ( the largest unit ), it must be the most inclusive, other types of psy- 
chology being specialties or branches of it. This view, however, is not generally 


studies of individuals could be made to bring results. And more 
than this, indeed, it seemed a necessary thing to do. For if the 
constituent processes of personality are mutually dependent, then 
one must know a lot to comprehend a little, and to know a lot 
that may be used for understanding, good methods must be 
systematically employed. In our attempt to envisage and portray 
the general course of a person's life, we selected for analysis cer- 
tain happenings along the way and, using these as points, made 
free drawings of the connecting paths. We judged that the spaces 
without definition would attract attention and it would become 
more evident than it has been in what quarters detailed research 
might yield important facts. For without some notion of the whole 
there can be no assurance that the processes selected for intensive 
study are significant constituents. 

Actually, the scheme of concepts we employed was not ex- 
haustive ; one reason being the inability of the mind to hold so 
many novel generalities in readiness. The amount of space and 
time and the number of examiners available put a limit to the 
number of experimental subjects and the number of techniques 
that could be used. Thus, in the end, our practices and theories 
were not as comprehensive as we thought they could and should 

Since in the execution of our plan we went from theory down 
to fact, then back to theory and down to fact again, the book may 
be regarded either as a scheme of elementary formulations con- 
ceived of to explain the ways of different individuals, or as an 
assemblage of biographic data organized according to a certain 
frame of reference. 

The Present State of Personology 

It might be thought that a number of psychologists from the 
same or different universities, assembling in any suitably equipped 
clinic, could, after apportioning their work, become engaged with- 
out delay in a collaborative study of any group of normal indi- 
viduals. This could occur in clinical medicine but not by any good 
fortune in psychology. For in psychology there are few generally 


valued tests, no traits that are always measured, no common guid- 
ing concepts. Some psychologists make precise records of their 
subjects' overt movements, others inquire into sentiments and 
theories. Some use physiological techniques, others present bat- 
teries of questionnaires. Some record dreams and listen for hours 
to free associations, others note attitudes in social situations. These 
different methods yield data which, if not incommensurate, are, 
at least, difficult to organize into one construction. There is no 
agreement as to what traits or variables are significant. A psy- 
chologist who embarks upon a study of normal personality feels 
free to look for anything he pleases. He may test for intelligence, 
or note signs of introversion-extraversion, he may focus on in- 
feriority and compensation, or use the cycloid-schizoid frame of 
reference, or look for the character traits of pre-genitai fixation, 
or measure his subjects for ascendance and submission ; but he 
will not feel bound to any particular order of examinations, since 
there is no plan that custom has accredited. It must be acknowl- 
edged that personology is still in diapers enjoying random move- 
ments. The literature is full of accurate observations of particular 
events, statistical compilations, and brilliant (lashes of intuition. 
But taken as a whole, personology is a patchwork quilt of incom- 
patible designs. In this domain men speak with voices of authority 
saying different things in different tongues, and the expectant 
student is left to wonder whether one or none are in the right. 

A little order is brought out of this confusion though some- 
what arbitrarily by dividing psychologists into two large classes 
holding opposite conceptual positions. One group may be called 
peripheralists, the other centralists. The peripheralists have an 
objectivistic inclination, that is, they are attracted to clearly ob- 
servable things and qualities simple deliverances of sense organs 
and they usually wish to confine the data of personology to 
these. They stand upon the acknowledged fact that, as compared 
to other functions, the perceptions particularly the visual per- 
ceptions of different individuals are relatively similar, and hence 
agreement on this basis is attainable. Agreement, it is pointed out, 
is common among trained observers when interpretations are ex- 


eluded, and since without agreement there is no science, they be- 
lieve that if they stick to measurable facts they are more likely to 
make unquestionable contributions. Thus, for them the data are : 
environmental objects and physically responding organisms : 
bodily movements, verbal successions, physiological changes. That 
they confine themselves to such events distinguishes them from 
members of the other class, but what characterizes them par- 
ticularly is their insistence upon limiting their concepts to symbols 
which stand directly for the facts observed. In this respect they 
are positivists. Now, since we are reasonably certain that all 
phenomena within the domain of personology are determined by 
excitations in the brain, the things which are objectively discern- 
ible the outer environment, bodily changes, muscular move- 
ments and so forth are peripheral to the personality proper and 
hence those who traffic only with the former may be called periph- 
eralists. If the peripheralists ever do indulge in speculations about 
what goes on within the brain, they usually fall back upon the con- 
ceptual scheme which has been found efficient in dealing with 
simpler partial functions. They resort to mechanistic or physiolog- 
ical explanations. Men of this stamp who study people usually 
come out with a list of common action patterns or expressive 
movements, though occasionally they go further and include social 
traits and interests. Such a man is apt, at least implicitly, to agree 
with Watson that 'personality is the sum total of the habitual 
responses. 1 This is one variety of the doctrine of elementarism. 
To repeat, the man we are distinguishing is a pcripheralist be- 
cause he defines personality in terms of action qua action rather 
than in terms of some central process which the action manifests, 
and he is an clcmentarist because he regards personality as the sum 
total or product of interacting elements rather than a unity which 
may, for convenience, be analysed into parts. Furthermore, the 
implicit supposition of this class of scientists is that an external 
stimulus, or the perception of it, is the origination of everything 
psychological. For them, the organism is at the start an inert, 
passive, though receptive, aggregate, which only acts in response 
to outer stimulation. From the point of view of consciousness, as 


Locke would have it, mind is at first a sensorium innocent of im- 
prints which, as time goes on, receives sensations from external 
objects and combines them variously, according to objective con- 
tiguities and similarities, to form ideas and ideologies. Those who 
hold this view are called sensationists. 

In contrast to these varieties of scientists are a heterogeneous 
group, the centralists. The latter are especially attracted to sub- 
jective facts of emotional or purposive significance : feelings, de- 
sires, intentions. They are centralists because they are primarily 
concerned with the governing processes in the brain. And to these 
they think they are led directly by listening to the form and 
content of other people's speech. Their terminology is subjectively 
derived. For instance, to portray a personality they do not hesi- 
tate to use such terms as wishes, emotions and ideas. Though 
most of them make efforts to observe behaviour accurately, inter- 
pretation usually merges with perception, and overt actions are 
immediately referred to psychic impulses. Since the latter are 
intangible, personologists must imagine them. Hence, men of this 
complexion are conceptualises rather than positivists ; and further, 
in so far as they believe that personality is a complex unity, of 
which each function is merely a partially distinguished integral, 
they are totalists, naturally inclined to doctrines of immanence 
and emergence. Craving to know the inner nature of other per- 
sons as they know their own, they have often felt their wish was 
realized, not by making conscious inferences from items of ob- 
servation but by an unanalysable act of empathic intuition. For this, 
perceptions, naturally, are necessary, but the observer is only dimly 
aware of the specific scnsa which were configurated to suggest the 
underlying feeling or intention of the subject's momentary self. 
So hold the intuitionists. Finally, as opposed to the sensationists 
are the dynamicists who ascribe action to inner forces drives, 
urges, needs, or instincts some of which, inherited or suddenly 
emerging, may be held accountable for the occurrence of motility 
without external stimulation. These inner energies of which the 
personality may be wholly unaware seem to influence perception, 
apperception and intellection. The more or less mechanical laws 


of the sensationists are only true, it is believed, when a passive, 
disinterested attitude is adopted by the subject. But under most 
conditions, attention and conceptualization are directed by wants 
and feelings. 

These two general classes of psychologists are heterogeneous. It 
is only certain underlying similarities which prompt us to put in 
one class peripheralists, objectivists, positivists, mechanists, ele- 
mentarists, and sensationists ; and to put in another centralists, 
subjectivists, conceptualists, totalists, and dynamicists. It is clear 
that a psychologist may belong in certain respects to one class and 
in others to another. For instance, some psychologists are eclectic, 
others vaguely hold a middle ground, still others attempt with 
more or less success to encompass both positions. Then there are 
those whose natural temper is emotionally subjective but who 
come to adopt, for their own equilibration, the extreme be- 
haviouristic point of view. These are the holy zealots, the modern 
puritans of science. Mixtures and contrasts of this sort are not 
uncommon, but in the main the two classes are distinguishable 
( vide Extraception Intraception, p. 211 ). 

The peripheralists are mostly academic men addicted to the 
methodology of science. Being chiefly interested in what is meas- 
urable, they are forced to limit themselves to relatively unim- 
portant fragments of the personality or to the testing of specific 
skills. The aim is to get figures that may be worked statistically. 1 

Among the centralists one finds psychologists of the ' hormic ' 
school, psycho-analysts, physicians and social philosophers. These 
have no stomach for experiments conducted in an artificial labora- 
tory atmosphere. They feel no compulsion to count and meas- 
ure. Their concern is man enmeshed in his environment ; 

i. This may be regarded, perhaps, as one of many manifestations of a general 
disposition which is widespread in America, namely, to regard the peripheral 
personality conduct rather than inner feeling and intention as of prime 
importance. Thus, we have the fabrication of a "pleasing personality,' mail 
courses in comportment, courtesy as good business, the best pressed clothes, 
the best barber shops, Listerine and deodorants, the contact man, friendliness 
without friendship, the prestige of movie stars and Big Business, quantity as an 
index of worth, a compulsion for fact-getting, the statistical analysis of every- 
thing, questionnaires and behaviourism. 


his ambitions, frustrations, apprehensions, rages, joys and 

In summary, it may be said that the peripheralists are apt to 
emphasize the physical patterns of overt behaviour, the combina- 
tion of simple reflexes to form complex configurations, the in- 
fluence of the tangible environment, sensations and their com- 
pounds, intellections, social attitudes, traits, and vocational pur- 
suits. The centralists, on the other hand, stress the directions or ends 
of behaviour, underlying instinctual forces, inherited dispositions, 
maturation and inner transformations, distortions of perception 
by wish and fantasy, emotion, irrational or semi-conscious mental 
processes, repressed sentiments and the objects of erotic interest. 

The divergencies thus briefly catalogued are rarely constant. 
And they are hardly more apparent than the divergencies within 
each group, particularly among the centralists. That the central- 
ists should radically disagree in their interpretations is the result 
of their subjectivistic bias, the opportunities for projection being 
limitless. For man the object of concern is like an ever-varying 
cloud and psychologists are like people seeing faces in it. One 
psychologist perceives along the upper margin the contours of a 
nose and lip, and then miraculously other portions of the cloud 
become so oriented in respect to these that the outline of a forward- 
looking superman appears. Another psychologist is attracted to a 
lower segment, sees an ear, a nose, a chin, and simultaneously the 
cloud takes on the aspect of a backward-looking Epimethean. 
Thus, for each perceiver every sector of the cloud has a different 
function, name and value fixed by his initial bias of perception. 
To be the founder of a school indeed, it is only necessary to see a 
face along another margin. Not much imagination is required to 
configurate the whole in terms of it. Such prejudiced conceptions, 
of course, are not unfruitful. To prove the correctness of their vi- 
sionto prove their sanity, one might say scientists are led to 
undertake laborious researches. The analysts, for instance, have 
made wondrous discoveries by pursuing one instinct, observing its 
numerous guises and vagaries. Hunting other trails with like 
genius and persistence all the ways of personality may eventually 


be explored. Though this has proved to be a successful method of 
advance, the men who follow it are not well balanced intel- 
lectually. They are not well balanced because their thoughts 
are loaded, the favoured variable being turned up at every 
throw. Pursuing a single objective and disregarding numberless 
concatenations, they abstract too arbitrarily from the fullness 
of experience and upon one entity lay the full burden of causation. 

What Course to Follow ? 

Now, in view of these divergent trends, what is the proper path 
to take ? Is it possible that some order will emerge if a variety of 
methods are employed in the exploration of a group of subjects, 
the best of contemporary theories being judged in respect to their 
general success in interpreting the findings ? In our minds the 
answer to this question was affirmative. Viewed in this way our 
work was an experiment in reconciliation. It was our thought, at 
least, that if we took account of what appeared to be the most 
important factors, and succeeded in measuring them approxi- 
mately, the conceptual distortions which now exist might be 
rectified to some extent. It might even be possible, by slight modifi- 
cations here and there, to construct a scheme which would fit 
together most of the prevailing theories. For a common theory 
and a common language is for psychology an urgent requisite. 

Since science-making is a kind of working for agreement, the 
psychologic forces which give rise to controversy have been mat- 
ters of concern to us. For instance, we paid some attention to the 
factors which determine the creation or adoption of a theory, as 
well as to those that make adherence lasting. Even among our- 
selves there were marked differences of outlook which were never 
satisfactorily combined, though attempts were made by some of 
us to expose by self-analysis any underlying twists that might be 
narrowing our perspective. We thought by taking steps to solve 
the problem of divergence our work might be, at least, the staking 
out of ground for an orderly development. This we take to be 
the scientific way the only way, if the testimony of the last 
three centuries of practical and theoretical achievement has 


validity of progressing towards, agreement about * truth/ One 
should begin at the beginning, and the beginning is proper 
method and accurate observation. We attempted first of all to 
make records of events as they occurred. These were the facts, 
facts not to be confused with the theory that seemed to fit them. 
In proceeding thus we were supported by the notion that the 
ability to observe though no doubt a minor virtue may, like 
the tortoise, in the long run win ; and that a slow-witted man with 
a good method can often succeed where a clever man with a 
poor one fails. However, to choose this path is one thing, to fol- 
low it is another. 

Difficulties that Confront the Investigator of Personality 

The facts which should be observed in order to obtain a com- 
prehensive view of a particular individual may be classified as 
follows : 


i. The changing conditions of the physical and social environ- 
ment that are perceptible to the subject. 

ii. The changing physiological conditions in the subject's 
body. 1 

iii. The trends and action patterns ( motor and verbal ) of the 
subject. These may be initiations or responses. 

iv. The apparent gratifications ( successes ) and frustrations 
( failures ) of the subject. 


Reports given by the subject of his perceptions, interpreta- 
tions, feelings, emotions, intellections, fantasies, intentions 
and conations. 

What difficulties do these phenomena present to those who 
wish to make a study of them ? In answer I shall limit myself to 
an enumeration of the factors which interfere with accurate and 

i. Since the Harvard Clinic is not equipped for physiological studies, the latter 
could not be included in the present research. 


sufficient observation under clinical conditions. In reviewing these 
factors brief mention will be made of the measures to surmount 
them that were tried out at the Harvard Clinic. 

1. Limitations of time, of the variety of conditions and of the 
number of experimenters. To know a subject well one must 
see him many times, and observe or hear about his behaviour 
in many varied situations, when exposed to different treatment 
by different types of people. In professional studies limits are 
fixed by the amount of space, the number of experienced ex- 
aminers and the funds available. In our case, we made a virtue 
of necessity by deciding that our purpose was to see how much 
could be discovered in a short time with relatively few sessions 
and few experimenters, many of whom were inexperienced. 

2. Peculiar effect of the laboratory situation. Conditions in a 
laboratory or in a clinic are, at best, unnatural and artificial, and 
the subject is constantly reminded that he is being watched 
and judged. This usually makes him self-conscious and ill at 
ease, puts him on guard or prompts him to assume a favoured 
role. Though such attitudes are in themselves significant, they 
may not be indicative of how a man behaves in his accustomed 
haunts, which is what one most wants to know about. This 
difficulty was partly overcome by having subjects come to the 
Clinic off and on for a long period time enough for the dis- 
appearance of whatever shyness, hostility or suspiciousness was 
due merely to the strangeness of the situation. Home-like sur- 
roundings and the friendliness of examiners helped to put a 
subject at his ease. The fact that we respected our subjects and 
became fond of them may have been the reason why in the 
main they were so natural, friendly, co-operative and confid- 
ing. This was important since to discover how a man is apt to 
act and feel in the ordinary situations of his life, one must rely 
upon his answers to tactful questions and what he writes about 

3. Effect of the experimenter and the difficulty of estimating it. 
Since in almost every session an experimenter is present, the 
latter, being of the same order of magnitude, is an intrinsic 


member of the total situation. It is not that a solitary subject if 
secretly observed would reveal more of himself, because what 
one wants revealed is his behaviour with one or several human 
beings. Hence, there should usually be another person present. 
But the point is that the appearance, attitude and underlying 
needs of the other person are variables in the episode under 
observation and, since in most sessions the other person is 
none other than the experimenter, the latter must make con- 
current judgments of himself in these respects, and this is not 
so easy. The difficulty was diminished to some extent by having 
experimenters trained in self-awareness, and, as we did in two 
sessions, by having a concealed observer judging the attitude 
and actions of both subject and experimenter. 

4. Limitations of perceptual ability. Since reality is a process and 
the organism, as well as its environment, is changing every 
moment, only a small fraction of what occurs may be attended 
to, apprehended and retained in memory. This is because one's 
perceptual functions are, by nature, deficient in respect to speed 
and span. The limitation here may sometimes be partially sur- 
mounted by increasing the number of examiners or using 
various mechanical devices : a moving picture camera, speech- 
recording or movement-recording instruments, appliances to 
measure physiological changes and the like. 

5. Limitations of apperceptual ability. Here we refer to deficiencies 
in the ability to interpret behaviour. Interpreting directional or 
purposive activity is so difficult that some psychologists, in 
the hope of obtaining uniformity, have confined themselves to 
the observation of simple movements. There is more agreement 
when this is done, but the records thus obtained are psycho- 
logically unimportant and cry out for understanding. But it is 
much more difficult to interpret records of this sort than it is 
to interpret behaviour at the moment of its occurrence. Thus, 
as we shall maintain in the chapter on the diagnosis of person- 
ality, apperception must accompany the original perception. 
To be sure, this introduces the greatest possibility of error, for 
the experimenter is required to go * beyond* the facts, facts 


which, at best, are fragmentary. For instance, he must often 
since a fair proportion of acts are not successfully completed 
base his diagnosis on the apparent trend ( or intention ) of 
the subject's conduct. 

The difficulties of diagnosis are diminished to some extent by 
collecting in advance many common, concrete examples of the 
overt expression of the tendencies to be studied. But that such 
guides if taken ' literally ' may lead to error must be apparent. 
To illustrate, take the act of 'kissing a person.' This would 
undoubtedly be classified as an expression of love or tender- 
ness, and yet we have only to think of Judas Iscariot to recog- 
nize that a kiss may mean something else entirely. 

5. Unreliability of subjective reports. There are many reasons why 
subjects' memories and introspections are usually incomplete or 
unreliable. Children perceive inaccurately, are very little con- 
scious of their inner states and retain fallacious recollections 
of occurrences. Many adults are hardly better. Their impressions 
of past events are hazy and have undergone distortion. Many 
important things have been unconsciously repressed. Insight is 
lacking. Consequently, even when a subject wants to give a 
clear portrait of his early life or contemporary feelings he is 
unable to do so. Over and above this are his needs for privacy, 
for the concealment of inferiority, his desire for prestige. Thus, 
he may consciously inhibit some of his sentiments, rationalize 
or be a hypocrite about others, or only emphasize what a tem- 
porary whim dictates. Finally, one is occasionally confronted 
by out and out malingering. So as not to be too frequently 
deceived as to the reliability of what a subject says, the experi- 
menter must hold in mind, if possible, every limitation and 
distortion which interferes with accuracy and be always skep- 
tical, though tolerantly so. With most of our subjects there was 
ground for confidence and perhaps because we trusted their 
intentions they were disposed to truthfulness. 

7. Variability of the subject's personality. In studying a subject 
over a four-month period it is assumed, as an approximation, 
that his personality remains potentially the same. The some- 


times marked inconsistencies that occur are put down to the 
subject's characteristic range of variability, itself an attribute 
of personality. In many cases, however, the subject's reactions 
are not inconsistent ; they are determined by factors of which 
the experimenter is unaware. There is little opportunity, for 
instance, to discover what daily shocks, victories, joys and sor- 
rows occur in a subject's life. Sometimes he will volunteer such 
information and sometimes tactful questioning will draw it 
out of him, but usually an experimenter is ignorant of the 
immediately preceding happenings. Thus, many subjects come 
to a session with an emotional ' set/ occasioned by an accidental 
and to the experimenter unknown series of circumstances 
which gives him an uncustomary and evanescent manner and 
impulsion. This is a difficulty which was partially surmounted 
by seeing the subjects often over a relatively long period of 
time, the effect of unusual fortune being thereby minimized. 
One must consider the possibility, however, that during a four- 
month term a subject's potential personality may undergo a 
transformation ; to some extent because of his attendance at the 
clinic. If such occurs, the experimenter is apt to discount it, be- 
lieving merely that he is ' getting to know ' the subject better. 
8. Limitation in the number and variety of subjects. This becomes 
a confining factor if an experimenter expects to generalize his 
conclusions. It is always hazardous to apply what is discovered 
under certain conditions at a certain time with certain subjects 
to other conditions, times and subjects. Due to the preliminary 
nature of our studies we have not ventured to do this. 

As to the variety of subjects examined at the Clinic, all of 
them, except for our first group of fourteen, were college stu- 
dents, some graduates and some undergraduates. They received 
remuneration at current prices ( forty cents an hour ) . None of 
them was financially well-off. None had studied psychology. 
Since when they applied at the Employment Office none of 
them knew the nature of the work that would be offered them 
and since only one applicant refused the offer, there is no 
ground for believing that our subjects were selected on the 


basis of a morbid inclination to exhibit themselves. Different 
sections of the country were represented, different races and 
different religions. The staff of the Clinic had the impression 
that they were dealing with an exceedingly heterogeneous 
group of men, who resembled each other in only one respect : 
their willingness to assist the experimenters, even to the extent 
of revealing their mortifications, failures and ineptitudes. 
9. Inadequate conceptual scheme. The experimenter is to a large 
extent bound by the categories defined and agreed upon before 
he commences to observe. He is * set/ as it were, to perceive one 
or more of the phenomena which have been listed and nothing 
else. Thus, if the scheme is limited as, at present, all schemes 
must be in personology the original observations will be 
limited and much that is important will pass unnoticed. Ideally, 
the experimenter's mind should be stocked with variables 
which are well-defined, sufficient and appropriate to every cir- 
cumstance. But since there is a limit to the number which a 
man may hold in readiness, a usable list of factors will always 
be deficient in completeness. 

Ideally considered, an abstract biography, or psychograph ac- 
cording to our use of this term, would resemble a musical score 
and those who knew the signs might, by reading from left to 
right, follow the entire sequence of events. The analysis and re- 
construction of each temporal segment would be represented by 
appropriate symbols among which would be found those which 
portrayed the environmental forces, the subject's inner set, his 
initiation or response, and the immediate outcome of the inter- 
action. Reading the psychograph one could apperceive the rela- 
tions between events and the development of the evolving person- 
ality. Such a reconstruction might be taken as the high and distant 
goal towards which our hesitating steps should be directed. 

And now before I close this account of the difficulties that con- 
front the personologist, I should mention one final limitation of 
any conceptual formulation of a man's experience. It must neces- 
sarily do violence to human feelings. It will never satisfy all the 
needs of anyone and it will surely insult the needs of some. This 


will be so because it is the substitution of heartless, denotative, 
referential symbols for the moving immediacy of living. By em- 
ploying such a scheme a person's vital moments, once warm and 
passionately felt, become transformed into a cruelly commonplace 
formula, which dispossesses them of unique value. The subject 
himself is stripped and assimilated to a typological category. Much 
is thereby lost. The discomfort that people feel in the presence of 
a psychologist is in part the apprehension that they will be cata- 
logued and filed away in his museum of specimens. The artist's 
representation of an experience, on the other hand, is a re-invoca- 
tion of the original feeling or of a similar feeling, equally imme- 
diate, exciting and intense. The artist re-creates the * feel ' of it, 
the scientist substitutes the ' thought ' of it. Passing over the point 
that many artists are likewise guilty of abstracting ( as Norman 
Douglas's open letter to D.H.Lawrence illustrates), it should 
be pointed out in rejoinder that the non-sensuous scientific state- 
ment though it may annul aesthetic feeling does, by por- 
traying relations, make the event intelligible to the understand- 
ing, and this is just the result that some men find so thrilling. 
The emotion has a different texture than that engendered by the 
artist, but it is for this that the scientist is willing to pay his price, 
the partial loss of immediate human feeling. 

The Need for Hypothetical Formulations 

A little reflection upon the general properties of human nature 
and the special liabilities of error in observing them reviewed 
above and minimized if anything should chasten what preten- 
sions to authoritative truth we might be tempted to indulge. What 
must be known is so complex and our instrument for knowing 
so uncertain. Is it not a vast presumption to believe that this 
fragmentary consciousness of ours can perceive what is overt and 
then imagine what lies behind it ; behind behaviour, as well as 
behind the mental processes that seek to comprehend behaviour, 
the various and subtly interweaving forces which make up per- 
sonality ? Is not doubt, suspended judgment, skepticism or utter 


silence the only dignified and knowledgeable attitude to take ? 
Perhaps, but it is not likely to be taken, for, as history shows, the 
more complex a problem is and the fewer facts there are, the more 
inclined man is to voice opinions with conviction. But is con- 
viction necessary or advisable ? 

The condition of affairs in personology can be illustrated by a 
diagram. The reader may look at this design and ask himself 
what kind of human face it represents : 

figure i 

The figure portrays the items three recorded facts, we may 
imagine of a certain person's life. We should like to state the 
relationship between them in order to * get a picture ' of the per- 
sonality. Shall we say ( a ) * We do not know * ; or shall we say 
( b ) * This is the explanation ' ; or shall we say ( c ) * We suggest 
this hypothesis ' ? 

Figure 2 presents two possible explanations. The dark lines 
stand for the facts, the light lines represent the imagined factors 
which, if present, would relate the parts into a more or less in- 
telligible pattern. Interpretations x and y are obviously different, 
as different, let us say, as the conceptions offered by Ludwig and 
Freud, respectively, to explain the course of Kaiser Wilhelm's 
eventful life. Ludwig's biography, 1 one may recall, explains the 
grandiose ideas of the German ruler as overcompensations for 
organ inferiority : a withered arm acquired at birth. Freud, 
however, thinks that the important factor was a withdrawal of 
mother love * on account of his disability. When the child grew 

i. Ludwig, Emil. Wilhclm Hohcnzollern> New York,i927. 



up into a man of great power, he proved beyond all doubt by his 
behavior that he had never forgiven his mother.' 1 

The response of a cautious scientist to figure i might be ( a ) 
1 1 do not know ' ; whereas the response of an untrained person 
is commonly an assertion of some kind, ( b ) ' This is the expla- 
nation ' ( x or y in figure 2 ). A child is also inclined^}' give s^ch 
a response, not so much because he has not learned to reason, but 

figure 2 

because he has not learned to curb articulation of his thought,. 
Piaget, in demonstrating the absence of self-criticism in the pre- 
logical reasonings of youth, neglected to point out that children 
lack the necessary facts for arriving at satisfactory explanations. 
What a child studied by the staff of the Rousseau Institute does 
not say and the trained scientist faced by a situation of similar 
complexity does say is this : ' I do not know.' The child, much to 
the satisfaction of the experimentalist, gives voice to his intuitions ; 
whereas the academic thinker, perhaps heedful of his reputation, 
seldom does. To comprehend an occurrence that is, to make 
a verbal picture of the interrelations of its parts one requires a 
vast amount of data. Without them, everything is problematical. 
The child is usually willing to communicate his imaginative 
flights often with a certain facetious whimsicality , whereas 

i. FreucKS. New Introdtutory lectures on Psycho-Analysis, New York, 19^. 


the scientist is not. What distinguishes the child from the scientist, 
however, is not so much his irrationality because, as we have 
said, he has not enough data to be rational but his readiness, 
his naive, trusting, careless readiness, to guess in public and expose 
his ignorance to others. We know that the response of a trained 
imagination is often ( c ) ' I suggest this hypothesis ' ( x or y in 
figure 2). It is advanced as a tentative proposal, a man-made 
theory subject to correction or abandonment. This form of state- 
ment may chill the souls of those who hanker for authority, leave 
indifferent those who seek salvation, make enemies of restless 
minds clamouring for assertive action, and yet none other is justi- 
fied when the goal of truth is paramount. No mind reviewing 
it's past errors can be but humble before the sphinx-like face of 
nature. The history of science is a record of many momentous 
defeats and a few tentative victories. Fortunate it is that most of 
the errors are eventually interred and truth lives after. 

Now, at every stage in the growth of a science there is, it seems, 
an appropriate balance between broad speculation and detailed 
measurement. For instance, in the infancy of a very complex 
science and surely psychology is young and complicated a 
few mastering generalizations can be more effective in advancing 
knowledge than a mass of carefully compiled data. For in the 
wake of intuition comes investigation directed at crucial prob- 
lems rather than mere unenlightened fact-collecting. Here we 
may point to the undeniable enrichment of our understanding 
and the impetus to further studies which has come from psycho- 
analytic theory. In its present stage personology seems to call for 
men who can view things in the broad ; that is, who can apper- 
ccive occurrences in terms of the interplay of general forces. A 
man who has been trained in the exact sciences will find himself 
somewhat at a loss, if not at a disadvantage. He will find it diffi- 
cult to fall in with the loose flow of psychologic thought. He will 
find nothing 'that is hard and sharp. And so if he continues to 
hold rigidly to the scientific ideal, to cling to the hope that the 
results of his researches will approach in accuracy and elegance 
the formulations of the exact disciplines, he is doomed to failure. 


He will end his days in the congregation of futile men, of whom 
the greater number, contractedly withdrawn from critical issues, 
measure trifles with sanctimonious precision. Perhaps the best 
course for such a man is to quit psychology for a simpler, more 
evolved and satisfying science physiology, let us say. Nowadays, 
to be happy and productive in psychology, it is better not to be 
too critical. For the profession of psychology is much like living, 
which has been defined by Samuel Butler as ' the art of drawing 
sufficient conclusions from insufficient premises/ Sufficient prem- 
ises are not to be found, and he who, lacking them, will not 
draw tentative conclusions can not advance. The self-analysis of 
thought may end by crushing what it feeds upon, imaginative 
spontaneity. As Jung says of himself : * I have never refused the 
bitter-sweet drink of philosophical criticism, but have taken it 
with caution, a little at a time. All too little, my opponents will 
say ; almost too much my feeling tells me. All too easily does self- 
criticism poison one's naivete, that priceless possession, or rather 
gift, which no creative man can be without.' * 

It is just as well that man has always had at least a germ of 
faith in his omnipotence and omnicognizance. For without it the 
first assertions and assumptions would never have been made and, 
lacking these, the sciences would not have flowered. Though 
science preaches the need for caution, logical analysis and undis- 
puted facts, it is much indebted to those who at the start made 
bold assumptions. 

Our conclusion is that for the present the destiny of personology 
is best served by giving scope to speculation, perhaps not so much 
as psycho-analysts allow themselves, but plenty. Hence, in the 
present volume we have checked self-criticism, ignored various 
details, winked a little at statistics, and from first to last have 
never hesitated to offer interpretative hypotheses. Had we made 
a ritual of rigorous analysis nothing would have filtered through 
to write about. Speech is healthier than silence, even though one 
knows that what one says is vague and inconclusive. 

It should be clearly understood, however, that every interpre- 
i. Jung,C.G Modern Man in Search of a Soul, New York:i934, 9.135. 


tative statement or conclusion in this volume is an hypothesis or 
theory which is ready to abdicate in the face of any facts which 
definitely contradict it. No theory has been set up as 'president 
for life.' We have, however, generally avoided qualifying phrases, 
the prefacing of statements with ' it seems ' or ' it appears,' because 
in a long book this practice makes for monotony and is annoying 
to many readers. 

The Order of Procedures at the Harvard Psychological Clinic 

Personology, if it is ever developed, will rest upon an organized 
collection of facts pertaining relevantly to the long course of 
complex events from human conception to human death. They 
will be contained for the most part in case histories based on 
observations of behaviour in natural and experimental situations, 
together with the subject's memories and introspections. The ques- 
tions : what are facts ? how are they discovered ? and how proved 
to others ? will always be fundamental to the science. But the 
discipline will not advance until it is possible to transform the 
raw data of experience into adequate abstractions. Now, as every 
experimenter knows, the latter must be constructed before the 
facts are sought. Naturally, the facts will compel a reformulation 
of the concepts, but if we approach personality without a tentative 
theory, we shall neglect much that is relevant and include much 
that is not. Therefore, in the order of events at the Clinic, the con- 
ceptual scheme came first. 


The business of every science is the construction of a conceptual 
scheme, and since a conceptual scheme is, by definition, a con- 
densed abstract representation a short word-picture, a reduced 
map, a symbolic formulation of the actuality of immediate 
experience, its success depends upon the selection of a proper 
mode of analysis. Everything that is essential but nothing that is 
unessential to the structure of an event should be included. 
Naturally, opinions will differ as to which variables should be 
measured and which omitted. For the sake of thought, communi- 


cation and action, an enormous amount of detail must be put 
aside as irrelevant, and, consequently, there is always the danger 
that something crucial has been disregarded. We must remember 
that our map is not the event itself. It is merely a much reduced 
and, at best, a very approximate mental reproduction of it. If 
possible, the scheme should be comprehensive, coherent, necessary 
and convenient. 

The data out of which our original concepts emerged were : 
our own experiences, and the lives of others : patients treated at 
the Clinic, acquaintances, and characters in history and fiction. 
We were largely guided in the construction of our generalizations 
by the theories of Freud and McDougall, as well as those of Jung, 
Rank, Adler, Lewin and others. The problem, of course, was one 
of discriminative abstraction, that is, it was necessary to analyse 
out of a subject-object interaction those factors in the subject and 
in the object which influenced the course of events. As will be 
shown in the next chapter, we came down to a theory of direc- 
tional forces within the subject, forces which seek out or respond 
to various objects or total situations in the environment. These 
are commonly termed instincts, or part-instincts by the Freudians, 
and were so termed by McDougall in his earlier writings. The 
latter now calls them propensities. Though the Freudians mention 
only two instincts explicitly, sex and aggression, in their expla- 
nations of behavioural phenomena, they refer to numerous other 
forces which, some think, might just as well be called instinctive : 
passivity, anxiety and avoidance, masochism, exhibitionism, 
voyeurism, and so forth. Though the naming and defining of these 
tendencies actually constitute a primitive classification, the Freud- 
ians do not speak of it as such. They are averse sometimes with 
good reason to defining terms or to building up their constructs 
systematically. In the beginning of a science this is perhaps the 
best course to pursue, but now, it seems to us, the time has come 
for a more orderly approach. In this we have followed McDougall 
who, in his classification of propensities, included most of the 
drives which the Freudians have enumerated. 

Now, besides the variables defined as driving forces, we dis- 


inguished others, which may be variously described as dimen- 
sions, functions, vectors, modes, or traits of personality. Here we 
leaned heavily on Jung, Stern, G. W.Allport and a host of psy- 
chologists who have tried their hand at characterological descrip- 

Then, since we were concerned with the genesis and history 
of tendencies and sentiments, we had to distinguish various modes 
of development ; processes of maturation, learning and socializa- 
tion. In doing this we were guided by the principles of con- 
ditioning, association and organization worked out by Pavlov 
and the gestalt psychologists, and by such psycho-analytic con- 
cepts as fixation, substitution, compensation, sublimation and 

In summary, then, it may be said that our variables of person- 
ality consisted of a miscellany of general attributes, driving forces, 
relations between these forces and developmental modes. Each 
variable was defined to the satisfaction of all experimenters and a 
large number of concrete examples of its activity assembled to 
serve as guides for diagnosis. It was assumed that the degree of 
intensity of each variable could be marked on a ' zero to five ' 
scale. With our first group of subjects we had but ten variables ; 
with our last we had over forty. In defining them and building 
up our theory of the total personality, we attempted to proceed 
systematically according to certain principles. 1 A systematic, ob- 
jective, and perhaps tediously thorough approach seemed advis- 
able, because the ex cathedra method commonly adopted would 
have accentuated, if anything, the differences and confusions 
which now prevail among personologists. 


A series of sessions interviews, tests and experimental pro- 
cedures was devised to bring into prominence various aspects 
of personality, particularly those covered by the personality vari- 

i. In working out our method of approach we were greatly influenced by Profes- 
sor L.J.Henderson of Harvard who insisted upon a serious study of Pareto 
( Pareto, V., 'the Mind and Society, New York, 193 5 ). 


ables. We employed whatever appropriate mechanical aids could 
be devised : speech-recording apparatus, galvanometer for meas- 
uring changes in skin resistance, tremor-recording apparatus, in- 
strument for measuring sensorimotor learning, moving picture 
camera, and so forth ; but we did not believe that the use of 
instruments was, in itself, a mark of scientific worth. 

Some psychologists have an almost religious attachment to 
physical apparatus taken over from the fundamental disciplines : 
physics, chemistry and physiology. Working with such contriv- 
ances they have the ' feel ' of being purely scientific, and thus 
dignified. Sometimes this is nothing but a groundless fantasy, 
since what has made these methods scientific is the fact that 
applied to other objects they have yielded answers to important 
questions. It is dubious whether many crucial problems in psy- 
chology can be solved by instruments. Certainly if physical appli- 
ances do not give results which lead to conceptual understanding, 
it is not scientific to employ them. For the all-important character- 
istic of a good scientific method is its efficacy in revealing general 

We tried to design methods appropriate to the variables which 
we wished to measure ; in case of doubt, choosing those that 
crudely revealed significant things rather than those that precisely 
revealed insignificant things. Nothing can be more important 
than an understandnig of man's nature, and if the techniques of 
other sciences do not bring us to it, then so much the worse for 

Our procedures are precisely described in Chapter VI. At this 
point it is enough to list the few general principles that our ex- 
perience invited us to adopt. 

1. Each subject should be exposed to many varied situations. 
This is basic. It rests upon the attested supposition that a person 
has almost as many * sides' as there are different situations to 
which he is exposed. 

2. Each subject should be observed and independently diag- 
nosed by many different types of men and women. This follows 


from the preceding principle : first, because one man has not the 
time to carry out all the necessary examinations, and second, be- 
cause to vary conditions sufficiently one must vary the experi- 
menter. There are also other reasons, the chief of which is the 
desirability of having many estimates and judgments of each sub- 
ject. In no other way can an experimenter check his own interpre- 
tations. In our work we relied not only upon many judgments, 
but also upon the weighted judgments of the more experienced 
members of the staff. 

3. Experience has taught us not only the necessity for varied 
sessions and a multiplicity of investigators, but also the necessity 
for experience in diagnosis. The experimenters, therefore, should 
be wisely selected and properly trained. The psychologist is and 
will always be the final judge of all questions pertaining to per- 
sonality. No fine instrument can replace him. Therefore, as far as 
he is able, he must himself become an instrument of precision. 
Now, since in any group of experimenters there will always be 
some who have greater aptitude or who are more experienced 
than others, it is advisable to establish a diagnostic hierarchy. By 
weighting the opinions of the more competent, one gets the full 
benefit of superior judgments as well as of many judgments. The 
problem of diagnosis of how the experimenter can get beyond 
his own sentiments and approximate what is ideally the true judg- 
ment -is, of course, one of the central problems of psychological 
procedure. It is a topic which we shall take up later hi a special 
section. At present, we shall merely call attention to the principle 
of weighted judgments as a contribution to methodology. 

4. The experimental sessions should be as life-like as possible. 
This is important because the purpose of personological studies is 
to discover how a man reacts under the stress of common con- 
ditions. To know how he responds to a unique, unnatural labora- 
tory situation is of minor interest. 

5. The subject's mind should be diverted from the true pur- 
pose of an experiment. This is usually accomplished by announc- 
ing a plausible but fictitious objective. If a subject recognizes the 


experimenter's aim, his responses will be modified by other mo- 
tives : for instance, by the desire to conceal the very thing which 
the experimenter wishes to observe. 

6. One or more experiments should be observed by a second, 
concealed experimenter. In this way the reports of experimenters 
may be checked from time to time. 

7. After some of the sessions, subjects should be asked to give 
a verbal or written report of their view of the experience : their 
impressions of the experimenter, their inner, unexpressed feelings, 
and so forth. 

8. Each experimenter should attempt a hypothetical interpre- 
tation of the behaviour of each subject. The tentative character of 
such inferences should be recognized. 


A group of about thirteen subjects were engaged to come to the 
Clinic three or four hours a week over a period of several months. 
[ The first group of subjects was asked to come much more fre- 
quently than this and the entire period of examination lasted less 
than two weeks. ] The subjects were examined individually. With 
the last group of subjects about two dozen procedures were used, 
each procedure consisting of one or two sessions of one hour's 
duration. The entire program of sessions amounted to about 
thirty-five hours. Each subject underwent all the sessions and in 
the same sequence. Twenty-four experimenters took part in these 
examinations ; each of whom recorded his observations, his mark- 
ings on each variable and his hypothetical interpretations of every 
subject. These conclusions, independently arrived at, were later 
brought together for comparison with the judgments of all the 
other experimenters. 

Use was also made of a number of specially devised, compre- 
hensive questionnaires, or reaction-studies, from which were ob- 
tained marks for every subject on every variable, based, in this 
instance, on his own reports of his usual behaviour in everyday 
life. In addition, each subject was asked to write a short auto- 



Five of the more experienced experimenters were selected to 
constitute a Diagnostic Council. This Council conducted a con- 
ference with each subject, the conference being the first in the 
sequence of sessions to which the subject was exposed. Thus, at 
the very outset, the members of the Council received an im- 
pression of the subject and were able to assign tentative marks on 
each variable. Subsequently, the Council held meetings to hear 
and discuss reports presented by other experimenters and, on the 
basis of these, revised, when necessary, their original markings 
and interpretations. 


At the end of all the examinations, a meeting, usually lasting 
five or six hours, was held on each subject. At this meeting each 
experimenter read a report of his session with the subject. A 
specially appointed ' biographer ' conducted the meeting. He 
opened with a short summary of the findings, made comments 
on each report and concluded with a psychograph, or reconstruc- 
tion of the subject's personality from birth. After the psychograph 
was read, there was general discussion and, at the end, the mark- 
ings of the subject on each variable were discussed and finally 
established by majority vote. 


Many of the tests were susceptible of quantitative treatment, 
and so rank orders of the subjects could be obtained and inter- 
correlated. Rank orders on each of the personality variables, based 
on ratings by the staff as well as on the results of questionnaires, 
were likewise intercorrelated. Finally, the test results and the per- 
sonality variables were intercorrelated. In this way there was an 
opportunity of discovering what variables were commonly or 
rarely found together and what variables were potent in deter- 
mining the outcome of each test. Furthermore, correlations of 
variables gave a ground for dropping some and compounding 


others. In the mathematical treatment of results, we relied chiefly 
upon Allport and Vernon whose treatise, The Measurement of 
Expressive Movements, is a model of its kind. 

The statistical analysis of the variables finally retained demon- 
strated that certain of them intercorrelated repeatedly to a signifi- 
cant degree. Most of these clusters seemed to correspond to our 
observations of people in everyday life. Hence, we concluded that 
they might be regarded as syndromes of functionally related fac- 
tors which, for economy, could be used instead of the separate 
variables to portray a character. Our results showed, furthermore, 
that a variable may be an item in several different syndromes, 
and that its nature is modified by the character of the ensemble 
of associated variables in which it is found. 1 


The experience of the experimenters in classifying the subjects' 
behaviour and of the biographers in reconstructing comprehen- 
sible life histories provided a basis for estimating the validity of the 
conceptual scheme originally devised. The question was asked : 
did this or that subject display any characteristic not adequately 
covered by one or more of the variables ? If so, what is the 
psychological significance of this characteristic ; on what under- 
lying processes does it depend ; and how should these processes 
be defined ? In discussing such questions the adequacies and in- 
adequacies of the scheme became more apparent. A verification 
of the scheme was found in its general success. Invariably, there 
were revisions and redefinitions of the variables and of the dy- 
namic principles determining their operation. Thus, with a new 
theoretical outline and a new program of sessions, the staff of the 
Clinic was ready to engage another group of subjects, to carry 
out again the entire sequence of events. 

This order of procedures repeated several times may be termed 
' the method of successive approximations.' The theory which is 
evolved is the product of an assemblage of minds on the field of 

i. The chapter on the intercorrclation of variables and syndromes had to be 
omitted from this volume. 


action. It bears marks of its empirical derivation, but it has the 
advantage of being agreed upon by many different judges before 
being presented as a workable conception. 

Our Methods Compared to those of Psycho-analysis and Academic 

The techniques employed in the present exploration resemble 
in some respects those developed by psycho-analysis and in others 
those devised by personologists in universities. But, because of our 
emphasis upon inhibited or unconscious tendencies as well as our 
persistent attempt to trace things back to infantile experiences, 
our work was more closely allied to the concerns of analysts. 

We differ from psycho-analysis in respect to the length and 
depth of our explorations. Most psycho-analyses take about two 
hundred hours, and some take much longer, up to three or four 
years. With us, however, a subject participates in but thirty-five 
one-hour sessions, of which only about five are devoted to the 
recovery of past experiences. Thus in the same period of time 
we examine about six times as many subjects, but the analyst 
obtains about six times as much data from each, and because 
of his close and prolonged personal relationship with the patient 
he has revealed to him more of the * depths ' of personality. Here, 
however, it may be said that the length of the analyses is dic- 
tated by therapeutic considerations ; that as far as understanding 
is concerned they are usually carried beyond the point of diminish- 
ing returns. Nevertheless, it must be admitted that the psycho- 
analytic technique is superior to ours in respect to the amount of 
evidence obtained. 

The advantages of our procedure, however, are not negligible : 
i. The collaboration of many experimenters who contribute their 
observations and take part in the final reconstruction of each 
subject's personality does not permit a one-sided viewpoint. 
A subject displays different facets of his personality to different 
experimenters, and despite what most analysts say to the con- 
trary, it is for them to disprove what much evidence seems 
to show, namely, that the personality of the analyst determines 


to an appreciable extent the attitude that the patient assumes, 
the course of his free associations, and thus the final diagnosis 
which is made. Here, we may include the advantage of expos- 
ing a person to a large number of very different situations. 

2. In our theoretical scheme, as well as in our methodological 
approach, we paid more attention to the manifest personality 
than psycho-analysts are prone to do. Moreover, we had a 
better opportunity of judging overt social conduct and demon- 
strable abilities. Thus, the total personality including the 
relation between the conscious and the unconscious, the mani- 
fest and the latent could be seen with greater definition. A 
psycho-analytic case history seldom portrays the patient as an 
imaginable social animal. Even in describing normal people 
the psycho-analysts put emphasis upon the aberrant or neurotic 
features, because these are the things which the practice of 
their calling has trained them to observe. It is as if in giving 
an account of the United States a man wrote at length about 
accidents, epidemics, crime, prostitution, insurgent minorities, 
radical literary coteries and obscure religious sects and made no 
mention of established institutions : the President, Congress 
and the Supreme Court. 

3. The fact that we studied a series of individuals small though 
it was gave us a basis for estimating individual differences, 
the normal range of each variable, what variables commonly 
occurred together, what variables were influential in deter- 
mining the outcome of each test, and so forth. Such statistical 
results are certainly of some value in establishing common 
tendencies and syndromes and in arriving at general principles. 

4. By our procedure there was opportunity to test certain hypoth- 
eses under experimental conditions ; and unless one is pre- 
pared to throw aside what cumulative experience has shown to 
be the most effective instrument for arriving at relative cer- 
tainty, it must be conceded that this is a decided advantage. 
Most psycho-analysts, by temperament and training, are un- 
sympathetic or opposed to experimental research. 


With us the concepts were considered hypothetical and tenta- 
tive, and every session was taken as an opportunity to correct or 
verify them. Thus, the entire organized procedure may be re- 
garded as an experiment to test the ability of the constructed 
theory to classify and causally relate the facts. 

Now that these differences have been pointed out, it should be 
said that, although we find something to criticize in psycho- 
analysis, we are not unmindful of the fact that from the start it 
has been our most constant guide and source of illumination. 
Without it these studies would never have been planned or 

From academic psychology particularly, as said above, from 
the work of G. W. Allport we learned much in respect to an 
orderly method of procedure and a proper statistical treatment of 
our findings. We included some of the procedures commonly 
employed in academic studies : intelligence tests and a variety of 
questionnaires ; but these contributed very little to our under- 
standing. American personologists base their conclusions on a 
much larger number of subjects than we studied, and in this 
respect their findings are more representative than ours. What 
they usually study, however, are the physical attributes of move- 
ment, manifest traits and superficial attitudes, facts which sub- 
jects are entirely conscious of and quite willing to admit. Thus, 
their researches do not penetrate below the level of what is evi- 
dent to the ordinary layman. To discover the traits of subjects, 
confidence is placed upon self-estimates or upon what a few un- 
trained judges say about them. The original data, then, are of 
uncertain value, and no amount of factor analysis can make them 
more reliable. Furthermore, since these students of personality are 
apt to ignore the past history of their subjects, their final formula- 
tions are generally too static. To fully understand a trait one must 
know its genesis and history. 

In short, then, we might say that our work is the natural child 
of the deep, significant, metaphorical, provocative and question- 
able speculations of psycho-analysis and the precise, systematic, 


statistical, trivial and artificial methods of academic personoiogy. 
Our hope is that we have inherited more of the virtues than the 
vices of our parents. 

The Future Prospect 

As we approached the end of our exploring, innumerable ideas 
came bubbling up to plague us, ideas of further searches, experi- 
ments and tests which should be done in order to settle some 
tantalizing problem or get a clearer view of certain personalities. 
If we had been in touch with a medical clinic or a physiological 
laboratory, where, let us say, examinations could have been made 
of the cardiac, gastro-intestinal or endocrine systems of our sub- 
jects ; or if we had had with us a sociologist to make detailed 
studies of the families and communities from which the subjects 
came, then, surely, many things which now are dubious would be 
less so. Numerous experiments of different kinds occurred to us 
as profitable ventures, and it was galling to realize that none of 
them was possible. We were definitely limited by lack of time, 
space, number of trained experimenters and apparatus. We came 
to view our work as a mere point of departure and the Clinic as an 
anlage of some future institute where more exhaustive studies 
could be made. Such an institute might eventually bring about a 
unification of the various schools of psychology and thus lead to a 
state of affairs such as now prevails in medicine, where all are 
working within a common scheme. 

Reasons could be readily advanced for such studies besides the 
essential ones that knowledge is per se a final good and that man 
is of all objects the most inviting. There are many who believe 
that an understanding of human nature is the great requirement 
of this age ; that modern man is ' up against it,' confused, dis- 
satisfied, despairing and ready to regress ; that what he needs is 
the power to change and redirect himself and others ; and that 
the possession of this special power can only be won through 
knowledge. If it is true, as some reasonable men affirm, that cul- 
turethe best of man's high heritage is in jeopardy, and that 
to save and further it man, its creator and conserver, must be 


changed regenerated or developed differently from birth 
then the immediate requisite is a science of human nature. 

To study human nature patiently, to arrive at understanding, 
to gain some mastery ; there would be little hope in the enterprise 
if it were not for the history of science, the steady, unassertive, 
conquering pace of disinterested observation, experiment and 
reflection. Three centuries ago did the fancy of the most imagina- 
tive men foresee the miracles of thought and technics that would 
mark the way of science ? Absorbing this tradition, man may 
now explore his soul and observe the conduct of his fellows, dis- 
passionate to the limit, yet ever animated by the faith that gaining 
mastery through knowledge he may eventually surmount himself. 

Chapter II 


IT is now necessary to set forth the conceptual scheme which 
guided our explorations. It is not a rigid system that was insti- 
tuted in the beginning and maintained throughout. It has heen 
repeatedly modified to accord with observed facts, and is still 
evolving. Hence, we can do no more than take a snapshot of it 
in mid-career, and offer this as a tentative make-shift for orienting 
thought and directing practical action. The reader will observe 
that the scheme is the outcome of a prejudice in favour of the 
dynamical, organismal viewpoint. It is, if he chooses to so regard 
it, a rationalized elaboration of the perception that a human being 
is a motile, discriminating, valuating, assimilating, adapting, 
integrating, differentiating and reproducing temporal unity 
within a changing environmental matrix. 

Since psychology deals only with motion processes occurring 
in time none of its proper formulations can be static. They all 
must be dynamic in the larger meaning of this term. Within 
recent years, however, ' dynamic ' has come to be used in a special 
sense : to designate a psychology which accepts as prevailingly 
fundamental the goal-directed ( adaptive ) character of behaviour 
and attempts to discover and formulate the internal as well as the 
external factors which determine it. In so far as this psychology 
emphasizes facts which for a long time have been and still are 
generally overlooked by academic investigators, it represents a 
protest against current scientific preoccupations. And since the 
occurrences which the specialized professor has omitted in his 
scheme of things are the very ones which the laity believe to be 
1 most truly psychological,' the dynamicist must first perform the 
tedious and uninviting task of reiterating common sense. Thus he 
comes on the stage in the guise of a protesting and perhaps some- 
what sentimental amateur. 


The history of dynamic organismal psychology is a long one 
if one takes into account all speculations that refer to impelling 
forces, passions, appetites or instincts. But only lately have at- 
tempts been made to bring such conceptions systematically within 
the domain of science. We discover tentative signs in the func- 
tionalism of Dewey and Angell with its emphasis upon the 
organization of means with reference to a comprehensive end, in 
Ach's ' determining tendency,' and in James's notion of instinct, 
but not until we come to McDougall ! do we find a conscien- 
tious attempt to develop the dynamic hypothesis. Since then, 
some of the animal psychologists, notably Tolman, 2 and Stone, 3 
have worked with an objectively defined * drive ' which is strictly 
in accord with dynamical principles, and Lewin, 4 representing 
the gestalt school of psychology, has made * need ' basic to his 
system of personality. But the theory of drive or need has not been 
systematically developed by the latter investigators, their interest 
in external determinants of behaviour being predominant. 

Outside the universities, the medical psychologists and here 
we may, without serious omissions, start with Freud 5 have for 
five decades been constructing a quintessentially dynamic theory. 
For this theory the academic psychologists, with the exception of 
McDougall, found themselves entirely unprepared. The psycho- 
analysts not only presented facts which had never entered the 
academic man's field of observation or thought, but they used a 
novel nomenclature to designate certain obscure forces which they 
thought it necessary to conceptualize in order to account for their 
findings. McDougall and the analysts have been kept apart by 
numerous differences, but in respect to their fundamental dynam- 
ical assumptions they belong together. 

1. McDougall,W. Introduction to Social Psychology, London, 1908 ; Outline oj Psy- 
chology, New York,i923. 

2. Tolman,E.C. Purposive Behaviour in Animals and Men, New York, 1932. 

3. Stone.C.P. Sexual Drive. Chapter XVIII, in Sex and Internal Secretions, ed. by 
Edgar Allen, Baltimore, 1932. 

4. Lewin, K. A Dynamic Theory of Personality, New York, 193 5. 

5. Freud.S. Collected Papers ( 4 vols. ), International Psycho-analytical Library, 
London, 1 924-25 ; A General Introduction to Psycho-analysis, New York, 1920 ; 
New Introductory lectures on Psycho-analysis, New York, 19 33. 


The theory to be outlined here is an attempt at a dynamic 
scheme. It has been guided partly by the analysts ( Freud, Jung, 1 
Adler 2 ), partly by McDougall and by Lewin, and partly by our 
subjects whose actions so frequently corrected our preconcep- 
tions. As I have said, the theory is vague and incomplete. At 
many points it does scant justice to the precisely stated conceptions 
of other psychologists, even those with whom we find ourselves 
in substantial agreement. Compared to analytical speculations 
some of Jung's intuitions, for example it is limited and super- 
ficial. The truth is that we have taken from our predecessors only 
what could be used with profit in the present study. 

This book is not a theoretical treatise and there is not the space 
for a thorough presentation of our concepts. It is only possible to 
state the principal assumptions and enumerate in the briefest man- 
ner the steps that led us to adopt the theory which served us as a 
plan of action. And in order to get over the ground of funda- 
mentals with as little circumlocution as possible, it has seemed 
best to crystallize the broad facts of observation, as they have 
appeared to us, into a set of general postulates or propositions. 
It will be seen that some of these are mere commonplaces, others 
are cloudy, hardly verifiable generalities, still others are highly 
problematical and call for refutation or further study. The reader 
should not be deceived by the dogmatic form of statement. Each 
proposition is provisional. It is asserted flatly so that it may more 
readily be checked or contradicted. 


1. THE objects of study are individual organisms, not aggregates 
of organisms. 

2. The organism is from the beginning a whole, from which the 
parts are derived by self -differentiation. The whole and its 
parts are mutually related ; the whole being as essential to an 

1. Jung.C.G. Psychology of the Unconscious * London,i9i9 ; Psychological 'types, 
London,i 924. 

2. Adler, A. The Neurotic Constitution, New York, 1921 ; The Practice and Theory 
of Individual Psychology, New York, 192 4. 


understanding of the parts as the parts are to an understanding 
of the whole. ( This is a statement of the organismal theory. 1 ) 
Theoretically it should be possible to formulate for any mo- 
ment the * wholeness ' of an organism ; or, in other words, to 
state in what respect it is acting as a unit. 

3. The organism is characterized from the beginning by rhythms 
of activity and rest, which are largely determined by internal 
factors. The organism is not an inert body that merely re- 
sponds to external stimulation. Hence the psychologist must 
study and find a way of representing the changing * states ' 
of the organism. 

4. The organism consists of an infinitely complex series of tem- 
porally related activities extending from birth to death. Be- 
cause of the meaningful connection of sequences the life cycle 
of a single individual should be taken as a unit, the long unit 
for psychology. It is feasible to study the organism during one 
episode of its existence, but it should be recognized that this is 
but an arbitrarily selected part of the whole. The history of the 
organism is the organism. This proposition calls for biograph- 
ical studies. 

5. Since, at every moment, an organism is within an environment 
which largely determines its behaviour, and since the environ- 
ment changes sometimes with radical abruptness the con- 
duct of an individual cannot be formulated without a charac- 
terization of each confronting situation, physical and social. 
It is important to define the environment since two organisms 
may behave differently only because they are, by chance, en- 
countering different conditions. It is considered that two organ- 
isms are dissimilar if they give the same response but only to 
different situations as well as if they give different responses 
to the same situation. Also, different inner states of the same 
organism can be inferred when responses to similar external 

i. Here the wording has been taken from E.S.Russell ( Form and Function, Lon- 
don, 191 6 ; the Interpretation of Development and Heredity, Ox ford, 1930 ) who 
has stated most admirably the organismal viewpoint elaborated by W.E.Rittcr 
( The Unity of the Organism, Boston, 191 9 ) and others. 


conditions are different. Finally, the assimilations and integra- 
tions that occur in an organism are determined to a large extent 
by the nature of its closely previous, as well as by its more dis- 
tantly previous, environments. In other words, what an organ- 
ism knows or believes is, in some measure, a product of 
formerly encountered situations. Thus, much of what is now 
inside the organism was once outside. For these reasons, the 
organism and its milieu must be considered together, a single 
creature-environment interaction being a convenient short unit 
for psychology. A long unit an individual life can be most 
clearly formulated as a succession of related short units, or 

6. The stimulus situation ( S.S. ) is that part of the total environ- 
ment to which the creature attends and reacts. It can rarely be 
described significantly as an aggregate of discrete sense im- 
pressions. The organism usually responds to patterned mean- 
ingful wholes, as the gestalt school of psychology has empha- 

The effect on a man of a series of unorganized verbal sounds or 
of language that he docs not understand is very different from the 
effect of words organized into meaningful sentences that he docs 
understand ( or thinks he understands ). It is the meaning of the 
words which has potency, rather than the physical sounds per se. 
This is proved by the fact that the same effect can be produced by 
quite different sounds : by another tongue that is understood by 
the subject. 

In crudely formulating an episode it is dynamically pertinent 
and convenient to classify the S.S. according to the kind of 
effect facilitating or obstructing it is exerting or could exert 
upon the organism. Such a tendency or ' potency ' in the en- 
vironment may be called a press ( vide p. 115 ). For example, 
a press may be nourishing, or coercing, or injuring, or chilling, 
or befriending, or restraining, or amusing or belittling to the 
organism. It can be said that a press is a temporal gestalt of 
stimuli which usually appears in the guise of a threat of 


harm or promise of benefit to the organism. It seems that or- 
ganisms quite naturally * classify' the objects of .their world in 
this way : *' this hurts/ * that is sweet,' ' this comforts,' * that 
lacks support. 1 

7. The reactions of the organism to its environment usually ex- 
hibit a unitary trend. This is the necessary concomitant of be- 
havioural co-ordination, since co-ordination implies organiza- 
tion of activity in a certain direction, that is, towards the 
achievement of an effect, one or more. Without organization 
there can be no unified trends, and without unified trends 
there can be no effects, and without effects there can be no 
enduring organism. Divided it perishes, united it survives. 
The existence of organisms depends upon the fact that the 
vast majority of trends are ' adaptive ' : they serve to restore 
an equilibrium that has been disturbed, or to avoid an injury, 
or to attain objects which are of benefit to development. Thus, 
much of overt behaviour is, like the activity of the internal 
organs, survivalistically purposeful. 

8. A specimen of adaptive behaviour can be analysed into the 
bodily movements as such and the effect achieved by these move- 
ments. We have found it convenient to use a special term, 
actone, to describe a pattern of bodily movements per se, ab- 
stracted from its effect. To produce an effect which furthers 
the well-being of the organism a consecutive series of sub- 
effects must usually be achieved, each sub-effect being due to 
the operation of a relatively simple actone. Thus, simple 
actones and their sub-effects are connected in such a way 
that a certain trend is promoted. It is the trend which ex- 
hibits the unity of the organism. The unity is not an instan- 
taneous fact for it may only be discovered by observing the 
progress of action over a period of time. The trend is achieved 
*by the bodily processes, but it cannot be distinguished by 
studying the bodily processes in isolation. 

This proposition belongs to the organismal theory of reality. 
It is in disagreement with the common practice of studying 
a fraction of the organism's response and neglecting the trend 


of which it is a part. One who limits himself to the observa- 
tion of the bodily movements, as such, resembles the sufferer 
from semantic aphasia. * 

In semantic aphasia, the full significance of words and phrases is 
lost. Separately, each word or each detail of a drawing can be un- 
derstood, but the general significance escapes ; an act is executed 
upon command, though the purpose of it is not understood. Read- 
ing and writing are possible as well as numeration, the correct use 
of numbers ; but the appreciation of arithmetical processes is de- 
fective. . . A general conception cannot be formulated, but de- 
tails can be enumerated. ( Henri Pieron ) * 

9. A behavioural trend may be attributed to a hypothetical force 
( a drive, need or propensity ) within the organism. The 
proper way of conceptualizing this force is a matter of debate. 
It seems that it is a force which ( if uninhibited ) promotes 
activity which (if competent) brings about a situation that 
is opposite ( as regards its relevant properties ) to the one that 
aroused it. Frequently, an innumerable number of sub-needs 
( producing sub-effects ) are temporally organized so as to 
promote the course of a major need. [ The concept of need 
or drive will be more fully developed later. ] 

10. Though the organism frequently seeks for a certain press 
in which case the press is, for a time, expectantly imaged 
more frequently the press meets the organism and incites 
a drive. Thus, the simplest formula for a period of complex 
behaviour is a particular press-need combination. Such a com- 
bination may be called a thema. 2 A thema may be defined 
as the dynamical structure of a simple episode, a single 
creature-environment interaction. In other words, the en- 
durance of a certain kind of press in conjunction with a cer- 
tain kind of need defines the duration of a single episode, the 
latter being a convenient molar unit for psychology to handle. 
Simple episodes ( each with a simple thema ) may relatedly 
succeed each other to constitute a complex episode ( with its 

1. Quoted from Korzybski, Alfred. Science and Sanity. Lancaster, Penn.i933,p.i9. 

2. I am indebted to Mrs. Eleanor C.Jones for this term. 


complex thema ). The biography of a man may be portrayed 
abstractly as an historic route of themas (cf. a musical 
score ) . Since there are a limited number of important drives 
and a limited number of important press, there are a greater 
(but still limited) number of important themas. Just as 
chemists now find it scientifically profitable to describe a 
hundred thousand or more organic compounds, psychologists 
some day may be inclined to observe and formulate the more 
important behavioural compounds. 

11. Each drive reaction to a press has a fortune that may be meas- 
ured in degrees of realization ( ' gratification ' ) . Whether an 
episode terminates in gratification or frustration ( success or 
failure ) is often decisive in determining the direction of an 
organism's development. Success and failure are also of major 
importance in establishing the ' status ' of an organism in its 

12. In the organism the passage of time is marked by rhythms 
of assimilation, differentiation and integration. The environ- 
ment changes. Success and failure produce their effects. There 
is learning and there is maturation. Thus new and previously 
precluded combinations come into being, and with the perish- 
ing of each moment the organism is left a different creature, 
never to repeat itself exactly. No moment nor epoch is typical 
of the whole. Life is an irreversible sequence of non-identical 
events. Some of these changes, however, occur in a predictable 
lawful manner. There are orderly rhythms and progressions 
which are functions of the seasons, of age, of sex, of established 
cultural practices, and so forth. There is the ' eternal return ' 
('spiral evolution'). These phenomena make biography 

13. Though the psychologist is unable to find identities among 
* the episodes of an organism's life, he can perceive uniformities. 

For an individual displays a tendency to react in a similar 
way to similar situations, and increasingly so with age. Thus 
there is sameness ( consistency ) as well as change ( varia- 
bility), and because of it an organism may be roughly de- 


picted by listing the most recurrent themas, or, with more 
abstraction, by listing the most recurrent drives or traits. 

14. Repetitions and consistencies are due in part to the fact that 
impressions of situations leave enduring * traces ' ( a concept 
for an hypothetical process ) in the organism, which may be 
reactivated by the appearance of situations that resemble 
them ; and because of the connections of these evoked traces 
with particular reaction systems, the organism is apt to re- 
spond to new situations as it did to former ones ( redintegra- 
tion ). Some of the past is always alive in the present. For this 
reason the study of infancy is particularly important. The ex- 
periences of early life not only constitute in themselves a sig- 
nificant temporal segment of the creature's history, but they 
may exercise a marked effect upon the course of development. 
In some measure they ' explain ' succeeding events. [ * The 
child is father to the man.' J 

15. The progressive differentiations and integrations that occur 
with age and experience are, for the most part, refinements 
in stimulus discrimination and press discrimination and im- 
provements in actonal effectiveness. Specific signs become 
connected with specific modes of conduct, and certain apti- 
tudes ( abilities ) are developed. This is important because 
the fortune of drives, and thus the status of the individual, is 
dependent in large measure upon the learning of differentiated 

In early life the sequences of movement are mostly unre- 
lated. Trends are not persistent and disco-ordination is the rule. 
Opposing drives and attitudes succeed each other without ap- 
parent friction. With age, however, conflict comes and after 
conflict resolution, synthesis and creative integration. ( ' Life is 
creation/ Claude Bernard ) Action patterns are co-ordinated, 
enduring purposes arise and values are made to harmonize. 
Thus, the history of dilemmas and how, if ever, they were 
solved are matters of importance for psychology. 

16. Since in the higher forms of life the impressions from the 
external world and from the body that are responsible for 


conditioning and memory are j?eceived, integrated and con- 
served in the brain, and since all complex adaptive behaviour 
is evidently co-ordinated by excitations in the brain, the unity 
of the organism's development and behaviour can be ex- 
plained only by referring to organizations occurring in this 
region. It is brain processes, rather than those in the rest of 
the body, which are of special interest to the psychologist. At 
present, they cannot be directly and objectively recorded but 
they must be inferred in order to account for what happens. 
A need or drive is just one of these hypothetical processes. 
Since, by definition, it is a process which follows a stimulus 
and precedes the actonal response, it must be located in the 
[7. It may prove convenient to refer to the mutually 

processes that constitute dojri i riant _cp nfigu rations in the brain 
as regnant processes ; and, further, to designate the totality of 
such processes occurring during a single moment ( a unitary 
temporal segment of brain processes ) as a regnancy. 1 Accord- 
ing to this conception regnancies correspond to the processes 
of highest metabolic rate in the gradient which Child 2 has 
described in lower organisms. It may be considered that reg- 
nancies are functionally at the summit of a hierarchy of sub- 
regnancies in the body. Thus, to a certain extent the regnant 
need dominates the organism. 

The activities of the nerve-cells and muscle-cells are necessary 
conditions of the whole action, but they are not in any full sense 
its cause. They enable the action to be carried out, and they limit 
at the same time the possibilities of the action. . . Putting the 
matter in another way, a knowledge of the nature of muscular and 
nervous action would not enable us fully to interpret behaviour. 8 

We distinguished in general the modes of action of higher and 

lower unities from the mode of action of the organism as a 

whole down to the modes of action of those parts of the cell which, 

like the chromosomes, show a certain measure of independence and 

i . The term ' regnancy ' was suggested to me by Mrs. Eleanor C.Jones. 

2. Child,C.M. Senescence and Rejuvenescence ', Chicago.igis. 

3. Russell,E.S. The Interpretation of Development and Heredity, Oxford '.1930, 
p. 1 86. 


individuality. We came to the conclusion that the modes of action 
of the subordinate unities condition, both in a positive and a nega- 
tive sense, the modes of action of the higher unities. Being inte- 
grated into the activity of the whole they render possible the vital 
manifestation of these activities by imposing on them a particular 
form. 1 

Occurrences in the external world or in the body that have 
no effect upon regnancies do not fall within the proper do- 
main of psychology. 

1 8. Regnant processes are, without doubt, mutually dependent. 
A change in one function changes all the others and these, 
in turn, modify the first. Hence, events must be interpreted 
in terms of the many interacting forces and their relations, 
not ascribed to single causes. And since the parts of a person 
cannot be dissected physically from each other, and since they 
act together, ideally they should all be estimated simultane- 
ously. This, unfortunately, is not at present possible. Much of 
what has been discovered by other methods at other times 
has to be inferred. 

19. According to one version of the double aspect theory 
seemingly the most fruitful working hypothesis for a psycholo- 
gist the constituents of regnancies in man are capable of 
achieving consciousness ( self-consciousness ) though not all 
of them at once. The amount of introspective self-conscious- 
ness is a function of age, emotional state, attitude, type of 
personality, and so forth. Since through speech a person may 
learn to describe and communicate his impression of mental 
occurrences ( the subjective aspect of regnant events ) he can, 
if he wishes, impart considerable information about the proc- 
esses which the psychologist attempts to conceptualize. 

20. During a single moment only some of the regnant processes 
have the attribute of consciousness. Hence, to explain fully 
a conscious event as well as a behavioural event the psycholo- 
gist must take account of more variables than were present 

i. Russell,K.S. The Interpretation of Development and Heredity, Oxford 11930, 
p. 2 80. 


in consciousness at the time. Consequently, looking at the 
matter from the viewpoint of introspective awareness, it is 
necessary to postulate unconscious regnant processes. An un- 
conscious process is something that must be conceptualized as 
regnant even though the S * is unable to report its occurrence. 

21. It seems that it is more convenient at present in formulating 
regnant processes to use a terminology derived from subjective 
experience. None of the available physico-chemical concepts 
are adequate. It should be understood, however, that every 
psychological term refers to some hypothetical, though hardly 
imaginable, physical variable, or to some combination of such 
variables. Perhaps some day the physiologists will discover the 
physical nature of regnant processes and the proper way to 
conceptualize them ; but this achievement is not something 
to be expected in the near future since an adequate formula- 
tion must include all major subjective experiences : expecta- 
tions, intentions, creative thought and so forth. Tolman, 2 
however, has already shown that many of the necessary vari- 
ables can be operationally defined in terms of overt behavioural 

It is not only more convenient and fruitful at present to use 
subjective terminology ( perception, apperception, imagina- 
tion, emotion, affection, intellection, conation ), but even if in 
the future it becomes expedient for science to use another con- 
sonant terminology it will not be possible to dispense with 
terms that have subjective significance ; for these constitute 
data of primary importance to most human beings. The need 
to describe and explain varieties of inner experience decided 
the original, and, I predict, will establish the final orientation 
of psychology. 

22. One may suppose that regnancies vary in respect to the 
number, relevance and organization of the processes involved, 
and that, as Janet supposes, a certain amount of integrative 

1. Throughout this book 'S* will be used to stand for 'subject* ( the organism 
of our concern ) and ' E ' will signify ' experimenter ' ( physician or observer ). 

2. Tolman.E.C. Purposive Behaviour in Animals and Men, New York,i932. 


energy or force is required to unify the different parts. Reg- 
nancies become disjunctive in fatigue, reverie and sleep, as 
well as during conflict, violent emotion and insanity. The 
chief indices of differentiated conjunctive regnancies are these : 
alertness, nicety of perceptual and apperceptual discrimina- 
tion, long endurance of a trend of complex action, increasingly 
effective changes of actone, rapidity of learning, coherence, 
relevance and concentration of thought, absence of conflict, 
introspective awareness and self-criticism. 

23. Because of the position of regnancies at the summit of the 
hierarchy of controlling centres in the body, and because of 
certain institutions established in the brain which influence 
the regnancies, the latter ( constituting as they do the per- 
sonality ) must be distinguished from the rest of the body. The 
rest of the body is as much outside the personality as the 
environment is outside personality. Thus, we may study the 
effects of illness, drugs, endocrine activity and other somatic 
changes upon the personality in the same fashion as we study 
the changes produced by hot climate, strict discipline or war- 
fare. In this sense, regnant processes stand between an inner 
a nd an gjiJtojyjLrkL- , 

24. There is continuous interaction between regnancies and other 
processes in the body. For the chemical constitution of the 
blood and lymph, as well as a great variety of centripetal 
nervous impulses originating in the viscera, have a marked 
effect on personality. Indeed, they may change it almost com- 
pletely. The personality, in turn, can affect the body by ex- 
citing or inhibiting skeletal muscles, or through the power 
of evoked traces ( images ) can excite the autonomic nervous 
system and thereby modify the physiology of organs (cf. 
autonomic neuroses). The personality can also vary the diet 
it gives the body, it can train it to stand long periods of in- 
tense exercise, drive it to a point of utter exhaustion, indulge 
it with ease and allow it to accumulate pounds of fat, poison 
it with drugs, bring it in contact with virulent bacteria, in- 
hibit many of its cravings, mortify it or destroy it by suicide. 


The relations between a personality and its body are matters 
of importance to a dynamicist. 

25. Time-binding. Man is a * time-binding ' * organism ; which 
is a way of saying that, by conserving some of the past and 
anticipating some of the future, a human being can, to a sig- 
nificant degree, make his behaviour accord with events that 
have happened as well as those that are to come. Man is not 
a mere creature of the moment, at the beck and call of any 
stimulus or drive. What he does is related not only to the 
settled past but also to shadowy preconceptions of what lies 
ahead. Years in advance he makes preparations to observe an 
eclipse of the sun from a distant island in the South Pacific 
and, lo, when the moment comes he is there to record the 
event. With the same confidence another man prepares to 
meet his god. Man lives in an inner world of expected press 
(pessimistic or optimistic), and the psychologist must take 
cognizance of them if he wishes to understand his conduct 
or his moods, his buoyancies, disappointments, resignations. 
Time-binding makes for continuity of purpose. 

Here we may stop in order to consider in some detail three 
crucial theories : the theory of unconscious processes, the the- 
ory of needs, and the theory of press. 


WE have adopted the version of the double-aspect hypothesis 
which states that every conscious process is the subjective aspect 
of some regnant brain process, but that not every regnant process 
has a conscious correlate. 3 It appears, indeed, that to explain any 
conscious event, as well as to explain any behavioural event, one 
must take account of more variables than those which are at the 
moment present in consciousness. 'Regarded as events/ Kohler 

1. Korzybski, Alfred. Manhood of Humanity. New York, 1921. 

2. Much of what is contained in the following exposition is quoted ( by permission 
of the editor, Dr. Carl Murchison ) from an article by the author which appeared 
in The Journal of General Psychology, 1936, 75, 241-268. 

3. The theory is impartial on the question of whether every process has a ' psychic ' 
correlate or pole ( according to some metaphysical definition of ' psychic ' ). 


points out, ' the facts and sequences of our direct experience do 
not, taken by themselves, represent complete wholes. They are 
merely parts of larger functional contexts.' 1 The following ex- 
amples, some of which are taken from Kohler, support this 

1. The perception of the * Dipper ' is an immediate experience 
in which the form is given as-a-whole. The stars are not organ- 
ized into this common shape by a conscious process. The form 
comes to us ' ready-made.' Presumably there have been previous 
impressions of actual dippers which have left traces in the 
brain, and in the present act of perception some interaction 
between the memory image of a dipper and the impression 
from the heavens occurred. But this memory image is not in 

2. In the recognition of a person whom we have met once and 
not seen for a long time we are frequently conscious of the 
interaction between the memory image and the present im- 
pression. But later, after frequent encounters, immediate recog- 
nition occurs. On such occasions, though the memory image is 
not in consciousness, to explain the recognition we must sup- 
pose that it is still functioning. 

3. When of an evening I am conversing with a friend, I am re- 
acting from moment to moment on the basis of a great many 
realizations and suppositions which are not in consciousness. 
For instance, that the floor stretches out behind me I should 
be anxious if there were a yawning chasm behind my chair , 
that I will be free to leave at a certain hour, and so forth. 
Such assumptions, though not conscious, are providing a 
time-space frame for conscious events and hence are determin- 
ing their course. 

4. One may pass a man in the street and immediately think : 
' he appears anxious, as if he were about to face some ordeal.' 
The conscious perception of the man's face as a physical 
schema, however, may have been so indefinite that one is 

i. Kohler, W. 'The new psychology and physics/ Yale Revifw.ig^Q.ig, 560-576. 


utterly unable to describe the features which contributed to 
the apperception of his inner state. 

5. When one is learning to drive an automobile, one is, at first, 
aware of every accessory intention and subsequent motor move- 
ment, but later, when proficiency has been attained, the de- 
tails of the activity are seldom in consciousness, We must sup- 
pose, nevertheless, that ordered activations are occurring ac 
the motor pole of successive regnancies. 

6. Absent-minded acts which involve movements of the body 
as a whole are performed without awareness of intentions 
similar to those which usually precede such actions. 

7. When, let us say, a man is building a house he is usually con- 
scious from moment to moment of his intention to realize a 
particular subsidiary effect. Though the idea of the major effect 
the image of the completely constructed building is not in 
consciousness, it must be active, since each conscious conation 
and movement is so clearly subservient to it. 

8. Unconscious influence is clearly manifested by the operation 
of a mental * set ' or * determining tendency ' ( ex : fixed in- 
tellectual viewpoint). 

The firm determination to submit to experiment is not enough ; 
there are still dangerous hypotheses ; first, and above all, those 
which are tacit and unconscious. Since we make them without 
knowing it, we are powerless to abandon them. ( H. Poincare ) 1 

These examples point to the fact that the extent of regnancies 
is greater than the extent of consciousness. It is as if conscious- 
ness were illumined regions of regnancies ; as if a spotlight of 
varying dimensions moved about the brain, revealing first one 
and then another sector of successive, functionally-related mental 
events. The examples demonstrate, furthermore, that, since a 
conscious experience depends upon interrelated, extra-conscious 
variables, it can be understood only when it is viewed as part 
of the larger whole. Thus, to explain a conscious event, as well as 

i. Quoted from Korzybski, A. Science and Sanity \ Lancaster, Penn.i933,p.i. 


to explain a behavioural event, all the major variables of a reg- 
nancy must be known. According to this conception, then, the 
goal of the introspectionists and the goal of the behaviourists be- 
come the same : to determine the constitution of significant 
regnancies. To agree about this matter, however, the introspec- 
tionists must accept the theory of unconscious regnant processes, 
and the behaviourists must attempt as physicists, chemists, and 
biologists have attempted to conceptualize the phenomena 
which underlie appearances. 

In the examples cited above none of the variables operating 
unconsciously were considered to be enduringly inaccessible to 
consciousness. The very next moment the S might have become 
aware of one or more of them. There are other unconscious proc- 
esses, however, processes with which psycho-analysis is pre- 
occupied which seem to be debarred from consciousness. They 
are inhibited or repressed, according to theory, because they are 
unacceptable to the conscious self ( Ego ) . Also there may be a 
vast number of potential tendencies some of them, as Jung has 
suggested, vestiges of earlier racial life which seldom, or never, 
find their way into consciousness because they lack the requisite 
verbal symbols. Some of these tendencies are exhibited distortedly 
in insanity. Thus, on the * deepest level ' we must consider traces 
of the racial past and the early infantile past which lack adequate 
verbal associations ( the ' unverbalized,' as Watson would say ) . 
Then, on a * higher level/ we have the inhibited, once verbalized 
tendencies, many of which are infantile. Finally, we have proc- 
esses that * pass/ as it were, in and out of consciousness ; as well 
as those that have become mechanized ( habits and automatisms ) 
which can, but rarely do, enter consciousness. 

If it is agreed that subjective terminology should be used to 
stand for regnant processes, and if it is agreed that all conscious 
processes are regnant but not all regnant processes are conscious, 
then, just at this point a much debated question presents itself : 
if at one moment a variable let us say the trace of a perception 
of food ( unconditioned stimulus ) is conscious ( as an image 
of food) and therefore regnant, and at another moment it is 


unconscious though still regnant because it causes salivation 
what term shall we apply to it at the second of these two moments ? 
There are some men who have argued that the word * image' 
as well as every other consciously derived variable applies to an 
element in consciousness, and that to use the term for something 
that is unconscious is to commit a logical fallacy. To designate 
an unconscious process these thinkers favour the use of a term 
which refers to a physical entity in the brain. I find it impossible 
to agree with this conclusion because we do not require two 
terms to designate the same process, and it is particularly con- 
fusing if one of the terms is of introspective and the other of 
extrospective origin. Having chosen the vocabulary of conscious 
processes we should adhere to it, and not be embarrassed if this 
practice leads to what sounds like verbal nonsense ( * unconscious 
conscious processes'). Figures of speech are sometimes useful 
and in this case are no more metaphorical or absurd than are 
terms derived from physics when applied to conscious processes. 

Since any concepts which can be developed to describe un- 
conscious regnant processes must necessarily be hypothetical ( con- 
venient fictions), it is scientifically permissible to imagine such 
processes as having the properties of conscious processes if, by 
so doing, we provide the most reasonable interpretation of the 
observed facts. That the theory of unconscious psychic processes 
has great resolving power becomes apparent when one applies it 
to the heretofore mysterious phenomena of psychopathology. 

It is possible to define regnant processes, as Tolman and 
MacCurdy have shown, on the basis of objective data alone. Thus, 
such symbols as * perception/ * image,' * conation ' may be used to 
refer to hypothetical physical processes the nature of which may 
or may not be known and, if there is sufficient objective evi- 
dence, they may be used whether or not the processes for which 
they stand are accompanied by consciousness. MacCurdy 1 uses 
the term ' image,' or * imaginal process,' in this way. His defini- 
tion is as follows : 

i. MacCurdyJ.T. Common Principles in Psychology and Physiology, LondonrigiS, 
p.i 4 . 


An imaginal process, from the standpoint of an objective observer, is 
some kind of a reproduction of a specific bit of past sensory experience, 
which is inferred to exist from the presence of a reaction for which the 
specific experience would be the appropriate stimulus this reaction not 
being completely accounted for by any demonstrable environmental 


A NEED is a hypothetical process the occurrence of which is imag- 
ined in order to account for certain objective and subjective 
facts. To arrive at this concept it seems better to begin with ob- 
jective behavioural facts, for by so doing we align ourselves with 
scientists in other fields, and, what is more, shall be on firmer 
ground for it is easier to agree about objective facts than about 
subjective facts. 

In starting with a consideration of behaviour we suppose that 
we are focussing upon one of the most significant aspects of the 
organism, and hence of the personality. For upon behaviour and 
its results depends everything which is generally regarded as 
important : physical well-being and survival, development and 
achievement, happiness and the perpetuation of the species. We 
are not interested in overt behaviour to the exclusion of other 
aspects : inner conflicts, feelings, emotions, sentiments, fantasies 
and beliefs. But, in accord with many psychologists, we believe 
that it is best to start with behaviour. And, since here it is my 
aim to describe behaviour rather than the external factors which 
determine it, I shall, for the present, have little to say about the 
nature of the environment. 

We must begin by limiting ourselves to a definite temporal unit 
a temporal unit which holds together psychologically and is 
marked of! by a more or less clear-cut beginning and ending. For 
such a behavioural event the following formula is as simple and 
convenient as any : 

B.S. -> A -> E.S. 

i . Here, by permission of the editor, Dr. Carl Murchison, I shall quote freely from 
an article of mine appearing in 'the Journal of Psychology,ig$6,3, 27-42. 


where 8.S. stands for the conditions that exist at the initiation 
of activity ; E.S. for the conditions that exist at the cessation of 
activity ; and A for the action patterns, motor or verbal, of 
the organism. The difference between B.S. and E.S. ( what might 
be called the B-E form of the behavioural event ) describes the 
effect which has been produced by the action patterns. 

No matter how a behavioural event is analysed, whether it is 
taken as a whole ( molar description ), or whether it is analysed 
into parts (molecular description), the action patterns (bodily 
movements of the organism) and the B-E form (effect pro- 
duced ) can be distinguished. One may always ask, * What is 
done ? * ( i.e., * What effect is produced ? ' ) and c How is it 
done ? * ( i.e., * What means are used ? ' ). These two objectively 
apparent aspects of a behavioural event, though always intimately 
connected, can and should be clearly differentiated. For instance : 

B.S. - A -> E.S. 

Food placed before a Crying, followed by Food in the 

(1) child with an empty swallowing of food stomach 
stomach that is offered by 


Food placed before a Eating with a knife Food in the 

(2) child with an empty and fork stomach 

It should be noted that the B-E forms in the two events are 
similar, but the action patterns are different. 

Though the introduction of new terms is sometimes confusing 
and should be avoided if possible, I require, at this point, a single 
term which will refer only to bodily movements as such ( the 
mechanisms, means, ways, modes ) and not at all to the effects 
of such movements. The word ' action ' cannot be used because 
it is commonly employed to describe both the movements and 
the effect of the movements. Hoping, then, for the reader's tol- 
erance, I shall introduce the term actone to stand for any action 


pattern qua action pattern. And, since action patterns are mostly 
of two sorts, I shall divide actones into : motones ( muscular- 
motor action patterns ) and verbones ( verbal action patterns ) . 

A motone is a temporal series of more or less organized muscu- 
lar contractions and a verbone is a temporal series of more or 
less organized words or written symbols. The verbone is con- 
stituted by the actual words used. The intended or actual effect 
of a verbone is something quite different. 

Now, since the first systematic step in the construction of any 
science is that of classification, we, as students of behaviour, 
must find proper criteria for distinguishing one form of conduct 
from another. The problem arises, shall we classify in terms of 
actones or in terms of effects ? We may, of course, and shall 
eventually, classify according to both criteria, but the question 
is, which method is the more profitable for scientific purposes ? 
We can predict that the two classifications will not correspond. 
According to one method we shall find in each category a num- 
ber of similar actones, and according to the other method we 
shall find in each category a number of similar effects. Since 
it is obvious that similar actones putting food in the mouth 
and putting poison in the mouth may have different effects, 
and different actones putting poison in the mouth and pulling 
the trigger of a revolver may have similar effects, the aspects 
of conduct that are described when we classify in terms of actones 
are different from those described when we classify in terms of 

Practical experience has led me to believe that of the two the 
classification in terms of effects organizes for our understanding 
something that is more fundamental than what is organized by 
the classification in terms of actones. Without minimizing the 
great significance of the latter, I should like briefly to enumerate 
the reasons for this opinion. 

i. Physical survival depends upon the attainment of certain 
effects ; not upon what actones are employed. 

If oxygen, water and nutriment are not assimilated or if injurious sub- 
stances are not avoided, the organism will die. 


2. Certain effects are universally attained by living organisms, 
but the actones that attain them vary greatly from one species 
to another. 

Some organisms kill their prey with teeth and claws, others by inject- 
ing venom. 

3. During the life history of a single individual certain effects 
are regularly attained, but the actones change. 

The embryo assimilates food through the umbilical vessels, the infant 
sudcs it from the tendered breast of the mother, the child eats with a 
spoon what is put before him, and the adult has to work, or steal, to get 
money to buy food. 

4. According to the Law of Effect, which is widely accepted in 
one or another of its modifications, the actones which become 
habitual are for the most part those which, in the past, have led 
most directly to Satisfying' end situations. Hence, effects de- 
termine what actones become established. 

5. When confronted by a novel situation, an organism com- 
monly persists in its * efforts * to bring about a certain result, but 
with each frustration it is apt to change its mode of attack. Here, 
the trend is the constant feature and the mechanism is inconstant. 

6. There are some effects which can only be attained by en- 
tirely novel actones. 

As a rule, laughter in others is only evoked by a new joke. 

7. That actones are of secondary importance is shown by the 
fact that many biologically necessary effects may be brought about 
by the activity of another person. 

The essential wants of a sick or paralysed child may be supplied by its 

We may see, I think, from this brief list of observations that 
certain effects are more fundamental to life and occur more 
regularly than any observed action patterns. This agrees with 
Skinner's conclusions. The latter found in his experiments with 
rats that if one takes a particular effect the depression of a 


lever as the criterion for the rate of responding, one gets 
quantitatively lawful results ; whereas if one takes a particular 
actone for instance, the movement of the rat's right paw ( on 
the lever ) one gets irregular and inconsistent results. In other 
words, the rat may use one of a number of different movements 
to depress the lever. The movements, Skinner concludes, are ' all 
equally elicitable by the stimulation arising from the lever, they 
are quantitatively mutually replaceable. The uniformity of the 
change in rate excludes any supposition that we are dealing with 
a group of separate reflexes, and forces the conclusion that " press- 
ing the lever " behaves experimentally as a unitary thing.' * 

In passing, it may be said that the 'depression of the lever J is what 
we should call a subsidiary effect ( sub-effect ) , since, according to the 
conditions of the experiment, it is an effect which must occur before 
the major effect 'getting food into the stomach* is accomplished. 

At this point a new concept should be introduced, for there 
are many acts which, because of some accident or because of the 
organism's lack of innate or acquired ability, never reach an end 
situation, that is, the total effect ( B-E form ) is never realized. 
In such cases, the direction of the movements is usually evident 
enough, or their preliminary results sufficient, to allow an experi- 
enced observer to predict with a reasonable degree of accuracy 
what total effect is being promoted. Such a succession of minor, 
subsidiary effects ( sub-effects ) may be called a trend. Thus, a 
trend describes the direction of movements away from the B.S. 
movements which, if unembarrassed, would reach a certain kind 
of E.S. By the use of this concept we may include for classification 
actions which, though incomplete, manifest a tendency to achieve 
a certain end. 

* Trend* should be a satisfactory term for psychologists who 
admit the directional character of behaviour but do not wish 
to employ a concept that points to something * behind ' the tangible 

i. Skinner, B.F. The generic nature of the concepts of stimulus and response. 
y. Gen. Psychol.,1935,12, 40-65. 


Now, let us assume that the actual business of classifying in 
terms of B-E forms has been accomplished. In this classification 
each category ( B-E form ) is merely a phenomenal concept, 
since it is no more than a general description of a trend exhibited 
by organisms. In other words, it is merely a collective term for 
a certain class of occurrences. If we were radical positivists, or 
if we were primarily concerned with environmental changes, 
we might stop here. But we are not, and so we ask ourselves : 
what process or force within the organism brings about the ob- 
served effects ? We say force because, according to physical the- 
ory, all manifest effects of any kind are due to energy over- 
coming resistance, i.e., force. For the physicist force has now 
become a measurement of motion, a mere symbol in an equa- 
tion ; but for generations the notion of force as a propelling ac- 
tivity was indispensable to the physicist and, in my opinion, it 
will be indispensable ( i.e., a convenient fiction ) to the psycholo- 
gist for a long time to come. If the psychologist could deal di- 
rectly with the brain and measure a drive process ( such as I 
am now conceptualizing), then, perhaps, its force might be 
defined in terms of pointer readings ; but, unlike the physicist, 
the psychologist must infer intensities in the brain on the basis 
of productions that have no meaningful physical dimensions. 
For example, one psychological index of the degree of a person's 
passion is the word that he uses to express it. Take * like,' ' love,' 
'adore.' Such a gradation is not representable in physical units. 

Here we have to do with nervous energy or force, of which we 
know little, and, therefore, when we use this term in psychology 
we are referring to something which is analogous to, but not the 
same as, physical force. We need such a term for it is impossible 
to construct a dynamical theory without it. We are able to measure 
differences in the intensity and duration of directed activity. To 
what may such differences be referred if not to differences in the 
force of an organic drive ? Furthermore, as Lewin has pointed 
out, the notions of organization and equilibrium necessitate a 
concept of force. It is always a matter of balance, economy or 
least action of energy. A number of other considerations favour- 


able to this hypothesis will be advanced latei. Are there any ade- 
quate reasons for hesitating to do what physical scientists have 
consistently done before us : conceptualize processes ' behind ' 
appearances ? 

Now, to explain the observed phenomena the realization of 
a certain effect what attributes must be possessed by an organic 
force ? Let us see. It must be something : ( a ) that is engendered 
by a certain kind of B.S. ; (b) that tends to induce activity, 
activity which, at first, may be restless and random, but, later, 
becomes effectively organized ; and ( c ) that tends to persist until 
a situation ( E.S. ) is reached which contrasts with the B.S. in 
certain specific respects. The E.S. stills the force which the B.S. 
incites. Thus, the force tends, by producing a certain trend, to 
bring about its own resolution. 

On the basis of this characterization we have constructed a hypo- 
thetical entity which has been termed a need (or drive). Each 
need has ( a ) a typical directional or qualitative aspect, ( B-E ) 
form, which differentiates it from other needs, as well as ( b ) an 
energic or quantitative aspect, which may be estimated in a variety 
of ways . Thus, the first and best criterion for distinguishing a cer- 
tain need is the production by the subject of a certain effect, or, if 
not this, the occurrence of a certain trend. 

Between what we can directly observe the stimulus and the result- 
ing action a need is an invisible link, which may be imagined to have 
the properties that an understanding of the observed phenomena demand. 
* Need ' is, therefore, a hypothetical concept. 

Strictly speaking, a need is the immediate outcome of certain 
internal and external occurrences. It comes into being, endures for 
a moment and perishes. It is not a static entity. It is a resultant 
of forces. One need succeeds another. Though each is unique, 
observation teaches that there are similarities among them, and 
on the basis of this, needs may be grouped together into classes ; 
each class being, as it were, a single major need. Thus, we may 
speak of similar needs as being different exhibitions of one need 9 
just as when we recognize a friend we do not hesitate to call him 


by name though he is different from the person with whom we 
conversed yesterday. Between the different appearances of a cer- 
tain kind of need there may be nothing to suggest it, but everyday 
experience and experiment show that if the proper conditions 
are provided the need ( i.e., another manifestation of the same 
kind of need ) will be activated. Thus, we may loosely use the 
term ' need ' to refer to an organic potentiality or readiness to 
respond in a certain way under given conditions. In this sense 
a need is a latent attribute of an organism. More strictly, it 
is a noun which stands for the fact that a certain trend is apt to 
recur. We have not found that any confusion arises when we use 
* need ' at one time to refer to a temporary happening and at 
another to refer to a more or less consistent trait of personality. 

With successive activations each need tends to become more 
fixedly associated with the actones which have successfully led to 
end situations ; or, in other words, stereotypes of response com- 
monly become established ( mechanization of behaviour ). When 
this occurs * habit pattern ' may to some extent replace ' need ' as 
an explanatory concept ( cf. Woodworth 1 ) . 

The seven points which were listed to demonstrate the im- 
portance of trends and effects are equally favourable to the con- 
cept of need, since a need is, by definition, the force within the 
organism which determines a certain trend or major effect. There 
are sixteen additional arguments m favour of needs which may 
now be set down. 

8. An enduring directional tendency ( disequilibrium ) within 
the organism accounts for the persistence of a trend ( furthered 
by a great variety of actones ) towards a certain general effect. In 
some cases no single action pattern endures or recurs ; but some- 
thing else ( some intra-organic factor such as anoxemia or de- 
hydration ) must endure or recur because the trend endures or 
recurs. Difficult to interpret without a concept of directional ten- 
sion are the following : the resumption of unpleasant work after 
interruption and the increase of striving in the face of opposition. 

9. Complex action is characterized by the occurrence of mus- 

i. Woodworth.R.S. Dynamic Psychology, New York, 191 8. 


cular contractions in widely separate parts of the organism 
contractions which manifest synchronous and consecutive co- 
ordination. Such organizations of movement must be partially 
determined by a directional process which is just what a need, 
by definition, is. Furthermore, the directional process must occur 
in some central area of communication in this instance, nervous 
communication. Thus, the need process must be placed in the 
brain, for this is the only area to and from which all nerves lead. 
It is even conceivable that some day there may be instruments for 
measuring need tension directly. 

10. The concept of a directional force within the organism is 
something to which one may refer differences in the intensity and 
duration of goal-directed behaviour. The strength of the action 
cannot be ascribed to the actones per se, since these may, and com- 
monly do, vary from moment to moment. Not infrequently, for 
instance, it seems that the intensity of directional activity is 
maximal at the very time when one actone is being replaced by 
another (ex : violent trial and error movements). 

n. An investigator may often interrupt the action pattern of 
his subject by bringing about the appropriate effect ( the ' goal ' 
of the subject ) himself. This may be termed a gratuity, or gra- 
tuitous end situation. According to the need theory this should 
relieve the need tension and, as it usually does, stop the action. 
But if the actone itself were the dynamic factor, the presentation 
of the E.S. would not interrupt it. The actone would continue to 
its completion. 

12. That a need is an important determinant of certain kinds of 
behaviour is shown by the fact that when it is neither active nor 
in a state of readiness responses to specific stimuli do not occur. 

( a ) Animals recently fed do not commonly respond to food. ( b ) Fe- 
male guinea pigs exhibit the copulatory reflex only during oestrous. 

13. When' a particular need is active, common objects in the 
environment may evoke uncommon responses responses how- 
ever which promote the progress of the active need. Thus, the 
usual s-r ( stimulus-response ) connection may not be exhibited. 


When a boy, who is quarrelling with a playmate, sees an apple, he may 
not respond, as he usually does, by eating it, but, instead, may throw it at 
his antagonist. 

It seems highly probable that many of the s-r connections 
which are considered stable by experimenters are stable only under 
the conditions of their experiments, that is, when the same need 
usually hunger is active in the organism. 

14. When a need becomes active a characteristic trend of be- 
haviour will usually ensue even in the absence of the customary 

An animal will explore for food, and a man will search for a sex object. 

15. Positivists are usually disinclined to accept the concept of 
drive, because they cannot, as it were, get their hands on it. It 
seems like a vague, airy conception perhaps a disguised emis- 
sary of theology and metaphysics. That some day definite sources 
of the drives may be discovered is suggested by certain recent 
findings, and these constitute another argument in favour of the 

( a ) The recent researches of Riddle J indicate that prolactin, a pitui- 
tary hormone, is responsible for the nurturing, or parental activity of 
rats. ( b ) The findings of Young 2 show that two secretions, the luteiniz- 
ing hormone from the pituitary and progesterol from the ovary, bring on 
oestrous in guinea pigs. 

A hormone may be the generator of a drive, but it cannot be 
the drive itself. A chemical substance, is one thing, the excitation 
which it sets up in the brain is another. 

Up to this point the evidence in support of the concept of in- 
ternal driving forces has been derived from extrospection. I have 
presented only external public and objective facts. I shall now, 
without shame, turn to the testimony offered by internal, private 
or subjective facts, including a few additional objective facts for 
full measure. 

1 . Riddlc.O., Lahr,E.L., & Batcs,R.W. ' Maternal behavior induced in rats by pro- 
lactin.' Proc. Soc. Exper. Bio/., New York,i 935,^2, 73-734- 

2. Young,W.C. Paper presented at the Harvard Psychological Colloquium, April 
22, 1936, ' The hormonal production of sexual receptivity in the guinea pig.' 


16. Introspection has given us a good deal of information about 
the subjective entities that are necessary for the formulation of 
mental, and, hence, we must suppose, of cerebral events. If the 
double aspect theory is correct, every subjective entity must have 
a physical correlate. Consequently, we should expect to find a 
cortical or sub-cortical process co-existing with the experience of 
desiring (volition, conation, etc.). 'Wishing for something' or 
* the desire to do something ' may be as actual and definite as the 
fact that one * sees a tree out there/ Since a need, as defined, closely 
resembles in all its relations the inner feeling of tension which 
seems to impel us to strive for a certain goal, we may tentatively 
suppose that a need is an electro-chemical process of some sort 
which is inwardly felt as the force of desire. 

The subjective experience of desiring, intending, or planning usually 
precedes the experience of striving. It is, therefore, prc-motor, just as a 
need, by definition, is pre-motor. 

Since a need is commonly aroused by certain afferent processes, and 
since it may justly be considered the physical correlate of the force of 
desire, and since, finally, as we shall see, it directly affects perception and 
thought, we may tentatively suppose that it is located in the brain, * be- 
tween J the sensory and motor areas. It is, let us say, a directional tension 
( one might almost say a facilitation ) which is the resultant of certain 
electrical or chemical processes originating in other, more or less specific 
parts of the body. This, of course, is highly speculative. 

If we assume, then, that desire and drive are two aspects of the 
same thing, we may use introspection to reveal to us some of the 
possible internal relations of drives. For instance, it is reasonable 
to suppose, as objective researches and introspection suggest, that 
every need is associated with traces (or images) representing 
movements, agencies, pathways, and goal objects, which, taken 
together, constitute a dynamic whole, need integrate. This need 
integrate may exhibit itself as a fantasy which depicts a possible 
and perhaps expected course of events. It seems reasonable to 
think of a drive as a force in the brain exciting a flow of images 
images which refer, for the most part, to objects once per- 
ceived in conjunction with the activity of that drive. 


With this in mind, we may consider a number of other facts, 
mostly subjective, which seem to call for such a concept of direc- 
tional tensions in the brain region. 

17. Among the commonest subjective experiences is that of 
conflict between desires, and that of having one desire inhibit 
another. If psychology limits itself to concepts which refer only to 
external movements, there will be no way of formulating im- 
portant psychological events of this sort. 

1 8. Although many psychologists may describe events without 
explicit mention of affection ( pleasure or unpleasure ) they are 
unable to get along without this variable when they have to deal 
practically with themselves or with others. This is not the time to 
discuss psychological hedonism, but at least, I may say, what most 
people, I think, would agree to, namely, that pleasure is closely 
associated with a successful trend : the moving towards and final 
achievement of a major effect. It is less closely associated with 
activity qua activity movements, let us say, which achieve noth- 
ing. Furthermore, introspection seems to reveal that a need does 
not cease ( is not * satisfied ' ) until pleasure is experienced. In 
fact, it often happens that we do not properly distinguish a need 
until an object that brings pleasure informs us of what it was we 
wanted. The point that I am making here is this : that because 
of its close connection with happiness and distress, a need is more 
' important ' than an action pattern. 

19. Experience seems to show that a certain desire may some- 
times give rise to a dream or fantasy and at other times promote 
overt activity. Without the concept of an underlying drive one 
could not adequately represent the obvious relationship between 
fantasy and behaviour. 

There is a good deal of evidence to support the view that under cer- 
tain conditions fantasy may partially relieve the tension of a need ; that 
is, it may be the equivalent of overt action. 

20. Introspection and experiment demonstrate that a need or 
an emotion may determine the direction of attention and 
markedly influence the perception and apperception ( interpre- 


tation ) of external occurrences. To influence sensory and cogni- 
tive processes a need must be some force in the brain region. 

( a ) San ford 1 has shown that hunger will influence a child's comple- 
tion of unfinished pictures, (b) Murray 2 has shown that fear will 
change a child's interpretation of photographs. 

21. Everyday experience informs us that sentiments and theories 
are to a varying extent determined by desires. A man likes and 
tries to prove ( by rationalizations ) the value of what he wants. 
He also ' projects ' his own needs into his psychological theories. 

Every impulse is a tyrant and as such attempts to philosophize. 
( Nietzsche ) 

Metaphysics is the finding of bad reasons for what we believe on 
instinct. ( F. H. Bradley ) 

22. Introspection and clinical observation reveal that different 
desires ( or trends ) may be related in a variety of ways : one form 
of behaviour may satisfy two or more desires, a desire may inhibit 
another, one trend may serve finally to promote another, a trend 
may be succeeded by its opposite, etc. Such relationships cannot be 
formulated without a concept of different directional processes 
interacting in one region of the body, the brain. 

23. Without a concept of motivating forces most of the phe- 
nomena of abnormal psychology would be wholly unintelligible. 
This applies to compulsion, conflict, repression, conversion, dis- 
placement, sublimation, delusion and so forth. And without such 
a concept a therapist would be literally tongue-tied. He could com- 
municate neither with his patients nor with his colleagues. 

When we consider that no therapist or, indeed, anyone who has to 
deal in a practical way with human beings, can get along without some 
notion of motivational force ( instinct, purpose, aim, intention, need, 
drive, impulse, urge, attitude, inclination, wish, desire, or what not), 
the suspicion naturally arises that those who entertain a prejudice against 
such a concept do so on metaphysical or c religious ' grounds. 

1 . Sanford,R.N. ' The effects of abstinence from food upon imaginal processes : A 
preliminary experiment.' J. Psychol., 1936,2, 129-136. 

2. Murray,H.A. ' The effect of fear upon estimates of the maliciousness of other 
personalities.' J: Soc. PjyrAo/., 1933,4, 310-339. 


Need as a Dynamic Concept 

In so far as a need is defined as a disequilibrium which stresses 
toward equilibrium, it falls into the category of finalistic concepts, 
of which the Second Law of Thermodynamics is typical. The 
latter has been stated as follows : * In all processes with which we 
are acquainted, every known form of energy at a high potential 
always tends to run down to energy at the lowest potential circunW 
stances will allow.' According to this principle, affairs tend to 
take a certain course. The need theory calls attention to a similar 
phenomenon observable in human behaviour. A trend is like a 
tropism, a movement away from or towards some source of stimu- 
lation, or, again, it is similar to the attraction and repulsion of 
chemical substances. 

Suppose that two hydrogen atoms are some distance apart with the total 
energy necessary to make a molecule. If they begin to move towards one 
another under some attractive influence which they exert we display no 
surprise. But they are moving towards a final end, which is an end, even 
though they arc of course unconscious of it ; and provided that nothing 
interferes they will reach one another, form a molecule, and the process 
will be consummated. The atoms move under an irresistible law of at- 
traction towards a final condition which is unavoidable unless outside in- 
fluences prevent it. The system of the two atoms develops necessarily 
towards a consummation, and the process has in this sense a ideological 
quality, though this need not mean that any god or man had consciously 
planned the end for these particular hydrogen atoms. 

Thus all heat processes tend towards an approximate uniformity of 
temperature, and chemical reactions also move towards a final condition. 1 

It seems peculiar that psychologists should make such obstinate 
attempts to evade the directional or finalistic aspect of living 
processes, in the name of science, when most sciences have re- 
corded and conceptualized such tendencies. Physiologists, for ex- 
ample, have always been guided by the notion of function. They 
have always asked themselves, 'What is the function of this 
process ? * and by * function ' they have meant ' survivalistic 

I. Whytc.L.L. Archimedes, or The Future of Physics, New York,i928. 


value.' Take homeostasis, for example. 1 The concept expresses 
the fact that the various activities of the body are organized in 
such a way as to maintain and, if it is disturbed, restore a steady 
state in the body. Homeostasis calls attention to the direction of 
co-ordinated physiological action. 

A need is clearly an emergence from the immediate past, or, 
as Schopenhauer would have it, ' a push from the rear/ rather 
than a * pull from the future.' The environment may, of course, be 
effective in arousing this ' push,' and to consciousness the field that 
lies before its vision or the imagery which seems to anticipate 
such a field commonly appears in the guise of a pull, positive in- 
centive, or attraction. We should say that the notion of an at- 
tracting or repelling object ( press ) is a necessary complement to 
the need concept ; also that some reference to a possible future 
is an intrinsic determinant of the moment. But the future does not 
exist. There is merely the present situation with a field extending 
before the subject either as meaningful, patterned percepts or 
meaningful, patterned images. The laying out of images ' ahead 
of time ' expresses that aspect of human experience which is desig- 
nated by the words c anticipation,' ' expectation,' * hope.' How- 
ever, the imaginal representation of the goal ( conscious purpose ) 
does not always occur. To put it metaphorically, a need may have 
no inkling of what it needs. It may be a blind impulse, but an im- 
pulse which does not as a rule completely subside until a situation 
of a certain kind has been arrived at. It is because of this that we 
speak of drive as a finalistic rather than a mechanistic concept. 
Those who use finalism in some other sense should not apply it 
to the need theory as here developed. This, of course, does not 
supersede the mechanistic account of things. For we must also 
lake cognizance of the stimulus-response sequences, the linked 
actones and agencies by means of which the closing situation is 
achieved and the tension lowered. 

I hesitate to use the term * mechanism ' for, as Whitehead has 
said, * nobody knows what mechanism is.' However, in modern 
psychology, * mechanism ' and * dynamism ' have been used as 

i. Cannon,W.B. The Wisdom of the Body, New York,i932. 


convenient labels for two contrasting points of view and I think 
it will not be confusing if I limit them to this application. The 
words are not important to us. It is the two seemingly opposite 
mental sets that are important. At one pole stands the psychologist 
who attempts to show that a human being behaves like a very 
complicated man-made machine, and at the other stands the 
psychologist who believes that human behaviour is determined 
by conscious purpose. My own position is that in some events it 
is mechanism and in others it is dynamism that prevails ( pro- 
viding that the dynamic factor is given a strictly present organic 
status [ex: an existing process in the brain]). In most be- 
havioural events both principles seem to be operating ( in dif- 
ferent proportions ) . I am presenting the facts that favour dynam- 
ism, because at present in America particularly mechanism 
as a general proposition requires no further demonstration. It 
enjoys a large prestige. It is almost synonymous with * righteous- 
ness ' and * purity/ It attracts all the young scientific climbers. Its 
facts are rather obvious. They are relatively clear and tangible. 
They have already been well presented. Everybody agrees up to 
a point. But dynamism, despite McDougall's able advocacy, 1 is 
still ' out of court.' It is * unscientific/ * mystical,' ' vague.' 

A machine gives an invariable response which may be pre- 
dicted by a study of the physical relations of its parts. With this 
in mind mechanistic psychologists have looked for actones which 
invariably followed specific stimuli (automatic reflexes). They 
have succeeded in finding a number of them ( ex : the knee jerk ) 
and in showing that they can be adequately explained by refer- 
ence to the passage of impulses over a certain circuit of nerve 
fibres. Thus, mechanistic principles apply to some actions. How- 
ever, it does not seem that they apply to others. There is adaptive 
behaviour, for example ; and even mechanistic psychologists use 
the term ' adaptation,' despite the fact that it stands for an activity 
which has characteristics opposite, to those of a reflex. Adaptive 

i. McDougall.W. Psychologies of 1925* Worcester, Mass.,i927 ; Psychologies of 
1925, Worcester, Mass., 1930 ; with WatsonJ.B. 'The Battle of Behaviourism, 
New York, 1929. 


behaviour is marked by a change of actones. What consistency 
there is in adaptive behaviour is found in the trend that follows 
a certain kind of stimulation and this, as we have suggested, must 
be attributed to some drive process in the brain. The introduction 
of this hypothetical factor disturbs the mechanists because they 
cannot find a corresponding ' something ' in the nervous system. 
But suppose it were a chemical substance (hormone) that is 
extrinsic to the nervous system ? It is interesting to note that 
mechanistic psychologists attempt to explain everything solely in 
terms of the cerebro-neuro-muscular ( somatic ) system. ( Hence 
they draw most of their analogies from physics.) They rarely 
mention the fluid conditions in the brain. Dynamicists, on the 
other hand, may go so far as to regard the exterofective nervous 
system as a mere instrument of the body ( torso ), an instrument 
that is used to organize the locomotions and manipulations which 
are necessary to bring about the effects that facilitate ( rather than 
obstruct ) the processes of life in the vital organs. The dynamicists 
get more instruction from chemistry than they do from nine- 
teenth-century physics. At this point I might suggest that the 
controversy could be described as one between * limb ' psychology 
( focussing on reflexes, motor coordination and behavioural in- 
telligence ) and ' torso ' psychology ( focussing on digestion, res- 
piration, endocrines, erogenous zones and reproduction ). 

The first distinguishing characteristic of dynamism, then, is 
this : an emphasis upon the lawful connection between a certain 
kind of stimulus (press) and a certain kind of trend (effect), 
rather than the connection between a stimulus and an actone. In 
order to make the record that he desires the mechanist must ob- 
serve the bodily movements and the dynamist must observe the 
situation which is changed by the bodily movements. For ex- 
ample, the pupillary reflex might be described as a 'movement 
of the iris ' ( mechanism ) or as a ' shutting out of light ' ( dynam- 
ism ). The same effect might have been accomplished by shield- 
ing the eyes with the hand. Dynamism's second distinguishing 
characteristic is the conceptualization of ( qualitatively and quan- 


titatively different) pre-motor excitations or forces, which are 
evoked by appropriate stimuli ( press ) and remain active until 
the situation is modified. The point is that they are not dis- 
charged by a bodily response as such. Thirdly, dynamism empha- 
sizes the relation of such forces to the well-being of the organism. 
It can be observed that a trend moves almost invariably towards 
supplying a lack, relieving a distension, or getting rid of an irri- 
tant. Thus, the final effect upon which everything depends is an 
occurrence inside the organism which can be described as the 
rectification of a disturbed vital function. For this reason it seems 
necessary to put the dynamic variable beneath the skin. Finally, 
dynamism is distinguished by its gross or molar descriptions of 
behaviour, some of which merely record the difference between 
the beginning and the end situation. A dynamicist might say, for 
example, * The man built a house,' without feeling that it was 
necessary to record the numberless bodily movements, tools, 
materials, and pathways that were employed in the construction. 
This point of view can be compared to that of thermodynamics. 

The characteristic feature of thermodynamics is that it permits us to 
deal with energy changes involved in a physical change of state, or in a 
chemical reaction, without in any way requiring information regarding 
the molecular mechanisms of the process under investigation. 1 

The dynamicist, of course, admits that there are innate reflexive 
patterns. But it is easier for him to see how these developed 
philogenetically ( as they do ontogenetically ) from trial and error 
adaptive movements and became fixed, than it is to see how fixed 
reflexes can, by mere combination, produce creatively effective 

Dynamicists can point to the fact that most reflexes are now 
adaptive or were once adaptive. Thus, even what appears now as 
mechanism was dynamism once. Reflexes that have no adaptive 
value are either mere reactivities to proximate blows ( ex : the 
tendon reflexes ) or vestigial remnants of past adaptations. Indi- 

i. Lewis, W.C.McC. A System of Physical Chemistry, London, 1920, p.i. 


vidual life is conditioned by a multitude of previous life cycles. 
Perhaps the elimination of a species in the evolutionary struggle 
is favoured by over-mechanization ( ' trained incapacity ' ). 

If the evidence advanced here is valid, the conclusion should 
be that mechanism and dynamism represent two complementary 
aspects of organic life. Certainly there is no dynamism without 
mechanism. Furthermore, there are, it seems, gradations between 
actions which are predominantly dynamic and those that are pre- 
dominantly mechanical. As an example of mechanical activity we 
may mention, besides simple reflexes : more complex chain re- 
flexes, automatisms and tics of various sorts, obsessional fixations to 
certain objects, stubborn and invariable habits, inflexible stereo- 
types of gesture and expression. We note that these forms of 
activity are more common during fatigue, periods of absent- 
mindedness and old age. We speak of a personality becoming 
mechanized or of a mind becoming ' ossified/ and we mean by 
this expression the disappearance of novelty, the decrease of 
adaptability and the loss of creativity. On the other hand, there 
are forms of behaviour which are far from being mechanical : 
the appearance of unique adaptations, intuition and insight into 
new relations, witty repartee, spontaneity and flexibility in man- 
ner and expression, and all types of truly creative thought. The 
poet may be taken as a prototype. To be successful he must write 
a new poem ; that is, he must do something that has never been 
done before. All poets have the same elements to work with, 
namely, the words of the language, but a poet of merit puts these 
words together in a way that excites wonder and pleasure. 

To psychologists who bristle when 'purpose* is mentioned, I 
am tempted to quote Whitehead : ' Scientists animated by the 
purpose of proving that they are purposeless constitute an interest- 
ing subject for study.' 1 

From this exposition it should be clear that the term ' need * or 
'drive* does not denote an observable fact the direction of 
activity, for example. For this we have the terms ' behavioural 
trend* or * behavioural effect.* Nor does 'drive* refer to any 

i. Quoted from SullivanJ.V.N. Limitations of Science^ New York, 1933. 


attribute of general activity as such. It refers to a hypothetical 
process within the brain of an organism which, persevcrating for 
a time, * points ' activity and co-ordinates it. If opposed by another 
need process, however, it may not manifest itself overtly. 

Again, it should be clear that the term ' need ' or ' drive ' does 
not stand for any physiological occurrences ( visceral tension or 
endocrine secretion ) which may lead up to or evoke the direc- 
tive processes in the brain. The former may be termed * sources ' 
or ' provokers ' of needs, but they are not themselves need processes. 
The word * need * ( and to a less extent the word ' drive ' ) 
seems to disturb some psychologists more than the concept itself, 
for it smacks of anthropomorphism. The dynamicists are accused 
of the ' sin of animism ' ( projecting life into inanimate objects ) 
despite the fact that the objects of psychological concern are not 
inanimate. The only sin of this sort that is possible is the * sin of 
inanimism' (projecting a machine into life), and of this the 
mechanists are certainly guilty. However, we might have avoided 
a great deal of misunderstanding if we had used the letter * n ' 
( as we shall frequently do ) to represent the vectorial magnitude 
in the brain. 

An activity in the brain has been conceptualized because it is 
the regnant processes in this region which we, as psychologists, 
must ultimately attempt to formulate. If we do not, we shall never 
bring together into one conceptual scheme the facts of behaviour, 
the facts of brain physiology and pathology and the facts of con- 
sciousness. It does not seem possible to place the factor which de- 
termines the directional effectiveness or intensity of behaviour 
either in the afferent or in the efferent systems. It must be post- 
afferent and pre-efferent. The fact that we cannot conjure up an 
image of what such a cephalic field force might resemble is no 
reason for hesitating to use the concept as a working hypothesis. 
If we were concerned with the individual merely as a unit in a 
field of social forces, then perhaps he might be treated as physicists 
treat a body : his behaviour might be represented by an arrow 
( cf. Lewin * ). But we are equally interested in field forces within 

i. Lewin.K. A Dynamic Theory of Personality, New York, 193 5. 


the brain : conflicts between rival tendencies, the inhibition of 
emotion, ' overcoming temptation/ dissociation, and so forth. The 
individual is not always a unified being. This makes it necessary 
to conceptualize regnant ( mental ) forces. 

We did not start the present discussion with an assertion. We 
merely pointed out that an hypothesis of a driving force helps to 
order some of the facts. According to this view a need is not a 
reified entity extrinsic to the system. It stands for the momentary 
direction of regnant processes in the brain region. It is always in 
i state of mutual dependence with other cephalic forces. It may 
:hange from one split second to the next. To say that an organism 
has a certain drive when that drive is not at the moment active 
is to make a very abstract, though convenient, statement. It means 
[hat a certain trend has commonly occurred in the past and, if 
renditions are suitable, it will probably recur in the future. 

* Instinct,' the noun, is a word to be avoided, because it has been 
50 extensively used in two different senses : to signify innate 
ictones and to signify innate needs. 

It is true that if we consider the structure of the action pattern only, 
iisregarding for the time being its origin, we cannot easily distinguish 
nstinct from habit, for both are in their pure form, automatic stimulus- 
esponse processes. 1 

It is not the details of the response that are fixed by the innate factor 
are have called instinct, but rather the general nature of the end towards 
tfhich the response shall move ; the details are fixed by the limitations of 
he creature's intelligence and the structure of its sensory-motor mccha- 
lism. 2 

Another reason for discarding the term 'instinct* is that it 
limits one to needs which can be proved innate. The problem of 
whether this or that need is innate is difficult of solution. Most of 
:he primary viscerogenic needs, such as hunger and thirst, seem 
:o be innate in the usual sense of the term. Presumably they are 
provoked by internal conditions regardless of the environment. 
Other needs, called by us c psychogenic needs,' though found to 

i. Bcrnard.L.L. Instincts. New York,i924. 

i. Garnctt,A.C. The Mind in Action. New York,! 931. 


operate without obvious dependence upon the viscerogenic needs, 
were perhaps once subsidiary to the latter. Furthermore, though 
their manifestations have been observed in all peoples, they are 
influenced to a great extent by cultural forms, particularly when 
the latter are represented by the parents. 

Needs from a Subjective Standpoint 

Using the deliverances of introspection for all they are worth, 
experience seems to show that the earliest intimation of a suc- 
ceeding action is a kind of inner tension, viscerogenic or psycho- 
genie. This inner state may be taken as the subjective aspect of 
what we have termed ' need.' There may be no awareness of what 
is needed. It may be simply the experience of a vague ' lack ' or 
* pressure' giving rise to unrest, uneasiness, dissatisfaction. If 
images of the need object or needed activity appear in conscious- 
ness, one commonly speaks of * desire ' or ' wish,' an experience 
which may occur without motor involvement. We may imagine 
that an increase of need activity leads to an intention ( the de- 
cision to perform a certain act ) and finally to a conation, or the 
experience of striving, which, we may assume, corresponds to the 
excitation of actones. 

Desire, intention, conation may be conveniently grouped to- 
gether. It is even possible that they belong on a single continuum. 
They appear, in any case, to be irreducible facts of inner experi- 
ence that call for an objective correlate. Though we are using 
' need ' and ' drive ' synonymously, ' need ' seems to be the better 
word for the initiating apperception of an obstruction ( lack, 
harm ) leading to desire, whereas * drive ' designates more appro- 
priately the ensuing activity ( conation ) . 

Some desires and intentions are subjectively felt to be in con- 
flict with the chief aim of the self or with the ' selected personality ' 
( Ego Ideal ) : what the S wants to be or to become. Such im- 
pulses appear as ' temptations,' ' seductive suggestions ' or * irresist- 
ible compulsions.' According to a scheme that shall be presented 
later, all drives that subjectively seem to come from ' without ' 
the self, that are unacceptable or opposed to the * best intentions ' 


of the personality, have been termed ' Id ' needs ( idn ) . Id needs 
may or may not be resisted ( inhibited or repressed ) . Then there 
are needs, evoked by sudden, close stimuli, that are impulsively 
and emotionally objectified without a preceding conscious inten- 
tion. These may be termed emotional needs ( emn ) . Many * emo- 
tional ' needs are also Id needs, opposed to the selected personality. 
Then there are some needs that are not represented in conscious- 
ness by an explicit desire, the trend and action pattern being objec- 
tified * automatically.' The first phase in an emotional need is also 
automatic (cf. startle response 1 ), but the behaviour that we are 
now distinguishing i, is not emotional ; 2, is usually acceptable to 
the personality ; and 3, conforms to previous patterns of behav- 
iour. It is comparable to a pattern of adapted chained reflexes. 
The theory is that it has been * stamped in ' by repetition. It has 
become a habit ; or, in other words, the actonal factor is now more 
conspicuous than the drive factor ( mechanization of behaviour ) . 
This we shall term an * actonal ' need ( an ) . A need may also be 
objectified ( as unwittingly as an actonal need ) in conformity 
with a perceived trend exhibited by another person ( imitation ) ; 
or in response to demands or persuasions ( compliance ). Finally, 
one should mention the needs that are engendered by a dissociated 
part of the regnancy, as one finds in hysteria ( fugues and con- 
version symptoms). 

Needs, Viscerogenic and Psychogenic 

Up to this point only two criteria for distinguishing needs have 
been stressed : the kind of trend ( effect ) observed objectively and 
the kind of effect which the subject says that he intends or desires. 
Though these provide an insufficient basis for a satisfactory classifi- 
cation, we shall, nevertheless, now offer a list of the needs that we 
have found it profitable to distinguish, in order to assist the reader 
in following the further elaboration of the theory. 

Needs may be conveniently divided into : i, primary ( viscero- 
genic ) needs, and 2, secondary ( psychogenic ) needs. The former 

i. Hunt,W.A. and Landis,C. ' Studies in the startled pattern ; I, II & III. 1 J. PsycAot., 
1936,2, 201-219. 


are engendered and stilled by characteristic periodic bodily events, 
whereas the latter have no subjectively localizable bodily origins ; 
hence the term * psychogenic.' They are occasioned by regnant 
tensions, with or without emotion, that are closely dependent 
upon certain external conditions or upon images depicting these 
conditions. Thus, speaking loosely, we may say that from a sub- 
jective standpoint the viscerogenic needs have to do with physical 
satisfactions and the psychogenic needs with mental or emotional 

The viscerogenic needs are : i, n Air, 2, n Water, 3, n Food, 
4, n Sex, 5, n Lactation, 6, n Urination, 7, n Defecation, 8, n 
Harmavoidance, 9, n Noxavoidance, 10, n Heatavoidance, n, n 
Coldavoidance, and 12, n Sentience. We also recognize a need for 
Passivity, which includes relaxation, rest and sleep, but this may 
be neglected for the present. 1 

It is hard to decide whether one should concoct new words as names 
for the needs or attempt to get along with old and ill-used terms. In the 
present endeavour sometimes one and sometimes the other of these two 
possibilities was adopted but without conviction. It was found that no 
system of nomenclature could be consistently maintained : appropriate 
words were not forthcoming. 

The words used for most of the viscerogenic needs indicate 

in each case what effect is brought about by the need action. The 
n Noxavoidance refers to the tendency to avoid or rid oneself of 
noxious stimuli : to look or draw away from repulsive objects, 
to cough, spit or vomit up irritating or nauseating substances. The 
needs for Heatavoidance and Coldavoidance together refer to the 
tendency to maintain an equable temperature : to avoid extremes 
of heat and cold, to clothe the body or seek shelter when neces- 
sary. The n Harmavoidance refers to the tendency to avoid phys- 
ical pain : to withdraw, flee or conceal oneself from injuring 
agents. It includes c startle ' and * fear ' reactions generally, to loud 
noises, loss of support, strangers. The n Sentience refers to the 

i . It is heartening to discover, as P.T. Young's recent book ( Motivation of Be- 
havior, New York, 1 936 ) makes evident, that psychologists arc reaching agree- 
ment in regard to the most convenient classification of viscerogenic drives. 


inclination for sensuous gratification, particularly from objects in 
contact with the body : taste sensations and tactile sensations 
( ex : thumb-sucking ). The need moves in a direction opposite to 
that of the n Noxavoidance and the n Harmavoidance. But it may 
be associated with any one of the other needs : local sensations 
are an important part of sexual activity and they may accompany 
urination and defecation ; moderate changes in temperature are 
sensuously agreeable and food may give rise to delicious olfactory 
and gustatory impressions. 

The effect of the need action in each case can be represented 
by the B-E form. 

B.S. E.S. 

Lack of food Repletion 

Genital tumescence Detumescence 

Fluid in the bladder Evacuation 

Pain Absence of pain 

A few remarks at this point may not be amiss : 

1. Some of the needs here distinguished represent gross group- 
ings of a number of more specific needs. The n Food, for in- 
stance, could be divided into separate needs for different kinds 
of food. Here they are combined for convenience because they 
all involve ' feeding behaviour ' and the objects are all nourish- 

i. Certain animals go to salt licks as certain tribes used to travel to 
salt mines for the sole purpose of adding this necessary ingre- 
dient to their diet. ii. Diabetics have an appetite for sugar ; sufferers 
from deficiency diseases ( need ' this or that vitamin, and so forth. 

2. It will be noticed that the B.S. for most of the viscerogenic 
needs are afferent impulses from some region of the body. 

3. The viscerogenic needs are of unequal importance as variables 
of personality. The personological significance of a need seems 
to depend upon whether there are marked differences between 
individuals in the frequency, intensity and duration of its 


activity, and upon whether the strength of any psychogenic 
needs are functions of such differences. A need, furthermore, 
does not usually become a dominant element of personality if 
there is no obstruction to its satisfaction. If its activity and 
gratification can be * taken for granted,' it may be neglected. 
The n Air, for example, is perhaps the most essential of all the 
needs from a biological standpoint, since if the organism does 
not attain this need's E.S. in three or four minutes, it dies. And 
yet the n Air is rarely of any personological importance. Air is 
free and most human beings get enough of it. There is little 
competition for air. The n Sex, on the other hand, ordinarily 
depends upon the co-operation of another person, is commonly 
interfered with by rivals, is highly unstable, and is hemmed in 
by all kinds of social restrictions. This is enough to account 
for its importance. 

The viscerogenic needs enumerated above may be grouped in a 
number of ways. One convenient grouping ( which calls for the 
division of the n Air into inspiration and expiration ) is the fol- 

A. Lacks 

(leading to 

B. Distensions 
(leading to 
outputs ) 

1. n Inspiration (oxygen) 

2. n Water 

3. n Food 

4. n Sentience 


7. n Expiration 

( carbon dioxide ) 

8. n Urination 

9. n Defecation 

fj. n Sex 

| 6. n Lactation 

( waste ) 

_, _, ( 10. n Noxavoidance 

C. Harms __ ., 

,. .. 11. n Heatavoidance 

(leading to < _ ., ., 

. v 1 12. n Coldavoidance 
retractions) TT . . 

113. n Harmavoidance 



The first six needs may be called ' positive ' or ' adient ' needs 
because they force the organism in a positive way towards other 


objects : air, water, food, sensuous patterns, a sex object, a suck- 
ling. The last seven needs, on the other hand, may be called 
* negative ' or * abient ' needs because they force the organism to 
separate itself from objects : to eliminate waste matter or to avoid 
unpleasant or injuring agents. The positive needs are chiefly 
characterized subjectively by a desire to reach the E.S., whereas the 
negative needs are chiefly characterized by a desire to get away 
from the B.S. The division of needs into lacks with intakes, dis- 
tensions with outputs, and harms with retractions may also be 
found useful. 

The secondary or psychogenic needs, which are presumably de- 
pendent upon and derived from the primary needs, may be 
briefly listed. They stand for common reaction systems and wishes. 
It is not supposed that they are fundamental, biological drives, 
though some may be innate. The first five pertain chiefly to 
actions associated with inanimate objects. 1 

n Acquisition ( Acquisitive attitude ). To gain possessions and property. 
To grasp, snatch or steal things. To bargain or gamble. To work for 
money or goods. 

n Conservance ( Conserving attitude ). To collect, repair, clean and pre- 
serve things. To protect against damage. 

n Order (Orderly attitude). To arrange, organize, put away objects. 
To be tidy and clean. To be scrupulously precise. 

n Retention (Retentive attitude). To retain possession of things. To 
refuse to give or lend. To hoard. To be frugal, economical and miserly. 
n Construction ( Constructive attitude ). To organize and build. 

Actions which express what is commonly called ambition, will- 
to-power, desire for accomplishment and prestige have been classi- 
fied as follows : 

n Superiority ( Ambitious attitude ) . This has been broken up into two 
needs : the n Achievement ( will to power over things, people and ideas ) 
and the n Recognition ( efforts to gain approval and high social status ). 
n Achievement ( Achievant attitude). To overcome obstacles, to exer- 

i. To some extent the same tendencies arc exhibited towards people ( acquiring 
friends, maintaining loyalties, possessivcncss, organizing groups ). 


else power, to strive to do something difficult as well and as quickly as 
possible. ( This is an elementary Ego need which alone may prompt any 
action or be fused with any other need. ) 

n Recognition ( Self -for ward ing attitude). To excite praise and com- 
mendation. To demand respect. To boast and exhibit one's accomplish- 
ments. To seek distinction, social prestige, honours or high office. 

We have questioned whether the next need should be dis- 
tinguished from the Recognition drive. In the present study the 
two have been combined. 

n Exhibition ( Exhibitionistic attitude). To attract attention to one's 
person. To excite, amuse, stir, shock, thrill others. Self-dramatization. 

Complementary to Achievement and Recognition are the desires 
and actions which involve the defence of status or the avoidance 
of humiliation : 

n Inviolacy ( Inviolate attitude ). This includes desires and attempts to 
prevent a depreciation of self -respect, to preserve one's * good name,' to 
be immune from criticism, to maintain psychological ' distance.' It is 
based on pride and personal sensitiveness. It takes in the n Seclusion 
( isolation, reticence, self-concealment ) which in our study was consid- 
ered to be the opposite of n Exhibition and, for this reason, was not 
separately considered. The n Inviolacy has been broken up into three 
needs : n In f avoidance ( the fear of and retraction from possible sources 
of humiliation ), n Defendance ( the verbal defence of errors and mis- 
demeanours ), and n Counteraction ( the attempt to redeem failures, to 
prove one's worth after frustration, to revenge an insult). Counterac- 
tion is not truly a separate need. It is n Achievement or n Aggression 
acting in the service of n Inviolacy. 

n Infavoidance ( Infavoidant attitude). To avoid failure, shame, hu- 
miliation, ridicule. To refrain from attempting to do something that is 
beyond one's powers. To conceal a disfigurement. 

n Defendance ( Defensive attitude ). To defend oneself against blame 
or belittlement. To justify one's actions. To offer extenuations, explana- 
tions and excuses. To resist ' probing.' 

n Counteraction ( Counteractive attitude ). Proudly to overcome defeat 
by restriving and retaliating. To select the hardest tasks. To defend one's 
honour in action. 


The next five needs have to do with human power exerted, 
resisted or yielded to. It is a question of whether an individual, 
to a relatively large extent, initiates independently his own 
behaviour and avoids influence, whether he copies and obeys, 
or whether he commands, leads and acts as an exemplar for 

n Dominance ( Dominative attitude). To influence or control others. 
To persuade, prohibit, dictate. To lead and direct. To restrain. To or- 
ganize the behaviour of a group. 

n Deference ( Deferent attitude ) . To admire and willingly follow a 
superior allied O. To co-operate with a leader. To serve gladly. 
n Similance ( Suggestible attitude ). To empathize. To imitate or emu- 
late. To identify oneself with others. To agree and believe. 
n Autonomy (Autonomous attitude). To resist influence or coercion. 
To defy an authority or seek freedom in a new place. To strive for in- 

n Contrarience ( Contrarient attitude ). To act differently from others. 
To be unique. To take the opposite side. To hold unconventional views. 

The next two needs constitute the familiar sado-masochistic 
dichotomy. Aggression seems to be either i, the heightening of 
the will-to-power ( Achievement, Dominance ) when faced by 
stubborn opposition, 2, a common reaction ( fused with n Auton- 
omy ) towards an O that opposes any need, or 3, the customary 
response to an assault or insult. In the latter case ( revenge ) it is 
Counteraction acting in the service of n Inviolacy. One questions 
whether n Abasement should be considered a drive in its own 
right. Except for the phenomenon of masochism, Abasement 
seems always to be an attitude serving some other end : the avoid- 
ance of further pain or anticipated punishment, or the desire for 
passivity, or the desire to show extreme deference. 

n Aggression ( Aggressive attitude ). To assault or injure an O. To mur- 
der. To belittle, harm, blame, accuse or maliciously ridicule a person. To 
punish severely. Sadism. 

n Abasement ( Abasive attitude ). To surrender. To comply and accept 
punishment. To apologize, confess, atone. Self-depreciation. Masochism. 


The next need has been given a separate status because it in- 
volves a subjectively distinguishable form of behaviour, namely 
inhibition. Objectively, it is characterized by the absence of socially 
unacceptable conduct. The effect desired by the subject is the 
avoidance of parental or public disapprobation or punishment. 
The need rests on the supposition that there are in everybody 
primitive, asocial impulses, which must be restrained if the indi- 
vidual is to remain an accepted member of his culture. 

n Blamavoidance ( Blamavoidance attitude ). To avoid blame, ostracism 
or punishment by inhibiting asocial or unconventional impulses. To be 
well-behaved and obey the law. 

The next four needs have to do with affection between people ; 
seeking it, exchanging it, giving it, or withholding it. 

n Affiliation ( Affiliative attitude). To form friendships and associa- 
tions. To greet, join, and live with others. To co-operate and converse 
sociably with others. To love. To join groups. 

n Rejection ( Rejective attitude ). To snub, ignore or exclude an O. To 
remain aloof and indifferent. To be discriminating. 
n Nurturance ( Nurturant attitude ). To nourish, aid or protect a help- 
less O. To express sympathy. To ' mother ' a child. 
n Succorance ( Succorant attitude ) . To seek aid, protection or sympathy. 
To cry for help. To plead for mercy. To adhere to an affectionate, 
nurturant parent. To be dependent. 

To these may be added with some hesitation : 

n Play ( Playful attitude ). To relax, amuse oneself, seek diversion and 
entertainment. To 'have fun,' to play games. To laugh, joke and be 
merry. To avoid serious tension. 

Finally, there are two complementary needs which occur with 
great frequency in social life, the need to ask and the need to tell. 

n Cognizance (Inquiring attitude). To explore (moving and touch- 
ing ) . To ask questions. To satisfy curiosity. To look, listen, inspect. To 
read and seek knowledge. 

n Exposition ( Expositive attitude ) . To point and demonstrate. To re- 
late facts. To give information, explain, interpret, lecture. 


On the basis of whether they lead a subject to approach or 
separate himself from an object, these derived needs may be 
divided into those which are positive and those which are nega- 
tive, respectively. Positive needs may again be divided into adient 
needs : those which cause a subject to approach a lifted object, in 
order to join, amuse, assist, heal, follow or co-operate with it ; 
and contrient needs : those which cause a subject to approach 
a disliked object in order to dominate aggressively, abuse, in- 
jure, or destroy it. Negative needs, following Holt, 1 are abient 

This classification of needs is not very different from lists con- 
structed by McDougall, Garnett, and a number of other writers. 
At first glance it is quite different from the scheme most com- 
monly used in psycho-analysis. According to the latter there are 
two fundamental urges, or two classes of drives : ego instincts 
and sex instincts. Among the ego instincts is the hunger drive 
and the need for aggression. Hunger is rarely mentioned, but 
within recent years aggression has become one of the chief vari- 
ables in the analyst's conceptual scheme. Aggression, the con- 
comitant of hate, is considered to be the force which is operating 
when an individual attacks, injures and murders others. It may 
also be turned inward, in which case the subject may abuse, 
mutilate or even kill himself. Contrasting with aggression and 
other unnamed ego instincts are the sex instincts the force 
underlying them all being termed ' libido.' Under sex has been 
subsumed : 

1. The sex instinct proper, as biologists have described it, that 
is, the force which leads to the development of sexual character- 
istics and to intercouise between the sexes ( n Sex ). 

2. All tendencies which seek and promote sensuous gratifica- 
tion (n Sentience), particularly the enjoyment of tactile sensa- 
tions originating in certain sensitive regions of the body ( the 
erogenous zones). Thus, analysts speak of oral, anal, urethral 
and genital erotism. 

3. All desires and actions which are attended by genital excire- 

i . HoIt.F.B. Animal Drive and the learning Process, New York, i (j { i . 


ment or by that characteristic emotional state the palpitating, 
ecstatic-like feeling which is the usual accompaniment of sexual 
activity. Here one speaks of the erotization of a need ( fusions 
with n Sex). 

4. All manifestations of love and humane feeling : the emo- 
tions of a lover, feelings of friendship, social inclinations ( n Affilia- 
tion ) and maternal tenderness ( n Nurturance ) . Here the sex 
instinct takes the place of the biologist's herd instinct. It binds 
people together and leads to peace and concord. 

5. Self-love, or Narcism, is also considered to be a manifesta- 
tion of the sex instinct, but here it is the sex instinct turned in- 
ward upon the subject ( Narcism, or Egophilia ) . 

Periodicity of Needs. 

Many of the viscerogenic needs are characterized by rather 
regular rhythms of activity and rest, rhythms which seem to be 
determined by an orderly succession of physiological events : in- 
spiration and expiration, ingestion and excretion, waking and 
sleeping. Within certain limits, these rhythms may be modified by 
the will of the subject or by regimentation imposed from without. 

Among psychogenic needs we also find some evidence of 
periodicity, particularly in the alternations of contrasting needs : 
sociability and solitude, talking and listening, leading and follow- 
ing, helping and being helped, giving and getting, work and 
play. Though in most cases, the frequency of such activities may be 
readily changed, under stable conditions a need may acquire a 
rhythmic habit which will determine its objectification irrespective 
of the immediately presenting environment. The organism will 
search periodically for an appropriate object. 

The fact of periodicity speaks for the dynamic importance of 
intraorganic successions. It also speaks for a theory of dynamic 
forces rather than theories which attempt to explain behaviour 
on the basis of chained reflexes. 

For convenience, a single need cycle may be divided into : i, a 
refractory period, during which no incentive will arouse it ; 2, an 
inducible or ready period, during which the need is inactive but 


susceptible to excitation by appropriate stimuli ; and 3, an active 
period, during which the need is determining the behaviour of 
the total organism. 

A need which is aroused in a subject and not completely objecti- 
fied may perscverate for some time afterwards. During this period 
the subject will meet situations that present themselves with a 
need set. That is to say, the need in question will be in a state of 
high inducibility or high readiness, with a low threshold of stimu- 
lation. For example, if it is anger ( n Aggression ) that has 
been aroused, the subject will be apt to vent his emotion upon 
the first object that crosses his path, the object, in such a case, 
being called a substitute object ( Freud ) . 

Interrelation of Needs 

In everyday life a subject may, within a short space of time, 
exhibit many needs in succession, each of them evoked by some 
newly arising circumstance. In such events there is no reason for 
conceptualizing an integration of needs within the personality. 
Likewise, when a subject makes a decision to follow some par- 
ticular course of action, he usually has the prospect of satisfying 
a number of needs in succession. More frequently, however, one 
finds evidence of a definite, and sometimes enduring relation be- 
tween needs. 

Fusion of Needs. When a single action pattern satisfies two or 
more needs at the same time we may speak of a fusion ( F ) of 
needs. Confluences of this kind are extremely common. 

Ex : F n AcqExh : An exhibitionistic subject gets paid to sing a solo in 

Subsidiation of Needs. When one or more needs are activated 
in the service of another need, we may speak of the former as 
being subsidiary ( S ) * and the latter as being determinant. The 
determinant need regulates the action from the beginning, but 
may not itself become overt until the terminal phase of the total 

i. The letter 'S' standing between two needs signifies that the former is sub- 
sidiary to the latter. In other contexts ' S ' means ' subject.' 


A politician removes a spot from his suit ( n Noxavoidance ) because 
he does not wish to make a bad impression ( n Inf avoidance ), and thus 
diminish his chances of winning the approval and friendship of Mr. X 
( n Affiliation ) from whom he hopes to obtain some slanderous facts 
( n Cognizance ) relating to the private life of his political rival, Mr. Y, 
information which he plans to publish ( n Exposition ) in order to dam- 
age the reputation of Mr. Y ( n Aggression ) and thus assure his own 
election to office ( n Achievement ) : ( n Nox S n Inf S n Aff S n Cog S 
n Exp S n Agg S n Ach ) . 

The subsidiation of one major need to another is similar to the 
subsidiation of sub-needs to a major need. For, as we have pointed 
out, many consecutively organized accessory actions are usually 
necessary before an end situation is attained. 

To cure a patient suffering from an acute abdominal condition many 
separate, though integrated, acts are required. The operating room must 
be prepared for the patient ; instruments, sponges, sheets, and gowns 
must be sterilized ; the operator and his assistants must wash up and dis- 
infect their hands ; the anaesthetic must be properly administered ; each 
step in the operation must be effectively performed ; and from then on 
during the entire course of the convalescence proper measures must be 
taken to bring about the patient's recovery. Each procedure is an act ac- 
cessory to the need for Nurturance and, perhaps, also to other needs 
( Achievement, Acquisition ). 

Since each sub-need has an end situation ( sub-effect ) of its 
own, any need-determined action may be regarded as composed 
of a progressing series of transitional closures ( sub-effects ) . 
During activity a subject will usually be attentive to the single 
procedure which confronts him. He will have a specific intention 
( sub-need ) in mind, the major need to which the given intention 
is integrated being * out of mind.' During an operation the surgeon 
is not imagining the final goal of all his endeavours, the patient 
leaving the hospital well and happy. His mind is preoccupied with 
the problem of the moment, clamping that spurting artery, mak- 
ing a clean incision through the fascia, separating the muscles 
and getting good retraction. Each step properly performed is a 
minor accomplishment ( n Ach ). 


We see, then, that in most cases a succession of accessory effects 
must be realized before the major or final effect can be achieved. 
Thus, the evocation of any need will secondarily excite a series of 
sub-needs, each of which may be designated, if it is expedient to 
do so, by referring to the specific minor effect ( task ) which it 
aims to achieve. Though each subsidiary effect is but a part of 
a larger temporal whole, at any moment the attention of the 
subject is directed towards the accomplishment of just that effect. 

Contractions. Needs are commonly related to their opposites 
in a temporal configuration. A phase of Dominance is succeeded 
by a phase of Deference. A wave of Aggression is followed by a 
wave of Nurturance or of Abasement. Abstinence follows indul- 
gence ; passivity, activity, etc. The second trend is called a centra- 
faction, since it opposes or serves to balance the effects of the first. 
It may, for instance, be the exaggerated expression of a need 
following a prolonged period of inhibition. Under this heading 
should be listed counteractions, defence mechanisms, atonements, 
reformations. The two opposing needs combined may be termed 
an ambitendency ( A ) . The life patterns of some subjects allow 
for such contrafactions. 

I. A man acts like a Napoleon at home, but in his business is obedient 
and servile ( n Dominance A n Abasement ) . 2. A man is very stub- 
born and resistant with his wife but is worshipfully compliant to his mis- 
tress ( n Autonomy A n Deference ) . 

Conflicts. Needs may come into conflict ( C ) with each other 
within the personality, giving rise when prolonged to harassing 
spiritual dilemmas. Much of the misery and most of the neurotic 
illness in the world may be attributed to such inner conflicts. 

I . A woman hesitates to satisfy her passion because of the disapproval 
of her family ( n Sex C n Blamavoidance ). 2. A man hesitates to 
satisfy his desire to fly an aeroplane because of fear ( n Achievement 
C n Harmavoidance ) . 

To explain the occurrence of contrafactions and conflicts it 
seems that one must refer to directional forces which oppose or 
balance each other. It is as if there were a tendency for psychic 


equilibration which operates in such a way that an exaggerated 
objectification of one need must be eventually balanced by an 
exaggerated objectification of its opposite ( cf. the balance of 
sympathetic and parasympathetic tendencies ) . If these two con- 
secutive phases of behaviour are merely regarded as expressions 
of two superficial traits, or attitudes, there is no answer to the 
question, why did the second phase follow the first ? Only 
when one supposes that each attitude is the resultant of a cen- 
tral force that is usually balanced by an opposing force does the 
matter become intelligible. This is an argument for the need 

Needs, Emotions and Affections 

All experimenters know that emotion is a topic about which 
there is no agreement at the present day. To us it seems preferable 
not to attempt to discuss it in the short space that is at our dis- 
posal, but to come directly to our present tentative conclusion 
without marshalling evidence. 

Without pretending to settle anything we may state that for us 
emotion ' is a hypothetical concept that stands for an excitatory 
process in the brain most probably in the interbrain ( thalamic 
region ) that may manifest itself subjectively or objectively or 
both. Thus an emotion may occur without the subject's being 
aware of it ( unconscious emotion ) . Usually it is felt, the sub- 
jective manifestation being that quality of an experience which is 
generally designated by the word 'emotional 1 ('excited'). The 
objective manifestation is a compound of autonomic disturbances 
( 'autonome'), affective actones, and the intensification or dis- 
organization of effective behaviour (motor and verbal). Some- 
:imes the faintest moistening of an eye or the quiver of the voice 
is enough for a diagnosis. At other times the experimenter re- 
quires more evidence : the occurrence of a sufficient press, signs 
)f vegetative upset, characteristic tremors, gestures and exclama- 
:ions, confusion of thought, disorganization of actones and a sub- 
ective report of having been ' much upset.' 

It is possible that the separable emotions are differentiations 


from an elementary general excitement ( Stratton 1 ) or startle 
( Hunt and Landis 2 ). They grade into one another and are some- 
times difficult to distinguish objectively or subjectively. Usually, 
however, they are definite enough to be named. In practice, for 
instance, temper tantrum, phobia, guilt feelings, contempt and 
depression are useful categories, not often confused. 

Our own observations agree with common opinion (and Mc- 
Dougall's 3 theory ) that certain emotions are linked with certain 
tendencies to action ( disgust with retraction, rage with combat 
etc.). We do not find, however, that all emotions have drives 
or all drives have emotions, but the more important emotions 
( ex : i, fear, anger, disgust, pity, shame, lust and 2, elation, de- 
jection ) are associated either i, with a certain drive, or 2, with the 
fortune facilitation ( success ) or obstruction ( failure ) of a 
drive. The association of particular emotions and drives supplies 
us with another index for differentiating some of the needs. 

We are using ' affection ' to refer to hedonic feelings : pleasure, 
happiness, * eupathy,' 4 contentment and elation ( positive affec- 
tion), and unpleasure, unhappiness, 'dyspathy,' 4 discontent and 
dejection ( negative affection ). Here we shall deal with this age- 
old problem as we did with the problem of emotion, giving only 
the briefest outline of our working hypothesis. 

Affection is considered to be a hypothetical concept which 
stands for some process in the brain probably in the interbrain 
that manifests itself subjectively as feelings of pleasure or un- 
pleasure ( which vary in intensity ), and objectively ( with much 
less clearness) as a compound of affective actones (a certain 
bearing, demeanour, intonation of speech, tempo of movement, 
etc.). Our most direct information about feelings must come 
from introspection, but it should not be supposed that an affection 

1. Stratton.G.M. 'Excitement as an unditferentiated emotion,' in Feelings and 
Emotion, The Wittenberg Symposium, Worcester,! 928. 

2. Hunt,W.A. and Landis,C. ^ Studies of the startle pattern : I, II & III.' J. Psychol., 
1936,2, 201-219. 

3. McDougall,W. Outline of Psychology, New York, 1923. 

4. ' Eupathy ' is a convenient term for psychical well-being, joy, contentment ; 
and ' dyspathy ' for its opposite : mental distress. 


( as defined above ) is always or even usually conscious. Now, if 
we construct an hedonic scale leading from extreme unpleasant- 
ness through the point of indifference to extreme pleasantness, 
and say that every occurrence which tends to move affection up 
the scale ( i.e., to make the subject feel less unpleasure, or more 
pleasure) is hedonically positive, and everything that tends to 
make it move down the scale is hedonically negative, then the 
results of observation and introspection may be stated as follows : 
there are three sorts of pleasure, or three distinguishable kinds of 
events that are hedonically positive : i. Activity pleasure, accom- 
panying the rise of * energy ' ( zest ) and its discharge ( ' over- 
flow') in uninhibited movement or thought. This corresponds 
to Aristotle's and Hamilton's definition of happiness 1 and to 
Buhler's ' function ' pleasure. 2 It is marked by free, playful, actonal 
movement : the catharsis of inner tension. The instant an obstruc- 
tion is met or fatigue sets in the level of affection falls. 2. Achieve- 
ment pleasure, accompanying the conquest of oppositions to the 
will. This is Nietzsche's correlate of happiness. It is different 
from activity pleasure in as much as here the subject welcomes 
obstacles ( physical or mental ), selects the hardest tasks things 
that demand great exertion and courage , in order to experience 
the elation of mastering them. If the body and its cravings are 
regarded as oppositions to the will, the overcoming of inertia, 
fatigue, fear, appetite or lust brings pleasure. The greater the de- 
mands on the subject, the greater the experienced pleasure if he is 
^able to meet them. The performance of an easy or habitual task 
brings no satisfaction, and failure in accomplishment markedly 
lowers the level of affection. Repeated failures lead to disquieting 
inferiority feelings. 8 3. Effect pleasure, accompanying the satis- 
faction of need tension. Every need arises out of a disequilibrium 
( lack, distension, harm or threat ) which considered by itself is 

1. Hamilton, William. Lectures on Metaphysics,i$5gr-6o. 

2. Biihler,K. ' Displeasure and pleasure in relation to activity/ in Feelings and 
Emotions, The Wittenberg Symposium, Worcester, 192 8. 

3. Achievement pleasure is like activity pleasure in as much as it accompanies 
activity, but it is still more like effect pleasure because it depends on the results 
of activity. It might be called ' Ego effect pleasure.* 


un pleasurable. This does not seem to be a fact to many other 
psychologists but it is a fact to us. We should say that dissatis- 
faction is the common attribute of every need qua need. The dis- 
satisfaction, however, is commonly obscured by i, the initiation 
of behaviour bringing activity pleasure or, in some cases, achieve- 
ment pleasure ; but much more commonly by 2, anticipatory 
images of successful terminal activity which tend to raise the 
affective level. The greatest pleasure seems to be associated with 
a relatively rapid lowering of need tension ( Freud, 1 Bousfield 2 ) . 
The ratio : degree of realization/degree of expectation, is also an 
important factor. Thus, roughly speaking, since the beginning 
situation is unpleasurable and the end situation is pleasurable, 
and since the need action leads the S from the former to the latter, 
it may be said that the activity of drives tends to be hedonically 
positive. Opposition interferes with progress, postpones satisfac- 
tion and not infrequently diminishes expectations of close end 
pleasure. Failure to attain the goal often leads to two kinds of dis- 
satisfaction : that arising from the frustrated, perseverating need 
and that arising from the failure of the Achievement drive ( ' I 
was not able to do it ' ). For example, a man who is jilted by a 
woman may lose self-esteem as well as the desired object. 

Most people do a great many things everyday that they do not 
enjoy doing. 'I don't do this for pleasure,' a man will affirm, 
thinking that he has refuted the principle of hedonism. But in 
such cases, I believe, introspection will reveal that the man is 
determined ( consciously or unconsciously ) by thoughts of some- 
thing unpleasant ( pain, criticism, blame, self -depreciation ) that 
might occur if he does not do what he is doing. He goes to the 
dentist to avoid future pain or disfigurement, he answers his mail 
in order not to lose social status, and so forth. If it is not the thought 
of expected unpleasantness that prompts him, it is the thought of 
expected pleasure, possibly in the very distant future. Visions of 
heaven after death, for example, have often encouraged men to 
endure great suffering on earth. 

1. Frcud,S. Beyond the Pleasure Principle, London, 192 2. 

2. Bousfield,W.R. Pleasure and Pain, New 


These considerations commit us to one variety of the now 
almost abandoned theory of psychological hedonism. We think 
it is important to re-affirm that : 

1. Affection (i.e., the hypothetical physiological counterpart 
[ correlate ] of felt affection ) may be conceived of as a delicate 
index of diffuse well-being ( health of mind and body ) or its 
reverse. It is made negative by any obstruction to a vital process 
that arouses a need. Every obstruction, to be sure, is due to some 
specific factor ( lack of oxygen, lack of companions, etc. ) which 
evokes a specific type of behaviour, but the point is that all ob- 
structions giving rise to needs are hedonically negative. This is 
their common attribute. Furthermore, all adaptive behaviour tends 
to rectify this state, to facilitate the obstructed process and thereby 
raise the affective level. Hence, it seems proper to say that need 
action obeys the pleasure principle (Freud ). 

2. Instead of saying that all behaviour is a search for pleasure, 
it seems better to say that all behaviour is the riddance ( or avoid- 
ance ) of painful tension, encouraged perhaps by pleasure-evoking 
images of expected goals. The emphasis upon * escape from pain ' 
was given by Plato, Kant, and Schopenhauer. 

3. Previous and present levels of expectation and aspiration 
must never be neglected in attempting to account for a given 
affective state ( cf. William James * ). 

4. It is important to distinguish the three separable kinds of 
hedonically positive occurrences : i, mere uninhibited activity ; ii, 

^overcoming difficult obstacles ; and iii, moving to end situations 
(relieving wants). These different sorts of pleasure-seeking or 
pain-riddances are often in conflict with one another. Freud, by 
neglecting i and ii, gives a one-sided theory which fails to account 
for the pleasure of exercise and contemplation and fails to pro- 
vide an hedonic basis for the structuration of the Ego ( the de- 
velopment of will power, etc. ) . 

If the above propositions are approximately correct the experi- 
menter is furnished with another index for distinguishing needs. 
The exhibition of satisfaction at the attainment or at the gratuitous 

i. Jamcs,W. Psychology : Briefer course. New York, 1892, Chap. XII. 


arrival of a certain end situation suggests a need for just such a 
situation. And of like diagnostic value is the exhibition of dis- 
satisfaction when a certain trend is frustrated. 

As the concept of need or drive was developing it was noticed 
that we were applying it to two somewhat different kinds of 
phenomena : i, wishes for a certain end situation, together with 
evidences of satisfaction when it occurred ( regardless of the kind 
of behaviour exhibited by the S ) ; and 2, behaviour which tended 
directly to bring about a certain situational transformation. A 
subject, illustrating the first phenomenon, might crave a specific 
result but exhibit a trend commonly associated with quite a dif- 
ferent need. For example, a girl who wanted revengefully to hurt 
her parents ( n Aggression ) exposed herself in a thin nightgown 
to wintry weather with the hope of catching pneumonia ( n Abase- 
ment ) in which attempt, by the way, she was successful. She 
did it with the anticipation of her parents' subsequent repentance 
and grief. Numerous other illustrations of this sort of behaviour 
come to mind. I remember, for instance, a friend of mine saying : 
1 If you want to destroy a man, flatter him to death.' One thinks 
also of the tendency of some women to spurn ( n Rej ) the very 
man they wish to attract (F n AfTSex). The contrasting phe- 
nomenon is exhibited by a subject who ' blows off steam ' by 
openly expressing his aggression (catharsis), but does not par- 
ticularly enjoy the fruits of his conduct ( that is, the injury suf- 
fered by the object). There is a distinction between these two 
forms of expression which we did not at first perceive clearly : 
the emphasis on the former case being upon the desired end situa- 
tion and in the latter upon the behaviour that is exhibited. 

The instinct theory of McDougall emphasizes the impulsive, 
emotional type of behaviour, illustrated by our second case, but 
does not seem to take account of the more indirect or deliberate 
type of conduct. McDougall, with the laudable intention of show- 
ing the connections between functions, puts into one category a 
certain emotion, a certain actone and a certain trend ( or effect ). 
Thus, one instinct might be called ' fear,' or ' flight ' or * security ' ; 
another * anger,' 'assault' or * object-injury.' To be sure, these 


different aspects of need action are found together very commonly 
in animals and not infrequently as reactions to sudden stimuli in 
adults (emotional needs). But, according to our experience, a 
theory of motivation must be carried beyond the primitive, im- 
pulsive ( thalamic ) level of action. It must be made to include 
cool, carefully planned conduct : conduct that does not display 
characteristic emotional actones. Here we believe, with Garnett, 1 
that it is better to have the fundamental concept stand for the 
more inclusive thing : the obstructing organic disturbance ( be- 
ginning situation ) which of course implies its opposite, the facili- 
tating organic satisfaction ( end situation ) ; and allow everything 
to vary, as it does, between the beginning and the end situations. 

Our own reflections have led us to formulate the two above- 
described phenomena as follows : the need that is overtly expressed 
is put down as a subsidiation of the need that is finally satisfied 
( determinant need ) . For example, the formula ' n Aba S n Agg ' 
indicates that the subject allowed himself to be harmed in order 
to harm someone else (masochistic aggression). If the deter- 
minant need is entirely concealed ( not expressed directly ) it is 
said to be latent ( In Agg ), and if it is unconscious, as well, this 
fact is also represented by a symbol : uln Agg. Simple overt aggres- 
sion, on the other hand, as illustrated by our second case, is put 
down as it occurs (n Agg), or more precisely, if it is an emo- 
tional outburst, it is symbolized thus : emn Agg. 

Emotional needs ( emn ) needs accompanied by agitation of 
thought and body are most apt to set off actones which are 
reminiscent of animal, savage or infantile behaviour. The action 
is regressive and instinctual in so far as the more lately acquired 
actones do not function. An explanation of this phenomenon 
might be that the occasion has aroused thalamic centres, generat- 
ing energy that tends to discharge by the shortest routes the 
shortest routes being the innate, instinctual or primitive action 
patterns. Supposedly, the cortex, or some of it, is short-circuited. 
The action occurs without conscious effort (will). The body 
moves automatically, just as the leg kicks up when the patellar 

i. Garnctt,A.C. The Mind in Action, New York,i932. 


tendon is struck. In the latter case the blow seems to ' do the 
work,' though we know that ' nervous energy ' comes from the ex- 
cited neurones in the spinal cord. In emotional action it is the sud- 
den, close, fressive situation that seems to * do the work ' by re- 
leasing energy in the motor centres of the interbrain which, in 
turn, leads to action that is effortless. Indeed, it is the attempt to 
inhibit such behaviour rather than to promote it that is felt to 
be effortful. 

It appears that if an emotional need is abruptly restrained 
the energy not being discharged residual tension will perseverate 
and lead, perhaps, to a variety of after-effects. These after-effects 
do not seem to occur if a deliberate, unemotional, consciously- 
intended action is inhibited. A driving emotion one that is 
linked with a directional tendency may be regarded as a heated 
deed momentarily deprived of embodiment. Release of emotion, 
therefore, has a cathartic effect ( activity pleasure ) : a subjective 
value, which may, however, be out of harmony with the results 
of the executed act. Symbolic behaviour let us say, the killing 
of an animal in a religious festival can give vent without dire 
consequences to savage fantasies locked within the organism. It 
seems that emotional needs are desires for action of a certain kind 
more than desires for specific end situations. In the distant racial 
past, it may be supposed, the end situation of successfully executed 
emotional action was completely satisfying. Under these condi- 
tions an individual could remain unified. But as soon as the time 
arrived that successful emotional action led to distressing results 
remorse and guilt feelings , persisting inner conflict came into 
being : conflict,- let us say, between the forebrain and the inter- 

Needs, Actones, Vectors 

The word ' actone ' has been used to stand for a simple bodily 
movement, such as pouting, lowering the eyes, smiling, coughing, 
extending the hand ( simple motone ) ; a compound of move- 
ments, such as rising from a recumbent position, walking, manipu- 
lating, kneeling and bowing ( complex motone ) ; a single word 


or phrase, such as ' Yes,' ' Hurry up,' ' I like you,' * Go to Hell ' 
( simple verbone ) ; and a compound of words, such as occurs in 
a long conversation or speech (complex verbone). Now, these 
are all objective occurrences and they may be recorded and 
measured in terms of frequency, speed (tempo), strength (em- 
phasis), duration, conjunctivity (organization) and a host of 
other defining dimensions. Many of these actones are commonly 
considered to be outward signs of a particular emotional state, 
whereas others are regarded as manifestations of temperament or 
temper. The term * expressive movements,' which indicates that 
these events reveal something that is * inside ' and are not to be 
taken merely as patterns, is currently used to include all such 

Though, in the present study, we have neglected the problem of 
temperament having been unable to arrive at any satisfactory 
scheme for distinguishing its varieties we have observed the 
presence or absence of numerous variables which are commonly 
used as indices of it. These observations may eventually lead to 
something, but at the moment we have nothing to contribute to 
the subject. Later, when the matter of general traits is considered, 
the variables that seem pertinent will be defined. 

Putting aside, then, the importance of the general dimensions 
of actones we turn to the question of their relations to needs. It 
may first be noted that affective actones despite the negative 
findings of laboratory experimentalists ( Landis, 1 Sherman 2 ) 
are employed in everyday life with considerable accuracy as in- 
dices of emotional states, and, further, that the commonest of 
these emotions, as McDougall has pointed out, are associated either 
i, with a particular drive or 2, with the fortune of a drive. In the 
first case the affective actonal pattern may be taken as an index 
of the occurrence of the associated drive ( ex : anger is a sign of 
Aggression ) and subsumed under the latter concept ; whereas 
when an actone portrays gratification or frustration we are in- 

1. Landis.C. Emotion : II. 'The expressions of emotion,' in A Handbook, of Gen- 
eral Experimental Psychology. Worcester, Mass. 1934. 

2. Shcrman,M. and ShermanJ.C. The Process of Human Behavior, New York,i929. 


formed of the fact that * something ' ( which can be nothing else 
than a need ) is being facilitated or obstructed, and the nature of 
the total situation tells us what need it is. 

Furthermore, almost every effective actone is commonly asso- 
ciated in a given culture with a certain effect ( aim ), physical or 
social ( usually the actone and its effect are bound together as two 
aspects of one act ) ; and there are no effects which do not further 
the fortune of some need. That is to say, every effect may function 
as a sub-effect to some major effect (goal of a need). Conse- 
quently, even though the actone is incompetent ( has no effect ), 
by observing it one can guess the need. Indeed, there are many 
actones which are, as it were, * logical mechanisms ' for a particular 
need. For example : crying ( n Succorance ), peering or cocking 
the ears (n Cognizance), striking out with the fist or kicking 
( n Aggression ), smiling or waving ( n Affiliation ), turning the 
head away ( n Rejection ), reclining ( n Passivity ). Most of these 
are socially effective, because they are accepted cultural norms, 
but the point is that they are customarily associated with a par- 
ticular need and, knowing the culture, one can usually guess cor- 
rectly the need that is operating. It is because of the common 
association in animals of certain actones (or sub-effects) with 
certain needs that McDougall, in developing his formulation of 
instincts, was able, without much misunderstanding, to stress 
action patterns ( flight, combat, caring for offspring ) rather than 

Psycho-analysis has quite conclusively shown, in certain cases, 
that many simple actones ( ex : hysterical conversion symptoms ) 
' mean ' something ; that is, they are dissociated parts of a larger 
context and derive their significance from that context, at the core 
of which there is always some unconscious need or fusion of needs. 

These considerations lead us to the conclusion that in most cases 
actones may be taken as indices of a need, conscious or uncon- 
scious ; a conclusion which is not in harmony with the point 
of view that enjoys the widest acceptance in the United States. 
In this country it is generally considered that the elementary 
units of behaviour are action patterns (actones) rather than 


directional tendencies. It is affirmed that the responses which are 
most constant and characteristic ( that get ' fixed ' in the person- 
ality irrespective of the forces that may have engendered them ) 
are reflexive actones ( demeanours, gestures, manners, attitudes, 
specific forms of movement and speech) which have become 
divorced from and hence may be considered apart from the needs 
which if there are such entities they once may have satisfied. 
According to this view the dynamic factor is in the neuro-motor 
system itself ( just as the force of a simple tendon reflex is derived 
from energy liberated in anterior horn cells) and not in some 
pre-motor, possibly endocrine chemical factor (need). In judg- 
ing this point of view it should be noted first that almost in- 
variably a trend (or effect) is surreptitiously introduced into 
every action pattern that is distinguished ( ex : ' feeding be- 
haviour' includes the fact that food is taken into the mouth). 
If no effect were achieved the action pattern could not be adaptive 
( adaptation itself being a general effect ). But if we disregard this 
flaw in the case for mechanism ( vide the trend vs. actone discus- 
sion, pp. 56-58 ) we must admit that there is much truth in this 
conception. It stresses what may be called the ' mechanization of 
behaviour' ( actonal needs), and the fact that the actones thus 
established by repetition may in a constant environment become 
as determining as the needs. As the condition progresses the per- 
sonality becomes more constant, rigid and less adaptable to new 
conditions ( to the delight of personologists who seek consist- 
ency ) . As an illustration of this, a form of behaviour described by 
Mapother may be cited : 

In 1918 I was billeted in a kitchen with a brick-tiled floor. I had a 
kitten which had been separated from its mother as soon as its eyes were 
open. There was snow outside, and the kitten could not go out. In full- 
ness of time it developed a practice of scrabbling at the brick floor with 
its front paws, turning round and defaccating and scrabbling again in a 
typically feline and perfectly futile attempt to cover up its faeces. 1 

One can hardly deny that mechanization occurs as well as its 
counterpart, socialization ( the inculcation of culture patterns ) ; 

i. Mapothcr,E. ' Tough or tender.' Proc. R. Soc. Mcd., 1934,27, 1687-1712. 


otherwise chloroform at forty would not have been recommended. 
Nevertheless, mechanized behaviour exhibits trends they were 
once adaptive even though they are no longer and these trends 
are classifiable according to the scheme that is employed for needs. 
That is to say, similar trends may and should be put together, 
regardless of whether some are novel patterns arising out of con- 
sciously present needs and others are automatisms. The difference 
between these two kinds of behaviour is attributable in our scheme 
to a difference in the strength of another variable ( Sameness, or 
rigidity ) . Furthermore, even though a need, from the point of 
view of consciousness, has been 'worked out' of behaviour, it 
must nevertheless be in the 'background.' The mechanisms, if 
they are adaptive, must automatically facilitate ' something/ and 
they must do it before that 'something' becomes so obstructed 
that it creates tension in the regnancy ( consciousness ). It is pei- 
haps only when frustration occurs ( when the mechanisms fail ) 
that the inner obstruction, exhibited as a need, comes to conscious- 
ness. For instance, we do not become conscious of needing and 
seeking air ( respiration is automatic ) until partial asphyxia 
occurs. My own opinion is this : mechanization ( actonal con- 
sistence with one's self ) and socialization ( actonal consistency 
with cultural norms ) are widespread, important phenomena but 
only under rare or abnormal conditions do we find behaviour 
patterns that exist for long without satisfying underlying needs. 
And, even if it were shown that such patterns do occur, most of 
them achieve effects ( which would satisfy certain needs if they 
were present ) ; consequently, actonal actions can be classified, as 
the needs are classified, according to their effects. 

Since an actone can be compared to a piece of apparatus ( the 
muscularly controlled limbs being instruments for facilitating 
the life of the vital organs), the present point may be illustrated 
by taking the case of a research man in science who has learned 
certain technical methods. Which is more correct, to say that the 
man is prompted by intellectual curiosity ( n Cog ) to investigate 
and solve certain problems, or to say that the scientific procedure 
which he has learned determines his behaviour ? It seems obvious 


to us that both factors are effective to varying degrees depending 
on personality and circumstance. Since an individual cannot be- 
come equally proficient in all techniques ( actones ), his conduct 
is limited ( determined ) by the abilities and readinesses that he 
is able to develop. One might say that the needs that are objectified 
and the goals that are selected are the ones which can be most 
easily realized by the actones at a man's disposal. An extreme 
case would be a technician of a single apparatus who spent his 
days making countless measurements of everything that came 
to hand, thus allowing the instrument to determine the problems. 
Looking at the matter from the opposite point of view, it seems 
that the learning of a scientific technique must be prompted and 
sustained, by a desire to investigate ( to probe into things, gain 
knowledge, solve problems ) as well as by other needs. If there was 
no need of this, or some other, sort to be satisfied by the acquired 
actones, the individual would tend to change his vocation, to de- 
velop abilities which would satisfy a more positive requirement of 
his nature. Or, if the man possessed veritable intellectual interest 
the chances are that he would become absorbed in certain prob- 
lems, and in his attempt to solve them he would learn or invent 
new procedures. He would not be limited by stereotyped methods. 
The emphasis on technique seems to be more appropriate for 
certain personalities and the emphasis on needs and goals for 
others. Also, a psychologist who views men superficially ' extra- 
ceptively' (vide p. 211), 'peripherally* (vide p. 6) will be 
impressed by repetitions of technique (actones), whereas the 
psychologist who apperceives them deeply intraceptively ( vide 
p. 211 ) centrally (vide p. 6) will be impressed by the aim 
which sustains the technique or endures throughout many 
changes of technique. 

There is, in addition to the actonal viewpoint, another concep- 
tion which remains to be considered. It is the one which affirms 
that all people have the same needs in the same measure and, 
consequently, they cannot be differentiated on this basis ; what 
distinguishes them are the modes ( other than actones ) which they 
employ to satisfy their needs. No doubt there is much truth in 


this proposition, how much we are not prepared to judge. That 
we have given it a place in our scheme the reader will discover 
when, in the succeeding chapter, the various forms of need ex- 
pression are listed. Some of the modes are covered by the concept 
of subsidiation. To illustrate : a man may establish a friendly rela- 
tion ( n Affiliation ) by flattery ( n Deference ), by imparting in- 
teresting information ( n Exposition ), by asking questions that 
the O enjoys answering ( n Cognizance ), by agreeing with the O 
(n Similance), by expressing sympathy (n Nurturance), by 
tactfully exhibiting his own talents (n Recognition), and so 

But besides these and others to be discussed later, there are 
modes which are distinguishable according to the type or general 
direction of spatial movement. For example, adience and abience 
(vide p. 79) describe movements towards and away from ex- 
ternal objects. Following Lewin, 1 these may be termed vectors 
( v ) . The Adience vector furthers the positive needs ( Food, Sex, 
Sentience, Achievement, Recognition, Affiliation, Deference, 
Nurturance, Dominance, Exhibition, Succorance), whereas the 
Abience vector favours the negative needs ( Harmavoidance, Nox- 
avoidance, Blamavoidance, Inf avoidance ) . Contrience ( Aggres- 
sion ) may be included with Adience, and a new vector * Encase- 
ment* (surrounding the self with a defensive and forbidding 
* wall ' ) may be classed with Abience. This gives us a dichot9my 
that roughly corresponds to extraversion-introversion. This way of 
viewing behaviour has been applied by Alexander 2 and Horn- 
burger 8 to the activities centring about the erogenous zones. For 
example, the mouth may be used to passively take in, aggressively 
bite into or disgustedly spit out objects ; and the anus may func- 
tion to retain or expel, and so forth. This conception can be use- 
fully extended, as Homburger has shown, to characterize the play 
of children, particularly in their trafficking with objects. For in- 

1. Lewin,K. A Dynamic fhcory of Personality, New York,i935. 

2. Alexander ,F. 'The influence of psychologic factors upon gastro-intestinal dis- 
turbances,' Psychoanal. Q uart., 193 4, j, 501-588. 

3. Homburger.E. Configurations in play, Psychoanal. Q tiart., 193 7, 6, 139-214. 


stance, among children there are those who greedily grab and 
snatch, those who collect and patiently construct, those who 
secretively hoard and retain, and those who reject and violently 
throw down. Finally, there are movements of penetration into 
objects as well as those of entering and breaking out of enclo- 
sures. Though it is clear that certain vectors favour certain needs, 
we find in most cases that a single vector may serve several needs 
and a single need may be realized through one of several vectors. 
According to this broadened viewpoint a vector describes an 
objective trend (of a general sort) that may facilitate one or 
more needs. Thus the question arises, which is the better criterion 
for distinguishing individuals ? We cannot give an answer at the 
present time because we arrived at vector analysis following 
Mr. Homburger's exposition of it as we were approaching the 
termination of our studies and there was not time to test it sys- 
tematically. The*following list of vectors are tentatively proposed : 

1. Adience vector, approaching desirable objects. This favours all the 
affiliative needs. 

2. Ingressioji vector, seeking and entering an enclosed space or haven 
( claustrum ) and staying there ( n Passivity, n Seclusion, n Harmavoid- 
ance, n Rejection). This movement which suggests a 'return to the 
womb ' is probably highly correlated with the Abience, Encasement and 
Adherence vectors. 

3.. Adherence vector, reaching for and clinging to a supporting object 
( n Affiliation, n Harmavoidance ) . This is the characteristic movement 
of infantile dependence, the mother being the preferred object ( n Suc- 
corance). It may be fused with the Ingression vector (entering and 
refusing to leave a sanctum ) . 

4. Contrience vector, attacking external objects, the objects being 
usually disliked ( n Aggression ). This may be fused with Injection, or 
even Ejection (damaging objects by throwing them about or soiling 

5. Abience vector, retracting or fleeing from disliked, scorned or 
feared objects ( n Harmavoidance, n Inf avoidance, n Rejection ). This 
may be associated with Ingression or Adherence ( n Seclusion, n Suc- 
corance ) . 

6. Encasement vector, remaining fixed and holding one's ground 


against intruders by erecting a wall, holding up a shield or making ag- 
gressively defensive movements. This is represented on the verbal level 
by reticence, taciturnity, ' psychological distance ' ( n Inviolacy, n Pas- 
sivity, n Seclusion, n Def endance, n Inf avoidance, n Blamavoidance ) . 
Logically, this should be correlated with the Ingression and Retention 

7. Egression vector, leaving or breaking out of an enclosed place 
( claustrum ). This suggests the re-enaction of birth as well as the angry 
liberating movements displayed when a child is restrained ( n Auton- 
omy ). This vector is commonly fused with Locomotion. 

8. Locomotion vector, moving rapidly through space, running from 
one spot to another, leaving places ( n Autonomy ) . This is a very gen- 
eral attribute of behaviour. It is probably correlated with Adience, Egres- 
sion and Injection. It includes what is commonly termed exploratory 

9. Manipulation vector, moving objects about or using them as tools 
or instruments with which to do things ( n Dominance over things ). 

10. Construction vector, combining and configurating objects, build- 
ing things ( n Construction ). 

1 1 . Reception vector, sucking or passively taking things into the body 
( particularly into the mouth ), which often suggests dependence upon 
others for nourishment, affection, comfort, support, possessions, energy, 
knowledge, encouragement ( n Succorance ) . It should perhaps also in- 
clude the passive enjoyment of sensuous impressions ( sights and sounds ). 
It is commonly fused with Adherence. 

12. Acquisition vector, grabbing or aggressively acquiring objects 
( perhaps to put in the mouth and bite ). This goes with Adience, Con- 
trience, Locomotion, Reception. 

13. Ejection vector, expelling (pushing out) something (particu- 
larly excretions ) from the body. This is also exhibited when a child 
throws things down, smashes objects on the floor, creates disorder, smears 
and soils. It is not certain whether the following should be included : 
spitting up, blowing out, vomiting, making loud noises, exploding, dy- 
namiting, tearing apart, logorrhoea, slanderous gossip. 

14. Retention vector, retaining something ( particularly excrement ) 
in the body. Constipation is the physiological prototype of this, but there 
is also mutism and secrecy, possessiveness and miserliness and the unwill- 
ingness to give time, energy or affection to others. This is often fused 
with Encasement. 


15. Injection vector, sticking an object into something. This trend 
characterizes the phallic phase of sexual development. Children like to 
put their fingers into things, to bore, to force sticks into holes, to throw 
knives, shoot arrows and so forth. 

One advantage of vector analysis is the fact that it is based on 
readily discernible spatial changes, and for this reason there is apt 
to be good agreement among those who make the initial observa- 
tions. However, since the vectors are of negligible importance 
until they are interpreted, the * personal equation' is not di- 

To conclude the topic of mode, we may say that under this term 
we list not only all the varieties of action by which a need may 
be realized, but also the materials, implements, vehicles, machines 
( agency objects or technics ) which the limbs manipulate in 
order to achieve the desired goal. 

Since, as we have said, there is a close relation between certain 
needs and certain actones ( the former being dependent for their 
satisfaction upon the latter), and since the effective operation of 
actones requires ability ( innate and acquired talent ), it is highly 
probable that early abilities determine in large measure what 
needs develop and become dominant. Since actones and effects 
must be mutually dependent, invention may be the mother of 
necessity as often as its daughter. We did not make full use of this 
conception in the present study, though the attempt was made to 
discover the more prominent abilities and disabilities of each sub- 
ject ( vide p. 441 ). Interests should perhaps also be mentioned at 
this point, since many of them involve a particular set of motones 
( ex : swimming, tennis, mountain climbing, fishing ) or a par- 
ticular class of verbones ( ex : political speaking, logic, poetry ) 
which call for special abilities. Interests, abilities and actones are 
closely interrelated ( vide p. 228 ) . 

Cathected Objects, Interests 

An object ( O * ) that evokes a need is said to * have cathexis ' 
( c ) or to * be cathected ' ( by the subject or by the need ). This is 

i. O = object, an entity (thing, person, institution) which evokes reactions in 
the subject (S ). 


one of Freud's many valuable concepts. 1 If the object evokes a 
positive adient need (indicating that the S likes the O) it is 
said to have a positive cathexis ( value ) ; if it evokes a positive 
contrient or a negative abient need ( indicating that the S dislikes 
the O ) it is said to have a negative cathexis. Such cathexes may 
be temporary or enduring. Sometimes one object is endowed with 
both positive and negative cathexis ( ambivalence ). Cathexes may 
be further classified according to the need which the O evokes in 
the S. Common cathexes, for example, are the following : garbage 
(c Noxavoidance), lightning (c Harmavoidance), doctor (c 
Succorance), sobbing child (c Nurturance), hero (c Defer- 
ence ), autocrat ( c Autonomy ). A need that is concentrated upon 
one object or upon objects of a well-defined class may be called 
a * focal ' need ; one that is moved by a wide variety of objects may 
be called ' diffuse ' ( free-floating ) . The word * object ' is used to 
indicate a single object or a class of objects : sensuous patterns 
( ex : music, the landscapes of Van Gogh ) , inanimate objects 
( ex : tools, a Ford runabout ), animals ( ex : cats, Fritz ), persons 
(ex: Slavs, George Smith), institutions (ex: colleges, the 
G.A.R.) and ideologies ( ex : Utopias, the theory of natural selec- 
tion, communism ) . Different interests centre about different 
cathected objects. 

A personality is largely revealed in the objects that it cathects 
(values or rejects), especially if the intensity, endurance and 
rigidity of each cathection is noted, and if observation is ex- 
tended to the cathected groups with which the individual is 
affiliated (has ' belongingness ' ) . In this fashion a reasonably 
adeq^atejwrttajiu^ Insti- 

tutions and cultures can also be profitably analysed from the 
standpoint of their cathected objects, what they value and what 
they depreciate. 

It would be possible to collect facts in favour of the proposition 
that the kind of objects that an individual cathects is of more 
significance than the relative strength of his needs. Everyone is 

i. Lcwin and Tolman use the term valence to describe approximately the same 


friendly ( n Affiliation ) to somebody and discriminates ( n Rejec- 
tion ) against certain others. What should interest us particularly 
is the nature of the objects accepted and the nature of the objects 
rejected. With this opinion we agree readily up to a point. As 
we see it, the need factor and the object factor are complementary. 
Indeed, one can often guess what needs are dominant in an indi- 
vidual by knowing the objects of his positive and negative senti- 
ments. Disliking the boss suggests Autonomy, preferring an in- 
ferior suggests Dominance, a fondness for unfortunates suggests 
Nurturance, a hatred of snobs suggests Inviolacy, and so forth. 
In our experience, the positive or negative cathection of a par- 
ticular person can often be reasonably well 'explained' on the 
basis of a fusion of needs, since the object ( the other person ), 
being himself a compound of several needs, is able to satisfy more 
than one in the subject. However, this falls short of the mark, 
for there are a great number of enduring cathexes which are due 
to circumstance rather than to the relative strength of needs. 
Objects can be cathected ( by primary displacement ), because, let 
us say, of their association with birthplace, nationality, parents, 
an unusual traumatic experience, a glamorous relationship or some 
other fortuitous event. Then there is secondary displacement with 
all the mythological imagery of the unconscious to choose from. 
But we are not concerned here with explanations of conditioning ; 
we are faced with the fact of different sentiments in different indi- 
viduals, and with their striking importance in determining attrac- 
tion or repulsion, respect or disrespect, friendship or enmity. The 
problem is to generalize for scientific purposes the nature of the 
cathected objects ; for it does not seem that we can deal with 
concrete entities in their full particularity. It can have no scientific 
meaning to say that an S likes Bill Snooks, or enjoys the works 
of Fred Fudge, or has joined the Gamma club, or belongs to the 
Eleventh Hour Adventists, though to the gentlemen involved 
with the S in these associations it may be a matter of concern. 
Our own opinion is that it is important to know that there is 
some object cathected, but the object, as such, can have no scien- 
tific status until it is analysed and formulated as a compound of 


psychologically relevant attributes. The theory of press, we ven- 
ture to hope, is a step in this direction. 

In our work we chiefly distinguished among objects as persons : 
those that were superior ( older, of higher status, stronger, more 
competent, dominant or more intelligent) and those that were 
inferior ( younger, of lower status, weaker, ineffective, submis- 
sive, stupid ). A need that was directed towards a superior O was 
termed supravertive, and one directed towards an inferior object, 
infravertive. Thus : 

n suprAffiliation, the seeking of friendships with people of higher status, 
n infrAggression, bullying younger objects, 
n supraRejection, disrespect for adults. 

Furthermore, we distinguished* ideologies ( programs of action, 
rationalized sentiments, party platforms, mores, philosophies, re- 
ligious beliefs ) from all other objects ; having observed that a 
need might manifest itself towards a principle, an idea, a theory, 
as well as towards the personalities who supported it. Thus 

n ideo Dominance, to argue in favour of one's theory. 

n ideo Nurturance, to see value in another person's theory and to assist in 

elaborating it 

Besides the great variety of objects in the external world that 
are candidates for positive cathection, there is the self or Ego 
firstly and perhaps lastly beloved. An unusual attention to one's 
body, feelings and thoughts and a narrow devotion to one's in- 
terests, disregarding the well-being of others, is termed Narcism 
( egophilia or Ego-cathection ) . Needs which bring effects that 
chiefly benefit the subject are called ' egocentric ' ( or * egophilic ' ) . 
Most actions are egocentric. But there are needs which are also ex- 
hibited in behalf of a group or institution ( ex : one's country). 
These are called * sociocentric ' (or ' sociophilic ' ) . Sometimes 
men have to be urged to serve the State, in which case circum- 
stances may compel them to manifest Dominance, Aggression, 
Exhibition and so forth. 

Needs that are turned in upon the subject are said to be intra- 
vertive. For example : 


n intrAggression, self-blame, remorse, self-injury, suicide. 

n intraNurturance, self-pity, nursing a wound. 

n intraDeference, self -admiration. 

n intraDominance, self-control, will power. 

Among significant questions pertaining to cathection are the 
following : 

1. The ratio of positive/negative cathexes. Does a subject like 
more objects than he dislikes ? 

2. The intensity, endurance and inflexibility of the cathexes. 

3. The distance in space and time of the cathected objects. Does, 
for example, a subject admire his father or is it a mythological 
figure that appeals to him ? 

4. To what extent does a subject support his cathexes by rea- 
soned arguments ( rationalizations ) ? 

5. Are the cathexes imitations for the most part or have they 
been independently arrived at ? 

6. Are they conservative or radical ? 

7. Does the S identify himself with his cathected objects and 
experience their fortunes as if they were his own ? 

The concept of cathection may be employed for still another 
purpose : to represent the characteristic value or potency of the 
subject in the eyes of other men. One can ask, what are the kinds 
and intensities of cathexes he possesses for his acquaintances, or, 
if the S is a public character, for the members of his native cul- 
ture ? Is he annoying ( c Aggression ) t Does he command respect 
( c Deference ) ? Does he attract friends ( c Affiliation ) ? Does he 
evoke sympathy ( c Nurturance ) ? Do people generally ignore 
him ( c Rejection ) ? 

Need Integrates 

Everyday observation instructs us rhar jyjrK Hqvcjnpmenr each 
need tends to attach to itself ( to be commonly evoked by ) cer- 
tain objects or certain classes of objects, other objects or classes 
being disregarded. And, likewise, each cathected object attaches 
to itself an aggregate or fusion of needs. Also, certain character- 
istic modes ( actones, sub-trends, agency objects and pathways ) 


become quite regularly utilized in connection with these needs and 
objects. Such consistencies of connection lead to the conception of 
relatively stable organizations in the brain, a notion which is sub- 
stantiated by introspection. One might say that traces ( images ) of 
cathected objects in familiar settings become integrated in the 
mind with the needs and emotions which they customarily excite, 
as well as with images of preferred modes. A hypothetical com- 
pound of this sort may be called a need integrate, or complex. 
The integrate may enter consciousness as a fantasy or plan of 
action, or, under appropriate circumstances, it may be objectified, 
in which case it can be operationally defined as a reaction pattern 
that is_eyoked by certain conditions. 

When a need is aroused it has a tendency to seek or to avoid, as 
the case may be, the external objects that resemble the images with 
which it is integrated. Failing in this, it projects the images into 
the most accessible objects, causing the subject to believe that the 
latter are what is desired or feared. The thing ' out there ' looks 
like or is interpreted to be the cathected image oflhe need inte- 
grate. This theory accounts for the content of dreams, hallucina- 
tions, illusions and delusions. It also makes intelligible the selec- 
tivity in attention and response which individuals exhibit when 
confronted by a heterogeneous environment. In some people selec- 
tivity Is scTmarked that the environment, as objectively * laid out,' 
seems of little importance. The subject makes what he will out of 
it. * If a man has character he has his typical experience which al- 
ways recurs ' ( Nietzsche ) . Thus, * need integrate ' or ' complex ' 
is a concept that will * explain ' relatively specific recurrent phe- 
nomena. It is an internaj^constcllation^ which establishes a channel 
through which a need isjgalized. Compared to it the concept of 
rieecTis highly abstract. Complexes differ chiefly in respect to the 
needs, the modes ( actones, sub-needs, technics ) and the stimulus- 
objects or goal-objects which compose them. Cultures, as well as 
individuals, may be portrayed as organizations of such complexes. 


Manifest and Latent Needs 

Need integrates commonly become objectified and exhibit 
themselves in overt action, when they are aroused. One can ob- 
serve repeatedly in some people the same directional tendency 
carried along by the same mode towards the same object. Inte- 
grates of this sort tend to become loosely organized into a charac- 
teristic temporal sequence : a daily schedule which gives shape to a 
person's life. Some need integrates, however, do not become 
objectified in real action when evoked. They take one of a number 
of other forms, all of which we have termed latent. * Covert ' or 
* imaginal ' would have been a happier word, since in these cases 
the complexes are not strictly speaking latent. They are active 
fantasies which are merely not manifested objectively, or, if so 
manifested, follow an * irreal ' ( Lewin's term * ) course. Let us 
list briefly the chief courses or levels of need expression. 

1. An objectified (overt or manifest ) need. This includes all 
action that is ' real * ( seriously and responsibly directed towards 
actual objects), whether or not it is preceded by a conscious in- 
tention or wish. 

2. A semi-objectified need. Here we class overt activity that is 
playfully and imaginatively ( irresponsibly ) directed towards real 
objects, or that is seriously directed towards imagined objects. 

2a. Play, particularly the play of children, but also many of 
the things that adults do 'for fun/ let us say, when they are 

2b. Dramatics : expressing a need integrate by playing the pre- 
ferred role in a theatrical production. 

2c. Ritual, religious or semi-religious practices that are expres- 
sive of some relatedness to imagined higher powers. 

2d. Artistic expression : singing a song, playing a musical com- 
position or reciting a poem that gives expression to a complex. 

2e. Artistic creation : composing a work of art ( painting sculp- 
ture, music, literature ) that por trays a complex, in whole or in 

i. Lcwin.K. Principles of fopological Psychology, New York,i936. 


3. A subjectified need. This covers all need activity that finds no 
overt expression. The following are significant : 

33. Desires, temptations, plans, fantasies, and dreams. Informa- 
tion as to these import? -.t processes must be obtained directly 
from the subject. 

3b. Vicarious living. Here, the subject occupies himself with the 
objectification by another object of tendencies similar to his own 
inhibited impulses. He empathically participates in the action. The 
following are sources of stimulation : 

i. contemporary events, actual happenings in the present world 

which the subject observes ( ex : an execution, a marriage 

or a funeral), or hears about from his acquaintances or 

reads about in the newspaper ; 

ii. fiction, fairy tales, stories, plays and movies that the subject 

especially enjoys ; or 

iii. art objects which represent some element in a need integrate. 
The art object may stand for an object of desire or of fear, 
or it may be something with which the individual can 
identify himself. 

When, in an adult, a need with its integrate is not actually ob- 
jectified one usually supposes that it is inhibited. Since such 
inhibitions are matters of importance in understanding a person- 
ality we have found it necessary to distinguish between needs that 
are overt (manifest) and those that are not. In our study the 
latter ( semi-objectified and subjectified forms of activity ) were 
classed together as * latent ' needs ( In ) . 

In judging an individual it is important to observe which needs 
are periodically satisfied and which are repeatedly frustrated. Here 
we have to take account of specific abilities. Frustration may lead 
to inhibition of a need, to atrophy from hopelessness or to exag- 
gerated re-striving. It is necessary to note the occurrence of gratui- 
tous end situations ( unnaturally facile climaxes ), common in the 
lives of the over-privileged. With the latter, needs may be so 
easily satisfied that they rarely enter consciousness. Hence these 
people may appear as if they had none. Here, the conclusion must 
be that it is hard to judge the strength of needs without knowing 


which of them are being regularly stilled during times when the 
subject is not being observed. 

The word ' attitude/ so widely used in social psychology, seems 
to describe a state intermediate between subjectification and objec- 
tification. It is an ' obvious readiness ' to act in a certain way. If 
the attitude is barely obvious it might be considered inhibited, 
covert, latent. If it is very obvious it might be judged to be overt 
and manifest. Anyhow, it seems that ' attitude,' in so far as it refers 
to behaviour, can be subsumed under the need concept, because 
the latter is the more inclusive. Need is defined to cover every- 
thing from the most incipient inclination toward assuming a 
certain attitude to the most complete expression of such a tend- 
ency. Attitude is limited to the mid-region between latency and 
full realization. It would be hardly appropriate to say that an 
erotic fantasy was an attitude or that committing murder was an 
attitude. Attitudes make up the derm of a personality. Most of 
the social attitudes can be classified as the needs have been classi- 
fied ( affiliative, nurturant, dominative, rejective, etc.). This also 
applies to attitudes about ideologies ( political platforms, religions, 
philosophies). Verbal activity in connection with such programs 
and beliefs we have termed ideological needs. For example : 

n ideo Aggression, to demolish a theory. 

n ideo Affiliation, to be friendly to an idea. 

n ideo Rejection, to scorn or vote against a proposition. 

The positive adient needs are expressed by different types of 
positive attitude ( favourable to an object ) ; whereas the contrient 
and abient needs are expressed by different types of negative atti- 
tude ( unfavourable to an object ) . 

Conscious and Unconscious Needs 

It is important to distinguish the needs which are relatively 
conscious from those which are relatively unconscious ( un ) .* By 
consciousness we mean introspective or, more accurately, immedi- 
ately-retrospective awareness. Whatever a subject can report upon 

i . Conventional abbreviations are as follows : Cs = conscious ; Ucs = uncon- 
scious. We have used * un ' to stand for * unconscious need.' 


is considered conscious ; everything else which, by inference, was 
operating in the regnancy is considered unconscious. According to 
this convenient pragmatic criterion, consciousness depends upon 
verbalization. Thus, conscious facts ( for the experimenter ) are 
limited to those which the subject is able to recall. Consequently, 
in all organisms below man every regnant variable, being un- 
verbalizable, is treated as if it were unconscious. 

A conscious as well as an unconscious need ( un ) may be either 
subjectified or objectified. For example, many conscious desires are 
never put into action and many unconscious needs are exhibited 
in actions which can be interpreted by others. The manifestations 
of unconscious needs are usually rationalized or ' explained away ' 
by the subject. They are attributed to another need or to some 
other factor : habit, convention, imitation, bad influence, etc. As 
a general rule, unconscious needs are in opposition to the social 
personality. Together they constitute what has been called the 
alter ego, a partly dissociated self, composed of tendencies that are 
not ' let out ' in everyday life. It is this subterranean part of an 
individual that may, by a sudden eruption, produce an unpre- 
dicted transformation : contrafaction, conversion, regression or 
creative progression. A dual personality ( ex : Dr. Jekyll and Mr. 
Hyde ) is a limiting case. What is unconscious is much more 
difficult to modify than what is conscious. Hence, one of the steps 
in the development of personality is that of becoming conscious of 
what is unconscious. 

Unconscious needs commonly express themselves in dreams, in 
visions, in emotional outbursts and unpremeditated acts, in 
slips of the tongue and pen, in absent-minded gestures, in laugh- 
ter, in numberless disguised forms fused with acceptable (con- 
scious ) needs, in compulsions, in rationalized sentiments, in pro- 
jections ( illusions, delusions and beliefs ), and in all symptoms 
( hysterical conversion symptoms particularly ) . In the present 
study we became less interested as time went on in conscious overt 
behaviour it was obvious and the subject knew about it and 
increasingly absorbed in the exploration of unconscious com- 


At this point, a special difficulty arises in connection with the 
subject who is disturbed or depressed but does not know what is 
wrong or what he needs. He is like a sick man ignorant of medi- 
cine. For example, there is no instinct that leads a patient with 
scurvy to drink orange juice. He must be told what he needs. If 
left to himself he might seek ( that is, act as if he * really ' needed ) 
a great variety of things. Similarly it appears that many people 
do not know what it is they * really ' want, what they * really ' 
need for their own well-being. They recognize it only when they 
find it, after much fumbling about or after being shown by some- 
one else. Parents, nurses, educators, psycho-therapists, priests and 
moral philosophers make it their business to tell the young, the de- 
praved and the sick what they need. Perhaps they are wrong most 
of the time, but when it can be shown that such a prediction is right, 
that a certain heretofore unexhibited trend of action brings con- 
tentment in place of inner disturbance, then there is reason to 
suppose that a need has been satisfied, a need that was previously 
active, though entirely unconscious. If, however, there has been 
no antecedent discontent we must consider the possibility of a 
new integration of needs, or even of the generation of a new need. 
It is often fruitful to consider an individual from the point of 
view of what needs are currently satisfied and what needs ( com- 
mon in others ) are not ; and then to consider which ones of the 
satisfied and which ones of the unsatisfied are really important 
to his well-being. 


It has been maintained that personology conceptualizes the 
reactions of individuals on a molar ( gross ) level. Though it is not 
limited to the construction of such formulations, this is its dis- 
tinctive task. The concepts of need, trend and effect, for example, 
are molar concepts. They describe the general course of behaviour. 
They might even be used ( in the case of an individual whose 
entire life has been ordered by a controlling purpose ) to sum- 
marize a biography. But this mode of abstraction results in a one- 


sided portrait that leaves us in the dark as to many dynamic fac- 
tors about which we quite naturally require information. The 
representation of the personality as a hierarchical system of gen- 
eral traits or need complexes leaves out the nature of the environ- 
ment, a serious omission. We must know to what circumstances 
an individual has been exposed. 

To some extent an application of the notion of cathection will 
fill the gap, because an enumeration of the positively and nega- 
tively cathected objects tells us what entities in the environment 
had drawing or repelling power. However, the enumeration 
of concrete cathected objects has meaning only for those who have 
had experience with them and can, by an intuitive leap, imagine 
why they repelled or appealed to the subject in question. To say 
that John Quirk had a focal Affiliation drive is equivalent to the 
statement that * he maintained a life-long friendship with George 
Smythe,' since we have no information about the attributes of 
George Smythe. Concrete objects and events constitute the data 
of science, but they cannot be incorporated in a discipline until 
they can be described as patterns of general attributes. We must 
build a conceptual home for our perceptions. 

What seems to be necessary here is a method of analysis which 
will lead to satisfactory dynamical formulations of external en- 
vironments. To us it seems that few psychologists have correctly 
envisaged this problem. Those who study behavioural reactions 
record, usually quite scrupulously, the particular stimuli which 
evoke each response, and when the reaction system is defined it. is 
described as a kind of activity that is evoked by a certain class of 
stimuli. But upon examination it becomes apparent that the class 
of stimuli has but one uniformity : the power to evoke the reaction 
in question. Thus, reactions of class A are responses to stimuli of 
class X ; and stimuli of class X are those that arouse reactions of 
class A. In other words, the abstract description of the effective 
( behavioural ) environment, as usually given, is mere tautology. 
An obvious way to avoid tautology is to become concrete and men- 
tion the specific objects or situations which in each instance pro- 
voked the behaviour. But it is just here that we do not want to 


rest, because to arrive at the generalizations that science demands 
we must find similarities ( uniformities ) among events and to 
find similarities it is necessary to abstract from the concrete. The 
question is, how shall we classify situations in their own right 
( i.e., irrespective of the response that they evoke in the organ- 
ism ) ? As psychologists, of course, we must limit ourselves to the 
parts of the environment with which human beings make contact 
and to the aspects which ' make a difference.' The usual classifi- 
cation as represented by common speech and the dictionary 
assigns a name to objects which have similar physical properties, 
but this mode of symbolization, though it classifies objects in their 
own right, is of no use to us because it is dynamically ( persono- 
logically ) irrelevant. If we attempted it we should discover that 
objects which have quite similar physical dimensions ( ex : two 
men that resemble each other ) may affect the organism entirely 
differently and give rise to different reactions, and that objects 
which are perceptually very different ( ex : a stroke of lightning 
and a wild animal ) may affect the organism similarly and bring 
about similar reactions. As Koffka l has emphasized, the physical 
environment and the behavioural ( or psychological ) environ- 
ment are two different things. 

Failing to make progress by using any of the above described 
methods, we finally hit upon the notion of representing an object 
or situation according to its effect ( or potential effect ) upon the 
subject, just as we had become accustomed to represent the subject 
in terms of his effect (or intended effect) upon an object. By 
' effect ' here we do not mean the response that is aroused in the 
subject ( a mode of classification that has been abandoned ) ; we 
mean what is done to the subject before he responds ( ex : be- 
littlement by an insult ) or what might be done to him if he did 
not respond (ex : a physical injury from a falling stone), or 
what might be done to him if he did respond by coming into con- 
tact with the object (ex : nourishment from food). Thus, one 
may ask : does the object physically harm the subject, nourish 
him, excite him, quiet him, exalt him, depreciate him, restrain, 

i. Kofflca.K. Principles of Gestalt Psychology, New York, 193 5. 


guide, aid or inform him ? Such questions are the outcome of a 
dominating conception of the organism as a * going concern f ( a 
system of vital processes), the behaviour of which is mostly di- 
rected by occurrences that facilitate or obstruct these processes. 
On the personological level we must deal for the most part with 
social factors which facilitate or obstruct the psychological well- 
being of the individual, but they can be viewed in the same way 
as a physiologist views the culture medium of an organism. Does 
it contain poisons ? Is there sufficient oxygen ? Does it allow for 
the elimination of waste products ? 

Our conclusion is that it is not only possible but advisable to 
classify an environment in terms of the kinds of benefits ( facili- 
tations, satisfactions ) and the kinds of harms ( obstructions, in- 
juries, dissatisfactions ) which it provides. When this is done it may 
be observed that in the vast majority of cases the organism tends to 
avoid the harms and seek the benefits. The troublesome exceptions 
to this general rule can be put aside for the present. What we want 
to represent is the kind of effect that a given object does ( or can ) 
have upon the subject. If it is a ' bad * effect the subject tends to 
prevent its occurrence by avoiding it or defending himself against 
it. If it is a * good ' effect the S will usually approach the object 
and attempt to get the most out of it. A single object, of course, 
may be capable of numerous effects, both harms and benefits. 

It may readily be seen that when the objects of the environment 
are human or animal, they can be symbolized as the subject is 
symbolized in terms of this or that drive. The natural environ- 
ment, as we shall see, may be treated in much the same fashion. 
Thus, the external world appears in the guise of a dynamical 
process and the complete behavioural event as an interaction of 

We have selected the term press ( plural press ) to designate a 
directional tendency in an object or situation. Like a need, each 
press has a qualitative aspect the kind of effect which it has or 
might have upon the subject ( if the S comes in contact with it 
and does not react against it ) as well as a quantitative aspect, 
since its power for harming or benefitting varies widely. Every- 


thing that can supposedly harm or benefit the well-being of an 
organism may be considered pressive, everything else inert. The 
process in the subject which recognizes what is being done to him 
at the moment ( that says ' this is good ' or * this is bad ' ) may 
be conveniently termed pressive perception. The process is defi- 
nitely egocentric, and gives rise almost invariably, to some sort of 
adaptive behaviour. 

Most stimulus situations are not in themselves directly effective. 
As such, they are not harms or benefits to the organism. But they 
are potent evokers of behaviour because they appear as signs of 
something that is to come. Some people, for example, are more 
disturbed by omens of disaster than they are by actual misfor- 
tune ; and others are more thrilled by thoughts of future events 
than by these events when they occur. Similarly, there is such 
a thing as fore-pleasure and fore-unpleasure. Indeed, the power 
of a stimulus situation does not usually depend upon pressive 
perception ' the object is doing this or that to me ' but rather 
upon pressive apperception * the object may do this to me ( if I 
remain passive ) or I may use the object in this or that way ( if I 
become active).' Such pressive apperceptions are largely deter- 
mined, as investigations have shown, by the impressions and inte- 
grations which have occurred in the brain as the result of past 
experiences. Pressive apperception, indeed, may be defined as a 
process by which a present situation excites images ( conscious 
or unconscious ) that are representative of pressive situations of 
the past. Through them the past is made to live actively in the 
present. Thus every conditioned response depends upon pressive 
apperception, for it is this process which connects an existing, 
otherwise inert situation with the impression ( trace ) of a former 
pressive perception. What is important to note is that pressive 
apperception is usually unconscious. The creature merely reacts. 
If it happens to be a mature human being, he will often give 
reasons to himself or to others for his behaviour, but his explana- 
tions will seldom coincide with the unconscious determining 

Because the conception of press came to us rather late in the 


course of our explorations it was not suitably compounded with 
our other concepts. Nor has it yet been applied sufficiently to the 
interpretation of personality and social cultures. And there is not 
even space here for an account of what in the theory has already 
been found usable. Suffice it to say that one can profitably analyse 
an environment, a social group or an institution from the point 
of view of what press it applies or offers to the individuals that 
live within or belong to it. These would be its dynamically perti- 
nent attributes. Furthermore, human beings, in general or in 
particular, can be studied from the standpoint of what beneficial 
press are available to them and what harmful press they custom- 
arily encounter. This is partly a matter of the potentialities of the 
environment and partly of the attributes of the subject. Some 
individuals, because they are ugly or disorderly or courteous or 
quiet, have a cathexis for certain kinds of press. That is to say, 
they arouse certain needs Rejection, Aggression, Deference, 
Nurturance in others. 

Our present classification of press is not considered satisfactory, 
but a bare outline might be offered at this point : 

Press may be classified in a rough way as positive or negative, and as 
mobile or immobile. Positive press are usually enjoyable and beneficial 
( ex : food, a friend ) ; negative press are usually distasteful and harm- 
ful ( ex : poison, insult ) . Mobile press are moving forces which may 
affect the subject harmfully or beneficially if he remains passive ( ex : 
an animal or human being ) . Mobile press may be either autonomous or 
docile, autonomous when the activity is initiated in the O, docile when 
regulated by the S ( ex : a compliant subordinate ) . Immobile press can 
have no effect unless the S approaches, manipulates or influences them 
in some way ( ex : a glass of water ) . A 'positive autonomous ( mobile ) 
press would be exemplified by a sympathetic mother, an affectionate 
friend, a bestowing philanthropist, a benevolent leader. And the apper- 
ception of the S might be : * he (or she ) will be friendly, help me, 
praise me.' A positive docile ( mobile ) press would be exhibited by a 
river that is used to drive a mill, a domestic animal, a servant, a disciple. 
Here the apperception of the S might be : * I can control it, he will obey 
me, he is respecting my wishes.' A negative mobile press would be ex- 
emplified by lightning, a storm at sea, a carnivorous beast, an angry par- 


ent, a gangster, the * hand of the law,' a bore, a troublesome child. A nega- 
tive mobile press is always autonomous, since a S does not use an object to 
bring displeasure to himself. A positive immobile press is manifested by 
inorganic objects which cannot or usually do not act on the subject unless 
he approaches or manipulates them. The following might be mentioned : 
nourishing food, water, shelter, toys, money, building stones, all manner 
of material possessions. The apperceptions of the S might be : ' It will 
taste good, it will warm me, I can play it, I can give it to someone.' A 
negative immobile press would be exemplified by quicksand, ice cold 
water, a precipice, a barrier, poison ivy, useless instruments, an ugly ob- 
ject and so forth. Here apperception will report : ' It is dangerous, it will 
hurt me if I touch it, it cannot be used.' 

What we have been describing is the external world in the 
guise of a psychological environment : objects in changing set- 
tings characterizable as foods, poisons, sensuous patterns, supports, 
harbingers of danger, friends, guides, enemies, suppliants that are 
prospective of certain consequences if approached, manipulated, 
embraced, commanded, flattered, obeyed or otherwise responded 
to. The press of an object is what it can do to the subject or for the 
subject the power that it has to affect the well-being of the 
subject in one way or another. The cathexis of an object, on the 
other hand, is what it can matye the subject do. 

In our work we concentrated upon press that were manifested 
by human objects ( mobile, autonomous press ) and we enlarged 
the notion to include lacks and losses of positive press ( ex : a 
barren monotonous environment, lack of food objects, poverty, 
no friends, etc.). A few illustrations will suffice : 

p Affiliation, a friendly, sociable companion 

p Nurturance, a protective, sympathetic ally 

p Aggression, a combative O, or one who censures, belittles or fleers 

p Rival ( Recognition ), a competitor for honours 

p Lack ( Economic ), the condition of poverty 

p Dominance : Restraint, an imprisoning or prohibiting object. 

The diagnosis of press is fraught with the same difficulty as 
the diagnosis of need. It is always an interpretation, but an 
important one. Every individual must make such guesses many 


times a day : ' Will this object please and benefit me, or will it 
displease and harm me ? ' The knowledge of what is good and 
what is bad for man is a large part of wisdom. In identifying 
press we have found it convenient to distinguish between i, the 
alpha press, which is the press that actually exists, as far as sci- 
entific inquiry can determine it ; and 2, the beta press, which is 
the subject's own interpretation of the phenomena that he per- 
ceives. An object may, in truth, be very well disposed towards 
the subject press of Affiliation ( alpha press ) but the subject 
may misinterpret the object's conduct and believe that the ob- 
ject is trying to depreciate him press of Aggression : Belittle- 
ment ( beta press ) . When there is wide divergence between the 
alpha and beta press we speak of delusion. 

Pre-actions and Outcomes 

Behaviour is inaugurated not only by newly arising internal 
wants and freshly presented press, but by preceding occurrences. 
Among the latter we have found it convenient to distinguish 
' pre-actions ' and * outcomes.' Any action which determines the 
course of future behaviour, may be called a ' pre-action.' Some 
pre-actions are of the nature of promises and pledges. They call 
for some later fulfillment : a further ' living out ' or a repetition 
of the word or deed. Others, however, are followed by actions of 
an opposite sort : borrowing by returning, lending by demanding 
payment, generosity by stinginess, depreciating by praising, fight- 
ing by peaceful overtures, rudeness by courtesy ( contraf actions ). 
If the status of the subject is lowered by his own pre-action ( ex : 
humiliation), then the * sequent-action ' is very likely to be an 
attempt to re-instate himself (ex: self-vindication). Whereas, 
if another human being is diminished by the pre-action, there 
will be a tendency for the subject to bring about a restitution 
(ex: apology, gift, compliment). Influencing many of these 
acts is a vague sense of 'justice,' of a balance between what is 
due the subject and what is due the object. This is closely related 
to inferiority feelings and guilt feelings. 

Besides pre-actions it is necessary to take account of outcomes 


(the fortunes of previous strivings). A man, for example, may 
react to success by inflation ( self-confidence, boasting, demands 
for recognition ) or by deflation ( modesty of the victor ) . Simi- 
larly, failure may give rise to aggression and extrapunitiveness 
or to abasement and intrapunitiveness ( vide Dr. Rosenzweig's 
paper, p. 585 ). It may also be followed by Defendance ( verbal 
self -vindication), Succorance (appeals for help or generosity), 
Inf avoidance (withdrawal), Play (attempts to make a joke of 
it ), Recognition ( telling about one's success in some other field ) 
and so forth. 

Concept of Thema 

A thema is the dynamical structure of an event on a molar 
level. A simple thema is the combination of a particular press 
or pre-action or outcome ( o ) and a particular need. It deals with 
the general nature of the environment and the general nature of 
the subject's reaction. For example : 

p Rejection // Rejection : the S is rejected ( snubbed ) by the O 
and responds in kind. 

o Failure -> n Achievement : the S makes renewed, counteractive at- 
tempts to succeed after failure. 

Thus, a thema exhibits the press of the stimulus to which a 
subject is exposed when he reacts the way he does. Since fan- 
tasies as well as actual events have themas, every need integrate 
is also a thematic tendency ; the theory being that in such cases 
there is an inhibited need for a particular form of behaviour to 
be aroused by a press which the individual secretly ( perhaps 
unconsciously) hopes to find embodied in some actual person. 
In our experience, the unconscious (alter ego) of a person 
may be formulated best as an assemblage or federation of thematic 

Definition of Need 

Marshalling the facts and reflections reviewed in this section 
it is possible to enlarge upon our initial definition of a need. 

A need is a construct ( a convenient fiction or hypothetical 


concept ) which stands for a force ( the physico-chemical nature 
of which is unknown) in the brain region, a force which organ- 
izes perception, apperception, intellection, conation and action in 
such a way as to transform in a certain direction an existing, un- 
satisfying situation. A need is sometimes provoked directly by 
internal processes of a certain kind ( viscerogenic, endocrinogenic, 
thalamicogenic ) arising in the course of vital sequences, but, 
more frequently ( when in a state of readiness ) by the occurrence 
of one of a few commonly effective press ( or by anticipatory 
images of such press ) . Thus, it manifests itself by leading the 
organism to search for or to avoid encountering or, when en- 
countered, to attend and respond to certain kinds of press. It may 
even engender illusory perceptions and delusory apperceptions 
(projections of its imaged press into unsuitable objects). Each 
need is characteristically accompanied by a particular feeling or 
emotion and tends to use certain modes ( sub-needs and actones ) 
to further its trend. It may be weak or intense, momentary or 
enduring. But usually it persists and gives rise to a certain course 
of overt behaviour (or fantasy), which (if the organism is 
competent and external opposition not insurmountable ) changes 
the initiating circumstance in such a way as to bring about an 
end situation which stills ( appeases or satisfies ) the organism. 

From this definition it appears that the indices by which an 
overt or manifest need can be distinguished are these : 

1 . A typical behavioural trend or effect ( transformation of external- 
internal conditions ). 

2. A typical mode ( actones or sub-effects ). 

3. The search for, avoidance or selection of, attention and response to 
one of a few types of press ( cathccted objects of a certain class ) . 

4. The exhibition of a characteristic emotion or feeling. 

5. The manifestation of satisfaction with the achievement of a cer- 
tain effect ( or with a gratuity ), or the manifestation of dissatisfaction 
when there is failure to achieve a certain effect. 

These objective indices have subjective correlates : a subject 
is usually aware of wanting and striving for a certain effect, he 
can report upon what attracted his attention and how he in- 


tcrpretcd it. He can describe his inner states of feeling, emotion 
and affection. He can say whether he was really pleased or just 
pretending. Thus, if the above-mentioned five kinds of phenomena 
are observed, subjectively and objectively, there will be ten criteria 
upon which to base a diagnosis of manifest need. 

Latent needs ( like manifest needs ) are parts of integrates 
composed of actones, sub-needs, feelings, and cathected images 
embodying press, but either i, they are objectified in play or 
ritual or artistic compositions, the objects being make-believe 
or symbolic ( semi-objectifications ) ; or 2, they are portrayed 
in the behaviour or art productions of others, the S being merely 
an empathic observer ( vicarious living ) ; or 3, they are not ob- 
jectified in any form, the E becoming aware of them only when 
the S speaks aloud his free-associations or reports upon his dreams 
and fantasies ( vide p. in ). Special methods have been invented 
for evoking latent, imaginal needs and objectifying them in fic- 
tional forms. These will be discussed later ( vide p. 529 ) . 

The strength of a single exhibition of a need is measured in 
terms of intensity and duration. The strength of a need as a 
consistently ready reaction system of personality is measured by 
noting the frequency of its occurrence under given conditions. 
In our scoring these three indices of * strength ' were lumped to- 
gether ; a high mark indicating that the need in question was 
exhibited with great frequency, or occasionally with great in- 
tensity or persistence. The criteria of intensity will be discussed 
in a later section ( vide p. 251 ). 

Since, according to our conception, a need manifests itself in a 
variety of ways, it is not possible to confine oneself to a single opera- 
tional definition. It seems that the best objective basis is the 
behavioural attainment of an apparently satisfying effect, an 
effect which brings the activity to a halt ( usually by facilitating 
a vital process). The best subjective criterion is the occurrence 
of a wish or resolution to do a certain thing ( to bring about a 
certain effect). According to some psychologists subjective proc- 
esses are outside the pale of operationism. Naturally, they do not 
come within the domain of physics, but that a physicist might 


include them if he took up the study of psychology is indicated 
by Bridgman's choice of a subjective process to illustrate opera- 

As a matter of self-analysis I am never sure of a meaning until I have 
analysed what I do, so that for me meaning is to be found in a recogni- 
tion of the activities involved. These activities may be diffused and nebu- 
lous and on the purely emotional level, as when I recognize that what I 
mean when I say that I dislike something is that I confront myself with 
the thing in actuality or in imagination and observe whether the emo- 
tion that it arouses is one with which I associate the name * dislike.' The 
emotion awakened which I call * dislike ' permits of no further analysis 
from this point of view, but has to be accepted as an ultimate. 1 

As we have said, the objective and subjective criteria above 
mentioned are but two ways in which a need makes itself known ; 
others are almost equally valid and useful. Thus, although it is 
necessary that an experimenter be able to give a clear and accurate 
account of the occurrences upon which he has based a diagnosis 
of need he must always be able to distinguish fact from theory 
he cannot, in the present state of psychology, base his diag- 
nosis ( or his definition ) on a single operation. Here, he is in 
the same predicament as a physician who makes a diagnosis on 
the basis of numerous incommensurate signs or operations ( sub- 
jective pain, temperature, blood count, urine examination, etc.) 
and next day, when faced by another subject, makes correctly the 
same diagnosis on the basis of a somewhat different collection 
of signs. 

Furthermore, since during any occasion a need is but one of 
many interacting processes, all of which vary qualitatively and 
quantitatively from occasion to occasion, measurements of need 
strength must necessarily be crude and various. For instance, 
there seem to be about twenty equally valid indices of the in- 
tensity of a drive ( vide p. 253 ) . All of which leads us to the 
conclusion that a rigorous operational definition of need is in- 
advisable, and perhaps impossible at the present time. 

Some psychologists have strenuously objected to the concept 

i. Bridgman.P.W. The Nature of Physical Theory, 1936, pp. 8,9. 


of need, on the basis that it is either a simple tautology or a 
hazardous unscientific guess. A friend of mine writes : * I observe 
a man enter a room and sit down on a couch. What do I add to 
an understanding of the event by stating that he had a "need 
to sit on that couch " ? * The answer to such a question is that the 
* need to sit on that couch ' is either a concrete example of a cer- 
tain class of needs ( ex : need for Passivity ) or it is a sub-need 
which furthers the trend of one or more determinant needs : per- 
haps a need for Similance ( other people are sitting down ), a need 
for Cognizance ( to discover whether the couch is comfortable 
or not ), a need for Affiliation ( to be near a cathected object who 
is sitting on the couch ), etc. One cannot say which of a number 
of possible needs are operating without further facts. The ex- 
perimenter must observe how the subject behaves when he sits 
down, must ask, ' Why did you sit down on that couch ? ' and 
so forth. The attribution of a particular need is always an hy- 
pothesis, but one which can sometimes be substantiated by suffi- 
cient evidence ( subjective and objective ), and when so substanti- 
ated may lead to important generalizations about a personality. 
The mere fact that a particular S sat on a particular couch, how- 
ever, is of no scientific interest. It is an outcast fact begging to be 
understood and to be accepted with others of its kind. 

When it is stated that an individual has a strong need for 
Aggression, let us say, it means merely that signs of this need 
have recurred, with relative frequency, in the past. It is an ab- 
stract statement which requires amplification, for it does not tell 
us : i, whether the manifestations of Aggression are emotional 
(accompanied by anger) and impulsive *( emn Agg), or de- 
liberate and calm, or habitually automatic and actonal ( an Agg ) ; 
or 2, what actones are habitually employed motones ( fists ) 
or verbones ( words of belittlement ) or what needs act in a 
subsidiary capacity ; or 3, whether the need is focal or diffuse, 
and; if focal, what are the negatively cathected objects ( people, 
institutions, ideas ) and what press do they exemplify ( does the 
S attack prohibiting authorities [ n suprAgg ] or weaklings [ n 
infrAgg ] ? ) ; or 4, whether the need is directed inwardly 


( intrAgg ) resulting in self-condemnation and guilt feelings ; or 
5, whether the need integrate is objectified in overt behaviour or 
inhibited and latent ( In Agg ), manifesting itself only in fantasy 
or in a preference for aggressive scenes and stories ; or 6', whether 
the subject is conscious of his wish to belittle others and of his 
enjoyment over their defeats ; or 7, whether the need is sustained 
by an aggressive Ego Ideal or exemplar ; or 8, whether the ac- 
tivity is in the service of another need ( to redress an injury [ n 
Agg S n Inv ] or to attain power [ n Agg S n Dom ] ) ; or finally, 
9, whether the aggression serves the subject only or whether it 
furthers an important social cause ( n socio Agg ) . 

What factors determine the establishment of a need as a 
ready reaction system of personality ? This is an important 
problem to which only vague and uncertain answers can be 
given. In the first place, observation seems to show that the 
relative strength of needs at birth ( or shortly after birth ) is 
different in different children. Later, the strength of some needs 
may be attributed to intense or frequent gratifications ( rein- 
forcements), some of which rest on specific abilities. Indeed, 
some needs may emerge out of latency because of gratuities 
or the chance attainment of end situations through random 
movements. ( The need for morphine, which can be more potent 
than hunger, is developed solely by repeated gratifications.) 
Some needs may become established because of their success in 
furthering other more elementary needs. The gratification or 
frustration of a need is, of course, largely up to the parents, since 
they are free to reward or punish any form of behaviour. Certain 
innate or acquired abilities will favour the objectification of some 
needs and not of others. There is much evidence to show that 
the sudden frustration of a need particularly if preceded by a 
period of intense gratification leads to residual tension. This 
seems to be particularly true for emotional * thalamic ' needs that 
are abruptly obstructed or inhibited. A * thalamic charge,' let us 
say, perseverates in such a way as to control fantasy and, if the 
occasion offers, to explode into overt behaviour. Such inhibited 
'thalamic' needs often become fused with the Sex drive. In 


this way they become * erotized.' A need may also become estab- 
lished by repetition, due to the frequent occurrence of specific 
press. But if the stimulus becomes stale, habituation sets in and 
the need becomes less responsive. Emulation ( n Similance S n 
Superiority) is a potent factor in accentuating certain needs 
the S wanting to be like his exemplar , and so is Deference : 
Compliance, and Affiliation. Here we have to do with cultural 
factors. Certain cultures and sub-cultures to which an individual 
is exposed may be characterized by a predominance of certain 
needs. Not infrequently Contrarience ( the desire to be different 
from or the exact opposite of a disliked object ) operates to en- 
hance the strength of some need. There are still other factors, no 
doubt, that work to determine what needs become dominant. 
For instance, there is the occurrence of conflict and the inhibition 
of one need by another. However, in view of our ignorance of 
such determinants, we require observation and experiment rather 
than any further reflections of this sort. 


AMONG the facts of subjective experience is the feeling or the quality 
of feeling to which the term ' energy ' is very commonly applied. 
Not only can an individual introspect at any moment and 
give an estimate of the degree to which he feels ' energetic ' ; 
but his judgement will often be found to correspond with what an 
observer would say on the basis of external signs. Evidently we 
are dealing here with a continuum between two extreme states, 
subjectively and objectively discernible : zest and apathy. The 
various aspects of zest may be designated by such words as alert- 
ness, reactivity, vigilance, freshness, vitality, strength, * fire,' ' pep,' 
verve, eagerness, ardour, intensity, enthusiasm, interest ; whereas 
under apathy may be subsumed lassitude, lethargy, loginess, 
' brain fag/ indolence, ennui, boredom, fatigue, exhaustion. The 
former state yields prompter, faster, stronger, more frequent and 
persistent reactions reactions that are apt to be more correct, rele- 
vant, novel, adaptive, intelligent, imaginative or creative than 


those produced during the latter state. Zest is highly correlated 
with pleasure and activity (physical and mental), apathy with 
unpleasure and inactivity. 

To the topic of energy ( vital energy, psychic energy ) much 
thought and many words have been devoted, but, as yet, no 
theory acceptable to the majority of psychologists has been pro- 
posed. Psychologists who deal with small segments of the per- 
sonality have usually been able to dispense with the concept, 
but few practical psychologists agree that it is possible to do so, 
even a crude notion being better for them than none. The con- 
sequences of feeling fresh and energetic are so very different 
from the consequences of feeling stale and exhausted that to omit 
all observations bearing on this point is to leave a great gap in 
one's account of personality. We are certainly dealing with a 
magnitude which is correlated with the capacity to do work, but 
the variable is only roughly analogous to energy as the physicist 
conceives it. 

In the development of the need theory the notion of energy 
or force was employed to account for differences in the intensity 
and endurance of directional behaviour. It seemed necessary to 
express the fact that some needs are * stronger ' than others. To use 
energy in this connection is to fall in line with the hormic theory 
of McDougall, 1 as I understand it. Here, however, we are talking 
about energy that is * general ' or associated with functions ( ac- 
tones ), not the energic aspect of drives. That the two are different 
is demonstrated by the fact that a need may be intense a man 
may be starving or extremely desirous to accomplish an intellectual 
task and yet,. if he is 'worn out by over-work* he will not 
move a muscle or a thought. The need is great, but there is no 
available ' energy ' ( we say ) in the actones ( muscular system or 
intellectual system) that must be employed to reach the goal. 
It seems that fairly strong needs may occur in the absence of 
actonal energy in which case they remain latent and actonal 
energy may exist without needs. But it does not follow from this 
that general ( or actonal ) energy and drive energy are unrelated. 

i. McDougall,W. in Psychologies of /pjo, Worcester, Mass.,i93<>. 


For when a person is fresh, his drives commonly partake of the 
increased tone ; they seem stronger in themselves. Similarly, when 
a person is exhausted all his appetites are usually diminished. 
This fits in with an observation that has been made repeatedly : 
animal or human subjects that are rated high in one positive need 
are usually rated high in others. This applies even to needs that 
are antipolar. For example, the most assertive ( n Dom ) and 
aggressive ( n Agg ) child may also be the most affiliative ( n Aft ) 
and sympathetic (n Nur). Some of the animal psychologists 
have concluded that it is necessary to conceptualize a general 
drive factor, and at times this has seemed to us the best solution. 
The ' need for Activity ' was what we called it, and in contrast 
to it we defined the 'need for Passivity/ At other times it has 
seemed best to 'explain' intensity of movement and speech by 
referring to Energy : general, widely-disposable energy ( ' blood- 
stream energy ' ) or energy residing in the actones ( muscular 
system, intellectual system ) by means of which the drives fulfil 
themselves. According to the latter formulation it is actonal en- 
ergy which, when combined with ability, allows for the quick 
and effective expression of all drives that employ the functions 
in question. 

The concept of Energy ' overflowing/ as it were, into action 
or, with equal justification, the concept of 'need for Activity* 
may be utilized to account for random behaviour in children 
and adults. Random behaviour is displayed most clearly during the 
first weeks of life. At this time one can observe periods of almost 
incessant activity (flexions, extensions, rotations, squirmings), 
activity that is inco-ordinated and therefore ineffective the eyes, 
head, arms and legs may all move at once in different directions. 
These movements are not dependent upon external stimulation, 
nor do they appear to ' seek ' anything. Since the child does not 
even attend to his movements, it is not possible to say that during 
these periods he is trying to achieve mastery of his limbs. The 
most that can be said is that random behaviour is the expression of 
vitality, of actonal metabolism ( katabolism after anabolism ) . 
It belongs to the givenness of life. 


We might speak here of actonal energy, associated with physical 
movements and associated with thought (speech), which in the 
absence of drive tends to become kinetic, giving rise to restless- 
ness, play, random actions, disjunctive fantasy, voluble speech. 
Indeed, there is evidence for supposing that this actonal energy 
may precede need tension, that a need may be generated and be- 
come established as a result of the discovery by random action 
of a satisfying end situation (cf. drug addiction ). 

These facts and reflections lead to the conclusion that every 
functional system ( we can profitably confine ourselves to the 
muscular system : physical action, and the thought system : verbal 
action ) assimilates and builds up a certain amount of energy, 
which tends (of its own accord), if nothing intervenes, to be- 
come kinetic. It does this, as it were, for its own * satisfaction/ The 
exercise is a catharsis. It helps to oxidize ineffective accumulations. 
It facilitates life. ( The reader will excuse me, I hope, if for the 
time being I speak of ' energy ' as if it were a thing rather than 
a measurable attribute of an event. ) 

The concept of specific actonal energies is proposed to account 
for the fact that the fatigue of one function ( intellection, let us 
say ) diminishes but little the energy available for another func- 
tion. Physical exercise may be vigorous after the mind has been 
worn out by exertion, and vice versa. 

Besides the specific energies of each system we must also dis- 
tinguish general ( ' bloodstream ' ) energy which is closely related 
to the actonal energies. This general energy factor seems to be 
determined partly by the condition of the blood ( oxygen, carbon 
dioxide, waste products, presence of thyroxin, adrenin and other 
hormones ), partly by metabolic conditions in the separate systems 
( which contribute oxidation products to the blood ) and partly by 
the fortunes of the drives ( success or failure, or expectations of 
success or failure ). General energy is also affected by the weather, 
diet, drugs, physical illness and so forth. Our conception of energy 
has some relation to Spearman's ' g,' 1 but it is a different variable 
in as much as it has been entirely abstracted from skill or ability. 

i. Spearman,C. T/ie Abilities of Man, New York, 1927. 


In our studies we put the various actonal energies together with 
general energy under one heading, Energy, which, for greater 
clarity, was divided into two variables : Intensity and Endurance 
( vide p. 208 ) . From what has been said it will be clear that the 
following indices of Energy are appropriate : 

1. Subjective and objective signs of zest ( as briefly defined above ). 

2. Subjective and objective signs of activity pleasure. 

3. A relatively large total of vigorous activity per day ( as compared to 
the amount of rest and sleep ). 

4. The prevalence of random motilities ( physical movements and 
speech ) . Here we refer to excessive actones : a surplus of abundant, rich, 
extravagant or playful flourishes of gesture and language. 

5. High intensity and duration of all positive drives, particularly 
Achievement, Play, Dominance, Aggression, Affiliation, Deference, and 

As we progressed in our studies it became apparent that there 
were two factors, not one, to be distinguished : the general energy 
level and the disposition of a subject to discharge as contrasted with 
the disposition to conserve whatever energy is available. Closely 
correlated with this dichotomy are the opposing tendencies : i, to 
play a stimulating or initiating role ( n Dom ) in social or sex rela- 
tions, and 2, to remain passive or receptively compliant ( n Def ). 
It was here that the concepts ' need for Activity ' and ' need for 
Passivity ' became particularly useful. It seems that the need for 
Activity ( overt motility ) is usually associated with a high energy 
level and the need for Passivity with a low level, but there are 
numerous exceptions. In some people spontaneous activity is de- 
cidedly low, despite the fact that the energy level, as far as one can 
estimate it, is sufficient. The need for Passivity seems, on the one 
hand, to be related to the force of inertia and, on the other, to be in 
the service of the need for rest ; that is, the organism seeks to 
conserve its energies, to avoid exhaustion, and to be free of the 
necessity of decision. The tendency for Passivity is subjectively 
represented by the desire to relinquish the will, to relax, to drift, to 
daydream, to receive impressions. In the face of external forces it 


yields because this is easier (or more exciting). The tendency in- 
clines a person towards a placid, vegetable existence, free from 
excitation or stimulation, or towards a life of waiting for external 
stimulation ( let us say, for a lover ) . Freud describes Passivity as 
the tendency to reduce excitations to a minimum, to * return to the 
womb/ or even to an inorganic state. We may suppose here that 
the stressful integration of the regnancy breaks down ; that ' it 
goes into solution.' The operation of this tendency, then, leads to a 
state of relaxed disjunctivity, to sleep, to unconsciousness. One 
commonly finds it after an intense or prolonged exertion of the 
will, particularly if the will has been exercised against a social 
group. When, in an utterly exhausted state, the will relaxes, a per- 
son may experience a most blissful feeling. ( We have reports that 
such affections occur just before a drowning man loses conscious- 
ness. ) The need for Passivity may also arise as the aftermath of 
inner conflict. It is, indeed, one of the best means of resolving ten- 
sion. A person says : * What difference does it make to me ? * He 
relaxes mind and body and the disturbing turmoil passes over. His 
troubles fall away like water. The efforts of Orientals to reach 
the state of Nirvana may be taken as an extreme instance of this 
general tendency. 

When fused with the Sex drive Passivity leads to the attitude 
which is classically feminine : deference and abasement in erotic 
interaction. Its presence in a man is a mark of bisexuality, which, 
in turn, is correlated with homosexuality. Heterosexual Activity 
in women and heterosexual Passivity in men, however, are very 
common present-day phenomena. 

Though Passivity was not defined soon enough to be given 
a place in our conceptual scheme we found that we could not get 
along without it. Consequently, the reader will find references to 
this somewhat vague factor in the succeeding pages. 

Divisions of the Personality 

Freud and the psycho-analysts after him have distinguished 
three parts of the personality : the Id, the Ego and the Superego. 
As determinants of behaviour these functions may be character- 


ized as follows : the Id is the aggregate of basic instinctual im- 
pulses ; the Ego is the organized, discriminating, time-binding, 
reasoning, resolving, and more self-conscious part of the per- 
sonality ; and the Superego is the intra-psychical representative of 
the customs and ideals of the community in so far as they have 
been communicated by the parents. 

This scheme has proved its usefulness in formulating and treat- 
ing the neuroses, all of which are the result of moral conflict 
between elementary needs and social standards ( that have be- 
come assimilated to form conscience). This almost universal 
dilemma can be well represented as an opposition of Superego and 
Id, the Ego standing between as puppet or final arbiter. Although 
the conception is a vague oversimplification, which leaves many 
facts unexplained, we have not been able to improve on it. In fact, 
we have found it as helpful in dealing with normal subjects as 
in dealing with abnormals. 

The Id. This is the generic term under which all innate drives 
are subsumed, among which the viscerogenic needs should be 
especially emphasized. We are apt to use the term when we 
observe the excitation of emotional impulses associated with primi- 
tive actones ( savage assault, panicky fear, flagrant exhibitionistic 
sexuality). At such times conscious control is in abeyance and 
the individual merely reacts. He feels that he is overcome by ir- 
resistible forces outside himself. Strong temptations and compul- 
sions are also assigned to this category. 

The Id, however, is not composed entirely of active passions. 
The need for Passivity ( which may manifest itself as indolence 
and slovenliness) belongs to it. Hence it is often necessary to 
stir up the Id instead of checking it. 

Furthermore, all impulses of the Id are not asocial or anti- 
social as most analysts affirm. There are, for example, certain 
gregarious and conforming tendencies ( empathy, imitation, iden- 
tification) which operate instinctively and unconsciously. Also, 
the highest as well as the lowest forms of love come from the Id. 

Viewing the Id from the point of view of perception and in- 
telligence, we find that its operations are carried on by associations 


of imagery, mostly unconscious, that do not conform closely to 
the course of natural events. To the Id we ascribe hallucinations, 
delusions, irrational beliefs as well as fantasies, intuitions, faith 
and creative conceptions. Thus almost everything, good and bad, 
has its primitive source in the Id. 

The Superego System. Since the environment is a factor in every 
episode of personality, and since from a psychological point of 
view the social environment is more important than the physical, 
it is necessary to pay particular attention to the culture in which 
the individual is imbedded, the 'culture* being the accepted 
organization of society as put into practice and defended. For 
our purposes, the organization may be partially described in 
terms of the time-place-mode-object ( tpmo ) formulas which are 
allowed or insisted upon for the expression of individual needs. 
A child is allowed to play during the day but not at night 
( time ) . He may defecate in the toilet but not on the floor 
(place). He may push other children but not hit them with a 
mallet ( mode ). He may ask his father but not a stranger in the 
street for money (object). No need has to be inhibited per- 
manently. If the individual is of the right age and chooses the 
permitted time, the permitted place, the permitted mode and the 
permitted object, he can objectify any one of his needs. However, 
the Id impulses of no child are readily modified to fit civilized 
patterns of this sort. They come insistently ( cannot wait for the 
proper time or place ), erupt in primitive forms ( with instinctual 
actones) and are directed indiscriminately towards this or that 
object. To socialize a child the proper tpmo formulas are gradu- 
ally imposed by a variety of methods : suggestion, persuasion, 
example, rewards, promises, punishments, threats, physical co- 
ercions and restraints. This is done first by parents, surrogates and 
nurses, and later by other elders : teachers, priests, policemen and 
magistrates. To the child, then, as well as to the adult, the culture 
is a compound of behavioural patterns that are imposed by 
stronger authorities. It is fear of the pain or of the belittlement 
these authorities can inflict or of the distress that the withdrawal 
of their love and protection will engender that is most influential 


in finally bringing about a sufficient acceptance of social forms. 
The tpmo pattern, as a loose organization of * Do's ' and * Don'ts,' 
preached and perhaps practised by the parents, asserted to be the 
only 'Right/ sanctioned by religion and strengthened by the 
image of an avenging deity, becomes, to a greater or less degree, 
internalized as a complex institution, known commonly as con- 
science. This may be termed the Superego system. A strong 
Superego is usually more exacting than current laws and conven- 
tions. It may be elevated far above worldly considerations by 
fusion with the Ego Ideal. It endures, with certain modifications, 
throughout life. It is, as it were, always there to influence the 
composition of regnancies. Its first function is to inhibit asocial 
tendencies, its second is to present cultural or religious aims as 
the ' highest good.' Its operations are largely unconscious. 

The Ego System. Introspection yields much information in 
regard to the internal factors that influence behaviour. Everyone 
has experienced * resolving to do something ' or * selecting a pur- 
pose.' Such an experience must modify the brain ( i.e., must leave 
a latently perseverating disposition ), because at some future date 
it will be found that behaviour is not the same as it would have 
been if the 'resolving' experience had not occurred. Decisions 
and intentions of this sort * accepting a goal,' * planning a course 
of action,' ' choosing a vocation,' as well as promises, compacts and 
' taking on responsibility ' ( all of them related to time-binding 
and the establishment of expectations and levels of aspiration ) 
seem to be attended by a relatively high degree of consciousness, 
and, what is more, by a feeling that the ' self ' is making the de- 
cision, freely willing the direction of its future conduct. We 
should say that such conscious fixations of aim were organized 
to form the ' Ego system. 1 

Introspection also teaches us that when other non-instituted 
( unaccepted ) needs and impulses ( impulses that seem to dis- 
rupt, oppose or nullify the established Ego system ) arise in con- 
sciousness, they are felt to come from ' outside * the self, or from 
a ' deeper layer ' of the self, from the ' bodily ' or ' animal part ' 
of the self. All such unacceptable impulses have been subsumed 


under the term * Id.' Need integrates of the Id are usually to be 
distinguished by their instinctual (animal-like), primitive (sav- 
age-like ) or infantile ( child-like ) modes and cathexes. They are 
usually restive and insistent and impatient of the schedule of ac- 
tivity instituted by the Ego. It may be said, I think, that though 
the Ego derives its original strength from emotional needs and 
is repeatedly refreshed by them, it can operate for periods without 
their urgent activity (just as a man who has no appetite can 
force himself to eat). Every need is associated, of course, with 
numerous modes, some of which belong to the Ego system and 
some to the Id. Thus, the Aggression drive expressing itself in 
verbal criticism of the President or in physical assault upon a 
gangster might be part of an Ego system, whereas other more 
violent forms of expression might belong to the Id. 

The concept of Ego emphasizes the determining significance 
of i, conscious, freely-willed acts : making a resolution ( with 
oneself ) or a compact ( with others ) or dedicating oneself to a 
life-long vocation, all of which * bind * the personality over long 
periods of time ; 2, the establishment of a cathected Ego Ideal 
( image of a figure one wants to become ) ; and 3, the inhibition of 
drives that conflict with the above mentioned intentions, de- 
cisions and planned schedules of behaviour. One 7no*ex of the 
degree of structuration ( strength ) of the Ego is the ability of 
an individual to * live by ' his resolutions and compacts. 

The Ego system stands, as it were, between the Id and the 
Superego. It may gradually absorb all the forces of the Id, em- 
ploying them for its own purpose. Likewise, it may assimilate 
the Superego until the will of the individual is in strict accord 
with the best principles of his society. Under such circumstances 
what the individual feels that he wants to do coincides with what 
he has to do (as prescribed by his culture). The Ego, however, 
may side with the Id against the Superego. It may, for example, 
inhibit or repress the Superego and ' decide ' in favour of a criminal 
career. A strong Ego acts as mediator between Superego and Id ; 
but a weak Ego is no more than a * battleground.' 

Interests. If we observe a series of objective episodes ( ex- 


ternal press and overt trends ) occurring in the life of an individ- 
ual, we never fail to notice certain resemblances. The personality 
exhibits sameness. We say that the man possesses certain consistent 
traits. However, we can usually observe more than this. Viewing 
successive episodes over a sufficient span of time we can note 
developments. We can perceive that some episodes are the logical 
outgrowths of others and that together they form temporal sys- 
tems bound together by the persistence ( constant repetition ) 
of one or more needs integrated with certain modes and directed 
towards certain cathected objects ( things, people, institutions, 
ideologies). Every such system may be called an interest (com- 
plex need integrate). 

The concept of interest focusses attention upon the cathected 
objects and modes of activity rather than upon the needs that 
are engaged. It takes the needs for granted. A man enters politics 
and almost overnight much of his behaviour becomes oriented 
in such a way as to further this interest. This is certainly a fact 
of significance and it can be stated without considering what 
combination of needs prompted his decision or what needs are 
satisfied by his political activity. He may be affiliative, dominative, 
aggressive, exhibitionistic or seclusive, but this is another matter. 

The concept of interests is closely related to the concept of 
cultural patterns or organizations, since most interests are not 
only possessed in common with other people, but they have an 
accepted institutional or ideological form. These sometimes quite 
rigid communities of mode and purpose stand ready to canalize 
the random activity of each new generation. Their suggestive and 
dominative influence is so great and omnipresent that some 
psychologists have been tempted to think of personality as con- 
stituted by its different memberships. A person may be sufficiently 
described, it is claimed, in terms of the mores and aims of the 
different groups ( sub-cultures ) to which he belongs. This point 
of view can be accepted with several important qualifications. 
Institutions are congealed need patterns shared by many ; they 
are supported by new members with similar integrates ; and they 
are modified or abandoned by members whose needs change. 


They do, however, determine specifically what actones and what 
objects will be cathected. 

Institutions and needs are complementary forces. From the 
point of view of the drive theory, an institution is engendered 
and maintained because it tends to satisfy certain needs that are 
held in common by many people. Among numerous existing 
institutions the individual tends to select for membership those 
which give the best opportunity for the fulfilment of his par- 
ticular set of tendencies. As the needs of the members change 
the institution changes, though here there is usually a certain 
lag. A whole-hearted member of an institution one who trans- 
fers value from himself to the object acts for the institution as 
he would act for himself. He attempts to further its aims in com- 
petition with other institutions, he is hurt when it is ridiculed, 
feels depressed when it declines, defends it, fights for it, belittles 
other groups, and so forth. Thus an institution will allow a socio- 
centric man of this stamp to express all his needs in behalf of a 
* cause ' ( opposed to other ' causes ' ) as well as in his own behalf. 

The endurance and progressive development of interests make 
it necessary to conceptualize the gradual establishment of per- 
sisting organizations of control in the brain. Without a notion of 
such interest systems one cannot explain why many successive 
samples of an individual's behaviour sometimes nearly all his 
behaviour for months or years ( cf. Balzac's Quest of the Abso- 
lute) can be meaningfully related to each other according to 
their function in furthering a dominant aim. A purposive system 
conserved in the brain is the conceptual cord upon which we 
string our beads, the observed episodes. All such organizations of 
interest may be assigned to the Ego System, though many of 
them have come to operate because of Superego influence. 

The Habit System. Behaviour that has become automatic, that 
proceeds without much conscious intervention, that recurs re- 
peatedly in the same form, may be conveniently ascribed to a 
habit system. This is formed by the structuralization ( mechaniza- 
tion) of what has frequently recurred, whether determined by 
the Superego, the Ego or the Id. The habit system accounts for 


most rigidities, particularly those which the individual himself 
cannot abandon. 

Thus, as we see it, regnancies are the resultants of external 
press, of freshly aroused emotional needs ( Id ), of conscious in- 
tentions ( Ego ), of accepted cultural standards ( Superego ) and 
of customary modes of behaviour ( habit system ) in varying pro- 
portions. The relative strength of these influences determines what 
tendencies will be objectified. 

This brings us to the end of this long, yet all-too-brief, sum- 
mary of the theory and concepts that guided our researches. 
Now it is necessary to give an account of the variables of per- 
sonality which we attempted to distinguish and measure in our 

Chapter III 


AUTHORS whose works are read with enjoyment cover the bare 
framework of their thought with prose that moves like muscle, 
employing lively images and graceful turns of speech to bring 
its contours to the semblance of palpitating life. At no point does 
a bony surface unpleasantly protrude. But here it must be differ- 
ent. This section is the first chapter of an anatomy. There is 
room in this place only for the disarticulated bones of thought. 
Perhaps later they will be made to rise from the dead and support 
something more living than themselves the red cells of the 
blood, we may recall, are born in cavities of bone but now these 
elements must be examined in isolation. 

Does not every elementary textbook of chemistry, botany, 
zoology, etymology, human anatomy and medicine begin with 
a tedious account of the different entities that constitute its sub- 
ject-matter ? Is there any way to avoid memorizing a classifica- 
tion ? Is it not necessary that a surgeon, though ceaselessly engaged 
with life, hold fixed in mind the name and place of every bone, 
muscle, tendon, organ, artery, vein and nerve in the body ? 
And if pointing, describing, defining, naming and classifying is 
necessary in the more fundamental sciences, is it not reasonable 
to suppose that psychology must follow the same path ? I am 
convinced that the answer to this question is 'yes,' despite the 
current tendency among psychologists to legislate against the 
1 class * theory and fashion their science in the likeness of physics. 
We believe that a primary task for psychology is the proper analy- 
sis of behaviour into functions or phases, each of which, though 
necessarily concrete and unique in every actual occasion, may be 
subsumed under a construct, a construct that defines a uniformity 
( a class of such entities ). 


Without objects conceived as unique individuals, we can have no 
Classes. Without classes we can, as we have seen, define no Relations^ 
without relations we can have no Order. But to be reasonable is to con- 
ceive of order-system*y real or ideal. Therefore^ we have an absolute 
logical need to conceive of individual objects as the elements of our ideal 
order systems. This postulate is the condition of defining clearly any 
theoretical conception whatever. The further metaphysical aspects of the 
concept of an individual we may here ignore. To conceive of individual 
objects is a necessary ^resu^osition of all orderly activity* 

In this chapter will be found an attempt to define and illustrate 
each of the variables of personality that were employed in the 
present study. Though the list is the outcome of two years' ex- 
perience, we do not regard it as more than a rough, prelimi- 
nary plan to guide perception and interpretation. If we had 
thought that personality could be well viewed as the working 
of one major tendency this chapter might have been made more 
interesting to the casual reader. For it is 'possible to become emo- 
tionally identified with a single urge if the author animates it to 
heroic proportions and gives the reader a dramatic account of its 
vicissitudes, conflicts, frustrations and successes. A volume on the 
' will-to-power ' may be as exciting as a biography of Napoleon. 
A chronicle of the sexual instinct is as intriguing as the memoirs 
of Casanova or St. Anthony. But if one has been driven to the 
view by observed facts that personality is the outcome of numerous 
forces now one and now another being of major import 
then it is impossible to choose a hero. And what is more distressing 
is that it is necessary to include an account of many entities within 
a space that ordinarily would be assigned to one. If a volume 
could be devoted to each variable, something as interesting as 
fiction could be written, but when every concept must be torn 
out of its concrete living embodiments only minds disciplined 
to hard labour will be able or willing to follow the account. 

In the preceding chapter it was made clear that our conceptual 
scheme was biased in favour of the dynamic or motivational as- 

i. Josiah Royce, quoted in Korzybski, Alfred, Science and Sanity, Lancaster, 


pects of personality. We have especially had * our eyes out ' for 
objective facts pertaining to trends or effects of motor and verbal 
action, and we have attempted to correlate the observed directions 
of behaviour with subjective reports of intention ( wish, desire, 
impulsion, aim, purpose). From these and other sorts of facts 
we have attempted to infer the operation of one of a class of 
hypothetical directional brain tensions (drives or needs). Some 
psychologists may prefer to regard each variable as a mere label 
to denote a category into which a great number of behavioural 
patterns have been arbitrarily placed. Even to these, if we have 
been successful in putting together what belongs together, the 
classification may be of some use. 

Forty-four variables in all were distinguished. 1 Twenty of these 
were manifest needs, eight were latent needs, four referred to 
certain inner states, and twelve were general traits. An alpha- 
betical list of these variables ( with their abbreviations ) will help 
the reader to understand the more comprehensive descriptions 
that follow. 

Alphabetical list of manifest needs 

1 . n Aba n Abasement ( Abasive attitude ) . 

2. n Achn Achievement ( Achievant attitude). 

3. n Aff = n Affiliation ( Affiliative attitude). 

4. n Agg n Aggression ( Aggressive attitude ). 

5. n Auto = n Autonomy ( Autonomous- attitude ). 

6. n Cnt = n Counteraction (Counteractive attitude). 

7. n Def n Deference ( Deferent attitude ). 

8. n Dfd n Defendance ( Defendant attitude ). 

9. n Dom = n Dominance ( Dominative attitude). 

1 o. n Exh = n Exhibition ( Exhibitionistic attitude ) . 

1 1 . n Harm = n Harmavoidance ( Fearful attitude ) . 

12. n Inf=n Infavoidance ( Infavoidant attitude). 

n Inv n Inviolacy ( Inviolate attitude ). This need is considered 
to be a composite of Infavoidance, Defendance and Counter- 

i. From this point on all the variables that have been used in the present study 
will be capitalized in order to distinguish them from other psychological terms. 


13. n Nur = n Nurturance ( Nurturant attitude ). 

14. n Ord n Order ( Orderly attitude )'. 

1 5. n Play = n Play ( Playful attitude ). 

1 6. n Rej = n Rejection ( Rejective attitude ). 

n Sec = n Seclusion ( Seclusive attitude ) . This need has been taken 
as the opposite of Exhibition, not as a separate variable. 

1 7. n Sen = n Sentience ( Sentient attitude ) . 

1 8. n Sex==n Sex (Erotic attitude). 

19. n Sue = n Succorance ( Succorant attitude ). 

n Sup = n Superiority ( Ambitious attitude ) . This need is consid- 
ered to be a composite of Achievement and Recognition ( see 
below ) . 

20. n Und n Understanding (Intellectual attitude). 

The following needs are occasionally referred to but were not 
systematically used in the present study : 

n Acq = n Acquisition (Acquisitive attitude). 

n Blam n Blamavoidance ( Blamavoidant attitude ) . 

n Cog = n Cognizance (Inquiring attitude). 

n Cons n Construction ( Constructive attitude ). 

n Exp = n Exposition ( Informing attitude ). 

n Rec = n Recognition ( Self- forwarding attitude ). This was included 

under Exhibition, 
n Ret n Retention ( Retentive attitude ) . 

The twenty needs listed above were rated in terms of the fre- 
quency and intensity of their overt behavioural manifestations. 
In the first two years of experimentation considerable disagree- 
ment in respect to such ratings arose because some of the experi- 
menters found in the subjects evidence of need tensions which 
were not objectified. It was thought that a rating should reflect 
the subjectified as well as the objectified tensions. According to 
theory it is inhibition which blocks the objectification of need 
tension. Hence, given a certain amount of tension the degree to 
which a need is objectified is a function of the strength of the 
inhibiting barrier. Consequently, to determine the total strength 
of a need one should consider the amount of internally inhibited 
tension as well as the amount of externally exhibited activity. 


The former has been called, for convenience, a latent need and 
the latter a manifest need.' 

In conformation with clinical impressions, our findings indi- 
cated that inhibited needs produce marked subjective effects and 
indirectly influence overt behaviour. It seemed important, there- 
fore, to take account of them. Experience justified the selection 
of eight needs as being those most commonly inhibited. It seemed 
that the amount of inhibited tension of each of these needs could 
be very approximately estimated by the use of specially devised 

Alphabetical list of latent needs 

1 . In Aba repressed Abasement ( Passivity and Masochism ) . The 

desire to suffer pain, to succomb sexually. 

2. In Agg = repressed Aggression ( Hate and Sadism). The desire to 

injure and inflict pain. 

3. In Cog = repressed Cognizance (Voyeurism). The desire to see 

and inspect. To probe into private matters. 

4. In Dom repressed Dominance (Omnipotence). The desire for 

complete power. To magically control Os. 

5. In Exh *= repressed Exhibitionism (Exhibitionism). The desire to 

show off and expose one's body in public. 

6. In Sex repressed Sex. The desire for heterosexual relations. 

7. In Homo-sex = repressed Homosexuality. This is really not a sepa- 

rate need. It is the Sex drive focussed on an O of the subject's sex. 

8. In Sue repressed Succorance (Anxiety of Helplessness). The de- 

sire for security, support, protection, sympathy, love. 

Besides these eight latent needs there were four other internal 
factors which we attempted to distinguish and estimate : 

Alphabetical list of miscellaneous internal factors 

1. El Ego Ideal : the operation of images portraying the subject ( or 

an accepted exemplar ) achieving noteworthy successes. High levels 
of aspiration. This is a manifestation of a latent or unrealized 
Achievement drive. 

2. N Narcism : self-love in any of its various forms. 

Se Superego : ' Conscience ' : inhibiting and punishing images rep- 


resentative of parental, social and religious authority. The opera- 
tion of this factor may be ' quiet * ( unconscious inhibition without 
conflict ) or it may be ' disturbing ' ( conflict ). Thus, we have two 
distinguishable conditions : 

3. Sel Superego Integration : a condition in which the dictates of 

' conscience ' have been so far accepted by the Ego that the subject 
wills the obligatory ( the socially demanded action ). 

4. SeC = Superego Conflict : a condition of conflict in which asocial 

impulses are ' at war with conscience.' There may be some asocial 
conduct or there may be merely asocial desires ( conscious or un- 
conscious ) . These are opposed by domineering and prohibiting 
forces. The effects of the latter are as follows : c pangs of con- 
science,' guilt feelings, remorse, diffuse anxiety, obsessions of doom 
and disaster, self -corrective compulsions, depressions, neurotic 
symptoms and so forth. ( The n Blamavoidance seems to be suffi- 
ciently covered by these two variables. ) 

In addition to these thirty-two variables twelve other traits were 
selected for measurement. 

Alphabetical list of general traits or attributes 

1. Anx = Anxiety : startledness, apprehension, timidity, worry. 

2. Cr Creativity : manifest ability to produce and develop original 

ideas ; to devise new methods, construct hypotheses, offer novel 
explanations, compose works of artistic merit. 

3. Conj/Disj Conjunctivity/Disjunctivity ratio. 

Conj = Conjunctivity : co-ordination of action and thought ; or- 
ganization of behavioural trends and purposes. This describes the 
ability to make a coherent pattern of one's life. Unsuccessful 
efforts that the subject makes in this direction are not included in 
the rating. 

Disj Disjunctivity : disco-ordination of action and thought ; dis- 
ordered and conflicting behaviour. 

4. Emo = Emotionality : the amount of emotion, affection and au- 

tonomic excitement that the subject manifests : zest, elation, 
anger, fear, dejection, shame, etc. The opposite of Emotionality 
is Placidity. 

5. End Endurance : the protensity of a behavioural trend. This in- 

cludes ' power of endurance,' persistence and conative persevera- 


tion. Opposite to these are transience, impersistence and imper- 

6. Exo/Endo Exocathection/Endocathection ratio. 

Exo Exocathection : the positive cathection of practical action and 
co-operative undertakings. A preoccupation with outer events : 
economic, political, or social occurrences. A strong inclination to 
participate in the contemporary world of affairs. 

Endo Endocathection : the cathection of thought or emotion for 
its own sake. A preoccupation with inner activities : feelings, fan- 
tasies, generalizations, theoretical reflections, artistic conceptions, 
religious ideas. Withdrawal from practical life. 

7. Intra/Extra Intraception/Extraccption ratio. 

Intra = Intraception : the dominance of feelings, fantasies, specu- 
lations, aspirations. An imaginative, subjective human outlook. 
Romantic action. 

Extra = Extraception : the disposition to adhere to the obviously 
substantial facts. A practical, ' down-to-earth,' skeptical attitude. 
Enjoyment of clearly observable results. An interest in tangible or 
mechanical results. 

8. Imp/Del = Impulsion/Deliberation ratio. 

Jmp=* Impulsion : the tendency to act quickly without reflection. 
Short reaction time, intuitive or emotional decisions. The inabil- 
ity to inhibit an impulse. 

Del Deliberation : inhibition and reflection before action. Slow 
reaction time, spastic contraction, compulsive thinking* 

9. Int Intensity : strength of effort ; quick and forceful move- 

ments ; emphasis and zest during activity ; ardently expressed 
opinions ; power of expression. 

10. Proj/Obj Projectivity/Objectivity ratio. 

Proj Projectivity : the disposition to project unconsciously one's 
own sentiments, emotions and needs into others. To maintain 
wish-engendered or anxiety-evoked beliefs. Mild forms of the 
delusions of self -reference, persecution, omnipotence, etc. 

Obj Objectivity : the disposition to judge oneself and others in 
a detached and disinterested manner ; psychological realism. 

1 1 . Rad St/Con St Radical sentiments/Conservative sentiments ratio. 
Rad St = Radical sentiments : the origination, promulgation or de- 
fence of sentiments, theories or ideologies that are novel, ques- 
tionable or opposed to tradition. 


Con St Conservative sentiments : the maintenance of well-accred- 
ited conventional views, and a rejection of new ideas. A dislike of 
1 2. Sa/Ch Sameness/Change ratio. 

Sa Sameness : adherence to certain places, people and modes of 
conduct. Fixation and limitation. Enduring sentiments and loy- 
alties ; persistence of purpose ; consistency of conduct ; rigidity 
of habits. 

Ch = Change : a tendency to move and wander, to have no fixed 
habituation, to seek new friends, to adopt new fashions, to change 
one's interests and vocation. Instability. 

A brief review of the forms of need activity ( described in the 
previous section ) may be helpful. 

a. Motones. i. Exterojactive system. Needs may be satisfied by overt 

physical acts : eating, pushing, embracing, holding, etc. 
Erogenous Zones. 

Oral: Oral-Succorance (sucking), Oral-Aggression (biting), 

Oral-Rejection ( spitting ), etc. 

Anal: Anal-Retention (constipation), Anal-Aggression (soil- 
ing ), etc. 
Genital : Genital- Abasement ( Masochism ), Genital-Aggression 

( Sadism ),etc. 

ii. Enterof active system. Needs may be manifested by observable 
autonomic changes and expressive movements : fear, anger, shame, 
love, etc. 

b. Verbones. Needs may be satisfied by speech : calling, persuading, 

praising, boasting, condemning, inquiring, etc. 

c. Ideological. Needs may be directed towards ideas rather than people. 

n ideo Dom ( forcing opinions on others ), n idco Rej ( ignoring 
the ideas of others ), n ideo Aff ( harmonizing opinions ), etc. 

d. Intravertive. The needs, as given, are considered to be directed out- 

ward, toward or away from objects ( extravertive needs ). But they 
may also be directed inward, toward the body or toward parts of 
the personality. Here we have to do with intravertive needs. Thus, 
extr Aggression would be expressed by criticizing or injuring others, 
whereas intr Aggression would be expressed by criticizing or injur- 
ing the self ( Ego-depreciation or suicide ). 


e. Latent (Subjectified and Semi-objectified ). Inhibited desires, fan- 

tasies, dreams, play, artistic creations and religious ritual. 

f . Focal. A need may be manifested only towards one or a very few kinds 

of objects. If focality is not specified a need is assumed to be 

g. Egocentricor Sociocentric. A need may be purely personal ( narcistic ) 

or it may be engendered by social pressure : n socioAgg ( fighting 
in an army ), n socioDom ( commanding to gratify a group ), etc. 
h. Infravertive and Sup-overlive. A need may be directed towards a 
superior O or an inferior O ; infr Affiliation ( to make friends with 
inferiors ), supraAggression ( to attack an authority ), n infraDef- 
erence ( to praise children ), etc. 

In marking a subject on a given variable a, b, c, g and h are 
lumped together ; whereas d, e and f are taken up separately. 

Most of the needs to be described are social reaction systems 
which lead a subject ( i ) to raise his status ; ( 2 ) to conserve and 
defend the status he has attained ; ( 3 ) to form affiliations and to 
co-operate with allied objects (or institutions), as well as to 
praise, direct and defend them ; or ( 4 ) to reject, resist, renounce 
or attack disliked hostile objects. An individual may be predom- 
inantly eager and ambitious, retiring and defensive, sociable and 
helpful, or critical and aggressive. But equally important is the 
nature of the cathected objects, values, or interests in respect to 
which he is ambitious, retractive, affiliative or hostile. A man may 
desire prestige but since he cannot excel in everything, he must 
select certain lines of endeavour and neglect others. What he 
chooses will constitute his system of values, and this will deter- 
mine in large measure whom he likes, whom he praises, whom 
he excludes and whom he attacks. He will feel inferior about 
some things his poverty, his game of golf, his flat nose, his lack 
of taste, his accent but he will not hide and conceal himself 
when the social situation calls for other virtues : humour, physical 
agility, scientific knowledge. These considerations make it neces- 
sary to construct a rough classification which will order according 
to some intelligible scheme the main fields of interest and ability. 


This catalogue will be presented at the end of the present chapter, 
after the behavioural trends which orient themselves in respect to 
these instincts have been outlined. 

After describing the various manifestations of each variable we 
shall list the 'statements covering that variable which were used in 
our behavioural questionnaire, and, in the case of some needs, 
append a list of aphorisms ( used in a sentiments questionnaire ) 
which might appeal to a subject who ranked high on the variable 
in question. 

For the general reader the first paragraph devoted to each vari- 
able will suffice as description. 

n Dominance n Autonomy n Aggression 

n Deference n Abasement 

This group of five needs may be taken together. The Dominance 
drive is manifested by a desire to control the sentiments and be- 
haviour of others. Those who are willing to follow and co-operate 
with an admired superior object are swayed by the Deference 
drive. Usually a man is deferent to those above him and domina- 
tive to those below him. The n Autonomy controls those who wish 
neither to lead nor be led, those who want to go their own way, 
uninfluenced and uncoerced by others. It appears as defiance or 
as an escape from restraint ( for example, when a man moves to 
a more tolerant environment). The Aggression drive is accom- 
panied by anger and operates to supplement Dominance when 
the latter is insufficient. It is aroused by opposition, annoyances, 
attacks and insults. Thus, it is opposed to Deference but may fuse 
with Dominance or Autonomy. When Aggression is fused with 
Sex the ensuing behaviour is called Sadism : erotic-like pleasure 
in inflicting pain. Directly opposite to Aggression is Abasement. 
This is probably a sub-need, subsidiary to n Harmavoidance, n 
Blamavoidance, or n Infavoidance. However, in the form of 
Masochism erotic pleasure in suffering pain the Abasement 
drive, fused with n Sex, seems to have its own peculiar end situa- 
tion. In a sense, n Dominance, n Autonomy and n Aggression 


are also subsidiary, since they are almost always called forth when 
there is * something else to be done. 1 A leader orders ( n Dom ) a 
subordinate to build something ( n Cons ) ; a child wants freedom 
( n Auto ) to play ( n Play ) ; Aggression is aroused because some 
other need ( n Sex ) is thwarted, and so forth. Likewise, the aver- 
age subject is deferent only when the action suggested by the 
leader conforms to his own system of needs. 

n Dominance ( n Dom ) 

Desires and Effects : To control one's human environment. To influence 
or direct the behaviour of Os by suggestion, seduction, persuasion, or 
command. To dissuade, restrain, or prohibit. To induce an O to act 
in a way which accords with one's sentiments and needs. To get Os to 
co-operate. To convince an O of the ' Tightness ' of one's opinion. 

Feelings and Emotions : Confidence. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : Dominative, forceful, masterful, assertive, 
decisive, authoritative, executive, disciplinary. 

Press : infraDom : Inferior Os ; p Deference : Compliance ; p Abase- 
supraDom : Superior Os ; p Dominance ; p Rival. 

Gratuities : Children, servants, disciples, followers. 

Actions : General : To influence, sway, lead, prevail upon, persuade, di- 
rect, regulate, organize, guide, govern, supervise. To master, control, 
rule, over-ride, dictate terms. To judge, make laws, set standards, lay 
down principles of conduct, give a decision, settle an argument. To 
prohibit, restrain, oppose, dissuade, punish, confine, imprison. To mag- 
netize, gain a hearing, be listened to, be imitated, be followed, set the 
fashion. To be an exemplar. 

Motones : To beckon, point, push, pull, carry, confine. 
Verbones : Commands : ' Come here J * Stop that ' * Hurry 
up ' ' Get out,' etc. 
Mesmeric influence : To hypnotize. 

ideo Dominance : To establish political, aesthetic, scientific, moral, or 
religious principles. To have one's ideas prevail. To influence the * cli- 
mate of opinion.' To argue for one cause against another. 
so do Dominance : To govern a social institution. 

Fusions : The commonest fusion is with n Agg ( Autocratic power ) . 
Coercion : To force an O ( by threats ) to do something. 


Restraint : To put up barriers. To limit motion. To forbid certain acts. 
To enforce the law. 

Also with : n Ach ( to achieve things as leader of a group ) , n Exh ( to 
be dramatically forceful in public ), n Aff ( to be a genial, humane 
leader ), n Sex ( to take an assertive erotic attitude ), n Nur ( to guide 
and correct a child), n Sec (the silent man of power behind the 
throne ) . 

Needs which may be subsidiary to the n Dom : n Agg ( to punish in order 
to control ), n Exh ( to dominate Os by fascination ), n Sue ( to con- 
trol Os by exciting pity ), n Aff ( to be friendly to voters ), n Sex ( to 
control through sexual attraction jemme fatale). 

Needs to which n Dom may be subsidiary : n Ach ( to persuade a group 
to get something done ), n Auto ( to argue for freedom ), n Aff ( to 
bring about harmony within a group ), n Acq ( to put over a business 

Conflicts with : n Aba, n Inf, n Sue, n Auto, n Aff, n Nur, n Play, n Def . 

intraDom : Will power. To develop self-control. To restrain instinctual 
drives. To be master of oneself. 

Subjns and Semi-objns : Magic and sorcery. To control the gods. 

Pathology : Delusions of omnipotence. 

Social forms : The government of a country : King, President, Congress, 
Parliament, Legislature, Courts of Law. With n Agg : Army, Navy, 
militia, police. 

Statements in Questionnaire 1 

1. I enjoy organizing or directing the activities of a group team, 
club, or committee. 

2. I argue with zest for my point of view against others. 

3. I find it rather easy to lead a group of boys and maintain discipline. 

4. I usually influence others more than they influence me. 

5. I am usually the one to make the necessary decisions when I am with 
another person. 

6. I feel that I can dominate a social situation. 

7. I enjoy the sense of power that comes when I am able to control the 
actions of others. 

i. In the questionnaire given to the Ss the statements for this variable (as well 
as those for other variables ) are not presented consecutively ( as above ). Each 
statement is separated from its fellow by nine statements illustrative of other, 
different variables ( vide p. 436 ). 


8. I assert myself with energy when the occasion demands it. 

9. I feel that I should like to be a leader and sway others to my opinion. 
10. I feel that I am driven by an underlying desire for power. 

n Deference ( n Def ) 

Desires and Ejects : To admire and support a superior O. To praise, 
honour, or eulogize. To yield eagerly to the influence of an allied O. 
To emulate an exemplar. To conform to custom. 

Feelings and Emotions : Respect, admiration, wonder, reverence. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : ( a ) Deferent, respectful, admiring, lauda- 
tory, worshipful ; ( b ) compliant, obliging, co-operative ; ( c ) sug- 

Press : Superior O ; p Dominance, p Exhibition. The O has greater di- 
rectional force or more attracting power ( ' mana ' ) than the S. 

Gratuities : A parent or allied leader with an admirable character. 

Actions : General : To move towards, fix gaze upon, salute, bow down 
to an admired O. To believe in conformity with the wishes of a su- 
perior O. To accept the leadership of a more experienced O. 
Acclaimance : To watch, listen attentively to, praise, applaud or honour 
a superior O. To eulogize, celebrate or acclaim an O. To elevate, vote 
for or give a title to an O. To elect an O to high office. To idolize a 
leader. To choose a superior ally. Hero worship. To raise a statue. To 
express gratitude or give thanks. 

Compliance : To do willingly what a superior O suggests or dictates. 
To co-operate eagerly. To perform little services. To work happily in 
a subordinate position. To follow advice. 

Fusion with n Similance S n Superiority : To emulate a great man. To 
become superior by resembling a superior O. 

ideo Deference : To admire the ideology of an exemplar. To become 
a disciple. To accept the ideas of others. Credulity and suggestibility. 
Hypnotic Suggestibility : A variety of suggestibility. 
Focal n Def : Admiration for one or a few great men. The Ego Ideal 
figures are constructed from such exemplars. 

Fusions with : n Sue ( to follow a sympathetic guide ), n Cog ( to learn 
by accepting the opinions of a superior O ), n Aba ( to humbly serve 
a domineering person ), n Sex ( to feel erotic pleasure in yielding ), 
n Nur (to praise in order to console ), Sa (to remain loyal to the 
same Os ), Ch ( to change allegiances ), Con St ( to follow conserva- 


tive leaders ), Rad St ( to follow radical leaders ), n Sup ( to emulate 

a great man ). 

n Dom and n Def : An S who is loyal to superiors, dominant to 


Needs to which n Def may be subsidiary : n Rec ( to obey orders in 
order to be promoted ), n Blam ( to flatter in order to avoid opposi- 
tion and censure ), n Dom ( to flatter in order to be chosen leader ), 
n Acq ( to serve for pay, to act as an S in an experiment ), n Inf ( to 
obey and thus avoid responsibility for failure), n Aff (to praise in 
order to make a friend ) . 

Conflicts : Any need ( supported by the n Auto ) which impels an S 
along another course : n Dom, n Ach, n Rec, n Rej, n Agg, n Exh. 

Measurement : Subjects are marked according to the amount of diffuse 
Deference. Intense focal Deference is treated as a separate factor. 

intraDef : Willing submission to conscience. Consecration to an ideal. 

Subjns and Semi-objns : Religion : worship of deities, ceremonials of 
deference, hymns of praise, offerings of gratitude, serving God and 
obeying his laws. The poet's submission to his c Muse.' 

Social Forms : All members of a State or institution are expected to be 
deferent : to obey the leaders, to praise and defend the * faith.' 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I am capable of putting myself in the background and working with 
zest for a man I admire. 

2. I see the good points rather than the bad points of the men who are 
above me. 

3. I accept suggestions rather than insist on working things out in my 
own way. 

4. I am considered compliant and obliging by my friends. 

5. I often seek the advice of older men and follow it. 

6. I give praise rather freely when the occasion offers. 

7. I often find myself imitating or agreeing with somebody I consider 

8. I usually follow instructions and do what is expected of me. 

9. In matters of conduct I conform to custom. 

10. I express my enthusiasm and respect for the people I admire. 


Sentiments of Deference l 

1. No gift is more precious than good advice. 

2. The fairest lives are those which regularly accommodate themselves 
to the human model. 

3. The first duty of every citizen is to regard himself as made for his 

4. Let a man keep the law, any law, and his way will be strewn with 

5. The victory always remains with those who admire rather than with 
those who deride. 

6. It is not so necessary to find heroes as to see the hero in every man. 

7. It does not take great men to do things, it takes consecrated men. 

8. Only by compromise and the closest co-operation may we abolish the 
evils that confront us. 

9. Love is a willing sacrifice. 

10. Before you begin get good counsel ; then, having decided, act 

1 1. Laws deliver man from anxiety ; they choose a side for one, and 
give one a master. 

12. We acquire the highest form of freedom when our wishes conform 
to the will of society. 

13. Honour thy father and thy mother. 

14. Without the authority conferred on government the human race 
cannot survive. 

15. Our chief want in life is somebody who will make us do what we 

n Autonomy ( n Auto ) 

Desires and Effects : To get free, shake off restraint, break out of con- 
finement. To resist coercion and restriction. To avoid or quit activities 
prescribed by domineering authorities. To be independent and free 
to act according to impulse. To be unattached, unconditioned, irre- 
sponsible. To defy conventions. 

Feelings and Emotions : ( a ) Feeling of restraint. Anger. ( b ) Inde- 
pendence and irresponsibility. 

i. As in the behavioural questionnaire, the sentiments of each variable (in the 
sentiments questionnaire) were interspersed with the sentiments of other 


Trait-names and Attitudes : (a) Autonomous , independent, free, wil- 
ful, unrestrained, irresponsible ; ( b ) rebellious, insurgent, radical, 
defiant ; ( c ) negativistic t stubborn, resistant. 
Press : Negative : p Physical restraint ( Barriers, Confinement ). 
p Dominance and p Aggression : Coercion, Prohibition, Restraint. 
Positive : p Open Spaces, p Tolerance. 

Gratuities ; Indulgent parents. A progressive school. A c free ' country. 
Actions : General: To do as one pleases regardless of rules or conven- 
tions. To refuse to be tied down by family obligations or by a definite 
routine of work. To avoid organized athletics or regular employment. 
To look on marriage as a form of * bondage.' To love adventure and 
change, or seclusion ( where one is free to do and think as he likes ). 
Motones : To break loose from physical constraint. To escape from 
prison. To run away. 

Verbones : To speak one's mind. To defy authority. To demand ' free 
speech.' To swear and blaspheme. * To hell with you ! ' 
Freedom : To escape from the confines of four walls. To play truant. 
To avoid the dominance of authority and- convention by running away, 
resigning, leaving the country. To wander. To seek independence in 
isolation (open spaces, wilderness), or in tolerant, uninhibited com- 
munities ( the Latin Quarter, Tahiti ) . To quit civilization. To travel 
alone and unencumbered. 

Resistance : To refuse to comply with the directions or commands of 
another O. To argue against authority. To be * as obstinate and stub- 
born as a mule.' To disobey one's parents. Negativism. Defiance. 
ideo Auto : To advance original or revolutionary theories. 
Fusions : The commonest fusion is with n Agg ( the revolutionist ). Also 
with : n Ach ( to achieve things without guidance ), n Rej ( to shut 
out objectionable Os who interfere with concentration ), n Play ( irre- 
sponsible amusement ), n Cog ( to be a pioneer, an explorer, an experi- 
menter), n Exh (to attract attention by being eccentric), n Dom 
( to lead a new movement ), n Inf ( to escape from failure and coer- 
cion ) . 

Needs which may be subsidiary to n Auto : n Dom ( to argue for free- 
dom ), n Aff ( to join an association to fight for liberty ), n Sue ( to 
plead for freedom ) . 

Needs to which n Auto may be subsidiary : Any needs which are blocked, 
for instance : n Play ( to miss school in order to play ), n Ach ( to be 
independent in order to achieve a purpose ), n Cnt ( to refuse to obey 


out of pride ), n Inf ( to refuse to comply in order to avoid a poten- 
tially humiliating situation ), n Sex ( to enjoy free love ). 

Conflicts with : n Aff ( ties of all kinds ), n Blam, n Ach, n Def, n Sue, 
n Nur. 

intraAuto : Free-will. To liberate the Ego from the restraints of con- 
science and reason. To be irresponsible. Laughter. 

Subjns and Semi-objns : Playful mirth. Drunken orgies. Celebrations, 
festivals, and reunions. Black Mass and Saturnalia. 

Social forms : Radicals and Progressives. Creators. Criminals and law 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I am unable to do my best work when I am in a subservient position. 

2. I become stubborn and resistant when others attempt to coerce me. 

3. I often act contrary to custom or to the wishes of my parents. 

4. I argue against people who attempt to assert their authority over me. 

5. I try to avoid situations where I am expected to conform to conven- 
tional standards. 

6. I go my own way regardless of the opinions of others. 

7. I am disinclined to adopt a course of action dictated by others. 

8. I disregard the rules and regulations that hamper my freedom. 

9. I demand independence and liberty above everything. 
10. I am apt to criticize whoever happens to be in authority. 

Sentiments of Autonomy 

1 . He shall be the greatest who can be the most solitary, the most con- 
cealed, the most divergent. 

2. A man can learn as well by striking out blindly on his own as he can 
by following the advice of others. 

3. The greatest fortunes are for those who leave the common turnpike 
and blaze a new trail for themselves. 

4. The superior individual has no respect for government. 

5. Society everywhere is in conspiracy against the manhood of every 
one of its members. 

6. As men's prayers are a disease of the will, so are their creeds a dis- 
ease of the intellect. 

7. Whoso would be a man, must be a nonconformist. 

8. There is a time in every man's education when he arrives at the 
conviction that imitation is suicide. 


9. The state is made for the individual ; the individual is not made for 
the state. 

10. A member of an institution is no more nor less than a slave. 

1 1. Adherence to convention produces the worst kind of citizen. 

1 2. A man must make his own decisions, uninfluenced by public opinion. 

13. A member of a group is merely an unnecessary duplicate. It is the 
man who stands alone who excites our admiration. 

14. The individualist is the man who is most likely to discover the best 
road to a new future. 

1 5. To accept a benefit is to sell one's freedom. 

n Aggression (n Agg ) 

Desires and Effects : Physical : To overcome opposition forcefully. To 
fight. To revenge an injury. To attack, injure or kill an O. To oppose 
forcefully or punish an O. 

Verbal : To belittle, censure, curse or ridicule maliciously an O. To 
depreciate and slander. ( The end that is sought is the expulsion or the 
painful humiliation of the O. ) 

Feelings and Emotions : Irritation, anger, rage ( temper tantrum ) ; also 
revenge and jealousy. Hatred. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : ( a ) Aggressive, combative, belligerent, pug- 
nacious, quarrelsome, argumentative ; ( b ) irritable, malicious, re- 
sentful, revengeful ; ( c ) destructive, cruel, vindictive, ruthless ; ( d ) 
critical, accusatory, abusive ; ( e ) domineering, severe, despotic. 

Press : p Aggression : Assault, Belittlement, Censure, Ridicule, Punish- 
ment ; p Dominance : Coercion, Opposition, Prohibition, Restraint ; 
p Superiority : Any object who is too self-assured, boastful, vain, 
pompous ; p Rival ; p Rejection ; p Repellent O. 

su^r Aggression : Aggression against superior Os : parents, authorities, 
leaders, the State ( cf. parricide ) . 

infr Aggression : Aggression against inferior Os : children and defence- 
less animals. Bullying. 

Common agency objects : Stones, sticks, knives, guns, 'poison. 

Actions : General : To move and speak in an assertive, forceful, threat- 
ening manner. To jostle and push Os out of one's way. To curse or 
blame those who impede one's progress. To adopt a terrifying attitude 
and take the best by force. To experience * fits of rage,' to scream, kick 
and scratch. 
Physical aggression : Assault : To strike, to ' pick a fight.' 


Murder : To kill an O. 

Destruction : To break things. To dismember. 

Zonal aggression : Oral Agg : Biting ; Anal Agg : Soiling. 

Verbal aggression : Belittlement : To criticize, depreciate, slander. 
Censure : To reprimand, blame or scold. 
Ridicule : To make fun of an O. Malicious satire. 

idea Aggression : To attack a system of thought or of sentiments. 

socio Aggression : To fight for one's country. To punish criminals and 

traitors. To kill enemies. 
Fusions with : n Dom ( aggressive leadership ), n Sex ( sadism ), n Auto 

( to use force to escape confinement ), n Exh ( prize fighting ), n Dfd 

( to fight in self-defence ), n Acq ( to fight for possessions, to rob a 

man ). 
Needs to which n Agg may be subsidiary : n Sex, n Rec, n Dom, n Cnt 

( to defend honour ), n Auto ( to kill a tyrant ). 
Conflicts with : n Harm, n Blam, n Inf, n Aba, n AfF, n Def, n Nur. 
intrAgg : Self-criticism ( inferiority feelings ). Self-censure ( guilt feel- 
ings ). Self-mutilation ( castration ). Suicide. 
Subjns and Semi-objns : Murder stories. Public executions. Religious 

blood-lettings ( Mithraic ceremonial ). 
Social forms : Fn Dom : Autocratic despot. Army, navy and police. Fn 

Auto : Revolutionary movements. Law breakers. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. When a friend of mine annoys me, I tell him what I think of him. 

2. I am apt to enjoy getting a person's goat. 

3. I like physical competition such as football, boxing or wrestling 
the rougher the better. 

4. I protest sometimes, when a person steps in front of me in a waiting 

5. I treat a domineering person as rudely as he treats me. 

6. I try to get my own way regardless of others. 

7. I argue or bluff my way past a guard or doorman if necessary. 

8. Sometimes I use threats of force to accomplish my purpose. 

9. I get into a fighting mood when the occasion seems to demand it. 
i o. I often blame other people when things go wrong. 

n. I get angry and express my annoyance when I am treated with dis- 
12. I am considered aggressive by some of my acquaintances. 


1 3. When a good fight is on, I am one of the first to pitch in. 

14. I am apt to express my irritation rather than restrain it. 

15. I often let myself go when I am angry. 

1 6. I often disregard the personal feelings of other people. 

17. I enjoy a good hot argument. 

1 8. Occasionally when a youngster gets fresh with me, I threaten to pun- 
ish him. 

19. I can become quite dictatorial when I am dealing with a subordinate. 

20. I rebuke my friends when I disapprove of their behaviour. 

Sentiments of Aggression 

1 . When swords are drawn, let no idea of love, not even the face of a 
father, move you. 

2. Destroyers of tyranny have contributed most to humanity. 

3. A person seldom falls sick without the bystanders being animated 
with a faint hope that he will die. 

4. Men are just what they seem to be, and that is the worst that can be 
said of them. 

5. A bold attack is half the battle. 

6. To keep a secret enemy that is a luxury which even the highest 
men enjoy. 

7. Interiorly most people enjoy the inferiority of their best friends. 

8. Anger is one of the sinews of the soul j he that lacks it has a maimed 

9. Anger in its time and place may assume a kind of grace. 

i o. Every normal man must be tempted, at times, to spit on his hands, 
hoist the black flag, and begin slitting throats. 

1 1 . Love force, and care little how you exhibit it. 

1 2. Revenge is a luscious fruit which you must learn to cultivate. 

13. It does not matter much what the man hates as long as he hates some- 

1 4. Marriage is a field of battle. 

15. We are much nearer loving those who hate us, than those who love 
us more than we like. 

n Abasement ( n Aba) 

Desires and Effects : To submit passively to external force. To accept in- 
jury, blame, criticism, punishment. To surrender. To become resigned 
to fate. To admit inferiority, error, wrong-doing or defeat. To con- 


fcss and atone. To blame, belittle or mutilate the self. To seek and 
enjoy pain, punishment, illness and misfortune. 

The n Aba is perhaps always a sub-need, but because of its general 
importance it is given a separate status. 
Feelings and Emotions : Resignation or aboulia. Shame, guilt, remorse 

or contrition. Inferiority or humility. Helplessness or despair. 
Trait-names and Attitudes : ( a ) Abasive, submissive, acquiescent, pliant, 
meek, humble, servile ; ( b ) impotent, passive, patient, resigned ; 
( c ) contrite, penitent, prostrate ; ( d ) timorous, weak, cowardly. 
Press : p Aggression and p Dominance. 

Actions: General: To adopt a passive, meek, humble, or servile atti- 
tude. To stand aside, take a back seat, let others push by and have the 
best. To submit to coercion and domination without rebellion or com- 
plaint. To allow oneself to be ' talked down.' To accept censure with- 
out rebuttal. To allow oneself to be bullied, dispossessed of objects. To 
receive physical injuries without retaliation. 

Surrender : to ' give in,' to acknowledge defeat. 
Renunciation : To give up material Os, or narcistic aims. To resign 
in favour of another O. 
Penitence : Self-blame, self-accusation. 

Atonement : To do something to balance a wrong. To expiate or 
atone for a sin by humiliating oneself. To wear sack-cloth and 
ashes. Under this may be classed many self-mutilations, self-inflicted 
illnesses and suicides. 

Fusions with : n Sue ( to pray meekly ), n Exh ( to make an exhibition 
of martyrdom ), n Def ( to be very humbly compliant, to suffer in 
order to show devotion and reverence ), n Cnt ( to suffer pain stoi- 
cally, to will the obligatory ' ), n Sex ( masochism ). 
'Needs which may be subsidiary to the n Aba : n Auto ( to disobey so as 

to be punished ), n Agg ( to pick a fight in order to be licked ). 
Needs to which the n Aba may be subsidiary : n Harm ( to surrender in 
order to avoid more pain ), n Aff ( to confess in order to retain friend- 
ship ), n Blam ( to apologize in order to avoid censure ; to atone for a 
crime ), n Rec ( to ' fish for compliments' ), n Inf ( to stand back 
or surrender in order to avoid further failure ), n Agg ( to be injured 
by an O in order to have the right to retaliate ). 
Conflicts with : n Cnt, n Dfd, n Ach, n Agg, n Dom, n Auto, n Inf, 
n Rec, n Ret. 


intrAba : To offer no resistance to instinctual or Superego tendencies. To 
be overwhelmed by Ucs forces. To repress nothing. Psychic deflation. 

Pathology : Masochism ( to enjoy pain and suffering ). 

Subjns and Semi-objns : Religious acts : Confession of sins, atonements 
and self-mutilations. 

Social forms : Slaves. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I am seldom able to hold up my end in a fight. 

2. When something goes wrong I am more apt to blame myself than 
to blame the other fellow. 

3. There are times when I act like a coward. 

4. I am more apt to give in than to continue a fight. 

5. My friends think I am too humble. 

6. feel nervous and anxious in the presence of superiors. 

7. am rather submissive and apologetic when I have done wrong. 

8. am shy and inhibited in my relations with women. 

9. am sometimes depressed by feelings of my own un worthiness. 
10. feel that I must suffer before I can achieve my purpose. 

Sentiments of Abasement 

1 . A man who knows that he is a fool is not a great fool. 

2. The moral man does not desire anything outside of his position. 

3. When Heaven is about to confer a great office on any man, it first 
disciplines his mind with suffering. 

4. Do little things as though they were great things and you will live 
to do great things as though they were little things. 

5. There is nothing which the body suffers which the soul may not 
profit by. 

6. There is no man living who would willingly be deprived of his right 
to suffer pain for that is his right to be a man. 

7. Charity should begin with your enemies. 

8. Meekness is better than vengeance. 

9. Render good for bad ; blessings for curses. 

10. Perhaps the only true dignity of man is his capacity to despise him- 

1 1 . 'Tis vain to quarrel with our destiny. 

1 2. The first step to self-knowledge is self-distrust. 


13. All fortune is to be conquered by bearing it. 

14. The life of no man is free from struggle and suffering. 

15. If you wish to mount the ladder you must begin at the lowest rung. 

n Achievement Ego Ideal 

The n Achievement may accompany any other need. It is the 
desire or tendency to do things as rapidly and/or as well as pos- 
sible. Thus, there is a great variety of acts from blowing smoke 
rings to discovering a new planet which may gratify the 
Achievement drive. The Ego Ideal is merely the aggregate of the 
imagined goals of the n Achievement ( In Ach ) . It is, let us say, 
a conception of the ideally successful self. It may take any one of 
many different shapes from the perpetrator of the * perfect 
crime ' to the prophet of a new religion. 

n Achievement ( n Ach ) 

Desires and Effects : To accomplish something difficult. To master, ma- 
nipulate or organize physical objects, human beings, or ideas. To do 
this as rapidly, and as independently as possible. To overcome ob- 
stacles and attain a high standard. To excel one's self. To rival and 
surpass others. To increase self-regard by the successful exercise of 

Kinds of Achievement : The n Ach is focalized according to kind of In- 
terest (vide). For instance : n Ach (Phys), the desire for athletic 
success ; n Ach ( Caste ), the desire for social prestige ; n Ach ( In- 
tell ), the desire for intellectual distinction. 

Feelings and Emotions : Zest, ambition. ( These may conic as counterac- 
tions to inferiority feelings. ) 

Press : p Task ; p Rival. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : Achievant y ambitious, competitive, aspiring. 

Actions : To make intense, prolonged and repeated efforts to accomplish 
something difficult. To work with singleness of purpose towards a high 
and distant goal. To have the determination to win. To try to do 
everything well. To be stimulated to excel by the presence of others, 
to enjoy competition. To exert will power ; to overcome boredom and 
fatigue ( intraDom ). 

Fusions and Subsidiations : The n Ach fuses readily and naturally with 
every other need. Indeed, it is considered by some that the n Achieve- 


ment often called the ' will-to-power ' is the dominant psycho- 
genie need. Perhaps in most cases it is subsidiary to an inhibited need 
for Recognition. 

Conflicts with : n Aba, n Inf, n Blam, n Play, n Aff, n Exh. 

Subjns and Seipi-objns : Great deeds in fantasy and play. Writing 
' achievement ' stories. 

Social forms : Every recognized profession or occupation may be re- 
garded as a channel for the n Achievement. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I am driven to ever greater efforts by an unslaked ambition. 

2. I feel that nothing else which life can offer is a substitute for great 

3. I feel that my future peace and self-respect depend upon my ac- 
complishing some notable piece of work. 

4. I set difficult goals for myself which I attempt to reach. 

5. I work with energy at the job that lies before me instead of dream- 
ing about the future. 

6. When my own interests are at stake, I become entirely concentrated 
upon my job and forget my obligations to others. 

7. I enjoy relaxation wholeheartedly only when it follows the success- 
ful completion of a substantial piece of work. 

8. I feel the spirit of competition in most of my activities. 

9. I work like a slave at everything I undertake until I am satisfied with 
the result. 

10. I enjoy work as much as play. 

Sentiments of Achievement 

1. Fame ! Glory ! They are life-giving breath and living blood. No 
man lives unless he is famous. ( n Rec ) 

2. Ambition is a gallant madness. 

3. Power is the morality of men who stand out from the rest and it is 
also mine. ( n Dom ) 

4. When a man is no longer anxious to do better than well, he is done 

5. I like best that which flies beyond my reach. 

6. Ambition is the parent of many virtues. 

7. Only ambition will bring a man's mind into full activity. 

8. My aspirations are my nearest friends. 


9. Man is complete and upstanding only when he would be more than 

10. Better to reign in hell than serve in heaven ( n Dom ). 

1 1 . To be superior a man must stand alone ( n Auto ) . 

1 2. No bird soars too high if he soars with his own wings ( n Auto ). 

13. It is not to die we fear, but to die poorly : to fall forgotten, in a 
multitude (n Rec). 

14. God, give me hills to climb, and strength for climbing. 
i 5. Freedom cannot exist alone. Power must accompany it. 

Ego Ideal (E I ) 

The Ego Ideal is composed of all the fantasies which portray the 
subject, or a hero, accomplishing great deeds or achieving recog- 
nition. These are the desiderata of the need for Achievement, 
Taken together at any stage of a subject's life, they represent his 
highest hope, the dramatization of himself as a man of destiny. 
This instituted fantasy always partially unconscious goads 
the individual to ever greater efforts. Failure to actualize it de- 
presses him. 

The E I is in truth a subjectification of the Achievement, but 
because of its importance it is given the status of a separate vari- 
Kinds of Ego Ideal. The Ego Ideal is focalized according to the kind of 

Interest ( vide ). 

Relation to other variables. The Ego Ideal is the best indication of an 
unfulfilled Achievement drive (In Ach). It is usually accompanied 
by action, but it may lead to paralysis of action when the Ego Ideal 
is so high that it is futile to strive for it. If the Ego Ideal is very high 
and the individual believes that he has approached it, or if he finally 
identifies himself with it, it is an indication that Narcism is dominant 
( delusions of omnipotence and grandeur ). The Ego Ideal usually 
consists of a composite of internalized exemplars. Thus, its formation 
is preceded by the need for Deference, admiration of another object 
being accompanied by a tendency to emulate it. If the n Achievement 
is extremely high, however, the S will usually admire very few people. 
In such an individual the needs for Rejection and Autonomy will be 
high and the need for Deference will be low. Here, Deference may 
be intense but it will be focal. 


Measurement. The height of the E I ; the vividness, perseveration and 
frequency of E I imagery ; the determining effect of this variable 
upon other variables. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I dream a good deal about my future successes. 

2. I feel that most of my acquaintances have a rather low standard of 

3. I feel that some far goal deserves my effort more than any daily duty. 

4. I admire immensely and attempt to emulate in one way or another 
certain great men of the past. 

5. I am guided in most of my decisions by an over-riding ambition. 

6. I am repeatedly swayed to action by exultant hopes of possible suc- 

7. I spend a good deal of time planning my career. 

8. I energize myself by dramatizing my life as an ascending struggle 
against opposition. 

9. No immediate compensation could console me for the failure of my 
highest hopes. 

I o. No one can demand from me as much as I demand from myself. 

n Sex n Exhibition 

n Sentience n Play 

This group of needs is loosely related. They are directed towards 
the enjoyment of ' sensations * : erotic excitement, sensuous pleas- 
ure, dramatics, humour, fantasy and play. 

n Sex ( n Sex ) 

Desires and Ejects : To form and further an erotic relationship. To have 
sexual intercourse. 

feelings : Erotic excitement, lust, love. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : Erotic, sensual, seductive. 

Press : p Sexual O. 

infra or supra Sex : The selection of a younger or an older O. 

Homo or Heterosexual : The selection of the same or the opposite sex. 

Actions : General : To make advances, to 'pick-up* a man or woman, 
to seduce a sexually appealing O. To enjoy the company of the oppo- 
site sex, to be fond of mixed parties, to like dancing. 


To be in love. To desire only the chosen object : to work and play 
together, excluding others ; to exchange sentiments and ideas. 
Motones. To hold hands, embrace, kiss, copulate. 
Verbones. To flirt, praise, express sympathy, make love. 

Fusions with : n Aff ( Erotic love ), n Agg ( Sadism ), n Aba ( Masoch- 
ism ), n Exh ( Exhibitionism ), n Cog ( Voyeurism ), n Sue ( Ana- 
clitic love ), n Nur ( Nurturant love ), n Def ( Idolatry ), Dom and 
Agg Active role. Def and Aba Passive role. 

Needs which may be subsidiary to the n Sex : n Aff ( to win the affec- 
tion of an object ). n Exh ( to fascinate an O ), n Ach ( to demon- 
strate talent). 

Needs to which the n Sex may be subsidiary : n Acq ( prostitution ), 
n Aff ( to maintain an enduring love ), n Dom ( to gain control over 
an O ), n Cnt ( to avoid being called innocent and inexperienced ), 
n Nur ( to have a child ) . 

Conflicts with : n Ach, n 81am, n Inf, n Rej. 

intraSex : Auto-erotism and masturbation. 

Subjns and Semi-objns : Erotic fantasies and dreams. Romantic poetry, 
love stories, etc. 

Social Institutions : Marriage. Organized prostitution. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1 . spend a great deal of time thinking about sexual matters. 

2. fall in love rather easily. 

3. feel that my sexual instinct is as strong as my ambition. 

4. have more pleasure with a woman than with a man. 

5. sometimes lose myself in extravagant sexual fantasies. 

6. have difficulty controlling my sexual impulses. 

7. am attracted by every good-looking woman I see. 

8. regard every attractive woman with searching curiosity, looking 
her over from head to foot, measuring, discriminating, estimating 

9. I prefer women who have a strong sexual appeal. 
I o. I have had a good deal of actual sex experience. 

n Sentience ( n Sen ) 

Desires and Effects : To seek and enjoy sensuous impressions. 
Feelings and Emotions : Sensuous or aesthetic feelings. 
Trait-names and Attitudes : Sentient, sensuous, sensitive, aesthetic. 


Press : p Sensuous O. 

Zones of Sentience : i . Perceptive : 

( a ) Tactile ( n tSen ). To stroke and be stroked. To touch fab- 
rics. Fusion with n Sex : Stimulation of erogenous zones : oral, mam- 
mary, urethral, anal, and genital. Thermal sentience ( warm water, 
rays of sun). 

( b ) Olfactory ( n oSen ) . Pleasurable odours, scents, perfumes. 
( c ) Gustatory ( n gSen ). Delicious food, sauces, desserts, wines. 
( d ) Auditory ( n aSen ). Natural sounds, human voice, poetry and 

( e ) Visual ( n vSen ) . Pleasurable sights : colour, light, form, 
movement, a beautiful face, clothes, decoration, landscapes, architec- 
ture, painting and sculpture. Vivid imagery. 

( 2 ) Kinetic : Kinaesthetic ( n kSen ) . Pleasurable muscular move- 
ments ; dancing, skating, gymnastics, diving, etc. 
Actions : To seek and find delight in the enjoyment of any of the above 
sense impressions. To have delicate, sensitive perceptions. 

To perceive and comment upon the sensuous quality of objects. To 
remark upon the atmosphere, the temperature, colours in the room, 
pictures, various sounds and odours. To remember and in the descrip- 
tion of events include sensuous details. 

To use expressive language. To use exact and novel metaphors. 
To display a genuine delight in one or more of the Arts. 
Fusions with : n Sex ( diffuse libidinous satisfactions ), n Aff ( to be 
with a beautiful person ), n Exh ( to give an artistic performance in 
public ), n Def ( to yield to the enticing power of a beautiful O ). 
"Needs which may be subsidiary to n Sen : n Sue ( to cry for the mother's 

body ), n Auto ( to break away from puritanical conventions ). 
Needs to which n Sen may be subsidiary : n Sex ( sensations to excite 

erotic feeling ) . 

Conflicts with : n Ach, n Blam, n Rej, n Dom. 

intraSen : To delight in the beauty of one's own body. To enjoy sensu- 
ous imagery. 

Social forms : Restaurants, perfumery shops, theatres, concert halls, mu- 
seums, parks, picture galleries. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

i . I notice and am responsive to slight changes in the colour of the sky, 
in the temperature and quality of the atmosphere. 


2. I enjoy myself observing in great detail the facial expressions, ges- 
tures and mannerisms of the people I see. 

3. I enjoy the sensuous quality of my own imagery. 

4. I repeat to myself certain thrilling phrases I have heard or read. 

5. I observe and am affected by the decorations and colour tones in a 

6. I amble about in the country or lie in the grass attending only to 
the odours of the earth, the drift of clouds, the rustling of leaves, 
the song of birds. 

7. I think that the arts are more important to me than the sciences. 

8. I can be as intensely excited by a novel or a poem as I am by anything 

9. I wish that I could own objects purely for the aesthetic pleasure they 
give me etchings, pottery, ironwork, carved figures, paintings. 

10. I attach great value to certain words purely because of their sound. 

1 1. I feel that a certain perversity adds a flavour to pleasure. 

12. I find that a smell or fragrance will evoke very vivid memories in 

13. I find that apathy or depression can be transmuted by an object, a 
sound or a scene of beauty, into sheer delight. 

14. I enjoy the rhythm as much as the meaning of good prose. 

15. I search for sensations which shall be at once new and delightful. 

1 6. I love good food and good wine, and have become quite a connois- 
seur in such matters. 

1 7. I prefer good music to the disturbing presence of most people. 

1 8. I have found that any overpowering feeling even sorrow 
pleases me privately. 

19. I get pleasure from anything which has a long legendary past, a 
special pleasure coming from the associated richness. 

20. I find myself c feeling into* objects and people, and within myself 
experiencing their essence. 

n Exhibition ( n Exh ) 

Desires and Effects : To make an impression. To be seen and heard. To 
excite, amaze, fascinate, entertain, shock, intrigue, amuse or entice Os. 

Feelings and Emotions : Vanity. Exuberance and self-confidence. 

Press : p Audience. A cathected O to be attracted. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : Exhibitionistic, histrionic, dramatic, spec- 
tacular, conspicuous. 


Actions : Motones : Self-display. To make the self conspicuous by wear- 
ing unusual or colourful clothing. To seek the limelight, pose for ef- 
fect, enjoy it when all eyes are upon the self. To wear little clothing 
or go naked. To join a Nudist colony. 

Vet bones : To talk a good deal : tall stories, anecdotes and jokes. To 
hold the floor, monopolize the conversation. To attract attention by 
mannerisms, expressive gestures, emphatic or extravagant speech. To 
enjoy an audience. 

To attempt to entertain others. To speak, or perform in public. To 
act, take part in dramatics, play music, dance, show-off. To play the 

Oral-Exhibition : to sing, or speak with poetic feeling. 
To talk a lot about the self, to exaggerate one's part in an adven- 
ture, to dramatize the self, to pose as a unique, mysterious, incalculable 
person, a person with hypnotic power. 

Indirect form : to represent the self in art forms ; to write self- 
revealing novels or autobiographies. 

Fusions with : n Ach ( to work at something in public ), n Sen ( to dis- 
play beauty or perform on a musical instrument in public ), n Aff ( to 
interest others and be the life of the party ), n Play ( to amuse others 
by playing the fool ) , n Dom ( to persuade others with dramatic force, 
to be a ' spell-binder ' ), n Sex ( to display genitals ), n Sue ( to make 
a pitiful, tragic spectacle of the self, to excite sympathy by exhibiting 
one's wounds ) . 

Needs which may be subsidiary to the n Exh : n Ach ( to work on a per- 
formance which is to be done in public ) . 

Needs to which n Exh may be subsidiary : n Sex ( to seduce an O ), n Aff 
( to win affection by fascinating or amusing Os ), n Dom ( to domi- 
nate by fascination and enticement ), n Acq ( to earn a living by acting 
on the stage, by selling goods in public auctioneer ). 
Conflicts with : ,n Inf ( fear of failure ), n Blam ( fear of l?lame 
* vanity is unbecoming* ). The antipole of the n Exh is the n Seclu- 
sion ( the desire for privacy and concealment ) . 
Measurement : n Exhibition n Exh minus n Sec. 
intraExh : Self-dramatization. 

Social forms : Public performances : theatres, vaudevilles, circuses, hip- 
podromes, amusement parks. Magicians and monologists. With n Sen- 
tience : Concerts and operas. 


Statements in Questionnaire 

1. Sometimes when I am in a crowd, I say humorous things which I 
expect strangers will overhear. 

2. I often dramatize a story which I am telling and demonstrate ex- 
actly how everything happened. 

3. I talk rather freely about myself, even to casual friends. 

4. When I am in a group, I try to increase the enjoyment of others by 
telling amusing stories. 

5. prefer to be looked at than not. 

6. like to have people watch me do the things which I do well. 

7. am apt to show off in some way if I get a chance. 

8. often take the lead in livening up a dull evening. 

9. do a thing sometimes just to watch the effect it will have upon 
other people. 

10. amuse others by playing the clown when the occasion warrants it. 

1 1. boast a bit about my achievements from time to time. 

12. feel pleasantly exhilarated when all eyes are upon me. 

13. do quite a bit of talking when I am in mixed company. 

14. act on the principle that a man will never get ahead if he does not 
blow his own horn from time to time. 

15. I am rather successful at entertaining others. 

1 6. I enjoy holding the floor or performing before a group playing 
the piano, showing tricks, acting in charades, etc. 

17. I am pleased if I am called upon for a story or a speech. 

1 8. I often exaggerate my part in an event in order to make myself ap- 
pear in a more interesting light. 

19. I feel dissatisfied if I remain unnoticed. 

20. I love to talk and it's hard for me to keep quiei. 

n Play 

General Description. Some people devote their free time to various 
forms of amusement : sports, dancing, drinking parties, cards and other 
indoor games. A playful attitude may also characterize their working 
hours. They like to laugh and make a joke of everything. We attribute 
this to the operation of the n Play : the tendency to act for ' fun,' with- 
out further purpose. 

This variable manifests itself best in children's play : enjoyable, stress- 
less, make-believe ' activity. It is random, whimsical, fantasy-driven 


behaviour, which releases internal tension, but achieves no exterior ef- 
fects. Subjectively, it is experienced as 'activity pleasure.' It ceases the 
moment a serious obstacle is encountered, the moment it is necessary to 
become 'serious,* to adapt to a stubborn fact. Thus play, like fantasy, 
is undirected ; it is not propelled and pointed towards a definite goal by 
a will process. There is an inseparable gradation between a playful atti- 
tude and an achievant attitude. They become fused when a child be- 
comes intent upon accomplishing a chosen ' unreal ' task, or later when 
the Achievement drive takes the form of sport. In our studies, Mirth 
playing jokes and the enjoyment of humour was subsumed under the 
n Play. It is questionable whether Play and Achievement should be in- 
cluded within the definition of need, but in the present study it was 
found convenient to do so. Play is sometimes an ' escape from reality,' 
an enjoyable relaxation of stress. Good-natured humour, even though 
slightly aggressive, is classed as Play. 

Trait-names and Attitudes: (a) Playful, gay, jolly, merry, blithe, 
jovial ; ( b ) easy-going, light-hearted, sportive. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I feel that if I were free from the necessity of making a living I 
should devote a good deal of time to the pursuit of unmixed pleasure. 

2. When I am working, I spend a good deal of time planning or an- 
ticipating future pleasures. 

3. I believe that I have the disposition of a 'man of pleasure' rather 
than a ' man of great ambition.' 

4. I spend a fair proportion of my time amusing myself parties, 
dances, shows, card-games or drinking bouts. 

5. I prefer the company of amusing, fun-loving people. 

6. I treat sex as an amusing game rather than a serious undertaking. 

7. I cultivate an easy-going, humorous attitude toward life. 

8. I seek, at the cost of some distant goal, whatever makes me feel most 
cheerful here and now. 

9. I act on the principle that a wise man is known by his ability to play. 
10. I seek amusement as an antidote for worry. 

n Affiliation n Rejection 


The n Affiliation describes a positive tropism for people, the 
n Rejection a negative tropism. Occasionally, one finds one or the 


other extreme : a person who likes almost everyone or a misan- 
thrope. But usually both needs operate, the need that is aroused 
being determined by the object encountered or the class to which 
the object belongs (profession, political party, nationality, re- 
ligious sect, etc. ) . Narcism is Affiliation turned inwards. 

n Affiliation ( n Aff ) 

Desires and Effects : To draw near and enjoyably co-operate or recipro- 
cate with an allied O : an O who resembles the S or who likes the S. 
To please and win affection of a cathected O. To adhere and remain 
loyal to a friend. 

Feelings and Emotions : Trust, good-will, affection and love. Sympa- 
thetic empathy. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : Affiliative, friendly, sociable, genial, affec- 
tionate, trusting, good-natured. 

Kinds of Affiliation : Interests ( vide ) may determine the O preferred. 

Press : Positive : p Allied object : p Affiliation. 
Negative : p Friendless Environment. 

infra or supr A filiation : Friendships with inferior or superior Os. 

Actions : General : To meet and make the acquaintance of Os. To form, 
maintain or accept synergies with Os. To show good-will and love. To 
do things which please an O. To avoid wounding, to allay opposition. 
Motones : To draw near and stay with. To wave, shake hands, go arm 
in arm, place hand on the shoulder, embrace. 
Zonal : Oral : Kissing. 

Verbones : To greet, say hello and goodbye, question in a friendly way. 
To give information, tell stories, exchange sentiments. To express 
trust, admiration, affection. To confide in an O. 
Continuance : To approach, touch, accompany, and live near allied Os. 
To be gregarious. 

Similance : To feel and act like an allied O. To imitate and agree with, 
to be * as one with.' 

Co-operation : To achieve things with an O. 

Reciprocation : To communicate or play with an O. To converse, tele- 
phone, write letters. To share benefits, possessions, knowledge or con- 
fidences with an O. To enjoy erotic relations with a beloved O ( Fn 
Sex Aff). 


ideo Aff : To be receptive to ideas. To harmonize one's sentiments with 
thpse of others. To resolve differences. 

Types of Affiliative Synergies : The aim of the n Affiliation is to form 
a synergy : a mutually enjoyed, enduring, harmoniously co-operating 
and reciprocating relation with another person. The S must like and 
be liked by the O before a synergy is possible. A synergy should result 
in the reinforcement of emotions and needs. Hence, some degree of 
similarity seems to be essential. The following varieties may be recog- 
nized : Fn Sue Aff ( friendship with a sympathetic protecting O ), 
Fn Def Aff ( friendship with an admired exemplar), Fn Nur Aff 
( friendship with a younger dependent O ), Fn Dom Aff ( friendship 
with a compliant O ), Fn Exp Aff ( friendship for a pupil ), Fn Cog 
Aff ( friendship for a teacher ). The following are also of interest : 
Complementary Aff ( friendship based on contrast), Supplementary 
Aff ( friendship based on similarity ). Diffuse Aff. Many friends of 
different types. Focal Aff. One or a few friends. Sa & Aff. Long en- 
during synergies. Ch fcf Aff. To drop friends and acquire new ones. 
To be fickle and changeable. 

Fusions : Since most things may be done in co-operation with another, 
almost every need may fuse with the n Aff. For instance : n Ach ( to 
collaborate in accomplishing anything ) , n Agg ( to fight together 
against a common enemy), n Nur (to co-operate in caring for a 
child). Likewise, reciprocation involving any two antipolar needs 
may occur : n Cog and n Exp ( to ask or answer questions ), n Nur 
and n Sue ( to give or receive sympathy ) . 

Needs which may be subsidiary to the n Aff : All needs, as suggested 
above. Also : n Auto ( to break out of prison to join a beloved O ), 
n Aba ( to apologize, to admit mistakes ), n Blam ( to avoid doing any- 
thing that would annoy an O ), n Acq ( to make money in order to 
entertain friends ), etc. 

Needs to which the n Aff may be subsidiary : All needs, as suggested 
above, n Dom ( to make friends in order to be elected to high office ). 

Conflicts with : N, n Ach, n Rej, n Dom, n Agg, n Auto, n Inf, n 

Measurement : T/ie chief criteria are: I. friendly feeling ; 2. desire 
to associate, play and converse ; 3. efforts to resolve differences, co- 
operate and maintain harmony ; 4. readiness to trust and confide ; 
5. the number, intensity and duration of friendships. 


intrAff : To be on good terms with one's self. To regard one's own 
weaknesses with humorous tolerance. To resolve conflicts. Narcism. 
Subjns and Semi-objns : An imaginary companion. 
Social forms : Clubs and social organizations. ( with n Sex ) Marriage. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I am in my element when I am with a group of people who enjoy 

2. I become very attached to my friends. 

3. I give myself utterly to the happiness of someone I love. 

4. I feel ' out of sorts ' if I have to be by myself for any length of 

5. I like to hang around with a group of congenial people and talk 
about anything that comes up. 

6. I make as many friends as possible and am on the lookout for more. 

7. I accept social invitations rather than stay at home alone. 

8. If possible, I have my friends with me wherever I go. 

9. I am desperately unhappy if I am separated from the person I love. 

10. I make a point of keeping in close touch with the doings and inter- 
ests of my friends. 

1 1 . I become bound by strong loyalties to friends and institutions ; it 
may be a college, a club, a vocational group or a political party. 

12. I make friends rather quickly and feel at ease in a few minutes. 

13. I go out of my way just to be with my friends. 

14. I make special efforts to promote good feeling when I am with other 

15. I enjoy co-operating with others more than working by myself. 

1 6. I feel that friendship is more important than anything else. 

17. I enjoy myself immensely at parties or other social gatherings. 

1 8. I like to play around with people who don't take life too seriously. 

19. I am very free in expressing cordiality and goodwill to others. 

20. I have a good word for most people. 

Sentiments of Affiliation 

1. A man's friends are his magnetisms. 

2. The feeling of friendship is like that of being comfortably filled 
with roast beef. 

3. Humanity is not a vain word. Our life is composed of love, and not 
to love is not to live. 


4. The humblest of friendships is a treasure more precious than all the 
triumphs of genius. 

5. One of the greatest experiences in life is to give some of one's inner- 
most soul into the safekeeping of a friend. 

6. One cannot be in love with life if he does not love humanity in 

7. Go often to the house of thy friend, for weeds choke up the unused 

8. He has achieved success who has lived well, laughed often and loved 

9. Goodwill subdues its opposite, as water fire. 

I o. The ornament of a house is the friends that frequent it. 

11. It is more important to cultivate the heart than the head. 

1 2. We arrive at wisdom through our intimacies with people. 

13. A man's wealth is measured by his friendships. 

14. Wherever you go plant companionship as thick as trees. 

15. There is no satisfaction in any good without a companion. 

n Rejection (n Rej ) 

Desires and Effects : To separate oneself from a negatively cathected O. 
To exclude, abandon, expel, or remain indifferent to an inferior O. To 
snub or jilt an O. 

Feelings and Emotions : Disgust, scorn, boredom, indifference. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : (a) Rejective, exclusive, forbidding, scorn- 
ful, aloof, haughty, snobbish ; ( b ) insulated, detached, indifferent ; 
( c ) discriminating, critical, selective. 

Kinds of Rejection : Interest ( vide ) may focalize the need. 

Press : infraRej p Inferior O. p Repellent O. 

supraRej : To reject a disliked superior O, to out-snub a snob. 

Actions : General: Vulnerability to annoying, coarse, rude, vulgar, stu- 
pid, boring, childish, mean, cheeky, presumptuous, unattractive Os. 
To be sensitive, easily repelled, hard to please. To adopt a disdainful, 
forbidding, superior attitude. To remain aloof and indifferent. To 
be a severe critic. To be unwilling to suffer fools. To demand a high 
standard of ability, intelligence, wit or imagination. To be very dis- 
criminating and critical in the choice of friends and exemplars. To 
reject a suitor. To break with a friend. To withhold love ( N ). 
Motones : To debar unpleasant Os. To close and lock the door. To 
avoid meeting stupid people. To cross the street, refuse invitations. 


Zonal : Genital : Frigidity and impotence. 

Verbones : Silence. * I shall never speak to you again/ To eliminate or 
exclude : ' Shut up ' ' Get out of here ' * Leave the room ' 
' I'm through with you.' 

Zonal : Oral : Mutism. To be close-mouthed. 

Exclusion : To keep out unwelcome intruding Os. To remain secluded 
and unapproachable. To be psychically insulated. To refrain from in- 
timacies and confidences. To blackball. To refuse to admit, invite, 
shake hands with, or marry an inferior. 
Expulsion : To expel, disinherit, excommunicate. 
Abandonment : To desert a child. To drop a friend. 
Withdrawal : To leave home. To resign from a group : club, insti- 
tution, or business. To avoid people. To seek solitude. 
Contrarience : To be different from inferior Os. Not to do as the 
Philistines do. To be distinguished by contrast. 
Belittlement : To criticize other Os scornfully ( Fn Agg ). 
Censure : To blame other Os scornfully ( Fn Agg ). 

Fusions with: n Sec (to withdraw so as to enjoy privacy), n Auto 
( keeping interference at arm's length ), n Inf ( excluding people who 
might ridicule ), n Agg ( to punish an O by exclusion, exile, excom- 
munication, boycotting ; to slander an O as a moral pariah ). 

'Needs to which n Rej may be subsidiary : n Cnt ( to reject an O who 
might reject the S ), n Ach ( to exclude Os who divert S from the 
pursuit of his goal ), n Aff ( to exclude uncongenial Os for the sake 
of harmony ). 

Conflicts with : n Aff, n Sue, n Exh, n Nur, n Blam, n Def, n Aba. 

intraRej : Criticism, inhibition and repression of what the S considers 
to be weak, childish, disgusting, or unseemly in himself. Scorn of one's 
own past. 

Social forms : Immigration laws. Institutions, clubs, or places to which 
only the elite, the cultured or the otherwise distinguished are admitted. 

Statements in Questionnaire 



am intolerant of people who bore me. 
maintain a dignified reserve when I meet strangers, 
am very discriminating in my choice of friends, 
get annoyed when some fool takes up my time, 
am offended by the tastes of many people I meet. 


6. I often seclude myself, so that every Tom, Dick and Harry cannot 
bother me. 

7. usually ignore rather than attack an opponent. 

8. feel superior to certain forms of competition. 

9. find it easy to * drop ' or * break with J a friend. 

10. avoid very close intimacies with other people. 

1 1 . often cross the street to avoid meeting someone I know. 

12. am indifferent to the petty interests of most of the people I meet. 

13. Sometimes I think that the vast majority of people are either fools 
or knaves. 

14. am a bit scornful of people whose ideas are inferior to my own. 

15. usually keep myself somewhat aloof and inaccessible. 

1 6. am repelled by people with bad manners. 

17. often snub or 'high-hat* a person I dislike. 

1 8. often express my resentment against a person by having nothing 
more to do with him. 

19. I will do anything rather than suffer the company of tiresome and 
uninteresting people. 

20. I prefer the company of older, talented or generally superior people. 

Sentiments of Rejection 

1. Solitude is one of the highest enjoyments of which our nature is 

2. Life is a well of delight, but where the rabble drink, there all foun- 
tains are poisoned. 

3. Fish and visitors smell after three days. 

4. The world is full of people who are not worth speaking to. 

5. Every blackguard is pitiably sociable, but true nobility is detected 
in the man who finds no pleasure in the companionship of others. 

6. The more I know of men the more I admire dogs. 

7. The friendships of the world are oft confederacies in vice. 

8. The man who walks in solitude is the one who in the long run 
achieves the greatest success. 

9. Playing around with a crowd of people spoils the character. 

10. As a rule, a man is sociable in just the degree to which he is stupid 
and lazy. 

11. Few men are raised in our estimate by being too closely examined. 

12. Familiarity breds contempt. 

13. Society is a hospital of incurables. 


14. Clubs are for the bores and the bored. 

15. Love is the business of the idle. 

Narcism (N ) 

Narcism ( or Egophilia ) is technical for self-love. The term desig- 
nates the object upon which positive cathexes are localized, namely the 
self. It is often accompanied by obliviousness or disrespect of others. 

Direct manifestations. ( I ) Self-absorption, self-admiration, self- 
pity, autoerotism 5(2) Superiority feelings and delusions of grandeur ; 
( 3 ) Self-display and extravagant demands for attention, praise, honour, 
aid, compassion or gratitude ; and ( 4 ) Susceptibility to neglect or be- 
littlement, hypersensitiveness, excessive shyness and delusions of persecu- 

Indirect manifestations. ( I ) Ruthless self-seeking, demands for 
benefits, attempts to dominate and demonstrate power, delusions of om- 
nipotence 5(2) Object depreciation : indifference, belittlement, ex- 
ploitation, suspicion or hatred or others, misanthrope ; and ( 3 ) Ego- 
centricity and projectivity : the perception and apperception of the 
world from an entirely personal or subjective standpoint. 

These are extreme manifestations of the following : intraDeference, 
intrAffiliation, intraNurturance, intraSex, n Superiority, n Exhibition, 
n Succorance, n Inviolacy, n Aggression, n Dominance, n Autonomy and 
n Rejection. 

Antipole of Egophilia is Altrophilia ( or object-love ). The equator of 
egophilia and altrophilia is Sociophilia. 

Sociophilia. ( I ) Respect for the commune and forgetfulness of pri- 
vate interests ; ( 2 ) Suitable self-confidence, readiness to co-operate, to 
fulfill any function ; ( 3 ) Fair demands, good-natured resiliency 5(4) 
Justice, thoughtfulness of others ; ( 5 ) An objective, social attitude. 

Another antipole of Egophilia is Ego depreciation : ( I ) Self-criti- 
cism, inferiority feelings and delusions of unworthiness ; ( 2 ) Seclusive- 
nese, modesty and humility ; ( 3 ) Acceptance of criticism and censure, 
readiness to confess and atone ; ( 4 ) Self-abnegation and abasement ; 
( 5 ) Deference, acknowledgement and praise of others, self-sacrifice 
and devotion. This tendency may alternate with Narcism. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

I. I often think about how I look and what impression I am making 
upon others. 


2. I can become entirely absorbed in thinking about my personal affairs, 
my health, my cares or my relations to others. 

3. My feelings are easily hurt by ridicule or by the slighting remarks 
of others. 

4. When I enter a room I often become self-conscious and feel that the 
eyes of others are upon me. 

5. I dislike sharing the credit of an achievement with others. 

6. I love to talk about my innermost feelings to a sympathetic friend. 

7. 1 dislike being with a group unless I know that I am appreciated by 
at least one of those present. 

8. I talk a good deal about myself, my experiences, my feelings and my 

9. I feel that I am temperamentally different from most people. 

10. I often interpret the remarks of others in a personal way. 

1 1. I enjoy it immensely when I am left alone with my own thoughts. 

12. I feel that my own judgements uncorrupted by other men's experi- 
ence are most valid. 

13. I feel that I should like to write or create something which would 
express my inner vision of the true values of life. 

1 4. I spend a good deal of time trying to decide how 1 feel about things 
and why I feel as I do. 

15. I easily become wrapped up in my own interests and forget the ex- 
istence of others. 

1 6. I feel that I have enough on my hands without worrying about other 
people's troubles. 

17. I feel that other people have not counted much in my life. 

1 8. 1 am secretly 'put out* when other people come to me with their 
troubles, asking me for my time and sympathy. 

1 9. I pay a good deal of attention to my appearance : clothes, hats, shoes, 

20. I have great faith in my own ideas and my own initiative. 

n Succorance n Nurturance 

The n Succorance is the tendency to cry, plead, or ask for 
nourishment, love, protection or aid ; whereas the n Nurturance 
is the tendency to satisfy such needs in a succorant O. Thus, the 
two needs are complements. The Succorance drive seeks a nur- 
turant O and the Nurturant drive seeks a succorant O. The most 


obvious example is the child-mother relationship. The Succorant 
need is always a sub-need, in as much as it is evoked in the service 
of some other drive : n Food, n Water, n Harmavoidance, n 
Affiliation, and so forth. 

n Succorancc ( n Sue ) 

Desires and Effects : To have one's needs gratified by the sympathetic 
aid of an allied O. To be nursed, supported, sustained, surrounded, 
protected, loved, advised, guided, indulged, forgiven, consoled. To 
remain close to a devoted protector. To have always a supporter. 

Feelings and Emotions : Anxiety of helplessness ; feelings of insecurity, 
forsakenness, despair. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : ( a ) Succorant^ dependent, helpless ; ( b ) 
forlorn, grieving, tragic ; ( c ) suppliant, petitioning, begging, plead- 

Press : 'Negative : p Insupport : Physical ( Danger of falling or drown- 
ing ), Parental ( Family Discord, Inferior Father ), Economic ( Pov- 
erty ), Social ( Insolidarity ). p Loss : Death of Parents, p Rejection : 
Unconcern, Abandonment, Expulsion. 
Positive : p Nurturance : Sympathy and Aid. 

Gratuities : p Support : Enclosed place ( claustrum ), Parental ( Family 
Concord ), Economic ( Family Affluence ), Social ( Solidarity ). p 
Nurturance and p Affiliation. 

Actions : General : To attract or seek out nurturant Os. To capitalize 
mishaps. To be particularly drawn to nurturant Os sympathetic Os 
who are in a position to give advice, aid or support. To crave affection 
and tenderness. To * blossom ' when treated with kindness. To accept 
favours unhesitatingly. To enjoy being fussed over. To avoid being 
alone. To adhere closely to a haven. 

Motones : To weep, adopt a pathetic or tragic attitude, hold out arms, 
extend the hand (beggar's cup ). To exhibit wounds. A tantrum of 

Zonal : Oral Succorance : To suck nourishment from the breast. 
Verbones : To cry for help : ' Murder ! Fire ! Police ! ' S.O.S. To 
tell of misfortunes, hardships, accidents and failures. To exaggerate an 
injury, an illness, a mental symptom. To complain of being miserable, 
depressed, sad, worried, tired. To appeal to an O's good-nature, mercy 
or forbearance. To seek advice. To go frequently to doctors. 


ideo Sue : To seek aid in arriving at a philosophy of life. 
socio Sue : To plead for a cause. 

Fusions with : n Harm ( to move away from danger towards a protector 
a child clinging to its mother ), n AfF ( anaclitic love a relation- 
ship with a stronger, wiser, nurturant O ), n Exh ( to make an exhibi- 
tion of one's wounds ), n Aba ( to humbly, abasively plead for aid ), 
n Dom ( to rely entirely upon servants ). 

Needs which may be subsidiary to the n Sue : n Aba ( to suffer or be- 
come sick in order to excite pity and receive undivided love ). 

Needs to which the n Sue may be subsidiary : Any need, but more par- 
ticularly : n Food and n Water ( crying for nourishment ), n Harm 
( calling for help in a dangerous situation ), n Acq ( to beg for money, 
to plead for a toy), n Aff (appeals for friendly sympathy), n Sex 
( to excite erotic compassion ), n Auto ( a child crying to get his own 
way, a petition for freedom ), n Dom ( to control an O through pity, 
the despotism of the invalid ), n Blam ( to ask for clemency ), n Nur 
( to plead in behalf of another O ). 

Conflicts with : n Cnt, n Ach, n Nur, n Rej, n Dom, n Dfd. 

intraSuc : To look within for consoling thoughts. To * wait upon the 

Subjns and Semi-ob^ns : Supplications and prayers to deities. 

Social forms : Children, orphans and widows. Beggars. Unemployed. 
The blind, the sick. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I feel anxious and uncertain when I am suddenly faced by a critical 

2. I usually tell my friends about my difficulties and misfortunes. 

3. I prefer to have some friend with me when I receive bad news. 

4. I think of myself sometimes as neglected or unloved. 

5. I find that tears come to my eyes rather easily. 

6. I enjoy the comforting realization that I know one or two oldei 
people whose wisdom and sympathy I can rely upon. 

7. I feel lonely and homesick when I am in a strange place. 

8. I like sympathy when I am sick or depressed. 

9. I experience a vague feeling of insecurity when I must act on mj 
own responsibility. 

10. I am rather easily discouraged when things go wrong. 

1 1 . I * feel out ' the opinions of others before making a decision. 


12. I like it when people ask me about my health or state of mind. 

13. I am rather dependent upon the presence and judgement of my 

14. I think that most people are rather self-centred and heartless. 

15. am drawn to women who are sympathetic and understanding. 

1 6. feel that my lot in life has been a hard one. 

1 7. am apt to rely upon the judgement of some member of my family. 

1 8. feel lost and helpless when I am left by someone I love. 

19. am apt to complain about my sufferings and hardships. 

20. want sympathy, affection and understanding more than anything 

n Nurturance ( n Nur ) 

Desires and Effects : To give sympathy and gratify the needs of a help- 
less O : an infant or any O that is weak, disabled, tired, inexperi- 
enced, infirm, defeated, humiliated, lonely, dejected, sick, mentally 
confused. To assist an O in danger. To feed, help, support, console, 
protect, comfort, nurse, heal. 

Feelings and Emotions : Pity, compassion, tenderness. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : ( a ) Nurturant, sympathetic, compassionate, 
gentle, maternal ; ( b ) protective, supporting, paternal, benevolent, 
humanitarian ; ( c ) indulgent, merciful, charitable, lenient, forbear- 
ing, forgiving, tolerant. 

Press : Positive : p Succorance. 

sufraNur : Caring for a superior O nursing a sick parent. 

Gratuities : Children, dependents. 

Agency Objects : Medicines. Also food, candy, money, toys, valuable Os. 

Actions : General: To be particularly attracted to the young, the un- 
fortunate, the sorrowing. To enjoy the company of children and ani- 
mals. To be liberal with time, energy and money when compassion is 
aroused. To be moved by the distress of others. To feel more affec- 
tionate when an O exhibits a weakness. To be moved by tears. 

To inhibit narcistic needs in the presence of an inferior O. To re- 
frain from bothering or annoying an O. To be lenient and indulgent. 
To give freedom. To condone. To become indignant when children 
are maltreated. 

Motones : To do things to gratify the needs of an inferior O. Thus 
any need may be subsidiary to the n Nur. To embrace, support, de- 
fend, heal. To give refuge. 


Zonal : Mammary Nur : To give the breast to an infant. 

Verbones : To encourage, pity, console, sympathize with an unhappy 

0. To express condolence. To assuage, calm, appease, pacify, encour- 
age with praise. 

Bestowal : To give material Os. To give money to the poor, toys to 
children, food to wayfarers. 

ideo Nur : To encourage creative wo*rk. To help a pupil in the con- 
struction of a philosophy. To be generous with one's ideas. To be tol- 
erant of the theories of others. 

Fusions with: n Aff ( a tender affection for a sick friend), n Sex 
(erotic feeling for an unfortunate person ), n Dom ( to guide a per- 
son for his own good ), n Play ( to play with children ), n Def ( to 
care for a sick parent ), n Aba : Atonement ( self-sacrifice as an expia- 
tion ), n Agg ( to perform a surgical operation ), n Dfd ( to defend 
an abused friend ). 

Needs which may be subsidiary to the n Nur : n Agg ( to fight an O who 
has been molesting a child ), n Sex ( to marry solely for children ), 
n- Aba ( to allow a child to win ) . 

Needs to which the n Nur may be subsidiary : n Aff ( protecting an O so 
as not to lose it ), n Dom ( doing kindnesses to win votes), n Blam 
( assisting an O so as not to be considered selfish ) . 

Conflicts : N, n Rej, n Agg, n Harm, n Inf, n Sue, n Ach. 

infra Nur : Self-pity. Sulk. Pre-occupation with an injury to one's own 
body favouring a lame leg. 

Subjns and Semi-objns : Worshipping the Christ child. Caring for pets, 
feeding pigeons and squirrels, watering plants. Playing with dolls. 

Social forms : Churches, Charities and Social Service Agencies. Hospi- 
tals, asylums, orphanages, almshouses. Societies for the Prevention of 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I take pains not to hurt the feelings of subordinates. 

2. I will take a good deal of trouble to help a younger man to get 
him a job, to intercede for him or in some other way to further his 

3. I go out of my way to comfort people when they are in misery. 

4. I enjoy the company of younger people. 

5. I give my time and energy to those who ask for it. 

6. People are apt to tell me their innermost secrets and troubles. 


7. I am easily moved by the misfortunes of other people. 

8. I am drawn to people who are sick, unfortunate or unhappy. 

9. I am especially considerate of people who are less fortunate than I. 

10. I feel great sympathy for an ill-used or defeated * under-dog,' and 
I am apt to do what I can for him. 

1 1. I feel the needs and interest of others almost as if they were my 

12. I often go out of my way to feed, pet or otherwise care for an 

13. I enjoy putting my own affairs aside to do someone a favour. 

14. I am considered, by some of my friends, as too good-natured, too 
easily taken in. 

15. I praise or otherwise encourage people who are depressed. 

16. I sympathize with people more often than I blame them. 

17. I am quite gentle and protective in my relations with women. 

1 8. I enjoy playing with children. 

19. I feel the failures of my friends as if they were my own. 

20. I am always ready to give or lend things to others. 

Sentiments of Nttrturance 

1. Unselfishness and sympathy arc more desirable than high ideals and 

2. Weaklings deserve respect and consideration. The world should not 
merely belong to the strong. 

3. Sweet mercy is nobility's true badge. 

4. Altruism is the rock of life. 

5. What we win through authority we lose ; what we win through de- 
votion we keep. 

6. Pity is the touch of God in human hearts. 

7. If you would fall into any extreme, let it be on the side of gentle- 

8. It is not enough to do a generous thing, you must do it generously. 

9. Man shall be as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land. 

10. We are all born for love. It is the principle of existence and its only 


l i. Pity is the last consecration of love, is, perhaps, love itself. 
I 2. To lay down your life for a friend. This is the summit of a good 

13. Love is more just than justice. 


14. Better do a kindness near home than go far to burn incense. 

15. Love is wiser than ambition. 

n Blamavoidance Superego 

A man living in a society must inhibit, if he wishes to avoid 
the possibility of punishment, whatever impulses arise which do 
not conform to the patterns ( tpmo formulas ) of his culture. The 
n Blamavoidance is the mechanism which operates to save the 
individual from the moral censure and retribution of society. 
The S does not objectify an asocial wish because he fears external 
punishment (pain, penalty, confinement, rejection). When it 
is an inner punishment ( guilt feelings and remorse ) that the S 
fears, we attribute the inhibition to an additional factor, the 

n Blamavoidance ( n Blam ) 

This variable was not used in the present study, but it is out- 
lined here as an introduction to the two variables that were em- 
ployed : Superego Integration and Superego Conflict. 

Desires and Effects : To avoid blame or rejection (loss of affection ). 
To inhibit narcistic, asocial impulses and to perform altrophilic or so- 
ciophilic acts in order not to be rebuked by other Os ( parents, teach- 
ers, friends ) . To be inoffensive. 

The original form of the need is that of escape, i.e., to flee from 
punishing Os after a misdeed has been committed. Later, images of 
punishment become associated with asocial forms of behaviour, and 
then n Blam becomes an inhibiting force. 

Feelings and, Emotions : Anxiety and apprehension. Guilt feelings and 

Trait-names and Attitudes : ( a ) Blamavoidant, inhibited, over-anxious, 
fearful ; ( b ) scrupulous, unobjectionable, conscientious, conven- 
tional, dutiful ; ( c ) propitiatory, apologetic, remorseful. 

Press : p Aggression : Punishment, Censure, p Dominance, p Rejection. 

Actions: General: To be concerned about public opinion, what 'the 
neighbours will say.' To be careful to do nothing that will annoy, an- 
tagonize or alienate the affections of others. To be afraid of provoking 
opposition or hostility. To wonder whether people are disapproving. 


Inhibition : To inhibit and repress asocial impulses : narcistic Acq, 
Agg, Auto, Dom, Exh, Sex. Not to cheat or lie if there is any likeli- 
hood of getting caught. To be respectable, polite, courteous, decorous, 
proper, ethical. 

If the n Blam is strong and the asocial impulses are weak the S will 
always act in a socially-responsible manner. But if an asocial tendency 
docs become objectified (a misdeed or crime is committed) the 
n Blam will operate in one of several ways : 

Fusion with n Aba : apology, contrition, confession, atonement, 
with n Sec : concealment, obliteration of clues, 
with n Harm : flight, escape from disapprobation. 
ideo Blam : To inhibit the expression of unconventional ideas. 

Fusions with : n Def ( to be obedient in order to avoid blame ), n Aff 
( to please and not to displease ), n Nur ( to avoid offending an O ), 
n Inf ( to avoid the humiliation of censure ), n Sec ( to be silent and 
thus to avoid saying anything which might offend ). 

Needs which may be subsidiary to the n Blam : n Aba ( to be humble 
in order to avoid censure ), n Def ( excessive politeness in order to 
avoid punishment ), n Dfd ( giving excuses in order to avoid blame ). 

Needs to which n Blam may be subsidiary : n Ach ( to avoid offence, to 
be diplomatic, in order not to provoke opposition ), n Auto ( to obey 
the law in order to avoid interference or imprisonment ). 

Conflicts with : n Auto, n Acq, n Agg, n Exh, n Dom, n Sex. 

Measurement : A low n Blam is more easily inferred than a high. It is 
indicated by selfish, inconsiderate, irritating, asocial, immoral be- 

intraBlam : Repression of guilty memories and thoughts. 

Subjns and Semi-objns : ( cf. Superego Conflict ) Fantasies of punish- 
ment, eternal torture, Hades, Purgatory, an avenging deity. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I feel upset if I hear that people are criticizing or blaming me. 

2. I refrain from expressing unconventional opinions to people who 
may disapprove of them. 

3. I apologize profusely when I am blamed for something. 

4. I keep out of trouble at all costs. 

5. Before I do something I am apt to consider whether my friends 
will blame me for it. 

6. I never do anything that will provoke opposition if I can help it. 


7. I do a great many things just to avoid criticism. 

8. I feel mortified if I am told that I have acted selfishly. 

9. In coming to a decision I always take other people's interests into 

IO. I take pains not to incur the disapproval of others. 

Traces of punishments or threats of punishment or threats of 
rejection ( cf. ' Your parents won't love you ' ) become aggregated 
in a child's mind and fused with the general inhibiting system. 
This compound of images ( of the unhappy consequences that 
might follow certain forms of behaviour ) acts as an internal re- 
sistance. This barrier has been named * Superego* by Freudian 
analysts. It appears to be a product of the n Biamavoidance, but 
it is so important that it has been given the status of a separate 

Superego ( Se ) 

The Superego may be defined as the aggregate of all the internalized 
or imaginatively constructed figures of moral authority, functioning as 
conscious or unconscious images to inhibit or otherwise modify asocial 
behaviour. This instituted composite of parental and cultural influences 
corresponds roughly to the system of rewards and punishments admin- 
istered during childhood. 

But the Se is more than the images of punishment which may be 
anxiously anticipated if certain prohibitions are broken, for when fully 
developed it is positively cathected by the Ego and accepted as a scheme 
of ethical principles which must be obeyed ( Fn Def Blam ). Hence, if 
narcistic, asocial or 'evil* impulses do become objectified, the subject 
will submit to self-punishment ; that is, there will be guilt feelings and 
remorse, self-imposed resolutions and prohibitions, confessions and atone- 
ments. Thus, the Superego is synonymous with ' conscience.' It may be 
discerned from this that the Superego process is a subjectified ( or semi- 
objectified ) form of the need for Biamavoidance. Instead of the ex- 
ternal dominative object, we find a figure of fantasy : the Lord, the God, 
the Father, the omnipotent, the omnipresent, eternal Judge. 

Positive Superego. As a positive force the Superego presents to the in- 
dividual certain ideals of social or saintly conduct, the conception of a 
life consecrated to mankind or God. This usually involves objectified, 


semi-objectified or subjectified forms of the n Deference ( obedience ) 
and the n Nurturance ( charity ) . 

Negative Superego. The Superego is much more important as a nega- 
tive or prohibiting force ; its primary function being to inhibit asocial 
tendencies : narcistic n Acq, n Agg, n Auto, n Sex, etc. If successful in 
this ( intraDominance ), it is * silent,' that is, it only manifests itself 
negatively by the non-appearance of asocial actions ( Superego Integra- 
tion ). If it is only partially successful as an inhibitor, signs of internal 
conflict may appear : the symptoms of a * bad conscience ' ( Superego 
Conflict ). These are : 

1. Guilt feelings and remorse. Self-accusations. 

2. Morbid anxiety, apprehension, free-floating fear. 

3. Nightmares of being pursued, mutilated, devoured, punished. 

4. Depressions and suicidal thoughts. 

5. Obsessional doubts, perplexities and hesitations. 

6. Self-corrective compulsions : repeating, counting, ordering, cleans- 
ing, praying. Compulsive thinking. 

7. Pre-occupation with moral and religious ideas. 

These processes are the result of intr Aggression. The needs involved 
are chiefly the following : n Harm, n Aba, n Sue, and, of course, n Blam. 

Statements in Questionnaire : Superego Integration ( Sel ) 

1. I have developed a good deal of self-control. 

2. I avoid gay and irresponsible pleasure-seekers. 

3. I seldom do anything for which anyone could reproach me. 

4. I am scrupulous about telling the truth. 

5. I prohibit myself the enjoyment of certain unprofitable pleasures. 

6. I control my sexual impulses by instituting prohibitions and restric- 

7. I carry a strict conscience about with me wherever I go. 

8. I have a strong sense of responsibility about my duties. 

9. I think that I have a more rigorous standard of right and wrong than 
most people. 

10. I am seldom tempted to do anything wrong. 

Statements in Questionnaire : Superego Conflict ( SeC ) 

1. I often ask myself : * Have I done right ? ' 

2. I am apt to lower my eyes when someone looks me square in the face. 

3. I am sometimes depressed by feelings of my own unworthiness. 


4. feel sometimes that people disapprove of me. 

5. am concerned about moral problems and dilemmas. 

6. have had a few severe nightmares. 

7. feel remorse when I think of some of the things I have done. 

8. am apt to be peculiarly bothered by certain problems which keep 
recurring to my mind. 

9. Sometimes I feel after I have done something that I have not 
done it correctly, and that I must repeat it to satisfy myself. 

10. Sometimes I have a vague feeling of anxiety as if I had done wrong 
and would be found out. 

Sentiments of Superego 

1. The moral man watches diligently over his secret thoughts. 

2. To starve is a small matter ; to lose one's virtue is a great one. 

3. I find that there is no worthy purpose but the idea of doing some 
good in the world. 

4. Be not lenient to your own faults ; keep your pardon for others. 

5. He that loses his conscience has nothing left that is worth keeping. 

6. He conquers who conquers himself. 

7. The higher type of man makes a sense of duty the groundwork of 
his character. 

8. The real fault is to have faults and not try to amend them. 

9. There is no medicine for a tortured mind. 
i o. The evil that men do lives after them. 

11. It is better to be faithful than famous. 

I 2. Every evil deed brings with it its own angel of vengeance. 

1 3. Not to attain happiness, but to be worthy of it, is the purpose of our 

14. Virtue is merely a struggle wherein we overcome our weaknesses. 

15. He who says what he pleases, must hear what does not please him. 

n Infavoidance n Dcfcndance 

n Counteraction 

In this group are to be found the behaviour patterns which 
resist the descent of a person's status. Under n Infavoidance have 
been classed desires to avoid situations which might lead to a 
lowering of self-regard ; under the term n Defendance are grouped 
the attempts to defend the self verbally against depreciating and 


belittling judgements, and under n Counteraction we have classi- 
fied the efforts that are made to regain a valuation of the self by 
positive action. These were once considered to be different aspects 
of one need n Inviolacy : the tendency to maintain status, to 
remain or become uncriticizable by self or by others. 

n In] avoidance ( n In] ) 

Desires and Effects : To avoid humiliation. To quit embarrassing situa- 
tions or to avoid conditions which may lead to bclittlement : the scorn, 
derision or indifference of others. To refrain from action because of 
the fear of failure. 

Feelings and Emotions: Inferiority feelings. Before and during an 
event : nervousness, anxiety, embarrassment. After the event : shame, 

Expressions of Emotionality : Hesitation, speechlessness, confusion, 
flurry, trembling, blushing, stammering, sweating. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : Infavoidant, sensitive, shy, nervous, embar- 
rassed, self-conscious, shrinking. 

N arcisensitivity : Susceptibility to adverse opinion. The disposition to be 
easily * hurt/ 

Kinds of Inferiority : These conform to the classification of interests 

Press : p Aggression : Bclittlement, Ridicule, p Rejection. 

Actions: General: To avoid doing or to stop doing something which 
one does not do well. To avoid repeating a failure. To be hesitant to 
make friendly advances. To fear rejection. To be afraid to propose 
marriage. To avoid tests of strength and athletic skill. To avoid doing 
things in public. To avoid strangers or critical audiences. To avoid the 
company of superior contemptuous Os. To associate with inferiors. 
Promotion of Ailment : To get sick in order to avoid a difficult situa- 
tion or test. To escape participation by staying in bed. 
Concealment : To hide parts of the body or of the mind. To cover 
blemishes. To conceal a mutilation or disfigurement : lame foot, with- 
ered arm, deafness, freckles, etc. To conceal ignorance. To avoid cer- 
tain topics of conversation. To conceal humiliating facts. 
Withdrawal : In the midst of a humiliating moment to retreat, retire 
or take flight. To slink out with * tail between legs.' To resign, change 
one's job, leave the country. 


Fusions with : n Dfd ( to offer anticipatory extenuations and justifica- 
tions ), n Sec ( to remain silent and unexposed ), n Exh ( to demon- 
strate an excellence in order to draw attention from a blemish ; to be 
conspicuous in order not to be a nonentity), n Aba (to admit in- 
feriority c Pm no good at this ' in order to ward off criticism ), 
n Rej (to scornfully exclude Os who have made S feel inferior), 
n Ach ( substitute achievement ), n Blam ( to avoid moral inferiority 
and censure ). 

Needs which may bf. subsidiary to the n Inj : n Sue ( to appeal to an- 
other O for assistance ), n Rej ( infraRcjection : to avoid association 
with inferior Os, so as not to be identified with them ), n Def (to 
let others make decisions in order not to have to take the blame for 
failure ) . 

Needs to which the n Inf may be subsidiary : n Ach ( failures and hu- 
miliations detract from S's accomplishments ) . 

Conflicts with : n Ach, n Dom, n Agg, n Acq, n Sex, n Aff, n Exh. 

in train / : To repress and forget humiliations and failures. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1 . I worry a lot about my ability to succeed. 

2. After I have made a poor showing before others, I usually recall the 
occasion with distress for a long time afterwards. 

3. I often avoid open competition because I fear that I may appear in 
a bad light. 

4. get rattled when I have to speak before a group. 

5. usually lack self-confidence when I have to compete against others. 

6. feel that my self-esteem has been shaken when I fail at something. 

7. keep in the background when I am with a group of confident and 
)oisterous people. 

8. feel nervous if I have to meet a lot of people. 

9. am easily hurt by the snobbishness or exclusiveness of others. 
i O. am awkward in asserting myself. 

1 1 . Before presenting some work which I have done, I often apologize 
or explain why it has not been done better. 

1 2. I hesitate to put my abilities to the test, because I dread the humilia- 
tion of failure. 

1 3. When I meet a stranger, I often think he is a better man than I am. 

14. I often shrink from a situation because of my sensitiveness to criti- 
cism and ridicule. 


15. I have fits of depression and think of myself as a failure. 

1 6. I am cautious about undertaking anything which may lead to hu- 
miliating consequences. 

17. I am nervous and apprehensive before taking an important examina- 
tion or test. 

1 8. I feel embarrassed and uncomfortable in the presence of people who 
are socially gifted. 

19. I think that I have made more than the usual number of blunders 
for a person of my age. ^ 

20. I think that some of my acquaintances look down upon me. 

n Defendance (n Dfd ) 

Desires and Effects : To defend the self against assault, criticism and 
blame. To conceal or justify a misdeed, failure or humiliation. To 
vindicate the Ego. 

Feelings and Emotions : Guilt feelings, inferiority feelings. Anxiety. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : Defendant, self-defensive, self-vindicative. 

Press : p Aggression : Assault, Punishment, Belittlement, Ridicule, Cen- 

Actions : Motones : The S defends himself physically. 

Verbones : The S defends himself verbally. He is c on his guard ' ; 
bristles when criticized ; has a ' chip on the shoulder ' ; interprets 
harmless remarks as slurs. He suppresses his ineptitudes. He resists in- 
quiries into his private affairs. He will not admit guilt under fire. He 
is ready with excuses. He * argues back.' 
ideo Dfd : The S defends his sentiments and theories. 
Vindication : To explain, justify, offer extenuations for, or rational- 
ize inferiority, guilt or failure. 

Suppression : To suppress, conceal or fail to mention something which 
is considered discreditable. To maintain a wall of reserve. 
Disavowal : To deny or refuse to admit guilt, inferiority, weakness. 
To rationalize it away as unimportant. To lie. 

Fusions with : n Agg ( to fight back, to justify the self by criticizing the 
accuser ), n Sue ( to rationalize misdeeds and beg for mercy ), n Sec 
( to remain defensively apart ), n Nur ( to defend a friend ), n Rej 
( to ignore accusers ) . 

Needs to which the n Dfd may be subsidiary : n Inv ( to maintain self- 


respect ), n Harm ( to ward off injury ), n Blam ( to escape censure 

by justifying one's actions ). 
Conflicts with : n Aba, n Def, n Aff. 
intraDfd : The S condones his own actions. He regains self-respect by 

thinking of extenuations. Self-justification. 
Social forms : Lawyers and Legal Aid Bureaus who defend the accused. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I can always think of something to say in my own defence. 

2. I am put on my guard by anybody who seems to want to know about 
my personal affairs. 

3. I am apt to get into arguments with people who criticize my way of 

4. I keep my private feelings concealed behind a wall of reserve. 

5. If I believe some man is going to snub me I snub him first. 

6. I am usually unwilling to admit that I am in the wrong. 

7. I can usually find plenty of reasons to explain my failures. 

8. I am on the defensive when my abilities are being tested. 

9. I usually manage to justify my conduct, to myself and others. 
IO. I stick to my own opinions when I am opposed. 

n Counteraction (n Cnt ) 

Desires and Effects : To master or make up for a failure by restriving. 
To obliterate an humiliation by resumed action. To overcome weak- 
nesses, to repress fear. To efface a dishonour by action. To search for 
obstacles and difficulties to overcome. To maintain self-respect and 
pride on a high level. 

It was not apparent at the time the experiments were being done that 
the n Counteraction should be regarded as the n Achievement acting as 
a subsidiation to the n Inviolacy : when an S accomplishes something 
in order to wipe out or compensate for a failure, disability, etc. The 
concept is nevertheless useful in so far as it characterizes a particular 
sort of behaviour : efforts directed towards the hardest goals, unwill- 
ingness to receive aid, attempts to efface injuries and belittlements. 

Feelings and Emotions : Shame after a failure or an exhibition of cow- 
ardice. Determination to overcome. Pride. Zest for restriving. 

Trait-names and Attitudes : Counter active y resolute, determined, in- 
domitable, dauntless, dogged, adventurous. 


Kinds of Counteraction : ( vide Interests ) . 

Press : p Obstacle. A frustration or previous failure. 

Actions : The actions are the same as those of the n Ach, with this addi- 
tion : they are done for pride's sake or for honour's sake. To re-enact 
after a trauma the same event until anxiety is mastered or, after a 
failure, to try to accomplish that very thing. The activity that is re- 
quired depends upon the kind of humiliation that has occurred. The 
n Cnt is usually focal. For instance : Restriving for Achievement 
( Econ ) : To attempt to make up a financial loss. Traumatic Restriv- 
ing ( Accident ) : to make efforts to deal successfully with a formerly 
traumatic situation. 

Independence : To accomplish things unaided. To repress Anxiety, 
n Harm, n Sue, n Aba, n Inf. Stoical behaviour. 

Fusions with : n Ach ( to seek adventure and opposition, to enjoy the 
most difficult tasks ), n Agg ( to revenge an insult by a superior O ), 
n Auto (to do forbidden things just to prove they can be done), 
n Dfd ( to ' take a dare,' to defend himself against the accusation of 
cowardice), n Sex (to engage in sexual intercourse so as not to be 
scorned as inexperienced ). 

Needs which may be subsidiary to the n Cnt : To do this or that because 
if the S did not do it he would feel ashamed, n Auto ( to refuse to 
comply for pride's sake ) , n Agg ( to fight so as not to be called a 
coward ). 

Conflicts with : n Harm, n Inf, n Sue, n Aba, n Def, n Aff, n Blam. 

Subjns and Semi-objns : In dreams, fantasies and play the child over- 
comes traumas and becomes a hero ( counteractive Ego Ideal ) . 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. often do something just to prove that I can do it. 

2. can usually inhibit an emotion which I do not wish to feel. 

3. enjoy dangerous undertakings. 

4. try to work things out for myself when I am in trouble. 

5. usually refuse to admit defeat. 

6. When I get bad news, I hide what I feel and behave as if I didn't 

7. I go out to meet trouble rather than try to escape it. 

8. I return to a task which has stumped me, determined to conquer it. 

9. To me a difficulty is just a spur to greater effort. 


10. Sometimes I feel that I must do everything myself, that I can accept 
nothing from others. 

11. I am apt to turn away from those who try to sympathize with me. 

1 2. I dislike it when I am asked about my health or about my frame of 

13. I would rather go without something than ask a favour. 

14. I usually refuse to admit that I am tired or disappointed when I am. 

15. I am determined to conquer all my fears and weaknesses. 

1 6. I usually say * No ' when others offer to assist me. 

17. I will go to any length rather than be called a quitter. 

1 8. I often refuse to take suggestions from others out of pride. 

19. I seldom admit that I feel embarrassed or inferior. 

20. I prefer difficult tasks to easy ones. 

n Harmavoidance Anxiety 

The primitive reaction of withdrawal from a painful stimulus 
and the tendency to fear and avoid such stimuli at a distance have 
been grouped with other acquired fears ( fears of bodily injury, 
disfigurement, illness and death ) under the heading Harmavoid- 
ance drive, n Infavoidance and n Blamavoidance are supposedly 
derived from ( originally conditioned to ) the n Harmavoidance. 

n Harmavoidance ( n Harm ) 

Desires and Effects : To avoid pain, physical injury, illness and death. 

To escape from a dangerous situation. To take precautionary measures. 
Feelings and Emotions : Fear, anxiety, apprehension. Fright, terror. 
Expressions of Emotionality : Trembling, sweating, pallor, stammering, 

verbal disjunctivity. 
Trait-names and Attitudes : ( a ) Apprehensive, fearful, anxious, timid, 

frightened, panic-stricken, pusillanimous ; ( b ) cautious, hesitant, 

wary, prudent, careful, vigilant. 
Press : Negative : p Danger : Physical danger, Infection ; p Insupport. 

Positive : p Refuge ; p Nurturance. 
Kinds of Fear : ( a.) Natural dangers : Lightning, earthquakes, volcanoes, 

storms at sea, floods, tornadoes, fire. 

( b ) Animals : wild animals, bulls, watch dogs, snakes, rats, etc. 


( c ) Accidents : railroad, automobile, airplane. Also falling from 

heights, riding horseback, drowning. 
( d ) Brutality : rough games, boxing, fighting, gangsters, burglars, 


( e ) Physical punishment : spanking, flogging, torture, mutilation. 
( f ) Infections : general or specific : gonorrhoea, syphilis, fevers. 

Agency Objects : Lifeboat, lifebelt, fire extinguisher, fire escape, para- 
chute, weapons of defence, drugs, antitoxin, disinfectants, etc. 

Actions : General : To avoid danger. To be cautious and hesitant about 
undertaking something. To hang back ; shun, evade, or shrink from a 
perilous situation. 

Flight : To recoil, retreat, draw back, withdraw or flee from danger. 
Concealment : To hide from an enemy. To stand still and make no 
noise so as to be unobserved. Immobilization reaction ( sham-death ). 
Prevention : This form becomes fused with intraHarm ( fear of in- 
ternal disease). To avoid infection. To avoid contact with contami- 
nated Os. To take measures to prevent illness : to wear rubbers or a 
heavy coat, to abstain from alcohol and certain foods, to be inoculated. 
To take drugs alkalis, etc. 

ideo Harm : The fear and avoidance of disturbing ideas and doctrines. 
To inhibit the expression of beliefs because of the fear that they will 
be disproved, that one will be left without strong supporting convic- 

Fusions with : n Dfd ( to defend the self against assault ), n Inf ( to 
avoid both injury and humiliation ), n Blam ( to inhibit asocial tend- 
encies in order to escape physical punishment ), n Sec ( to seclude one's 
self and avoid harm ) . 

Needs which may be subsidiary to the n Harm : n Sue ( S.O.S., to go to 
a doctor for assistance ), n Acq ( to acquire a protective weapon ), 
n Cons ( to build an ambush ), n Aba ( to surrender in order to avoid 
further injury ), n Def ( to follow a guide in order to avoid danger ), 
n Aff ( to take a friend along in case of danger ), n Agg ( to have an 
enemy put to death ) . 

Needs to which the n Harm may be subsidiary : n Ach ( to keep well in 
order to accomplish something ), n Nur ( to keep well in order to be 
able to nurse a child ), n Exh ( to keep well for appearances' sake ). 

Conflicts with : n Ach, n Cnt, n Rej, n Dom, n Agg, n Def, n Aff, n Nur. 

intraHarm : ( a ) Fear and avoidance of illness and death. Hypochondria. 
Bodily phobias : fear of heart disease, cancer, stomach trouble, etc. 


Avoidance of exertion. Cautious dieting. Excessive rest and sleep. This 
may occur with Prevention ( extraHarm ). It is also closely associated 
with Superego Anxiety ( cf. n Blam). (b) Fear and inhibition of 
overpowering asocial impulses. Fear of mental confusion and chaos. 
Fear of insanity. 

Subjns and Semi-objns : Nightmares. Delusory fears. Belief in Hell and 
the Devil. 

Pathology : Ucs Fears : Autonomic neuroses : tachycardia, hyperthyroid- 
ism, asthma, gastric ulcer, colitis, etc. Free-floating anxiety. Fear of 
closed or open spaces. Specific phobias. ( cf. n Blam : Superego Con- 
flict. ) 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I avoid passing through certain districts at night on account of a 
vague fear of assault. 

2. I think that I would be timid and fearful if I were challenged to 
a fight. 

3. I fear certain things, such as lightning, high places, rough water, 
horseback riding, aeroplaning, etc. 

4. I am conscious of a vague fear of death. 

5. I am afraid of physical pain. 

6. Sometimes I experience a vague dread that I may be attacked by 

7. Sometimes I fear that I may be injured in an accident. 

8. I am afraid of certain animals : snakes, bulls, watchdogs, etc. 

9. I am somewhat afraid of the dark. 

IO. I am apt to be apprehensive when I am alone in an empty house at 

Anxiety ( Anx ) 

Experience and reflection led us to divide apprehensive avoid- 
ance reactions into three classes : Harmavoidance, I nf avoidance, 
Blamavoidance. These distinctions are based chiefly on the press 
that are feared and avoided : an object that can cause physical 
pain, an object that can scorn and belittle, an object that can 
morally blame and punish, respectively. The feelings and emo- 
tions are similar in the three classes and the reactions are often 
alike : riddance, avoidance or inhibition. Whether we were wise 


in making the above divisions is questionable. Being uncertain, 
we decided to add another variable, Anxiety, which would stand 
for apprehension and worry of every sort. This factor includes all 
emotional reactions associated with the three avoidances ( n Harm, 
n Inf and n Blam ), as well as those related to other possible 
sources of dissatisfaction ( worry about collegiate standing, money 
matters, love and so forth ) . The objective signs of Anxiety have 
already been described. 

n Order Impulsion/Deliberation 

Conjunctivity/Disjunctivity Emotionality/Placidity 

Sameness/Ch ange 

The variables in this group are all related to the degree of 
organization, stability or rigidity of a personality. The n Order 
describes behavioural trends that are directed towards the organ- 
ization of a subject's immediate environment : cleanliness and 
care of his body and its vestments ; arrangement of his possessions, 
putting everything in its proper place ; orderliness of bureau 
drawers, desk, books, furnishings ; upkeep of his garden, lawn, 
car ; neatness and scrupulous precision in his work. Conjunctivity 
describes co-ordination of movement, speech, and purposes, the 
' shape ' of a person's day and the orderly progression of his life. 
Sameness stands for fixation and repetition : consistency, depend- 
ability and rigidity of character. Deliberation describes the tend- 
ency to reflect before acting, to consider all sides of a question, 
to plan out a course of behaviour. Placidity stands for a calm, 
passive, phlegmatic or well-controlled emotional system. Co-varia- 
tion of these factors is common, but not by any means universal. 

n Order (n Ord ) 

The n Order seems to be related to the n Construction (cf. 
creation of forms ), a need which is not included in this study ; to 
Sameness ( cf. repetition compulsions ) ; to a high Superego and 
to the n Blamavoidance ( cf. scrupulousness and precision to avoid 
censure). In a sublimated form it may be related to the n Sen- 
tience ( enjoyment of balance and significant design ), particularly 


if there is a preference for classical art forms ; though artists them- 
selves, in respect to their personal appearance and belongings, are 
proverbially unkempt and disorderly. It is as if their need for 
Order was expressed in their creative work, and that everything 
else, including' themselves, was left in disorder. 

Desires and Effects : To put things in order. To achieve cleanliness, ar- 
rangement, organization, balance, neatness, tidiness and precision. 

Feelings and Emotions : Disgust at disorder. 

Actions : General : To be neat and clean in one's personal appearance. 
To sit and move about in an orderly, restrained manner. To arrange 
work, dust off the table, put things in their place. To have a special 
place for everything. To straighten things. To write neatly in a 
straight line, erase, keep papers clean, copy a page if it is untidy. To 
keep accounts. To be exact and precise in speech, in the routine of the 
day and in transactions with others. To be scrupulous. To aim for per- 
fection in details. To keep a room in order ; to sweep, dust, polish ; 
to hang pictures straight j to arrange the furniture ; to pick-up. To 
keep a country place in order, mow the lawn, cut the hedge, rake the 
path, throw away rubbish. 
Fusions with : n Ach, n Sen, n Blam, n Inf, n Aba, n Exh. 

Conjunctivity ( Conj ) 

This is scored as the ratio of Conjunctivity to Disjunctivity 
( Conj/Disj ) . Some persons function in a coherent, co-ordinated 
and integrated fashion ; others are confused, unco-ordinated, and 
disorganized. We have used the term Conjunctivity to describe 
the former and Disjunctivity to describe the latter. 

It is convenient to distinguish : 

First-degree Conjunctivity : co-ordination and organization in per- 
forming a single unit of work. 

Second-degree Conjunctivity : organization and integration of inter- 
ests as exemplified by a subject's behaviour during a phase or epoch of 
his life : harmony among purposes, freedom from conflict, well-ordered 
plan of life. 

In the laboratory only first-degree Conjunctivity can be observed. It 
may be recognized as an attribute of motones, verbones or trends of be- 


1. Motor Conjunctivity : muscular co-ordination, integration of 
skilled movements, manual dexterity and athletic skill. Manual dexterity 
may be measured by special tests. 

2. Verbal Conjunctivity : verbal clarity, coherence of ideas, rational- 
ity of thought. Lucid well-structured sentences. 

3. Conative Conjunctivity : co-ordination of purposeful trends, or- 
ganized behaviour, economy of movements that reflect regnant processes : 
intentions and decisions. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I know what I want to say without having to fumble about for the 
right word. 

2. I stick to a plan of action which I have decided upon. 

3. I am on time for my appointments. 

4. I am systematic and methodical in my daily life. 

5. I usually get through my work efficiently without wasting time. 

6. I organize my daily activities so that there is little confusion. 

7. When I have to undertake something difficult, I make out a scheme 
of procedure. 

8. I can maintain the thread of a conversation without making unneces- 
sary digressions. 

9. I say what I have to say in a few simple words so that I am easily 

10. I have arranged my life so that it runs smoothly and without con- 


1. I have so many ideas that my conversation lacks clarity and con- 

2. I find it difficult to exclude irrelevant ideas and pin myself down to 
one line of thought. 

3. I go about my work in a somewhat inefficient and unco-ordinated 
manner, making many useless moves. 

4. I often go from one thing to another in my daily life without much 
plan or organization of thought or action. 

5. I lack simplicity, consecutiveness and logical sequence when I try to 
explain something to someone. 


6. I often interrupt the trend of a person's thought by interposing in- 
consequential ideas or by describing a personal anecdote. 

7. I find it difficult to lead an orderly life because my impulses are so 

8. I am somewhat fitful and contradictory in some of the opinions I 

9. My desires are often at war with one another. 

10. There are times when my. life lacks clear purpose, order or design. 

Sameness ( Sa ) 

Here the score is based on the ratio of Sameness to Change 
( Sa/Ch ). Sameness is measured in terms of ( i ) degree of fixa- 
tion, ( 2 ) frequency of repetition and ( 3 ) degree of rigidity. 

Sameness. ( i ) Fixation. To measure the degree of fixation the S 
must be observed ( or a history must be obtained ) over a span of months 
and years. The characteristic finding is that the same object, or the same 
class of objects, is cathected from year to year. These are some of the 
signs : to adhere to one place ( the same room, house, neighbourhood, 
city ) ; to select a few chosen pathways and haunts ( the same streets, 
restaurants, shops ) j to like and associate with the same people ( mem- 
bers of the family, school and college friends ) ; to maintain the same 
tastes, sentiments and beliefs ( political party, preferred authors, creed ) ; 
to wear the same clothes, smoke the same brand of cigarettes, like the 
same dishes, enjoy the same music, etc. 

( 2 ) Repetition. This applies to regularity of routine, moods, modes 
of behaviour and purposes. Characteristic attributes : to rise at the same 
time, exhibit a consistent attitude, follow a prescribed order of behaviour, 
use stereotyped gestures and modes of speech j to be a ' creature of 
habit ' : dependable and consistent. 

( 3 ) Rigidity. This stands for a lack of plasticity, a dislike of nov- 
elty, an inability to change cathexes or modes when conditions require it. 

Change. ( i ) Lack of Fixation. To have no fixed habitat, to enjoy 
moving from place to place, to wander and travel. To have few perma- 
nent attachments. To seek novelty, experiment, adventure. To be fickle 
in love. To enjoy new sights, new books, new people, new ideas. 

( 2 ) Lack of Repetition. To be irregular in rising, eating, working, 
playing and resting. To exhibit mood swings, unpredictable responses, 
sudden inconsistencies of purpose. 


( 3 ) Plasticity. The ability to move, change loyalties or adopt new 
modes of behaviour when necessary. 

Sameness represents the conserving force in nature. It binds and holds 
things together. It is the power of association. It brings about the struc- 
turation of function. Memory is based upon it. It leads to repetition 
which is a necessary part of the learning process. Repetition is also used 
as a disciplinary measure. The child is taught to repeat correctly whatever 
he has done incorrectly. Thus such actions become associated with Super- 
ego activity, repetition being the commonest of the self-corrective com- 

Sameness men are set in a mould ; Change men are as unstable as the 
weather. The reactions of the former are predictable, their interests con- 
stant, their attachments fixed. The latter, on the other hand, are flexible. 
They change their methods, their habits and their preferences. They are 
more adaptable, more easily influenced, readier to shift their allegiances 
from one object to another. They are opportunists who are usually, but 
not always, impersistent. If they do persist in an endeavour to reach a 
goal, they are quite ready to change their tactics, their loyalties and their 
principles to attain it. Sameness seems to increase with age. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I can become devotedly attached to certain places, certain objects 
and certain people. 

2. I am somewhat disturbed when my daily habits are disrupted by un- 
foreseen events. 

3. I respect custom and consequently am somewhat resistant to un- 
tested innovations. 

4. I find that many of my tastes and sentiments have remained rela- 
tively constant. 

5. I am guided in my conduct by certain principles which I have ac- 

6. I find that a well-ordered mode of life with regular hours and an 
established routine is congenial to my temperament. 

7. I am consistent and dependable in my dealings with others. 

8. I am a creature of habit ; I can even endure monotony without 

9. I prefer to associate with my old friends, even though by so doing 
I miss the opportunity of meeting more interesting people. 


10. I am usually consistent in my behaviour : go about my work in the 
same way, frequent the same preferred places ; follow the same 
routes, etc. 


1. I crave variety and contrast ; enjoy anything for a change. 

2. I frequently start new projects without waiting to finish what I ha\e 
been doing. 

3. I find that novel prospects new places, new people, new ideas 
appeal to me immensely. 

4. I have often experienced rather marked * swings of mood ' from 
elation to depression. 

5. I could cut my moorings quit my home, my parents and my 
friends without suffering great regrets. 

6. At times I act and express myself quite differently than I do ordi- 

7. I find it difficult to keep to any routine. 

8. I find that my likes and dislikes change quite frequently. 

9. I am quick to discard the old and accept the new : new fashions 
new methods, new ideas. 

10. I am rather fickle in my affections. 

Impulsion (Imp) 

This is scored as the ratio of Impulsion to Deliberation ( Imp/ 

Impulsion is the tendency to respond ( with a motone or ver- 
bone ) quickly and without reflection. It is a rather coarse variable 
which includes : ( i ) short reaction time to social press, ( 2 ) 
quick intuitive behaviour, ( 3 ) emotional drivenness, ( 4 ) lack of 
forethought, (5) readiness to begin work without a carefully 
constructed plan. The S is usually somewhat restless, quick to 
move, quick to make up his mind, quick to voice his opinion. 
He often says the first thing that comes into his head ; and does 
not always consider the future consequences of his conduct. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I often act on the spur of the moment without stopping to think. 

2. I waste no time in asking for what I want. 

3. I often act impulsively just to blow off steam. 


4. I have a ready word for most occasions. 

5. I act as the spirit moves me, obeying whatever impulse is strongest. 

6. When I have to act, I am usually quick to make up my mind. 

7. Sometimes I start talking without knowing exactly what I am going 
to say. 

8. I am easily carried away by an emotional impulse. 

9. I am apt to say anything though I may regret it later rather 
than keep still. 

10. I am rather spontaneous in speech and action. 

Deliberation is easier to observe than Impulsion. It is marked 
by : ( i ) long reaction time to social press, ( 2 ) inhibition of 
initial impulses, (3) hesitation, caution and reflection before 
action, ( 4 ) a long period of planning and organizing before be- 
ginning a piece of work. The S may have obsessional doubts : a 
* load ' of considerations which he must ' lift ' before beginning. 
He usually experiences difficulty in an emergency. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. When suddenly confronted by a crisis I often become inhibited and 
do nothing. 

2. I repress my emotions more often than I express them. 

3. I think much and speak little. 

4. I am slow to decide upon a course of action. 

5. I consider a matter from every standpoint before I form an opinion. 

6. I am slow to fall in love. 

7. 1 usually make a plan before I start to do something. 

8. I dislike making hurried decisions. 

9. I do most things slowly and deliberately. 

10. I am poor at repartee, quick retorts, snap-judgements. 

Emotionality ( Emo ) 

This variable is estimated in terms of the frequency, intensity 
and duration of manifest emotion ( emotional expression ) and of 
reported * felt ' emotion. The following are signs : To be fre- 
quently excited ; to show emotion ( anxiety, fear, embarrassment, 
anger, elation, affection, grief ) on slight provocation ; to speak 
with passion ; to exhibit marked fluctuations of mood ; to exhibit 


autonomic changes : trembling, sweating, blushing, palpitation 
of the heart, stuttering, inco-ordination of movement. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. My feelings and emotions are easily aroused. 

2. give full vent to my sentiments when I am stirred. 

3. have unaccountable swings of mood-, elations and depressions. 

4. am considered somewhat excitable by my friends. 

5. am rather sensitive, impressionable and easily stirred. 

6. have intense likes and dislikes. 

7. display * temper ' when the occasion warrants it. 

8. can get quite ' heated-tip ' over some matter which interests me. 

9. find it difficult to control my emotions. 

10. am influenced in my decisions by how I happen to be feeling at the 

The opposite of Emotionality is termed Placidity. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1 . I am calm and placid most of the time. 

2. I usually express myself dispassionately, with caution and restraint. 

3. I take part in things without much display of enthusiasm. 

4. 1 am moderate in my tastes and sentiments. 

5. It takes a good deal to make me angry. 

6. I am considered rather phlegmatic by my friends. 

7. 1 find that my life moves along at an even tenor without many ups 
and downs. 

8. I do things in a leisurely sort of way without worry or irritation. 

9. My emotional life is marked by moderation and balance. 
I O. I am rarely very excited or thrilled. 

Creativity ( Cr ) 

Creativity was introduced to describe responses that were 
neither repetitious, consistent, stereotyped, rigid, banal ( Same- 
ness) nor random, merely novel, sensational, irresponsible, in- 
consistent, fickle, odd (Change). The variable was applied to 
insightful adaptations to new conditions ( ingenuity, intuition, 
quick learning). This might be called * behavioural' Creativity. 


The term was most especially employed, however, to cover origi- 
nality and imagination in the handling of words and ideas ( artis- 
tic and scientific thought ). As many of our procedures called for 
imaging, plot construction and story-telling the artistic type of 
imagination was given more opportunity to display itself than 
was the conceptual. Thus our marks on this variable were in most 
cases based on judgements of the quality of literary fancy and 

Intensity Endurance 

These variables may be regarded as two measures of liberated 
vital energy ( a concept which was discussed at some length in 
the preceding chapter, vide p. 129 ). We shall not review the evi- 
dence already presented, but shall content ourselves with a brief 
list of the manifestations of energy : 

1. Subjective and objective signs of zest : alertness, vitality, vigour, 
enthusiasm, effort. 

2. Subjective and objective signs of activity pleasure ( enjoyment of 
action c for its own sake ' : physical exercise, conversation, thought ) . 

3. Long periods of activity ( n Play or n Achievement ), few or short 
periods of rest ; the ability to get along without sleep. 

4. A large amount of random motility ( physical or verbal ) : rest- 
lessness, excessive motion, talkativeness, abundance of extravagant lan- 
guage, etc. 

5. Speed, strength and long duration of all behavioural reactions. At 
this point one can hardly differentiate between general energy and drival 

Energy also leads to vigorous emotional responses ( particularly of lust 
and anger ). It has been found convenient to divide this factor into two 
variables, Intensity and Endurance. 

Intensity (Int) 

Some persons impress themselves more forcefully than others 
upon the objects of their environment. They are more ' energetic.' 
Various aspects of this factor may be represented by the following 
common words : power, strength, force, gusto, zest, eagerness, 
enthusiasm, emphasis, vividness, loudness, demonstrativeness. All 


these may be regarded as evidences of tension, effective or affec- 
tive, liberated in a moment of time. The tension may express itself 
by an unusual number or a marked strength of physical or verbal 
acts. The demonstration may not endure. It may be followed by a 
period of temporary exhaustion. The opposite of Intensity is 

An apathetic S may : 

move about in a slow and lethargic manner ; sink into a chair, loll, 
slouch, lie back with feet outstretched, yawn, sigh, appear to be fatigued ; 
look with ennui and without enthusiasm at people and things ; appear 
unconcerned, disinterested, supercilious, bored ; 

relax his muscles ; wear a placid, unresponsive countenance ; respond 
slowly and without emotion ; work lazily without manifesting effort or 
concern ; 

express himself but little and then without ardour ; speak quietly in a 
low voice or in a monotone without inflection or emphasis, as if his words 
were not important and he did not care whether he were heard or not ; 
use flat, banal expressions ; show little emotion, except possibly shyness, 
timidity, apprehension or nervousness. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. 1 am intense about the things which interest me. 

2. 1 go at things with considerable zest and gusto. 

3. I feel fresh, vigorous and ready for anything, most of the time. 

4. I express myself with emphasis when I am interested in a topic. 

5. I work hard when I work, and play hard when I play. 

6. I am energetic in the development and expression of my ideas. 

7. I work like a fiend at a problem that interests me. 

8. I spend myself freely, since I have plenty of energy. 

9. Sometimes 1 tackle a job as if my life depended on it. 
10. I can expend a great deal of effort in a short time. 

Endurance (End) 

This variable was selected to stand for the persistence of effort 
( vigorous activity ) . Intensity expresses how hard a man works ; 
Endurance how long he works. The latter is an easier concept to 
deal with, because it is simply a matter of determining the dura- 


tion of directed action. When it is mental activity that is being 
measured, however, there may be some difficulty ( unless it is 
accompanied by verbal expression ) to rule out undirected fantasy. 
In the clinic it is hardly possible to measure Endurance. The 
sessions are too short and other factors, such as the amount of 
interest that is aroused by a given task, are too obtrusive. 

The S with low Endurance may : 

show signs of fatigue even when dealing with interesting material ; 
fall off in his performance as time goes on ; complain of weariness ; ex- 
plain that he has not had enough sleep ; find it difficult to concentrate 
for any length of time, etc. 

The rating on this variable is based mostly on the subject's autobio- 
graphical reports. 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I can work at an arduous task for a long time without getting tired 
of it. 

2. can stand very long periods of exertion. 

3. am a horse for work. I am seldom exhausted. 

4. finish most everything I commence. 

5. can enjoy a long spell of continuous activity. 

6. stick at a job even though it seems I am not getting results. 

7. enjoy long discussions. They rarely weary .me. 

8. I am able to keep working, day in and day out, without getting 
bored or tired. 

9. I can get along with less than the average amount of rest and sleep. 
10. I usually persist in the pursuit of a purpose. My motto is : 'Never 

say die.' 

Extraception/Intraception Projectivity/Objectivity 


With this group of variables the attempt was made to segregate 
some of the factors which were included by Jung under the terms 
extraversion and introversion ( vide the discussion of Jung's con- 
cepts, p. 232). We were concerned first with what is commonly 
called subjectivity and objectivity, a dichotomy which we found 
great difficulty in formulating. The former ( called by us Intra- 


ception ) seemed to be an attitude that is engendered by strong 
personal feelings, fantasies, sentiments, and wishful speculations ; 
whereas the latter attitude ( Extraception ) seems to depend on 
the determining influence of sense data ( physical and social fac- 
tors) and the disposition to come into accord with them. The 
subjective attitude leads to self-expression and the emotional valu- 
ation of events. The objective attitude leads to the dispassionate 
recognition of fact, as well as to conformity in social behaviour 
(reasonableness). These tendencies are only opposites in the 
sense that one arises out of internal conditions and the other is 
provoked by external requirements. As with all other contrasting 
variables they are both exhibited in some measure by everyone. 
It is only for convenience that one speaks of intraceptors and 

Endocathection describes a turning inward ( reverie or reflec- 
tion ) and a cathexis of the products of mental activity. This is 
different from Intraception, for a man may turn outward to en- 
gage in practical affairs ( Exocathection ) with his head full of 
romantic aspirations and ideals ( Intraception ) ; or he may turn 
inward ( Endocathection ) to speculate about the physical proper- 
ties of Nature ( Extraception ) . Projectivity describes the tendency 
to misinterpret ( because of the influence of desire, emotion, and 
sentiment) natural and social occurrences, the motivations of 
others and one's own inner experiences. 

Extraception ( Extra ) 

This is scored as the ratio of Extraception to Intraception. 
Extraception is a term that describes the tendency to be deter- 
mined by concrete, clearly observable, physical conditions ( tan- 
gible, objective facts). The sense of touch seems to control the 
personality, material substance, in one form or another, being the 
most undeniable ( cf. Dr. Johnson kicking the stone ) and valued 
fact. The subject is drawn to solid things. He needs them to sup- 
port his locomotions ( cf. ' He keeps his feet on the ground ' ), to 
employ as tools, to sustain his sense of reality. He likes to explore 
his surroundings, observe the workings of Nature, and produce 


tangible results. His thinking is dominated by the disposition to 
bring ideas into accord with observed facts or by the need to 
further some practical aim. Thus a person of this type ( extra- 
ceptor) has an inclination to invent implements, construct ma- 
chinery or engage in experimental research. In human dealings 
extraception leads to an emphasis upon overt behaviour and ob- 
servable traits, the tendency to accept social standards, and a 
readiness to co-operate impersonally in group activity. 

Intraception, on the other hand, is the disposition to be deter- 
mined by diffuse personal feelings and inclinations ( intangible 
subjective facts). For such a man the desire for happiness seems 
basic. Thinking is dominated at first by fantasies : wishful crea- 
tions or imaginative reconstructions of external happenings. Later 
the intraceptor may attempt to describe his emotional impressions 
of actual events or to conceptualize the facts of his inner life. 
The behaviour of the intraceptor is very apt to be the outcome of 
mere energy, of a mood, a fantasy (ex : play of children), a 
cherished scheme, romantic desires or Utopian speculations. The 
intraceptor is controlled by a valuating ( aesthetic or moral ) atti- 
tude which impels him to make judgements ( that may be of de- 
ciding importance) as to the human good of this or that, but 
which interferes with his disinterested observation of objective 
occurrences. In his relations to other people the intraceptor is in- 
clined to make immediate inferences as to their affections and 
motivations ; he becomes personal and subjective and finds it diffi- 
cult to co-operate with those whose sympathies he does not share. 

The extraceptor is commonly characterized by several of the 
following adjectives : objective, factual, accurate, impersonal, prac- 
tical, denotative in speech, empirical, utilitarian, impartial, cool 
and phlegmatic, reasonable in action, insensitive, sociocentric, 
conforming, tough-minded, inductive, systematic in observations, 
scientific, psychologically superficial, materialistic, mechanistic, 

The following adjectives are commonly used to describe the 
intraceptor: subjective, imaginative (fanciful), somewhat in- 
accurate, personal in his dealings, impractical, connotative in 


speech, metaphysical, partial in his opinions, warm and passion- 
ate, ' unreasonable ' in action, sensitive, egocentric, individualistic, 
tender-minded, deductive, intuitive in his observations, artistic or 
religious, psychologically penetrating, idealistic, dynamistic, mon- 
istic or dualistic. 

It is very difficult to describe these two tendencies since they 
manifest themselves in so many ways ; the differences among 
extraceptors or among intraceptors ( due to other factors ) being 
as great as the differences between extraceptors and intraceptors. 

Extraceptive perception and apperception are marked by the exclusion 
of everything except bare sense data ( objective facts ) : tangible objects 
and their physical relations and the outward behaviour of other people. 
It is usually orderly, systematic and conventional. 

Intraceptive perception and apperception on the other hand are char- 
aracterized by the intrusion of affections and images evoked by the facts : 
sentiments, imaginal elaborations, symbolic meanings, interpretations of 
the feelings and motives of other people. It is selective ; emphasizing and 
elaborating upon one or more details to the exclusion of others. 

The intraceptive mode of apperception seems to be basic to an in- 
tuitive understanding of other people. It may be largely unconscious and 
inarticulate ; and it is certainly liable to err grossly, but there is no other 
way of immediately apprehending the primary tendencies which explain 
the multiplicity of superficially dissimilar phenomena. The organism, as a 
whole, is controlled by regnant processes in the brain, and for these we 
have only terms which represent their subjective aspect. Thus, to under- 
stand human beings in a dynamical situation we must know what motivat- 
ing forces are in operation at the moment, and since these are concealed 
and cannot be perceived, they must be inferred. The fundamental process 
involved in making this inference is ' participation ' ( empathy, emotional 
apperception ). This primitive process is natural to children, and well 
developed in artists and women. It is enhanced by passivity and ob- 
structed by a highly conscious, critical, and rationalistic attitude. The 
intraceptive person who becomes conscious and critical of his own psy- 
chology may learn to correct for the projections which commonly occur, 
and by constant practice his interpretations of others may become reason- 
ably reliable. The extraceptive person, on the other hand, by not using 
the process of ' participation,' permits it to remain in an undeveloped 
state. Thus he may be confused by complex emotional situations, and he 


will be deficient in his interpretations of the more irrational phases of 
human experience : dreams, fantasies, the play and perversities of chil- 
dren, the erotic impulses of adolescents, the religious practices of savages, 
the poetical and metaphysical utterances of adults, the vagaries of neu- 
rotic and psychotic patients. 

If an extraceptive person becomes personally implicated in a tense emo- 
tional situation, or if he is asked in a test to interpret the underlying 
motives of some other individual, he will often project more than the 
intraceptive person. This is to say, there will be a greater degree of per- 
sonal reference in his interpretations than in the explanations given by 
an Jntraceptor of equal age and development. The reason for this is that 
participation is an undifferentiated process in the extraceptor. It has 
never been exposed to the discipline of self-criticism. 

The extraceptive attitude usually involves conscious attention to ex- 
ternal affairs and a separation of the ego from the unconscious. Though 
such people are usually alert, with a clear focus of consciousness, the 
area of consciousness is relatively small ; since they are not continuously 
influenced by nor aware of the intraceptor's marginal, semi-conscious 
flow of imagery and feeling. Looking at the matter from this standpoint, 
the extraceptive person seems to be extraordinarily simple, uncompli- 
cated and unconscious. What is not plain and outspoken is for him non- 
existent. For this reason the person with extraceptive apperceptions will 
find that dealing with physical phenomena, as in strict science, is an en- 
terprise especially congenial to his temperament. 

Extraceptive thinking is predominantly inductive. It leads to the ex- 
planation of natural events in terms of the mechanical interaction of 
physical bodies, and of human events in terms of bodily appetites, eco- 
nomic pressures and social custom. It starts from bare facts or practical 
operations, analyses them, constructs classifications and finally arrives at 
generalizations ( useful fictions ) which describe the data in a summary 
form. It is anti-sentimental, disinterested and skeptical. It is congenial 
to operationism and positivism ( vide the discussion of periphcralists 
and centralists, p. 6 ). 

Intraceptive thinking is apt to be deductive, its deepest sources being 
vague diffuse feelings ( acceptances and rejections). It leads quite natu- 
rally to the development of social, aesthetic, philosophical or religious 
theories. Such theories are usually influenced by wishes, by optimistic or 
pessimistic sentiments or by experienced values. As a rule the intracep- 
tive thinker strives for internal coherence, logical form, and aesthetic 


balance. But the fruits of his cerebration may also take the form of meta- 
phorically phrased mystical ideas or sharp aphoristic illuminations. De- 
spite its habitual subjective bias, intraceptive thinking has made number- 
less contributions to science ( ex : Periodic Law in Chemistry ). For the 
emergence of a seemingly plausible generalization often acts as a stimulus 
which impels the thinker to seek illustrative exemplifications in the ex- 
ternal world. There is a tendency among intraceptors to explain physical 
occurrences as resultants of energic processes and to interpret human 
action in terms of motivating forces ( ex : the world will, elan vital, 
libido, demi-urge, instinct ). 

Extraceptive action is aimed at the achievement of tangible results : 
manufacture of objects, money, power, status, office, prestige. It is prac- 
tical and usually effective, since much attention is paid to technique and 
method. It strives for quantity, speed and economy. Its ends have sur- 
vivalistic or comfort-giving value. This is best manifested by applied 
science and business. The extraceptor is inclined to regard human beings 
as objects to be manipulated. He is sensible and hard-boiled. 

Intraceptive action is the outcome of personal feelings, * hunches,' 
valuations, enthusiasms. It expresses the personality, gives vent to a point 
of view or objectifies desire. The action is often a catharsis or self- 
dramatization, which is not always adapted to the imagined goal, though 
it may have considerable inner value. This is best manifested by the play 
of children, dancing, courtship and artistic creations. It is an intraceptor 
that is usually the initiator of a new movement, but extraceptors are re- 
quired to make it function effectively. 

Extraceptive feeling is apt to conform to the pattern of the culture. 
It leads to social adaptation and co-operation. It induces the subject to join 
and become an effective member of groups and institutions, particularly 
those of good standing. Such a person is usually restrained and matter of 
fact. He enjoys plain dealings with plain people, and avoids situations 
that may become too personal, for he is uncomfortably disturbed by irra- 
tional processes in others as well as in himself. Engaged in social action 
he can submerge his personality and endure co-operation and routine 
without revolt. He may express a good deal of fellow-feeling but his ap- 
preciation of art and his understanding of psychological subtleties are 
usually meagre. Most of his tastes and sentiments are echoes of authorita- 
tive judgments. He chooses what is generally considered good, in con- 
trast to the intraceptor who accepts only what is good for him. 

Intraceptive feeling is personal and individualistic 5 and often op- 


posed to current opinion.. It commonly takes the form of aesthetic or 
moral tastes and sentiments. It may lead the subject to prefer solitude 
or the company of a few congenial friends ; or possibly to choose writ- 
ing as a medium of self-expression. Though sensitive, the intraceptor is 
often impelled to make vehement public declarations of his views. He 
may be expansive, or given to daydreaming and self-analysis. In any case 
he cannot abide a cold, indifferent human climate. He blossoms when he 
feels that he is warmly appreciated. Being more aware of his feelings 
than the extraceptor, he is quick to realize what is humanly wrong in 
existing social conditions. Thus, he is apt to sympathize with the indi- 
vidual rather than with the group (authorities). His temperament is 
that of an artist and at some point one can always find tenderness, wonder 
and reverence. 

It should be pointed out that there may be an ambitendency 
involving Intraception and Extraception. An individual may veer 
from one extreme to another. Particularly is it likely that an essen- 
tially intraceptive person will come to hold an extraceptive doc- 
trine. He may be forced to adopt this attitude as a balance to an 
extreme emotionality in everyday life, or he may come to it be- 
cause of the respectability it now enjoys. Thus, a man's expressed 
theories cannot be used as infallible indices of the Extraceptive/ 
Intraceptive ratio. We suspect, for instance, that many who vio- 
lently attack Intraception are attempting unconsciously to rid 
themselves of this very tendency. The diagnosis can often be 
made by watching such a person's behaviour in concrete situa- 

The influence of Intraception and Extraception upon widely 
different functions, and the lack of clarity in our own minds in 
respect to the exact nature of these variables, led us to employ 
eighty statements ( a ' shotgun ' questionnaire ) as a preliminary 
exploration of the range of the two factors. 

Statements in Questionnaire 
Intraception : 

1. I enjoy psychological novels more than other kinds of literature. 

2. I believe that I have an instinctive understanding of the underlying 
motives of other people. 


3. I enjoy an intimate conversation with one person more than a gen- 
eral conversation with several. 

4. I feel that I know a good deal about my own motives and feelings. 

5. When I hear a person speak, I think more about his personality than 
I do about what he is saying. 

6. I am apt to become rather deeply and emotionally involved with one 
person or another. 

7. I like to review in my mind the impressions which other people have 
made upon me. 

8. I think that I have a fair understanding of women. 

9. I often think I can feel my way into the innermost being of another 

10. I feel things deeply and personally, and am sensitive to the deeper 
feelings of others. 

1 1. My fantasies are an important part of my life. 

i 2. In the conduct of my life I bother very little about practical details. 

13. often imagine myself accomplishing great deeds. 

14. feel that ideals are powerful motivating forces in myself and in 

15. like to dramatize events in which I am participating. 

1 6. am influenced in the conduct of my life by a vision of my destiny. 

17. often do things merely for my private emotional satisfaction, no 
matter whether anything is accomplished or not. 

1 8. I feel that a person's life should be the full expression of his inner- 
most self. 

1 9. I often hope for a situation which will allow me to act out one of 
my fantasies. 

20. I am apt to make up stories by myself about the private thoughts and 
experiences of the people whom I meet. 

21. I have moods of expansive elation when I feel like embracing the 
whole world. 

22. My hopes and expectations are very exuberant when I embark upon 
a new enterprise. 

23. I accept the verdict of my own feelings as the surest guide to what 
is right. 

24. I have, at times, been utterly dejected by disillusionment. 

25. My best thoughts often come at times of emotional stress. 

26. I feel that the heart is as good a guide as the head. 

27. I like to associate with people who take life emotionally. 


28. Without zest and excitement life seems pale and shallow. 

29. My head is full of ideas clamouring for expression. 

30. I believe that the world may be well lost for love. 

31. I usually see things as a whole ; am apt to disregard minor details. 

32. I live in my imagination as much as I do in the external world. 

33. I believe in the value and importance of inner revelation. 

34. I generalize freely ; am apt to make rather sweeping and exaggerated 

35. I rely as much on intuition or faith as I do on the results of past 

36. I give my imagination free sway when I am thinking or talking. 

37. I am thrilled by ideas which are large and all-embracing. 

38. I am apt to see an underlying symbolic meaning in the stories that 
I read. 

39. Some of my friends think that my ideas arc impractical if not a bit 

40. Sometimes I think of natural objects as possessing human qualities. 

Extraceftion : 

1. I am more interested in a person's behaviour than in his inner life. 

2. In the moulding of character I think that external conditions are 
more important than inner tendencies. 

3. I dislike morbid psychological novels. 

4. I spend very little time worrying about problems of love and sex. 

5. I like to work with mechanical appliances : machinery, electrical ap- 
paratus and so forth. 

6. I enjoy scientific articles more than fiction or poetry. 

7. I am apt to judge people in terms of their tangible accomplishments. 

8. Mathematics has been one of my best subjects. 

9. I am rather detached and impersonal in my dealings with other 

10. I am often at a loss to explain the behaviour of people who are emo- 
tionally unstable. 

11. I am practical and efficient when there is something to be done. 

12. I am interested in the business and financial problems of the day. 

13. I am interested in all kinds of new mechanical devices. 

14. I am much more apt to think of an object's utility than of its sym- 
bolic value. 


15. I stick to the unadorned facts when I tell about something that 

1 6. I spend very little time thinking about distant goals and ultimate 

1 7. I work for tangible and clearly-defined results. 

1 8. I find it rather easy to work out an effective, sober plan of action. 

19. I accept the world as it is and do not try to imagine how it might 

20. I always attempt to substantiate the facts of a case before giving a 

21. My anticipations remain within the realm of what is probable, i.e., 
they are based on past experience. 

22. I am temperamentally opposed to the 'romantic' point of view. 

23. I have few, if any, emotional problems. 

24. I find it easy to think things out calmly without the interference of 

25. I like to keep myself free from emotional entanglements. 

26. I act on the principle that a man's first duty is to adjust himself to 
his environment. 

27. I am rather moderate and judicious in my judgements of other 

28. I am quite conventional in my behaviour. 

29. My relations with other people are simple and uncomplicated. 

30. I keep my feet on the ground, i.e., I adopt a common-sense and 
matter-of-fact attitude towards life. 

31. I should say that my ideas were sound and sensible, rather than 
unusual or imaginative. 

32. When I tackle a subject I read what others have written about it 
before I begin. 

33. I am specially interested in ideas that are thoroughly practical. 

34. I believe that the economic interpretation of history is as valid as 

35. I adopt a somewhat skeptical or agnostic point of view towards most 

36. It is easier for me to deal with concrete facts in one special field than 
with general ideas about man or nature. 

37. I am rather * tough-minded ' or ' hard-boiled ' in my interpretations 
and judgements. 


38. I am inclined towards a mechanistic (or materialistic) conception 
of nature. 

39. I believe that science offers as good a guide as there is to the future. 

40. When I think out a problem I keep very close to the facts. 

Projectivity ( Proj ) 

This is scored as the ratio of Projectivity to Objectivity. 
Projectivity describes egocentricity in perception, apperception 
and conception. The S ' projects ' into others his own wishes, fears, 
interests, and pet theories. He may be animistic towards the inani- 
mate or inanimistic ( projecting a ' machine ' ) towards the ani- 
mate. Common signs are these : The S misinterprets events, gives 
fantastic explanations, seriously ascribes various motives to others 
on insufficient evidence (people seem to be looking at him, 
praising him, blaming him, scorning him, plotting to injure him, 
etc. ). He quarrels with people because of some trivial misunder- 
standing. His thinking is guided by sentiment, he sees his theories 
exemplified by the course of events, is dominated by prejudice, 
and influenced by 'halo* tendencies. He holds beliefs that con- 
form to hopes or worries, is unable to see another person's point 
of view, misinterprets his own behaviour, refuses to admit the 
operation of bias. In extreme cases hallucinations and unmistak- 
able delusions occur. 

Piaget 1 uses the term egocentricity to describe certain phe- 
nomena characteristic of the child. They are also characteristic of 
Projectivity as we define it. The child does not differentiate clearly 
between the images in his mind and the objects in the external 
world. His dreams are considered at first to be events which have 
occurred in the environment about him. His vivid fantasies are 
associated with a conviction of actuality and his make-believe is 
as real as stubborn facts. In his adventures the obvious happenings 
become so inseparably merged with his elaborate imaginations 
that in his subsequent accounts of things he cannot distinguish 
what was outside from what was inside. His parents are apt to 

i. PiagctJ. The Language and Thought of the Child, New York, 1926 ; Judgment 
and Reasoning in the Child, New York, 1928. 


think that he is telling lies for his own amusement or their decep- 
tion. The child is animistic and is inclined to favour allegorical 
and anthropomorphic explanations of the natural events : there 
is a man in the moon, the sun is a benevolent father, the clouds 
are malicious devils, the wind is the breath of God. He plays 
games in which the action is more affective than effective ; that is, 
it expresses tensions and emotions without achieving tangible re- 
sults. Many of such activities are similar to the practices and rituals 
of primitive people. The child identifies himself with objects of 
some remoteness, with animals and with the heroes of story books. 
When a toad is run over by an automobile he feels the pain as if it 
were in his own body. He has convictions in regard to the feel- 
ings and motives which sway members of his circle. His own 
emotions are uniquely important to him. They are hyperbolically 
expressed and ardently dramatized. His thoughts are often fan- 
tastic, being mere associations of emotionally determined images. 
His conceptions of the world are frequently vague and extrava- 
gant. The trend of his fantasies leads him to suppose that natural 
occurrences bear some reference to his welfare, that his parents are 
continuously thinking about him, that the stars are watching him, 
that the flight of a bird conveys a special message to him of good or 

Objectivity describes the absence of Projectivity. The S is im- 
partial, detached, disinterested, tolerant, understanding. Common 
signs are these : The S is aware of and responds to the conditions 
that actually exist. He observes the plain facts, clearly differen- 
tiates between what is subjective ( within his self ) and what is 
objective ( outside his self ), is conscious of his inner feelings and 
inclinations and regards them with an impartial eye. He observes 
behaviour accurately and makes reliable inferences as to the prob- 
able inner states of other people. He has true insight, and is able 
to interpret the motives of his acquaintances reasonably well. 

Since the S is by definition unconscious of his own projections 
( at the time they occur ), it is hardly possible to get evidences of 
Projectivity by direct questions. Consequently, this variable was 
not covered in the questionnaire. 


Exocathection ( Exo ) 

This is scored as the ratio of Exocathection to Endocathection. 
The variable has to do with the relative importance to the sub- 
ject of : ( i ) practical, concrete, physical or social action, and ( 2 ) 
fantasy, reflection, imagination or abstract thought. This di- 
chotomy is often confused with Extraception and Intraception. 

Exocathection. The S is most interested in practical activity 
and the affairs of everyday life, domestic, economic, political and 
social. His chief interests are earning a livelihood, competing with 
others, and participating in contemporary events. He wants to be 
actively in the * thick ' of things, adapting to reality. 

1. Exo + Extra : To adapt to the world as it stands ; to be 

interested in tangible results ; to be very practical ; to amass 
a fortune. To secure a permanent position ; to become a 
member of clubs and institutions. To be without illusions ; 
to conserve established values. To work effectively with me- 
chanical appliances. 

2. Exo + Infra : To live imaginatively ; to dramatize the self ; 

to express one's sentiments and beliefs in action. To initiate 
and further progressive social movements. To speak against 
abuses ; to propose reforms. To concoct new schemes : busi- 
ness ventures, political innovations ; to be guided by a 
vision of the future. To seek adventure ; to become in- 
volved in amorous affairs. 

Endocathection. The S is most interested in 'things of the 
mind ' : cultural and intellectual pursuits. He gives the highest 
value to general ideas, symbols and artistic productions. He enjoys 
serious discussions or creative activity rather than immediately 
practical action. He seeks solitude for uninterrupted speculation 
and reverie. 

i. Endo -f- Extra : To be interested in ideas and theories about 
substantial events (ex : physical sciences). To reflect and 
write about external occurrences and systems : history, eco- 
nomics, government, education. To collect data and think 


2. Endo -f- Intra : To devote oneself to artistic or religious repre- 
sentations. To dream, brood and introspect ; to become 
absorbed in the attempt to solve inner conflicts and spiritual 
dilemmas. To seek the deepest psychological truths. To 
think deductively or idealistically ; to develop a metaphys- 
ical system. 

Statements in Questionnaire 
Exocathection : 

1 . I can deal with an actual situation better than I can cope with gen- 
eral ideas and theories. 

2. I have a rather good head for business. 

3. I like being in the thick of action. 

4. I am interested in everything that is going on in the world : busi- 
ness, politics, social affairs, etc. 

5. I am extremely interested in the activities of other people. 

6. I like to do things with my hands : manual labor, manipulation or 

7. I am a practical person, interested in tangible achievement. 

8. I like to have people about me most of the time. 

9. I would rather take an active part in contemporary events than read 
and think about them. 

IO. Money and social prestige are matters of importance to me. 

Endocathection : 

1. I am inclined to withdraw from the world of restless action. 

2. I would rather know than do. 

3. I spend a lot of time philosophizing with myself. 

4. I think more about my private feelings or theories than I do about 
the practical demands of everyday existence. 

5. I dislike everything that has to do with money buying, selling, 
and bargaining. 

6. I would rather write a fine book than be an important public figure. 

7. I like above all to discuss general questions scientific or philosophi- 
cal with my friends. 

8. I would rather grow inwardly and achieve balance and fullness of 
experience than win success in practical affairs. 


9. I am more interested in aesthetic or moral values than I am in con- 
temporary events. 
10. I am apt to brood for a long time over a single idea. 

Two variables were added at the last moment : n Understand- 
ing and Radical Sentiments. 

n Understanding (n U.nd ) 

We were never able to decide as to whether differentiated 
thinking ( cognition ) should be considered a drive or a function. 
Cognition is usually involved as a process in adaptive behaviour. 
In James's words, thinking is ' delayed action.' But there are forms 
of thought which do not lead the thinker to action ; they inhibit 
action or lead away from action. There is thought which has as 
its final aim the representation in symbols of the order of nature. 
To understand ( conceptualize ) relations is sufficient. It is a final 
value. Perhaps this activity represents an endopsychic form of the 
need for Construction, since it is a structurally coherent system 
( of ideas, to be sure, rather than materials ) which the meta- 
physician, as well as the scientific rationalist, attempts to create. 
An edifice of logically inter-articulated concepts is the end situa- 
tion which satisfies and quiets the tension. If the scheme can be 
shown by observation and experiment ( n Cognizance ) to fit the 
facts that are turned up by nature then the thinker ( the extra- 
ceptive thinker at least ) has his final reward. This sort of intel- 
lectual activity requires disinterested detachment rather than 
vigorous action, and even when the construction that a philosopher 
imposes on nature is merely an intricate rationalization of his own 
behavioural sentiments, it does not usually lead the creator him- 
self to adopt a new course of action, though it may, of course, 
affect others in this way. For these reasons, we have chosen to 
regard intellection as a need, the trend of which is to analyse ex- 
perience, to abstract, to discriminate among concepts, to define 
relations, to synthesize ideas, and to arrive at generalizations that 
are comprehensive and verifiable. The need may be regarded as 
primarily endopsychic, though it may result eventually in spoken 
or written aphorisms, propositions, hypotheses, theories, systems 


of thought. The extraceptor tends to become an operationist 
(physical scientist), the intraceptor an interpreter of subjective 
experience. Naturally there is a high correlation between n Under- 
standing and Endocathection. The latter, however, is more in- 
clusive, since it embraces reverie, inner brooding, mystical experi- 
ence and artistic imaginings. The artist, like the scientist and the 
philosopher, orders and reconstructs his impressions, but his aim 
is to embody his experience in a concrete form that has perceptual 
and emotional, rather than conceptual, value. This activity was 
not subsumed by us under the n Understanding. It was our 
practice to classify it as Creativity and n Sentience, although the 
advisability of so doing is questionable. 

Under the n Understanding we have classed : the tendency to 
ask or to answer general questions ; interest in theory ; the in- 
clination to analyse events and generalize ; discussion and argu- 
ment ; emphasis on logic and reason ; self-correction and criti- 
cism ; the habit of stating opinion precisely ; insistent attempts to 
make thought correspond to fact ; disinterested speculation ; deep 
interest in abstract formulations : science, mathematics, philos- 

Statements in Questionnaire 

1. I enjoy reflection and speculation as much as anything. 

2. I am more excited by general ideas than by concrete facts. 

3. I am rather logical and coherent in my thinking. 

4. I search for the most general interpretation of every actual occur- 

5. I spend hours formulating my ideas as clearly as possible, so that I 
can be understood by others. 

6. I enjoy reading books which deal with general ideas books on 
science, aesthetics, philosophy, etc. 

7. I have often brooded for a long time in an attempt to solve some 
fundamental problem. 

8. When I wish to arrive at the truth, I make a conscious attempt to 
eliminate sentiment and prejudice. 

9. I enjoy debating with my friends about the relative value of various 
ideas or theories. 


10. I am interested in facts and events only in so far as they manifest 
the operation of general laws. 

1 1. I feel that I should like to dedicate my life to the search for truth. 

12. I lay great emphasis upon words or concepts which exactly express 
my thought. 

13. I feel that the attempt to arrive at a deep understanding of life is 
more important than practical activity. 

14. I feel that I should like to devote my life to teaching and scholar- 

15. I am more practiced in dealing with general ideas than in making 

1 6. I think that reason is the best guide in solving the problems of life. 

1 7. I find that I can usually defeat others in an argument. 

1 8. I am critical of current ideas and theories. 

19. I feel that I have a number of ideas which some day I should like to 
put into a book. 

20. I feel that I have the general disposition of a philosopher. 

Radical Sentiments ( Rad Sts ) 

This was scored as the ratio of radical to conservative sentiments 
(Rad Sts/Con Sts). The variable stands for the proportion of 
expressed sentiments, tastes and opinions that are ( i ) novel, 
original, unique ; or ( 2 ) contrary to those held by the majority 
of respected citizens. The radical subject usually exhibits the n 
ideo Aggression against long-established customs, conventional 
views, prevalent mores. Sometimes such radicalism is diffuse. The 
S favours modern art, the rejection of sex taboos, socialism, the 
freedom of the press, the elimination of religion, nudism, pro- 
gressive schools, the humane treatment of criminals, etc. Radical- 
ism is usually opposed to authority, to any force that restrains 
liberty. It favours the weak, the dissatisfied, the oppressed minority. 
Thus, radicalism is often an indication of suprAggression ( in- 
hibited ) and infraNurturance. It may be an expression of the 
stern father and rebel son thema. 

Special tests and questionnaires are used for measuring the 
strength of this variable. Much is also revealed in interviews. It 



should be understood that it does not apply to radical behaviour. 
Among our subjects the most radical sentiments were expressed 
by succorant, abasive and infavoidant subjects. 

Miscellaneous Variables 

The conceptual scheme used with our final group of subjects 
included a few additional variables, some of which seemed to 
direct attention to important aspects of personality. Here, how- 
ever, our data is not sufficient to warrant definition and exposition. 
A list will be enough : n Acquisition, n Retention, Expansive/ 
Contractive, Social Solidarity ( security of belongingness in one 
or more stable groups), Superiority/Inferiority feelings, Opti- 
mism/Pessimism, n Cognizance ( taking the form of diffuse curi- 
osity ), Neuroticism. 

The list of separable factors employed during the last two years 
of experimentation may be conveniently arranged on a sheet for 
scoring : 



n Aba 

n Cnt 



n Exh 



n Sue 



n Ach 




n Auto 




Ego Ideal 




n Harm 


n Nur 





n Dom 






n Agg 

n Sen 





n Sue (Helpless- 

n Agg ( Sadism ) 

nExh( Self- 
display ) 

n Sex 

n Dom (Omnip- 
otence ) 

n Aba ( Maso- 
chism ) 

n Cog ( Voyeur- 

n Homo-Sex 


Values, Interests and Abilities 
Cathected Attributes and Conditions 

People commonly admire themselves or others because of cer- 
tain endowments, gratuities, acquired abilities or achievements. 
What they specifically admire determines to a large extent their 
system of values. It is a matter of sentiments : the kinds of interest 
and the kinds of ability that are valued. The best of these, being 
represented in a subject's Ego Ideal, control the direction of the 
n Infavoidance and the n Counteraction, or may form the basis 
for inferiority feelings and the need for Defendance. The values 
that are realized by others may canalize the n Deference in a sub- 
ject and provoke n Similance as well as the n Affiliation. The 
values that are not realized by others may focalize the n Rejection 
( ex : a scorn for those who do not measure up to a particular 
standard ). Thus, from one point of view, the important thing is 
not whether a subject has a need for Achievement or for Affilia- 
tion or for Rejection, but rather what it is he wishes to achieve, 
affiliate himself with, or reject. 

Our classification of the most commonly cathected attributes 
may be convenient, but it has no scientific significance. The fol- 
lowing list is by no means exhaustive : 
Gratuities ( Endowments of inheritance or fate ) : 

Race Superiority. To belong to a great race. 

National Superiority. To be the citizen of a great nation. 

Caste Superiority. To belong to the upper class ; to come from an aristo- 
cratic family. 

Consanguineous Superiority. To be descended from or related to a great 
man. To have a distinguished father. 

Economic Superiority. To be born of rich parents ; to inherit a fortune. 

Gratuities or Achievements : 

Physique Superiority. To be comely, beautiful, lithe. To have a power- 
ful or well-proportioned body. 
Possessions Superiority. To own more Os or more valuable Os than others. 


Superiority by Contiguance. To come from a superior county, state, or 
city. To live near superior people. To be near a superior O. To have 
visited the homes of the great. 

Superiority by Similance. To resemble a superior O in one way or an- 
other : physique, habits, tastes, theories. To do as the great have done. 

Affiliation Superiority. To know many Os. To be on familiar terms with 
superior Os. 

Contrarience Superiority. To be unique. To be different and thus excep- 

Experience Superiority. To have had many experiences. To have trav- 
elled, participated in many events, known many people, perceived and 
suffered. To have known 'life.' 

Innate Superiority. To be sensitive to the most rewarding experiences. 
To discriminate values with assurance. To have a deeper understanding 
of life. To have a superior ' soul.' 

Abilities or Achievements : 

Physical Ability, n Ach (Phys). Athletics. The ability to play games 
which demand bodily skill or prowess : football, baseball, rowing, 
hockey, tennis, golf. Physical agility or endurance : swimming, rid- 
ing, skiing, mountain-climbing, exploration. 

Mechanical Ability , n Ach ( Mech ). The ability to understand and ma- 
nipulate mechanical appliances and instruments ; to repair and con- 
struct apparatus : electrical and mechanical. Technical skill in the 
applied sciences. 

Economic Ability, n Ach ( Econ ). The ability to make money, to un- 
derstand economic problems and make the most of financial opportu- 
nities. A ' good head for business ' ; to buy and sell at profit. To bar- 
gain and speculate successfully. ( n Ach fused with n Acq. ) 

Dominative Ability, n Ach ( Dom ). The ability to influence, lead and 
govern others in an effective way. To act promptly and decisively, and 
to inspire or persuade others to do likewise. To take responsibility in 
emergencies. To maintain discipline. To construct plans and system- 
atize co-operative endeavours. ( n Ach fused with n Dom. ) 

Social Ability y n Ach ( Soc ). The ability to make friends easily, to c get 
on ' with people, to be liked and trusted. A gift for enduring friend- 
ships. Also the ability to express oneself in the presence of others ; to 
amuse and entertain ; to be popular. ( n Ach fused with n Aff. ) 


Erotic Ability, n Ach ( Sex ). The ability to please, attract and excite the 
opposite sex. To court successfully ; to love and be loved. ( n Ach 
fused with n Sex. ) 

Intellectual Ability, n Ach ( Intell ). The ability to comprehend, remem- 
ber and ' handle ' general ideas ; to extract the intellectual content of 
a book and discourse about it intelligently. The capacity for learning 
and scholarship. ( n Ach fused with n Und. ) 

Scientific Ability, n Ach (Sc). The ability to comprehend and deal 
with scientific ideas ; to understand natural phenomena : physical and 
chemical processes ; to think in terms of abstract theories, scientific 
concepts and mathematical laws. ( n Ach fused with n Und. ) 

Aesthetic Ability, n Ach ( Aesth ). Artistic appreciation and judgement. 
The ability to feel with delight the sensuous qualities of objects ; 
to be sensitively attentive to impressions : sights, sounds, tastes and 
odours ; to discriminate values in art, literature or music, to appreci- 
ate the beautiful. ( n Ach fused with n Sen. ) 

Art-Creative Ability, n Ach ( Art-Cr ). The ability to create in the realm 
of art ; to give adequate expression to feeling and imagination ; to 
write poetry, short stories or musical compositions ; to model or paint. 
( n Ach, n Sen and Creativity. ) 

Theory-Creative Ability, n Ach ( Th-Cr ). The ability to construct ex- 
planatory concepts in science ; to make up plausible theories in phi- 
losophy or in the humanities ; to build a rational system of coherent 
principles ; to devise good hypotheses. ( n Ach, n Und and Creativ- 
ity. ) 

No one who has had the patience to read through this section 
can be expected to come away from it now with a clear head. 
Just as after a momentary uncovering of a heterogeneous array of 
objects on a table one finds oneself unable to give a complete ac- 
count of what has been perceived. Neither names nor meanings 
have become rooted. A mere list of concepts is like a series of 
nonsense syllables. No item calls forth and becomes a member of 
a society of relevant associations ; nor is there time to discover 
or manufacture relations between the separate items. It is because 
of the impossibility of holding more than a few things in mind 
at once that one often welcomes an author who directs attention 


to a single factor. One can agree or disagree, both of which are 
emotionally satisfying. But if too much is mentioned one is left 
unattached and uninterested. 

However, if life is complex, if an event is the concrescence of 
numberless mutually dependent factors, and if an adequate formu- 
lation of it must take account of many of them, what then ? The 
answer would appear to be that a student has to set himself to 
the task of memorizing the elementary anatomy of a science be- 
fore he can think about the subject at all. The concepts must be 
so actively alive in him that they pop into consciousness without 
deliberation, time and time again. In the present case perhaps 
the best method of orientation is that of selecting and holding 
constant a certain press ( or varying it systematically ) and observ- 
ing differences of response ( in different individuals or in the same 
individual at different times). For example, in an emergency 
( p Danger ) does an S become emotional ( Emo ), act impul- 
sively (Imp), exhibit disco-ordination (Disj), or is he calm, 
deliberate and conjunctive ? Is his behaviour predictable ( Sa ) or 
fickle ( Ch ) ? Does he retract from the situation (n Harm or n 
Inf ), does he ask for help ( n Sue ), does he surrender ( n Aba ) 
or does he face it manfully ( n Cnt, n Ach ) ? Or again, if the 
press is that of criticism (p Aggression : Belittlement), what is 
the commonest response: blaming the other fellow (n Agg), 
defending the self ( n Dfd ), humbly accepting the blame ( n 
Aba ), pleading for gentleness ( n Sue ), taking it all as a friendly 
joke ( n Aff, n Play ) ? After failure ( o Frustration ) does an 
individual return to the same task with greater determination to 
succeed ( n Cnt, n Ach ), or, avoiding that task, does he strive for 
another goal ( n Inf, n Ach ) or does he become discouraged and 
give up the fight ( n Aba ) ? Does he attempt to prevent loss of 
prestige by offering justifications and excuses ( n Dfd ), or dis- 
arm criticism with flattery ( n Def ) or by getting a laugh ( n Exh, 
n Play ), or does he withdraw and seek isolation ( n Inf, n Sec ) ? 
Or again, when a subject is introduced to a sociable group ( p 
Affiliation, Group ) does he reciprocate on equal terms ( n Aff ), 
or, being impressed by the importance of the company, does he 


become over-courteous and suggestible ( n Def ), or does he show 
off ( n Exh ) and attempt to dominate the situation ( n Dom ) ? 
If someone proposes a course of action ( p Dominance ) does the 
S become stubborn ( n Autonomy ) and go off in a huff ( n Rej ), 
or does he readily comply ( n Def ) and co-operate in a friendly 
manner ( n Aff ) ? In every case we are dealing with a thema ( the 
combination of a certain press and a certain need ), which, in our 
minds, is a suitable method of analysing an event dynamically. 
The behavioural reaction alone is an abstraction hanging in the 
air if its connection with a press or a preceding event is not ex- 
hibited. And besides the press, one should know also the nature 
of the activity, object or topic that is involved in the situation. 
What kind of interest is expressed by the object whom the S re- 
jects or flatters ? What kind of ability does the task require ? 
What kind of value does the S fail to achieve ? Finally, there is 
the outcome for the subject, success or failure. With this informa- 
tion the chief gross factors of a behavioural occurrence may be 
portrayed on a molar level. 

Before closing this chapter on variables I feel that I should say 
a few words about the two pairs of attitudinal traits which have 
been most widely accepted by personologists. I refer to extra- 
version-introversion and ascendance-submission. 

Extraversion and Introversion 

To Jung belongs the credit of being the first to call attention 
decisively to two opposing tendencies in personality, named by 
him extr aversion and introversion. He affirmed that both attitudes 
occurred in every individual, but as a rule one or the other clearly 
predominated ( in frequency and intensity ). Hence in most cases 
one could legitimately speak of either an extraverted type or an 
introverted type. Within a few years after the publication of 
Jung's long and thickly documented book ( Psychological Types, 
1923 ) all the world was using his terms and personologists, in 
America particularly, were busily engaged devising paper and 
pencil tests to measure the strength of each tendency in different 


To his own preferred pair of opposites Jung assimilated nu- 
merous previously suggested dichotomies ( Apollononian and Dio- 
nysian, Promethean and Epimethean, shallow consciousness 
and contracted consciousness, emphatic and abstractive, tender- 
minded and tough-minded, classic and romantic, and so forth). 
He approached the problem from different standpoints, arriving 
always at his own conception, which he illustrated by countless 
examples drawn from many realms of knowledge. Sensitively he 
penetrated to the deeper springs of human action, drawing many 
subtle distinctions. Among others he came to the conclusion that 
it was necessary to distinguish four functional modes thinking, 
feeling, sensation and intuition each of which was usually 
modified by an extraverted or introverted attitude. Considered in 
toto Jung's descriptions of type differences are more insightful, 
richer in anecdote and reference and more suggestive theoretically 
than anything that is to be found in the literature of personology. 
It is, therefore, particularly unfortunate that he did not system- 
atically set down in one place a condensed list of what he con- 
sidered to be the crucial indices of extraversion and introversion, 
respectively. This would have clarified his position and saved the 
confusion that has arisen as a result of the selections and pro- 
jections of personologists of diverse temperaments. American 
psychologists, for example, with their emphatic preference for 
clear-cut behavioural differences, have seen fit to neglect much of 
what Jung considered important and to use only what fitted 
their own somewhat limited point of view. The result has been 
a miserable vulgarization of the original concept an operation 
which has become only too common in this country. Would that 
we had been able to escape this error ourselves. The American 
personologists cannot be blamed entirely ; for amid the abundant 
illuminations in Jung's book one runs foul of many vague meta- 
phors, confusions and contradictions. Perhaps some one will at- 
tempt an exhaustive systematization of what he has written. Here 
I must content myself with the briefest outline. 

The fertility of Jung's thought is exhibited by the number and 
variety of contrasting tendencies that he has set forth to illustrate 


different aspects of what he considers to be the basic pair of 
opposites : extraversion and introversion. One can find scattered 
through his writings l innumerable significant distinctions, only a 
few of which can be listed here : 

a. Degree and manner of social participation and expression. 
The extravert is heartily gregarious, he makes friends easily, 
feels at home even among strangers and rarely loses touch with 
the spirit of a gathering ; the introvert, on the other hand, prefers 
solitude or the company of a single trusted friend ; in a group 
he feels himself 'on the outside looking in,' but would rather 
remain unnoticed than be called upon to express himself before 
all the others. The extravert is uninhibited in his social actions, 
he takes the initiative and may, according to his nature, be 
cordially affectionate, dominant, exhibitionistic or aggressive ; the 
introvert, being more sensitive and self-conscious, is held back 
or rattled in his responses by fear, shyness or feelings of inferiority. 
The extravert is demonstrative, open and accessible ; the introvert 
is reticent, taciturn, shut-in and impenetrable, as if enveloped by 
a defensive shell. The extravert is more trusting of the average 
man's goodwill as well as more assured of his own ability to cope 
with hostility if it should arise ; the introvert, however, is apt 
to be suspicious of others and distrustful of his own readiness to 
do the right thing in an emergency. In a fight the extravert takes 
the offence, the introvert the defence. The extravert expresses his 
emotions smoothly and fully ( though perhaps crudely ) on suit- 
able occasions ; whereas the introvert, uncertain of consequences, 
restrains the expression of his feelings but cannot end them, for 
they perseverate malgrc lui, perhaps to explode at some later, less 
appropriate moment. All these inhibitions, defensive barriers, and 
avoidances ( n Harm, n Inf and n Blam ) of the introvert, it 
seems to me, may be put down to hypersensitiveness (narci- 
sensitivity ) . 

b. Cathection. The extravert gives determining value to the 

i. Jung,C.G. Psychological types, New York, 1923 ; two Essays on Analytical Psy- 
chology, New York, 1 92 8 ; Contributions to Analytical Psychology, New York, 
1928 ; Modern Man in Search of a Soul, New York,i933. 


outer world ( social relations, possessions, power, prestige, public 
opinion ) ; the introvert cathects the inner world ( his feelings, 
fantasies, personal judgements, reflections, theories). The extra- 
vert is excited by and adapts his behaviour to contemporary events, 
in which he wants to play an active role, whereas the self- 
absorbed introvert remains relatively indifferent, being habitually 
under the spell of a moody drift of reverie, an inner dilemma, an 
absorbing idea, or a great scheme for future achievement. The 
extravert does not brood or introspect, he escapes from himself by 
ceaseless activity and thus he is almost bound to be superficial 
about psychological matters ; in contrast to this is the introvert's 
tendency to dream, mull over his experiences and analyse his 
motives. The extravert will talk to almost anyone about what he 
has seen and done but he has little to say about his subjective 
life, because even when he is aware of it which is relatively 
seldom it does not particularly interest him ; the introvert, 
however, though defensively secretive and aloof with strangers, 
may reveal some of his precious inner life to a sympathetic friend. 
The extravert talks to please, to inform or to influence people, 
whereas the introvert is more concerned about finding the exact 
words to express his thought. The extravert is stimulated to think 
and say his best things by the presence of others ; the introvert pre- 
fers to debate a problem with himself, to read and put his ideas into 
writing. The differences in this class are covered by the concepts 
Exocathection and Endocathection. 

c. Degree of social conformity. The extravert's course of action 
is determined by his desire for social approval ; being no better 
than his day, he is gratified by any sort of praise or public acclaim. 
The introvert, on the other hand, is more apt to do something 
solely because it pleases him ; he rejects easily won applause and 
is only satisfied when he comes up to his own exacting standard. 
The extravert works for immediate rewards ; the introvert for a 
far-off goal ( posterity, an ideal ) . The extravert is vain, the intro- 
vert proud. The extravert keeps his eye on what others are doing 
and he conforms to and is moulded by the groups of which he is a 
member ; but the introvert rarely feels himself a bona fide par- 


ticipant ; he may acquiesce and * go through the paces ' in a per- 
functory manner, but inwardly he remains separate and unique. 
The extravert takes the prevailing moral order for granted, he 
may or may not succeed in living up to it but he rarely doubts 
that what the * best people ' say is * Right ' ; the introvert, on the 
other hand, is more apt to reject accepted dogmas and come to his 
own conclusions ; he may not be actively defiant but he is often 
radical in his sentiments and stubbornly resistant in his behaviour. 
The extravert is ready for opportunities as they arise, is quite 
suggestible to invitations and falls into line when the occasion 
dictates ; the introvert, on the other hand, dislikes suggestions, 
wants to follow his own routine without interruption and becomes 
negativistic when coerced. The extravert is more adventuresome 
in action but does not hesitate to ask favours or call on his friends 
for aid whenever it might benefit him ; the introvert, though 
perhaps secretly more dependent, generally refuses assistance, 
preferring to 'go it alone,' to make his own decisions and be 
solely responsible for his achievements. The introverted symptoms 
falling into this group are sufficiently described by n Inviolacy, 
with n Rejection : Contrarience, n Defendance : Concealment and 
n Autonomy : Resistance as subsidiations. 

d. Degree of activity and free energy. The extravert is active 
and kinetic, the introvert passive and potential. The extravert, 
responsive, impulsive and impatient, acts confidently without re- 
flection ; whereas the introvert is a slow, deliberate and cautious 
fore-thinker. These differences may be subsumed under high vs 
low Intensity ( Energy, n Activity ) and Impulsion vs Delibera- 
tion ) . 

e. Degree of contracting fer sever ation. The extravert is charac- 
terized by a large and varied intake and output ( expansive or 
porous reciprocity ), he seeks, takes, bestows and wastes much ; 
the introvert, on the other hand, is contractive and conservative, 
he assimilates only what has meaning for him, preserves it and 
gives out little. The extravert gambles recklessly for large returns, 
the introvert holds steadfastly to what he has. The extravert seeks 
change, excitement and fresh adventure ; the introvert is satisfied 


to remain in one place ( immobilization ) surrounded by familiar 
objects, and pursue his chosen occupation. The extravert is quick 
to absorb the latest ideas and put them into practice ; the intro- 
vert, distrustful of novelty, is inclined to adhere to his own funda- 
mental beliefs. The extravert likes to get things done quickly and 
hurry on to something new, neglectful of details, since he finds 
it easy to abandon a task if it bores him ; the introvert, on the 
other hand, perseverates ( long secondary function), hates to be 
hurried, distracted or forced to change the trend of his thought, 
can endure monotony and is often bothered by the persistence of 
obsessional ideas. The extravert is apt to be carefree, and perhaps 
irresponsible and disorderly ; whereas the introvert is more often 
scrupulously neat, precise and, in his chosen work, a perfectionist. 
The extravert is diffuse, variously involved in a multiplicity of 
relations ; the introvert is focal with a narrow range of deeper 
and more concentrated interests and friends. 

The distinctions in this group are quite important for psy- 
chology, but we are uncertain as to how they can best be formu- 
lated. One might speak of expansive motility vs contractive immo- 
tility, using the first term to include Change, quick intake ( Re- 
ception vector), quick output (Ejection vector), talkativeness, 
movement and travel (Locomotion vector), and leaving places 
(Egression vector). In contrast to this, contractive immotility 
might include Sameness, staying in a closed place ( Ingression 
vector), adhering to a supporting object (Adherence vector), 
perseveration, collecting and hoarding objects ( Retention vector ), 
and developing an impenetrable psychological * wall ' ( Encase- 
ment vector). It will be observed that contractive immotility is 
distinguished by the same symptoms as Freud's anal-erotic charac- 
ter * ( secondary reactive anal erotism or anal antherotism in our 
terminology, vide p. 379 ) . 

f. Perceptive and cognitive attitude. The extravert perceives, 
understands and values the world as it affects his senses, par- 

i. Frcud,S. Collected Papers, Vol.11, London, 1924, No.iv. 'Character and anal 
erotism,' ( 1908) p.45, and No.xv. 'On the transformation of instincts with 
special reference to anal erotism,' ( 1916 ) p. 164. 


ticularly the sense of touch, hard substance being for him the 
ultimate fact ; the introvert, on the other hand, being chiefly in- 
fluenced by psychic processes, perceives motility and behind 
motility the working of energies and directive forces. The extra- 
vert emphasizes observable facts and inductions arising from 
them ; the introvert assimilates the facts to his own system of 
fantasies and deductive speculations. The extravert is insensitive, 
objective, practical, impersonal and experimental ; the introvert is 
sensitive, subjective, theoretical, personal and philosophical. The 
extravert is materialistic and tough-minded in the sense that he 
values most what is obvious and irrefutable ( money, position, 
prestige ) ; the introvert is idealistic and tender-minded in so far 
as he takes the testimony of his own feelings and sentiments as 
the criterion of what is true, good and beautiful. The extravert 
is at his best when dealing with inorganic matter ; the introvert 
when dealing with human emotions. The distinctions in this class 
were first separated from the other manifestations of extraversion 
and introversion by Hinkle 1 who called her pair of opposites 
objective and subjective. We have followed her example, but for 
several reasons have termed our variables Extraception and Intra- 
ception ( vide p. 211 ). 

Ten years' work and reflection have led me to the conclusion 
suggested by the preceding summary, namely, that Jung has sub- 
sumed under the term ' extraversion ' and under the term ' intro- 
version ' a number of variables which are not always correlated, 
and he has not stated clearly which of these he considers most 
typical of the underlying disposition. To illustrate, we might 
suppose that the following tendencies have been mentioned as 
symptoms of extraversion : Ai, Bi, Ci, Di, Ei, Fi, Gi, Hi ; and 
the following contrasting tendencies as symptoms of introversion : 
A2, 82, C2, D2, 2, p2, 62, H2. Systematic observation indicates 
that a small proportion of individuals may be found who exhibit 
most of the extravert symptoms and a small proportion who ex- 
hibit most of the introvert symptoms but the vast majority of 

i. Hinklc.B.M. Thf Re-Creating of the Individual, New York, 1923. 


people are mixtures of extravert and introvert qualities. Hence, 
if a person with Ai, 62, D2 and Hi is encountered, one is un- 
certain as to what diagnosis should be made. If it were agreed 
that A and H were fundamental indices there would be no con- 
fusion, but no such agreement exists. In short, as others 1 have 
concluded, it seems that extraversion and introversion are not 
unitary variables. 

Putting aside Extraception and Intraception ( objectivity and 
subjectivity) which seem to describe attitudes that are clearly 
different from the other factors, we come down to a very crude 
division between the outward and more social and the inward 
and less social. The extravert seems to be the simple, healthy, 
uninhibited, readily adapting herd animal, whereas the introvert 
is somewhat held back within himself. My own opinion is that 
Jung has been misled by the supposition that there must be one 
reason why the introvert is held back. It is true that he has men- 
tioned many reasons in fact, I can think of no possibility that 
he has omitted , but he has consistently attempted to subsume 
them all under one heading. We have been led to differ at this 
point by the fact that not all of the variables into which we ana- 
lysed introversion were found to correlate. For this reason, they 
cannot legitimately be put into one category. However, several syn- 
dromes of intercorrelating variables do emerge from the data and 
these can be used as a basis for distinguishing the more important 
varieties of introvert. 

I. Passive introvert. Low Intensity ( Passivity ) and low Impul- 
sion (Deliberation) are consistently correlated (.24 to .62). 
Since sleep represents the extreme of introversion as well as the 
extreme of Passivity, and since both are related to low metabolism, 
there is reason to suppose that due to difference in glandular bal- 
ance, the rate of energy release ( as exhibited by physical, verbal 
or mental motility ) differs among individuals. Those with a high 
degree of kinetic energy would tend quite naturally to be more 

i. GuilfordJ.P. and R.B. Personality factors S, E and M, and their measurement, 
J. Psychol.,1936,2, 109-127. 


alert, to respond with greater speed and emphasis, to have stronger 
positive drives, and on this account to become assertive, dominant 
and aggressive ( extraversion ) . 

II. Sensitive, avoidant introvert. All the avoidant needs ( Harm- 
avoidance, Infavoidance, Blamavoidance ) have repeatedly been 
found to intercorrelate ( .37 to .85 ) . These tendencies are linked 
with timidity, narcisensitivity and inferiority feelings. Intraception 
and Narcism are also common in this type of subject. Since there 
is reason to suppose that some children are innately more sus- 
ceptible than others to pain, frustration and belittlement (or 
made so by early illnesses and traumas ), narcisensitivity is prob- 
ably at the core of this syndrome. Such children are generally 
fearful ; they retreat, whimper or sulk with slight provocation ; 
and their mothers discover that they must be treated with unusual 
gentleness. Due to narcisensitivity unpleasant occurrences seem 
to be remembered with more poignancy than pleasant ones and 
this leads to a generalized tendency to inhibit the outgoing posi- 
tive needs. The possibility of innate differences in the ratio of 
inhibitory/excitatory nervous processes, unrelated to sensitivity, 
fear or anxiety, cannot be dismissed ; but until shown to occur it 
is only necessary to conceive of inhibitory predominance arising 
from fear of insupport, danger, rejection, ridicule, punishment 
and so forth. This would be sufficient to explain the character- 
istic caution, hesitation, avoidance of new situations, clinging to 
trusted objects, retraction, shyness and confusion of the introvert. 
A fair proportion of individuals combine syndromes I and II, but 
if large groups are taken the correlation between the two is 
rarely significant ( .03 to .24 ) . 

III. Reserved, inviolate introvert. We have not been able to find 
an adequate formulation for this type : a ' wall ' of diffident re- 
serve that conceals and protects a proud and sensitive soul ( En- 
casement vector). There is no timidity or inferiority apparent 
these have been repressed , but instead there is a resistant bar- 
rier or bristling defence. Such a person keeps his distance, is 
'hard to get to know,' appears self-sufficient, indifferent, some- 
what haughty, or depreciative of others, hides his emotions, re- 


fuses aid and cannot be victimized by praise or affection. We 
have to do here with Inviolacy and Seclusion and the negative 
aspects of Rejection (firm exclusion), Autonomy ( negativistic 
resistance ) and Defendance ( self -concealment ) . The last three 
needs intercorrelate consistently ( .38 to .62 ), but the syndrome as 
a whole correlates negatively with syndromes I and II. 

IV. Abstracted, imaginative introvert. It seems that some chil- 
dren are more absorbed than others by their fantasies and reflec- 
tions. Such Endocathection may be intensified by social frustra- 
tions and subsequent avoidances or by long periods of solitude, 
but imaginative and intellectual power should also be taken into 
account. For the mere fact of having * brains ' will often incline 
a boy towards reading, reflection and creative thought, all of 
which require solitude, inwardness and some diminution of social 
activity. With this in mind, it is entirely understandable that Jung 
originally connected introversion with thinking and extraversion 
with feeling. Anyhow, there seems to be no basis for denying that 
intellectual activity, particularly if it is creative, generally leads 
to introverted modes of living. Endocathection correlates highly 
with n Understanding ( .70 ) and both of these variables correlate 
with syndrome II ( .26 to .56 ) . 

V. Contracted, perseverating introvert. The variables Sameness, 
Order and Retention (vide p. 80) usually intercorrelate posi- 
tively ( .00 to .50 ). To these may be added * cognitive persevera- 
tion,' a variable which we once employed but later dropped. 
These define a fairly clear type, marked by : limitation of the 
field of activity ; focalized and enduring attachments ; persistent 
cogitations and obsessive broodings ; attentiveness to order, neat- 
ness, cleanliness and precise detail ; secretiveness ; resistance to 
change, to interruptions or to demands for haste. The syndrome 
correlates variably with syndrome I ( .09 to .73 ) and variably 
with syndrome III ( .14 to .48). 

In summary, we venture the opinion that, excluding Extracep- 
tion and Intraception, five factors : passivity, avoidant inhibition, 
protective diffidence ( the two latter being due to narcisensitivity ), 
endocathection, and contractive perseveration, may be held ac- 


countable for various aspects of what has been called introversion. 
We should suggest that if extraversion and introversion are used 
as variables they should be treated separately, not considered to 
form a single continuum. For there are some individuals who 
are both more extraverted and more introverted than others. Like 
manic-depressive subjects, they swing from active, social participa- 
tion to periods of solitary, passive reverie. 

Ascendance and Submission 

Though our results indicated that the Allports' A-S Reaction 
Study L was the most reliable of the dozen-odd paper and pencil 
questionnaires which were used at one time or another in our ex- 
plorations, we did not adopt the traits c ascendance' and 'sub- 
mission/ because, as defined by the test, each of them is analysable 
into three or more of our own variables. Ascendance, for example, 
breaks up into Dominance ( leading and guiding groups ), Ag- 
gression (expressing irritation when annoyed or frustrated) ; 
Exhibition (showing of! in public) ; and Submission may be 
analysed into Infavoidance, Blamavoidance, Seclusion and Abase- 
ment. It might be possible, I think, to unify each of these two 
groups of diverse behavioural trends if one could find the two 
proper, contrasting underlying factors. I suggest that self-confi- 
dence ( superiority feelings ) and self-distrust ( inferiority feel- 
ings ) would serve to unite in a psychologically intelligible manner 
all the reactions under ascendance and submission respectively. 
The fact that several of the responses that are used as indices of 
ascendance are examples of adolescent bumptiousness or crusty 
ill-humour rather than veritable ' ascendance,' leads one to suspect 
that among those who get high scores on this test there would be 
many individuals whose self-assurance was a not-too-convincing 
mask for repressed inferiority feelings, as well as those whose con- 
fidence was built on a basic sense of security and solid achievement. 

i. AIIport,G.W. and F.H. 'The A-S Reaction Study/ described in the J. Abn. 
& Soc. Psychol.,192%,23, 118-136. 

Chapter IV 


THE relations between variables ( hierarchical order, fusions, sub- 
sidiations, contrafactions, conflicts, inhibition of one need by an- 
other, as well as what Allport and Vernon l have termed the ' con- 
gruence ' of traits ) are as important as the variables themselves. 
But one can hardly describe relationships without a preliminary 
identification of the variables that are related. Hence, leaving aside 
the possibility that by one act of intuition a subject may be apper- 
ceived as a unified whole, that without any intervening process 
of analysis he may be immediately ' recognized ' as one recog- 
nizes a square leaving this unproved supposition aside, it may be 
said that in its first stages the diagnosis of personality consists of 
crudely quantitative estimates of the attributes which successively 
attract attention. 

a. The Diagnosis of Needs 

Some of the variables that constitute our conceptual scheme 
are general traits, not difficult to distinguish. Attributes such as 
reactivity, speed of movement, impulsiveness, emphasis, disco- 
ordination, emotionality, endurance, expansiveness, are on the 
very face of behaviour. They are its manifest dimensions, and it is 
likely that someday psychologists will have an appropriate battery 
of tests for each of them. But the diagnosis of social acts ( some of 
which are automatic or unconscious ) and the diagnosis of latent 
inhibited tendencies present difficulties that seem insurmountable. 
Besides the characteristics common to all activity which make 
observation and recording unreliable the speed of its progres- 
sion, its complexity, the fact that it is not repeated, etc. 
there are the special characteristics of adaptive behaviour to con- 
fuse and trouble the experimenter. Generally speaking, it is pos- 

i. Allport,G.W. and Vcrnon,P. Studies in Expressive Movement, New York, 1933. 


sible to observe action patterns with a sufficient degree of ac- 
curacy. A subject makes certain movements which a camera can 
register, or he says certain things which a stenographer can record. 
The facts stare the judges in the face and the probability of 
their agreeing among themselves is relatively high. Agreement 
about actones, however, is but a little step towards an understand- 
ing of personality, for actones qua actones are usually of minor 
importance. According to our theory, at least, what the personolo- 
gist has to discover is the need, desire, intention or direction of 
striving within the subject. In short, all but the most superficial 
studies of personality are concerned with motivation. As Allport 
put it : ' The only really significant congruences in personality 
must be sought in the sphere of conation. It is the striving of a 
man which binds together the traits, and which shows how es- 
sentially harmonious they are in their determination of his be- 
haviour.* l 

The question is, how is motivation to be diagnosed by observa- 
tion ? Assuming for the moment that every act is preceded by a 
conscious wish or intention, can we objectively infer the intention 
by listening to a subject's words and watching his movements ? 
It follows from what has been said about trends and effects that 
if a subject is thoroughly capable and unopposed he should suc- 
ceed in achieving an effect that corresponds to his intention. Ob- 
serving the effect one could infer the intention. Unfortunately, 
affairs do not usually progress in this clear-cut fashion. There are 
many complicating factors that disturb a simple intention-effect 
relation. In the first place, an intention is not usually realized in 
social life, due to opposition, interruption, internal conflict or the 
subject's inability. And even when the effect is realized it may be 
even harder to detect than the intention of the subject, since very 
often the effect of a successful social act is a change of state within 
another human being : the arousal of interest, mirth, pleasure, ir- 
ritation, friendliness, sympathy. Thus again we are confronted by 
the problem of something that is ' inner.' Furthermore, it is not 

i. Allport,G.W. 'The study of personality by the intuitive method. 1 J. Abn. & 
Soc. Psychol., 1 929,24, 14-27. 


the effect actually achieved that we primarily want to know about 
(it might have been a mistake, a chance result). We want to 
know the need, the intended effect. 

If sometimes no effect is produced and at other times the effect 
is inappreciable or equivocal, it might be concluded that the E 
should focus on the actones of the S and from them guess the 
effect intended, but this too is difficult. Great differences of in- 
tention may be expressed by the slightest modifications of tone 
and gesture. An operational definition of a need in terms of ac- 
tones is out of the question. The actones change from culture to 
culture, from week to week. There are fashions in speech, new 
words are invented and meanings are modified. The culture may 
even determine specific gestures for the expression of emotion and 

We have been speaking as if needs were conscious intentions, 
in which case we might solve our problem by getting the subject 
to state his desire. We might ask : what are you trying to do ? 
Here, however, we are confronted by more problems ; for the S 
is often unconscious of his motives or, if conscious, is unwilling 
to reveal them. The S may have a host of secondary conflicting 
motives. He may want to show himself in the best light, to be 
consistent, to exhibit independence, to be different, to give the 
normal response, to mislead or please the E, to amuse himself, and 
so forth. Then there are the fusions and subsidiations to compli- 
cate matters. An action that is commonly employed in the service 
of one need may be used in the service of an opposed need. For 
example : ( i ) damning with faint praise, ( 2 ) telling a nega- 
tivistic child to do the opposite of what you want it to do, ( 3 ) 
separation to increase another's love, (4) making a boy pay a 
debt ( to you ) in order that he may preserve his self-respect. 

One could write a volume on the difficulties of judging motives 
which might be bewildering enough to drive a rational man out 
of personology, or, if not this, to persuade him that only the 
simplest reflexes can be brought into the realm of science. It 
seems to me, however, that matters are not so hopeless as they 
appear on the surface. Man has powers beyond mere perception 


and rational inferences. He has feelings and emotions which can 
be trusted to aid him in understanding others. Although little 
is known about the processes involved, it is clear that in every- 
day life there is more understanding than misunderstanding. 
If this were not so, human relations would be chaotic and un- 

Up to the present, no one has succeeded, so far as I know, in 
giving an adequate account of the intuitive process when applied 
to the understanding of human behaviour. We have reason to 
believe that it involves a rather special ability which is not equally 
distributed in the population. The ability seems to depend on 
factors that are innate and factors that are acquired through per- 
sonal experience and constant exercise. Novelists and dramatists 
are proverbially ' uncanny ' in their ability to see behind the face - 
of things, whereas most physical scientists are below the average. 
Is it that the kinds of bits into which events are broken by the 
scientist's objective eye do not reproduce, when recombined, the 
original whole ? Is it that the artist's perceptions follow more 
closely the true trend of action ? The temperament and training 
of a scientist lead him to rely on analytical perception and rational 
induction and to repress emotion and feeling ; and I suspect that 
it is just this repression, when it becomes automatic, that so dimin- 
ishes his ability to apperceive psychological events. If this is cor- 
rect, the psychologist would make more progress if, instead of 
adopting the technical attitude found efficient in the physical sci- 
ences, he adopted the one which now gives the best results and 
attempted to perfect and discipline it. My own opinion is that psy- 
chology should begin as the physical sciences did originally 
and as psycho-analysis has done recently with the methods used 
in everyday life. 

In every science we can use only the senses we actually possess, although 
we can increase their exactness and eliminate to some extent their defects. 
Psycho-analysis in contrast to earlier psychological methods has simply 
refined and systematized the everyday methods used to understand other 
persons' mental situations. 1 
i. Alexander,?. Lectures to the Harvey Society. 1930-31. 


It seems that personological diagnosis is an apperceptive proc- 
ess which does not proceed consciously by logical steps. Adams * 
is perhaps correct in saying that it is an inference based on the 
assumption that a person who moves and speaks in a certain 
way must be experiencing subjectively what we experience when 
we behave in that way. It is certainly true that it is hard to under- 
stand behaviour that does not resemble anything we have ever 
done ourselves or felt like doing. But the assumption and inference 
which Adams refers to must be unconscious, since in most cases 
the interpretation is given to us directly. Moreover, it seems to 
be accompanied by a sensitive feeling process which, like a reso- 
nator, is set off by the gestures and words of the subject. The 
name for this process is ' empathy,' an involuntary occurrence 
whereby an observer experiences the feelings or emotions which 
in his personality are associated i, with the situation in which 
the subject is placed or 2, with the forms of behaviour that the 
subject exhibits. It does not seem possible to account for correct 
interpretation on the basis of sensory experience alone, as Kohler 2 
does, since two people may give the same report of a perceived 
event ( the objective signs ) and yet differ markedly in their inter- 
pretations of it. 

The complement of empathy is projection. We feel something 
( by empathy ) and we imagine that the other person feels the 
same ( projection ). This seems to be the initial phase of all intu- 
itive understanding. After repeated experiences we may cease to 
feel recognizable emotions, but we still have a resonating mental 
process that is like an emotion recollected in tranquillity. And, 
with training and experience, we cease to project with conviction. 
Every projection is merely an emotional hypothesis which we 
permit to occur, but which we immediately expose to the criticism 
of objective facts and whatever rational considerations are perti- 
nent. The two phases together might be called * critical empathy.' 
Consciously * putting oneself in the place of another ' or allowing 
the flow of one's thought and feeling to follow his words ( identi- 

1. Adams,D.K. ' The inference of mind.' Psychol. Review, 1928,^5, 235-252. 

2. Kohler, W. Gestalt Psychology, New York, 1929, Chap.y. 


fication ) furthers the empathic process. The results are most re- 
liable, of course, when the experimenter is observing an event 
that falls within his personal experience. 

Then, there is another emotional process ( which so far as I 
know has not been described ) that aids understanding. It is not 
the resonating supplement, but the complement ( reciprocal ) of 
the subject's inner processes. The E sets himself opposite to, rather 
than flowing with, the subject's movements and words, and, 
becoming as open and sensitive as possible, feels how the subject's 
attitude is affecting him ( the E ). In this way he apprehends the 
press ( as it * hits ' him ) . If he feels excluded he imagines Rejec- 
tion in the S ; if he feels that he is being swayed to do something 
he imagines Dominance ; if he feels anxious or irritated he infers 
Aggression, and so forth. Finally, there is the cathexis (rather 
than the press ) of the subject. An E can ask himself : what drive 
is the S evoking in me ? Anger and aggression in the E suggest 
the same in the S ; compassion and tenderness suggest Succorance, 
and so forth. For this I cannot think of a less awkward term than 
* recipathy ' ( reciprocal feeling rather than resonating feeling ) . 
Recipathy seems to be the mode most commonly adopted with 
strangers, whereas empathy is more appropriate for familiar, allied 
objects. Perhaps recipathy is the preferred method of the introvert 
( to whom all men are strangers ) and empathy the habitual mode 
of the extra vert ( as Jung suggests ) . 

It must be obvious that such participating feelings ( empathy 
and recipathy) promote projection and hence distortion. How- 
ever, the distortion is not as great as that which occurs when the 
emotional processes in the E are unconscious and denied. And 
herein lies the fallacy of the mechanized ( over-scientificated ) 
psychologist who believes that he can keep his feelings out of it. 
If he has unresponsive feelings, then well and good. He cannot 
make a sensitive interpretation and he usually knows that he 
cannot and does not attempt it. If, on the other hand, he has a med- 
ley of emotions which he denies or believes have been excluded, 
then, ten to one, they will operate unconsciously to prejudice all 
his observations. Better to make allies than enemies of one's emo- 


tions. To rid oneself of troublesome projections one must become 
aware of them, make allowances for them in judging and by 
constant practice check their sovereignty. To become aware of 
them, introspection and self-analysis are necessary ; and a psycho- 
analysis by a trained practitioner may help. 

What we are advocating here is more time and thought devoted 
to training psychologists in sensitivity and accuracy, and less time, 
if need be, to the perfecting of mechanical instruments. We hold 
no brief for uncontrolled, free-floating intuition. But we do main- 
tain that critical emotional participation ( empathy and recipathy ) 
may be cultivated to advantage and, when corrected by all other 
means at our disposal, is the best instrument that we possess for 
exploring the ' depths ' of personality. 

It is easy to see why so many psychologists have been repelled 
by approaches that rely on apperception. There is no science with- 
out agreement, and to date the results of experiments clearly show 
that interpretations of psychologists do not agree. Everyone has 
read of how, a century ago, the * personal equation ' dilemma arose 
in the field of astronomy. At present, it is the cause of obsessional 
neuroses among psychologists. No one, so far as I know, has 
tested the ability of specialists to judge wishes, desires, intentions 
or drives in human subjects, but there have been experiments in 
judging more * outward* and hence less equivocal attributes, 
namely traits ; and the results have been thoroughly dishearten- 
ing. ( Arlitt, 1 Rugg, 2 Hollingworth, 3 and others. ) 

With the conviction that a science of personology can never be 
reared on ground so unstable as that provided by the concept of 
trait, a number of psychologists have attempted to discover what 
units of behaviour judges could agree about. D.S.Thomas, 4 for 

1. Arlitt.A.H. ' Variability among a group of judges.' Psychol. Bull., 1926,2 3, 

2. Rugg,H. ' Is the rating of human character practicable ? ' J. Educ. Psychol., 
1921,72, 425-438, 485-501; i922,/j, 81-93. 

3. Hollingworth.H.L. Vocational Psychology and Character Analysis, New York : 


4. Thomas,D.S. Some New Techniques for Studying Social Behavior, Child De- 
velopment Monograph No.r, Teachers College, Columbia University, New 
York, 1 929. 


example, set herself the task of devising procedures for observing 
the social behaviour of children which would be as free as pos- 
sible from the 'personal equation/ It became clear that judges 
could not agree about complex behaviour. And though there was 
more agreement when simpler categories ( * hit,' ' point,' ' push,' 
* embrace,' * pull ' ) were selected to guide perception and record- 
ing, even here reliability was disappointingly low. It was only later 
when other still less questionable, though more general, behav- 
ioural units ( contacts with other individuals, contacts with ma- 
terials, no contact with either individuals or materials ) were set 
up that the observational records of different judges were found 
to agree. The results were of * apparently great precision.' l This 
was an achievement in technique which may lead eventually to 
important findings. 

We have been attempting to approach the same goal agree- 
ment about behavioural units from exactly the opposite direc- 
tion. Instead of trying to find something ( no matter what ) about 
which we could agree, we have tried to find ways for coming 
to an agreement about something important. In other words, we 
have been more ashamed of triviality than of disagreement. 

The lack of success in reaching agreement is partly due to the 
neglect of frequent discussion as well as to the vagueness and con- 
fusion of even the best terminology. The problem is essentially 
the same as that which confronts the medical diagnostician. The 
latter observes the physical signs and with the help of a detailed 
subjective report of symptoms infers the nature of the underlying 
condition. This inference is his diagnosis. Agreement is usually 
reached by repeated conferences and re-examinations. We have at- 
tempted to do the same. The facts are recorded and interpretations 
are discussed. But even when agreement has been reached we are 
not inclined to regard the diagnosis as anything but a more or less 
probable conclusion. 

We might have made a better scientific showing if we had 

i. Thomas.D.S., Loomis,A.M., Arrington,R.E. Observational Studies of Social Be- 
havior, Vot.I, Social Behavior Patterns, Institute of Human Relations, Yale 


termed our drives * behaviour mechanisms,' and, stressing the 
objective trends and effects, offered neat operational definitions 
of each. This cannot be done and anyone who attempts to perpe- 
trate such a hoax is willing to do anything for prestige ; or he 
has been woefully misled by a current fad. Motivation is the crux 
of the business and motivation always refers to something within 
the organism. But we must now turn to another aspect of diag- 
nosis : quantitative estimations. 

b. Estimations of the Strength of Needs 

To participate in social life is to make, implicitly or explicitly, 
countless judgements of the character of one's fellow-men. And 
what should now be pointed out is that most of these judgements 
are of the nature of rough measurements of the strength of this 
or that trait. When it is said that a certain person is cautious, it 
means that he is cautious more frequently or more intensely than 
most people. It is not considered unintelligent to ask, ' How cau- 
tious is he ? ' Thus people think quantitatively about many of the 
attributes of personality. Gross errors, misinterpretations and 
exaggerations constantly occur, but, on the whole, experience 
seems to show that even the rough calculations of untrained people 
are worth something. They determine to a large extent what atti- 
tudes are adopted towards objects, and as a general rule these 
attitudes are suitable. 

The question is, ' Can these estimates be made more accurate, 
more reliable, more scientific ? ' Can experimenters agree among 
themselves in respect to such estimates ? The attempt to measure 
the strength of the variables of personality is an endeavour which 
in the minds of some is premature and doomed to failure. A vari- 
able exhibits itself in so many different and incommensurate 
forms and, in each of its appearances, is so differently combined 
with other variables some of which are entirely unknown- 
that only a very naive and uncritical person can suppose that re- 
liable measurements are possible. It is a matter of degree, of 
course. Truly reliable measurements are not possible. But, if, 
as experience shows, the unreliable measurements of everyday 


life are sufficient for adaptation, it is reasonable to suppose that 
by a critical study of the commonly employed indications of quan- 
tity one might learn to make judgements that are consciously con- 
trolled and hence more reliable. 

The basic proposition is that there is no elementary variable 
which is not possessed and manifested, at least occasionally to a 
slight extent, by everyone. In the case of needs, our indefiniteness 
as to what is being measured must be admitted. A psychologist 
cannot, as a chemist can, physically break up a behavioural com- 
pound and measure each of its constituents separately. Even if 
we should assume that a defined variable represents a separable 
process, it must be evident that the intensity or frequency with 
which it is displayed will depend largely upon the strength of 
other operating variables, some of which facilitate and some of 
which oppose it. 

Thus what one measures is always the resultant of numerous 
concatenating influences. Psychology is a long way from its ideal : 
the formulation of events as the interaction of forces of different 
strength. The vision of such a possibility, however, encourages us 
to continue our studies despite the barrenness and artificiality of 
the initial results. 

In judging the strength of needs it is necessary to keep constant 
if possible, or make allowances for, the factors which affect the 
phenomenon measured. Of these the most important are : level 
of diffuse energy, general intelligence, special abilities, degree of 
inhibition, knowledge of the presenting situation. 

Estimations of Manifest Needs 

Since there is reason to believe that every drive is manifest to 
some extent and latent to some extent, it is not strictly correct 
to speak of a ' manifest drive ' and a * latent drive.' Such expres- 
sions, however, are more convenient than their equivalents : ' the 
amount of. drive manifested ' and ' the amount of drive that is 
not manifested.' A drive is manifested when it is embodied ( ob- 
jectified ) in overt behaviour ( physical or verbal ) that seriously 
engages itself with real objects. It is latent ( unmanifested, sub- 


jectified, inhibited, covert or imaginal ) when it does not lead to 
serious overt behaviour, but takes the form of desire, resolutions 
for the future, fantasy, dreaming, play, artistic creation, watching 
or reading about the exhibition of the need in others. For the 
present, we shall confine ourselves to the measurement of what 
is manifest. 

Overt needs, as we have pointed out, exhibit themselves in 
several different ways, of which the most direct are ( i ) an effect 
or^ trend ( series of sub-effects ) and (2)3 simple or complex 
actone. The principal indirect manifestations are these : ( 3 ) ca- 
thection of ( attention to ) objects, ( 4 ) an initiating emotion, 
and ( 5 ) affection : pleasure with the attainment and unpleasure 
with the unattainment of an end situation. These three indirect 
manifestations may occur without overt action, and when they do 
they may be used as indices of a latent, rather than a manifest, 

Needs may be distinguished qualitatively in terms of the kind 
of trend, the kind of actone, the~kmd of object cathected, the 
kind of emotion and the kind of end situation which arouses affect. 
Since a trend ( effect ) cannot be achieved without actones, these 
two aspects of need activity must be considered together. Con- 
sequently, there are four types of reaction and the question before 
us is this : what criteria of quantity are applicable to each type ? 

The generally accepted criteria are four : frequency, duration, 
intensity and readiness. Since each of these may be used in con- 
nection with any one of the four aspects of need activity, we are 
provided at the outset with sixteen measures of need strength. 
A strong drive, for example, would be indicated by any of the 
following occurrences : 

1. A frequently recurrent behavioural trend or emotion ; 

2. Intent staring at an object for a long time ; 

3. Vehement and emphatic speech ; 

4. A readily aroused quick response ; 

5. Dejection that persists for days after frustration. 

The measurement of frequency and duration is a relatively 
simple matter. For the former one has only to count, and for the 


latter one needs only a watch that keeps time. The estimation of 
intensity, however, is another matter. How does intensity mani- 
fest itself ? Our own experience and reflection have led us to 
accept the following measures of the intensity of overt behaviour : 

i. Tempo of action, rapidity of movement or speech, 
ii. Speed of learning, the time it takes the S to learn the method of 

reaching the goal. 

iii. Actonal potency, the effectiveness of the actonc utilized in objecti- 
fying the need. Physical acts, for example, are usually more effective 
than verbal acts, and some physical acts are more extreme or im- 
moderate than others. 

Ex : A graded series for the n Aggression might be : criticism 
given with a smile, a laugh at the O's expense, a mild insult, a 
severe accusation, a violent push, a blow in the face, murder, 
iv. Amount of terminal activity, size or number of objects with which 
the S deals. 

Ex : A hungry man will eat a huge meal, 
v. Strength of action : weight, stress or emphasis of movement or 

vi. Number and magnitude of the obstacles that are overcome to reach 

the end situation, 
vii. Number and strength of the negative needs that arc inhibited. 

Ex : An ambitious man will endure pain and privation to attain 
his end. 

viii. Number and strength of the positive needs that are sacrificed : what 
pleasures an S will forego. 

These eight measures can only be used in connection with ac- 
tones and effects. Together with those mentioned above this gives 
us twenty-three indices of need strength. 

As measures of readiness the following have been utilized : 

i. Speed of response, length cf latent period. 

ii. Strength of press, or Stimulus-value' of the object. Here we have 
to do with different thresholds of response. Other factors being 
equal, the stronger the need the lower the threshold. 

Ex : Some men get excited at the slightest provocation, 
iii. Inappropriateness of the cathected object. If no fitting objects are 


available a man may be aroused by an unsuitable object, one that is 
commonly connected with another need. 

Ex : A hungry man will eat shoe-leather. 

iv. Level of aspiration. The need for Achievement is strong when a S 
selects a difficult goal or unavailable object towards which to direct 
his efforts. 

The first three of these measures are applicable to overt be- 
haviour, attention to objects, emotion and affection. Hence we 
have twelve instead of four indices of readiness, which, combined 
with level of aspiration ( applicable to behaviour alone ), gives us 
a total of thirty-two criteria of need strength. 

All of these more or less valid measures are objectively dis- 
cernible, but they should be taken in conjunction with subjective 
reports. When dealing with honest and insightful subjects the 
latter can be trusted to give reliable clues as to the strength of a 
need. A subject can and usually is willing to tell what O's attracted 
his attention and why, whether he responded more quickly, 
worked faster or harder than usual ; he can measure the intensity 
of his desire and can tell to what degree he was absorbed ; he can 
estimate the difficulty for him of the obstacles encountered, the 
amount of unpleasure endured and pleasure sacrificed ; he knows 
most about his level of aspiration and can often describe in detail 
the qualitative and quantitative aspects of his emotional experi- 
ence ; he can report the amount of pleasure or unpleasure associ- 
ated with the terminal situation ; and, finally, he can tell the E 
how frequently in everyday life he behaves as he did when ob- 
served. Thus, subjective reports are invaluable in checking and 
refining objective results. 

Some of the indices that have been enumerated are hardly dis- 
tinguishable from each other. For example, it may be hard to 
distinguish : mildness of the stimulus from inappropriatcness 
of the stimulus, these from speed of response, speed of response 
from tempo of action, tempo from strength of action, level of 
aspiration from amount of terminal activity, number of obstacles 
overcome from number of negative needs inhibited, duration 
from frequency, and so forth. Some of these indices apply to some 


conditions and not to others ; some are appropriate as measures 
of some needs and not of others. 

It is obvious that each index measures the resultant of a multi- 
plicity of factors, of which the tension of the need is merely one, 
and also that each index is determined by a different set of factors. 
Therefore, there is little reason to suppose that more than a few 
of the indices will intercorrelate positively. For example, it is im- 
probable that the S who responds the quickest will be the one 
who perseveres the longest, that the S who manifests the most 
emotion will be the one who overcomes the most obstacles, that 
the S who is most easily aroused will be the one who inhibits the 
most negative needs. Strictly speaking, each index measures a 
specific combination of factors, and in some instances the tension 
or the need may be of negligible importance relative to the other 

Our practice has been to take into account, if possible, as many 
indices as can be measured and on this basis arrive at some coarse 
rating for the ' lump ' of them. 

This is somewhat facilitated by estimating separately some of 
the general factors that modify each result : Intensity, Endurance, 
Impulsion, Emotionality and so forth. 

Estimations of Latent Needs 

We must now deal with needs which are not objectified in ac- 
tion. That is, we must examine the criteria for measuring the 
strength of tensions which are resisted by other tensions, the latter 
being due in most cases to the activity of negative needs. Since 
it is usually a matter of partial, rather than total, inhibition, an 
inhibited need may display itself for a moment before it is checked. 
The E may then have the opportunity to observe a quick glance 
of the eye, a tremor of the hand, a fleeting gesture, a blanching of 
the face, a slip of the tongue ; which, if he is intuitive, will be 
sufficient to reveal an underlying impulse. 

Completely inhibited needs have no true objectifications. They 
express themselves only as subjectifications ( imaginal processes ) 
and semi-objectifications (make-believe actions). The common 


varieties of subjectification are as follows : ( i ) plans, desires, 
fantasies, free associations, dreams ; ( 2 ) empathic feelings and 
imagery ( identification ) while reading literature, conversing, 
reciting or observing events, contemplating works of art ; ( 3 ) 
verbal or musical expressions of sentiment and emotion ; ( 4 ) pro- 
jections : misperceptions and misapperceptions 5(5) rationaliza- 
tions : the projection of wishes and fears into thinking, and ( 6 ) 
artistic creations. Examples of semi-objectifications are these : 
( i ) play ( of children ) ; ( 2 ) dramatics 5(3) erotic fantasy 
enactions ; and ( 4 ) religious practices. 

The chief differences between an imaginal need and an overt 
need is that the former enjoys in reading, or represents in fantasy, 
in speech or in play what the latter objectifies in serious action. 
Thus, instead of pushing through a difficult enterprise, an S will 
have visions of doing it or read books about others doing it ; or 
instead of injuring an enemy, he will express his dislike of him 
to others or enjoy playing an aggressive role in a play. It should 
be understood, of course, that a need may be partially objectified 
and partially inhibited, that only some forms of the need may be 
repressed. Also, what is imaginal to-day may be objectified to- 
morrow. The term ' imaginal need ' is convenient for the expres- 
sion * the amount of need tension that exhibits itself in thought 
and make-believe action.' 

To recognize the needs that are promoting the course of a 
given series of imaginal processes is difficult, since one is rarely 
certain of the meaning of the images to the subject. If, as often 
happens, an image is merely a substitute or symbol for an un- 
conscious image, the subject cannot be of much assistance to the 
experimenter. Without many hours of free association interpreta- 
tions will be necessarily very hypothetical. 

Most of the criteria of quantity that have been discussed are 
applicable to the measurement of imaginal or inhibited needs, 
since imagined behaviour or make-believe behaviour is not essen- 
tially different from overt behaviour. For example, fantasies may 
vary in respect to their : ( i ) inducibility, ( 2 ) actonal potency, 
( 3 ) level of aspiration, ( 4 ) amount of terminal satisfaction, ( 5 ) 


degree of concentrated absorption ; ( 6 ) number of external in- 
centives rejected or positive needs inhibited, (7) endurance, 
( 8 ) frequency, ( 9 ) accompanying emotion, ( 10 ) accompanying 
pleasure or unpleasure. These indices may also be applied to the 
measurement of trends excited in dreams ; or excited while read- 
ing, observing events or conversing ; or projected into perception, 
apperception or intellection ; or represented by the S in works of 
art. It must be obvious that trends exhibited in play or in religious 
ritual are susceptible to measurement in terms of similar criteria. 
Space forbids the enumeration of every index that may be ap- 
plied in measuring each form of imaginal expression. A com- 
pressed account must suffice. 

Brief Summary of Certain Criteria of Quantity 

i. Frequency, intensity and duration of an imaginal thema. The 
length of time that a fantasy or topic of conversation endures, 
the number of times it recurs, the potency of its content are meas- 
ures of an underlying tension which determines the associations. 
These indices may also be applied to imagery (its vividness), 
word associations, projections and so forth. For example : 

a. Selection of topics of conversation and verbal associations. 
The course of a person's conversation should be noticed : what 
topics ( objects ) are discussed or avoided and what associations 
are made. Or better, the psycho-analytic technique of free asso- 
ciations may be used. Finally, formal tests may be presented 
calling for single word associations or chained associations. The 
stimulus words may be more or less suggestive of certain com- 
plexes. Word completion tests should also be included here. It 
is necessary to estimate the number of times that words depicting 
a certain class of objects occur, the intensity with which they are 
mentioned, the duration of the discussion. 

b. Sentimentive intensity. Expressed sentiments, favourable or 
unfavourable, are indications of the amount of cathexis with which 
objects of a certain class are endowed. Thus if a sentiment can 
be properly interpreted, its intensity and the frequency with which 
it is expressed are measures of the associated imaginal need. 


c. Creative productions. What objects a person constructs, 
draws, models or writes about may be used for interpretation. If 
a subject does not do one of these things of his own accord, he 
may be asked to do it as an exercise or test. He may, for example, 
be asked to write a story on a particular theme or to construct and 
present a play with puppets or dolls. 

2. Speed of response. In word association tests a short reaction 
time suggests uninhibited imaginal need tension. A long reaction 
time, on the other hand, indicates obstruction, and thus an in- 
hibited complex. This has been shown repeatedly in association 

3. Inappropriateness of associations. Here we have to do with 
far-fetched, bizarre or subjectively-determined associations. The 
theory is that when a fantasy or topic of interest is in a highly 
inducible state almost any word, image or picture will bring it 
to mind. To an outsider the association may seem highly irra- 

Ex : i. Jung's researches l in word association demonstrated the com- 
plex-revealing significance of unusual responses, ii. With some people, 
no matter how a conversation may commence, it is sure to be brought into 
the channels of their major interest. ( Here we may recall Uncle Toby 
( Tristram Shandy ) who was wounded while fighting in Flanders and 
could think of nothing else : ' " Sir," replied Dr. Stop, " it would aston- 
ish you to know what improvements we have made of late years in all 
branches of obstetrical knowledge, but particularly in that one single 
point of the safe and expeditious extraction of the foetus which has 
received such lights, that, for my part ( holding up his hands ) I declare 
I wonder how the world has " "I wish," quoth Uncle Toby, " you 
had seen what prodigious armies we had in Flanders." y ) 

4. Multiplicity of forms. The number of different equivalent 
modes by which a need expresses itself is usually taken as a sign 
of its strength. This is similar to the phenomenon of spread or 
irradiation in the cortex. Imaginal needs offer the most striking 

! Jung,C.G. Studies in Word -Association, London.ipiS. 


examples of this process, which exhibits itself as the repetition of 
the same thema in a variety of forms or the spread of associations 
about a central nuclear idea. 

Ex : i. A subject ( Veal ) interprets a certain picture as the representa- 
tion of a man descending into a mine to save some imprisoned miners 
by leading them out of a secret exit ; hearing a piece of music at another 
time he thinks of a man saving the occupants of an overturned coach ; 
later, he says that his favourite story is that of Jean Valjean in Les 
Miserable; carrying the wounded Marius through the great sewer of Paris 
to its exit into the Seine, ii. A subject ( Virt ) says of one picture that it 
is a man who has just failed to save his sweetheart from drowning ; of 
another, that it is a woman who has been separated from her lover and 
is about to die ; of another, that it is a man who is prevented from rescu- 
ing his wife from a burning building. 

5. Protective distortion. A strong need is apt to perceive and 
apperceive what it ' wants/ or, in the case of a negative need, 
what it ' fears ' ; that is, an S under the influence of a drive has 
a tendency to ' project ' into surrounding objects some of the 
imagery associated with the drive that is operating. The measure 
is the amount of distortion, that is, how much the O is changed. 

Projection commonly occurs without overt action. It may be 
experimentally induced and the press of the projected imagery 
may be used as an index of imaginal or inhibited need tension. 
Here it is necessary to estimate the frequency with which objects 
of a certain class recur as well as their vividness and potency. 

a. Perceptive 'projections. Illusions that occur under natural condi- 
tions may be noted. Or, the senses may be stimulated by various ambiguous 
presentations ( ink-blots, pictures presented very rapidly with a tachisto- 
scope, music, indefinite vocal sounds, complex odours, etc. ) and the sub- 
ject asked to name the objects, scenes or dramatic occurrences that are 
evoked ( pseudo-projections ). Picture completion tests are also of value. 

b. Apperceptive projections. The interpretations which a person 
makes of the events of everyday life particularly if he ascribes mo- 
tives to other objects may be noted. Formal tests may be devised with 
pictures or written material : apperceptions of motive, thematic apper- 
ceptions, story completions and so forth. 


c. Cognitive projections. Here we refer to the amount of wishful 
thinking. The aphorisms, theories and philosophical principles which a 
person attends to or adopts may be recorded, with special regard to the 
amount of rationalization that occurs. At present, there are no formal 
procedures which bring this factor to the foreground, but it seems that 
proper techniques could easily be devised. 

6. Level of aspiration. A high level exhibited in fantasy is an 
index of a high Ego Ideal (n Achievement in imaginal form). 

Ex : ' I think I'm in hell, thought Eugene, and they say I stink because 
I have not had a bath. Me ! Me ! Bruce-Eugene, the Scourge of the 
Greasers, and the greatest fullback Yale ever had ! Marshal Gant, the 
saviour of his country ! Ace Gant, the hawk of the sky, the man who 
brought Richthofen down ! Senator Gant, Governor Gant, President 
Gant, the restorer and uniter of a broken nation, retiring quietly to pri- 
v atc life in spite of the weeping protest of one hundred million people, 
until, like Arthur of Barbarossa, he shall hear again the drums of need 
and peril. 

1 Jesus-of-Nazarcth Gant, mocked, reviled, spat upon, and imprisoned 
for the sins of others, but nobly silent, preferring death rather than cause 
pain to the woman he loves. Gant, the Unknown Soldier, the Martyred 
President, the slain God of Harvest, the Bringer of Good Crops. Duke 
Gant of Westmoreland, Viscount Pondicherry, twelfth Lord Runny- 
mede, who hunts for true love, incognito, in Devon and ripe grain, and 
finds the calico white legs embedded in sweet hay. Yes, George-Gordon- 
Noel-Byron Gant, carrying the pageant of his bleeding heart through 
Europe, and Thomas-Chatterton Gant ( that bright boy ! ), and Fran- 
gois-Villon Gant, and Ahasuerus Gant, and Mithridates Gant, and Ar- 
taxcrxes Gant, and Edward-the-Black-Prince Gant ; Stilicho Gant, and 
Jugurtha Gant, and Vercingetorix Gant, and Czar-Ivan-the-Terrible 
Gant. And Gant, the Olympian Bull ; and Heracles Gant ; and Gant, 
the Seductive Swan ; and Ashtaroth and Azarel Gant, Porteus Gant, 
Anubis and Osiris and Mumbo- Jumbo Gant.' 1 

Quantitative intensity is one of the best indications of the 
strength of an imaginal need. It is a matter of how extravagant, 
dramatic and emotionally charged the words, images or themas 

i. Wo!fe,Thomas. Look Homeward, Angel, pp.59 1-92, quoted by permission of 
the publishers, Charles Scnbner's Sons, New York. 


appear to be. At one extreme we have banal words and stories 
which indicate very little ; at the other, we have unique plots, 
portentous words, nightmarish visions. 

7. Degree of absorption. The importance of a fantasy or of a 
topic of conversation can be roughly estimated in terms of the 
degree of distractibility. Is the subject's attention easily diverted 
and, if diverted, how soon, if at all, will he return once more 
to his former line of thought ? 

8. Degree of affection. The amount of pleasure that accom- 
panies a dream or a fantasy, the zest with which a topic of con- 
versation is pursued, the thrill of excitement attending creative 
work are all indicative of underlying tension. Likewise, one com- 
monly finds that certain images and ideas evoke a marked degree 
of revulsion. To discover what objects are associated with pleasure 
and unpleasure an S may be asked to rate a series of words ac- 
cording to the affect which they evoke. 

c. An Experiment in Judging Personalities 1 

In our experiments the variables were marked on a o ( zero ) to 
5 ( five ) scale. Each rating referred to a section of the normal 
frequency curve, as shown in the figure. 

It will be noted that the divisions between scores are erected 
at even sigma units from the mean. Thus, for each variable the 
standard of comparison was the normal distribution of that vari- 
able in the entire college population ( as roughly held in mind 
by each E). This was the first of many sources of error : the 
different conceptions of the normal distribution of each variable. 
If 10,000 instead of 28 college men had been examined we should 
have found the marks were distributed about as follows : o and 5 
each, 2% ; i and 4 each, 13.5% ; 2 and 3 each, 34%. 

This scale was admirably suited to our purposes. It was possible, 
for example, in order to facilitate certain calculations, to divide 
subjects into two groups : those in whom a variable was below 

i. Much of what follows is quoted, by permission of the editor, from an article 
by the authors ( Wolf,R. and Murray,H.A., ' An experiment in judging person- 
alities.' J. of Psychol., 1936,5, 345-365 ) 


the mean ( o, i and 2 ) and those in whom it was above ( 3, 4 or 
5). For other purposes it was more convenient to make three 
groups : low ( o or i ), average ( 2 or 3 ) and high ( 4 or 5 ). 

Each score ( for a single subject on a single variable ) was a 
composite of frequency, duration and intensity. What each ex- 
aminer had to decide was whether the S displayed the given vari- 
able more frequently and intensely or less frequently and intensely 
than the average ( mean ) man of his age and status ; and to 
what extent. An S who displayed mild chronic irritability might 

Meanings of Ratings (0/05) 

get the same score on manifest Aggression as one who flew into 
a rage occasionally. A more refined method of marking might 
have taken account of such differences, but we relied on other 
variables, Emotionality, Impulsion, Change etc., to represent them. 
In the beginning we put needs that had an opposite direction 
on a single continuum (Aggression Abasement, Affiliation 
Rejection, Autonomy Deference etc.). This proved to be a 
mistake, and although we continued the practice with certain 
other variables (Impulsion Deliberation, Conjunctivity Dis- 
junctivity, Intraception Extraception etc.) we do not propose 
to do it in the future. This also applies to most rating scales and 
questionnaires ( Extraversion Introversion, Ascendance Sub- 
mission etc. ), for it is not at all uncommon to find individuals 
who manifest opposite impulses to an extreme degree ( cf. manic- 
depressive cases, sado-masochistic conflicts etc.). If in such a case 
one averages the marks ( found at both ends of the continuum ) 
the final score will put the individual near the mid-line, just 
where he never is. A rating should never obscure an ambitendency. 


The Problem of the Reliability of Estimates 

To list the subjective and objective indices of drive strength 
is one thing ; to use them efficiently in practice is another. We 
have repeatedly called attention to the difficulty of perceiving and 
retaining enough of what a subject does and says to provide a 
basis for rational interpretation. In an interview things happen 
very rapidly and there is much that perishes unrecorded. Judge- 
ments can certainly be made, but the question is, do the judge- 
ments of different experimenters agree ? If they do not, there is 
something wrong : the phenomena are too complex to measure, 
the variables are ill-defined, the indices of strength are inadequate, 
the judges are examining different samples of the life history, the 
judges lack ability, are untrained, or are unfamiliar with the 
scheme of concepts. Are there suitable criteria, we should like 
to ask, by which one can measure the validity of judgements ? 
Are there some attributes of personality about which judges can 
agree and others about which they cannot agree ? Should the 
latter be eliminated ? Are there marked differences in the ability 
to make diagnoses of personality ? Can an experimenter be trained 
to make more reliable judgements ? What influence has the per- 
sonality of the E upon his judgements ? 

These are fundamental questions which call for solution, be- 
cause all personological studies involve judgements ( interpreta- 
tions) of observed facts, and if these judgements are unreliable 
everything that follows speculation, statistical analysis, the con- 
struction of hypotheses and laws will be still more unreliable. 

Tentative answers to some of these questions are provided by 
the results obtained in the study of groups III and IV ( 28 sub- 
jects in all ). And the best we can do now is to review them. 

We shall confine ourselves to a study of the ability of judges 
to make reasonably reliable ratings on a zero to five scale. The 
less measurable, though more valuable, ability to see relations or 
to apperceive a personality as a whole will not be examined here. 

The burden of diagnosis fell most heavily on the Diagnostic 
Council of five judges ( A, B, C, D and E, respectively ) who 


worked together for two years. Each S was first seen by this 
Council, sitting as a body, for a 45-minute session, termed * the 
conference,' at which he was asked questions and given certain 
simple tasks to perform. After the conference each judge in- 
dependently marked the S on each of the 40-odd variables. The 
average of the judges' marks on each variable was termed the 
* conference mark.' During the course of the year the Council held 
meetings to hear the reports of subsequent sessions and inde- 
pendently to re-mark each S on the basis of the new evidence. 
Thus, there were several sets of independent ratings which were 
averaged and thoroughly discussed by the Council. These scores 
were supplemented by the ratings of other experimenters. The 
subjects also marked themselves, or, to be more exact, they filled 
out a comprehensive questionnaire of 600 items which was de- 
signed to cover the manifest variables. At the end of all the ex- 
aminations a five-hour meeting was held on each S, at which all 
the reports and marks were read and discussed and a final mark 
for each variable was decided upon by majority vote. 

Obviously, this procedure afforded many opportunities for in- 
fluence among judges. A judge who was articulate and could 
clearly present the evidence for his opinion frequently persuaded 
other judges to change their markings. This, we believe, is as it 
should be. For, since the prime aim is to find the * true ' mark of 
each S, each E, before he finally makes up his mind, should be 
acquainted with the observations and interpretations of all the 
other judges, some of whom are more competent or have had 
better opportunities to observe than he. The marks agreed upon 
by all judges at the last meeting were called * final marks.' We 
could not think of any method of reaching more reliable estimates 
and so in lieu of anything better these have been accepted as 
standard. As such they provide us with figures with which the 
earlier estimates of individual judges may be profitably compared. 

The present study is principally concerned with the accuracy 
of the judgements that were independently made by the five mem- 
bers of the Council immediately after the initial conference. As- 
suming that the final mark is ' correct ' one may ask : How 


accurate were the independent ratings and how accurate the 
pooled ratings of five experimenters after observing a new subject 
for forty-five minutes ? How well did they agree after observing 
the same event ? Were there marked differences in diagnostic 
ability among the judges ? 

As to relevant facts about the judges, it may be said that they 
were males varying from 30 to 40 years of age, two of whom ( B 
and E ) were physicians, four of whom ( B, C, D and E ) had 
been psycho-analysed. One of them (D) had recently arrived 
from Europe. All of them worked and lunched together for two 
years. Thus, they became acquainted with each other's person- 
ality under natural and informal conditions. 

Indices of Diagnostic Ability 

How can the accuracy of judges' ratings be determined ? The 
usual method is to estimate the amount of agreement among 
judges on the principle that what people agree about is most 
apt to be true. In our studies, however, since we decided each 
final mark by majority vote after prolonged discussion, there 
were no figures for estimating the extent of ultimate agreement. 
To give others some assurance of the reliability of the final marks, 
we can only point to our entire procedure : the four months of 
examination, the number of tests and interviews, the number 
of experimenters, the specially selected and trained Diagnostic 
Council, the frequent markings and discussions. In our own 
minds, confidence was based upon ( a ) the number of unequivo- 
cal facts which supported each rating, ( b ) the psychological 
congruence of each mark with the marks on all other variables, 
and (c) the fact that each final mark was the decision of a 
majority. Since our primary aim was to discover the 'right' 
rating rather than to test the amount of agreement, discussion 
between judges constituted an important part of our procedure. 
We were well aware of the power of suggestion, persuasion 
and 'halo/ but we were convinced that marking by majority 
vote after discussion is more accurate than averaging marks that 
are independently assigned. What we usually found in each case 


was that one of the experimenters had observed some crucially 
important response or was able to give a more plausible ex- 
planation of the facts. If the other experimenters had rated the 
subjects before being told of such facts, on hearing them they 
would have said, 'Oh, if we had known that we would have 
marked the subject differently/ Thus, we followed the time- 
honoured practice of physicians when they assemble to establish 
a diagnosis. 

Although we have no mathematical index of the reliability of 
the final marks, it has been possible to estimate the validity of 
the ratings of the Diagnostic Council after the initial 45-minute 
conference in terms of three indices. 

( a ). Index a : agreement among judges in terms of <r. On 
the assumption that the average of a number of judges' ratings is 
generally more valid than the rating of any one judge that, 
lacking other measures, it is the most reliable measure obtain- 
able , a crude index of the competence of each judge is the 
standard deviation of his ratings from the average ratings for each 
subject on each variable. We could not use Shen's reliability 
coefficient of personal ratings 1 because this function is based 
upon a comparison of the ranks of subjects assigned by different 
judges and according to our procedure the subjects were not 
ranked by each judge ; nor, since such a large proportion of 
subjects were assigned the same mark, could valid rank orders be 
obtained. It seemed worthwhile, however, to calculate the <r 
of each judge on all variables and the average 0* of the five judges. 

The standard deviations of the individual judges will be given 
later. Here, we shall merely record the average <r of the five 
judges. The results on the manifest and on the latent variables 
will be given separately. 

In 1934-35, each judge independently marked the subject im- 
mediately after the conference, but in 1933-34 there was a short 
discussion after the conference before the subject was marked, 
which undoubtedly served to minimize gross differences between 

i. Shen,E. 'The reliability coefficient of personal ratings.' J. Educ. 
/6", 232-236. 


the judges. Thus the techniques in the two years were not com- 
parable and we are unable to determine how much, if any, im- 
provement of diagnostic ability, as measured by better agreement, 
occurred between the first and second year. As might be ex- 
pected, the average standard deviation on the manifest variables 
was lower in 1933-34 ( <r .67, PE .03). In 1934-35 it was <r .80, 
PE .02. In 1933-34 estimations of latent variables were not made, 
but in the following year the average (T on these was .85, PE .02. 
Thus, the disagreement was hardly greater than it was on the 
manifest variables. 

( b ) . Index b : agreement with final ratings in terms of a. Since 
the final marks, we believe, are about as accurate as they could be, 
they may be used as standards with which to compare the con- 
ference marks, and thus another index of the validity of the latter 
may be obtained. As a valid measure of agreement we have used 
the standard deviation between the two sets of marks. When we 
examine this function as calculated for the two years, we are sur- 
prised to find that, despite the benefit to agreement which was 
afforded by the discussion after the conferences in 1933-34, the 
results obtained in the first year were less accurate than those 
obtained in the second. The average standard deviation in the 
first year was 1.13, PE .09, whereas in the second it was .89, 
PE .03. This result may be interpreted as indicating improve- 
ment in the diagnostic ability of the judges from the first to the 
second year. The average standard deviation between conference 
and final marks on the latent variables ( 1934-35 ) was .92, PE 
.06, which suggests that the diagnosis of latent variables is not 
appreciably more difficult than the diagnosis of manifest varia- 

(c). Index c: agreement with final ratings in terms of the 
correlation between ranf( orders of subjects. Assuming again 
that the final ratings are correct, it is possible to estimate the ac- 
curacy of the conference marks by calculating for each variable 
the correlation between the rank order of subjects based on the 
conference marks and the rank order based on the final marks. 
The average of these correlations can be taken as an index of 


the reliability of the judges at the conference. The results are as 
follows : 1933-34, r = +.66 ; in 1934-35, r = +.63. Consider- 
ing the advantages of discussion before marking enjoyed by the 
judges in the first year, this finding also points to an improvement 
in the diagnostic ability of the judges. 

We have considered three indices of the diagnostic ability of 
the Council : ( a ) Index a, agreement among judges at the con- 
ference in terms of <r, (b) Index , agreement between con- 
ference and final marks in terms of 0", and ( c ) Index c, agree- 
ment between conference and final marks in terms of the cor- 
relation between rank orders of subjects. Before considering the 
question of differences in diagnostic ability among judges we 
must report upon other matters. 

Differences in the Measurability of Personality Variables 

At the conference were some variables more accurately meas- 
ured than others ? To find a tentative answer to this question we 
may rank order the variables in terms of agreement as measured 
by the three indices above and compare the results. Here we 
shall consider only the manifest variables. The comparisons may 
be mathematically expressed by coefficients of correlation between 
each pair of rank orders. In Table i the results obtained the 
second year ( 1934-35 ) are placed below the results obtained the 
first year. 

An examination of the table shows that in both years Indices b 
and c were positively correlated, whereas Index a ( based on the 
agreement among judges ) was correlated negatively once with 
Index b and twice with Index c. In other words, agreement about 
a rating at the Conference was, if anything, an index of the in- 
accuracy rather than the accuracy of the assigned mark. For 
example, in the first year the members of the Council agreed 
best in their markings on the variable Affiliation and yet these 
markings were worst in respect to their agreement with final 
ratings. Since, as we have said, the final ratings represent the 
best approximation to the * truth ' of which we were capable, we 
must conclude either (a) that the standard deviation is not a 

2 7 


suitable index of agreement among judges, or/and ( b ) that 
agreement among judges after a 45-minute interview cannot be 
accepted as a measure of reliability. Before we take up this prob- 
lem, however, we must conclude the present topic : differences 
in the measur ability of variables. Since Indices b and c were 
highly correlated in both years, we may accept them as approxi- 
mate measures of the facility with which the different personality 





Index a 

Index b 

Index c 

Index a 

.01, PE .17 
-.23, PE .13 

-.26, PE .16 
-.24, PE .08 

Index b 

.01, PE .17 
-.23, PE .13 

.73, PE .09 
.65, PE .08 

Index c 

-.26, PE .16 
-.24, PE .08 

.73, PE .09 
.65, PE .08 

variables may be diagnosed after a short formal interview. If, 
now, the two rank orders of variables ( as determined by Index b 
and Index c respectively) are combined to form a composite 
rank order, one for 1933-34 and one for 1934-35, and these two 
composite rank orders are correlated, the result is r = +.50, PE 
.13. This positive correlation justifies our combining the two com- 
posite rank orders into a final composite rank, which represents, 
as nearly as we can estimate it, the ranking of variables in terms 
of their measurability or apperceptibility. 

Inspection of this final rank order fails to reveal a single dif- 
ferentiating characteristic which holds for all of them. Examining 
the variables that stand near the bottom of the list, however, we 
notice ( a ) that for some ( Sex, Creativity ) the conference situa- 
tion provided no adequate stimulus, and ( b ) that others ( Succor- 


ance, Deference ) were among the variables that aroused the most 
discussion during the months of experimentation, the ones that 
were most inadequately defined. Examining the variables near the 
top of the list we observe that here the opposite is true, and, further- 
more, that among them are the variables most commonly associ- 
ated with emotion (Anxiety, Emotionality, Impulsion, Aggres- 
sion ) . More than this we cannot say at present. 

The Use of e as an Index of Agreement among Judges 

The results just reported suggest that <7 is not a good measure 
of validity. No doubt, we should have realized this in the begin- 
ning since it is clear that the standard deviation function fails to 
take account of the range and distribution of the marks. To illus- 
trate : if in marking a diverse group of subjects in respect to a 
certain trait the judges tended to give conservative ( average ) 
ratings, the standard deviation would be low but the marks would 
not reflect the differences that existed between subjects. 

These considerations * led us to employ the correlation ratio t\ 
( eta ), the formula for which is : 

in which 

v a = the average variance of the scores about the means of their 

arrays, and 
v = the variance of all scores about the mean of the whole table. 

This formula, however, is not entirely satisfactory, since the 
ratio as it stands is not necessarily zero when no correlation is pres- 
ent. It merely tends towards zero. It is desirable to have a formula 
which will yield a score of i when there is perfect consistency and 

i. We were instructed and guided in our statistical procedures by Dr. Dwight 
Chapman of the Harvard Psychological Laboratory, and we wish to take this 
opportunity to express our great indebtedness ( Chapman, D.W. ' The statistics 
of the method of correct matching*.' Amer. J. PsychoL, 1934,46, 287-298 ). 


a score of o when there is no consistency. Such a formula may be 
obtained by applying Kelley's correction to the correlation ratio. 1 
Kelley's formula for the corrected correlation ratio, (epsilon), 
is as follows : 

(N -!)?-+ I -k 


in which e = the corrected correlation ratio, 

y = the uncorrected correlation ratio, 
N = the population of the whole table, 
and k the number of arrays in the table. 

The value of was calculated for the conference marks ( 1934- 
35 ) on each of the manifest variables. The average correlation ratio 
on all variables was .59. There was one o ( zero ) ratio, but all the 
others were positive between .37 and .84. In order to test the value 
of as a measure of validity the rank order of variables according 
to e was correlated with the rank orders as determined by Index b 
and Index c respectively. The correlation with Index b ( average 
standard deviation between conference and final marks ) was 
r = +.02, PE .15, and the correlation with Index c ( correlation 
of the rank orders of subjects as determined at the conference and 
at the final meeting respectively) was r = +-4^> PE -i- These 
results are better than ( .22, .24 ) those obtained when <r 
was used as an index of agreement between judges, a finding 
which substantiates our rational preference for . Nevertheless, 
the results with ( +.02, +.48 ) are not encouraging enough to 
allow us to say that agreement at the conference is a good index 
of accuracy. For example, one variable ( Radical Sentiments ) 
stands second in the rank order of e's ( epsilons ) but stands fifth 
from the bottom in our final composite rank order of measur- 

i. Kelley,T.L. 'An unbiased correlation measure.' Proc. Nat. Acad. 5'.,i 935,27, 


The Influence of Personality upon Judgements of other Person- 

In order to deterrnine to what extent the marking of the subjects 
was affected by the personalities of the judges it was first necessary 
to obtain estimates of the latter. This was done by having each 
member of the Council mark himself and the other four Es on each 
of the personality variables. The score for each judge on each vari- 
able was obtained by averaging his self-rating with the average 
assigned by the other judges, his estimate of himself being con- 
sidered as reliable as the combined estimates of his four friends. 

By using the standard deviation of the self-ratings from these 
scores as an index, rank orders of self-insight on the manifest and 
latent variables respectively were obtained. Rank orders of ability 
to diagnose the other judges on the manifest and latent variables 
respectively were also obtained, using a as an index. Before ex- 
amining these rank orders, however, let us consider the question : 
do judges that rank high in a certain variable tend to assign high 
marks on that variable to others, and those that rank low tend to 
assign low marks ? Or do the judges that have high scores mark 
low, and those that have low scores mark high ? To put it more 
briefly, is there a prevailing tendency to mark by similarity or to 
mark by contrast ? It is generally supposed that most people project 
themselves into others and mark by similarity. Landis, 1 for ex- 
ample, has reported that tall people tend to overestimate height, 
that fat people tend to overestimate weight and that unstable 
people tend to overestimate instability. In discussing this question 
it will be convenient to use score to apply to a rating of a variable 
of a judge's personality determined by the method described above, 
and to use mar^ to apply to a rating of a variable of a subject's 
personality ( assigned by a single judge ). Thus the solution of the 
present problem calls for a comparison of scores and marks. 

By averaging the marks assigned by each judge to the fifteen 
subjects on each variable it is possible to rank order the judges on 

i. Landis,C. ' Questionnaires and the study of personality.' J. Ncrv. & Ment. Dis., 
1936,83, 125-134. 



each variable according to the average height of their inarms. Each 
of these rank orders may then be compared in turn to the rank 
order of the judges' scores on the same variable. For example, see 
Table 2. 

Examination of the two parts of Table 2 reveals a general tend- 
ency among the judges to mark by contrast on the need for Order. 
The highest marks are assigned by judges D and C who are them- 
selves below average in orderliness, and the lowest ranks are as- 
signed by judges A and E who are above average in orderliness. 


Average mark of 15 subjects 
as assigned by each Judge 

Score of each Judge 

i. Judge D 

2. " C 

3. " B 
4. " A 

5. " E 

3- I 5 


2 -33 


i. Judge A 

2. " E 

3- " B 
4 . " C 
5. " D 



With no other variable, however, was there a clearly exhibited 
tendency to mark either by similarity or by contrast. To determine 
whether the judges exhibited a general tendency that operated to 
a slight extent throughout the series of judgements, the judges who 
stood first and second in the rank order of scores were classed as 
1 high ' in that variable and those who stood fourth and fifth were 
classed as ' low.' The third ( medium ) position was neglected. 
The rank order of assigned mart(s was divided in the same way. 
The results have been tabulated in Table 3. 

The findings indicate that the tendency to mark by contrast was, 
if anything, a little stronger than the tendency to mark by simi- 

Two othef methods of dealing with the data were used, both of 
which indicated the same thing : that a very slight tendency to 
mark by contrast prevailed. On examining the marks given by 
the individual judges, however, it was discovered that only one of 


the judges ( D ) manifested this tendency (17 marks by contrast, 
and only 4 by similarity ) . In the other judges contrast and similar- 
ity were nearly equal in strength. Judge D was a European who 
felt that a few of the subjects were rather strange to him, unlike 
any of his acquaintances. Thus his marking might be accounted 
for by supposing that the personalities of some of the subjects were 
actually different, and were felt by him to be very different from 
his own. 





Judges ranking high gave high marks 
Judges ranking low gave low marks 
Marking by similarity 








Judges ranking low gave high marks 
Judges ranking high gave low marks 
Marking bv contrast 

Our calculations, then, furnished very little evidence of the 
occurrence of projection in any of the five judges when marking 
the fifteen subjects at the conference, a finding which testifies to 
their objectivity. Let us now consider another question. 

Does a judge mark best those who are lil(c himself or those who 
are unlike himself ? The diagnostic success of each E in judging 
each other E was measured in terms of the standard deviation of 
his marks from the scores on each variable. Each score, it will be 
remembered, was obtained by averaging the judge's rating of him- 
self with the average of the ratings assigned by the other four 
judges. A rank order of the accuracy with which each E marked 
each other E was made as follows : 

1. 8 marking D 

2. C " B 
3- A C 
4. B E 

.67 etc. 


There were twenty such combinations. For comparison with this 
rank order every E was paired with every other E and a rank 
order of the ten pairs based on the degree of similarity of its mem- 
bers was constructed. Degree of similarity was estimated by cal- 
culating the standard deviation of the two sets of scores. These data 
may be examined in order to determine whether the most accurate 
marks are assigned by judges who most resemble the person 
judged. The results with the manifest variables may be summa- 
rized as follows : 

A is most like C and judges C best. 

A is least like E and judges E worst. 

B is most like D and judges D best. 

B is least like E but judges C worst. 

C is most like D but judges B best ( D second best ). 

C is least like A and judges A worst. 

D is most like C but judges B best ( C second best ). 

D is least like A but judges E worst ( A second worst ). 

E is most like C and judges C best. 

E is least like A and judges A worst. 

Thus, 6 out of 10 cases support the proposition that a judge is 
most accurate when judging a person who most resembles himself, 
and least accurate when judging a person who is most different. 
In 3 of the remaining 4 cases the deviation from this rule is slight. 

The results with the latent variables are as follows : 

A is most like E but marks D best. 

A is least like B and marks B worst. 

B is most like E but marks C best ( E second best ) . 

B is least like D but marks A worst ( D second worst ) . 

C is most like E and marks E best. 

C is least like D but marks A worst ( D second worst ). 

D is most like A and marks A best. 

D is least like' B but marks E worst. 

E is most like C and marks C best. 

E is least like D and marks D worst. 

Out of 10 cases, 5 give complete support and 3 partial support 
to the principle that judges mark best the subjects who most re- 


semble them and mark worst those who least resemble them. 
In the 20 cases considered there was not a single instance of the 
opposite : that an E judged best the E whom he resembled least or 
judged worst the E whom he resembled most. 

One explanation for this finding might be this : that a man tends 
to project his dominant variables into others and therefore he errs 
least when he judges someone who actually does resemble him. 
This notion, however, is not supported by our previous finding : 
that there was no predominant tendency on the part of these judges 
to mark by similarity. The best explanation seems to be the com- 
mon one : that a man can only understand what he has already ex- 
perienced. One might hazard the statement that without empathy 
a man cannot make an accurate diagnosis and he can best em- 
pathize with those whose responses resemble his own. 

Differences in Diagnostic Ability among the Judges 

As criteria of the diagnostic ability of individual judges we have 
Index a and Index b. Index b (agreement between conference 
marks and final marks ) is a rather good criterion, if we use ' diag- 
nostic ability ' to stand for the ability to give ratings on such vari- 
ables as were used, but Index a ( agreement with other judges at 
the conference ), as we have seen, is a poor index. Nevertheless it 
may be of interest to examine our findings in order to see whether 
there were any consistent differences in deviation among the 

An examination of Table 4 reveals some consistent differences 
in rank. Judge B ranks ist in 70% of the markings ; Judge D ranks 
5th in 70% ; and Judge E is either 3rd or 4th in 80%. Judges C and 
A are less consistent. However, C ranks ist four times and never 
5th ; and A ranks 5th three times and never ist. It has been pointed 
out that the standard deviation is an unreliable index, because, for 
one thing, it does not take account of the spread of a judge's 
ratings. But if we estimate the percentage of 2's and 3*5 assigned 
by each judge on the manifest variables we can get a rough idea of 
the spread of his marks. Assuming that the 28 subjects were a fair 
sample of the college population, the percentage of 2's and 3*5 

2 7 8 


(from i<r to +icr on the normal frequency curve) should 
amount to about 68%. The findings are as follows : C, 62% ; A, 
59% ; B, 54% ; E, 50% ; D, 46%. This result indicates that there 
was no noticeable central tendency and that the average for the 
group would have been somewhat better if the judges had kept the 








R.O. <r 

R.O. <r 

R.O. <r 

R.O. <r 

R.O. ff 







































i. 08 
















i. 08 

































































3- 2 






Ss = marks on subjects ; Js = marks on judges ; Self = marks on self. 

a = Index a (average standard deviation from the mean). 

b = Index b (average standard deviation between conference and final 

Mnf. = manifest variables ; Lt. = latent variables. 

frequency curve in mind. This applies particularly to Judges E 
and D who might have stood higher in the validity rank orders if 
they had marked more conservatively. 

If we take the average results obtained with Index b, our most 
reliable criterion, the rank order of the judges is as follows : B, .76 ; 
A, .92 ; C, i. oo ; E, 1.06 ; D, 1.17. This order agrees with the final 
average rank order except that A is two places lower in the latter. 
This drop in A's rank is due mostly to the extent of his deviations 


in self-ratings, a finding which may perhaps be ascribed to the fact 
that he was the only one of the judges who had not been psycho- 

Each member of the council was required in 1934-35 to predict 
the rank order of subjects on three tests to be administered subse- 
quently ( cf. Hypnotic Test, Level of Aspiration Test, Ethical 
Standards Test ). The average of the three coefficients of correla- 
tion for each judge between the predicted and the actual rank or- 
ders are as follows : B, r = +.34 ; D, r = +.32, E, r = +.31 ; 
A, r = +.22 ; C, r = +.13. Except that D and C have changed 
positions, this rank order, based on objective results, is similar to 
the ability rank order as given above. 

One experiment in matching was attempted, when Judge D 
read the responses given by 5 subjects in a certain test, all remarks 
of a specifically personal character being omitted. The other judges 
were asked to guess what subject had given each production. Judge 
B guessed 3 correctly ( to be expected by chance 9 times in 100 ) ; 
Judge C guessed 2 ( to be expected 25 times in 100 ) ; Judges A and 
E each guessed i (to be expected 63 times in 100). This is ap- 
proximately the same rank order that was obtained above. 

Our findings, then, point to the conclusion that there are some- 
what consistent differences among judges in respect to their ability 
to diagnose traits and predict behaviour. Comparing the experi- 
menters it seems that the following factors are sufficient to account 
for the differences : 

Judge B ( R.O. i ) was older and had had two years' experience work- 
ing with the scheme of variables. 

Judge A ( R.O. 4 ) was the only judge who had not been psycho- 

Judge D ( R.O. 5 ) was a foreigner. He neglected the frequency curve 
and hazarded numerous extreme ratings. 

The differences between judges might have been greater if they 
had not been specially selected because of their proved aptitude 
for this kind of work. 

In 1934-35, to determine whether some of the other somewhat 


less experienced experimenters had greater or less ability than the 
members of the Diagnostic Council, four experimenters, who had 
not had the benefit of observing the subjects at the conference but 
who had seen them for a longer time under other conditions, 
were asked to mark the subjects. The rank order of their average 
standard deviations from the final marks was as follows : H, 1.04 ; 
F, 1.13 ; G, 1.18 ; J, 1.20. The average standard deviation was i.n, 
definitely higher than .89, the figure obtained that year for the 
Diagnostic Council. The top man of the inexperienced group was 
about equal to the bottom man of the Diagnostic Council. This 
finding indicates that diagnostic ability is a function of experience. 

Measurement of Latent Needs 

Since the conference conducted by the Diagnostic Council of- 
fered little opportunity for the expression of latent need4, the 
ratings that were made at that session were hardly more than 
* hunches ' based on quite equivocal cues. Subsequently, however, 
there were several sessions specially designed to evoke images, 
fantasies and dramatic themes. These were examined directly for 
evidences of repressed infantile complexes, until a method was 
developed for dealing with them in a more systematic fashion. 
The present experiments were concluded, however, before we 
completed a scheme which would yield reasonably representative 
indices of the strength of the different needs and press. Neverthe- 
less in the present experiments, the fantasy productions of our 
subjects provided sufficient data for deliberate judgements of the 
prevalence and force of certain underlying tendencies ; and we 
ended by feeling that our estimates of inhibited and unconscious 
needs were hardly further from the mark than were our estimates 
of the manifest needs. 


Nothing has been definitely proved by the findings reported in 
this section. The data are insufficient and the sources of error too 
many. But a few very tentative conclusions may be drawn : 

( i ) . There were rather consistent differences among the mem- 


bers of the council in respect to the validity of their ratings as 
measured by different indices : agreement with other judges, 
agreement with final marks, predictions of behaviour, correct 
matching. It seems that these differences can be accounted for by 
assuming the advantage of ( a ) a thorough acquaintance with the 
exemplifications of each variable, ( b ) experience in rating such 
variables, ( c ) keeping the frequency curve in mind when rating, 
( d ) having been psycho-analysed. Some facts suggest that the 
disadvantage of being different from the subjects in respect to 
nationality ( and perhaps also in respect to sex, age, social status, 
system of values, etc. ) is considerable. 

(2). The value of experience, of having judges who have 
worked together for some time, of establishing a methodological 
convention, is indicated by our findings. Inexperienced judges, for 
example, did not do so well as the members of the council. Also 
the ratings of the council were better the second year than they 
were the first. 

(3). Agreement with other judges at the conferences (ex- 
pressed in terms of a) is a reasonably good index of the diagnostic 
ability of a single judge. But degree of agreement among judges in 
regard to the proper rating of a trait is not a good index of the 
validity of that rating. 

( 4 ) . Kelley's e ( epsilon ) is a better index of the validity of 
judges' ratings than the average standard deviation. 

(5). There was no evidence of a prevailing projective tend- 
ency ( to mark by similarity ) among the judges. 

( 6 ). In marking other judges a judge usually marked best the 
judge who resembled him and marked worst the judge who least 
resembled him. 

( 7 ) . There were rather consistent differences among the varia- 
bles in respect to their measurability. The most readily diagnosed 
variables were those which (a) involved emotion, (b) were 
most readily evoked by the conference situation or ( c ) were best 
defined and understood. 

Chapter V 




THE estimation of separable variables, somewhat along the lines 
described in the last chapter, has seemed to us a necessary prelimi- 
nary to the formulation of a personality. The outcome of the final 
synthesis is a portrayal of the subject as a loose organization of 
complexes (integrates), each of which is a compound of needs 
and modes oriented towards a fusion of press that emanate from 
certain cathected objects (people, institutions, ideologies), the 
complexes being conditioned to one or more cathected fields of 
interest ( for example : athletics, finance, politics, art, etc. ). These 
complexes may be objectified as overt action, may take the form of 
attitudes and verbally expressed opinions ( rationalized senti- 
ments ) or may remain entirely latent. They are to varying degrees 
egocentric and sociocentric. 

Formulations of this sort are, at their best, abstract representa- 
tions of the status quo. They describe how the individual has been 
conducting himself recently, what causes he has been advocating 
or rejecting, what conflicts have been engaging his attention ; and, 
if one is willing to lean on the principle of repetition and consist- 
ency, they offer a basis for predicting the individual's behaviour, if 
certain situations present themselves, in the near future. However, 
in our opinion, personality cannot be completely set forth as an 
integration of complexes at a particular point in time. An apparent 
cross section of this sort is a conception based upon the observation 
of a short temporal segment of the life history, a segment that may 
be less important and less representative than other segments. We 
should like to know, for example, to what extent the observed 
segment is a progression or a regression from previous periods. 
The more points we can obtain on the life curve the better can we 
extrapolate beyond the present. To conceive of personality as an 


historic flow or emergence of events is to be directed to the study of 
past occurrences. Abstract biography is the personality, as far as it 
can be formulated. 

The exploration of the past, however, is dictated not only by 
our interest in the entire sweep ( rather than in a single move- 
ment ) of the life curve, but by a felt necessity to * explain ' what 
we observe. Why a man is habitually afraid of women, why he 
consistently refuses to join any club or association, why he is an 
atheist, why he is passionately fond of duck-shooting and poker, 
why he is affectionate with animals, why he is always very careful 
about his belongings and is scrupulously precise about money 
matters, why he suffers from indigestion, these problems remain 
unresolved until the psychologist pushes his inspection further, 
and further means inward or backward in time. The question, 
* Why ? ' leads to another, ' What ? ' or ' How ? ' the beginning of 
a regress that is halted only by a dearth of facts. 

The * Why ? ' that follows the naming of a reaction system 
evoked by a certain press necessarily leads the psychologist inward 
(into the subject's brain), because he is called upon to explain 
why this individual reacted in one way and that individual re- 
acted in another. As the situation has not changed objectively ( for 
the E), this subject must be different from that; different in 
respect to how he apperceives the situation or different in respect 
to how he reacts to a similar apperception. Now, a vast amount of 
observation and experiment goes to show that a great many dif- 
ferences of personality can be attributed to differences in past 
experience. The press to which an individual has been exposed, 
the nature of the specific objects which have embodied each press, 
the benign objects that have been associated ( in space or time ) 
with the pressive object, the usual or occasionally intense success or 
failure of this or that need or mode, the amount of indirect knowl- 
edge ( correct and incorrect ) that has been accumulated about 
various situations all these factors are capable under proper cir- 
cumstances of modifying the structure of the brain. A subject who 
has repeatedly reacted in a certain fashion is different from one 
who has not. He has a different habit system. A subject who knows 


about certain matters is different from one who does not, and so 
forth. The general theory is that the perception and apperception 
of objects and of configurations of objects leave * traces ' ( a hypo- 
thetical concept), and the activation of needs and actones leaves 
* readinesses ' (a hypothetical concept), and perception-conation 
sequences leave * connections ' (a hypothetical concept). These 
1 traces/ * connections ' and * readinesses ' are rarely fixed. They 
undergo countless modifications as the result of internal and 
external forces. This is theory, but theory that seems necessary if 
one is to explain the facts of what generally has been called * con- 
ditioning.' It is necessary because in the formulation of an event, 
as Lewin has affirmed repeatedly, only factors that are operating at 
the moment can rightfully be included. The past, as experiments 
have shown, will explain some aspects of the present, but since the 
past as such has perished, it must be operating not as such, but in 
the form of a conserved impression ( trace, memory ) that is now 
a part of the organism. If it were possible to examine directly all 
these traces, connections and readinesses in the brain, as well as all 
the contemporaneous physiological happenings, one could name 
every process that was functioning within the organism. Since this 
is not possible, one must hypothesize the internal factors and sub- 
stantiate the hypothesis with facts from the subject's past life. Usu- 
ally one makes several hypotheses, and allows the facts turned up 
by further explorations to determine which one is the most proba- 
ble. When the E finds himself unable to make any hypothesis, he 
must rely upon the biographical data for suggestions. 

It was for these reasons that we resolved to undertake a genetical 
investigation of personality, and once the decision was made, we 
turned inevitably to psycho-analysis for guidance. Of course, we 
availed ourselves of what information could be obtained from 
other sources, but since analysis offers, as far as we know, the 
only conceptual scheme that orders in an intelligible fashion most 
of the phenomena of infancy and childhood, we adopted this 
point of view as a working hypothesis. The underlying concep- 
tion of psycho-analysis calls attention to the impressionability 


of young tissue, the durability of the impressions received, and 
the determining effect of these upon the whole course of develop- 
ment. If this is true and there is sound evidence from biology 
to support it the earliest experiences, though unremembered by 
the subject, may be lastingly important. The psychologist must 
go back to the foetus, certainly not with the expectation of ex- 
plaining everything, but with the hope of exposing some of the 
determinants of many things. 

Psycho-analysis was led to its notion of the importance of in- 
fantile events by comprehensive studies of the recollections of 
adult neurotics. Evidence was accumulated to show that present 
symptomatology could be partially explained by referring to the 
earliest remembered events. But even these memories proved in- 
sufficient, since they did not include, except in rare instances, any- 
thing that had occurred during the first two or three years of life, 
and many of the subject's fantasies and dreams could be made 
psychologically intelligible only by assuming the endurance of 
traces established at that time. Further studies made it plain that 
some of these traces could not, by any chance, represent actual 
occurrences. However, they could conceivably have been engen- 
dered by fantasies, pre-logical imaginings of events. Finally, it 
was noted, first by Jung, 1 that there was much similarity among 
the fantasies of different children, children that were exposed to 
diverse family conditions. Since the environment could not be 
held accountable for the fantasies, it seemed necessary to resort 
to a theory of innate patterns of imagery ( archetypal fantasies ). 
This philogenetic conception of the mind was made credible by 
the discovery that the fantasies of children ( as well as the delu- 
sions of the insane ) resembled nothing so much as the folk tales, 
sagas and religious myths of primitive people. A possible hypothe- 
sis, then, would be this : that a child's imagination is successively 
influenced by unconscious configurating tendencies that were es- 
tablished ( roughly in the same temporal sequence ) during the 
course of man's development throughout the ages. This is the 

i. Jung,C.G. The Psychology of the Unconscious, New York, 1931. 


theory which was proposed by Samuel Butler. The fact that so 
many myths (collective fantasies of former times) are carried 
along by images that so clearly call to mind the objects of infantile 
preoccupation suggests that it is the imaginings of the savage child 
rather than of the savage adult that were primarily responsible. 

It may be supposed, I believe, that every modern child dreams 
his maturating way through these archetypal patterns. The march 
of the endocrines must be influential, as well as external conditions 
and the fortunes of needs : traumata, parental behaviour, gratifi- 
cations, frustrations, and so forth. Due to certain circumstances, 
as yet only vaguely recognized, some of these fantasies ' sticl 
instead of perishing with their fellows in the limbo of the un- 
conscious. They stick in the infant's mind and become connected 
in irrational ways to the objects of his world. Without some ink- 
ling of these weird fantasies, a psychologist will necessarily be at 
a loss to explain many of the less usual reactions of childhood. 
To what extent psycho-analysis has properly distinguished the 
common complexes and fantasies of infancy is uncertain. It is 
conventional, and probably correct, to say that analysts have 
limited themselves to phenomena which have sexual significance. 
If this is the case, one might suppose that they had overlooked 
many important phenomena. This conclusion, however, would 
hardly do justice to the flexibility of the pan-sexual theory. The 
analysts, it now appears, have overlooked very little ; which is 
due to the fact that they find significance in everything, since 
according to their theory, any action or any part of the body, or 
the body as a whole, or any object may become erotized ( asso- 
ciated with pleasurable, erotic-like sensations or feelings). Thus, 
they speak of muscular erotism, erotization of thought, the body 
as phallus, etc. 

Though many psychologists find it impossible to understand or 
to agree with Freudian theory, there is no dispute about what 
should be set down as the important activities of infancy : sleep- 
ing ; breathing ; sucking, biting and ingesting nourishment 
through the mouth ; excretion of urine through the urethra and 
faeces through the anus ; spitting up and vomiting ; retracting 


from painful stimuli ; thumb-sucking and scratching ; crying for 
the mother ; cooing and clinging to the mother ; struggling 
against physical restraint ; raging in a tantrum when frustrated ; 
attempting to co-ordinate and master objects : creeping, walking 
and manipulating ; exploring : touching, peering, smelling ; 
showing-off before admirers, and so forth. Later, one finds other 
activities : acquisition, collection and retention of objects, dreams 
of power expressed in play, destructiveness, assaults upon weaker 
objects (pets and young siblings), fantasied assaults upon 
stronger objects (parents and older siblings), primitive mastur- 
bation, curiosity about birth ( after the arrival of a younger sib- 
ling), sexual fantasies, and a host of avoidances and anxieties : 
fear of falling, of injury, of rejection, of deprivation, of mutila- 
tion, of punishment, and so forth. This list is by no means ex- 
haustive. It is, I suppose, what most people have observed and 
would agree to call outstanding. Nor would there be much argu- 
ment about the fact that the following were important objects in 
the infant's world : parts of his own body, physical supports, what 
he eats and excretes, his mother with certain parts of her body 
( nipple, breast ) specially cathected, his father, other siblings ; 
and later, dangerous situations, injurious objects, possessions, pets 
and playmates. Under mother we may include nurses and other 
older women who play the maternal role, and under father we 
may include older paternal men. Finally, there are the almost uni- 
versal experiences : birth, teething, weaning, learning to walk 
without support, training in toilet habits, rivalry of siblings, the 
special devotion of the parent of opposite sex, interference by the 
parent of the same sex, numerous alarms and accidents and fevers, 
leaving home and entering school ; and, throughout the entire 
course of development : barriers, prohibitions, coercions and 
threats of punishment. 

Out of these objects and events the child, driven by its needs, 
weaves its allegories, its science of life. There are great gaps in its 
knowledge, but the child fills them according to its inveterate 
tendency with whatever images it has at its disposal. Since, accord- 
ing to the evidence at hand, these pre-logical myths considerably 


influence development, it is the function of the ' depth ' psycholo- 
gist to reveal them. To do this he must be acquainted with pre- 
logical and pre-realistical processes : syncretism, juxtaposition, 
animism, symbolization, 1 as well as a large number of typical 
infantile conceptions. 

This * streamlined ' discussion of analytic findings and specula- 
tions leads to the conclusion that the first necessity is an account 
of the common events and fantasies of childhood ordered accord- 
ing to a conceptual scheme that makes them psychologically in- 
telligible. Such a plan should lead to an abstract representation 
of the course of events that has exhibited each personality. It 
should make possible a comparison of cases. Naturally, all such 
schematizations will distort the facts to some extent. But if the 
psychologist attempts to get along without a plan that has an ade- 
quate theoretical foundation his case histories will consist of 
* literary ' accounts of experiences which the reader himself must, 
if he can, fashion for scientific use. If no uniformities or diversi- 
ties are strikingly displayed, no generalizations will be possible. 
Science must overlook a great deal of the rich texture of concrete 
experience in order to put into relief the underlying interactions 
of forces. The relief resembles an X-ray photograph of a living 
man. We perceive none of the familiar features which in every- 
day life attract or repel us, but we see the structure that supports 
these features. The violence that is done to nature by scientific 
abstractions is grossest during the first stages of a discipline, 
marked as they are by the employment of large, all-embracing 
generalizations. Later, the initial, necessarily over-simplified con- 
ceptions become refined by detailed analysis and many previously 
neglected items are thereby distinguished and given place. 

The scheme that we used was based on the theory that was 
outlined in the previous section, the analysis of events into themas : 
needs, press ( cathected objects ) and outcomes. As far as we have 
been able to observe, the behaviour of children exhibits much the 

i. PiagetJ. The Language and Thought of the Child, London, 1926 ; Judgment 
and Reasoning of the Child, London, 1928. 


same themas as does the behaviour of adults, though the modes 
of action and the objects cathected are often strikingly different. 
In our records of the reactions of subjects to the Clinic situation, 
it was possible to neglect the provoking press, since these were rela- 
tively constant for all subjects. But in dealing with the biograph- 
ical material this omission would be disastrous. Here the press are 
of major import. Indeed, it is quite possible to portray a life, as 
some biographers do, as the almost inevitable outcome of the 
impact of external press. 

Since the culture and the more or less acculturated parents are, 
as it were, in operation before the child is born, it seems more 
reasonable to start with this side of the equation, and to consider 
later the different reactions ( drives ) that such conditions com- 
monly evoke in children. It will be convenient, in order to avoid 
endless repetitions, to classify the press and the needs separately. 
This procedure temporarily dislocates the thema ( which sym- 
bolizes the dynamic integrity of an event ) but this can be recon- 
structed later by combining the given press and the given need. 

In view of the multiplicity and complexity of children's fancies 
and the difficulty of understanding such pre-logical compositions 
(primitive regnant processes), it seems advisable to limit our- 
selves to the facts of behaviour, and for the present, to events that 
occurred within the span of normal memory ( after three years of 
age ) . Each category of the scheme will be illustrated by one or 
two samples culled from the autobiographies of our subjects. 
They will be presented as they were offered, without analysis 
or interpretation. 

Classification of Childhood Events 

It is as difficult to diagnose a press as it is to diagnose a need, 
but if the diagnosis cannot be made an event cannot be dynami- 
cally interpreted. Furthermore, the strength of the press should 
be approximately estimated. For it is impossible to judge the 
reactivity of the child without knowing the degree of danger, 


of deprivation, of punishment or of indulgence ( as the case may 
be ) to which he is exposed. A zero ( o ) to five ( 5 ) scale is con- 
venient for these ratings. 

It is possible to distinguish in most cases the trend of the en- 
vironmental force ( physical or social ) quite apart from the re- 
action which it initiates in the child. However, even when this 
objective standpoint is adhered to, each class of press will be felt 
particularly by one who empathizes with the child as some- 
thing that is desirable or undesirable. This is inevitable, because 
every situation that is not inert will have an effect ( actually or 
potentially ) on the subject's well-being ; it will be a * promise ' to 
satisfy or a * threat ' to frustrate a need. A press, by definition, is 
just such a beneficial or harmful process. 

The illustrations of press, having been culled from the auto- 
biographies, are examples of beta press ( apperceptions of the S ) 
rather than alpha press ( judgements of disinterested trained ob- 
servers ). We can only guess in each case to what extent the subject 
is a reliable witness. The beta press, of course, is the determinant 
of behaviour, since if a child believes that a situation signifies a 
certain thing it will be this conception that will operate rather 
than what psychologists believe the situation signifies. This has 
encouraged analysts ( few of whom get reports from parents or 
other more impartial witnesses of their patients' early years ) to 
say that the actual ( alpha ) conditions do not matter. It is the 
child's version that is all important. From a therapeutic standpoint 
this view seems to be sufficiently correct, but it would be of scien- 
tific interest, nevertheless, to know to what extent fantasy and a 
fallacious memory have distorted the facts. In our studies we made 
no attempt, except in a few instances, to get reports from parents. 
Consequently, some of the recorded press may mirror unconscious 
( archetypal ) imagery more closely than they do the objective 

The press of childhood have been classified as follows : 





i. p Family Insupport 

5. p Rejection, Unconcern & 

a. Cultural Discord 
b. Family Discord 

6. p Rival, Competing Con- 

c. Capricious Discipline 
d. Parental Separation 

7. p Birth of Sibling 

e. Absence of Parent: 

8. p Aggression 

a. Maltreatment by Elder 
Elder Female 

f. Parental Illness: Father 

g. Death of Parent: 

b. Maltreatment by Con- 

c. Quarrelsome Contem- 

h. Inferior Parent: Father 

9. Fp Aggression-Dominance, 

i. Dissimilar Parent: 

a. Striking, Physical Pain 
b. Restraint, Confinement 

j. Poverty 
k. Unsettled Home 

10. p Dominance, Coercion & 

2. p Danger or Misfortune 

a. Physical Insupport, 
b. Water 

a. Discipline 
b. Religious Training 

ii. Fp Dominance-Nurturance 

c. Aloneness, Darkness 

d. Inclement Weather, 
e. Fire 

a. Parental Ego Idealism, 
Econ, Vocation 

f. Accident 
g. Animal 

3. p Lack or Loss 

a. of Nourishment 
b. of Possessions 
c. of Companionship 
d. of Variety 

b. Possessive Parent, 

c. Over-solicitous Parent 
Fears: Accident 
Bad Influences 

4. p Retention, Withholding 



12. p Nurturance, Indulgence 

13. p Succorance, Demands for 

14. p Deference, Praise, Recog- 

1 5. p Affiliation, Friendships 

1 6. p Sex 

a. Exposure 

b. Seduction, Homosexual 


c. Parental Intercourse 

1 7. Deception or Betrayal 

Intraorganic Press 

18. p Illness 

a. Prolonged, Frequent 

b. Nervous 

c. Respiratory 

d. Cardiac 

e. Gastro-intestinal 

f. Infantile Paralysis 

g. Convulsions 

19. p Operation 

10. p Inferiority 

a. Physical 

b. Social 

c. Intellectual 

i. p Family Insupport. A basic necessity for physical existence 
is the continued presence of solid support (terra firtna), some- 
thing that is wide and stable on which to lie, stand or walk. Loss 
of support is a press that always arouses fear in an infant and an 
earthquake may cause insanities of fright in adults. For a human 
child a supporting family structure is equally important since the 
satisfaction of all the child's needs depends upon it. First it is the 
mother who gives the child physical support ( embraces it, puts 
it in its cradle, tightly tucks in the enfolding sheets ), who feeds 
and cleans the child at regular intervals. Later, father and siblings 
contribute to the pattern of the child's universe. Family Support 
( Family Insupport o, 1,2) is exemplified by a consistent, stable, 
regular, dependable routine of devoted parental behaviour. Under 
these conditions the child can count on a constant tpmo schedule 
which provides periodic assistance for the gratification of its basic 
needs. No learning is possible in a chaotic world. As Pavlov has 
shown in dogs, ambiguities of meaning lead to neurosis. To supply 
orderly tender devotion the parents must themselves be stable : 


happily united and secure. And to this a relatively solid surround- 
ing culture is conducive. 

Since a lack or loss of support ( p Insupport ) is more arresting 
than its opposite, we have chosen to view the family situation 
from the former standpoint. And under Insupport we have in- 
cluded the chief occurrences which disrupt for the child the same- 
ness, regularity, consistency, or dependability of family life. The 
family's disorganization can often be attributed to disturbing social 
influences : financial panics, political upheavals, confusion and 
war (social insupport), but usually the child experiences these 
only indirectly. The more immediate factors are : periods of 
separation from one or both parents ( involving changes of disci- 
pline), illness of a parent (which incapacitates the nurturant 
object and engenders worry), death of one or both parents, dis- 
cord and quarrels between the members of the family, separation 
or divorce of the parents, irregular and capricious discipline by 
one or both parents, lack of congeniality with father or mother 
and family poverty sufficient to arouse feelings of insecurity in 
the household. The descent of family status should also be listed 
here. Since all children are more or less helpless such deprivations 
of assistance, particularly if they come abruptly and unexpectedly, 
are liable to arouse the anxiety of Succorance (feelings of in- 
support ) . There may be an underlying apperception of p Danger 
with a ready n Harmavoidance, or a fear that the elementary 
positive needs will not be satisfied. In an adventurous child, how- 
ever, one in whom p Support is sometimes apperceived as a barrier, 
the loss of an unnecessary and perhaps restricting object does not 
come as a frustration of the Succorance drive, but as a gratifica- 
tion of the need for Autonomy (free motility). Thus when 
traces of p Insupport appear in the memories of a subject we may 
suppose the following : i, a need for Succorance with fixation 
( dependence ) upon former nurturant objects ( cathexis of the 
past), 2, a need for Harmavoidance with fears directed towards 
open spaces, distances, darkness and strangers ; and possibly, 3, 
a high tendency for Sameness ( contraction of the field of loco- 
motion ) together with a low need for Autonomy against restraint. 


We have found it convenient to distinguish p Rejection (a 
cold, unloving, neglectful parental attitude ) from p Insupport, 
despite the fact that the two are often combined and that p Re- 
jection by itself is apt to provoke feelings of insecurity. For a 
number of reasons, however, the two press should be considered 
separately. For example, one may find orderly stable households 
in which expressions of love are lacking as well as the opposite : 
loving, indulgent parents who provide their children with no 
constant pattern of behaviour and sentiment. The first press of 
Insupport is the expulsion from the womb, the second is weaning 
and the third comes when the child is expected to walk unaided. 
Later, he is pressed to wash, dress and feed himself without assist- 
ance, and subsequently it becomes necessary for him to go greater 
distances alone : to walk to school or do an errand in the village, 
to pass a house where a dog will terrifyingly bark at him, to risk 
an encounter with a gang of toughs, to meet strangers, to go at 
bedtime into a dark room peopled with ghosts, and so forth. Thus, 
'growing-up' involves a graded series of removals of support, 
and if a firm resilient structuration of personality is to result these 
removals should not be too alarming or too abruptly imposed. 

la. f Family Insupport : Cultural Discord. This is the condition 
that exists when the parents practice and teach a culture that is 
different from that of the locality in which they live, or when there 
are differences between the parents in respect to the culture which 
they represent to the child. 

Zill : ( My father ) spoke English with less than the usual accent but 
was not entirely Americanized. . . This has often made me inwardly 
ashamed of him in many not uncommon situations ( Inferior Father ). 

Roas : The meeting of two racial traditions was undoubtedly sur- 
charged with many influences. . . I was christened in the Greek Or- 
thodox Church, but brought up in the Methodist Church. There was a 
strong Quaker influence in my mother's family, and in the Quaker school 
which I attended. My Greek parentage resulted in one inconvenience. 
. . When I came to be of an age when matrimony might be at least 
thought of, my social availability was discounted. 


ib. p Family Insupport : Family Discord. Disagreements and 
quarrels between the parents confuse and shake the balance of a 
child. They make a gap between his feet. He may become emo- 
tionally involved, take one side or the other and have a constant 
feeling of insecurity. 

Abel: During these periods my father was quite quarrelsome, accus- 
ing my mother of infidelities which were without foundation. He always 
carried a cloak of pscu do- jealousy, but yet was outspoken in his admira- 
tion of other women. 

p Family Support : Family Concord. This is the state that pre- 
vails when the father and mother, as well as the children and 
near relatives, are consistently in harmony ; thus offering the child 
a solid structure of goodwill. 

Bulge : My parents were happily married and 1 can recall not one 
instance of an argument or discord of any kind in our home. . . I felt 
secure and utterly at peace in my relations. 

ic. p Family Insupport : Capricious Discipline. When a child 
is exposed to an incalculable and irrational discipline severity 
alternating with indulgence it is hard for him to develop a 
stable character. Conditions provided by very emotional parents 
are classed here. 

Outer : Sometimes she ( mother ) was kind to me, the next moment 

id. p Family Insupport : Parental Separation. Separation or 
divorce of the parents is not uncommon. It usually comes after a 
period of quarrelling. It is apt to divide the child within himself 
and engender a feeling of insecurity. 

Cling : Mother left my father. He was moody and selfish ; she irri- 
table and hot-tempered ... the ties of family had been broken before 
years had strengthened them. It was only long afterward that I regretted 
the absence of full and happy home life. . . I met few people through 
family contacts because of the unsettled nature of my home. 


ic. p Family Insupport : Absence of Parent. One or both parents 
may be away from home a great deal, or the child may be left 
with relatives or be sent away to school. If the parents are divorced 
the child may be deprived of the support of one parent, usually 
the father. 

Akeside : Both my parents were always away from home a great deal 
of the time, and there was very little home life. 

if. p Family Insupport : Parental Illness. One or both of the 
parents may be chronically ill ; a neurosis or psychosis being 
especially disrupting. 

Outer : My mother's mental state gave way and she was sent to an 
asylum with * brain fever.' 

Abel: My mother's naturally fine disposition has been made ragged 
by nervous disorders, real and not affected. She has a heart condition and 
low blood pressure as a result of overwork and worry. 

Vulner : My mother had a nervous breakdown when I was a baby and 
has devoted much time to studying and mastering her nerves. 

ig. p Family Insupport : Death of Parent. The death of a parent 
during a child's impressionable years may disjoint his life. The 
death of the mother is usually more disturbing than the death of 
the father. 

Bulge : My father's death was a terrific blow to my mother from 
which she never recovered. At my mother's death our family was sepa- 

Quick : After the death of my father, of whom I was very fond, I 
had a great depression. It took me a long time to recover. 

Also under this heading may be included dangers which 
threaten the life of a parent. 

Virt : My mother stood the danger of being killed, or if caught, of 
being hanged or maltreated by the soldiers. 

ih. p Family Insupport: Inferior Parent. The father or mother 
may be inferior in one or more respects (physical, economic, 
social, intellectual ) and on this account, be unable to win the 
attachment and respect of the child. The father, for example, may 


be a drunkard or a bankrupt. Perhaps the most important item 
in this category is Caste Inferiority, involving both parents. 

Zeeno : ( My father ) has been content to live happily and although 
his income has been practically nothing for the last three years, he lacks 
the initiative or vigour to attempt anything else. . . His utter indiffer- 
ence to any pleasures outside of his home, and his mental simplicity has 
been a great consternation to me. 

Gay : My father proved to be a social misfit. He took more and more 
to alcohol and we were neglected. We were taught to regard him as an 
erring human who must be brought to give up his evil habits. 

f Family Support: Superior Parent. The child's father or 
mother may be a superior person ( in the world's eyes or in the 
child's ) . The father, for example, may have a powerful physique, 
a magnetic presence, the ability to make money, or a high degree 
of intelligence. He may, in addition, be an important public 
figure. Or the mother may be a superior person in one or more 
respects ; she may play a dominant role in the family. 

Zeeno : My mother is so different. She is a strong, businesslike, proud, 
and independent type of individual. . . She comes from a noble stock 
in her country. . . She is physically fine and possesses much initiative. 
Her desires are only to get along with her family and help us make up 
for my father's financial failings. . . My mother is father also, for she 
directs the discipline, the education, the morals, the work and the gen- 
eral activity of the whole family. 

Irkman : My father had the acumen, the training, and the persever- 
ance to succeed. I always felt he was superior to all other men. 

li. f Family Insupport : Dissimilar Parent. A child may feel 
that he has nothing in common with his parents ( mother and/or 
father ) . He may realize that their interests, sentiments and aims 
are quite different from his own, that they do not understand him 
and cannot share his point of view. In other words he does not 
find his parents congenial. 

Kindle : My mother found that she could not understand my inter- 
ests. Languages and literature meant little to her. Nor could she appre- 
ciate my fascination for the theatre. 


p Family Support : Similar Parent. Some subjects feel that one 
or both parents can share their interests, can understand them and 
sympathize with their enjoyments. 

Krumb : Mother and I were much more understanding of each other. 
I resemble mother. 

ij. p Family Insupport : Poverty. If the family is in straitened 
circumstances, the child will necessarily be deprived of many ad- 
vantages that other children enjoy. Moreover, his parents may 
worry a great deal about money and he may become infected with 
their feeling of insecurity. 

Akeson : My parents have been so concerned with financial difficulties 
that the atmosphere has been unpleasant. 

ik. p Family Insupport : Unsettled Home. Frequent changes 
of environment do not allow the child to familiarize himself with 
any fixed conditions. Friendships are unstable and it may even be 
hard to form regular habits. 

Outer : At two years of age I was taken East. . . At four we moved 
again. . . Previous to moving I spent six months in a Catholic convent. 
. . We moved again, to another part of the city. 

2. p Danger or Misfortune. In this category are included phys- 
ical dangers from natural causes ; not those arising out of the 
neglect or hostility of other people. Thus Physical Insupport is 
classed here, despite its similarity to Human Insupport. Also the 
threats of animals are included, though in many respects they 
resemble and may be confused in the child's mind with the 
intended aggression of human beings. If the event is merely a 
threat of harm we speak of p Danger, but if the individual or his 
property is injured it is designated as p Misfortune. The remem- 
brance and mention of such press suggest a high n Harmavoid- 

2a. p Danger or Misfortune : Physical Insupport : Height. A 
child is exposed to a press of Insupport whenever ( during the 
time that it is learning to walk ) it ventures to toddle alone across 


an open space. Under this heading we may also include : unstable 
ground, an earthquake, an icy slope, a chasm or crevass to jump 
across, a narrow bridge or log across a stream, the edge of a preci- 
pice, all conditions that unbalance the body. A timid person is 
apt to avoid such situations and merely mention that he fears 
heights. Hence, this complex is usually recorded under n Harm- 
avoidance. Falls (from ladders, buildings, overturned vehicles), 
however, are not uncommonly mentioned. 

Asper : When I was one and a half years old I slipped off a table on 
which I was lying into a clothes boiler filled with hot water. 

2b. p Danger or Misfortune : Physical Insupport : Water. Situa- 
tions in which there is danger of falling into water, shipwreck or 
drowning, are grouped under this heading. 

Cling : The tides were very high. . . Bill and I swam a few hun- 
dred yards to a sandbar which the low tide exposed. . . Suddenly . . . 
we turned and saw that the flats were covered for half a mile with water. 
Bill began swimming first, then I began. I lost sight of him. Very soon I 
grew tired and cold. A strong eddy current was carrying us beyond the 
nearest point. A fear seized me ( n Harm ). I shouted for help ( n Sue ). 
For a vivid moment the fear of death caught at my throat. 

2C. p Danger or Misfortune : Aloneness, Darkness. Here we 
group all situations that are strange, weird or desolate, in which a 
child finds himself disoriented or alone, away from the protecting 
presence of an allied object. A child may find himself among 
strangers or lost in a wood. Such events usually involve Human 

Asper : I can remember another isolated incident wherein I was lost. 

2d. p Danger or Misfortune : Inclement Weather. Children may 
be exposed to storms on land, to lightning, to high winds or to 
cold. These are sometimes frightening. 

Cling : I remember one windy day walking to school, that I was afraid 
of the wind as I started to cross ( the street ) and that I clung to a lamp 
post until someone came and took me by the hand ( n Sue : Adherence S 
n Harm ) , 


Vulntr : When I was a year old a lightning bolt struck a church near 
us. The lights went out and the ladies screamed ... all of which 
frightened me terribly. 

2e. f Danger or Misfortune : Fire. Some children are exposed 
to the injuring or demolishing power of fire. More commonly, 
perhaps, they see or hear about a house on fire and weave this 
phenomenon into a fantasy of Insupport. 

Cling : My earliest recollection is of an apartment. . . I remember 
the details very clearly, flames bursting from the third storey window. 

Outer : At three years of age I remember rather distinctly a fire 
which drove us from the house in the middle of the night. 

2f. p Danger or Misfortune : Accident. Here we mostly have in 
mind collisions of vehicles ( automobile accidents and train 
wrecks) as well as injuries resulting from accidental impact 
( other than falls ) ; also the rapid approach of destructive objects. 

Asfer : I can remember the incident of an accident when I was about 
four, when I split open part of my temple perilously near the eye. 

Beech : At the age of six I lost my right hand. I was playing with 
dynamite caps which 1 set off. 

2g. f Danger or Misfortune : Animal. An animal that threaten- 
ingly approaches, pursues, attacks or bites a child falls into this 

Gay : A strange dog came into our yard and bit me. 

3. p Lac^ or Loss. The events in this category border on those 
under p Family Insupport, as it is usually due to the parents' 
poverty or absence that the child does not receive enough nourish- 
ment or toys, or does not meet other children of its own age. For 
the same reason this press is related to the press of Rejection : the 
unloving parent. If the child really wants something that it does 
not get it commonly attributes it to a wilful deprivation on the 
part of one or both parents. Here we are apt to imagine that the 
original frustration was oral : being kept waiting for food, inter- 
ference with thumb-sucking, weaning and so forth. 


33. p Lac\ or Loss : Nourishment. Because of poverty ( p 
Family Insupport ) or illness a child may receive insufficient food 
or drink. He may long remember his hunger or thirst. Also it has 
been supposed that if the mother's milk disagrees with the child 
or if it is insufficient or if the child is allowed to cry for a long 
time before it is fed or if weaning occurs abruptly the child may 
conserve a dim impression of the lack of food. 

Outer : I was brought up on canned milk in infancy as it was too cold 
up there for cows. 

Gay : Our family doctor was very cautious about my diet and prob- 
ably underfed me. 

3b. p Lac\ or Loss : Possessions. A child may be given very 
few toys to play with or its toys may be taken away. The parents 
may use dispossession as a form of punishment ; or the child may 
lose a valued object. Perhaps for the S to apperceive his lack, it 
is necessary that another child in the neighbourhood have more 
or better toys than he. When such episodes are remembered and 
recounted we may suppose that the S has, or once had, a high n 
Acquisition or n Retention. 

Kindle : One of the boys who lived nearby . . . had a train, bigger 
and finer than mine. 

Kast : I remember losing my new straw hat. 

3C. p Lac% or Loss : Companionship. An only child or a child 
brought up in an isolated region (barren environment) may 
suffer from the lack of playmates, or if he has playmates, they 
may leave him. The death or departure of a friend may be felt 
as an irretrievable loss. 

Vulner : I was much alone. 

Kindle : We were very much attached to each other. . . He spent a 
summer in France. . . I was very lonesome. 

The apperception of this lack is supposedly due to the n Affilia- 
tion, which may, however, be inhibited by the n Seclusion or the 
n Infavoidance. 


3d. p Lac1{ or Loss : Variety. Here we group conditions that 
provide little change, gaiety or stimulation. The child is sub- 
jected to a barren home environment. Its activities are restricted 
and life becomes monotonous. This situation borders on the lack 
of possessions and companionship. It is based, supposedly, upon a 
frustration of the need for Play and of the tendency for Change. 

Roon : Outside entertainments occurred only rarely . . . the one 
thing about my early life that I can never forget is the lack of holiday 
joys, particularly Christmas. No great joys, very little gaiety, nor much 
of the holiday spirit. 

4. f Retention. Here have been grouped instances of withhold- 
ing, and dispossession by the parents, parents who give few gifts, 
small allowances, and deprive children of the objects of their 
desire. This category is very similar to p Lack or Loss. It is fre- 
quently merged with p Rejection and occasionally with Fp Ag- 
gression-Dominance ( when punishment takes the form of Dis- 
possession ) . Later it seemed to us that this class was covered by 
p Lack or Loss, combined, as the case might be, with p Rejection 
or Fp Aggression-Dominance. * p Deprivation ' ( including both 
p Retention and p Acquisition ) would be a better term for this 

Roon : We were given but little money to spend as we chose. 

When this press is emphasized we may suppose a n Acquisi- 
tion and perhaps a n Construction or n Retention in the child. 
There may also be an underlying n Succorance. The original 
trauma may be oral frustration. 

5. p Rejection. Here we subsume all instances of lack or loss 
of parental love : the mother or father who does not cherish the 
child but instead disregards, neglects, scorns, repulses or aban- 
dons it. The occurrence of p Rejection among the subject's mem- 
ories naturally suggests n Succorance. The original trauma may 
have been birth ( expulsion from the womb ) or weaning ( frus- 
tration of sucking). This is perhaps the most important of all 
press in the life of a child. In some degree it is universally ex- 
perienced, for if the child is to become self-reliant the parents must 


gradually curb the expressions of their solicitous concern. Other 
events, such as the birth of another child, also conspire to bring 
about, even in the most loving parents, a diminution of displayed 
devotion. This press is closely associated with p Family Insupport 
and p Aggression. It would be possible, though I believe in- 
advisable, to put p Rejection on a single continuum with p Nur- 
turance. A special sub-heading p Social Rejection ( unpopularity 
with one's contemporaries ) may conveniently be added here. 

Outer : My family took no interest in my schooling whatever. 

I received no co-operation whatever from home. 
Kindle : I did not get along very well with children. 

I was never very popular. . . By some I was utterly ignored. They 
didn't know of my existence. 

Akeson : My parents have not made any serious attempts to understand 
my problems. 

Veal : My father's attitude toward us was one of indifference. 

6. p Rival. Under this heading may be classed the provoking 
presence of another person, a parent or sibling, who frustrates the 
child's desire for affection, for acquisition or for recognition. 
Hence, if p Rival is stressed in the subject's memories one sus- 
pects either n Succorance or Fn Achievement-Recognition. 

Gay : My younger brother was liked more than I by all the family. 
Nipp : My brother is my mother's favourite. 

7. f Birth of Sibling. The birth of a sibling when a child is 
between i and 6 years old usually modifies the latter's personality. 
It may arouse the child's curiosity, a desire to investigate and 
probe into things, aggression against the newcomer, or a feeling 
that the mother has been faithless. Strictly speaking this event is 
not in itself a press. It may, however, manifest one or more press : 
p Rival, p Enigma, p Rejection. 

Bulge : I was rather despondent for a while after the birth of Mary 
when I saw I was being neglected for this new stranger in our home. 

8. p Aggression. The various forms of aggression merge into 
one another. There is physical aggression, which involves the use 


of fists and weapons, and verbal aggression, which confines itself 
to criticism, ridicule and blame. There is originative ( unpro- 
voked ) and retaliative aggression ; the retaliations that are so- 
cially allowable or advised are termed punishments (punitive 
aggression ) . Punishments are classed under Fp Agg Dom ( ag- 
gressive dominance ), the usual aim of such measures being to 
educate the child and prevent further misbehaviour. There may, 
indeed, be Nurturance mixed with punitive aggression. If, how- 
ever, the parent becomes unduly angry and the punishment is 
unnecessarily severe ( unjust and cruel ) an additional entry is 
made under p Aggression. 

8a. p Aggression : Maltreatment by Elder. Some children are 
harshly and unjustly treated by adults (father, mother, older 
sibling, relative or nurse ) . This includes severe whipping, pro- 
longed confinement, and all forms of cruelty. Injustices also be- 
long here. 

Maltreatment by Elder Female ( Mother ) 

Zill : . . . what I still consider an unjust punishment. . . This is 
the first start of my feelings on the injustices rendered by school teach- 
ers or any ' bosses.' 

Outer : . . . I was beaten several times by irate nuns. 

She was ready to tear us lo pieces if we made any remark. . . She 
acquired the habit of striking us on the slightest provocation. . . She 
would come home and for no reason at all, beat me. . . I used to re- 
ceive whippings . . . which sometimes made my skin break open and 

Maltreatment by Elder Male ( Father ) 

Earnst : My father was at times a brutal man and inclined, when 
drinking, to be vindictive toward me. . . My father would make fun 
of me, call me unpleasant names, say that I would probably not live the 
year out, that it would be better if I didn't. 

8b. p Aggression : Maltreatment by Contemporaries. Physical 
and verbal aggression may be lumped together in this category. 
The commonest forms are bullying, picking a fight, hazing, 


ridiculing, belittling and teasing. The offenders are playmates or 
neighbourhood toughs. 

Kindle : I was frightened by the threats of the boys of the private 
school to which I was sent. They were going to put me through the paces 
of initiation. 

Frost : I was bullied or ignored until I reached high school. 

Oriol : I suffered from the barbaric joys of young boys. I was ridiculed 
and made the butt of low humour. In a series of posters and cut-out pic- 
tures I was exposed as a helpless baby, etc. 

8c. f Aggression : Quarrelsome Contemporaries. In the life of a 
child there is quite commonly one or more other children ( sib- 
lings or friends ) with whom he occasionally or habitually 
quairels. As contemporaries we may include children who are 
from five years younger to five years older than the S. As it 
takes two to make a quarrel most of the entries in this division 
will also appear under the need for Aggression. Here are to be 
especially listed the events in which the other person provokes 
the quarrel. The purpose of this category is to record the occur- 
rence of many squabbles and arguments with other children 
( especially siblings ) during the years of growth. 

Oak : We had squabbled and argued and even fought at times. 
Abel : My brother and I are getting along better than formerly, though 
we still have the usual squabbles. 

9. Fp Aggression-Dominance. This is a special category re- 
served for punishments and threats of punishment. Punishments 
may vary in frequency and intensity : from mild verbal rebukes 
( o ) to frequent spankings ( 5 ). If no punishments are adminis- 
tered we may suppose that the child is peculiarly co-operative or 
the parents are unusually affiliative and understanding ( domina- 
tion through love). Some parents are slovenly in their discipline 
whereas others are afraid to punish (afraid of losing the love 
of the child ). The commonest forms of punishment are censure 
(verbal reprimand), striking (cuffs and spanking), restraint 
( limitation of action ), coercion ( enforced action ) and disposses- 


sion ( refusing to give what the child expects to get or taking 
away what it has [ forfeit or fine ] ) . 

93. Fp Aggression-Dominance : Striding. Occasional spankings 
or beatings seem to be the rule in early life. Threats of mutilation 
may also be included here. 

Roon : My early, most vivid impressions of ( father ) deal almost 
wholly with reprimands of a very tangible sort. 

Outer : ( My mother ) would come home . . . and beat me. 

Umber : My father threatened to cut off my thumb. 

9b. Fp Aggression-Dominance : Restraint. Confinements or 
limitations of action enforced by the parents are classified here. 

Zill : I begin to remember . . . the first big punishment from the 
teacher, being locked in the storeroom till school closed. 

Outer : . . . taught us to lie on our backs perfectly still for an hour, 
as a punishment. 

Kast : Mother once tied me in a chair in the darkness. 

10. p Dominance. This covers all barriers to free motion and all 
persuasions and coercions to action as well as other modes of 
strong influence. Aggression or Nurturance may accompany these. 
Here are classed the parents who impose a definite system of 
social conduct : responsibilities and prohibitions. The system is 
mostly made up of laws that limit Autonomy, but they may be 
enforced without punishment, by kindly instruction and example. 

loa. p Dominance : Discipline. This press is measured in terms 
of : height of imposed ethical standard, definiteness and rigidity, 
consistency of application. 

Roon : By rigid family training ( my sister and I ) learned at a very 
early age just what we could do and what we could not ... we lacked 
the freedom that other children our age enjoyed. 

Kindle : Dancing, smoking, card-playing, and above all, drinking, was 
absolutely prohibited. 

Mauve : Together by force, example and teachings my parents have 
inculcated into me a moral code almost inhibitory in its strictness. 

lob. p Dominance : Religious Training. Here we have to do 
with the parents' inculcation, by act or precept, of religious ideals. 


Kindle : Both my father and mother were brought up under the strict- 
est of Puritanical households. For many generations the family has been 
Baptist, of the so-called ' hard-shelled ' variety. . . I received the moral 
and religious instruction which my elders themselves had. Church and 
Sunday School in the Baptist Church which my mother's ancestors had 
helped to found. 

Outer : God was in every room in the house, the housekeeper said. If 
you fell and hurt your thumb, it was punishment by the hand of God 
for something you had done recently. I had fear of God instilled deeply 
into me. 

Bulge : I was trained to lead a clean, wholesome, honest life, to fear 
and love God, and to realize that this life is only a place of preparation 
for the eternity to come. 

ii. Fp Dominance-Nurturance. This is the fusion that occurs 
in most parents : the attempt to guide the child benevolently along 
the path of adaptation. Sometimes a parent, perhaps as a counter- 
action to his ( or her ) own frustrations in life, attempts to impose 
his ( or her ) unrealized ideal. Sometimes a parent, starving per- 
haps for affection, attempts to cling to the child. Sometimes a 
parent is of a worrying sort and for his or her own peace limits 
the activity of the child. 

1 1 a. Fp Dominance-Nurturance : Parental Ego Idealism. Under 
this heading may be classed the attempts of a parent to influence a 
child by suggestion and persuasion towards a certain goal of high 
achievement. The influence may come through the mother or the 
father. Often it is the case of a parent who hopes that the child 
will attain heights that he or she ( the parent ) failed to attain. 
Thus a child may be impelled to accept a very high Ego Ideal. 
Common forms of achievement urged upon children are physical, 
economic, vocational, caste, intellectual, aesthetic. 

Zora : My mother was brought up in a deep faith in aristocratic tra- 
dition, but joined to that, a certain romantic idealism which has largely 
worked with the other influence to mould her own life and the lives of 
her children ( Caste, Religious ) . 

A Iff I : My father always instilled into me a desire to go to Harvard 


Akeside : My father would have liked to see me take up law and fol- 
low in his footsteps ( Vocational ). 

nb. Ff Dominancc-Nurturance : Possessive Parent. Here are 
classed the parents who are tenacious of their child's affection and 
jealous of his playmates and, later, of those upon whom he bestows 
his love. 

Outer : She would always look at me strangely, as if she resented my 
having grown up out from under her eyes. 

Mauve : Mother preferred that I read to going out and getting dirty 
playing with other boys. 

nc. Ff Dominance-Nurturance : Over-solicitous Parent. The 
anxiety of some parents about the well-being of their child leads 
them to limit his activity and thus perhaps impede the growth 
of his independence. The chief parental fears are those having 
to do with : physical injury, sickness and bad influences. 

Zill : My mother was timid and nervous about me. And I think this 
had much to do with the subordinate position I had when I was with the 

Kindle : My parents, mother in particular, were overanxious about 
me. They nagged me about doing this and not doing that, and about 
taking care of myself. All this made me very impatient. I wanted to be 
left alone to take care of myself. 

12. p Nurturance. Here are classed examples of cherishing 
parental affection, leniency, sympathy, generous bestowals ( gifts ) 
and encouragement ( acclairrjance ) . The extreme of this is ' spoil- 
ing' a child. Lack of discipline is classed under p Dominance 
and assigned a low mark ( o or i ). 

Asfer : Through some miraculous method Mother has kept me onto 
an essentially better existence by giving me almost complete freedom in 
my every act. I can always speak my mind and be understood. When she 
does not comprehend my peculiar reactions to things, she maintains a 
sympathetic silence. 

Bulge : It was my mother who caressed my bruises and made them all 
well. She comforted my fears and made me feel ashamed of them, and 
who saved me from many a spanking which I justly deserved. 


Vale : I received more attention as a baby than was good for me. . . 
I was somewhat pampered. . . My parents were affectionate and indul- 

Quick : My mother is never cross or irritable and always loving and 
affectionate. If she has any fault it is that she is too lenient, for I have 
always considered myself spoilt in this respect. She has always given me 
whatever I desired. 

This press may be taken as the antipole of p Rejection and 
p Aggression. It may, however, be exhibited to an extreme extent 
as a contrafaction to these press. 

13. p Succorance. Some mothers attempt to control their chil- 
dren by playing upon their tenderness and chivalry with tears, 
illnesses and recitals of their sacrifices. They make bids for recog- 
nition, gratitude, devotion. 

Cling : Mother sometimes cried when she was tired or if we acted 
thoughtlessly. . . ( The fights with my brother ) made my mother very 

Outer : ( My mother ) used to insist on having me repeat over and 
over again that she was my sweetheart and that when I grew up I would 
buy her a Pierce Arrow and protect her in other ways. 

14. p Deference. A child may be given a great deal of recog- 
nition and praise by his parents or he may enjoy the obedient 
respect of a younger sibling or of his contemporaries. He may be 
an acknowledged leader, be elected captain of a team, receive 
prizes and honours. A girl may likewise be commended by her 
elders, achieve distinction and be greatly admired ( p Deference, 

Zeeno : In grammar school I was captain. . . I recollect that I was 
always the idol of other less strong boys in my class. 

Kindle : My education and experiences, far broader than ( my sis- 
ter's ), have made me feel superior to her. She mildly worships me. 

Mauve : I was admired and envied when in school because of my lack 
of study troubles and also because of my enigmatic self. 

15. p Affiliation. Companionships with congenial children 
children who like and respect the subject are grouped in this 


category. Since it takes two to make a friendship, items of this 
class are also entered under n Affiliation. Here should be especially 
included examples of unsolicited friendly advances. These signify 
that the subject has a cathexis for Affiliation. 

Zora : I find most people of a friendly disposition towards me. 

Kast : I made rapid strides socially. I discovered people liked me. I be- 
came increasingly popular. 

Roll : I travelled with a gang. . . I have never had any trouble mak- 
ing friends with both sexes. 

Roon : I always had many playmates. . . I was quite popular. 

1 6. f Sex. Here may be classed early introductions to sexual 
facts and erotic practices, such as exposure of the genitals by mem- 
bers of the opposite sex or some variety of physical contact. The 
perception of the sexual activity of others may also be included 

i6a. p Sex : Exposure. Here may be subsumed situations in 
which a parent or child of the opposite sex exposes his or her 
naked body. This may shock the child and arouse anxiety or it 
may take the form of p Enigma. 

7MI : About the age of ten I first discovered about the female organs 
in some of the * house ' or hospital games we played with the girls. I 
think these discoveries came before I had any curiosity on the matter. 

Cling : A little girl said she would undress if I would. We did. I 
looked, she looked. But, my curiosity satisfied, I was bored and thought 
her a pretty nasty little girl. 

i6b. p Sex : Seduction : Homosexual. This describes an active 
sexual advance made by a member of the same sex. 

Cling : There was an older boy in the room next to ours. At night 
when the younger boys were going to bed he used to sit on their beds and 
slipping his hand underneath the covers play with them. He did this 
once to me. 

Roll : A boy performed masturbation on me. 

i6c. p Sex : Seduction : Heterosexual. Here are grouped early 
introductions to sexual practice by members of the opposite sex. 


Roll : When I was nine, a girl of about sixteen initiated us into the 
mysteries of sexual intercourse. 

i6d. p Sex : Parental Intercourse. Some children overhear or 
witness the sexual activities of their parents, but it seems that 
most of them forget the event. Its occurrence, however, may be 
suspected when it is known that the child slept in his parents' 

No memories of this kind were recorded in the autobiographies 
of our subjects. 

17. f Deception or Betrayal. Some elders deceive a child by 
concealing facts or telling lies ; or disappoint him by betraying 
his affection or not fulfilling promises that they make. As a re- 
sult the child may become unduly skeptical or cynical, -a dis- 
believer in the honesty and good intentions of others. 

Intraorganic Press 

It is convenient to include among the press the bodily and 
intellectual disabilities and ineptitudes against which the will of 
the individual must contend. Chief among these are illnesses, 
operations and the various kinds of inferiority. 

18. p Illness. Frequent or prolonged illnesses may readily in- 
crease the n Succorance in a child, since to be cared for in bed 
( spoiled by adults ) re-establishes to a varying degree the in- 
fantile state of dependence. Suffering makes some children fret- 
ful and whiney ( Fn Sue Agg ) and weakens them, so that they 
are less fit to compete physically with their fellows. This engenders 
timidity and inferiority feelings. Narcisensitivity is apt to be high 
in children that have been sick. Lying in bed, however, may 
promote mental activity : Endocathection, Intraception and Pro- 

It is supposed that an illness with a specific pattern of visceral 
effects leaves traces in the brain, which will be integrated with 
whatever fantasies are occurring at the time, whether or not these 
fantasies have been engendered by the illness. It is further sup- 
posed that if later these fantasies recur, one or more of the once- 
concomitant symptoms may be exhibited. There is reason to 


suppose that fantasies are intermediate links between physiological 
processes and conscious attitudes. 
i8a. p Illness : General, Prolonged or Frequent. 

Earnst : As a baby I was constantly ailing, having one childhood dis- 
ease after another, starting with measles at the age of six weeks. During 
the first years of my life there were times when all hope of my living 
was given up. 

i8b. f Illness : Nervous. Morbid anxiety, a neurotic symptom, 
hysteria, a nervous breakdown, as well as an out-and-out psychotic 
episode, may be grouped in this category. 

Chew : . . . nervous breakdown. . . At a dinner party one evening 
I fainted, and was excused. I returned later and fainted again. 

Krumb : In my fifteenth year I suffered a so-called nervous break- 

i8c. f Illness : Respiratory. Whooping cough, bronchitis, pneu- 
monia, and asthma are common afflictions in this group. 

Kindle : I nearly died from whooping cough. This left me with weak 
lungs, bronchial tubes and heart. . . I suffered from asthma. 

Bulge : As a child 1 was very sickly, having a severe attack of bron- 
chitis and convulsions from which I nearly died. 

i8d. p Illness : Cardiac. Congenital disease, valvular insuffi- 
ciency from infection, intermittent tachycardia, and irregular 
nervous heart are among the most frequent occurrences in this 

Kindle : I have a nervous heart. 

Krumb : I lay about the house . . . with tachycardia for three years 

i8e. p Illness : Gastro-intestinaL The gastro-intestinal tract is 
subject to a great variety of disturbances, many of which are 
dependent upon irregularities of autonomic action which, in turn, 
may be engendered by emotional fantasies. Spasms and dilata- 
tions may occur at any one of several points from the mouth to 
the anus. We are familiar, for instance, with pylorospasm and 
Hirschsprung's disease in children. For all ages the commonest 


symptoms are : loss of appetite, nausea, vomiting, colic, diarrhoea 
and constipation. 

A Iff I : It was hard to wean me on account of my stomach which has 
always caused me trouble unless I control' my diet somewhat. 

Krumb : I lay about the house with indigestion. . . I have much 
stomach trouble. 

i8f. p Illness : Infantile Paralysis. This illness commonly pro- 
vokes ( as a reaction to the trauma ) rather marked counteractive 
efforts : strivings to compensate for and rise above the disability. 

Bulge : I also had infantile paralysis. 

i8g. p Illness : Convulsions. There are a variety of causes of 
convulsions in children high temperature, for example, some 
of which may be related to a parasympathetic insulinization of 
the blood. Convulsions naturally suggest temper tantrums, hys- 
teria and epilepsy. 

Bulge : As a child I was very sickly, having a severe attack of bron- 
chitis and convulsions from which I nearly died. 

19. p Operation. Here we have a press from the outside world, 
coming from the surgeon or dentist, together with the incision or 
removal of a part of body ( usually diseased ). Hence, this event 
stands between p Aggression ( subsidiary to p Nurturance ) and 
p Illness ( an intraorganic press ). Common operations in children 
are : circumcision, tonsillectomy and appendectomy. It seems that 
any one of these may be interpreted as a castration ( mutilation 
and dispossession ), a retaliation or punishment for some fantasied 
sexual act. The pulling of a tooth may also be included in this 

Kindle : I remember one especially bad time I had over an ulcerated 
tooth. It had to be pulled and I was frightened to death. 

20. p Inferiority. Anything in the individual that is below the 
average, that provokes unfavourable comment or gives him a 
feeling of impotency or ineptitude is included here. The prin- 
cipal forms are : physical, social, intellectual. Caste inferiority is 
classified under p Insupport : Inferior Parents. 


2oa. p Inferiority : Physical. Smallness of stature, lack of phys- 
ical strength and agility, awkwardness, athletic ineptitude and the 
inability to defend oneself in a fight may be grouped together in 
this category. This may be the consequence of p Illness. When an 
S mentions his inferiorities he usually speaks of inferiority feel- 
ings and infavoidances. 

Earnst : I was too young to get anywhere fighting for myself. 
Vale : I was inclined to be delicate, and was always more or less aware 
that a very little would lay me open to the dread charge of ' sissy.' 

2ob. p Inferiority : Social. General unattractiveness, lack of 
social talent, and the inability to get on with others and establish 
enduring friendship constitute this category. The S has a cathexis 
for Rejection or for Aggression. 

Cling : I found that with the boys in my class I made no fast friends. 
I did not understand them. I was childish and irritable. 
Kindle : I did not get along very well with children. 

2oc. p Inferiority : Intellectual. Low general intelligence, dull- 
ness, poor scholarship, flunking examinations and failure to be 
promoted in school, may be classified under this heading. 

Zeeno : In the seventh grade I failed to get promoted . . . am still 
a very mediocre pupil. 

Zill : I applied to a smaller college. . . But I was refused. .. I re- 
peated the senior year. 


Under this heading have been classified the chief types of re- 
action to the press that have been listed above. The events recorded 
in the autobiographies exhibit press and needs simultaneously and 
to separate them, as we have done, produces artifacts. The pro- 
cedure was adopted for the sake of clarity and convenience. 

With the affiliative needs we have listed some of the concrete 
positively cathected objects, and with the rejective and aggressive 
needs we have listed the negatively cathected objects. The com- 
bination of fused needs and objects (images) constitutes the 
major part of a need integrate. Strictly speaking, an object should 


be classed under one or more press, but this cannot be done if the 
attributes and behaviour of the object are not described. The 
Oedipus complex in a boy is suggested by a strong positive cathec- 
tion of the mother and a negative cathection of the father. 
The needy have been classified as follows : 


i. Positive Cathexis 

6. n Harmavoidance 

Supra: a. Mother 
b. Female 

a. Timidity 
b. n Sue: Appealance 

c. Father 

c. Nightmares 

d. Male 

d. Fears: 

e. Brother 
f. Sister 

i. Insup., Heights & 

Infra: g. Brother 
h. Sister 

ii. Water 
iii. Darkness 

i. Contemporary 

iv. Fire 

i A ' 1 

v. Isolation 

k. Possessions 

vi. Assault, Lightning 
vii Assault Animals 

2. n Affiliation 

viii. Assault, Human 

a. Friendliness 
b. n Sue: Dependence 
c. n Def: Respect 

General Hostility 

ix Illness & Death 

3. n Deference 

x. Miscellaneous 

a. n Blam: Compliance 

7. n Infavoidance 

b. n Aff: Respect 
c. n Nur: Devotion 
d. Ego Ideal, Emulation 
e. Suggestibility 

a. Narcisensjtivity 
b. Shyness, Embarrass- 
c Avoidance of Competi- 

4. h Nurturance 


a. Sympathy & Aid 
b. n Aff: Kindness 
c. n Def: Devotion 

d. Inferiority Feelings 
i. General 
ii. Physical 
iii Social 

5. n Succor ance 

iv. Intellectual 

a. Crying 
b. n Aff: Dependence 
c. n Harm: Appealance 

8. n Blamavoidance and Su 


BEHAVIOUR (Continued) 

a. Sensitivity to Blame 
b. n Def: Compliance 
c. n Aba: Shame & Self- 

b. Combativeness 

c. Sadism 

d. n Dom: Coercion 
e. n Auto: Rebellion 
f. n Sue: Plaintance 

d. Directive Superego 
e. Religious Inclination 

g. Destruction 

9. n Abasement 

15. n Autonomy 

a. n Blam: Blame-accept- 
b. n Def: Subservience 
c. n Harm or n Inf: Sur- 

a. Freedom 
b. Defiance 

c. Inv: Resistance 
d. n Ach: Independence 

10. n Passivity 

1 6. n Dominance 

a. Inactivity 
b. n Aba: Acceptance 

a. Leadership 
b. Inducement 
c. n Agg: Coercion 

n. n Seclusion 

17. n Rejection 

a. Isolation 
b. Reticence 
c. n Inf: Shyness 

a. Hypercriticalness 
b. n Inf: Narcisensitivity 
c. n Sec: Inaccessibility 

11. n Inviolacy 

1 8. n Noxavoidance 

a. n Dfd: Vindication 
b. n Ach: Restriving 

a. Hypersensitivity, Gen. 
b. Food 

c. n Agg: Retaliation 
d. n Auto: Resistance 

19. n Achievement 

13. Negative Cathexis 

a. General 
b. Physical 
c. Intellectual 

Supra: a. Mother 
b. Female 

d. Caste 
e. Rivalry 

c. Father 
d. Male 

e. Brother 
f. Sister 

f. Ego Ideal 

g. n Inv: Restriving 
h. n Auto: Independence 

g. Contemporaries 

Infra: h. Brother 
i. Sister 

20. n Recognition 

a. Recitals of Superiority 
b. Cathection of Praise 
c. n Exh: Public Perform- 

14. n Aggression 

a. Temper 

BEHAVIOUR (Continued) 

21. n Exhibition 

26. n Order 

a. n Rec: Public Perform- 
b. n Sex: Exhibitionism 

a. Cleanliness 
b. Orderliness 
c. Finickiness about De- 

22. n Sex 

27. n Retention 

a. Masturbation 
b. Precocious heterosexu- 
c. Homosexuality 
d. Bisexuality 

a. Collectance 
b. Conservance 

28. n Activity 

a. Physical 
b. Verbal 

23. n Acquisition 

a. Greediness 
b. Stealing 
c. Gambling 

29. Intensity 

30. Emotionality 

24. n Cognizance 

31. Persistence 

a. Curiosity, General 
b. Experimentation 
c. Intellectual 

32. Sameness 

a. Constance of Cathexis 
b. Behavioural Rigidity 
c. Mental Rigidity 

d. Sexual, Birth 
e. Genitals 

33. Inhibition 

25. n Construction 

34. Elation 

a. Mechanical 
b. Aesthetic 

35. Imaginality 

36. Deceit 

i. Positive Cathexes. Children may become enduringly attached 
to certain objects : father, mother, sibling, animal, thing. They 
join such objects, play with them and relish their company, cling 
and adhere, conserve and protect them. They dislike the loss or 
dispossession of the object and are annoyed by the intrusion of a 

i a. Positive Cathexis : Supra : Mother. Most subjects in our 
group praised their mother. 

Cling: My mother . . . was very beautiful . . . kind, considerate 
and unselfish. She was the only important influence on me. 


Mother's occasional visits were my only happy hours. 

Asfer : The most interesting, intimate, truly remarkable personality 
whom I have ever met is my mother. 

Bulge : To me my mother is the world's most lovely and noble crea- 
ture. It was she to whom I always instinctively turned in all my joys and 
sorrows and was always sure of finding sympathy, understanding and 

Veal : My mother, of course, is my favourite parent. 

ib. Positive Cathexis : Supra : Female. Some children, receiv- 
ing more nurturance from some other older woman than they do 
from their mother, become attached to the former. It may be a 
nurse, grandmother, aunt, teacher or family friend. The mother 
Substitute is very apt to be one who encourages the child and 
guides it towards a new path of achievement. 

Kindle : Mother's mother I remember as very kind, with a spacious 
and comfortable lap, a refuge from irate parents. She could get me for- 
given for anything. 

One more member of the family circle should be mentioned. This 
was the maid, or colored mammy, once a slave in Virginia. She was a 
great comfort to me, one of the most kind-hearted souls alive. I remem- 
ber the feel and fragrance of her even now. 

Roon : I gained the friendship of one of my teachers. . . She had a 
great influence on my thinking, a very valuable one. 

Roll : God knows, I love my grandmother enough. She is a swell per- 
son, the best I've ever known. 

ic. Positive Cathexis : Supra : Father. The father is commonly 
cathected as an exemplar by the boy and as a love object by the 

Given : My favourite parent in my early years was my father, prob- 
ably because he never punished me. 

Irkman : For my father I have a sort of veneration. I always felt he 
was superior to all other men I ever met. 

Outer : I grew to regard my father ... as a great hero. 

id. Positive Cathexis : Supra : Male. An important stage in the 
development of a boy comes when he finds an older boy or man 


whom he can accept as an exemplar. The latter functions as a sub- 
stitute father, providing another focus for the development of an 
Ego Ideal or Superego. In young girls, an older man is not in- 
frequently the first object of erotic fantasies. 

Roll : At thi's time a friend of the family, whom I have always prac- 
tically worshipped, came to visit us and took me for a walk which I will 
always remember. He warned me against women who were easy to get, 
and against seducing an innocent girl, and I have always remembered his 

Asper . The most eventful meeting in my entire life. He was 21, the 
picture of the ideal scholar. . . For me he was the most intelligent being 
on earth, and it wonders me now how he could have tolerated me for 
we were together most of the time. 

ie. Positive Cathexis : Supra : Brother. An older brother may 
function as an exemplar or love object. 

if. Positive Cathexis : Supra : Sister. A cathected older sister 
may determine the pattern of a boy's later love life. For example, 
he may be habitually attracted by women with a somewhat 
dominant attitude. 

Roon : ( My sister and I ) have always been very close to one an- 
other. . . As we grew older our attachment became considerably 
stronger . . . we are the greatest and fastest of friends. 

Vulner : My sister's temperament seems to complement mine com- 
pletely, so there is complete understanding between us at all times. 

ig. Positive Cathexis : Infra : Brother. Love for a younger 
brother is usually a sign of Nurturance, but the Nurturance may, 
in turn, be a contraf action of Aggression. 

Cling : Until I was twelve I used to kiss my brother quite frequently. 
Quick : I have a great affection for my younger brother. 

ih. Positive Cathexis : Infra : Sister. Love for a younger sister 
is indicative of Nurturance fused perhaps with Dominance. 
Quick : I have a great affection for my youngest sister. 

ii. Positive Cathexis : Contemporary. Here we have to do with 
a focal friendship that endures long enough to modify the person- 


ality. Such a friendship may, as Freud affirmed, be based upon 
repressed homosexuality, but in our experience most of these 
synergies manifest affiliation with no suggestion of erotic ( sen- 
suous) excitement. 

Kindle : I struck up a deep friendship with an orphan lad of artistic 
temperament. . . We were very much attached to each other, our inter- 
ests were the same. . . He spent a summer in France. I was very lone- 
some. In our senior year we were inseparable in our work. 

Zora : I have had many friends, but one in particular, my own age, 
with whom I have grown up, and we are like a pair of old shoes. 

ij. Positive Cathexis : Animal. Children commonly enjoy play- 
ing with animal pets. Sometimes they become affiliated and 
identify themselves in fantasy with a particular kind of animal, 
empathizing with it and imitating it. They like to read stories 
about it, draw or model it, collect pictures or reproductions of it. 

Roon : I had two dogs for whom I had the greatest attachment. When- 
ever I could manage it, I would put them in bed with me at night. . . I 
still have a very strong love for animals, dogs particularly. 

Roll : My favourite stories were about animals. I could tell anyone 
more about animals than he ever knew. 

ik. Positive Cathexis : Possessions. Some children become very 
much attached to their toys or other possessions. Interest may be- 
come concentrated upon a single object or a single type of object 
(fetishism). Often the inanimate object takes the place of an 
animal or human being. A little boy, for example, may treat a 
Teddy Bear as if it were another child, play with it throughout 
the day, order it about, and take it to bed with him, clutching it 
as he goes to sleep. 

Frost : I became very attached to a set of blocks and for several years 
played with them every day. 

Kast : A toy electric motor was the pride of my life. A wagon was a 
favoured possession and 1 took great care of it. 

2. n Affiliation. Under this heading are classed all manifesta- 
tions of friendliness and goodwill, of the desire to do things in 


company with others. It is hard to estimate the strength of this 
need on the basis of an autobiography, so much depends on 
whether the subject has been popular ( the subject's cathexis for 
Affiliation ) . The child who attracts others is in company more 
often than the child who repels, but the latter's overt strivings 
for Affiliation may be greater. Furthermore, it is natural for a 
person to like those who like him. Hence, a subject who is at- 
tractive to others, will usually reciprocate by demonstrations of 
affection and friendships will result. This evokable or merely 
responsive form of Affiliation deserves a lower score than the 
initiating or active form, even when the latter is unsuccessful. 

2a. n Affiliation : Friendliness. Affiliation, like other needs, is 
scored according to its diffuseness ( generality of trait ) . But since 
diffuseness can be demonstrated only by a multiplicity of specific 
instances it forms a continuum with focality, the differentiating 
factor being the number of cathected objects (friends). The in- 
tensity and endurance of the friendships, however, must also be 
considered in scoring. A focal friendship ( classed under li. Posi- 
tive Cathexes, Contemporary ) may be a sign of a limited need for 

Outer : I have had no end of friends, in several dozen circles. 

Kast : I have a large number of friends and my social activities are 

Quick : I have belonged to many clubs and have a large amount of 

2b. n Affiliation fused with n Succorance : Dependence ( uide 
n Sue ) . Here we would include instances of enduring love and 
friendship for stronger sympathizing or protecting objects, usually 
one or both parents. 

Given : My attachment to my family was a very close one being an 
only child. 

Quick : I have formed the habit of confiding to my mother every- 
thing I do, including my sexual relations. 

2c. n Affiliation fused with n Deference: Respect (vide n 
Def). Here may be classed attitudes of respect and deference 


towards one's friends as well as the tendency to choose dominant 
objects as companions. 

Asper : My early friends were to me distinctly superior beings. 
Oriol : 1 have generally sought the friendships of mature people. 

2d. n Affiliation fused with n Nurturance : Kindness ( vide n 
Nur). This is manifested by sympathetic, generous or helpful 
attitudes. It is commonly associated with the choice of younger, 
inferior or less privileged objects as friends. 

Kindle : With my friends ... I am sometimes very kind and gen- 

3. n Deference. Respect for authority, the desire to please 
parents and elders, the readiness to co-operate and comply, as well 
as the enthusiastic cathection, acclaimance and emulation of a 
distinguished person are grouped in this class. 

33. n Deference fused with n Blamavoidance : Compliance 
( vide n Blam ). Respect and obedience to an allied authority may 
be classified here, the emphasis being upon an eager and trusting 

Zora : I think my attitude was generally obedient and co-operative. 1 
should not like to say timid, but it was not assertive. 

Asper : I tried to act, and still do, as I considered my society thought 
proper. Especially did I attempt to imitate those mannerisms to which 
society gave definite approval. 

Sims : I had no inclination to get into trouble, and I tried to please 
my teachers. 

Mauve : My attitude in class has always been adaptive, never guileful 
or recalcitrant. 

Vulner : My general attitude was co-operative, which became a fault 
as it was carried too far. 

My deportment was disgustingly good throughout. 

I was too interested in making a good impression on the teachers. 

3b. n Deference fused with n Affiliation : Respect ( vide n Aff ) . 
Friendships commonly develop out of subject's admiration for a 
superior allied object. Here the S attempts to please the O, hoping 
that an enduring friendship will ultimately be established. 


Kindle : I have always been on the best of terms with my advisers, 
tutors, and course professors. 

Asfer : I roomed with a certain Bohemian chap, who had interned in 
a hospital, and who had, for me, most marvellous stories to relate, of his 
own early life, of his many trials, of disease and death, of adventure. 
We would remain up for all hours of the night, and I would absorb 
eagerly all he had to say and ask for more. 

Akeson : I wanted to become friendly with tutors and instructors but 
was not very successful. 

3C. n Deference fused with n Nurturance : Devotion ( vide n 
Def ). This describes a particular willingness to comply to the 
requests of a parent or elder when the latter is unwell or unhappy 
and appeals to the subject's pity. Obedience is the presenting 
phenomenon, but it is based upon compassion. 

Mauve : I treated my mother with compliance when I felt that it 
would hurt her to disobey. 

3d. n Deference fused with Ego Ideal : Emulation ( vide Ego 
Ideal, n Ach ) . Under this heading may be classed : admiration 
for a hero and the emulation of his sentiments and aims, and on 
this basis the development of a determining Ego Ideal. 

Roon : The actors were my heroes and I thought their life the most 
exciting and glamorous imaginable. I imitated their speech and diction ; 
it was so different from my Western twang. I did achieve some success 
in this. 

Kindle : My heroes have been contemporary. . . At an early period 
my father. The professor whose work I admire. Then a whole list of 
minor heroes would consist of the actors and actresses of plays, rarely of 
movies, and most of all certain musicians and virtuosos I have admired to 
such a high degree that I worshipped them for a short time. I particularly 
admire the sensitivity and kindness of some, of others their daring and 
dashing innovations, spirit of adventure in dangerous places, the master 
mind, the pioneer. Certainly, I should include all the successful detec- 
tives of literature. 

Zora : One of these mythological figures has either become myself or 
I have become it, I don't know which. It is the story of the Spartan boy 
who has caught a young wolf, and puts it beneath his robe, and the wolf 


gnaws at him, and the boy makes no outcry, but continues until he can 
no more. That image of stoicism seems to be ineradicable in me. 

Bulge : I was goaded on in my ambition to become a doctor by the de- 
sire to become one like Dr. S , a friend to all, and a perfect gentle- 

Sims : I read Shelley and Byron and resolved like them to throw off 
the restriction and limitations of society. 

Oriol : In many ways I resemble Emerson. 

My favourite hero was Robinson Crusoe, lonely and self-sufficient. 
I want to picture myself as a martyr or Byronic hero. 

3e. n Deference : Suggestibility. This applies to manifestations 
of suggestibility ( gullibility and imitation ) provoked by mildly 
cathected objects ( a stranger or casual acquaintance ). Since this 
phenomenon occurs unconsciously, one does not expect to find 
reports of it in autobiographies. Its presence may sometimes be 
surmised from such statements as the following : 

Veal : My older brother convinced me I should go to college. He con- 
vinced me to adopt a policy of letting the future take care of itself. 

4. n Nurturance, a parental or helpful attitude towards inferiors. 

4a. n Nurturance : Sympathy and Aid. Evidences of kindness 
and compassion and of the willingness to exert oneself in behalf 
of others are classed here. The cathected object may be an animal. 

Bulge : My ambition was to be a doctor and my motives for this were 
very altruistic . . . to be of some definite use to humanity, to be instru- 
mental in relieving the sufferings of others. 

Irkman : On rinding a stray cat I would manage to get some milk for 
it. I once built a dog house for one. 

4b. n Nurturance fused with n Affiliation : Kindness ( vide n 
Aff). Here the emphasis is upon a benevolent compassionate 
attitude which precedes and perhaps determines the choice of an 
object as friend. No definite examples of this were found. 

4c. n Nurturance fused with n Deference : Devotion ( vide n 
Def ) . Here may be grouped instances of devotion and sympa- 
thetic helpfulness towards an admired superior object ( a tired, 
ailing or aged parent ) . 


5. n Succor ancc. This describes the need for or dependence upon 
a nurturing object that must be always at hand or within call 
in case the S wants anything : food, protection, assistance, care, 
sympathy, undivided devotion. 

53. n Succorance : Crying. Crying is the most effective mode of 
calling the mother or arousing her sympathy. It may persist as 
an emotional reaction which serves a variety of needs. 

Sims : I cried a great deal as a baby and no amount of attention would 
keep me quiet. 

Virt : I made my mother anxious through my continued crying. 

5b. n Succorance fused with n Affiliation : Dependence ( vide 
n Aff). The manifestations of anaclitic love (childish depend- 
ence on an adult ) are classed here. Affectionate adherence, seek- 
ing protection, cuddling and homesickness are among the com- 
mon signs. 

Kindle : ( The coloured mammy ) was a great comfort to me. . . 1 
would climb onto her broad lap, for she was a large woman, and beg her 
to cuddle me, and tell stories. 

Bulge : I missed my mother and always did, and do so yet. AH my life 
I have longed to have her, to run to her when I was sad, to share my 
secrets with her. 

Frost : During my early years I was closer to my mother and was with 
her nearly all the time. 

Mauve : During my four years of college I have felt a strong attach- 
ment to home which causes me to consult my parents still on important 

5c. n Succorance fused with n Harm avoidance : Appealance 
( vide n Harm ). One of the commonest reactions of a child in 
the face of danger is to call ( Appealance ), run or cling to ( Ad- 
herence ) an allied object : a parent or some safe haven. 

Cling : I used to have nightmares . . . until I woke, cold with sweat, 
and called to mother ( Appealance ). 

Sudden fears often gripped me, and I ran home as if pursued by 
real and tangible dangers, and not just imagined bogeys ( Flight to Se- 
curity ). 


Krumb : When a snowball hurt too much I ran home crying. 

Whenever I went anywhere I always had to be with one of my 

Vulner : When the storm was over I would go to father, getting into 
his bed if it was night. 

6. n Harmavoidance. The ' shock ' reaction to sudden stimuli, 
withdrawal from painful or fearsome impressions and all avoid- 
ances and flights from physical danger are put into this class. 
Evidences of general timidity and apprehension are put into one 
class ( 6a ) and the more common specific fears ( phobias ) under 
separate headings into another (6d). 

6a. n Harmavoidancc : timidity. When a child is described as 
being timid but no mention is made of a particularly feared object, 
or when there are a great variety of objects that are habitually 
avoided, the subject is given a positive mark on this variable. 

Krumb : I hate to go about. I am afraid of dangers everywhere. 
Cling : I was in a sense timid. . . What other children did without 
thinking often gave me pause. 

6b. n Harmavoidance fused with n Succor ancc : Appealance 
( vide n Sue ) . To this category may be assigned occasions of 
pain and fright that cause the S to cry out for help. 

Cling : I shouted for help. For a vivid moment the fear of death 
caught at my throat. 

6c. n Harmavoidance : Nightmares. Frightening dreams are 
put in a separate category. When the imagined object of fear is 
named the nightmare is also classified as a specific fear (6d ). 

Kast : For years I had nightmares, shouting and screaming in my sleep. 

6d. n Harmavoidance : Fear.s. Children are apt to develop 
specific fears for one or another object or situation. Fears of 
insupport are supposedly related to the anxiety of helplessness 
and thus, in some cases, to the birth trauma. Fears of assault may 
be related to guilt and the fear of parental punishment. 

6d. i. n Harmavoidance : Fears : Insupport, Heights and Fall- 


Cling: Small jumps, in which a fall might have been painful . . . 
made me hesitate and I was usually the last to try such minor feats of 
agility. I almost never balked, but I was often very much afraid. 

6d. ii. n Harmavoidance : Fears : Insupport, Water. 

Berry : I was afraid of drowning and did not learn to swim until I 
was sixteen. 

6d. iii. n Harmavoidance : Fears : Insupport, Darkness. 

Cling : I used to be afraid of dark or lonely places. 
Roll : I have always had a terror of the night. 

6d. iv. n Harmavoidance : Fears : Insupport, Fire. 

Oak : The only early fear I can remember is that the house would 
burn down. At night in bed I was constantly smelling smoke. 

6d. v. n Harmavoidance : Fears : Insupport, Isolation. Here 
we refer to situations in which the S finds himself alone in a soli- 
tary place or in a crowd of strangers. This usually signifies a high 
n Succorance with dependence upon the supporting presence of 
a parent. 

Cling : I used to be afraid of dark or lonely places. . . I used to be 
more afraid, I think, of crowded city streets and unfamiliar faces. 

Krumb : I remember once getting separated from Dad in the Subway 
and being dreadfully frightened. 

6d. vi. n Harmavoidance : Fears : Assault, Lightning. Lightning 
may sometimes be taken as ' the wrath of God ' ( Se and n Blam ) 
or as parental retaliation. 

Vulner : I developed a terrible fear of thunderstorms. 

6d. vii. n Harmavoidance : Fears : Assault, Animals. The fear 
of small animals may be determined by the fear of having some- 
thing enter the body, whereas the fear of large animals may de- 
velop out of a fear of parental vengeance. It is generally supposed 
that the fear of a biting animal may be a result of the projection 
of oral Aggression. Later it may be related to the fear of castration. 


Cling : There were some pigs there I liked ; but I was a little afraid 
of them after they chased my brother out of the sty. 

Roll : I was very much afraid of a large cow which was one of my 
toys. When it * mooed ' I wanted to hide. 

I have always had a terror of animals, particularly wolves. I used to 
be frightened to death when my grandfather would tell me wolves were 
after me. I am still haunted by dreams I have wolves chasing me. . . 

6d. viii. n Harmavoidance : Fears : Assault, Human. The fear 
of strangers, gangsters or bullies, as well as the fear of aggression 
of parents and contemporaries, may be classed under this head- 
ing. The fear of doctors and dentists and the pain which they in- 
flict may also be included here. 

General Hostility 

Earnst : I remember the talk of big guns and I had frightened visions 
of Germans shooting at me. 

I acquired the fear of other people menacing me with physical pun- 
ishment which is something I have never overcome. 

Irkman : I remember having a form of nightmare seeing in my 
bedroom a dark shroud the form of which was indistinguishable. I re- 
member having called out, * Black thing ! J when it appeared to me. 

Umber : My nights were a series of nightmares and fears night- 
mares in the form of dreams whose central positions were occupied by 
giant fiends and ruthless men. 

Cling : Sudden terrors often gripped me, and I ran home as if pur- 
sued by real and tangible dangers, and not just imagined bogeys. 

Fathers Hostility 

Zora : I used to run from it ( beating ), and cry when I got it. 
Earnst : I had such an acute terror of the whip that I usually went into 
hysterics at the mere sight of one. 

Mother's Hostility 

Outer : I soon learned to keep out of her ( my mother's ) way when 
she took these strange fits of conduct. 

When I stepped into the house it was fearfully and with my eyes 
and ears tuned to my mother's whereabouts. 


Hostility of Contemporaries 

Zill : I had become more quiet and timid. . . I clench my fists often 
now when I think how cowardly or foolish I must have appeared to other 
boys as I showed my inability in fighting even smaller boys than myself. 

Kindle : ( The boys ) were going to put me through the paces of ini- 
tiation. I balked at the idea and for two or three weeks kept everybody 
busy trying to get me to go to school. There were many scenes, of which 
I am still very much ashamed. 

Physically, I was no match for them. I knew that if I got into a 
fight I would be beaten . . . my impression of my relation with my 
schoolmates is one of very great anxiety. . . I was afraid of them. 

6d. ix. n Harmavoidance : Fears : Illness and Death. Death is 
often related to the Day of Judgement and this to parental punish- 
ment for evil thoughts and deeds. 

Zora : I had nightmares about the ending of the world. 
Krumb : I was greatly scared at the idea of dying. 
I have a dread of wet feet. 

I have much stomach trouble and tachycardia which frightens me 

Quick : I -got the conception that I was going to die that night. When 
I went to bed a cold sweat broke over my whole body and I feared that 
I was never going to reawaken. 

A friend of mine contracted infantile paralysis. I often went to see 
him. One morning I arose and in attempting to walk I thought my left 
leg was numb, and I walked with a perceptible limp. Half crazed with 
fear I reached my mother's room, uttered a groan, and fell in a dead 
faint on the floor. When I awoke I was shivering with fear. Sweat actu- 
ally drained off my weakened body. 

6d. x. n Harmavoidance : Fears : Miscellaneous. The fear of 
loud noises may be related to the fear of assault. 

Irkman : I refused to go to the movies because the fear of hearing re- 
volver shots fired drove me to tears. 

The fear of claustral restriction and suffocation may be related 
to the birth trauma. 


Kast : I once dreamed of being locked in a room where I could not 
breathe and attempting to get out. 

Many fears seem to be based on rational considerations. 

Krumb : I try to play with my set of chemicals but Dad has so cau- 
tioned me of dangers that I'm too scared. 

7. n Injavoidance. This term describes the fears and avoidances 
associated with self-consciousness, shyness, social embarrassment. 
The subject cannot * take ' belittlement and ridicule. 

73. n Infavoidance : Narcisensitivity. This describes the readi- 
ness to be hurt (shamed) by the scorn or jibes of others. It 
pre-supposes Narcism, as well as inferiority feelings which may 
be focal or diffuse. 

Zill : My name caused me much embarrassment. . . It made me the 
butt of many ignorant remarks . . . which I did not seem able to dis- 
regard and it became such an obsession that I winced every time the 
name was mentioned in school. 

Asper : This sensitiveness with regard to myself and my relation to 
any person or group of people is, at present, the essential fault of my 

Earnst : I was extremely sensitive and cried easily at such things. 

Sometimes 1 see a person laughing on the street, and I have the im- 
pression that the person is laughing at me. This impression comes back 
again and again. 

Vulner : I was called a 'sissy,' which made me utterly dejected for 
days at a time. 

7b. n Infavoidance : Shyness, Embarrassment. Shyness and em- 
barrassment form a separate class. 

Cling : I was rather shy among strangers and older people. I felt com- 
pletely at ease only with my mother, my father, my brother, and a very 
few of my teachers and schoolmates. 

7c. n Infavoidance : Avoidance of Competition. The unwilling- 
ness to perform in public, the fear of failure and the withdrawal 
from open competition are grouped under this heading. 

Gay : I never engaged in sports. 


yd. Inferiority Feelings. Under this heading may be grouped 
instances in which the S feels that he is inferior in many or in one 
particular respect. 

7d. i. General. 

Akeson : I have always had a feeling of being a misfit, 
fro// : In my early schools I acquired an inferiority complex. 
Veal : I have felt inferior to my older brother. 

yd. ii. Physical. 

Gay : Whether it was that I never engaged in sports that made me 
puny, or vice-versa, I have always had a distrust and scorn for my body. 
Virt : I was small in stature and felt that girls were not attracted to me. 
Earnst : I was too puny to get anywhere fighting for myself. 

yd. iii. Social. 

Akeson : I envy my sisters the ease they display in their social rela- 

Earnst : I acquired a feeling of inadequacy. I got the feeling there is 
something wrong with me and could hardly look another person in the 

Kast : I was ashamed of the lack of worldliness of my father and 

I felt great chagrin when I realized how ill at ease I was among 
such surroundings. Her father remarked on my lack of polish and social 

Asfcr : So sensitively inferior did I feel to them that I must have be- 
haved idiotically. 

yd. iv. Intellectual. 

Asper : I was struck with the mass of things to be learned and my own 
microscopic inferiority. 

Krumb : My spirit was broken because I knew the adverse opinion my 
teachers held of me. 

8. n Blamavoidance and Superego. Under this general heading 
are classed : sensitivity to parental and social disapproval, fear of 
censure, ready obedience, guilt feelings, remorse, confession of 
misdemeanours, fear of divine vengeance, as well as moral will 


and the determination to live one's life according to ethical or 
religious principles. When anxiety and guilt feelings prevail we 
speak of Superego Conflict and assume the occurrence of asocial 
fantasies or acts. When the S is able to control himself, however, 
and acts willingly according to the demands of his culture we refer 
to Superego Integration, the inference being that a * social charac- 
ter ' (a structured Ego ) has been developed. 

8a. n Blamavoidance : Sensitivity to Blame. This is barely dis- 
tinguishable from Narcisensitivity. Here the S is not so upset by 
a fall in his achievement level as he is by the disapproval of his 
parents or contemporaries. The fear of God's wrath or the fear of 
social censure is at the core of this trait. 

Roon : I always had a fear of incurring ( my parents' ) displeasure. 
Outer : I had fear of God instilled deeply into me. 
Valet : I was always loath to make enemies. 

8b. n Blamavoidance fused with n Deference : Compliance 
( vide n Def ) . To please and not to displease are two aspects 
of one behavioural tendency. Hence, Deference and Blamavoid- 
ance are complementary. However, when there is temptation to 
do something that is not allowed, or when authority is uncom- 
monly exacting, or when the subject lacks confidence, Blamavoid- 
ance rather than Deference dominates the personality. 

Roon : I knew what Was right and what was wrong ; and I was ex- 
pected to abide by that code invariably. I rarely transgressed. 

Vulner : I have never conceived of deliberate disobedience since I 
was 6 years old. 

Zora : Some people think I am a goody-goody. 

8c. n Blamavoidance fused with n Abasement : Shame and 
Self-depreciation. This describes the self -punishing reaction of a 
person with a high Superego to his own evil thoughts, impulses 
or misdoings. 

Veal : I 'have scolded myself for not having tried to help out the 
straitened family after high school. 

Bulge : I was ashamed when I found that kissing aroused sexual de- 
sires in me likewise when I had erotic dreams. 


Kindle : I was thoroughly ashamed of myself, and wondered if I could 
be freed from the habit. 

Roll : My own masturbation gave me a feeling of shame often occa- 
sioned a firm resolve never to do it again. 
My smoking was a secret sin to me. 

8d. n Blamavoidance : Directive Superego. Under this heading 
have been classified : the inhibition of primitive impulses ( Sex 
and Aggression ), the rejection of sexuality, overcoming tempta- 
tion, ethical control, moral will power, reform, and all behaviour 
that is initiated by conscience. 

Cling : When I realized the habit I had been forming, I began to 
struggle against it. I had terrific conflicts of will and desire, but finally 
... I cured myself completely. I never spoke to anyone about this. 

Roon : This sense of strictness continued for many years and then 
seemed to be suddenly severed. I could do as I chose, act as I saw fit. But 
with the definite moral strictness that had been a very large part of my 
early life imbedded quite deep in me, I acted just as though I would 
incur the most drastic censure for a wrong action. 

Abel : I never allowed myself to think about anything concerning sex 
for I was brought up with the idea that anything concerning sex was un- 
clean, both morally and spiritually. 

Bulge : I have always successfully conquered my passions. 

Earnst : I always thought the practice of masturbation was indecent 
and I never indulged in it. 

Kast : She begged me to have intercourse with her. I refused, realiz- 
ing the situation had probably been my fault. For some reason, I couldn't 
let myself go that far. I felt we would regret it. I was afraid of the con- 
sequences. After such times I had quite a feeling of revulsion. 

8e. n Blamavoidance : Religious Inclination. Fervent religious 
faith or practices, a pre-occupation with the problem of good and 
evil, church work and the desire to enter the ministry, may be 
grouped together as evidences of an underlying inclination to lead 
an irreproachable life. 

Zora : As a child I was extremely religious, and, of my own volition, 
I did not read newspapers on Sunday and read the Bible every day. 
Quick : I experienced a stupendous dream in which I imagined my- 


self confronted by God at the time of my death. Awakening, terrified 
and amazed, I determined that I should give myself over to being strictly 
orthodox. After 16 I became really fanatically orthodox. Only recently 
has this sudden frenzy been completely removed. 

9. n Abasement. This is usually subsidiary to some other need : 
n Harm, n Inf or n Blam. It describes reactions of self-deprecia- 
tion or surrender as well as those of self -punishment and atone- 
ment for evil actions. 

pa. n Abasement fused with n Blamavoidance : Blame-accept- 
ance and Atonement ( vide n Blam ). Here we include unusual 
examples of self-blame, feelings of remorse and acts that are de- 
signed to appease a condemning authority. Subjects who accept 
unjust punishment without resistance also may be classed here. 

Vulner : I attributed the thunderstorms entirely to God, and made 
myself miserable trying to appease Him. Among the reforms instituted 
for this purpose was the dropping of the finger sucking habit. 

Oak : I can readily understand the punishment I got. It is a wonder 
that there wasn't more. 

Veal : I never put up any defence when my brother criticized me. I 
would brood inwardly. 

9b. n Abasement fused with n Deference : Subservience. Humil- 
ity, docility, meekness, and the acceptance of a subordinate posi- 
tion in a semi-allied group are grouped under this heading. The 
unresentful acceptance of p Dominance and p Rejection, denoting 
a lack of social pride, may also be included. 

Zill : . . . the subordinate position I had when I was with the gang. 

9c. n Abasement fused with n Harmavoidance or n Infavoid- 
ance : Surrender. Surrender in the face of frustration is classified 
here. We may include : sudden despairing relaxations after mus- 
cular exertion, dejected cessations of effort, easy acceptance of 
defeat. A marked lowering of the level of aspiration is also con- 
sidered a symptom ( fusion with n Infavoidance ). Passivity may 
accompany the Abasement drive and the n Succorance may be 


fused with it. Both Abasement and Succorance may be subsidiary 
to the n Harmavoidance. 

Zill : More than once I broke out with that awful temper I was acquir- 
ing ( n Agg ) only to suddenly lower my 'fists ( n Aba ) and burst into 
tears ( n Sue ) whimpering that I couldn't fight or some other ' sissy ' 

Cling : I tried once or twice to fight back, but homesickness and lone- 
liness ( n Sue ) overcame my resistance. 

Krumb : When a bully threw snowballs at me I just stood there taking 
them. Never once did I try to defend myself. 

10. n Passivity. The cathexis of sleep, the desire to relax, loaf 
and ruminate, the disinclination to exert oneself physically or 
mentally, the acceptance of fate, the inclination to let others take 
the initiative, may be grouped together. 

loa. n Passivity : Inactivity. Here we class quietude, laziness, 
apathy, dreaminess, lack of persistence and excessive need for 
relaxation and repose. 

Frost : Between the ages of 6 and 1 1 I lived almost wholly in a kind of 
sheltered passivity with my family. 

Gay : I wanted to be allowed to read or do nothing. 
Vulner : I spent much time lying still. 

lob. n Passivity fused with n Abasement : Acceptance. Children 
who readily accept the inevitable, who remain passive and un- 
disturbed in the face of frustration, belong to this category. They 
prefer to let others take the initiative. They do not go out to 
' meet * or ' make ' Fate ; they are * hit ' by it. 

Cling : My wont was to accept everything with equanimity. 
Zora : Much of my religiousness is past, to be replaced largely by world 

Gay : In groups I was shy and acquiescent. 

n. n Seclusion. Some believe that Seclusion is always subsidiary 
to another need : n Harm, n Inf, n Blam, n Pass or n Rej. But 
even if this view is correct, no great harm can be done by in- 
cluding it among the variables as it is at least an important mode 
of need activity. 


na. n Seclusion : Isolation. This describes the tendency to live, 
play and work at some distance from the mass of people or pro- 
tected from them by walls. Such a subject dislikes groups. He 
likes to be by himself or with a few chosen companions. 

Kindle : I played little with the boys in the neighbourhood, but rather 
with my sister. Mostly, however, I was left to myself. 
Akeson : I had a very retiring nature. 

My retiring nature turned me towards study and books as my chief 
occupation and recreation. 

Frost : Living in such a dream world was probably the cause for my 
playing a great deal by myself. 

The tendency to analyse people carefully and coldly has made me 
feel withdrawn from normal life. 

Gay : I had deep moods of depression and desired to be alone. 
Oriol : I love solitude. 

I do not conceal too much and yet my identity seems to remain se- 
cret and isolated. 

nb. Reticence. Silence, lack of talkativeness under most con- 
ditions, secrecy and the refusal to expose one's thoughts and feel- 
ings are grouped into one class. 

Kindle : My natural New England reticence. 

Vale : Friendship has always implied for me a large basis of personal 

nc. n Seclusion fused with n Inf avoidance. Very frequently 
seclusiveness is determined by a need to avoid belittlement and 
ridicule. Sometimes the n Harmavoidance or the n Inf avoidance 
is also involved. 

Kindle : I was always ashamed to show myself. 

Earnst : Life became intolerable to me and I began to avoid as much 
as possible the company of other children. 
I lived a painful and secluded existence. 

12. n Inoiolacy. Pride and the desire to maintain a high level 
of self-respect as manifested by a subject's efforts to make up for 
failure, or to defend, vindicate or revenge himself are grouped 


together in one category. These reactions rest upon Narcism and 
grade off into Infavoidance. Differing from the scheme of needs 
presented in Chapter III, the Infavoidance drive has been put in a 
separate category. Here the need for Counteraction is covered by 
three fusions : with n Ach, n Agg and n Auto. 

I2a. n Inviolacy : n Defendance. This describes the readiness to 
deny accusations, to justify one's conduct and to offer extenua- 
tions for failure. It is based upon a refusal to accept belittlement 
and blame. Under this heading may also be included the con- 
cealment of inferior emotional reactions ( fusion with n Seclu- 
sion ) . Defendance may be an exaggerated counteraction ( defence 
mechanism ) for guilt feelings. 

Outer : I always had an alibi if a spanking seemed imminent. 
Quick : I have always been stubborn and refuse to admit that I am 
wrong even when I am convinced of it. 

i2b. n Inviolacy fused with n Achievement : Restriving. Efforts 
to achieve something after failure or humiliation, to prove what 
one can do are grouped here. 

Earnst : I fought in my own cause one day and was so braced up by 
my success that I never allowed myself to be picked on thenceforth unless 
my tormenters were large. 

Vulner : There was one boy whom I could lick, and this I did regularly 
to bolster my pride. 

My main ideal was to show these boys that I was brave and strong. 

I2C. n Inviolacy fused with n Aggression : Retaliation. Though 
this is perhaps the commonest type of Aggression, conforming 
to the law of talion, no clear illustration of it was found in the 

iid. n Inviolacy fused with n Autonomy : Resistance. Stubborn 
refusals to be dominated ( and hence, belittled ) by others are 
placed in this category. 

Krumb : I was recalcitrant. 

I made a name for myself in school as the child who would not 


13. Negative Cathections. Under this heading are listed the 
important objects that repeatedly anger or are consistently dis- 
liked by the child. Since hate is a matter of crucial importance 
if it is directed towards somebody with whom one must have 
daily relations, it is particularly important to know whether one 
or another member of the family is negatively cathected. When 
ambivalent sentiments are entertained a score is given for positive 
cathection as well as for negative cathection. 

133. Negative Cathexis : Supra : Mother. 

Outer : I remember praying each night that my mother would die, 
that she would be run over by an automobile. 

I grew to hate my mother more and more. 
Cling : I sometimes cursed my mother. 

I3b. Negative Cathexis: Supra: Female. The hatred of an 
older woman may signify a displaced hatred for the mother. 

Outer : . . . the morbid life at home with my cousin, whom I often 
planned to poison. 

I3C. Negative Cathexis : Supra : Father. 

Nifp : We none of us miss our father. 

Veal : I have occasionally felt resentment against my father. I feel an 
inward wrath of his violation of parental duties. 

Oriol : There is an undercurrent of antagonism between my father 
and myself which is in some measure kept under complete control. 

1 3d. Negative Cathexis : Supra : Male. Hatred of a superior, an 
older person, a dogmatist, a recognized authority, a state official 
or the deity, may signify the per sever ation and displacement of 
early parricidal tendencies. 

Cling : I used to curse God when I was unhappy. 

136. Negative Cathexis : Supra : Brother. 

Vulner : My brother is spoiled and peevish. He irritates me constantly. 

i3f. Negative Cathexis : Supra : Sister. 
Kindle : I treated my older sister badly. 


I3g. Negative Cathexis : Contemporaries. 
Krumb : I got to hate most of the boys at school. 

i3h. Negative Cathexis : Infra : Brother. 

Cling : My brother and I used to have terrible fights ... we were 
both hot-tempered and very childish. 

13!. Negative Cathexis : Infra : Sister. 

Outer : I soon learned to despise my younger sister. 

Quick : I remember having almost daily quarrels with a sister who is 
two years younger than I. 

Zora : I have a younger sister with whom I used to fight rather vio- 

14. n Aggression. This describes the emotion of rage combined 
with overt acts of aggression against a thwarting, a competing 
or a belittling object. It also includes teasing or torturing objects 
that cannot defend themselves, as well as the destruction of prop- 
erty. Finally, there are the verbal forms of aggression : accusation, 
belittlement and malicious ridicule. 

i4a. n Aggression : Temper. In this class are the emotions that 
are commonly accompanied, though not always, by aggressive 
behaviour : irritability, anger, rage. 

Zill : More than once I broke out with that awful temper I was 

Kindle : Whenever I was not given my own way I went into a tan- 
trum. This was frequent. 

i4b. n Aggression : Combativeness. Here we include most of 
the physical and verbal forms of aggression : assaults, pushing, 
curses, angry accusations, criticism, blaming, irritable retorts, 
malicious jokes, destruction of possessions and heated arguments. 

Roon : My sister and I are the only children of the family. . . We 
are of different temperaments and quarrels were always breaking out. 
Outer : We four children fought . . . like animals. 
Oak : We all squabbled and argued and even fought at times. 
Kindle : I had quarreled much with my grammar school friends, 


somewhat with my friend from high school. I often disagreed bitterly 
with the chemist. But our friendship has continued unimpaired in spite 
of my fits of bad temper. 

140 n Aggression : Sadism. This describes pleasure that is felt 
when an object is hurt or belittled. It leads to the maltreatment 
of others : unjustly dominating, bullying, hurting or torturing a 
younger child or animal. Teasing is a mild form. No subject ad- 
mitted to a marked degree of Sadism. 

Cling : I used to pick on and bully him. 

Quick : I have always enjoyed ridiculing others and am especially 
adept at satire. 

I4d. n Aggression fused with n Dominance : Coercion ( vide 
n Dom ) . Rude assertions, the rough treatment of others, the 
frank expression of disturbing opinions, pugnacity and domina- 
tion by threats belong in this category. A liking for rough physi- 
cal encounters ( athletics ) may also be included. 

Outer : My general attitude was aggressive and assertive when no one 
was around to stop me. 

Zeeno : I turned to wrestling. I am very strong, but small. 

Quick : I have many enemies whom I have alienated by my habit of 
speaking frankly. 

Roll : I threatened to beat him to ashes. 

146. n Aggression fused with n Autonomy : Rebellion ( vide 
n Auto). Aggressive resistance and flagrant disobedience are 
classified under this heading. It describes the ungovernable, de- 
fiant child. Anger evoked by authority belongs here. The tend- 
ency to oppose the opinions of others, e.g., the love of argument, 
may also be included. 

Zill : I have often rebelled like a cranky child. 
Quick : I have always loved to argue. 

146. n Aggression fused with n Succorance : Plaintance ( vide 
n Sue). Here may be classed the manifestations of despairing 
rage ( tantrums ) found so frequently in infancy, as well as the 


complaints of later years. Blaming others for injustice and malice 
or reporting their misdemeanours may also be included. 

Cling : The thwarting of my own desires was responsible for sullen 
brooding, or violent tantrums. 

Together we decided to go to the headmaster. 

Vulner : Telling talcs made me very unpopular and incidentally very 

i4g. n Aggression : Destruction. Here we group destructive 
play, breaking toys, smashing windows, cutting or pulling things 
apart, dismembering dolls, throwing stones, upsetting things, 
lighting fires, and other forms of disruptive behaviour. 

Kindle : I liked mechanical toys, particularly did I like pulling them 

Abel : My toys never stayed whole when I was young, and I under- 
stand it used to test my parents* ingenuity to give me something I couldn't 

Roll : I had a mad idea about burning the house down to collect the 

15. n Autonomy. This describes acts of resistance and defiance. 
Prompted by the general need for Activity and the tendency for 
Change there is first of all ( a ) breaking through barriers to free 
motility. Then, in the service of other needs ( particularly n Sex ) 
there is ( b ) defiance of prohibitions. The n Passivity, as well as 
other needs, may provoke ( c ) resistances to coercion and per- 
suasion. Finally, behind many of these negativistic refusals is 
the n Inviolacy and the desire to become independent and self- 
reliant ( n Ach ). 

153. n Autonomy : Freedom. Under this heading we group all 
evidences of liberty-loving motility : breaking out of confinement, 
escape from routine, truancy, wandering away alone, irresponsi- 
bility and the disinclination to follow an established pattern. This 
egressive form of behaviour is usually combined with Rejection 
which may, in turn, be based on Infavoidance ( running away 
from failure). Also it may be fused with n Aggression : strug- 
gling to get free. 


Outer : 4 years . . . even at that age I wanted to run away from the 

I took long trips by bicycle away from home. 
I dreamed often of running away. 
I managed to break away on a very slight provocation. 
Asper : Fred and I decided to take our ship's papers and break away 
from it all. 

Abel: All unjust punishments were followed on my part by sullen 
periods wherein I made wild plans of joining the army when I grew up. 
Quick : My special pleasures have always been to be out in the open 
air, a profound love of liberty knowing no restraint. I have always had 
a desire to join a Nudist Colony for the sincere enjoyment I would get 
in being liberated from the shackles of clothes, economic conditions, and 
social conventions. My greatest resentment arises when some one sug- 
gests my wearing more clothes ( such as a tic or rubbers ) since it is a 
direct insult to this unbridled love of freedom. 

i5b. n Autonomy : Defiance. This covers active disobedience, 
disregard for authority, entering forbidden regions and law-break- 
ing. Childish pranks as well as more serious misdemeanours be- 
long in this group. 

Outer : I used to be supposed to play with the nice boys of the neigh- 
bourhood, but instead sneaked off to a back alley where ... I frater- 
nized with ragamuffins and illiterate men's sons. 

Oak : I was always in trouble for forgetting to do something I was 
supposed to do and for raising too much childish Cain in the hall ( at 
school ) . I almost set a record for hours of detention in one year. 

I5C. n Autonomy fused with the n Inviolacy : Resistance ( vide 
n Inv). Here we group refusal to obey (negativism), passive 
non-co-operation, resistance to persuasion and coercion, as well 
as persistent stubborn disagreements. Most of these acts take the 
form of verbal arguments against p Dominance. This may be 
fused with Aggression. 

Zill : I often clashed with my father on religious ceremonies I had to 

Roon : I have always had definite opinions about matters that con- 
cerned me and if they did not coincide with those of my father, I would 


argue the matter out and still hold the opinion. It is a form of stubborn- 
ness that will give in only to undisputed authority. 

Frost : My tendency is to react against the conventions of my sur- 

156. n Autonomy fused with the n Achievement : Independ- 
ence ( vide n Ach ) . Children who want to do things alone with- 
out help, who refuse aid offered by adults, who have initiative, 
and like to be ' on their own,' free and independent, belong in 
this class. 

Outer : I was quite independent, due to my years spent with alley 
boys. . . I had ideas of my own, and paid little attention to schemes put 
out by others. 

I soon became more independent, always went with boys three or 
two years older than myself . . . and grew generally very self-reliant. 

Frost : I am completely self-sufficient mentally. 

1 6. n Dominance. Here we have various manifestations of the 
will to power over other people : ordering, insisting, persuading, 
suggesting, or seducing. The effect desired by the subject is to 
have others work for him, help him or stop annoying him. 

i6a. n Dominance : Leadership. Attempts to control others, to 
manage an undertaking, to be the leader of a group are included 
in this category. 

Roon : I soon had an attic theatre of my own. I was very intent on 
the managing of the project and soon had the whole neighbourhood as 
participants in the affair. My attitude here was entirely aggressive and I 
insisted on managing everything. 

Kindle : I wanted to boss. 

I was very active . . . leading and organizing young people's 
groups. . . I also was a leader of the younger boys. . . I thought such 
morality should be taught to others. I enjoyed teaching. 

My ambitions have always been to be a professor . . . direct others 
in research. 

Bulge : I being the boy and my mother's favourite, thought that I 
could boss all the girls. 

Vulner : I entered enthusiastically into student government. I became 


a member of the student council, officer in Home Room, Editor of 
School magazine, and President of the Club. 

Kast : I was president of my class for three years. 

i6b. n Dominance : Inducement. Under this heading may be 
classed various subtle or indirect forms of dominance : dominance 
by suggestion, flattery, friendly overtures, bribes, fascination or 

Outer : I learned to become a very good and persuasive talker at this 

Mauve : I have pretty much my own way with my mother. 

i6c. n Dominance fused with n Aggression : Coercion ( vide n 
Agg ) . Fighting for power or the tyrannous domination of others 
may be put into this category. 

Abel : My brother and I have the usual squabbles over ties and shirts 
and personal liberties and priority rights around the house. 

Oriol : My domineering tendencies sometimes break through. 

17. n Rejection. This describes feelings of indifference, revul- 
sion, annoyance, scorn or disgust towards other people, accom- 
panied by acts of exclusion, avoidance, withdrawal, expulsion and 

173. n Rejection : Hypercriticalness. Under this heading may 
be grouped the dislike and belittlement of others, feelings of 
scorn and disgust as well as the associated avoidant behaviour. 
There may be superiority feelings. We should also include skepti- 
cism, suspicion and distrust. 

Outer : It made me suspicious of every proposition anyone made me 
after that. 

I always regarded heroes with suspicion ever since an older boy 
promised to give me his wooden gun when I was four and he twelve, 
and disappointed me. I later became envious of all public heroes, and 
skeptical of their true natures. 

Actually, my experiences with women have taught me to mistrust 
them. . . I have found every girl I have known ( and I have known 
and gone with and * necked ' over a hundred ) inferior to myself. They 
would not satisfy me in the long run, intellectually. 


Asfer : I now recognize my former friends as distinctly gross, un- 
couth, in fact, downright filthy specimens. . . How I ever escaped from 
their vile acts I cannot say definitely. 

Frost : The tendency to analyse people carefully and coldly has made 
me feel withdrawn from normal life. 

Vale : I taught in a boys' school and heartily detested it. I like boys 
well enough so long as I don't have to live with them or teach them. 

Quick : There arc only three people with whom I have great friend- 
ships. The rest are inferior. 

ijb. n Rejection fused with n Injavoidance : Narcisensitivity 
(vide n Inf). The subjects who especially dislike and avoid 
people who wound their vanity belong in this category. 

7,eeno : My friendships are limited to those I care for. . . Usually, 
if I dislike a person I feel that I do so with justice. I feel that the few 
that dislike me are not really good themselves, for I feel that I am good 
and that people of discernment see and appreciate this feature in me. 

Asfer : Rebellion came shortly after I made a fool of myself at an ini- 
tiation by almost breaking down, and I decided that henceforth I would 
be ' sufficient unto myself.' On that principle my life, up to very recently, 
has been conducted. I have had no real friend since the chap who intro- 
duced me to the society. I have met merely interesting individuals. 

ijc. n Refection fused with n Seclusion : Inaccessibility ( vide 
n Sec). Subjects who, because they dislike or distrust humanity, 
separate themselves from others by encystment, diffidence, going 
to a distance or erecting ' walls ' belong in this class. Dislike of 
close contact, indifference, and an aloof, perhaps supercilious, 
attitude may also be included. 

Asfer : I decided from then on that I was somehow different from 
the rest of humanity, vastly superior to boys my own age much too 
singular a creature to be understood. . . All my former acquaintances, 
almost to the last, I had dropped. 

Sims : When I was a baby I had a great opposition to any kind of 
caressing or fondling. I am still sensitive to physical contact and am in- 
stantly repelled by it. 

Mauve : I feel that old adage ' intimacy breeds contempt ' has more 
truth in it than many suppose. I keep just a bit above everyone else. 

Oriol : I meet people on an impersonal plane. 


18. n Noxavoidance. This describes the readiness to be repelled 
by unpleasant sense impressions, disagreeable sights, sounds, 
smells, and tastes. It includes the avoidance of discomfort. 

i8a. n Noxavoidance : Hypersensitivity : General. 

Zora : A fellow suggested the method by which I was myself begot. 
This filled me with a disgust and shame that almost made me sick. I am 
no longer disgusted, but even now I am impressed by a certain nastiness 
in the scheme of procreation. 

Asper : The sex act itself was, at first, extremely repulsive. 

i8b. n Noxavoidance : Hypersensitivity : Food. The tendencies 
to spit and vomit, to suffer from indigestion and to reject certain 
kinds of food are classed here. 

Roll : 1 used to be finnicky about food. This lasted into my teens. 

19. n Achievement. Some children are conspicuous for the in- 
tensity, frequency or duration of their efforts to accomplish some- 
thing. First it is a matter of controlling their muscles, gaining 
the erect posture, walking and climbing. Then they reach out to 
manipulate objects. Later, they must learn to direct their thoughts. 

193. n Achievement: General. 

Oriol : I had ambition to excel. 

Sims : I got three jobs and earned all my own expenses. 

i9b. n Achievement : Physical. 

Zeeno : In the lower grades I was quite strong and athletic. In gram- 
mar school I was captain and pitcher on the baseball team. I used to hit 
home runs. 

Outer : I found at school that in one particular branch of athletics, 
running, I was much better than the average. 

Asfer : I recall winning the 40 yard dash. I was most nearly interested 
in the body. The mind had not found itself as yet. 

Bulge : Due to my athletic prowess I was popular. 

i9c. n Achievement : Intellectual. 

Cling : I was very precocious in school, leading my class. . . I worked 
very hard, very long hours. 


Outer : I managed to get admitted to the school, which had difficult 
standards for one of my education. I had to do a year of Latin myself 
in a month in the summer time. 

For two years I had spent all my extra time studying for a national 
Greek scholarship. 

Frost : When I was ten I had the sensation of a ' wall falling down ' 
and proceeded very rapidly. I went through Purdue in three years 
with an A or B-f- average. I acquired a great taste for literature and 
got A's in all my courses. 

igd. n Achievement : Caste. 

Kast : I associated with people of higher social status and more luxuri- 
ous surroundings. I realized my lack of social ease and concentrated on 
improving myself at every opportunity. 

ipe. n Achievement : Rivalry. When an S is especially stimu- 
lated by the presence of a rival, enjoys open competitions and does 
better under such conditions he is given a positive score on this 

Zora : I found pleasure in competition. 

Asper : There has been in my life as far back as I can remember the 
somewhat morbid practice of self comparison. The spirit of competition 
has been continuously a method of approach to another personality. 

Earnst : When I found I could do better than other children in some 
studies I immediately concentrated my attention on school. 

196. n Achievement : Ego Ideal. The setting of a high level 
achievement, the determination to excel, the generation of a glow- 
ing fantasy of success may be put here. 

Abel : My one big desire is to get an M.A. . . Unless I achieve this 
goal I shall be extremely disappointed. 

Akeson : I felt the urgent necessity of doing something with myself, 
of accomplishing something worthwhile, of making my personality mean 

ipg. n Achievement fused with n Inviolacy : Restriving ( vide 
n Inv). Attempts to replace failure by success, to select as lines 
of endeavour the very activities that have been associated with 
humiliation or defeat are grouped together in this class. 


Kast : He remarked on my lack of social ease and from then on I con- 
centrated on these things and now I have as much polish as anyone. 

Sims : I decided to make a come-back. I wrote for the college paper 
and made the board, which helped me to restore confidence in myself. 

iph. n Achievement fused with n Autonomy : Independence 
( vide n Auto ) . The desire for singlehanded accomplishments 
and the refusal to accept assistance belong here. 

Earnst : I was able to finish college without receiving aid from anyone. 

20. n Recognition. This describes the desire for social approval, 
honour, position and fame. The usual manner of satisfying this 
need is through the n Achievement, but if a subject's accomplish- 
ments are not made public the approbation which he may desire 
from others will not be forthcoming. The need for Recognition 
is usually repressed because its objectification is annoying to 
others, but in some people it manifests itself as boasting, per- 
forming before others, publicizing, talking about one's adven- 
tures, displaying evidences of accomplishment and assuming a 
superior attitude. It is like the n Succorance in that it seeks some- 
thing from others. 

2oa. n Recognition : Recitals of Superiority. Boasting and other 
ways of bringing one's accomplishments to the attention of others 
are classed here. No subject admitted that he was a boaster but 
some subjects evidently enjoyed the opportunity of recounting 
their accomplishments in an autobiography. 

2ob. n Recognition : Cathection of praise. Under this heading 
may be placed behaviour that is promoted by the hope or expecta- 
tion of praise, commendation, special favours or prestige. Pleasure 
when one is flattered, displeasure when one is not, and annoyance 
when others are rewarded are signs of this variable. 

Cling : I was fearful often that my brother's reward might exceed 

Kindle : I wanted . . . to be the object of their interest and atten- 

Outer : . . . merely for the fun I got out of it ... the feeling 
that I was playing a part, an important part, in the great play of life. 


. . . dressed in expensive clothes, and speaking very correct Eng- 
lish, 1 fraternized with ragamuffins and illiterate men's sons. 

I took peculiar joy in showing them how I could steal cleverly. 

I felt an irrepressible instinct to exhibit my salesmanship. . . I en- 
joyed standing in the crowd, having them remark on how beautiful my 
long curls were. 

Vulner : The applause for my address and when my honours and ac- 
tivities were read gave me a tremendous thrill. 

2oc. n Recognition fused with n Exhibition : Public Perform- 
ance ( vide n Exh ) . The public demonstration of one's talents 
and the enjoyment of manifesting one's powers before others are 
classed here. 

Oriol : I loved to talk and craved distinction and did not repress my 

Outer : I learned to love the applause of people when I acted and grew 
quite vain. 

7,eeno : I used to hit home runs and I was always the idol of other less 
strong boys in my class. 

21. n Exhibition. This describes direct exposure of the body or 
of the person. The subject wants to be seen even though he may 
not be applauded. 

21 a. n Exhibition fused with n Recognition : Public Perform- 
ance ( vide n Rec ) . Children like to show off and attract the at- 
tention of others. This is their method of winning acclaimance. 

Zill : I made the usual bright sayings . . . most ( of the older chil- 
dren ) seem to have enjoyed my presence and childish wits. 

Cling : I sang solos in chapel. 
I acted in two plays. 

Outer : ( I took ) several juvenile parts. 

Quick : Boisterous, and at times puerile, I liked to be the centre of 

2ib. n Exhibition fused with n Sex : Exhibitionism ( vide n 
Sex). Here we group instances of extraverted body Narcism, 
Exhibition in the service of sexual excitement or seduction. 


Outer : At six I noticed that I had definite control of my own sex 
organs, and was reprimanded for displaying my powers to my mother. 
Abel : I used to like to imagine a day at a nudist colony. 

22. n Sex. This category is confined to genital manifestations of 

223. n Sex : Masturbation. Infantile masturbation is believed to 
be universal. It usually stops at about five years of age and is not 
remembered afterwards. It may be revived during the latency 
period, but more commonly it does not reappear until the onset 
of puberty. 

Zill : At the age of 1 2 I learned, very prematurely, I think, about sex 
from a boy even younger than myself. . . I masturbated often, but 
never openly. This I kept up till the age of 14 when a mysterious fluid 
began to come forth. I felt something was wrong and I was told so by 
an older boy. I have never masturbated since. 

Cling : I noticed occasionally in climbing ( a rope in the gym ) a very 
pleasing and curious sensation. I had no idea what this was. I experi- 
mented. Without knowing what I was doing, I began to practise mas- 
turbation. I did this publicly whenever it occurred to me in such a 
way that it was not directly evident what I was doing. 

Oak : When I was 1 2 someone told me about masturbation and I did it 
several times a week for almost six years. 

Roll: I discovered masturbation when I was 7 and practised it fre- 
quently. I reached the age of puberty and got into a rut of masturbation 
as there was plenty of chance to continue this practice unobserved. 

Akeson : Retiring in nature as I was, I did not learn to masturbate 
until I was 19, a habit I have since not been able to throw off. 

22b. n Sex : Precocious Heterosexuality. Some children show 
signs of ' falling in love ' at an early age. 

Zeeno : I was madly in love with two sweet young twins who occupied 

an apartment in our home. My feelings have always been that it was a 

youthful, sweet and innocent, and very deep love for two fine creatures. 

My remembrance of early youth is several 'mimic' intercourses 

with a young girl a little older than myself. 

22c. n Sex : Homosexuality. An erotic interest in a member of 
the same sex is classified here. 


Kraus : One experiment, the result of curiosity, in sexual intercourse 
with one of my own sex was a decided failure for both of us, and it was 
never repeated. 

Asfer : I joined the Boy Scouts and my acquaintance narrowed down 
to four or five boys. . . There is a definite feverish element in my 

Krumb : I had a couple of mutual masturbation affairs. 

I had a consuming interest in homosexual affairs. . . I reverted to 
these after being shocked by the pregnancy and abortion of the girl. 

2id. n Sex : Bisexuality. Physical or mental attributes that are 
characteristic of the opposite sex are put in this category. 

Cling : My voice did not begin to change until the end of my second 
year and did not completely change until the beginning of my senior 

23. n Acquisition. This describes the desire for material pos- 
sessions and acts designed to satisfy this desire : snatching or ask- 
ing parents to give the S what he wants. A predatory, calculating, 
economic attitude may attend this need. 

233. n Acquisition : Greediness. Some children are very ac- 
quisitive. Toys and other objects attract them ; they grab, snatch, 
quarrel over their possessions and are continually asking their 
parents for things. Some are envious of their friends' possessions. 
They enjoy getting the best of a bargain or trade. A vivid memory 
of gifts received in the past usually indicates a strong n Acquisi- 

Outer : I recall exhibiting tendencies for sharp bargaining and trade. 
I exchanged a penny for an apple and then persuaded the nun to give me 
back my money. 

I was quick to exploit them, and used to ask them if they would give 
me money. 

I told my mother that if she bought me an expensive set of tools 1 
would make some articles of furniture and sell them, and pay her back 
her money. I almost believed myself. 

I enjoyed . . . seeing them take out money and give it to me. 


Bulge : I recall that company always thrilled me because I was usually 
given money by my relatives. 

Quick : I am selfish for I want everything. 

23b. n Acquisition : Stealing. This is the same as the preced- 
ing variable, but here the greediness is strong enough to over- 
come prohibitions or inhibitions. 

Outer : We used to go into drug stores and steal lollypops. 
Vale : I was once caught hooking candy in a store. 
2*eeno : I remember stealing my father's cigars. 

23c. n Acquisition : Gambling. Betting and playing games for 
money manifest the willingness to take risks for wealth. 

Nipp : The love of gambling grew in our blood as we watched our 
father run poker games in the house. Even now we children would rather 
gamble than do almost any other thing in life. 

My second year in college I joined the gang gambling every day 
and evening. 

Shooting craps five nights out of seven between 10 P.M. and I A.M. 

24. n Cognizance. This describes the exploratory activity of 
the child, gaining knowledge by manipulation, quiescent observa- 
tion, the inspection of genitals, queries of all kinds, social curi- 
osity and, finally, the reading of books for knowledge. 

243. n Cognizance : Curiosity : General. Here we group the vari- 
ous acts that are associated with diffuse curiosity : exploration, 
inspection, peering, overhearing conversations, asking questions. 

Asfer : We would remain up for all hours of the night and I would 
absorb eagerly all he had to say and ask for more. 

24b. Cognizance : Experimentation. Curiosity as to the outcome 
of manipulative activity, as well as the eagerness to attempt novel 
forms of artistic expression in order to note their effect, may be 
classed here. 

Kindle : I was busied with Chemistry sets. This fascination for experi- 
ment in science lasted many years, and may explain why most of my 
friends at college were chemists, biologists, and so on. 


My ambition has always been to carry on research. 
Krumb : I devoted my spare time to experiment in my radio lab. 

240. n Cognizance : Intellectual. 

Zora : I had an enthusiastic, whole-souled desire to read about Greek 
mythology. I remember staying in the schoolroom afternoons after class 
to read certain mythologic books. 

Mauve : I was always looking for something to learn. 

Sims : I began to get the reputation for being an inveterate reader of 
everything that came into the house. 

240!. n Cognizance : Sexual : Birth. Curiosity about procreation 
is common in children. It is not infrequently frustrated by the 
evasions or falsehoods of parents. 

Sims : I asked my father how dogs mated and what started the process 
of life going. 

Vale : I asked the usual questions about where babies come from and 
was told that God put them in mother 's bed. 

Oriol : I wondered how a baby could be born through such a small 
aperture. My curiosity was not appeased until last year. 

246. n Cognizance : Sexual : Genitals. Curiosity about the or- 
gans of reproduction, the penis or lack of penis of the opposite sex, 
is a normal attitude for children. 

Zora : I remember when I was six or seven visiting a small boy's house 
and as we took a shower we both observed that we had genital organs. 
Also, at a later time, a girl about the same age and I engaged in an ex- 
periment of sorts. 

Earnst : A friend made his sister take her clothes off. We played with 
her genitals. 

Gay : I had an interest in girls' bodies and tried to persuade a cousin 
to undress for me. 

Veal : I wanted to see others naked, especially those of the opposite sex. 
I had a girl of my own age pull down her bloomers so I could see exactly 
what the difference was. 

25. n Construction. This describes everything from the simple 
associative tendency, combining two things, to an interest in mak- 


ing elaborate designs or buildings. It is an organizing or con- 
figurational tendency which may have either a utilitarian or 
aesthetical aim. It has been found convenient to include creative 
253. n Construction : Mechanical. 

Kast : I never tired of inventing new types of vehicles. I was con- 
tinually experimenting with my electric motor to obtain different speeds. 
Krumb : My real interest was electricity. 

I wanted time to work at my radio construction. 

25b. n Construction : Aesthetic. Artistic creations have been 
classified here, though to speak of them as constructions may be 

Sims : I wrote some short stories. 

Krumb : I took an interest in poetry and wrote some. 

Vulner : I drew in pen, pencil and charcoal. 

26. n Order. Under this caption we include three somewhat 
different tendencies : the activity of washing and cleaning up, 
the activity of arranging and putting things in their proper place, 
and a finnicky interest in detail. 

26a. n Order : Cleanliness. To war against dirt and bad odours 
is a habit which some children acquire and others do not. 

Irkman : I have always done my utmost to appear cleanly dressed. 

26b. n Order : Orderliness. Neatness and order in the arrange- 
ment of one's possessions belong in this class. No illustrations of 
this or the next category were given in the autobiographies. 

26c. n Order: Finic1(iness about details. An interest in pre- 
cise and exact measurement or statement, scrupulosity, a concern 
about small matters, a fervour for the ' letter of the law,' a memory 
for detailed concrete facts ; these tendencies are frequently found 
in the same person. They seem to spring from a common root. 

27. n Retention. The desires to collect, to conserve and to hold 
on to objects are grouped together under this heading. 

273. n Retention : Cottectance. The gathering together of ob- 
jects to form a collection is an extension of the acquisitive drive 


and is closely related to the n Construction and the n Order. It 
stands between these and true retentiveness. Hoarding and sav- 
ing money may be included here. 

Kast : I collected all kinds of things. Lately I have been making a col- 
lection of little wooden images. 

Kindle : I had a work bench with all sorts of useless junk. 

Earnst : I had been saving money carefully. I planned on saving 
enough to start college. 

Kast : I was able to buy all my clothes and had saved $550 when I was 
ready for college. 

27b. n Retention : Conservancc. Care of one's possessions, ef- 
forts to preserve them from decay or weathering, concealing them 
or putting them under lock and key so that they will not be 
damaged by others may be grouped together under this heading. 

Kast : Father is noted for the excellent condition in which he keeps his 
possessions. I am proud of these things. 

28. n Activity. This is a large general category which describes 
the rate of overt activity, physical and verbal. It usually includes 
alertness, initiative, responsiveness, and a fast tempo of existence. 
Its opposite is Passivity, which was given a separate place, but 
this is probably inadvisable. 

28a. n Activity : Physical. Some children are much more active 
than others in locomotion and manipulation. This is usually ac- 
companied by exploratory excursions and the n Autonomy : Free- 
dom. Restlessness and the inability to remain quiet in one place are 
characteristic. Such individuals usually like variety ( Ch ) . This 
may lead to an interest in athletics ( cf. myomania exercise as 
a cure-all ) or to movement for pure kinaesthetic enjoyment ( mus- 
cular erotism ) . 

Kindle : I entered into a life of great activity, was constantly busy 
played tennis, did much walking and other exercises. 

Asfer : I enjoy dancing to fox-trot music. It is essentially an athletic 
enjoyment with a definite element of sex excitement. That the pleasure 
is athletic I can definitely feel when I dance quite alone and the body 
loosens in the swinging rhythm. I enjoy thoroughly a jazz orchestra that 


is essentially rhythmic and I have gone frequently to Harlem to hear 
them. It has the power for me to make me beat with my whole body. 
Kast : I played at top speed, did nothing but run around. 

28b. n Activity : Verbal. Talkativeness and garrulousness are 
put into this class. It is mostly a matter of the rate and amount of 
speech. Some children jabber endlessly. 

Or/o/ : I loved to talk. 

Quick : 1 am extremely loquacious, having the ability of talking hours 
at a time without saying anything of value. 

29. Intensity. This term has been used to describe an attribute 
which seems to be distinguishable from Activity, Persistence and 
Emotionality. It refers to what in everyday language is called 
power, force, zest, enthusiasm, conviction, emphasis. Mere Ac- 
tivity ( many movements or words per unit of time ) may be 
lacking in strength, so also may persistent efforts. Emotionality 
may be entirely ineffective ( cf. anxiety and grief ). 

Zora : I like to work intensely and I seldom do anything except with 

30. Emotionality. Here are grouped instances of frequent, or 
long-enduring intense emotional excitement. 

Kindle : With my friends I am very temperamental, sometimes very 
kind and generous, sometimes given to bitter and sarcastic words. 

Zora : I have often thought of myself as emotional, yet my self- 
discipline seems to be adequate. 

Quick : I became fanatically orthodox. Only lately have the effects of 
this frenzy disappeared. 

My moods are ones of excess. Great joy followed by great sadness. 

Vulner : When my mother or sister played the piano I could work 
myself to tears thinking of my grandmother who died, though I had no 
real affection for her. 

31. Persistence. This describes the tendency to ' keep at* some- 
thing until it is finished. It involves the setting of a somewhat 
distant goal, the determination to reach that goal, lack of dis- 
tractibility, endurance, will power in the face of fatigue, the 


ability to endure monotony and so forth. It may belong under n 

Zora : When I am physically tired, I yet continue doing whatever I 
am doing, deprived of even the indications of enthusiasm. 

32. Sameness : This term describes fixity, rigidity, inflexibility, 
stability or consistency of personality. Since this may perhaps be 
an attribute of processes at one level of integration and not at 
another it is questionable whether it should be accepted as a gen- 
eral factor. 

32a. Sameness: Constancy of Cathexis. This designates the 
tendency of some people to maintain their cathections over a 
long period of time. The cathections may be strong ( Intensity ) 
or weak, but they endure. As illustrations one may mention ad- 
herence to the homestead, mother-fixation, family loyalty, the 
bearing of a grudge, the boy who never forgets an injury, fetish- 
ism, tenaciousness about possessions, the faithful servant, a * die- 
hard,' the man of inflexible sentiments, a golden wedding. What 
we observe is the inability to accept substitutes for cathected ob- 
jects, a preference for the familiar and a resistance to novelty. 

Kast : I had toy soldiers and machines which I never tired of playing 

Frost : I became very much attached to a set of blocks and for several 
years played with them every day. 

32b. Sameness : Behavioural Rigidity. This describes the tend- 
ency to do the same things in the same order day in and day out. 
Such a person likes to plan what he is going to do and is dis- 
turbed by conditions or demands that require a change of plan. 
He is upset by the unexpected. If possible, he adheres to a regu- 
lar routine, for he can tolerate monotony. He is apt to develop 
rigid habits. 

32c. Sameness : Mental Rigidity. This describes the tendency 
to adhere to old conceptions and resist new ideas. The subject 
uses the same words to express the same banal opinions. He wants 
to hear similar opinions from others. This factor is separated 


from Behavioural Rigidity because the two are not highly cor- 

For example, there are some highly flexible and imaginative 
minds inhabiting bodies that pursue an inflexible routine. Mental 
Rigidity, however, may be the result of immotiiity and circum- 
scription ( confining one's life to a narrow environment and to 
a small circle of friends ) . 

Z,ora : My view of society has come to be a view of the rural districts 
of Pennsylvania, for it seems to me that the life to be found there is the 
only life that my mind really comprehends. 

Change is the opposite of Sameness. It describes the ' weather 
vane ' person. As illustrations of this the following will suffice : 

Quick : I have a very fickle nature, not only in my infatuations but in 
all my tastes and fancies. 

Stubb : I can do more things than most people. Since twelve years of 
age I have held positions as an operator of a die-cutting machine in an 
envelope factory, as a chauffeur, as a swimming instructor, camp coun- 
sellor, director of camp, typist, clerk in grocery store, salesman, bar 
tender, tutor, bellhop, office boy, bookkeeper, publicity agent for crooner, 
publicity agent for masseur and various other jobs. 

Asfer : My mind is essentially unacademic. 

33. Inhibition. Delayed reactions are usually the result of i, 
Passivity ( low Activity ) : sleepiness, apathy, dullness, lag ; 2, 
lack of ability : ignorance or inexperience ; or 3, Inhibition. The 
latter factor is manifested by tenseness, spasticity, or rigidity 
which may be steady ( the subject is * frozen to the spot,' ' mute ' ) 
or alternating ( the subject's movements or words are jerky and 
disorganized ). Under unemotional circumstances Inhibition takes 
the form of simple hesitation or caution. The factor of Inhibition 
favours all the negative needs. It may be a basic constituent of 
introversion. Combined with intellection, it manifests itself as 
delayed action : reflection and deliberation. ' Deliberation ' is the 
term that was used for this factor in Chapter III. No clear illustra- 
tions of Inhibition were found in the autobiographies but there 
were many examples of its opposite, Impulsion. 


34. Elation. It was considered important to have one variable 
which stood for a continuum of mood differences running from 
Dejection ( including sorrow, depression, pessimism ) to Ela- 
tion (including joy, enthusiasm, optimism). Cycloid person- 
alities, of course, vacillate from one extreme to the other. 

Bulge : I was extremely happy. I had no troubles and no problem 
seemed worth worrying about. My life was one sweet song for four 
glorious years. 

In the autobiographies depressions were recorded with more 
frequency than elations. 

Outer : Now, for a while, it seemed as though I would become morbid. 
Occasionally I find, if I am not busy, that I fall into the deepest fits 
of morbid despair, in which fits I am inclined to ponder over the efficacy 
of suicide. 

Akeson : For the most part my life has been a series of disappoint- 
ments, failures, unhappiness, dissatisfactions and deep depressions. 

Earnst : My earliest impressions of life were miserable. 

Or/o/ ; I am moody and melancholy. 

Quick : Periods of great happiness are followed by similar periods of 
great dejection. The moods are ones of excess, great joy great sadness. 

35. Imaginality. Under this heading we subsume fantasy and 
imaginative play. The variable describes the dreamy or imagina- 
tive child that is preoccupied and largely determined by its inner 
world, the sensitive and suggestible child that is frightened by 
its own shadow, the child that loves fairy tales and myths and the 
child that likes to make-believe. 

Cling: My heroes were not men of history. I preferred strange, 
mythical characters, legends, and fairy tales. Jason, Ulysses, Perseus, or 
the younger brother of innumerable fairy stories were the people I longed 
to have been. 

Sudden fears often gripped me, and I ran home as if pursued by 
real and tangible dangers, and not just imagined bogeys. 

Roon : During the winter, when I read a great deal ... my imagi- 
nation would be very strong. I read simple adventure tales that would 
immediately set me dreaming of far-off, fantastic places. 


Zora : Those mythologic figures are still the one thing in my mind 
that seem alive., and untouched. 

Asper : I can always look for an evening of really deep pleasure when 
I hear music. It is a process of complete loss of self into an imaginary 

Frost : I lived in a most amazing dream world. This became very real 
to me and from merely playing with sticks impersonating men, I began 
to live with them, and a few dreams that I had convinced me of their 
reality. I used to play digging for gold mines. When asked about this I 
would say that I was actually digging for gold. By this deceit I eventually 
even convinced myself. These years formed my mind more than any 
others. It stimulated my imagination which later has helped me a great 

Vale : I was strongly addicted to the sort of fantasy in which I was the 
all-conquering hero, of having wild and romantic adventures ; in superla- 
tive terms I was a soldier, an eloquent lawyer, an adventurer always a 
man of action. 

36. Deceit. This is a stray category which includes actions that 
seem to be important enough to be considered. The variable 
describes the tendency of a child to tell falsehoods, deceive or be 
excessively secretive about its conduct. 

Outer : I always had an alibi if a spanking seemed imminent. 

I grew very crafty in avoiding such show-downs. 

I also found that an innocent pose always worked for the best, and 
cultivated an outward appearance of the utmost innocence and purity. 

With the most hypocritical feelings we fawned on her and told her 
how glad we were to see her. 

Infantile Complexes 

The behaviour patterns and cathected objects listed above 
were illustrated by events that occurred after the age of three. 
Anyone can cull similar examples from his own past. It seems 
that such memories depend mostly, if not entirely, upon the pos- 
session of language, that only what has been verbalized can be 
recollected in thought. Hence, events which occur before the ac- 
quisition of language ( during the pre-verbal period ) are not 
recallable, though they may be partially re-enacted ('remem- 


bered,' as it were, by the motor system ) and verbalized during the 
re-enaction in terms that seem to reproduce in a vague way the 
original situation. 

An abundance of data collected by psycho-analysts, which can- 
not, of course, be reviewed here, strongly suggests that events 
of the pre-verbal period are in many cases as determining as, if not 
more determining than, later events. This conclusion has been 
arrived at by comparing some of the productions of adults ( dreams 
of normal men, fantasies of neurotics, delusions of psychotics, as 
well as many artistic productions, myths and religious practices ) 
to the events that can be observed in the life of infants. Without 
any doubt there is a connection. And there is nothing very extraor- 
dinary about this. It would be more extraordinary, from what 
we know about conditioning, if the reverse were true ; if some- 
thing so plastic as an infant could not be radically modified by 
its experiences. Unfortunately, the child cannot tell us in so many 
words how it apperceives the world, how it feels and what it 
dreams about. Hence we must arrive at the contents of its reg- 
nancies by carefully observing external behaviour and by extra- 
polating backwards from the verbalizations that occur at a later 
age. Let the reader keep in mind the highly speculative character 
of what is now to be discussed, but let him also remember that 
some of it is supported by a growing mass of circumstantial evi- 
dence : hundreds of case histories in the files of practising analysts, 
only small fragments of which are in print. What I shall have 
to say about the themas which analysts have brought to our at- 
tention will be brief, somewhat superficial and necessarily un- 
convincing to anyone who has not had a long experience with 
free associations. The short space that is open for this topic does 
not permit me to do justice to what the more advanced analysts 
have written on the subject. Nor shall I confine myself to what 
is considered good doctrine. The basic conceptions, of course, come 
from Freud, to whom all psychologists are indebted ; but in the 
ensuing pages they are given the shape that our own observations 
and judgements have dictated. 

The analysts have especially stressed five highly enjoyable con- 


ditions or activities, each of which is terminated, frustrated or 
limited ( at some point in development ) by external forces : ( i ) 
the secure, passive and dependent existence within the womb 
( rudely interrupted by the painful experience of birth ) ; ( 2 ) 
the sensuous enjoyment of sucking good nourishment from the 
mother's breast ( or from a bottle ) while lying safely and de- 
pendently in her arms ( brought to a halt by weaning ) ; ( 3 ) the 
free enjoyment of the pleasurable sensations accompanying defeca- 
tion ( restricted by toilet training ) ; ( 4 ) the pleasant sense im- 
pressions accompanying urination ( these are not as restricted as 
other zonal pleasures and are of less significance ) ; and ( 5 ) the 
thrilling excitations that arise from genital friction ( prohibited 
by threats of punishment ) . Since the analysts are inclined to em- 
phasize the tactuo-sensory phases of sexual activity, the four last 
mentioned zonal activities are considered to be rudimentary ex- 
pressions of the Sex drive ; their connections with the more funda- 
mental digestive functions being generally disregarded. Thus, it 
is the convention to speak of oral, anal, urethral and genital ero- 
tism. Leaving aside the Freudians' somewhat narrow and bizarre 
use of the term ' erotism,' the facts show conclusively : i, that many 
children do derive absorbing and exciting pleasure from activities 
associated with one or another of these zones ; 2, that they may 
become fixated in respect to such activities ; and 3, that these fixa- 
tions have a marked influence on the evolution of the sexual drive ; 
giving rise to the so-called perversions which are either overtly 
expressed or (more commonly) inhibited or repressed. Even 
when repressed, these tendencies have the power to influence 
thought and behaviour. Although, as Freud has suggested, these 
phenomena may depend primarily on endocrine activity, external 
factors are also important. It seems, for instance, that zonal fixa- 
tions do not occur one might almost say that the zonal ac- 
tivities do not become enduringly erotized if there is no im- 
posed frustration. The evidence suggests, indeed, that frustration 
followed by inhibition and repression may lead to the erotization 
of any drive : Aggression ( sadism ), Acquisition ( kleptomania ), 
Dominance ( megalomania ), Exhibition ( exhibitionism ), Cog- 


nizance (voyeurism). No plausible theory has been offered to 
account for this. 

An enduring integrate ( derived from one of the above-men- 
tioned enjoyed conditions ) that determines ( unconsciously ) 
the course of later development may be called a complex. A com- 
plex is considered abnormal only when it is extreme. The com- 
plexes which are now to be considered are constellated about : i, 
an enclosed space (or 'claustrum* as we shall call it), 2, the 
mouth ( sucking, biting and food ), 3, the anus ( defecation and 
faeces), 4, the urethra (urination and urine) or 5, the genitals 
(masturbation and the fear of castration). 


Under this heading we shall group all complexes that might 
conceivably be derived from the pre-natal period or from the 
trauma of birth. The following may be distinguished : i, a com- 
plex constellated about the wish to reinstate the conditions simi- 
lar to those prevailing before birth ; 2, a complex that centres 
about the anxiety of insupport and helplessness ; and 3, a com- 
plex that is anxiously directed against suffocation and confinement 
( anti-claustral tendency ) . 

Ai. Simple Claustral Complex. This integrate seems to be or- 
ganized by an unconscious desire to re-experience the state of 
being that existed before birth. We have to do here with a com- 
pound of needs and actones associated with a certain type of ob- 
ject. The symptoms are as follows : 

a. Cathection of claustra. It is not necessary to affirm that the 
child wants in any literal sense to enter the mother, for if, as is 
supposed, the womb was for him an agreeable place it must have 
satisfied certain prevailing needs, and after birth there are other 
places which may just as well or better satisfy these needs when 
they recur. An emphasis upon the external conditions of foetal 
life, however, establishes the cathexis of womb-like enclosures 
as the core of the complex. In order not to mix interpretation with 
fact it seems advisable to use the term claustrum ( plural : claus- 
tra ) to designate such places, particularly if they are small, warm, 


dark, secluded, safe, private or concealing. As illustrations of such 
objects or dream images the following may be mentioned : a crib, 
under the sheets, under the bed, a barrel, a box, a safe, a closet, 
a room of one's own, a sound-proof den, a home off the beaten 
track, a monastery, a castle, a citadel, a cathedral, a hut, a cave, 
a hogan, a secret hiding place, a tunnel into a mountain, a mesa, 
a mine, a tomb, a boat with a cabin, a barge, a stage coach, a 
limousine. One might also include islands, enclosed valleys, and 
certain versions of paradise. It is supposed that a subject with 
this complex is attracted to, seeks, or if not found, builds such 
objects, and is inclined to enter them ( v digression ) and remain 
in them ( v Adherence ) for some time, secluded from others. 
Claustral symbols may appear quite frequently in his dreams and 
fantasies. The subject gets a fixation on his habitation or sanctuary 
and hates to leave it or to move to another house. 

b. Cathection of nurturant objects ( mother ). Since the mother 
furnished the original claustrum and since her embracing arms, 
her skirts and her protecting peaceful presence may function as 
a claustrum we may expect anaclitic love with fixation on the 
mother or on a mother surrogate. Homesickness is common. This 
would be characteristic of an extraverted claustral child. An intro- 
verted child is more likely to find or build a secluded material 
haven and act inwardly as its own parent ( n intraNur ) . In a social 
situation the introvert's * wall ' of reticence functions as a claus- 
trum. Institutions may act as protecting claustra ( particularly for 
the extravert) : school, college (alma mater), lodge, church 
( mother church ), hospital, almshouse, asylum, etc. God may be 
fantasied as a claustrum ( ex : * Rock of ages, cleft for me, Let me 
hide myself in Thee ' ) . 

c. n Passivity, n Harm avoidance, n Seclusion and n Succorance. 
An emphasis on the drive aspect leads to the formulation of a 
compound constituted by needs that were satisfied in the womb : 
n Passivity (sleep, unconsciousness and inactivity), n Harm- 
avoidance ( freedom from pain, from loss of support, from shock, 
from loud noises and other dangers), n Seclusion (privacy and 
freedom from intrusive human stimulation), n Succorance (the 


close presence of another human body to gratify these as well 
as other needs : Food and Water ). The great dependence upon 
home or upon a refuge ( a safe haven of rest ) justifies the ex- 
pression 'claustral Succorance,' or even Umbilical Succorance' 
( cf. The Silver Cord ) when a subject does not dare to venture 
more than a certain distance from his homestead. Here the Harm- 
avoidance drive commonly uses Succorance ( adherence to a sup- 
porting O, or calls for help ) as a subsidiary. The n Passivity is 
satisfied in sleep, the actones being those of curling up ( ex : 
foetal position). 

c i. Cathection of death. Related to the subject's underlying 
desire to return to his former state of passivity is the inclination 
to surrender, to fall ill, to drown in the waters, to depart this 
life or to * enter the tomb and be swallowed up by mother earth.' 
It may be thought that * death's bright angel ' will bring a happy 
release from the coils of this mortal life. A milder version of 
this is 

c ii. Cathection of Nirvana. Here the subject desires to attain 
utter passivity ( without death ), serenity resulting from the re- 
laxation of tension and conflict, to lose his individual identity 
( Ego consciousness ) by merging with ( dissolving in ) the in- 
finite ( becoming one with the universe, the atmosphere, the sea, 
the c great mother,' the Godhead ) . This may lead to a separation 
from others, drug addiction, mystical exercises, or Yoga practices. 

d. Cathection of the fast. The S is attached to his birthplace. 
If he moves away, in later years he is apt to think back on his 
childhood with feelings of nostalgia. He may yearn to return 
to the old homestead, or he may idealize his childhood or he may 
glorify some epoch that is past, some historic period before his 
birth. ( * Once things were better on the earth ' cf. myth of the 
Golden Age, myth of the Garden of Eden. ) As a sub-heading may 
be added : 

d i. Efimethean sentiments. The desire for security and im- 
mobility and the cathection of the past usually lead an S with 
a claustral complex to adopt and adhere to conventional and well- 
accredited patterns of behaviour and thought : morals, political 


principles, religious beliefs, aesthetical standards. He resists change, 
new ideologies, revolutionary doctrines. Sameness, Conjunctivity 
and Deliberation are apt to be high. 

Illustrations ( from the autobiographies ) of the simple claustral 
complex must be sought under the proper headings : cathection 
of mother, n Passivity, n Seclusion, n Harmavoidance, n Suc- 
corance. Here it is only necessary to cite memories which relate 
to the cathection of claustra : 

Krumb : I am able to take my exams at home, sheltered from the un- 
thinkable agony of sitting in a room full of people. 

I am afraid to leave my room. All I want is the quiet of my room. 

VuLner : I loved to build tunnels in snow or under chairs with rugs 
thrown over. 

The simple claustral complex may or may not be associated with 
the insupport complex. 

A2. Insupport Complex. This is constituted by a basic insecurity 
or anxiety of helplessness ( n Succorance S n Harmavoidance ) . 
The fears are rather typical. 

Fears of insupport. The loss of physical support is one of the 
elementary conditions of fear. There are various kinds of fears 
which may be subsumed under this heading, the commonest 
being : 

i. Fear of open spaces (agoraphobia). The subject cannot 
leave his house, or depart from the support of a wall, or expose 
himself to inclement weather, or cross a space, or feel at home 
in open country without the accompanying presence of a re- 
liable and sympathetic friend or parent. One thinks here of a child 
learning to walk moving cautiously from one fixed structure 
to another, not daring to hazard steps across the floor. This in- 
cludes 'distance' phobias. 

ii. Fear of falling ( narrow pathways, insecure ground, heights ) . 
The subject is cautious in walking on rough ground or in cross- 
ing streams on a log or in jumping from rock to rock, or in 
climbing trees, or in shinnying up a pole, or in climbing moun- 
tains. He avoids heights if possible. Fainting or dizziness are 
common symptoms. 


iii. Fear of drowning (water). The child is afraid when he 
first takes his bath. Later, he is very cautious when he begins 
to play along the water's edge. Because of fear he is slow in 
learning to swim, and when at sea he is afraid of rough water, 
afraid of capsizing. The idea of a shipwreck troubles him. 

iv. Fear of earthquake. The thought of ground crumbling un- 
der him is alarming. 

v. Fear of fire. Imaginations or dreams of his house being con- 
sumed in flames or falling on his head terrify him at night. 

vi. Fear of family insupport. The S may be worried by discord 
between his parents. He may fear separation, divorce or the death 
of a parent. 

vii. Fear of life. The subject fears novel situations, strangers, 
change, adventure. He does not feel capable of the effort and 
courage necessary to make his independent way in the world. 

A}. Egression ( Anti-Claustral ) Complex. Psycho-analysts are 
apt to assume that the womb is the pleasantest of all environ- 
ments and that every creature has an underlying desire to return 
to it. Certainly, in a child, the needs for Passivity and Succorance 
are strong, but it may be supposed that with foetal growth the 
womb sometimes becomes a press of confinement, which pro- 
vokes the needs for Activity and Autonomy. We know, for in- 
stance, that the foetus is quite active during the last months. Re- 
cent findings indicate that a progressive anoxemia (asphyxia) 
in the child is the stimulus which initiates labor pains, and this 
is the very stimulus which is most certain to evoke Autonomy, 
movements to escape from restraint ( particularly if it limits res- 
piration ) or from the confines of an airless space. The process 
of birth subjects the infant to extreme cranial pressure and is 
followed by a short period of more extreme asphyxia. Thus the 
press of asphyxia and physical restraint are intimately associated. 
It will be remembered that Watson and others have found that 
holding the head of a baby in a fixed position invariably provokes 
angry struggles for release. These facts suggest that we must 
consider the possibility of a complex directly opposed to the 
claustral complex. 


Speculation suggests that the manifestations to be described 
constitute an integrate that is related to the trauma of birth. It 
may represent a re-enaction of the birth trauma in order to 
master the anxiety associated with it, or a long term perseveration 
of the n Autonomy ( fused with the need for Air ) set up and 
for a time frustrated by conditions just before and during birth. 
The symptoms of this complex are as follows : 

a. Egression vector. This designates the fact that the subject 
is perpetually leaving a place, particularly an enclosed, stuffy, 
constraining, prohibiting or monotonous place. According to the 
emphasis at the moment we find : 

i. Cathection of open spaces and fresh air. Some people have 
strong sentiments about the necessity for fresh air, wide open 
windows, deep and unimpaired breathing. They do not like to 
be confined indoors, to be ' cooped up.' They like to range freely, 
to roam or ride across country, to travel. They are apt to prefer 
large expanses : the sea, the desert, distant views from high 

ii. Locomotion vector. This describes a recurrent reaction to 
environments, namely, separation. The subject cannot stay for 
any length of time in one place. He must be continually on the 
move. As examples we may cite : truants, hoboes, voyagers, ad- 
venturers, gentlemen of fortune, explorers, sailors, beachcombers. 

iii. Cathection of change. There are subjects who hanker after 
new impressions, cannot tolerate monotony, are painfully bored 
by conventional people and trite speech. ' Anything for a change ' 
is their motto. 

iv. Negative cathection of claustra ( claustrophobia ). Here the 
subject is afraid that if he gets into an enclosed place, a room, 
an elevator, a subway, a train, a theatre, he will be unable to get 
out. When he does find himself in such a situation a fearful anx- 
iety may arise ( n Harm ) and with it the thought that he is 
unable to breathe (fusion with n Air). This terrifies him and 
he will make frantic efforts to escape. The panic that sometimes 
possesses an audience when a fire breaks out in a theatre may be 
cited as an instance of a widespread temporary claustrophobia 


among normal people. A fear of closed spaces is not infrequently 
found in conjunction with a fear of open spaces. This is evidence 
in favour of the supposition that the basis for both of them is the 
same : the birth trauma. The fear of being buried alive should be 
included here. 

b. n Autonomy. Typical of this complex is the Autonomy drive 
exhibited as an intolerance of barriers and restraining prohibitions, 
coupled with the tendency to break out and take flight from such 
confinements. Subjects of this stamp must feel free, and so when- 
ever compliance is demanded ( p Dominance ) they rebel. ( ' Give 
me liberty or give me death.') They are apt to think that the 
'authorities' are interfering with their rights. Open defiance, 
however, is less characteristic than escape to some more tolerant 
environment. With this integrate may go the cathection of 'primi- 
tive people ( ex : the * noble savage ' ) and the expression of 
Promethean sentiments ( ex : ' orthodoxy must be shattered ; there 
must be freedom ; a new " inspiration " must be brought to 

Various interesting combinations of the three claustral com- 
plexes may be found. Ambitendency ( vacillation from one ex- 
treme to the other ) is not uncommon. We have, for example : 

Rebirth thema, which combines Ingression ( entering the womb 
[ introversion ] in order to gather new energies ) and Egression 
( emergence from darkness [ extraversion ] in order to create 
something, take up a new life, or bring a ' message ' ) . 

Orphan thema. The S may think of himself as having been un- 
wanted by his parents, unloved, disinherited ( cf. expulsion from 
paradise ), misunderstood, pushed before his prime into an un- 
kindly world ( cf. claustral complex ) . He may dramatize himself 
as a pariah, an unbefriended wanderer over the face of the earth, 
wistfully craving or seeking the love that was once withheld, look- 
ing for the * happy isles,' the ' forgotten way.' 

Unfortunately, there is no data pertaining to the problem of 
whether such conditions as threatened miscarriage, protracted 
labour, marked asphyxia at birth and Caesarian section have an 
influence on the development of claustral complexes. There is 


evidence, however, which goes to show that later the press of 
Family Insupport ( Discord, Separation, Death ), the press of 
Rejection, and the press Birth of Sibling may promote or en- 
gender one of these integrates. 


That the mouth is a zone which may function as an integral 
part of an erotic complex is demonstrated by the conjunction of 
kissing and sexuality, but more certainly by the occurrence of 
overt oral erotism ( fellatio ) and covert, inhibited oral erotism 
( unequivocally manifested in fantasies and dreams ). These and 
other facts led Freud to the notion of a primarily erotized mouth. 
According to this theory it is from sucking that the infant derives 
its greatest sensuous delight. This theory, if given an operational 
definition, becomes a fact which no one who patiently observes 
the oral activity of babies can readily deny. 

Though the activity of sucking may have originally acquired 
significance through its association with the satisfaction of hunger 
( n Food ) , it must be given the status of a more or less independ- 
ent drive ( n oral Sentience ) . For example, a child, after satia- 
tion of its appetite, will not infrequently push away the bottle 
and start sucking its thumb, just as, in later life, after a hearty 
meal a man will take a sweet ( n gustatory Sentience ) or light 
a cigar ( n oral Sentience ) . The conclusion is that sucking, during 
a certain period of life, at least, is an actone which brings its own 
peculiar satisfaction. A child will exhibit the signs of extreme 
annoyance if this activity is interfered with. It seems likely, 
furthermore, that these mouth sensations are not only in them- 
selves more sexual-like than anything else the child experiences, 
but they engender (by the spread of excitations through the 
parasympathetic nervous system ) sensations in the genital region 
( fusion with n Sex ). This would help to explain the frequency 
with which genital excitement follows upon oral stimulation 
( satisfied or frustrated ). 

Sucking is accompanied by a relatively passive, succorant atti- 
tude. The baby lies back ( usually in its mother's arms ) and 


receives its nourishment from her breast or from a bottle. Further- 
more, the child is more or less helpless during the entire sucking 
period. Because of this association, one commonly finds oral autom- 
atisms and a succorant dependent attitude occurring overtly or 
covertly in the same individual. When this persists as an enduring 
complex it may be supposed that either the zonal fixation (as 
most analysts assume) or the receptive tendency is the basic 
constellating factor. 

Having discovered evidence for what might be called the 
erotization of sucking, the analysts are prone to group all com- 
plexes that are associated with the mouth biting, chewing, 
spitting, vomiting, breathing, tasting, food preferences, and speech 
phenomena under the heading of oral erotism. To what extent 
this terminology is justified is uncertain. At present, there are not 
enough accurate observations of infant behaviour to warrant 
positive statements. Here we have limited ourselves to three oral 
complexes : i, the mouth associated with n Passivity and n Suc- 
corance ( Reception vector ) ; 2, the mouth associated with n 
Aggression ( Contrience vector ) ; and 3, the mouth associated 
with n Rejection ( Ejection or Encasement vector ). 

Bi. Oral Succorance Complex. This is chiefly characterized by 
the conjunction of oral activity ( automatisms and the cathectidB 
of oral objects ) and passive, succorant tendencies ( dependence 
and the cathection of nurturant objects). It bears some resem- 
blance to the claustral complex in so far as it is engendered by a 
dependent physical connection with the mother ( mouth-nipple ) 
which is broken later, more or less abruptly. Expulsion from the 
womb and weaning are both imposed separations ( frustrations ) 
which may leave their mark on the personality of the child. 
Events of the feeding period, as well as the conditions of weaning, 
should have a determining effect upon the complex. Some chil- 
dren, for example, are wearied suddenly and show marked frus- 
tration reactions. The degree of trauma at weaning would appear 
to be determined by i, the child's capacity to enjoy oral stimula- 
tion and the amount of previous gratification ; 2, the rigidity and 
focality of the fixation ; 3, the suddenness of the change ; 4, the 


child's general irritability and intolerance of frustration ; and 5, 
the inability of the mother to provide adequate substitutes. The 
symptoms of an oral succorance complex are as follows : 

a. Oral automatisms : sucking. Here we should include con- 
stant lip movements, sucking (of finger, pencil, etc.), frequent 
hand-to-mouth actones, excessive kissing and so forth. 

Quick : I sucked my thumb until I was five. 

Vulner : A bad habit I had was sucking my index finger and at the 
same time twisting my hair so that I developed a little bald spot. 

Roll : One of my habits was pulling at my hair, getting a hair out by 
the roots, whereupon I put it in my mouth and sucked it. I have been 
trying to break this habit for years. I've even tried wearing a hat when 
I study. 

b. Cathection of oral objects : nipple, breast. Originally, it 
was the nipple and breast or the nipple and milk bottle that satis- 
fied oral Sentience. Later other objects ( thumb, * pacifier,' penis, 
cigars ) may be accepted as substitutes and be cathected. 

c. Compulsive n Food or n Water, with cathection of food 
objects and drinl^. Eating between meals, frequent inclinations to 
nibble or have a sip of something, a pre-occupation with diet 
t|ritualistic habits ), a prodigious appetite ( stuffing ), dipsomania, 
as well as the cathection of food objects ( especially milk, ice 
cream, soft food, candy, * all-day-suckers ') and drugs that are 
taken by mouth ; these all suggest an oral complex. Memories of 
food and eating were profuse in some of the autobiographies, 
not at all in others. 

Vale : I used to dream about having all I wanted to eat of the things 
I liked. 

Kast : I remember father bringing me home some ice cream when I 
was sick. From then on I looked on ice cream as a benefit to life. I eat 
tremendous amounts of it in the summer. 

Earnst : I remember drinking water for days, a sip at a time, to ease 
the feverish burning of my throat. 

d. n Passivity and n Succorance. The desire passively to re- 
ceive ( v Reception ) : nourishment, sympathy, protection, sup- 


port, praise, recognition, money, love, is characteristic of this com- 
plex. The S appears to be starving for affection. The Acquisition 
drive is often fused with these needs ( ex : a ' gold digger ' on the 
lookout for a 'sugar daddy'). It is exemplified by those who 
* make use of ' people, who * sponge ' by accepting hospitality and 
money (ex : begging). An inhibited oral Acquisition tendency 
( exhibited by the infant who grabs and puts into its mouth what- 
ever objects it can reach') may express itself as a fantasy of 
searching, inbreaking or digging in the ground for something 
valuable (oil, gold, etc.). Kleptomania may spring from this 
complex, as well as exaggerated envy. 

It has been shown by Alexander 1 that gastric symptoms ( in- 
digestion, peptic ulcer ) may be caused by covert oral receptive 

e. Projections of n oral Succor ance. The subject fantasies that 
other people are trying to ' use ' him ( to make a ' sucker ' out of 
him ), and that his energies are being drained ( Vampire thema ). 
People, he says, ask for too much. This projection occurs when 
the S inhibits his own desire to take from others. 

f . Cathection of nurturant objects ( mother ). A dependent fixa- 
tion on the mother or on some other sympathetically devoted 
object is common. 

g. Fantasies of oral impregnation. Theories of fertilization by 
the inspiration or ingestion of a seed ( cf. immaculate concep- 
tion ) are probably engendered by this complex. 

h. n oral Sex ( fellatio ). The fusion of Passivity and Succorance 
furthers the development of a feminine sexual attitude in men 
(Reception vector), and when this is combined with orality a 
passive homosexual complex ( overt or covert ) may result. 

i. Cathection of words. There is evidence to suppose that a 
special interest in speaking and in the emotional value of words 
loquaciousness, a neologistic tendency, a love of oratory or 
poetry is a sign of orality. It is as if the poet's verses were just 
so many poignant cries for love ( the * lost Elysium ' ). 

i. Alexander,?. ' The influence of psychologic factors upon gastro-intestinal 
disturbances.' Psychoanal. ><w/.,i934J 5i-539- 


j. Totalistic apprehension. The reception vector operating with 
perception and apperception may lead to sensuous perceptiveness, 
empathic apprehension of a total situation (getting the 'feel' 
of something as a whole ) , * drinking in ' knowledge and apper- 
ceiving its * essence ' ( rather than grasping and memorizing a 
bit at a time ) . 

Weaning or the frustration of oral Succorance leads to further 
symptoms : 

k. Projections of p Rejection and p Retention. This includes the 
Orphan thema ( * I have been miserably deprived of parental 
support'). It displays itself as the belief that people are heart- 
less, selfish, mean and miserly, as well as by a generally pessimis- 
tic outlook ( ' Nothing ever comes ' * You never get what you 
want f c You can't trust anyone ' ) . 

1. n intrdN urturance . The S who believes himself rejected is 
apt to turn his love ( n Nur, n Def, n Sex ) inward. Self-pity is 
the root of one variety of Narcism. As with thumb-sucking, it 
may lead to a type of introverted self-sufficiency associated with 
a rejective attitude towards the world ( * You can't expect any- 
thing from other people ' ). 

m. Inhibited n Aggression. The subject blames the world for 
giving him a * raw deal.' His envy of what other people receive 
( by inheritance or luck ) makes him particularly resentful of 
prosperous ( well-fed ), successful people. 

B2. Oral Aggression Complex. This is constituted by the con- 
junction of Aggression and oral activity (biting). It functions 
not infrequently as a contrafaction to an underlying, though 
perhaps latent, oral Succorance. 

a. Oral automatisms : biting. This includes chewing objects, 
nail-biting and grinding the teeth at night. In a baby this begins 
as the teeth appear ( from about the fifth month onwards ) . 
Sometimes a child will bite its mother's nipple, an event which 
may necessitate weaning. In this case p Rejection ( deprivation 
of the. breast ) may be interpreted as a punishment for biting 
(Aggression), and this may bring about regression to a less 
adaptive, passive attitude. The child may bite its own thumb ( n 


intrAgg ) until it becomes clubbed. A lover will sometimes bite 
the woman's body during sexual intercourse. 

Oriol : I have always bitten the hair on the back of my fingers when 
I concentrate. 

Zill : I was getting thinner and underweight and extremely nervous, 
bit my nails profusely. 

b. Cathection of solid oral objects. Solid foods (meat and 
bones) or other objects (pencils, pipes, etc.) may be cathected. 
One of our subjects would chew through the stem of his pipe in 
a few months. 

c. n Aggression. During phytogeny oral Aggression was asso- 
ciated with the n Food ( the killing of prey ) and a positively 
cathected object (something good to eat). Carnivora more fre- 
quently bite what they like ( food ) than what they dislike ( an 
animal that is not good to eat). And if this is so, one would 
expect oral Aggression to be combined with a positive cathection 
( appetite, lust, love, admiration ) of the object. This, indeed, is 
what one does find in the totem feast ( eating the worshipped 
animal), in the Holy Communion, in cannibalism ( incorporat- 
ing the virtues of the bravest foes ) and in infantile oral Aggres- 
sion (biting the nurturing breast). In children oral Aggression 
is usually found as one phase of an ambi-tendency ( contrafactive 
to oral Succorance), the Aggression having been evoked by an 
interference with sucking. Since, during the nursing period, 
hating usually objectifies itself as biting, the latter may be taken 
as a sign of oral frustration ( weaning ) . Verbal Aggression 
( censure, criticism, belittlement, ' biting ' sarcasm, insult ) seems 
to be the most common sublimation of biting. It often takes the 
form of ideo Aggression : a destructive analysis and criticism of 
the sentiments and theories of others. It may exhibit itself also as 
nagging and commanding (n Dom) younger objects. Covert 
Aggression is more indicative of an early oral Aggression than is 
overt Aggression. 

d. Ambi-cathection of superior objects. Oral aggression being 
originally directed at the depriving mother and later ( quite com- 


monly ) at the interfering father, an upward orientation ( supr- 
Agg ) is thereby established which pre-determines the S, in later 
life, to select superior objects ( dominating women, men of author- 
ity, God ) to attack and criticize. Whether or not the objects have 
been previously revered, they are usually respected secretly, even 
while they are being depreciated. 

e. Projection of oral Aggression. Some children are arrested and 
disturbed by stories, fantasies and dreams in which the hero is 
chased, attacked and eaten by a carnivorous animal. This may be 
due in part to the re-animation of archetypal images and fears, 
but is explained more immediately as a projection of the child's 
own oral Aggression. The infant sees the environment in its own 
image, as a world of biting objects. This accounts for the preva- 
lence of fairy stories and sagas about creatures that bite children 
and men : tales about dragons and giants ( cf. * The bogey man 
will eat you'), Little Red Riding Hood (cf. ' Who's afraid of 
the big, bad wolf ? ' ), Cronos devouring his children, the Were- 
wolf legends and so forth. As a special instance of the gen- 
eral doctrine of Lycanthropy, we may cite the ancient Armenian 
superstition that certain sinful women are punished for a term 
of years by being changed at night into wolves that crave the 
flesh of their own children. Such wolf-women can pass through 
any door or window, and it is impossible to resist them. Here the 
oral Aggression is projected onto the mother, but more frequently 
the aggressor is a male figure ( which has more basis in fact ) . 

f. n Harmavoidance and the negative cathection of biting ani- 
mals. A child may project Aggression onto some suitable object, 
e.g., a dog or horse, and develop a phobia. Nightmarish fears of 
being chased and gobbled up may recur, these being the usual 
accompaniments of projected Aggression. 

g. Identification with carnivorous creatures. This applies to 
children who like to imagine or play that they are devouring 
animals, or who especially enjoy stories of wild beasts and can- 

h. Stuttering. Stuttering is an inco-ordination or conflict of oral 
actones which may have its roots in an infantile conflict between 


sucking and biting. The motor disjunctivity also involves respira- 

Akeson : I have been affected with stammering, a condition which 
varies in intensity . . . but which has always been with me and some- 
thing I have been afraid of. 

63. Oral Rejection Complex. There is considerable uncertainty 
as to the nature and significance of this complex. There are first 
of all acts which illustrate the Ejection vector : spitting up and 
vomiting. These are basically derived from disgust ( nausea ) 
and the Noxavoidance drive. Then there are acts, such as turning 
away and firmly closing the mouth, which apparently have the 
same aim (to avoid noxious substances), but are characterized 
by spasticities at the oral orifice ( rather than by oral reception 
followed by regurgitation ) . The problem is, what belongs to- 
gether ? Are we dealing with one complex, or are there two ( a, 
ready reception and ready ejection and b, exclusion and reten- 
tion ) ? These may be the result of autonomic ( sympathetic ) 
stimulation along the upper digestive tract ( oesophageal, cardiac 
or pyloric spasm). The Freudians are apt to regard all of these 
rejections as repudiations of some underlying wish : to drain 
others (oral Succorance), to devour cannibalistically (oral Ag- 
gression ), or to take into the mouth an erotic object ( n oral 

a. Negative cathection of certain foods. This is generally de- 
scribed as ' finickiness about food/ The child refuses to eat or 
spits up certain foods. The mother's milk or the doctor's feeding 
formula may not agree with the infant, or later, certain foods 
may become repulsive due to secondary displacement. In the 
child's fantasy they may stand for something else ( flesh, faeces, 
penis). In some cases vegetarianism may represent a contraf ac- 
tion to infantile cannibalism. 

Zill : My appetite was very poor and many foods were repulsive to me 
because of some association they made in my throat with things slimy. 
Once after I had seen a crushed frog I could not eat for days. 


b. Inhibition of n Food. The S may limit his diet or refuse to 
eat entirely (ex : hunger strike ). Here, we may include dietary 
asceticism ( eating meagre, simple fare ) as well as suicide by 
starvation. A death wish may exhibit itself as an inability to 
swallow (oesophageal spasm). This may represent the guilty 
repudiation of an infantile wish to incorporate something loath- 
some ( faeces, penis ), or it may be a manifestation of utter spite 
( ' I am dying because you rejected me. You are to blame and I 
hope self-reproaches will torture you to the end of your days ' ) . 

c. n Harmavoidance : Fear of oral infection. Some subjects have 
a fear of being infected by mouth. They are apt to believe that 
food is dirty or decayed, or that it contains bacteria or parasites. 
The fear of kissing may have a similar origin as well as the delu- 
sion that another person is maliciously putting poison in one's 

d. n Rejection. When the mother's milk does not satisfy the 
child it turns away. This happens sometimes immediately after 
birth. It makes bottle feeding imperative. There are no facts 
which tell us what effect this initial rejection of the mother may 
have. The child must henceforth cathect the milk bottle or its 
own thumb, rather than the mother's breast. Theoretically, this 
should lead to a state of relative independence, or one in which 
material objects are accepted as substitutes for affectionate con- 
tact. The Rejection drive may also be evoked by subsequent 
weaning ( interpreted as p Rejection ). It may function as a contra- 
faction to oral Succorance ( * My mother is no longer of use to 
me'). This should lead to independence or exclusiveness ( intro- 
version ) or to diffidence and aloofness. 

e. n Seclusion : Reticence. The Encasement vector operating at 
the mouth should lead to reticence, secrecy, refusal to tell things, 
retaining information. This may be a subsidiation of the Rejec- 
tion drive ( * I shall never speak to you again' ), or it may be in 
the service of privacy and Endocathection ( * Leave me and let me 
enjoy my own thoughts'), or it may be for Retention ('I have 
a valuable secret which I am going to keep to myself ). Mutism 


is a not uncommon symptom in hysteria as well as in schizo- 
phrenia ( catatonia ) . 

f. n Autonomy : Resistance. Children who do not wish to eat, 
to talk, or to demonstrate affection are, as a rule, incessantly urged 
to do so by fheir parents. In order to defend themselves these 
children must develop habits of resistance and negativism. 

g. Negative cathection of nurturant object ( mother ). The re- 
jection is usually focussed upon the depriving parent. During the 
feeding period this is usually the mother. This original fixation 
may later give rise to constant depreciations of women or to the 
habit of refusing aid or sympathy from anyone ( ' I can take care 
of myself * ) . 


The psycho-analysts have clearly demonstrated that the asso- 
ciation in infancy of certain general attitudes with defecatory 
activities may be of considerable importance in the later develop- 
ment of the personality. To account for this the original ( and 
still widely held) theory was that defecation is one of several 
components of the Sex drive and that some children, due to a 
hypersensitivity of anal mucous membrane, derive special sen- 
suous pleasure from this activity. Because of the resulting zonal 
fixation, certain behavioural tendencies associated with the period 
of bowel training : retentiveness, orderliness, cleanliness, obsti- 
nacy, become established as outstanding traits of personality. The 
observation that some children spend a long time on the toilet 
and resist efforts to hurry them has been put down to the fact 
that, because large, faeces give more friction and hence more 
pleasure, the anally fixated child gets into the habit of retaining, 
accumulating and slowly discharging his excrement. One of the 
unhappy sequelae of this practice is chronic constipation. With 
these facts and theories as a nucleus the Freudians have expanded 
the concept of anal erotism to include almost everything that is 
commonly associated with defecation and faeces : diarrhoea, soil- 
ing, constipation, playing with faeces, smearing, sensitivity to bad 


odours, exhibitionistic expulsions, inspection of the defecatory 
activities of others, pruritus ani, back-house humour, and so forth. 
We can say that in the main our own findings are in accord 
with analytical observations, but that they have led us to a some- 
what different formulation. It seems that it is possible to dis- 
tinguish two anal complexes : one connected with the tendency 
to expel ( Ejection vector), the other with the tendency to retain 
( Retention vector ). The primitive, natural tendency is to excrete 
whenever stimulation from the anal zone arises. This must be 
the original form of anal erotism. When training begins the first 
thing that the child must learn is to retain his faeces until the 
proper time and place are reached. He must also learn to eject at the 
time that a parent dictates. Thus, the original tendency is met by 
barriers and prohibitions ( ' You must not let go ' ), and then by 
coercions ('Now, you must give or produce something'). The 
more active, motile, expansive, impulsive, extraverted child finds 
difficulty in meeting the first demand ; whereas the more passive, 
immotile, contracted, inhibited, introverted child finds difficulty 
in meeting the second. Thus there is the possibility of two com- 
plexes, the main characteristics of which conform to those of the 
two stages of anal erotism postulated by Abraham. 1 Abraham 
distinguished a primary stage marked by the sadistic getting rid 
and annihilation of objects, and a secondary stage in which objects 
became cathected, acquired and held. Whereas analysts believe 
that these two impulses have their source in the erotogenic anal 
zone, we should say that they were general vectors which, though 
most clearly exhibited in connection with defecation and when 
pathologically exaggerated always associated with anal fixation, 
are commonly manifested before the period of anal training and 
can develop independently of excretory functions. For example, 
the youngest infants commonly pass through a period of belching 
and spitting up nourishment before they come to the stage of 
surely retaining it. Similarly with toys : they start by throwing 
them out of the crib and only later does the disposition to hold 
and collect them become dominant. There can be no certainty 

i. Abraham.K. Selected Papers, London, 1927. 


about such matters, however, until the facts of infant development 
have been systematically observed and assembled. In the mean- 
while the data at our disposal can be subsumed under two head- 
ings : anal ejection and anal retention. 

Ci. Anal Ejection Complex. The unequivocal phenomena at 
the core of this complex are : defecatory preoccupation, the cathec- 
tion of faeces, incontinence, soiling, frequent evacuations and 
diarrhoea. Associated with these are the tendencies characteristic 
of the Ejection vector, as well as certain commonly related needs. 

a. Cathcction of defecation and faeces. A special preoccupation 
with excretory activity (enjoyment, over-emphasis, worry, 
rituals, medication and so forth ), lewd thoughts and language, 
anal humour, an interest in excrement or in somewhat similar 
material ( dirt, mud, plaster, clay, paint, decayed flesh ) and 
coprophagia may be grouped under this heading. 

Vulner : Occasionally my mind would dwell on lewd or filthy subjects. 

b. Anal inspection and exhibition. Here may be included curi- 
osity in the excretory activities of others, as well as the display of 
one's own powers. 

Outer : First notice of sex was at age of four when I used to play with 
a girl a year older. We used to make our toilets in alleys. 

c. Anal theory of birth. Many children believe that babies are 
born from the rectum, but the theory seems to be more common 
among anally fixated children. 

d. Ejection vector and n Aggression : disorder, smearing. Under 
this heading may be included not only i, the excretion and expul- 
sion of waste products and gases from the body, but also 2, drop- 
ping things down, throwing things about, making loud noises, 
setting off explosions, firing guns, disrupting, dismembering, 
mutilating. Subjects of this type are generally untidy, dirty, dis- 
arranged and unorganized. The vector may be fused with n 
Aggression, which in this connection takes on a distinctly de- 
structive or sadistic aspect. Due to its association with katabolism 
and excrement, anal Aggression is accompanied by no love or 
respect for the object ( as is oral Aggression ). It wishes only to 


break apart, smash, shatter, burn. It may lead to an interest in 
horror, dead bodies, etc. It may exhibit itself as vandalism or as 
the disfigurement of objects by smearing. Using * dirty/ * foul ' 
language or slandering the reputations of others ( ex : yellow 
journalism ) may be included here. 

Oak : I found an old can of paint and proceeded to smear our car all 
up and there were many other things like it. 

e. Locomotion vector and n Autonomy : Freedom, Expan- 
sion, Impulsion and Change. Subjects with a strong Ejection 
vector cannot stay in the same place for very long. Just as they 
find it difficult to control their bowel movements, so also do they 
find it impossible to restrain their incessant craving for locomo- 
tion, change, new sensations. As a rule they are ' wasters,' spend- 
ing money freely when they have it and conserving nothing. 
There is the possibility of fusion with the egression ( anti-claus- 
tral ) complex. 

f. Anal Sexuality. Pederasty associated with active or passive 
homosexuality is the complete expression of anal erotism ; but 
there are also milder and less direct forms that occur in con- 
junction with heterosexuality. 

C2. Anal Retention Complex. Though one finds at the basis 
of this complex the same cathection of defecation and faeces that 
characterizes anal ejection, the outstanding manifestations are 
opposed to the latter tendencies. For the most part they are in- 
hibiting defence mechanisms furthered by parental discipline and 
Superego formation. Hence the character that is established on 
this basis may be appropriately termed ' anal antherotic ' ( rather 
than ' anal erotic ' ). The first three and the last of the following 
list of symptoms are common to both anal complexes : 

a. Cathection of defecation and faeces. Positive cathection is 
usually repressed and overbalanced by an exaggerated negative 
cathection : reticence, prudishness and disgust associated with 

b. Anal inspection and exhibition. There may be a history of 
coprophilic curiosity in childhood. 


c. Anal theory of birth. 

d. Encasement vector. The subject is 'closed up,' * shut-in,' 
' close-mouthed/ reticent, secretive, taciturn. He has a '-wall' that 
holds others at a ' distance.* He does not like to be watched. 
Retardation of speech in a child may be associated with this 
general ' contractiveness.' 

e. n Retention. The subject accumulates, piles up, collects and 
hoards his possessions. He also takes special measures to conserve 
them (n Conservance, vide p. 80). He repairs, paints, cleans, 
covers, puts away and locks up his ' treasures.' He is not inclined 
to lend things or give presents. 

f. Projection of p Acquisition. The subject has fantasies or 
dreams of being dispossessed or robbed. He fears that others will 
borrow from him promiscuously or that he will be cheated of his 
inheritance or swindled in a business deal. These tendencies may 
date from the trauma of being given an enema in infancy. ( Fan- 
tasies of this type may be fused with fantasies of rape or of 
homosexual assault. ) 

g. n Autonomy : Resistance. The subject is resistant to sugges- 
tions. He likes to concentrate on the things that interest him 
and take his own time. He becomes obstinate and negativistic 
when accosted by sudden demands. The Rejection drive ( exclu- 
siv^ness ) is often strong. 

h. n Order: Cleanliness and Precision. The S is obsessively 
orderly and tidy with his belongings, and keeps his body and 
vestments clean and neat. He is quick to notice and be upset by 
spots, mussiness or disorder. He is apt to be precise and scrupulous 
in his work as well as in his dealings with others. 

i. n Harmavoidance : Fear of microbes and insects. The S may 
associate dirt with bacteria, and this may lead to obsessive cleanli- 
ness, or hygienic obsessions : squeamishness about touching such 
things as door-knobs, railings, towels or toilet seats in public 
places, a habit of gargling or rinsing his throat every morning, a 
compulsion to wash or bathe frequently, and so forth. Fears and 
revulsions involving insects and rodents may also be included here. 

j. Cognitive perseveration. The S is as tenacious of an idea or a 


trend of thought as he is of money. He cannot * drop ' a topic, 
a trait that often leads to arguments. Sometimes he is bothered 
by worrying ideas that ' keep running in his head/ 
k. Anal Sexuality. 


Under this heading may be grouped : bed-wetting and inconti- 
nence, urethral ejection (soiling), exhibitionism and clear-cut 
examples of urinary erotization. 

a. Bed-wetting and incontinence. 

Kast : Bed-wetting lasted until I was at least 12. 

b. Urethral ejection : soiling. 

Cling : One night I went outside to urinate and did so through a hole 
in the wall onto someone's bed ( urethral erotism ). 

c. Urethral erotism. 

Frost : I have had fairly regular wet dreams usually about urinating. 

The Freudian analysts have observed the common association 
with urethral erotism of ambition and the cathection of fire. 
We have found no data indicating that the former relationship 
is common, but the latter was clearly demonstrated by two of 
our cases. 


There are several important complexes associated with the 
genital organs, some of which are considered in connection with 
the Sex drive, but here we may confine ourselves to the castration 
complex, which, according to many Freudian analysts, is at the 
core of all pathological anxiety. We cannot believe that this is 
generally true. And we suggest that in those cases in which it 
is possible to trace all exhibitions of anxiety to this source it will 
be found that there was a circumcision in babyhood. To make 
the analyst's contention worth considering, it is necessary to 
greatly extend the meaning of * castration,' to have it include the 
loss of any pleasure-giving organ or object ( mother's body or 


nipple, subject's hand, tongue, etc.). But even if given this 
larger meaning * castration* does not cover all the eventualities 
which infants commonly fear : falling, being hurt, or being 
devoured by a wild animal or whipped by a parent or locked in a 
closet or buried alive. To us it seems better to confine the term 
castration complex to its literal meaning : anxiety evoked by the 
fantasy that the penis might be cut off. This complex occurs often 
enough, but it does not seem possible that it is the root of all 
neurotic anxiety. It usually comes as a resultant of the fantasies 
associated with infantile masturbation. 

Hypothetical Events of Childhood 

The greater part of this chapter has been devoted to a classifi- 
cation of common environmental press and common individual 
trends. A great many different combinations of press and trend, 
each of which constitutes a thema, can be observed in everyday 
life ; and, for us, the logically next step would be to define and 
name the most important themas. But even if this could be done 
within the limits of a chapter, it seems better to postpone the 
endeavour until a larger experience has taught us what press and 
what needs are of greatest import. 

Though in selecting illustrations of press and needs I limited 
myself to the subjects' autobiographies, the latter were not our 
only source of information about childhood. For there were three 
sessions specially devoted to reminiscences ( evoked by free asso- 
ciations and questions ), and in several other sessions subjects had 
occasion to refer to past history. Thus we reaped a fair harvest 
of biographical facts. In formulating development, however, we 
did not confine ourselves to the episodes which the subject was 
able to recall and willing to recount. Depth psychology had taught 
us that it is necessary to take account of certain early occurrences 
no longer available to consciousness. The early occurrences that 
must be included are those which left traces that influenced the 
course of development and are still operating unconsciously to 
modify behaviour. It was Freud whose sheer genius discovered 
that these long enduring ( though much modified ) traces could 


be reached through the study of dreams, fantasies and free asso- 
ciations. But the current psycho-analytic procedure which grew 
out of this discovery requires many hours, extending over 
months ; and since, for us, this was a prohibitive amount of time, 
it was necessary to develop methods which would reveal more 
quickly the dominant unconscious traces and trends. 

Instead of waiting for the repressed thematic tendencies to 
break through a gradually-made-permeable barrier of inhibition, 
we essayed a technique that would draw out the covert tendencies 
without arousing resistance or repression. The technique consists 
of asking a subject to demonstrate the limits of his imaginative 
capacity by making up stories ( fantasies ) suggested to him by a 
presented stimulus : a picture, a literary theme, a fragment of 
music, an odour and so forth ( vide p. 529). It was found that 
these so-called * projection methods' yield a large output of im- 
aginative activity which, we have reason to believe, is closely 
related to and representative of prevailing thematic tendencies, 
o which some are conscious and some unconscious. The findings 
of psycho-analysis indicate that from this kind of material one 
may, by interpretation, infer the operation of traces established 
in childhood. The traces are enduring impressions of actual events 
or of fantasies, or more commonly of actual events distorted by 
fantasies. One rarely knows to what degree a given trace corre- 
sponds to an original experience. Perhaps it does not matter ; for 
a fantasy may be as determining as a fact. The point here is that 
a large collection of projected fantasies, a fair number of ex- 
pressed sentiments, some free associations and a few recounted 
dreams provided us with ample imaginal material for interpre- 
tation. Interpretation took account of the contemporary situation, 
though it was directed more particularly to the genetical roots of 
the subject's present attitude. Thus, we arrived at a number of 
hypothetical occurrences or fantasies, many of which were sup- 
posed to have occurred during the pre- verbal period of childhood. 
We also inferred other events that had taken place later, but, hav- 
ing been subjected to repression, were no longer available to con- 


The kind of imaginal material that I have been discussing is 
of some significance per se, since an individual spends a large pro- 
portion of his life dreaming and imagining, and he may value 
this activity as much as he values his overt social acts. But these 
half-conscious twilight processes are also important because of 
their relation to infantile events, repressed complexes, neurotic 
symptoms and creative thought. At the moment we are particu- 
larly concerned with them as clues to the past. Our practice in 
the beginning was to do as most analysts do : interpret the fan- 
tasies immediately by intuition. The results were certainly in- 
teresting, but the amount of disagreement among interpreters 
made us skeptical of the results. Furthermore, it seemed that here 
as elsewhere in contrast to psycho-analytic custom one should 
analyse, classify and name fantasies as they are literally re- 
counted ( Freud's ' manifest content ' ) before one goes on to 
refer them by interpretation to other categories ( Freud's ' latent 
content' ), just as in medicine a conveniently sharp distinction is 
made between symptoms and diagnosis. This conviction com- 
pelled us to consider the problem of how to analyse and classify 
the imaginal products obtained from our subjects. Reflection and 
experience led us to adopt the same mode of treatment as was 
used when dealing with overt events. We tried to make out the 
thema : the press, the responding need and the outcome ; remem- 
bering that a pre-active need or a preceding outcome could func- 
tion as an internal press ( vide p. 122). It was found that the 
categories of needs and press briefly defined in this chapter, though 
reasonably convenient for the classification of objective occur- 
rences, had to be somewhat expanded to include the actions and 
objects which the imagination could invent. Since the systematic 
study and measurement of imaginal tendencies must depend upon 
the scheme to which they are referred, it is unfortunate that limita- 
tions of space require that the presentation of this part of our 
theory be kept for another volume. 

A scheme for manifest content, however, is only a first step, 
since it is not the naming but the interpretation of the content 
that leads to the hypothetical conditioning events, the supposition 


of which will make intelligible many otherwise mysterious 
phenomena. Thus the second step throws one head over heels into 
the perplexing problem of interpretation. 

Validation of Interpretations l 

If scientific truth is what * goes' among the intellectual elite, 
an experimenter should be more satisfied with his interpretations 
if he succeeded in convincing a sufficient number of others, or, 
better still, if a sufficient number of others separately arrived at 
the same conclusions. As a step in this direction we adopted the 
principle of the multiplicity of judgements. This certainly handi- 
caps the more intuitive and accomplished psychologues, for in- 
terpretation is a matter of * insight * ( ' insight ' into others ) , and 
insight depending as it does upon the frequent exercise and 
training of a special aptitude is certainly not equally distributed 
among those who profess psychology. Much greater than the dif- 
ferences in acuity of vision, hearing and taste are the differences 
in acuity of psychological intuition. Thus, at the frontier there 
will always be those who see further than others. This, however, 
does not make science. Science is democratic. It insists that the 
lame, the halt and the blind shall arrive and perceive. Thus, the 
intuitive pioneer, or those who follow him, must fashion instru- 
ments, mechanical and conceptual, that will allow everyone to 
observe and understand what has already been observed and under- 
stood. But this is not the only necessity. For since most intuitions 
of most pioneers are partially incorrect, the scientist must, for his 
own illumination if for no other reason, attempt to distinguish, 
define and name every impression which led him to his con- 

Applying these general considerations to the problem at hand, 
the genetical interpretation of fantasies, it seems that the next 
methodical step in scientification should be a systematic study of 
symbolism. Is it true, and in what sense is it true, that a violin, 
let us say, can symbolize the mother ? And if it can, what else can 

i. Here, by permission of the editor, I shall quote from 'Techniques for a sys- 
tematic investigation of fantasy.' J. Psychol., 1936,5, 115-143. 


it symbolize ? What else does it commonly symbolize ? Can it 
symbolize anything ? Is the sky the limit ? It will be long before 
science constructs a net to catch these irrational fish, but let her 
now essay it. It is of no profit to leave these most elementary and 
significant psychic processes for undisciplined people to talk about 
as they will. 

The procedure that we are now pursuing is the laborious one 
of distinguishing the items that have led to each interpretation ; 
that is, of cataloguing imagined objects and actions together with 
the * meanings ' that have been assigned to each. And this brings 
us back to our main problem, the validation of assigned meanings. 
I have just mentioned the principle of the multiplicity of judge- 
ments, which by implication affirms that agreement among ex- 
perimenters is one reason for accepting an interpretation. It is not, 
however, a very good reason. One knows too much about mutual 
suggestion and flattery in limited esoteric circles. Let us see what 
other modes of verification exist. 

The problem may be simplified by taking the case of a single 
experimenter who, after reviewing his own results, comes to the 
conclusion that a certain infantile thema, X, has been an im- 
portant factor in the development of one of his subjects. What 
methods are available for testing this inference ? 

If variable X is an enduring determinant it should operate re- 
peatedly and influence responses to diverse presentations. Also, 
it should be found to interact or articulate with other distinguish- 
able factors according to a generally accepted * logic ' of the emo- 
tions. To ascertain if this is the case an experimenter may employ 
one or more of the following procedures : 

a. Correlation with a multiplicity of other fantasy tests. The 
consistency of X is determined by noting the number of times it 
recurs in other tests. If it does not recur it should, at least, be 
dynamically related to the themas that do occur. 

b. Correlation with biographical data. Experience goes to show 
that variables which strongly manifest themselves in fantasy ( i ) 
have usually been engendered or promoted by one or more con- 
crete occurrences, and ( 2 ) are apt to lead to or influence subse- 


quent occurrences. For this reason, the experimenter should avail 
himself of as much information as possible concerning each sub- 
ject's life. The validity of X may then be partially determined by 
discovering how and to what degree it may be articulated with 
the facts disclosed in the biography. For example, the fantasy 
thema may be a repetition of, an escape from or a counteraction 
to some childhood event. 

The finding that X recurs in other tests and that it seems to 
connect with other discernible factors would provide good ground 
for confidence if one were less familiar with the ability of men to 
combine things in thought and believe that they were so com- 
bined in nature. To determine whether fantasies produced by the 
same S for different experimenters show veritable ( rather than 
rationalized ) uniformities and articulations, one may employ the 
matching techniques. 1 

c. Matching results from different tests. An experimenter may 
attempt to guess, on the basis of his own findings, which of a 
group of subjects gave each set of results obtained in some other 

d. Matching test results with biographical data. Ten biographies 
and ten sets of fantasies ( with no names attached ) were given 
for matching. One experimenter matched five, and two experi- 
menters matched all ten correctly. This indicates that fantasies 
are related to the events of life in a distinguishable manner ; that 
some of the dependencies that are apperceived have actually ex- 
isted : they axe not mere clever rationalizations. 

e. Guessing the occurrence of certain childhood experiences. 
Solely on the basis of the fantasy material an E may attempt to 
name some of the critical experiences that occurred during the 
subject's infancy ; to guess, for example, what gratifying, frus- 
trating or traumatic events took place, what sort of relationship 
was established with the mother, the father and the siblings, how 
the child reacted to what difficulties in social adaptation. This 

i. Chapman.D.W. 'The statistics of the method of correct matchings.' J. Abn. & 
Soc. Psychol., 1 929,24, 14-27. 
Vernon.P.E. Psychol. Bull., 1936,^5, 149-177. 


exercise puts the greatest stress upon the psychological knowledge 
and intuition of an experimenter. Though it has not yet been 
methodically attempted at the Harvard Clinic, many of the work- 
ers have independently and informally recorded their ' hunches ' 
and attempted to verify them. The story in which ' the violin as 
mother ' occurred may be taken as an example. 

Subject Abel. When Abel was presented with a picture of a little boy 
gazing at a violin lying before him on the table, he gave the following 
story : 

* This youngster has heard the violin played. When the player put the 
violin on the table he went over to look at the hole to sec where the 
music came from. He is puzzled by the absence of any music maker in- 
side, puzzled that the instrument could make such sounds. He doesn't 
connect the bow with the instrument. Pretty soon he will start fooling 
around with it trying to make sounds himself. The result depends on 
who hears him playing. The owner will be provoked, and take the in- 
strument away. If no one hears him the strings will be taken apart, but 
he won't demolish the instrument.' 

Here, the hypothesis was made that at the birth of a younger child 
Abel became perplexed about childbirth, suspected that the baby came 
out of the mother and entertained fantasies of aggressive exploration. 
When this diagnosis was made the experimenter did not know that Abel 
had a younger brother. 

At a subsequent interview, on being asked whether as a boy he was in- 
clined to dismember his toys, Abel responded exactly as follows without 
any prompting : ' Yes, I was always breaking things, always breaking every- 
thing to find out why or how it worked. I had a locomotive, I remember, 
and I had a wonderful time taking it apart. I learned to take the pedals 
of the piano apart. I used to peer inside the piano and wonder about it. 
I was terribly destructive, not just to destroy but to understand. I broke 
some plates to find out what they were made of and my mother scolded 
me for this. I would say that this destructive, curious period began when 
I was five and ended when I was eight. I remember when it began be- 
cause my younger brother was born when I was five. My brother was 
born in the house and my mother was very sick afterwards. I couldn't 
see the connection between her sickness and the baby. I was told that he 
had been found in the flour barrel, but of course I didn't believe it. But 
after that I was awfully curious. I used to plague my parents to death 


asking the how and why of everything. This still persists as one of my 
strongest characteristics. My teachers in school told me that I was fright- 
fully curious about everything and very inquisitive. I always want to 
know how things work.' 

It was considered that these memories occurring in this sequence 
without direct questioning, together with other facts discovered, 
were good evidence for the experimenter's hypothesis. 

f . Predictions of future behaviour. The E may attempt to predict 
on the basis of his material how each of his subjects will react 
when faced by a certain experimentally controlled situation. At 
the Harvard Clinic this has been systematically attempted only 
once. From the stories that fifteen subjects produced when pre- 
sented with a particular picture ( Thematic Apperception Test ) 
an experimenter ( Dr. White * ) attempted to predict the relative 
hypnotizability of each member of the group. He made a rank 
order which correlated highly ( r = +-7 2 ) with the ran k order 
for hypnotizability which was established later. 

g. Consultation with the subject. After an experimenter has 
completed his hypothetical reconstruction of a personality he may 
attempt, directly or indirectly, in a final interview with the sub- 
ject to obtain evidence that bears upon the critical diagnostic 

By the use of these and other methods experimenters may check 
their interpretations and gradually assemble verified facts which 
bear upon the processes that are of special concern to modern 

Creative productions and fantasies provide excellent material 
for the study of psychological inferences and the effect upon such 
inferences of the personalities and mental sets of judges. One 
should not suppose that any universal system of symbolism, simi- 
lar to that which Freud set forth in his writings on the interpreta- 
tion of dreams, will ever be the outcome of such studies. The 
power of the human mind to associate the most diverse objects is 

i. White,R.W. ' Prediction of hypnotic susceptibility from a knowledge of subjects' 
attitudes.' J. Psychol.^Q&j, 265-277. 


almost limitless and the subject's personal experiences rather than 
his innate tendencies determine the meaning. It can be predicted, 
however, that if the experimenter looks for the thematic relations 
of the objects ( images ), he will discover significant resemblances 
between the most diverse fantasies and dreams, and some general 
principles will emerge. 

Developmental Processes 

Reviewing successive events in a person's life one is bound to 
observe several different types of sequence. There will be a vary- 
ing amount of Repetition : similar events in which the tpmo 
(time-place-mode-object pattern) is not significantly changed 
the consistency of behaviour patterns indicating that the S is 
holding his own but not progressing. Very similar is Continuation, 
which means the persistence of one system of aims and interests, 
with slight variations in the mode of approach. This signifies 
that work is being done ( and hence, in an external sense, there is 
progression ), but the man's nature is not undergoing conspicuous 
modification. In our scheme both repetition and continuation 
have been subsumed under Sameness. Variation is exhibited by a 
series of clearly dissimilar responses to similar conditions. There 
is novelty ( Change ) and inconsistency without noticeable pro- 
gression or regression. 

Progression is marked by changes which represent a decided 
advancement, according to some emotionally reasonable scale of 
values. It usually involves adaptive learning ( increase in pro- 
ficiency), integration (harmonious co-ordination of trends), 
socialization ( adjusting to the tpmo formula of the culture ) and 
individuation ( self-reliance and uniqueness ) . Opposite to Pro- 
gression is Regression (Freud). This stands for a decline of 
effectiveness as measured against an accepted scale of values. It 
is exhibited most commonly by the appearance of a formerly used 
but now less adaptive reaction system. Substitution ( Freud ) is 
a very general term which describes the displacement of cathexis 
from one object to another object. It often occurs after the S has 


been frustrated in an attempt to gain the first object. Substitution 
is also applied to other kinds of change : change of mode, of 
interest and of aim. The change may be progressive or regressive. 

Socialization is a type of progression, namely, one that advances 
along the scale of social adjustment and conformity. This may 
represent a regression to a man who is striving to rid himself of 
limiting philistine claims. 

Sublimation ( Freud ) has been variously defined, but at least 
everyone has agreed that it should be applied to a form of substi- 
tution in which a primitive act or cathection is replaced by an act 
or cathection that is less crude and less objectionable. Analysts 
take it as a synonym of socialization, but since socialization can be 
applied to the case of a sadist who finds employment in a 
slaughter-house, and sublimation can be applied to the schizo- 
phrenic transformation of a perverted sexual tendency into an 
overwhelming religious revelation, it seems that many socializa- 
tions are not sublimations and many sublimations are not sociali- 
zations. We suggest that the term sublimation be used to stand 
for any transformation (of an integrate) that departs from 
crudely biological ( physical ) acts and objects. The change 
from physical to verbal Aggression ( reprimand without vio- 
lence ), or from physical to verbal Sex ( love and flirtation without 
intercourse ) would be included, as well as the replacement of a 
primitive object such as faeces by an acceptable object such as 
clay, provided the latter was not worked into a replica of faeces. 
Sublimation is most clearly exhibited, however, when a coarsely 
physical tendency, such as urination, sex or exhibitionism, takes 
a subjectified course, and, being modified by associations, dictates 
the themes of glorified fantasies, artistic designs or mystical 
illuminations. Sublimation may be an escape and, in that sense, 
a regression ; but in most cases as an adolescent phenomenon 
for example it represents a healthy erotization of the mind 
which is a step beyond the unimaginatively sensual. Later a 
change of tendency from ethereal romanticism to physical ob- 
jectification would be regarded by most people as a progression. 

Inhibition and Repression can be found in the record of an 


individual's life by noting the disappearance of one or more 
objectified integrates with the march of time. The complexes that 
become repressed are those that are unacceptable to the individual 
( n Harm, n Sue, n Aba ) or blameworthy in the eyes of society 
( n Agg, n Exh, n Sex, n Rec ) . Inhibition is the invariable ac- 
companiment of progression, sublimation and socialization. Con- 
trafaction is the succession of one integrate ( pre-action ) by its 
opposite ( sequent-action ) . The pre-action may be something 
that in some way sacrifices or diminishes the S, in which case the 
sequent-action is an Equilibration : a demand for payment after 
lending money, a request for aid after doing someone a favour, 
boasting after self-depreciation, talking after listening, an out- 
burst of anger after patiently enduring abuse. Or the pre-action 
may be something that diminishes or sacrifices the object, in which 
case the contrafactive sequent-action is a Restitution : payment 
after stealing, praise after criticism, kindness after cruelty, friend- 
liness after rejection. Or the pre-action may be a misdemeanour 
or major crime that displeases conscience or an external object, 
and then the restitutive tendency is an Atonement. The latter may 
take the form of self-abasement : humble confession, suffering, 
suicide. Reformation is a contrafactive, restitutive process involv- 
ing inhibition of a previous form of behaviour. It is usually in- 
volved in socialization. Counteraction is an equilibrating con- 
tinuation of striving that re-instates the S after failure, or an 
equilibrating contrafaction that re-instates the S by substituting 
a courageous, superior mode of action for a timorous, inferior 
one : traumatic re-striving. This is a progression in the service of 
the Inviolacy drive. 

Differentiation is the development of specialized functional sys- 
tems ( abilities, reaction patterns ) each of which is adapted to 
certain materials or a certain set of conditions. The indices are : 
refined and subtle discriminations, precise interpretations of com- 
plex situations, accurate generalizations and effective, economical 
or poignant responses. Differentiation makes it possible for one 
function to operate without interference from other functions : 
thinking to occur without the influence of sentiment, feeling with- 


out the interposition of an ideology, sensuous enjoyment unop- 
posed by practical considerations and so forth. Differentiation 
would break up the personality into an assemblage of talents if it 
were not for Integration, which organizes the separate systems into 
a harmonious whole, and Unification which raises certain inter- 
ests to the apex of a hierarchy of aims. In extreme cases all the 
differentiated functions become subsidiary to the goal of highest 
aspiration. This is all that can be said here on the important topic 
of modes of development. 1 

i. Limitation of space required the omission of a chapter devoted to this problem. 

Chapter VI 

This chapter will be devoted to the procedures that were used in 
studying the last two groups of subjects ( Groups III and IV ) . 
They will be described in the order in which their results were 
discussed at the final 'biographical' meetings. This order is 
approximately the same as that which was maintained during 
the period of examination. 


BEFORE beginning the series of sessions this experimenter had a 
ten-minute interview with each prospective subject. The latter 
was told that the staff of the Clinic wished to try out various tests 
with the hope of discovering relations between certain types of 
ability and certain types of temperament. After outlining the three- 
or four-months program of attendance the candidate was asked 
whether he could conveniently afford the time required for these 
tests ( about 36 hours in all ), and whether he was willing to co- 
operate to the fullest extent. He was assured that if the results 
were published his identity would be concealed. He was then told 
that the first thing required of him was to write a short auto- 
biographyabout fifteen pages in length. 

It was decided in advance that the men who seemed reluctant 
to co-operate or who wrote dull, superficial, or seemingly dis- 
honest autobiographies would not be accepted as subjects. This 
rule, however, was never invoked since no man who applied failed 
to meet our standards. Thus there was no selection of subjects. 


1. Conference. H. A Murray. 

2. Autobiography. H. A Murray. 

3. Family Relations and Childhood Memories. HSMe1(ecL 


4. Sexual Development. W.GJBarrett. 

5. Present Dilemmas. M.Moore. 

6. Conversations. E.C.Jones. 

7. Predictions and Sentiments Test. K.R.Kunze. 

8. Questionnaires. H. A. Murray. 

9. Abilities Test. R.T. Peterson and EJnglis. 

10. Aesthetic Appreciation Test. K.Diven. 

11. Hypnotic Test. R.W. White. 

12. Level of Aspiration Test. J.D.Fran{ and EA.Cobb. 

13. Experimental Study of Repression. S.Rosenzweig. 
a. Memory for Failures Test. E.H.Trowbridge. 

14. Violation of Prohibitions. D.W MacKinnon. 

a. Ethical Standards Test. J.A.Christenson, Jr. 

15. Observations and Post-experimental Interviews. R.N San ford. 

16. Sensorimotor Learning Test. W.C.Langer. 

17. Emotional Conditioning Test. 

Galvanic Skin Response. C.E.Smith and K.Diven. 
Tremor Response. W.C.Langer. 

1 8. Thematic Apperception Test. C.D. Morgan and H. A Murray. 

19. Imaginal Productivity Test. D. R.W heeler. 

20. Musical Reverie Test. K.R.Kunze. 

21. Dramatic Productions Test. E.Homburger. 

22. Rorschach Test. S.J.Bec%. 

23. Miscellaneous Procedures. Sears, Whitman et al. 

24. Reactions to Frustration. S.Rosenzweig. 

25. Social Interaction. M. .Richer -s-Ovsiantyna. 



The Conference was the first of the series of sessions. Its pur- 
pose was to allow the five members of the Diagnostic Council to 
obtain simultaneously their initial impression of the subject : to 
see him in the flesh, to observe his expressive gestures, to watch 
his reactions when confronted by a group of inquisitors ; and also 
to obtain certain facts of his life, to discover some of his dominant 
sentiments and interests. It resembled the prelude to an opera in 
that it included parts of themes ( tests ) which were to be fully 
presented in subsequent sessions. Though it lasted but 40 minutes 
it contained a little of much ; thus providing a rather broad basis 
for intuitive judgments. 

At the end of the Conference each member of the Council inde- 
pendently marked the subject on all of the variables. This made 
it possible to measure differences in interpretation and relate them 
to differences in the personalities of the judges ( vide p. 273 ). 

Procedure. The subject was ushered into the library of the 
Clinic and given a chair at a large table around which the five 
members of the Diagnostic Council were seated. A stenographer 
was at another table, out of the direct range of vision of the sub- 
ject ; her pad being concealed behind a stack of reference books 
which she pretended to consult. It was her function to write down 
every word that the subject said. 

The subject was questioned in a friendly manner by each 
examiner in turn according to the schedule which fpllows. ( After 
some of the questions representative answers have been ap- 
pended. 1 ) 

A. Interests and Abilities. ( This part of the Conference was 
conducted by Dr. Barrett. ) 

1. Mr. X, what is your field of concentration ? 

2. Do you lif(e it ? 

3. How did you happen to choose it ? 

i. This has been the form used in examining male college students. 


Given : The fact is, my father is more or less what you call * in busi- 
ness.' Children follow after their fathers ( n Def : Similance of father ). 

4. Were your parents in sympathy with your choice ? 

Nipp /"Anything I do is all right ( low p Dominance and probably 

5. What vocation are you intending to follow ? 

6. What other serious interests have you ? 

Nipp : Success in life. I would like to be well off. If in one vocation, 
all right, if another, all right. The practical outcome is what I want 
( Exo, Extra, n Acq and probably low Sc and low El). 

7. Can you thin\ of any individuals you were acquainted with 
or read about who influenced you in the choice of your interests or 
intended vocation ? 

A boy may identify with his father, or with a father surrogate, 
and imitate him in his choice of vocation (n Def : Similance). 
This may occur unconsciously, the subject believing that he has 
independently arrived at his decision. He may be too proud to 
admit that he has been influenced ( n Dfd : Disavowal S n Inv, 
and n Auto). On the other hand, a young man may be thrilled 
by the genius of some remote figure and gladly accept him as an 
exemplar ( n Sup, n Def : Similance, El). Some boys seem to 
have a ' natural bent ' and are determined by it regardless of the 
influence of adults ( n Auto ) ; others without much ambition 
follow the easiest way or yield to social pressure ( the trend of 
the majority ) . 

Frost : Teaching is what my father is doing ( n Def : Similance of 
father ), but it isn't for that reason ( n Dfd S n Inv, n Auto ). 

Nipp : No, I don't think so. . . I had a good man I worked under, 
but he didn't have much influence ( low n Def ). 

Bulge : Why, yes. Dante was one, Chaucer another. You mean in- 
spiration ? A professor of mine at college who was quite a man in the 
poetical field ( n Def : Similance ). 

Asper : Robinson, the American poet. . . He came along at the right 
time for me. I felt that life in college had been wasted against my 
nature. It hadn't been made for me. My spirit hadn't entered into the 
academic atmosphere ( N, Intra, Endo, n Auto, n Rej ) . Then I read 


Robinson ( n Def : Similance ) and it seemed to dawn on me hard to 
understand society and school had twisted me instead of letting me 
develop according to my ability (n Auto). Of that, Robinson says: 
* Don't give a damn about what these various agencies tell you ( n Auto ) . 
Merely know yourself first, and then develop yourself according to your 
interests ' ( N, Endo ). I tried to see myself as I am and I was disgusted 
( n Aba : Self-depreciation ) , but I accepted my various weaknesses and 
have tried to build on what I have. 

8. What tynds of things do you do best ? 

9. Have you ability with mechanical or electrical apparatus ? 

10. Have you artistic or literary talent ? 

11. Are you logical, good at arguments ? Do you life to speculate 
and discuss theories ? 

Frost : Yes. That is my main critical intention in order to get more 
logic into things. ( Frost was one of our most irrational subjects. ) 

Zora : No, theories don't mean much to me ( low n Und ) . ( Zora 
was intuitivej aesthetic, religious ). . . If I see a reflection of a certain 
light I am satisfied at having seen it ( n Sen ). But anyone can talk the- 
ories to me and I just get tired. ( Light had the significance of a revela- 
tion to Zora. ) 

12. What have you done in your life that you are most proud of ? 
Roll : Probably making myself very proficient in sports after I had 

been sheltered so long ( n Ach [ Physical ], n Counteraction ). 

Zora : If I write a decent sentence I think that an important accom- 
plishment. I have written several and they hang together. They are all 
part of the same thing. . . I don't think there is anything more serious 
for anybody's life. I look upon fine prose as fine poetry. The harmony 
of life and the sounding of its depth seems to me the fulfilment of some 
recognition of the quality of life ( Endo, Intra, n Sen ). 

13. What are your chief amusements ? 

14. Have you ever made a collection of anything such as 
stamps ? 

B. Social Experiences and Attitudes. ( This part of the Confer- 
ence was conducted by Dr. Rosenzweig and later by Dr. Mekeel. 
It was designed to bring into relief the characteristic social atti- 
tudes of the subject. ) 


1. Mr. X, what school did you go to ? 

2. Did you li^e the school? 

If the answer is a decided * yes,' it usually means : * I was a 
success and liked by the other boys.' 

3. How did you get on with the other boys at school ? 

On this point subjects are distinguished according to i, whether 
they suffered p Rejection or p Affiliation ; 2, whether they were 
sensitive or insensitive to ridicule and neglect ; and 3, whether or 
not they freely admit past successes and humiliations. 

Asfer : I knew practically no one. I adopted the attitude that I had 
been crushed by people, that I should build up a protection around my- 
self ( N, n Rej, n Sec, n Dfd ). 

4. Were there girls in your class ? How did you get on with 

Oak : I paid very little attention to them ( low n Sex ) . 
Given : Bored. I didn't even look at them while I was. there ( low 

To this question laconic or evasive answers were the rule, but 
occasionally a subject would attempt a complete exposition. 

Oriol : Well, to answer that question necessitates a good deal of ex- 
pansion. I am quite willing to go into it (N, n Exh ). In high school I 
went with two definite sets. In this high school one third of them came 
from the West side. They were either rich or pretended to be. I came 
from the East side, where there were two definite sections. One of them 
was Jewish, and I was not particularly anxious to become brothers with 
them ( n Rej [ Caste ] ). I would have liked to be in distinguished so- 
ciety ( n Sup [ Caste ] ) . I was more or less definitely isolated because 
the school was divided in social events of consequence clubs, school 
papers, dramatic club. The debating club was all Jews. That would have 
automatically eliminated me from all girls in the wealthy set. I didn't 
care to know Jewish girls any better. And at that time I was trying to 
be a poet ( n Ach [ Art-creative ] ) . The teacher discovered it. I be- 
came poet laureate of the school. I was labelled * baby,' ' sissy,' * infant ' 
( P Agg : Ridicule ) . I became generally run down. That didn't help my 
neurosis any. Consequently, I didn't attract the female element very 
strongly ( p Rej [ Sex ] ) . My whole social career in high school was nil. 


I stayed pretty much by myself for these two reasons (n Inf ). Of 
course, I looked at them differently than other people do ( Egocentric- 
ity ). I was an only child so I didn't have that normal association with 
them. But I never had any strange ideas ( n Df d ) . I read enough to over- 
come them. One fellow I did associate with. He had the same tempera- 
ment. We both talked things over and avoided any misfortunes of that 

5. Did you have any crushes at school ? 

6. Among the other boys did you have one or two friends or many 
friends ? 

Here it is a matter of whether the subject ' belonged ' ( p Affili- 
ation ), and whether he had many fleeting friendships ( Ch ), or a 
few enduring ones ( Sa ), or rejected the group in toto ( n Rej ). 

Given : Quite a number, I don't believe in getting too deep with any- 
one (Ch, n Aff, nRej ). 

7. What was the general opinion about you at school ? 

Bulge : I imagine the general opinion was that I was a good scout 
( N, superiority feelings, n Aff ). 

8. Were you ever a leader, or, if not, did you want to be a leader ? 

Kast : Yes, I was captain of the basketball team for two years, and 
president of my class for three years ( n Ach [ Physical ], n Dom ). 

9. How have you got on at college ? Have you found it easy or 
hard to mafy friends ? 

10. What is the worst blunder that you ever made ? 

Nipp : Gambling. My sophomore year I averaged seven hours a day 
gambling. I was with a group of fellows every afternoon and evening 
unless we had an exam. . . I made $150 and paid my room rent in 
advance, and then I would be broke for a month. I couldn't afford to 
pay ( n Acq, n Play ) . 

Asper : Blunder, I can't say. I have never done anything that I 
shouldn't have done at the time ( N, n Df d, low n Aba, low Se ) . 

Bulge : I think it was to insult a professor ( n Agg ) . 

Akeson : I have made a lot of mistakes. People used to pick on me 
quite a bit when I was a child. When I used to play war, I used to al- 
ways be the captive and they locked me up ( n Aba ) . 


11. What are your chief faults from a social standpoint? 

Niff : Always talking about myself ( N ). 

Roll : Bash fulness. It's pretty hard for me to hold up my end of the 
conversation ( n Sec, n Inf ). 

Given : Well, lack of financial backing. It cramps my style quite an 
extent ( p Insupport [ Economic ], n Agg : Censure ). 

Bulge : I think my worst quality is that I am a very bad loser. I can't 
take it (N, n Inv ). 

Zora : I think fundamentally I don't particularly have any faith ; 
that makes you doubt things in the Church, for instance. I feel and 
recognize the necessity of doctrine, and I think it's awfully necessary, 
but if I want to be downright honest, I don't believe it ( Endo, Se ). 

Quick : I am pretty frank with people ; tell them exactly what I think 
of them ( n Agg ) . I walk up to people I don't even know. . . I often 
embarrass people I am with by running off on a tangent ( Imp ). I start 
laughing out loud, go after people I don't know and tell them some- 
thing (n Exh). . . I can see people think I am crazy ( Disj ). I 
wouldn't consider it a fault ( n Df d ) . 

12. What are your chief assets from a social standpoint ? 

Nipp : I am very broad-minded. I will look at anyone's side of an 
argument ( Sociocentric ). 

Bulge : Possibly a very straight-forward manner. ( Bulge was one of 
the most self-deceived of our subjects. ) 

13. Do you UJ(e animals? 

C. Radical-Conservative Sentiments. ( This part of the Confer- 
ence was conducted by Dr. R. W. White.) 
E : ' Mr. X, I am going to read you a series of ten statements. 
After each statement make up your mind immediately as to 
whether you agree or disagree. If you agree with the statement, 
say " Yes." If you disagree with it, say " No." Then signify the 
extent to which you agree or disagree. Do this by adding to your 
answer a number on a scale from j to 5 : " Yes i " to express mild 
or qualified agreement, up to " Yes 5 " for complete agreement : 
" No i " for mild or qualified disagreement, up to " No 5 " for 
complete disagreement. Do you understand ? Then, in addition, 
give immediately one reason to support your judgement. Here 


is an example : ( Statement ) The American navy should be in- 
creased. ( Answer ) No 4. ( Reason ) " It is too hard on the tax- 
payer." You see, your response to each statement will consist of 
a " Yes " or " No," a number expressing the degree of your " Yes " 
or " No," and, lastly, a reason. Give your response quickly : this 
is a speed test, and I am going to keep the time it takes you to 
give your ten opinions. Ready ? ' 


1. The Constitution of the United States should be preserved intact. 

2. Sexual freedom has gone too far in this country. 

3. In a family the authority should rest entirely with the father. 

4. Communistic propaganda should be prohibited in America. 

5. Harvard is easily the best college in this country. 

6. Children should be taught to go to church regularly. 

7. Parents should discipline their children more than they do. 

8. Companionate marriage should be forbidden. 

9. Criminals should receive harsher punishments. 

10. Social distinctions in the colleges should be maintained. 

These ten statements were selected to represent sentiments in 
favour of the status quo, nationalism, authority and conventional 
morals. The answer * No ' should be given more frequently by 
negativists ( n Auto : Resistance ) and by radicals who favour so- 
cial change. High numbers ( pro or con ) were taken as an index 
of ' sentimentive intensity ' ( strength of opinions ) . 

D. Thematic Apperceptions. ( This part of the test was conducted 
by Mrs. Morgan and later by Mr. Homburger. ) 
E : * Mr. X, I am going to show you a picture, and I should like 
to have you make up a story for which this picture might be used 
as an illustration. Tell me what events have led up to the present 
occurrence, what the characters in the picture are thinking and 
feeling, and what the outcome will be/ 

The E hands the S picture A ( vide p. 542 ) and, if the latter does 
not give a sufficient plot, he is encouraged by such questions as : 
' How did he come to do this ? ' * What is he thinking about ? ' 
' How will it end ? ' If the S pauses, the E asks : * May I help you ? ' 



After the S is through with picture A, he is handed picture B 
( vide p. 543 ) and told to proceed as before. The S is allowed about 
1 1 / 2 minutes on each picture. 1 

The E then hands picture C to the S and says : ' This is a young 
married couple. Suppose that both of them are friends of yours. 

Picture C 

The husband has come under the influence of another man who 
has taught him to take morphine, and he has become an addict. 
If you came upon this scene in real life what would you do ? ' 

In the stories which the subject composes for pictures A and B 
he should reveal some of his imaginal or repressed needs. If he 
hesitates, finds the task difficult, confines himself to a description 

i. For a description of what this test may reveal see Thematic Apperception Test, 


of what he perceives or makes up a short, banal story, Extracep- 
tion is indicated. Picture A usually furnishes some information 
pertaining to the status of the Aggression-Superego problem. 

Kast : This brings a picture to me of someone who is at the point of 
just realizing the consequence of some violent action he has taken against 
some person. There has been a physical attack ( n Agg : Assault ). . . 1 
think he seems to be a bit penitent about the action he has committed 
( Se ). . . I think there is a bit of fear coming into his eyes, and the 
natural thing will be to flee from this scene ( n Harm : Quittance ). 

The response to picture C gives one an idea of how the subject 
might act in such an emergency : he might console the woman or 
aid the man ; reprimand or prosecute the other man ; take com- 
plete charge ; be helplessly inactive or selfishly indifferent. There 
is also the question of whether he will be attracted by the problem 
of the man or of the woman. 

Kast : In the first place you would do what you could to sympathize 
with the woman ( n Nur for women ) . I would try to take care of her, 
I think, and see that she is taken away from this scene ( n Dom ). 

Roll : I would take the woman out of the room . . . and let her cry 
and try to comfort her ( n Nur for women ). 

Oriol : As for the woman ... I would probably tell her to stop cry- 
ing . . . not too much sympathy. I wouldn't stay there if she didn't 
stop ( N, n Dom, low Nur, n Rej ) . 

E. Miscellaneous Questions. ( This part of the Conference was 
conducted by Dr. Murray. ) 

The E hands the S a blank card ( the same size as the cards 
used in the Thematic Apperception Test ) and then says : 
i. Fix your eyes on this blan\ card. I should li\e to have you try 
to see or imagine a picture there. ( Then after a pause : ) Describe 
what you 'see. 

After the S has described the picture he is asked, as in the 
Thematic Apperception Test, to make up a story for which the 
picture might be used as an illustration. 

Roll : There is a man lying on the ground. There is a lot of snow. 
There are a pack of wolves around tearing him. He won't last long. ( As 


a child this subject was afraid of being devoured ; later he became an 
authority in lycanthropy. ) 

2. Mr. X, will you please tafe the pencil and paper before you 
and immediately write down the names of the great men or 
women you admire the most. They may be living or dead. 

The sheet of paper lies on the table next to an ash tray. On it 
are some cigarette ashes. Therefore, in picking up the paper the 
S must either spill the ashes or empty them tidily into the ash 
tray ( low or high n Order ) . 

3. Now, I should life to have you give me a brief character sketch 
of Colonel Charles Lindbergh. 

4. Now, I should life to have you give me a brief character 
sketch of Mrs. Franklin Roosevelt. 

5. In the box before you are the parts of a jigsaw puzzle. Please 
tafe them out and see whether you can fit them together to form a 
perfect square. I will allow you two minutes. Ready ? 

The jigsaw puzzle was made by cutting a thin square board 
into eight pieces of irregular size and shape. Since it cannot be 
solved in the time allotted, the Es are given the opportunity to 
observe the S's reaction to failure. 

After two minutes have expired, the E says : 

6. Time is up. ( Then after a short pause : ) Would you life to 
tafe another puzzle or would you life to continue trying to solve 
this one ? 

Roll : I would like to keep on doing this ( n Cnt ). 
Sims : I would like to try another ( n Inf ). 

After the S's answer, the E says : ' Well, I guess well let it go. 
You got further than any other subject/ 

7. During the first minute, while you were doing the puzzle, did 
you feel that you would succeed or fail ? 

8. Were you rattled doing the puzzle before all of us ? 

9. Within the last year or so, have you had any general ideas or 
theories which have interested or excited you ? 

Frost : Yes, I think the idea of the classical approach to art and litera- 
ture as a kind of life philosophy ( n Ach [ Aesthetic ], n Und, Se ). I 


am determined that you should not accept anything at its face value 
( n Dom ). You can replace it with something that will work just as well. 
I think you can make a rational philosophy that will replace it. ( In this 
answer Frost outlined a conflict that had persisted since childhood : the 
attempt to overcome certain irrational infantile fantasies and impulses 
by an intellectual tour de force. ) 

10. Eye Test. ( This consisted of an abbreviated Moore-Gilliland 
Test. 1 ) 

The S was first given the following directions : ' I am going to 
give you a number and I want you to add i to the number and 
announce the result, then add 2 to the result and announce that 
result, then add 3 and so forth up to 9. For instance, if I say 45, 
you say 46, 48, 51, 55, 60 and so forth. Do you understand ? I 
shall time you, because I want to see how fast you can do it. 
Ready ? ' The E then announced a number as he pressed a stop 
watch. Another E, who had the proper numbers on a card before 
him, corrected the S if he made a mistake, in this manner : ' 65 
and 5 is what ? ' The time the S took to complete the series was 
recorded and then he was directed as follows : ' I shall give you 
another number and I want you to perform the same kind of 
addition. But this time look me straight in the eye while you 
are doing it. I want to see if you can keep your eyes steady while 
you are adding.' The subject's time was recorded and then he was 
asked to do the test over again both ways : without staring and 
with staring. In this manner the time of four performances was 
recorded : i and 3 without staring ; 2 and 4 with staring. Averag- 
ing all four times gave the average time ; subtracting the average 
of i and 3 from the average of 2 and 4 gave the increase of time 
with staring. The third index of interference was the number of 
eye movements as recorded by all the Es. A high mark on this 
test seemed to indicate Anxiety, Superego Conflict or n Infa- 
voidance, n Abasement or low n Aggression and low n Domi- 
n. What things or situations are you most afraid of? 

i. Moorc,H.T. and Gilliland,A.R. 'The measurement of aggressiveness.' J. Ap- 
plied Psycho!., 1 92 1 ,5, 97-1 1 8. 


: Mostly afraid of ridicule ( n Inv ) . 

Oak : I always think about things that might happen when I get in 
crowds ... in a theatre. I just wonder what the best thing would be 
to do in case of fire. I just wonder ... if I would lose my head ( Oak 
had been severely injured by an explosion in his youth ). 

Roll : Well, I don't know as I am afraid of anything very tangible. . . 
All I am afraid of is the supernatural. . . It takes the form of a fear 
of vampires and that sort of thing. ( When Roll was 9 months old his 
mother died. In his autobiography he wrote : I used to be frightened 
to death, but with a pleasurable fear, when my grandfather, in fun, 
would scratch the sheets with his toes and tell me wolves were after me. ) 

Bulge : Dee|> water, because I had a painful experience of almost 
being drowned. 

Zora : I suppose I am most afraid of not personal danger, but the 
mob rule of the country. I should dislike it. Just in case they might. ( It 
was supposed that his own instinctual impulses were the ' mob.' ) 

Akeson : I am afraid of myself. . . I am afraid I won't do things I 
really should do ( Se Conflict ). 

Abel : Well, I used to be afraid of the dark. At times I have a vivid 
imagination in that respect, and I imagine all sorts of weird things 
( Proj ). Until about fourteen, if it was a weird looking night, I would 
see monkeys dropping out of trees. ( He once had a fantasy of gorillas 
chasing him. ) 

12. What part of this session did you find most annoying ? 
Nipp : The part where I was asked a question and have to give my 

answer and my reason. I could feel the answer I could give, but I couldn't 
discover a reason ( Imp, low n Und ) . 

Oak : I should have known more about what to say about the pictures 
( low Intra, n Aba : Self -depreciation ) . 

13. 1han1{ you very much. Hhat is all. 

The average duration of the Conference was 45 minutes. 

Modifications of Procedure. The original schedule for the Con- 
ference was very different from the one described above. Many 
items were added as successive groups were examined and many 
were eliminated. The following procedures, for instance, were 
tried and discarded : dropping papers near the S to see whether 
he would pick them up, asking the S to read a paragraph of 


pornographic literature, have the subject : draw a bust that stands 
on a pedestal in the library, write his own name five times as fast 
as possible, whistle one of his favourite tunes. The complete 
Moore-Gilliland Test was tried and eliminated. 

The following rank orders based on definite measurements 
were obtained from the Conference sessions : degree of radicalism, 
sentimentive intensity, speed of response to questions ; and on 
the Eye Test : average time, increase of time with staring, and 
number of eye movements. 

The reader will note that about half of the Conference is spent 
in asking the S about various aspects of his personality. If the S 
could and would answer these questions correctly the attendance 
of the experimenters would be unnecessary ; in fact, the entire 
procedure of investigation would be unnecessary. A comprehen- 
sive questionnaire would be all that was needed to furnish the 
facts that would be required for constructing a psychograph. It 
is well recognized, however, that most individuals cannot, for 
a variety of reasons, give a reliable account of their own natures 
and, furthermore, that much of what they do know about them- 
selves they are unwilling to expose. It is the function of the E to 
judge to what extent each answer is true or false, whether it 
states a fact or merely a pious wish. For example, subject Oriol 
said : * My way of conducting life seems quite efficient to me. This 
is my greatest achievement living like a rational thinking man, 
as most people, I think, don't/ But from this the experimenters 
did not suppose that Oriol was an outstanding example of n 
Understanding or Conjunctivity. It seemed more likely that for 
some time he had been the puppet of conflicting impulses and 
that he had only recently become aware of the necessity for Ego 
structuration. He had probably exerted himself in this direction, 
but that his thinking was still disorganized and confused was 
shown by many of his responses. 

Immediately after the Conference the Es, working independ- 
ently, gave the subject a mark on each variable. The average of 
these marks formed the first column of the score card which was 
used at all subsequent meetings of the Diagnostic Council. The 


validity and consistency of these initial marks has been discussed 
in the chapter on the Judgement of Personality ( vide p. 243 ). 

Within a few days of the Conference this experimenter analysed, 
interpreted and summarized at his leisure the stenographic record 
of the session. He was allotted fifteen minutes to report his find- 
ings at the first meeting of the Diagnostic Council. For an ex- 
ample of such reports the reader may turn to the Case Study 
( vide p. 620 ) . 

Summary. As an initial procedure or prelude to the subsequent 
sessions the Conference was found invaluable. Since the subjects 
were unfamiliar with the Clinic and unacquainted with the staff, 
this somewhat formal first meeting aroused in some of them con- 
siderable nervous tension which caused them to say things which 
they would not have said under less exacting circumstances. 


Purpose. The primary purpose of this procedure was to secure 
information about a subject's early life and development. This 
was consonant with our general aim : to represent each individual 
as a temporal series of events which would reveal causal relations 
between early experiences and later dispositions. 

Procedure. If the subject convinced the examiner that he would 
enjoy entering into the experiments and would do his utmost to 
meet the requirements, the examiner told him that the first thing 
he would be expected to do was to write a short account of his 
life. * I shall give you an outline of what is required,' the E said, 
1 and at the first opportunity I should like to have you sit down, 
read the directions and write for at least two hours. You will be 
paid on the basis of two hours' work. Do not attempt to put it 
into good literary style. I do not care about correct spelling, punc- 
tuation or neatness. Do not bother to copy it over.' He was in- 
formed that since more than the necessary number of men had 
applied, the selection of subjects would be made on the basis of 
the completeness of the autobiographies. 


Form for Autobiography 

Directions. Please glance over this outline to get a general idea of what 
is required, and then write your autobiography without consulting it. 
When you have finished writing, read over the outline carefully and 
add, as a supplement, whatever information you omitted in your origi- 
nal account. 
Family History 

( a ) Parents : ( I ) Race, education, economic and social status, oc- 
cupations, interests, opinions and general temperament, state of 

(2) General home atmosphere (harmony or discord). 
What was the attitude of each of your parents towards 
you : ( affectionate, oversolicitous, domineering, posses- 
sive, nagging, anxious, indifferent, etc. ) ? 

Attachment to family ( close or distant ) ; favourite 
parent ; fantasies about parents ; disappointments and 
icscntments. Which parent do you most resemble ? 

Discipline in home, punishments, reactions to pun- 

Moral and religious instruction. 
Special enjoyments at home. 
( b ) Sisters and brothers 

Order of birth ; characteristics of each. 
Attachments and resentments ; conflicts. 
Did you feel superior or inferior to sisters and brothers ? 
( c ) Larger family circle. Grandparents and relatives. 
( d ) Physical surroundings of youth. City or country ; nature of 

Pet sonal History 

Date and Place of birth. 

Nature of birth ( natural or Cacsarean ; short or long labour ). 

Time of weaning. 

First experience you can remember. 

Recollections of each parent during your early years. Did you feel 

secure and at peace in your relationship to them ? 
( a ) Early development. Was it precocious or retarded ? When did 
walking and talking begin \ 
( i ) Illnesses. 


( 2 ) Habits : thumbsucking, nailbiting, bedwetting, stam- 
mering, convulsions ; tantrums, fears, nightmares, sleep- 
walking, revulsions, finickiness about food. 
( 3 ) Play. Toys and animals ; other children. 
( 4 ) Fantasies of self ; favourite stories and heroes. 
( 5 ) General attitude. Was your general attitude adaptive 
( co-operative and obedient ) ; aggressive ( competi- 
tive and assertive ) ; timid ( sensitive and fearful ) ; 
guileful ( teasing and wily ) ; refractory ( negative and 
resistant ) ? 
( b ) School and college history 

Age at entrance ; age at graduation. 

Scholastic record ; best and worst subjects. 

Friendships ( many or few, casual or deep ) ; quarrels ; 

mood in ess and solitariness. 

Association with groups ; how were you regarded and why ? 
Were you ignored, picked-on, ridiculed, bullied ? 
Attitude with groups ( shy, submissive, genial, confident, for- 
ward, boisterous, aggressive ) . 
Ambitions and ideals. 

Hero-worship. Were there any particular people ( historical 
or contemporary ) whom you attempted to imitate ? What 
qualities did you particularly admire ? 
Interests and amusements. 
Sex History 

( a ) Early knowledge. Curiosity about the body, especially about sex 


What theories did you hold about childbirth ? 
When did you discover about the sex relations of your parents ? 

Were you shocked ? 
Sexual instruction. 

( b ) Early practices : masturbation, relations with the same or the op- 
posite sex. Did you play sex games with sister or brother ? Did 
you want to see others naked or display your own body ? 
( c ) Puberty experiences of a sexual nature. Have you ever been in 
love ? How often ? Did you quarrel ? What type of person 
was selected ? 

( d ) Erotic fantasies ; reveries of ideal mate. What kind of activity 
was imagined as specially pleasurable ? 


( e ) What emotions accompanied or followed sex experiences ( anxi- 
ety, shame, remorse, revulsion, satisfaction ) ? 
( f ) What is your attitude toward marriage ? 
Major experiences 

Positive ( events accompanied by great elation : success and joy ). 
Negative ( events accompanied by great depression and discomfort : 

frights, humiliations, failures, transgressions ) . 

Aims and Aspirations. What are your chief aims for the immediate fu- 
ture ? If you could ( within reason ) remodel the world to your 
heart's desire how would you have it and what role would you like 
to play in such a world ? 
Estimate of Self and World 

State briefly what you believe to be : 

( I ) Your general estimate of and attitude toward the social world. 

( 2 ) The world's estimate of and attitude toward you. 

( 3 ) Your general estimate of yourself. 

This experimenter glanced over each autobiography in order 
to gain a rough impression of its psychological value : the rele- 
vance and interest of the material, the apparent completeness and 
frankness of the revelations. An autobiography is useful at the 
beginning as an index of the willingness of a subject to participate 
whole-heartedly in the experiments which are to follow. Any 
subject whose autobiography does not meet requirements may be 
dropped from the group to be studied. 

After the Conference session, the experimenter analysed each 
autobiography and later presented a summary of the findings at 
the first meeting of the Diagnostic Council. Fifteen minutes was 
allotted to the reading of each report. For an example the reader 
may turn to the Case Study. 

Results. In examining the autobiographies it was assumed that 
the subject was writing about the events of his early life as he 
remembered them. Many memories, no doubt, were unconsciously 
repressed, many were consciously withheld and of those that were 
recorded many were distorted. Despite these obvious limitations, 
every autobiography revealed something of importance. Besides 
the concrete facts there was evidence of the subject's attitude 
towards the facts. The method of interpretation was the same as 


that used in the analysis of all other verbal material. Note was 
taken of the amount of space or emphasis given to each topic, 
the omission of items listed in the form, interest in objective as 
compared to subjective happenings, Narcism, Intensity and Emo- 
tionality. The coherence of the account was a good index of 
verbal Conjunctivity. Marks on the n Order could be based on 
the neatness of the handwriting, absence of spots, smudges and 
so forth. 

Most of the subjects were surprisingly frank in writing about 
their experiences, even though it entailed the exposure of inferi- 
ority and moral weakness. In one subject self-revelation was ex- 
perienced as a not unpleasurable catharsis : * The environment 
which I have been brought up in is one of unintentional reserve 
and it is shocking to me as well as a relief to write about matters 
which have never been aired before.' In the Form for Autobiog- 
raphies the order of persons to be discussed is this : father, mother, 
self. Most of the subjects followed this order, the amount of space 
devoted to each object and the intensity of the characterizing 
words serving as a rough index of the object's cathexis. A few 
subjects, most of whom were high in Narcism, started with them- 
selves. * In many ways I resemble Emerson ; the Calvinistic the- 
ology, the moralizing, the painful self-consciousness which are 
always discernible in the Concord sage are likewise directing and 
determining my life and thought/ And later this : * When I first 
graced this earth in 1911, the event was recorded in Albany papers. 
Forceps were used to extricate me at that time after a long labour 
on the part of my mother. According to my mother also I was 
weaned for about five months.' Another narcistic subject this 
time a confirmed pessimist began in this way : ' I first saw the 
darkness of night on the evening of January 23, 1916 ... I was 
christened Abraham Caesar, a name which later caused me much 
vexation.' Reading this one feels intuitively that a long tale of 
woe and failure is about to be unfolded. Only one subject fol- 
lowed Henry Adams in speaking of himself in the third person : 
* The boy Gilford was of his father's build. He was inclined to be 
nervous like his mother, and showed many other of her char- 


acteristics. She was his early favourite, and he is said never to have 
left her side when very young.' One subject started but did not 
continue in a humorous vein : ' My parents were God-fearing, 
God-loving Catholics devout and earnest in prayer and work. 
My mother, whom I resembled most of all the children, was from 
that class of society that at that time might well have been styled 
the lace-curtain Irish/ 

Subjects spent from one to three pages characterizing their 
parents. The more sociocentric subjects wrote about their aunts, 
uncles and cousins. Several subjects were graphic in their accounts 
of quarrels and dissensions between parents or between parents 
and children. Others pictured idyllic homes : * Home atmosphere 
most harmonious and agreeable. Perfect mutual understanding, 
consequently no clash of interests. A watchful and helpful atti- 
tude towards children, but neither over-solicitous nor indifferent/ 
One can be sure that this subject is high in Defendance and that 
his Ego has been consolidated with the family pattern. 

A large proportion of subjects were able to remember some- 
thing about their early habits : finickiness about food and bed- 
wetting, etc. Almost all of them mentioned thumb-sucking. One 
subject, for instance, recalled an incident which occurred when 
he was three. 'The first thing I remember is standing on a 
second-story back porch sucking my finger. A neighbour passed 
below and when my mother chided me for sucking my finger 
in front of her, I pulled a woolen hat I was wearing down over 
face and finger/ This incident was an early objectification of what 
became a common pattern : a quiet, diffident exterior masking 
a free flow of fantasy. ' I spent much time simply lying/ he wrote, 
'letting my imagination work, placing myself as boy hero in 
the wildest situations, particularly as boy President of the U.S. 
Occasionally my mind would dwell on lewd or filthy subjects 
and this while I was five or six years old/ His finger-sucking per- 
sisted for some time accompanied by the habit of twisting his 
hair. The result was a little bald spot on his head. Here we think 
of oral erotism accompanied by intrAggression ( destruction of 
his own body ) which is in turn to be associated with masochism 


( n Aba ) and Superego Conflict. * A little later,' he continues, ' I 
developed a terrible fear of thunderstorms and with this a sort 
of superstitious religiousness. I attributed the storms entirely to 
God and made myself miserable trying to appease Him. Among 
the reforms instituted for this purpose was the dropping of the 
finger-sucking habit.' Several other subjects gave vivid accounts 
of the effect of religious ideas. c I was given the religious educa- 
tion of an ordinary Jewish youth, that is, I was sent to a Hebrew 
School at an early age, but had little interest in the proceedings. 
Suddenly, shortly after my confirmation, I experienced a stu- 
pendous dream, in which I imagined myself confronted with God 
at the time of my death. Awakening, terrified and amazed, 1 
determined from then on that I should give myself over to being 
strictly orthodox. This impulse was lost after three or four months 
of a sort of half-hearted attempt to become strict. From then until 
I was 1 6 my religious duties were raised to no higher degree than 
those of my family. But strangely enough, without any apparent 
reason I again became orthodox, only this time I became a really 
fanatic one. This state of affairs lasted for about nine months, 
and the relapse into my old ways was much more gradual. Only 
recently, and I am now over twenty, has the last effect of this 
sudden frenzy been completely removed.' 

High Defendance was suspected when an autobiography de- 
scribed no failures, humiliations or sorrows. Only one subject, 
Mauve, portrayed his family and himself as entirely uncriticizable. 
His parents, he wrote, were ' of nobility of Ireland before English 
persecution ... of family that continued with proud and pure 
blood.' Of himself he said : * I was admired, I know, while in 
school, and envied a great deal because of my lack of study troubles, 
and also because of my enigmatic self. . . I took careful precau- 
tions to keep myself a closed book rather than an open one. . . 
Often I had a chap ask me how was it that I went to comparatively 
few dances, yet could dance so well. . . Others asked me boldly 
to tell them something about myself, as they couldn't figure 
me out.' Other subjects, on the other hand, did not seem to mind 
putting themselves in a bad light : ' I am extremely loquacious,' 


wrote Quick, * having the ability, or rather the capacity, for talk- 
ing hours at a time without saying anything of value. I love to 
tease people and I even go so far as to irritate them. . . Boisterous 
and at times puerile, I like to be the centre of attraction, much 
more than my mediocre talents will allow. I am fickle to the nth 
degree. . . My ambition is to have as happy life as it is possible 
for me to make, no matter by what means or at whose expense, 
thus exhibiting my selfish character.' A fusion of masochism and 
exhibitionistic Succorance was suggested by vivid emotional ac- 
counts, such as Zill's, of suffering and humiliation : * Then I had 
a great physical misfortune. My skin broke out terribly, practically 
ruining all my social chances and affecting my mind. I grew mor- 
bid, extremely self-conscious and introspective. I worried about 
everything excessively, nothing seemed to break for me. Every 
new bit of sex knowledge got me thinking about its application 
to myself. When I learned more of homosexuality and its causes, 
a fear arose in me ; and I often tested myself. . . I want to be 
cordial but am mostly ill received. I seem to make a mess of every- 
thing I try.' 

In describing their sex lives, subjects varied greatly. Some had 
very little to say. * In time I made acquaintance with most of the 
erotic practices,' wrote Valet, but eventually found them un- 
interesting and a poor substitute for broader relations.' Others 
were prompted, as was Mauve, to prove their invulnerability. ' I 
actually have at times felt strongly inclined towards a certain 
girl, and instead of letting emotions rule my actions, I held her 
up to the critical eye of my code of standards, which inevitably 
proved too high for her, and hence I put her from my mind. 
I am not kidding myself into thinking that mind is superior to 
emotion ; I know it is in my case.' One subject, Zeeno, took a very 
matter of fact, almost scientific, attitude about his sex life. ' Until 
recently I never mingled in intimate relation with the opposite 
sex. But constant social intercourse wrought a change in me, 
so that just about a year ago I decided that I might indulge in 
sexual congress, due to my conviction that virginity in men or 
ignorance of sex life is conducive to mental incompatibility. I 


decided to copulate but only with an individual who would not 
cause me any revulsion or show the part of a strumpet. I have 
never desired to indulge with a virgin. Having found a very 
suitable person, I took part in coitus on various occasions.' Finally, 
there were subjects who wrote emotionally and without embar- 
rassment about erotic experiences. One said : 'At 16 I got my 
first " thrill " when for the first time I touched a female breast. 
The reaction immediately caused masturbation and the flow was 
rather free. . . It was only last December that I touched the 
vicinity of a woman's womb, although it was covered by some 
clothes. The internal and external reaction on my part was tre- 
mendous. I masturbated freely, became terrifically hot and for 
the first time in my life, I believe, I felt the urge to commit sexual 

In giving estimates of the world the subjects revealed their 
sentiments, sometimes in no unmistakable terms. From most of 
the Jews we came to expect critical judgements of modern civiliza- 
tion and suggestions for its improvement. 'If I could remodel 
the world,' wrote Veal, ' I would have it so that every individual 
with a worthy ambition could be allowed to draw upon a fund 
which would take care of all financial considerations involved in 
the attainment of the ambition. 1 One of our Catholic subjects, 
who had recently had a falling out with his girl, had a very poor 
opinion of the present state of affairs : ' I believe the world is going 
socially and morally to destruction. Society is on the downgrade 
now, even as that of Rome was around the year 200 A.D. And I 
believe this society will experience in time the same result as did 
that of Rome. Today, the world teaches that there is no God, no 
religion, no set standard of right or wrong.' 

Summary. It can easily be appreciated that these autobiogra- 
phies furnished indispensable data for composing the psycho- 
graphs. The material which they contained was so important, 
indeed, that in the future we should advise allotting three or 
four hours to this item and encouraging the subject to write a 
longer and more detailed account. 



Purpose of the Session : The primary purpose of the two inter- 
views constituting this session was to determine some, at least, 
of the influences at work in the early conditioning of the S and 
what role the impress of these influences played in the behaviour 
and attitudes of the S as he was seen at the Clinic. 

Procedure : The S was met in the waiting room and taken up- 
stairs to the E's office. Some banal remarks were passed by the 
E to break the tension of first acquaintance. After the S had 
entered the office and the door had been closed the E assumed 
a business-like but friendly manner. The S was asked to lie on 
a couch and the E sat in a chair behind and facing the head of 
the couch. 

At the first interview the E said : ' I am going to give you a 
memory test. You shall have thirty-five minutes and your task 
is to see how many experiences occurring before the age of seven 
you can recall. Tell me briefly in each case the circumstances and 
your reaction to them and any later results of the experience. 
Give your approximate age at the time the incident occurred. You 
might start by giving your first or earliest memory.' 

When hesitant, the S was encouraged by such remarks as, 
' Yes ? ', or ''Yes, go on.' If and when the S's memories before the 
age of seven failed, he was asked to proceed with those occurring 
before the age of twelve. If the S continued up to the time allotted, 
he was stopped. The E, who noted as nearly verbatim as pos- 
sible what the S related, 1 read over to the S what had been said, 
not only to make certain that the E had understood correctly, but 
also to find out whether the memories were recalled as pleasant, 
indifferent, or unpleasant. The S was asked to state, after the 
reading of each memory, the feeling-tone accompanying it by 
the use of the three terms : pleasant, indifferent, unpleasant. 

The following two questions were asked the S at the end of 

i. A phonographic record of the interview was made as well. This was used as a 
basis for the session report on each subject. 


the session : i, What was your favourite fairy story ? 2, Did you 
have any special fantasies or dreams ? 

Immediately after the first hour the S was given the following 
questionnaire to fill out in the library. At the top was this state- 
ment and directions : 

Directions. This questionnaire is to fill out the background for the early 
memories you have just recalled. Answer in detail any of the questions 
that you think require explanation or elaboration in your case. Use 
blank sheets of paper for your answers which you may number with- 
out rewriting the- questions as, for example, Group II D then 
your answer. 
Group I Family Relations 

( i ) How many brothers and sisters have you ; any half-brothers or 
sisters, or step-brothers or sisters ? Have your parents lost any 
children through death ? Give the number of years* difference 
in age between you and each of your brothers and sisters, and 
state whether it is that much older or younger than you. 
( 2 ) What relatives lived with your family when you were a child ; 
what relatives visited you frequently or for long visits ; what 
relatives occasionally ? If they were grandparents, mention 
whether they were your father's or mother's parents ; if aunts 
or uncles, mention whether they were your father's or mother's 
brothers and sisters ; if cousins, mention the relationship of 
their parents to yours. Also mention what changes took place 
with these relatives and how old you were when they happened 
such changes as moving away, death or marriage. 
( 3 ) Give the number of years' difference in age between your parents 
and state whether your father is older or younger than your 

( 4 ) Outline the sleeping arrangements of your family when you 
were a child and now. Give the number of sleeping rooms used 
and >vho slept in which. If you shared a room at any time, men- 
tion all changes chronologically from your babyhood to present 
time. Did your parents always share a room, and if so, did they 
use twin beds or a double bed ; any changes ? 

( 5 ) Describe your feeling about, and attitude toward, each member 
of your family you have mentioned above. Also mention any 
changes in your attitude that have occurred since childhood. 


Group II School Relations 

( I ) Did you go with a gang or play-group or organize a ' club ' ? 
( a ) If so, what were its, or their, purpose and activities ? 
( b ) How many members did it, or they, have ? 
( c ) Did you hold any position in it, or them ? 
( d ) How old were you when a member of each ; how long 
were you an active member in each ? Give reasons for 
( 2 ) What extracurricular activities were you interested in in high 

school sports, journalism, dancing, fraternities, etc. ? 
( 3 ) Have there been any particular people in your life whom you 

looked up to or worshipped as a hero ? If so describe them. 
( 4 ) What did you do when you had nothing to do ? 
Group III Kinds and Distribution of Authority 

( I ) Which person set standards for family and which was considered 

the first authority ? 

( 2 ) Was there conflict or co-operation between : parents ; siblings 
and parents ; parents and other relatives ; siblings ; siblings and 
other relatives ? 

( 3 ) Was authority imposed kindly or harshly ? 
( 4 ) Forms of punishment ? Which preferred and by whom ? 
( a ) How did you react to these disciplinary measures ? 
( b ) Whose disciplining was most effective and taken most 

seriously by you ? Why ? 

( c ) Whose disciplining did you fear most ? Why ? 
( d ) If you had brothers or sisters did you ever or often feel 
that you were disciplined more strictly or harshly than 
they ? 
( c ) Were you often threatened with disciplinary measures 

which were not carried out ? By which parent ? 
( f ) By which parent did you prefer to be disciplined or 

punished ? Why ? 
( g ) Immediately after being punished, about what did you 

usually think or daydream ? 

( h ) If you had either brothers or sisters did you feel that 
you were your mother's or your father's favourite child 
or least loved child ? 

( i ) Did either parent tend to indulge you more than the 
other ? If so, which one ? 


( j ) Did either parent tend to frustrate you more than the 

other ? If so, which one ? 
( k ) Are you known to have had temper tantrums when very 

young ? 

( 5 ) What special things or activities were prohibited to you in child- 
hood ? How did you attain your freedom later P 
( 6 ) Did you love your mother, nursemaid or older brother or sister 

for early care ? 

( 7 ) What special interests or activities have your parents ? 
Group IV ( i ) After the interview upstairs did you think of your 

memories as pleasant or unpleasant on the whole ? 
( 2 ) What memories have occurred to you since the interview up- 
stairs ? 

Before the second interview on the week following, the E read 
over the answers to the questionnaire and the account of the first 
interview which had been typed from the phonographic record. 
He then outlined specific points which needed clarification or 
further elaboration. The S was questioned for about fifteen min- 
utes, after which he was asked to recall what memories he could 
of events occurring during the last ten years, in the same way in 
which he had done for the early memories. 

Results : A. Behaviour of subjects during interview. All were 
co-operative. Some were uncomfortable about their backs being 
toward the E. One apologized for his back even though he knew 
he was supposed to sit in that position. Three turned the chair 
facing the E toward the end of the interview. Three or four were 
at first on the defensive. Two were not certain that they could 
co-operate because pictures from the family albums or often-told 
family anecdotes re-enforced or replaced actual memories. All 
but one or two seemed to enjoy the interview. 

B. The subjects' productions. ( i ) First Interview. The ma- 
jority of Ss took up the entire thirty-five minutes. Only one or two 
were not ready to stop. Just one, who stopped at the end of twenty- 
seven minutes, was very noticeably * contractive.' Eight had to be 
allowed to draw on memories from the age of seven to twelve, and 
the other five also mentioned a few occurring in the same period. 


The age of the earliest memory recalled varied from one and a half 
to six years. 

Although it was surprisingly difficult to elicit the feeling-tone 
of each specific memory from the Ss, the general impression of 
the E was that pleasantness and unpleasantness were fairly evenly 
divided in the majority of subjects. Only three gave evidence of 
a prevailingly happy childhood ; two Ss harped on unpleasantness. 

Aside from the excellent opportunity the E had of marking 
each S on most of the personality variables during the interviews, 
the main value of this session was to be found in its additions to 
and clarification of the autobiography. 

( 2 ) Second Interview. The second interview consisted in ask- 
ing orally about the family constellation of attitudes from the S's 
point of view. Significant relatives as well as immediate family 
connections were charted. Such questions as sleeping arrange- 
ments, school activities, and the kinds of punishment administered 
at home were discussed in detail. 



Procedure. Upon entering the room the subject was greeted with 
a brief ' Good morning/ He was not addressed by name, but was 
asked in a friendly manner to make himself comfortable on the 
couch when the procedure would be described to him. The E then 
took his seat ( just beyond the head of the couch and out of the 
line of vision of a reclining S ) and explained the nature of the 
experiment, i.e., described free association. With those Ss who 
were reluctant to lie down the E added a remark to the effect that 
it would facilitate their co-operation thus to recline and relax in 
a position where the E would not be directly in view and, per- 
haps, intrude upon their thoughts. No difficulties were experienced 
beyond this point. 

In describing free association the E used Freud's illustration of 
the man in a moving railroad train reporting the passing terrain 
to a blind geologist in order to get his opinion regarding the 


country. It was also described in terms of a moving picture, 
the S's mind being described as a screen upon which were pro- 
jected images or ideas which should be reported in detail for 
the purposes of this experiment. The S was assured it was not 
necessary to ' make sense,' that he should have no concern about 
rounding off any topic he might be reporting at the moment a 
new idea appeared, that it was important to break oft and report 
this new idea immediately. 

In the hope that some reassurance might facilitate the S's bring- 
ing forward those fantasies which in everyday life are rarely com- 
municated, the E remarked that certain thoughts might come to 
mind which ordinarily would not be mentioned but which were 
clearly a very important part of mental life. The S was assured 
that these revelations would never in any way be connected with 
him personally and was also told that the E was a psychiatrist and 
quite used to hearing about things not ordinarily discussed. It 
is an interesting commentary on the conditions of the experiment 
that, whereas in psycho-analysis the first session frequently offers 
material of a most private nature, in this experiment there was 
hardly an instance where the S spoke of such things as sexual ex- 
periences or overt fantasies of aggression until specific inquiry 
was made. 

At the beginning of the free association period the Ss were en- 
couraged to continue talking by such remarks as * Go on, please,' 
' What are you thinking now ? ', * What comes into your mind 
next ? ', but the periods of silence were allowed to become in- 
creasingly longer. During silences the S's behaviour was noted 
and interpreted. When the S lapsed into narrative, the trend was 
interrupted with some such remark as, * Don't forget the rule 
of talking about each new idea as it comes into your mind : you 
don't need to stick to any subject, you know.' 

After a half hour of free association certain specific questions 
were put to the Ss. These were made as brief as possible, the S 
being permitted to develop the material coming to mind accord- 
ing to whatever implications he inferred in the questions. It was 
indicated that these questions should be used as points of de- 


parture for further free associations rather than answered by a 
limiting statement. 

The topics introduced by the E were : ( i ) Earliest recollec- 
tions from childhood. (2) Relations with parents and siblings 
in childhood and in later years. ( 3 ) First consciousness of sex 
and early discoveries and experiences with other children or with 
adults. ( 4 ) Childhood theories of origin, birth, and impregnation. 
( 5 ) Beginning of masturbation, teachings regarding it and emo- 
tional attitude towards it. ( 6 ) Development of present sex prac- 
tices and their nature. (7) Attitude towards the same sex and 
homosexual experiences. ( 8 ) An opportunity to question the E. 


Purpose. The primary purpose of this session was to discover 
the contemporary personal problems and dilemmas of each subject. 

Procedure. Upon entering, the S was asked to lie down on the 
couch. Aside from this he was given no directions and the E 
did not ask any routine questions. Instead, the E, maintaining 
a sympathetic and receptive attitude, tried to encourage the S to 
a full exposition of his views. By informal and indirect queries 
the E attempted to get the S to express himself on the larger 
problems that confronted men of his generation ; and then, by 
imperceptible gradations, to turn his attention to his own dilem- 
mas and difficulties. By following this technique it was thought 
that each subject would, as it were, become a * patient,' that is, an 
individual involved in a conflict of aims. In no two sessions was 
the procedure exactly the same. In some it was necessary for the 
E at last to question the S more or less directly, while in others 
the S appeared only too happy to discuss personal matters. 

Results. Little difficulty was experienced in getting most of 
the subjects to come to the point, though in some instances it 
required tactful encouragement to get them to give a detailed 
account of their own plight and the possible solutions that had 
occurred to them. None of the Ss showed insurmountable reserve, 


and most of them appeared to welcome the chance to talk to a 
person supposedly informed 'about such matters. Some expressed 
regret that they were not given an opportunity to talk to their 
professors in this way. 

Summary. The session was found to have value in that each 
subject became a 'problem 1 upon which all facts obtained in 
other sessions could be brought to bear. The time devoted to this 
topic might profitably be made longer, or a second interview ar- 
ranged, for it was often noticed that the S was just beginning 
to * warm up ' when the hour came to an end. 


The purpose of these impromptu conversations, lasting from a 
few minutes to two hours or more, was to accumulate those casual 
yet contingent words and acts which occurred after, before, or 
during the more stringent course of something else when the S 
temporarily escaped, so to speak, out of the contracted-for bounds, 
as he was waiting for or leaving, working on or recalling a specific 
test, and when it was possible to catch particularly those echoes or 
repercussions, to record those verbalisms and gestures which 
emerged as apparent incidentals or as an aftermath of the task 
itself and, as occasion spontaneously offered, to digress or to 
plunge into a general discussion of feelings and ideas. 

The procedure consisted mainly in having little procedure at 
all, in relinquishing the formalities of technique or the wiliness 
of doctrine, and in the creation when necessary of an atmos- 
phere of mutual pliancy. Apart from a series of definite questions 
concerning his recollection of two other experiments, the S talked 
as much or as little as he wished, lounged, expanded, or retracted 
himself, indulged in personalities. On the sidewalk, the stairs, 
in various rooms in short, wherever and whenever encountered 
the behaviour, mood, appearance of the S were under a close, 
minute-by-minute observation. At first, merely present in the li- 
brary where the S worked on questionnaires, the E took no os- 


tensible notes, being apparently busied with work of her own, 
or briefly leaving the room, in the event of a watchful S, to make 
them elsewhere since it was not sufficient to trust all these 
minutiae to memory. When, however, several weeks later, set 
questions with regard to other tests were asked, the replies were 
written down with the most exact and obvious attention before 
the eyes of the S ( and, of course, much more than the purely 
verbal information he gave ). It was also possible to gain his own 
spontaneous help by saying something like : ' Naturally, I am 
going to write down what you tell me, otherwise neither of us 
would be here and if it doesn't put you off, I will note down 
whatever you say in just the words that you say it, so that you 
may be fully represented and not have saddled upon you some 
insufficient and garbled report.' The S rarely failed to be willing 
to repeat what he had just said, with no objection to the E 
recording a hasty phrase exactly as he uttered it, even to slips or 
quickly corrected mistakes. In the largesse of spirit which he felt 
in conferring these benefits upon the attentive E who reached for 
his every syllable, his reckless generosity momently increased 
a debt acknowledged by the E, and not without a certain amount 
of guilt. Above all, any slightest tinge of the official, patronizing, 
or informative was avoided and, indeed, never felt as the mo- 
ment became for the E, as well as occasionally for the S, an ex- 
perience rather than an experiment. 

The results of this rather anomalous venture would seem to 
have been something of a combination of free association and a 
kind of secondary thematic apperception as when the eye of 
an S, glued upon a large emphatic Audubon engraving of two 
carrion-crows brooding above the sunken eye of a dead deer, trans- 
ferred an eloquence of horror mingled with sentience and 
aesthetic criticism to the heretofore guarded tongue of a self- 
convinced rationalist ; or as when a chaotic and sentimental ex- 
hibitionist said of a marble bust of the classically cool Moliere, 
* He was just a modern man like us, except for the haircut.' One 
perceived also, in a few instances, the tentative emergence of a 
deeper awareness as the S, though in all cases certified to be psy- 


chologically innocent, seemed for a moment to gather the sub- 
liminal import which bided its time beneath his rationalizations. 
One discovered further, that whereas with the majority of sub- 
jects the most valuable responses were ' accidental ' or indirectly 
* evoked,' one or two others notably Zora most fully rewarded 
an explicit question, if asked with enough critically exact yet emo- 
tionally tinged care- to accord with his metaphysical and nurturing 
pride : * If only they would ask me what they want to know, I 
would tell them* and humorous as this utterance will seem 
to an epicure of the unconscious, there proved to be a good deal 
of truth in it his carefully considered statements corroborating 
to a remarkable degree the findings in the ' unconscious ' experi- 
ments. But with the less developed, less poetically intense, and 
paradoxically enough less private natures, the casual method 
proved the most fruitful. 

In envisaging further conceivable developments of such an 
undertaking, one imagines that as much as possible of a height- 
ened sense of leisure, comfort, and security would best enhance 
a retrospect of feelings or experience. As one observed that an 
expressive relaxation from the fatigue, frustration or success of 
other experiments seemed the most propitious for communica- 
tion, one would like to re-emphasize that a pliable opportunity 
time to. rehearse old voyages and plan for novel or traumatic 
restrivings is especially rewarding that whereas the door of 
the psychiatrist, opened and noticeably shut at a predestined mo- 
ment, is valuable as a pressure over many months of sessions 
which have an avowed and enlisted therapeutic aim, so on the 
contrary, in meetings such as have been described, being both ir- 
regular and apparently ' irresponsible/ a fixed limit would waste 
more time than it would save. It goes without saying, as in any 
similitude to all-life-in-little, that where the extra minutes or 
hours are impracticable, by just so much is lost the possibility of 
the single syllable or look which might for the first time resolve 
some age-long and classic dilemma. It is equally a truism to in- 
sist that by just so much as the E is willing or able to expend, 
by just so much will he be recompensed, or even have the all- 


important extra jot thrown in. And as one more testimony to the 
success of the thematic apperception process, it would seem that 
in the actual setting, many objects such as evocative pictures, 
sculptures, colours might be chosen, arranged, lessened or aug- 
mented with a suitably considered view to inviting comment on 
those several needs implied, manifested or, indeed, lacking in 
them. Changes of temperature, as well as modest food of various 
kinds, cigarettes, confections and so on, might well be within 
reach this brief interlude would seem best favoured by its in- 
dulgent and unexacting satisfactions a slight inebriation of 
physical and mental comforts, surrounded by unobtrusive in- 
citements to spiritual labour. 

One might further ideally conceive of such a situation as de- 
veloping for its own secondary ambition a more or less accurate 
response to the urgencies of tangential difficulties of the S himself. 
For this reason it would seem propitious that the E should be a 
good deal older than the S, able to meet in some slight measure 
the manifold obligation which might very well ensue in the 
course of such an enquiry, and in certain rare cases to fulfill 
something of the role described by Rilke in his * Letters to a 
Young Poet,' as he comes to feel that what he knows should be 
placed at the service of the younger man. 


Purpose. The general purpose of the Predictions and Sentiments 
Test is to obtain some measure of the degree to which sentiments 
influence judgements of fact. More specifically it measures the 
degree of similarity between an individual's predictions of the 
course of events in numerous fields of activity, and his hopes in 
regard to these events. Furthermore it provides an index of the 
intensity of his convictions, the extent of his radicalness, and the 
relative strength of his interests. 

Procedure. The subject is given a questionnaire consisting of 
seventy predictions as to the course of future events in various 


fields ( economic, political, social, scientific, etc. ) . He is asked to 
express his opinion and rate his certainty, pro or con, on each 
statement. Four months later he is again presented with the 
seventy statements but this time they are re-worded to read as 
statements of preference rather than statements of fact. The close- 
ness of the predictions and the sentiments is taken as a rough in- 
dex of wishful thinking. 

At the start of the test subjects are asked to jot down, on separate 
sheets of paper, any comments, qualifications or elaborations they 
wish to make in regard to the statements, and are encouraged 
to append original predictions or sentiments. The number of 
words written for each of the listed fields of activity is computed 
and expressed as a percentage of the whole. In this way one ob- 
tains an idea of the distribution of the subject's interests. Out- 
standing or typical sentiments are detected by inspection of the 
test itself and by an interpretation of the written reactions to the 
statements. Many indirect signs of sentimentive intensity are com- 
monly encountered such as recurring viewpoints, emotionally 
tinged remarks, swearing, disparaging and imprecatory state- 
ments, exclamation marks, and so forth. Manifestations of a fixed 
attitude may also be taken as indices of sentiments and interests. 
An intensely religious person, for instance, may react to the state- 
ments about education, science, and sociology from a religious 
point of view rather than from an educational, scientific, and 
sociological viewpoint respectively. 

An index of sentimentive intensity is obtained by averaging 
the figures in both tests representing degrees of conviction or 
degrees of feeling. The scale allows for three of such degrees. In 
the Predictions Test, the categories represent degrees of certainty 
that the stated condition will exist fifty years hence ; i, 2 and 3 
in the ' Yes ' column indicating increasing degrees of conviction. 
In the Sentiments Test, the columns represent degrees of agree- 
ment or disagreement, * Yes ' 3 indicating nearly complete agree- 
ment, and * No ' 3 nearly complete disagreement. 

Analysis of the results so far obtained reveals a correlation of 
+.93 between the sentimentive intensities of the two tests, which 


shows that, with few exceptions, the subjects were consistent as 
to the strength of their opinions. Exceptions to this rule, however, 
may be significant. Those whose intensity in the Predictions Test 
is relatively low, for instance, may in general be more uncertain 
about the future of society than about their own feelings. 

The correspondence of the tests is an indication of wishful 
thinking and thus specifies the extent of the subject's Projectivity. 
To be probable, judgements about the future must be based upon 
a consideration of past and present trends and the possibility for 
further change. If an individual projects his own needs into ex- 
ternal events, he will of necessity neglect or minimize objective 
criteria. More rarely the correspondence of the tests may show 
that the S is in entire accord with modern trends and favours 
the changes that are likely to occur. 

A lack of correspondence of the tests usually means Objectivity, 
but it may mean pessimistic wishful thinking. The S, out of the 
n Abasement, may unconsciously wish to demonstrate that noth- 
ing which he desires ever comes to pass. 

The correspondence of the tests was calculated by summating 
the difference between the responses of one test and those of the 
other for each question. As an example, if statement # i of the Pre- 
dictions Test was checked in the 'No' 3 column, and in the 
Sentiments Test, 'Yes' 2, a variation of four points would be 
recorded. These variations were totalled, and the result divided 
by the index of sentimentive intensity to correct for the fact that 
those who consistently gave extreme responses would, in conse- 
quence, show a greater variability between the tests. 

An Intraception/Extraception index was obtained from the 
written responses to the statements, by noting whether the S's 
emphasis was upon external facts or upon feelings, hunches and 
speculations. If, for instance, in response to the prediction that 
as time goes on education will become more vocational and utili- 
tarian, the subject mentioned new courses that were recently 
added to the curriculum of his college, he would receive a mark 
for Extraception. If, however, his response were : * God forbid,' 
as was the case with one student, he would be marked for Intra- 


ccption. Each written response was marked on a scale of o to 5, 
5 denoting the highest degree of Intraception. 

Statements pertaining to politics, government, and some aspects 
of sociology were chosen as indicating conservatism or radicalism, 
and from responses to these items, a Radical/Conservative in- 
dex was calculated. The conservative viewpoint for each statement 
was established, and the gross amount by which a subject varied 
from this norm represented his radicalism. Singularly enough, no 
correlation was found between sentimentive intensity and radical- 


In order to obtain with the least expenditure of time a general 
impression of the everyday behavioural characteristics of our sub- 
jects, we asked each man to fill out ( in two or three sessions ) a 
long questionnaire specially designed to cover all the variables 
( except Creativity and Projectivity ) that were used in our study. 
The questionnaire was divided into three sections, each section 
consisting of 200 items. Some of the variables could be covered 
by 10 items, each of which described a typical mode of response, 
but most of them required 20, and two ( Intraception and Extra- 
ception ) required 40. As in all our work a zero ( o ) to five ( 5 ) 
scale was used ( vide p. 263), the subject being asked to put a 
check, after reading each question, in one of the six available 

The questionnaire was tested and modified a number of times 
by giving it to successive groups (other than our regular sub- 
jects ) before the final form was composed and adopted. The test- 
ing consisted of an attempt to measure the diagnostic value or 
relevance of the separate items. To do this the percentage fre- 
quency of o, i, 2, 3, 4 and 5 responses to each statement was com- 
puted. This showed to what extent the responses to an item fol- 
lowed the normal distribution curve. Percentage frequencies were 
then computed for the twenty per cent of subjects who ranked 


highest, and for the twenty per cent of subjects who ranked lowest 
on the variable in question. By comparing these two computations 
it was possible to determine the agreement of each statement with 
the variable as a whole, and on this basis to rank it in respect to its 
ability to distinguish subjects in the upper division from subjects 
in the lower division. This provided a criterion for eliminating 
the least effective questions. 

The subjects filled out the questionnaires in the library of the 
Clinic, sometimes alone, sometimes in groups of three or four ; the 
usual procedure being to devote a separate period ( one hour ) to 
each of the three sections. As it rarely took a full hour to complete a 
section there was time left over for informal conversation with the 
experimenter ( Mrs. Jones ) who was in constant attendance. This 
provided an opportunity to observe the subjects' reactions to the 
personal interrogations contained in the test. 

The first page of the questionnaire was as follows : 


In this test you are asked to compare your behavioural and emotional 
reactions with those of most men of your own age with the hypotheti- 
cal average among college men. 

Read each statement carefully and make up your mind whether it is 
more or less true for you than it is for the average. Then, make a check 
in the proper column according to the following system : 
Below Average 
Column ( minus ) 3 I do, or I feel, or I think this thing very much 

less often ( or intensely ) than the average. 
Column ( minus ) 2 I do, or I feel, or I think this thing less often 

( or intensely ) than the average. 

Column ( minus ) I average, but on the low side. 
Above Average 

Column -f- ( plus ) i == average, but on the high side. 
Column + ( plus ) 2 I do, or I feel, or I think this thing more often 

( or intensely ) than the average. 
Column + ( plus ) 3 I do, or I feel, or I think this thing very much 

more often ( or intensely ) than the average. 



Since the statements pertaining to each variable have been in- 
cluded in Chapter III it is not necessary to list them here. The 
first page of the questionnaire will suffice as an illustration of how 
the items were spaced : 


I am in my element when I am 
with a group of people who en- 
joy life 

I can become devotedly attached 
to certain places, certain objects 
and certain people 

When a friend of mine annoys me, 
I tell him what I think of him . . . 

I am capable of putting myself in 
the background and working 
with zest for a man I admire .... 

I often think about how I look and 
what impression I am making 
upon others 

I am intolerant of people who bore 

I notice and am responsive to slight 
changes in the colour of the sky, 
in the temperature and quality 
of the atmosphere 

I take pains not to hurt the feel- 
ings of subordinates 

Sometimes when I am in a crowd, 
I say humorous things which I 
expect strangers will overhear. . . 







SERIES A (Continued) 


I worry a lot about my ability to 

I become very attached to my 

I am somewhat disturbed when 
my daily habits are disrupted 
by unforeseen events 

I am apt to enjoy getting a per- 
son's goat 

I can see the good points rather 
than the bad points of the men 
who are above me 

I can become entirely absorbed in 
thinking about my personal af- 
fairs my health, my cares or 
my relations to others 

I maintain a dignified reserve 
when I meet strangers 

I enjoy observing in great detail 
the facial expressions, gestures 
and mannerisms of the people 
I see 

I will take a good deal of trouble 
to help a younger man to get 
him a job, to intercede for him 
or in some other way to further 
his interests 

I often dramatize a story which I 
am telling and demonstrate ex- 
actly how everything happened 

After I have made a poor showing 
before others, I usually recall 
the occasion with distress for a 
long time afterwards 


On this sheet one may find statements applying to ten variables. 
These occur in the following order : n Affiliation ( i and n ), 
Sameness (2 and 12), n Aggression (3 and 13), n Deference 
(4 and 14), Narcism (5 and 15), n Rejection (6 and 16), n 
Sentience (7 and 17), n Nurturance (8 and 18), n Exhibition 
(9 and 19), n Infavoidance ( 10 and 20). From this it may be 
noticed that the statements pertaining to the same variable have 
numbers that end in the same digit. Since this scheme is main- 
tained throughout each section ( until the last and 2Ooth state- 
ment ), the marking of the questionnaire is greatly facilitated. 

Though the subjects ( for their own clarification ) were given 
a scale running from ( minus ) 3 to + ( plus ) 3, the experi- 
menter who marked the questionnaire paid no attention to this, 
but used the o to 5 scale. It was a matter of thirty seconds to add 
the scores on the twenty items representing one variable and divide 
the sum by 20. In this way one obtained a figure between o and 5 
which, if the S had a fair knowledge of himself and others, 
measured his rank on the given variable in the community at 
large. As might be expected, however, it was found that there 
was a general tendency for the subjects to give themselves rela- 
tively high marks on the more desirable traits and relatively low 
marks on the less desirable. For example, when the questionnaire 
was given to a large group, the average mark, instead of being 
2.5 ( as it should have been if each subject had correctly measured 
himself against all the others ), was about 1.6 for a variable such 
as Harmavoidance, and about 3.1 for a variable such as Affiliation. 
Consequently, it was necessary to compute, from the results ob- 
tained with large groups, the usual distribution of scores on each 
variable, and then by figuring even sigma units from the mean 
( vide p. 263 ) find the range of marks that correspond to each 
index figure ( o to 5 ) used in our scoring system. Having once 
obtained these figures for each variable, it was possible to trans- 
late a subject's score into absolute units immediately. Thus, the 
subject's self-estimate could be directly compared to the Clinic's 

In the course of our explorations we used many different types 


of questionnaire ( reaction studies, inventories and so forth ), and 
though with experience our enthusiasm for them dwindled almost 
to the vanishing point, at the end we still felt they were useful 
adjuncts to studies such as ours. The average correlation between 
self-ratings ( questionnaire ratings ) and Clinic ratings on twelve 
variables for Group I was .20, on twenty-two variables for Group 
II was .22, on twenty-five variables for Group III was .48, and on 
thirty-three variables for Group IV was .54. It seems likely that the 
improvement was due partly to progressively better questionnaires 
and partly to progressively better marking by the experimenters. 
But it does not seem probable to us that if our studies were con- 
tinued, the subjects' questionnaire scores and the scores assigned 
by the experimenters on the basis of their behaviour in the Clinic 
would continue to approximate. For even if the experimenters 
became maximally accurate there would always be a definite 
limitation to the reliability of the questionnaires, the reasons for 
which are not hard to find : 

1. A questionnaire must necessarily be limited to a few among 
the many possible modes or situations in which a variable ex- 
hibits itself. Hence there will certainly be subjects who will get a 
low score because, though they possess the variable, they manifest 
it in situations other than those defined in the questionnaire. 

2. Subjects mark themselves on the basis of their everyday life ; 
but since behaviour cannot be estimated apart from its conditions, 
and since each subject is exposed to a different set of conditions, 
and since these conditions are not stated by them in scoring the 
questionnaire, the scores cannot be accepted as reliable measures 
of personality. 

Ex : Answers to the question, c Do you suffer from moods of depres- 
sion ? ' can not be justly interpreted if the E does not know that the 
mother of one subject has recently died, that the father of another has 
gone into bankruptcy, that another has just been awarded a scholarship 
and so forth. 

3. When the S marks himself, he usually does so, consciously 
or unconsciously, in relation to others. ( In our questionnaire he 
was specifically asked to do this. ) He measures his behaviour 


against that of his brothers and sisters, friends and acquaintances. 
For example, when he has to decide whether it is 'seldom* or 
' frequently ' that he gets angry with a waiter, he is apt to ask him- 
self, ' Do I get angry less often or more often than my acquaint- 
ances ? ' Thus every man uses a different standard of comparison. 

Ex : If, let us say, an S has a brother who is conspicuously lacking in 
application and industry, the S may have been frequently singled out by 
his parents as an example of perseverance. This may lead the S to think 
of himself as unusually persevering though, compared to the world at 
large, he may not be distinguished for this trait. 

4. Subjects differ markedly in insight. There are differences in 
respect to the depth of their knowledge and differences in respect 
to their ability to remember and judge their social acts. Some can 
see themselves as others see them ; but most people are protected 
from this knowledge by all manner of repressions and internal 
projections. They may refuse to acknowledge, for example, that 
they frequently act aggressively or feel depressed or enjoy sexual 
fantasies because the memory of such episodes is blotted out. 

5. Subjects may intentionally misrepresent themselves. They 
may be ashamed of what they consider their weaknesses, or they 
may want to ingratiate themselves with the experimenter. Or per- 
haps a subject has half-wilfully dramatized himself as a certain 
kind of person, and he wants others to believe in the reality of his 
masquerade. But whatever the motive, the fact is he does not tell 
the whole truth as he knows it. 

These are but some of the factors minimized, to be sure, in 
the best procedures ( ex : A-S Reaction Study ) which explain 
why questionnaires are always unreliable. If, however, they are 
supplemented by intimate interviews and used in conjunction 
with other examinations, they may be helpful. Indeed, they may 
be utilized to expose precisely those factors which usually make 
them almost valueless : the uniqueness of a subject's situation and 
associates, his lack of insight, his half-conscious distortions of the 

The popular questionnaires that we employed ( Bernreuter's 


for dominance, extraversion and self-sufficiency, Guilford's for 
extraversion, Thurstone's for neuroticism, Woodworth's for neu- 
roticism, and so forth ) were abandoned after three trials, because 
whatever they indicated was not sufficiently defined for our pur- 
poses. The results of the A-S Reaction Study ( G.W. and F. H. 
Allport ) correlated consistently with Clinic ratings of the corre- 
sponding variables, but since the latter were covered by our own 
behavioural questionnaire the Allports' test was superfluous ( vide 
p. 242). The only well known pencil and paper test that proved 
indispensable was the Study of Values ( Vernon and Allport 1 ) . 
The results of this test aided us in discovering a subject's hierarchy 
of interests. Interest in economic, politic or social affairs was 
accepted as a sign of Exocathection ; interest in theoretic, aes- 
thetic or religious activity as a sign of Endocathection. The ratio 
of the former to the latter provided an index figure for Exocathec- 
tion, which in most cases was found to conform with Clinic rat- 
ings on this variable. 

We devised a number of written tests ourselves of which the 
most promising was a series of six exercises 2 designed to reveal 
latent aggression. All of these pencil and paper methods, how- 
ever, were eventually discarded. 


Purpose. The object of this session was to make a general survey 
of each S's abilities. Since limitations of time and technique made 
it impossible to test these objectively, conclusions were based partly 
upon the S's estimates of his own abilities and partly upon the E's 
estimates after the S had offered a number of concrete examples to 
corroborate his ratings. 

1. Vcrnon,P.E. and Allport,G.W. 'A test for personal values.' J. Abn. & Soc. 
Psychol.,i<)3i,26, 233-248. 

2. One of the tests used for latent aggression was reported by Barry.H., * A test 
for negativism and compliance.' J. Abn. & Soc. PsychoL, 193 1,25, 373-381. 
Three other tests were briefly described by me in the J. Abn. 6- Soc. Psychol., 
1934,24, 66~8i. 


Procedure. A questionnaire was devised which listed 15 * Special 
Abilities/ with specific examples to illustrate each item ; the in- 
structions called for self-ratings on a scale of o to 5. The test blank 
was given to the Ss, along with several other questionnaires, to be 
filled out at leisure in the library. Later, each S was interviewed 
by the E and asked to give as many examples as he could to 
illustrate his proficiency or deficiency in each ability. He was also 
encouraged to talk about his ambitions and vocational interests 
as well as his use of free time. The E then attempted to ascertain 
what factors determined his choice of interests the influence of 
innate endowment, early training, identification and, if pos- 
sible, which abilities were * natural ' and which acquired by per- 
sistent effort. A second hour's session on another day was found 
necessary to complete this interview, after which the E scored 
the S on each ability, relying principally on the concrete examples 
provided by him in support of his own ratings. 

The technique was altered somewhat in testing Group IV. 
With the earlier group, the E was a woman considerably older 
than the Ss ; with this group the E was a man of about their own 
age. In addition, the interview was limited to a single hour. Be- 
tween them these two changes reduced the freedom with which 
Ss discussed themselves and their abilities, so that the original 
procedure is to be preferred for future use. A third change was 
introduced by requiring the S at the beginning of the interview, 
before discussion and the production of examples, to rate him- 
self again without reference to his previous estimates. This was 
intended to permit a direct comparison between his ratings when 
alone and when face to face with an interviewer ; the changes, 
however, were slight, and the two self-ratings correlated +.90. 

The list of abilities, as named and defined on the test blank, 
is as follows : 

1 . Physical Ability : the ability to play games which depend upon bodily 
skill or prowess football, baseball, rowing, hockey, tennis, golf. 
Physical agility or endurance swimming, riding, skiing, moun- 

2. Mechanical Ability : the ability to manipulate mechanical appliances 


and instruments ; to take apart, repair and construct apparatus 
electrical and mechanical. Technical skill in the applied sciences. 

3. Leading and Governing Ability : the ability to lead and direct others 
in an effective way. To act promptly and decisively, and to influence, 
persuade and inspire others to do likewise. To take responsibility in 
emergencies. To construct a plan and systematize co-operative en- 

4. Social Ability : the ability to make friends easily, to ' get on ' with 
people, to be liked and trusted. The expression of good-feeling and 
tact. A gift for loyal and enduring friendships. 

5. Economic Ability : the ability to make money, to understand eco- 
nomic problems and make the most of financial opportunities. A 
' good head for business ' ; to buy and sell at profit. To barter, make 
deals and gamble successfully. 

6. Erotic Ability : the ability to please, excite and attract the opposite 
sex ; to flirt or court successfully ; to love and to be loved passion- 

7. Attracting and Entertaining Ability : the ability to express oneself 
in the presence of others ; to amuse, entertain or excite people ; to 
talk fluently, to tell a good story, to hold attention, to act or perform 
in public. 

8. Observational Ability : the ability to perceive events correctly and 
remember them accurately ; to be objective and reliable in record- 
ing facts ; to recall definitely what one has seen and read ; to remem- 
ber names and faces. 

9. General Intellectual Ability : the ability to comprehend, remember 
and ' handle ' general ideas ; to extract the intellectual content of a 
book and discourse about it intelligently. The capacity for learning 
and scholarship. 

10. Scientific Understanding : the ability to comprehend and handle 
scientific ideas ; to understand natural phenomena physical and 
chemical processes ; to think in terms of abstract theories, scientific 
concepts and mathematical laws. 

11. Psychological Understanding: the ability to feel the feelings of 
other people, to understand them their attitudes and motives ; to 
have correct intuitions and express accurate judgements about them ; 
to analyse them and explain their behaviour. 

1 2. Artistic Contemplation and Judgement : the ability to feel with de- 
light the sensuous qualities of objects ; to be sensitively attentive to 


impressions sights, sounds, tastes and odours ; to discriminate 
values in art, literature or music ; to appreciate the beautiful. 

13. Art-Creative Ability : the ability to create artistically ; to give suc- 
cessful expression to feeling and imagination j to write poetry, short 
stories or musical compositions ; to model or paint. 

1 4. Theory-Creative Ability : the ability to construct explanatory con- 
cepts in science ; to make up plausible theories in philosophy or in 
the humanities ; to build a rational system of coherent principles ; 
to devise good hypotheses. 

15. Moral and Spiritual Understanding : the ability to apperceive spir- 
itual values j to appreciate moral integrity and virtue ; to have vi- 
sions of the ideal and be influenced by them in guiding one's life ; 
to have intuitions in regard to one's inner development. 

Results. In general, the interviews yielded a satisfactory picture 
of the Ss' abilities, together with considerable information about 
their ambitions, anxieties, and current dilemmas. The technique, 
especially with Group III, proved highly advantageous in dis- 
closing each S's attitude toward himself, his tendency to wishful 
thinking, and the nature and strength of his Ego Ideal. Zill, for 
example, while working alone in the library marked himself 
above average on Art-Creative Ability ; when asked to support 
this rating he confessed that he had absolutely no such ability, 
but was influenced by an overwhelming desire to create. In an- 
other instance, that of Given, the wish intruded itself in a some- 
what different way. This S marked himself low on Mechanical 
Ability, but in the discussion, which showed him to be fairly 
skilled in manipulating certain kinds of machinery, it appeared 
that he wanted to think of himself as a subjective person and was 
thus rejecting his mechanical attainments. Several Ss at first 
marked themselves low because they compared themselves with 
men who excel in the different abilities, or thought of particular 
incidents in which they had failed. Thus one S, remembering a 
disastrous financial experience which had caused him humiliation, 
marked himself low on Economic Ability, but it came out in dis- 
cussion that he had often bought and sold with profit. The oppo- 
site type of distortion, the selective recall of successes, was also 
encountered in several cases, though here the E, depending upon 


the S's willingness or ability to recollect his failures, found it less 
easy to estimate the amount of error. 

The Ss themselves were often able to discriminate between 
what they regarded as ' innate ' abilities and those developed by 
effort. Zeeno, for example, considered business to be his natural 
ability. At an early age he showed a tendency to take economic 
responsibility, earning money in various ways and presently 
managing a shop for the summer. Later this interest was stimu- 
lated by managing an apartment house, which gave him an agree- 
able opportunity to direct people. He thus gained a reputation 
for * being a wizard at making a good bargain and at managing 
financial affairs successfully.' Similarly, Vulner reported an early 
facility with pencil, pen and charcoal, and declared, ' I could easily 
become an artist, for drawing is as easy for me as breathing/ On 
the other hand, Oriol frankly recognized the counteractive nature 
of his attempts to succeed in track. As a child he was physically 
inferior to his playmates, and could not run fast enough to escape 
them. His present running, he said, * sort of vindicates me ; now 
I can get away from anyone.' Sometimes an S reported an interest 
without the ability necessary to satisfy it. Such was the case with 
Umber, who said in regard to acting, * I'm crazy about it ; I know 
I'm not good but I keep trying, and the deuce of it is that I am 
always shifted to scenery. . . I am terribly nervous about public 
speaking and sudden attention.' 

Correlations. Four rank orders were calculated for purposes of 

i. Average Rating on Abilities, S's Estimate. This rank order 
was made for both Group III and Group IV, but owing to a slight 
change in the rating scale the correlations are given separately. 
High coefficients were found in both groups with the following 
variables : 

Group HI Group IV 
n Achievement +-65 +.68 

n Dominance +.70 +.80 

n Exhibition +.69 +.54 

Ego Ideal +.65 +.51 


The meaning of these relationships is not at once obvious. It is 
possible that the variables in question are truly associated with 
general ability, but it is also not unlikely that they are connected 
with a tendency to overestimate one's self. Thus the n Exhibition 
might be correlated with superior talents, but on the other hand 
it might merely make the S represent himself as possessing such 
talents ; while an S who stands high on the n Dominance might 
err by thinking of himself wholly in comparison with those he is 
accustomed to dominate. A tentative solution of this difficulty is 
indicated by results obtained with the second and third rank 

2. Average Rating on Abilities, E's Estimate. The E's estimate 
of abilities, based on the instances proffered by Ss in support of 
their ratings, probably comes nearer than anything else to an 
objective evaluation. The following coefficients were found with 
the variables just discussed : n Achievement, +.44 ; n Dominance, 
+.48 ; n Exhibition, +.04 ; Ego Ideal, +.27. Group IV was not 
included in this rank order, and the results, derived from only 
thirteen Ss, must be regarded as highly tentative. They suggest, 
however, the very plausible hypothesis that the n Achievement 
and the n Dominance are to some extent truly associated with 
superior abilities, while the n Exhibition gets into the first rank 
order purely because it leads to overestimation. 

3. Tendency to Overestimation : S's Estimate minus E's. The 
correlations obtained with this index are in accordance with the 
hypothesis just advanced : n Achievement, +.33 ; n Dominance, 
+.36 ; n Exhibition, +-58 ; Ego Ideal, +40. Again the results 
are for Group III only. 

4. Ratio of Exopsychic to Endopsychic Abilities. In forming 
this ratio the S's and E's estimates were averaged. The rank order 
for Group C was found to correlate, as would be expected, with 
Exocathection ( +.52) and negatively with Intraception ( .55). 
The following correlations were obtained with measures of a 
similar nature made at different sessions : ratio of exopsychic to 
endopsychic values in the Vernon-Allport Study of Values, +72 ; 
ratio of personal to impersonal sources of stories in the Thematic 


Apperception Test, .60 ; ratio of exopsychic to endopsychic in- 
terests as estimated by the Diagnostic Council at the Conference, 


Summary. The test served its primary purpose, a general survey 
of abilities, in a satisfactory manner. It also yielded valuable in- 
formation in regard to the S's interests and ambitions, his objec- 
tivity, and the nature of his Ego Ideal. The session afforded an 
excellent opportunity for rating on the personality variables : 
Ss were required to volunteer information, be cross-examined and 
perhaps criticized, justify or retract statements, and discuss a wide 
range of intimate personal matters, all of which tested their con- 
junctivity and self-possession with no little rigour. 

Intended primarily as an inventory, the test was not expected 
to throw clear light upon the vexed question of relationship be- 
tween ability and interest, or upon the relative weight of endow- 
ment, environment, and early training in the history of present 
abilities. By keeping these questions in mind, however, consider- 
able relevant material was gathered, and the method would seem 
to lend itself to such an investigation, especially if more time and 
emphasis were put upon the childhood history of interests and 
abilities and their continuity with contemporary ones. Evidence 
was found in the correlations for a relationship between abilities 
and the needs for Achievement and Dominance. The nature of 
this relationship, the possible priority of abilities or of needs, sets 
a problem which only further investigation can elucidate. 


Purpose. There were two general purposes involved in this test : 
i. To obtain a rank order of Ss for insight and skill in the 
criticism of aesthetic material, which reflects three (perhaps 
more ) somewhat different kinds of personal resources : ( a ) 
judgements of aesthetic excellence based upon technical knowledge 
of the medium ; ( b ) personal appreciation of, or satisfaction 
with, the material in regard to its form and content ; ( c ) taste, 


a less palpable compound of technical knowledge, personal satis- 
faction, and probably additional factors. 

2. To uncover attitudes held by the Ss toward aspects of the 
material which would help in diagnosing, corroborating or illus- 
trating dynamic trends in their mental economy. 

Procedure. Each S was shown successively ten poems and ten 
small reproductions of paintings and was asked to judge them on 
the basis of * aesthetic merit.' The instructions were given con- 
versationally, with as much informality as was felt consonant with 
serious application to the task, emphasizing a 'set' away from 
stereotyped replies and toward a personal reaction to the material. 
The standard preliminary explanation informed the S that the E 
was interested in ' some of the psychological aspects of aesthetic 
criticism/ not the technical canons of the critic and professional 
aesthetician ; that what he wanted to get at was the immediate 
judgement and first impression a poem or picture brings to mind 
the immediate valuation and the reasons for the feeling thus 
expressed. Ss were cautioned not to be deterred by the thought 
that they might acquit themselves better with more time to think 
it over, being informed they might have this opportunity later. 

After the detailed criticism of the ten poems and pictures, the 
S was required to arrange them in what he considered their order 
of merit. As a basis for the first impression and detailed criticism, 
only one reading of the poem, at the S's own speed, had been 
allowed ; but when he came to rank the poems in definite order 
a re-reading was permitted and encouraged. It was hoped that 
this device would throw into relief certain discrepancies between 
what he * said ' about a poem or picture and how it was finally 
valuated in relation to the others. 

The test material was selected with two requirements in mind : 
( a ) that it be diverse in quality, representing good, mediocre 
and poor art ; and ( b ) that the content reflect as vivid and dis- 
parate sentiments as possible. This is, of course, a large order 
to fill with only ten poems and ten pictures ; and whatever skew- 
ness there was in the material was toward themas and objects 


which because of their vividness seemed best calculated to evoke 
unequivocal opinions and attitudes in the Ss. 

The poems used were ( in order of their presentation ) : Shelley, 
' Political Greatness ' ; Thomas Hardy, ' To Life ' ; Teasdale, 
' Barter ' ; Byron, * And Dost Thou Ask the Reason of My Sad- 
ness ? ' ; Swinburne, ' Love and Sleep ' ; John Donne, Number 
Five from * Holy Sonnets ' ; Keats, * Sonnet ' ( to Fanny Brawne ) ; 
Untermeyer, ' Infidelity ' ; Stephen Spender, * My Parents Quarrel 
in the Neighbour Room ' ; Swinburne, a vampire theme taken 
from ' Chastelard.' 

The pictures used were ( in order of their presentation ) : Ar- 
nold Wiltz, ' American Landscape ' ; Manet, ' Breakfast on the 
Grass ' ; P. V. Mtiller, ' Sacrificial Rock ' ; Mantegna, ' The Dead 
Christ ' ; Vermeer, ' Guitar Player ' ; Redon, ' Cain Killing Abel ' ; 
Eastman Johnson, 'Two Men 1 ; anonymous, 'Mill on Fire'; 
Geoffrey, * The Visit ' ; Redon, ' Painting.' 

Results. The test was used only with the fifteen Ss of Group IV. 
All the Ss complied with the requirements, yielding bases for rat- 
ing upon every point outlined above ; thus the primary aims of 
the test were fulfilled. Often the discrepancies between what an 
S ' said ' about a poem or picture and his enhancement or de- 
preciation of it, as reflected by where he placed it in his rank 
order of merit, were quite revealing. 

In addition, there were numerous collateral findings, such as 
the turning up of objects, symbols and themas which were sig- 
nificant in the personality. Contrary to the practice with other 
sessions, no attempt was made to interpret results of this sort 
independently ; instead, the protocols were compared with the 
findings of other procedures, and a search made for congruent 
data. A few verbatim fragments from the protocols will illustrate, 
however inadequately, the kind and diversity of data obtained. 

Poem 5 Swinburne's 'Love and Sleep' includes the following 
lines : 

' I saw my love lean over my sad bed, 
. . . with bare throat made to bite, 


. . . her face was honey to my mouth, 

. . . her body pasture to mine eyes.' 

Bulge, a young Catholic who has idealized his dead parents and whose 
sexual ' temptations ' are always accompanied by the image of his ' sainted 
mother,' gave this key-note to his criticism : ' The sensuality detracts 
from the aesthetic ... so offensive with its language . . . arouses me 
emotionally ... the words " delight," " flanks," and " supple thighs " 
should be left out so as not to be so sensual.' Frost, who has a history of 
sexual conflict and is now a pedantic candidate for the doctorate in litera- 
ture, consecrated to aggressive cultivation of ' the intellectual and aes- 
thetic values ' in himself and society at large, giggled several times while 
reading the poem and said, c My dislike is of the kind of poetry it is. . . 
I would not re-read it.' In his final rank order of merit the poem was in 
second place. 

Poem 7 Keats' ( Sonnet ' ( to Fanny Brawne ) is on the follow- 
ing theme : 

' I cry your mercy pity love ! 
. . . give me all. 

Withhold no atom's atom or I die.' 

This poem evoked an almost complete misconstruction from Bulge ; 
' Very good ... a real unselfish love. . . I don't find this sensuous 
. , . it is the deep love of a husband for a wife . . . typical of ideal 
wedded bliss, my ideal ... the party speaking has given all and wants 
all in return . . . love is more of soul than sensuality . . . fine, spir- 
itual, unselfish.' Veal had this to say : * There is a question of sincerity, it 
seems more said for the effect upon her, thus gaining his own ends.' 

Poem 9 Spender's * My Parents Quarrel in the Neighbour Room ' 
contains these lines : 

' How can they sleep, who eat upon their fear 
And watch their dreadful love fade . . . 

I am your son, and from bad dreams arise. 

My sight is fixed with horror, as I pass 

Before the transitory glass 

And watch the fungus cover up my eyes.' 

Bulge said, ' It's really their own fault for keeping awake quarreling. If 
they would rise to a firmer, more spiritual plane this needn't happen. . . 
Too bad the parents aren't finer . . . not a good poem.' Frost, who had 
found grave technical errors and metrical impossibilities in Shelley, 


Keats, Donne and the others, found this poem the most congenial of 
all, saying :'...! like this a great deal better than the others . . . 
best in every way ... but the third stanza should be re-written.' Veal 
said : * Don't like it ; the very first sentence leads you to expect elucida- 
tion, whereas the conversation is just a normal conversation ... he 
hasn't brought out the fear or bad feeling between the parents ... all 
exaggerated with no proof. . . He is just outside . . . the third un- 
wanted person . . . that's the way it's done . . . anybody that is old 
enough to write a poem should know that.' Zora, a graduate student in 
literature with almost pathological interest in light and all visual experi- 
ence, said : '. . . you just can't be contented to let "the fungus cover 
up " your eyes. You've got to see the beauty in the worm . . . after all, 
maggots do arrange themselves in patterns. . .' 

Picture 2 Manet's * Breakfast on the Grass ' represents four fig- 
ures in a grassy opening of deep forest. The men are fully dressed, the 
women nude ; one woman is posed in the immediate foreground with 
the men, the other at some distance in the background. Bulge said of 
this, * The men don't seem in the least disturbed, do they ? . . . Maybe 
it is a very young girl . . . morally perverse of the painter . . . are 
these women's clothes in the corner ? ... I wonder what that other 
girl is doing back there ? ' Frost, something of a Francophile, said, ' The 
woman in the foreground is the most perfect French woman imaginable 
. . . they are real people.' Veal said, ' Artists in the wood with the im- 
mortals. . . If it is not this, it is silly . . . the incongruous composure 
of the woman, while the men have a philosophical discussion. . .' Zora's 
complex was activated to this characteristic comment, 'There must be 
more radiance than you can see ... the light must be arrestingly lovely 
in the original.' 

Picture I Wiltz's ' American Landscape ' is a stylized modern, 
showing petroleum tanks, railroad tracks, cars and semaphores on the bank 
of a murky, steel-trestled river ; almost lost in the background is a drab 
dwelling house. Zora said, ' Attractive light . . . but barren.' Frost, the 
young rationalist who wishes to emancipate society with intellectual and 
aesthetic release for the worker, and who gave a history of childhood 
terrors from the story of a train wreck in which the cars fell through a 
bridge into the river, said : '. . . looks extremely bad technically . . . 
the cars are going to topple into the river . . . the one effective thing 
is the way the little house is dwarfed by the industrial foreground. . .' 
He was the only S who made any comment about these two objects. Bulge 


said, * A bad picture ... it has no beauty . . . common and dull . . . 
not true to life . . . the bridge and towers, whatever they arc, all seem 
very artificial and ugly.' 

Picture 8 'Mill on Fire J by some unknown painter is a gaudy 
chromo of a blazing mill in a deep wood. Veal put this picture first in 
his rank order, saying, * Very good, there are so many details ... at a 
moment's glance . . . excellent.' Frost, who in addition to his terrified 
preoccupation as a child with the story of the train disaster in the river 
bed, gave a history of having erotic dreams, at the present time, involving 
rivers and urination, said, * Too obvious colour . . . the stream bed is 
fair. . . Ah ! how I would have loved this as a boy right over my 
bed ! ' Again he was the only S to mention this minor detail of the com- 

Correlations. To obtain as much objectivity as possible in rank- 
ing Ss for * critical ability ' and * good taste,' the poems and pictures 
were ranked for merit separately by a number of experts in the 
respective fields. Composite rank orders of merit were thus ob- 
tained for the ten poems and ten pictures which served as a 
standard. The rank orders of merit of the poems and pictures 
arranged by each S were then correlated with the standard rank 
orders, the resultant coefficients serving as an index of the Ss' 
* critical ability ' and establishing a uniform and objective basis 
for ranking them in this regard. 

The rank orders of Ss for expert ness in this test were compared 
with the other tests and the variables, and certain correlations 
were found. Since only fifteen Ss were tested, no great weight can 
be attached to the figures, but some of the relationships may be 
briefly indicated. Rank order for poems correlated +.52, and 
pictures +.64, with Aesthetic Value in the Vernon-Allport Study 
of Values Test ; with Economic Value the figures were .43 
and .43. Positive correlations were found with three different 
measures of sentimentive intensity, calculated from the Predic- 
tions Test ( +-55> +-33 )> the Sentiments Test ( +-4 1 * +-05), 
and the Sentiments Questionnaire ( +- 2 9> +-43)- Ability with 
jig-saw puzzles, as measured in the Ethical Standards Test, was 
correlated negatively with expertness in aesthetic criticism ( po- 
ems .31, pictures ^)- Positive correlations were obtained 


with the n Rejection ( +.71, +.45). Three further coefficients 
may be mentioned, Sentience ( +.47, +.35 ), Exocathexis ( .57, 
.62 ), and Intraception ( +-43, +-37 ) ; but they may be partly 
spurious, since data from the Aesthetic Appreciation Test con- 
tributed to the final ratings on these latter variables. 

A point of considerable interest was touched upon in the ex- 
periment, but unfortunately could not be followed through. An 
attempt was made by a second E to predict from the other data 
collected on the S the rank order he would make of the poems 
and pictures. For the three Ss with whom this was tried, the 
correlations between predicted rank orders and those actually 
made were : poems, +.85, +.86, +.61 ; pictures, +.82, +.82, 

Summary. Although this session does not purport to be a gen- 
eral test for ability in aesthetic appreciation or criticism, it never- 
theless permitted a rough ranking of Ss in this respect. It was 
particularly valuable in turning up symbols and themas having 
special importance for the S. The twofold purpose was thus satis- 
factorily achieved. More work could profitably be done in pre- 
dicting systematically the order of merit in which Ss will place 
aesthetic material. It is felt also that if the simpler methods of 
this test were developed to include a wider range of material, 
spaced experimental sessions, and a more exhaustive search into 
the reasons for appreciations and depreciations, a good deal of 
light might be thrown upon dynamic aspects of the aesthetic 


Purpose. The test designed to measure susceptibility to hypnotic 
suggestion was given for a double purpose. In the first place, this 
characteristic may well be expected to stand in some kind of 
relationship to the personality as a whole, a relationship the in- 
vestigation of which has hitherto been far from satisfactory. In 
the second place, the test brought the subject into a somewhat 


unusual situation, fraught with unknown possibilities. Favour- 
able conditions were thus created for noting inviolacies and anxi- 
eties, and for sensing the subject's willingness to throw himself 
into an event which might involve, if he held the ordinary sup- 
position about hypnosis, surrender of voluntary control to a 
comparative stranger. 

Procedure. The hypnotist endeavoured to act the role of a 
friendly person who, though interested in hypnotism, did not re- 
gard it as in any way out of the ordinary. He laid great stress on 
the necessity of the subject's co-operating if good results were to 
be obtained, and hinted that the outcome rested as much with the 
subject as with the operator. The preliminary details, such as draw- 
ing the shades, he treated in an offhand manner, and for an eye- 
fixation object picked up a pencil or paper-cutter, as though the 
thing chosen made little difference. He was at pains to avoid any 
appearance of domination. In all hypnotic experiments the result 
is strongly coloured by the method : a more dramatic procedure 
might have led to a quite different outcome. 

The experiment was conducted in three sessions. On the first 
day the subject was engaged in conversation for ten minutes 
or more before the nature of the test was announced point-blank. 
After suitable instructions and remarks, designed to allay anxiety 
and invite co-operation, he was asked to lie down on the couch. 
Relaxation, drowsiness, and sleep were then suggested in a voice 
which gradually became subdued and monotonous ; this was 
continued for about five minutes, accompanied by occasional 
light stroking of the arms. When the subject appeared thoroughly 
relaxed and his eyes were closed, the following suggestions, previ- 
ously used at the Clinic for scoring depth of hypnosis, 1 were 
given : 

( i ) You cannot open your eyes ; ( ii ) you cannot raise your arm 
from the couch ; ( and after straightening the subject's arm in a vertical 
position ) ( iii ) you cannot bend your arm ; ( and after interlocking the 
fingers of both hands ) ( iv ) you cannot separate your fingers ; and finally, 

i. Barry,H. f MacKinnon.D.W., and Murray,H.A. ' Hypnotizability as a personal- 
ity trait and its typological relations.' Human Biology ,1951, III, pp.p-io. 


( v ) you cannot speak your name. Before waking the subject, amnesia 
was suggested. 

No suggestions carried out. No tendency at all for them to be 
carried out. 

1 = No suggestions carried out, but clear evidence of a difficulty or 
hesitancy in surmounting them. 

1.5 One suggestion carried out. 

2 Two or three suggestions carried out. 
2.5 Four suggestions carried out. 

3 = All suggestions carried out. 


No loss of memory and no difficulty in recall. 
0.5 = Difficulty in recall, cloudiness, but final memory. 

1 Partial loss of memory. 

2 = Complete or almost complete loss of memory. 

As a measure of hypnotizability ( Hypnotic Index), the ratings for 
suggestibility and amnesia were added together for each subject. Conse- 
quently, the hypnotic index might vary from o ( no hypnotizability ) to 
5 ( complete hypnotizability ) . 

After the subject had been awakened, he was questioned in 
such a way as to test the degree of amnesia, and if not amnestic 
was urged to give a full introspective report. This subsequent 
discussion was extended as long as possible after the second 
day's test, which otherwise was simply a repetition of the original 

The third day, a fortnight or so later than the two test trials, 
the subject went to a different room for an interview with a 
different experimenter (Mrs. Jones). The object of this session 
was to secure a fuller and more candid introspective report which 
in the absence of the hypnotist might include the subject's feel- 
ings toward him, a vital aspect of the hypnotic relationship. The 
true attitudes of a number who had appeared politely compliant, 
though unhypnotizable, came to light in this subsequent inter- 

In order to learn something about the subject's notion of hypno- 
tism before he knew or suspected that it would be tried on him, 


a picture representing an hypnotic session was placed in the 
Thematic Apperception experiment for Group IV. The resulting 
stories added appreciably to the gleanings of the subsequent in- 
terview. In many cases it was possible to foretell from the story 
the subject's behaviour in the hypnotic test. Nipp, for instance, 
saw in the picture a scientific experiment, and said, 'It won't 
be a success because the youth has too much will and can't be 
overcome by the hypnotic spell.' He himself was not overcome in 
either trial. Kast, on the other hand, described a therapeutic 
scene, and said of the patient, 'He has complete faith in the 
hypnotist and is entirely under his control. The man will accept 
what is shown to him by the hypnotist and will believe. It will 
help him.' Kast scored above the average in the hypnotic test. 
In the case of Bulge, the hypnotic performance repeated with 
literal fidelity the story which the picture evoked, though four 
months had elapsed between them. ' The man on the couch,' ran 
Bulge's story, 'didn't believe in hypnotism. A friend who has 
this power wanted to show him. The friend put him to sleep. The 
experience was unique. He was convinced of his friend's power. 
He decides to read up about it and learn all he can about it, 
realizing the wonders of this field. He enjoyed the experience 
so much that he was grateful to his friend.' In the hypnotic test, 
Bulge was put to sleep by the hypnotist, and found the experience 
unique and enjoyable. ' The experiment impressed me,' he told 
the second interviewer, ' it is the most happy memory of any of 
my experiments ; ' and he went on to describe the comfort, the 
restfulness, the ' deliciously lazy ' feeling. Like the pictured sub- 
ject, he was convinced of the hypnotist's power. ' I was just wait- 
ing to hear his voice whatever he told me to do, I would have 
done it. I suppose if he had told me to jump in the river I would 
have done it. 1 In addition, he copied the eager curiosity of the 
imagined subject, questioned the hypnotist closely on the wonders 
of the field, and expressed his wish to read about it at the earliest 

The correspondence was, of course, not always so remarkable, 
yet in only one case were the actual performance and the one in 


the story completely divergent. On the strength of the Conference, 
Autobiography and Childhood memories, the Diagnostic Council 
predicted the hypnotic scores for Group IV, and secured a corre- 
lation of +-5 with the actual indices. The hypnotist, using in ad- 
dition the responses to the picture when making his prediction, ob- 
tained a correlation of +.70. 

Results. The hypnotic indices covered the whole range of possi- 
ble scores ; unquestionable amnesia was found in ten cases out of 
twenty-eight. With one exception, the subjects were personally un- 
familiar with hypnotism, though most of them had seen or heard 
of it. Their attitudes ranged from skeptical to curious and, in 
a few cases, positively eager. Some who were not hypnotized 
could scarcely conceal their pleasure at this outcome, but others 
apologized ; Vale, for example, took his first unsuccessful per- 
formance to heart, and returned a week later to achieve with 
great determination an hypnotic score of 3.0. In a number of 
cases anxiety was visibly uppermost ; there were signs, as well 
as reports, of nervous tension, accelerated heart-beat and unnatural 

Three subjects, all strictly unhypnotizable, did not like the 
informal way the hypnotist performed his task. They would have 
preferred mystery and magic, an exotic atmosphere. It may be 
imagined that the theme of power has special significance, fasci- 
nates the subject, and is cheapened when an ordinary citizen 
aspires to a role proper for not less than turbaned Orientals. 

Among the more hypnotizable, it was possible to distinguish 
two types of trance. Some gave the impression of alert obedience ; 
suggestions were made to them and removed with equal ease, 
the responses, including the final waking, being prompt, and the 
signs of drowsiness slight. Others were almost from the start 
inert and sluggish. When told to make any movement voluntarily, 
for instance, to clasp their hands, they were scarcely able to stir, 
and at the close obeyed the suggestion to wake with obvious diffi- 
culty ; one, indeed, could not be completely awakened for nearly 
half an hour. Using as a criterion alert as contrasted with drowsy 
execution of voluntary movements, it was easy to place nearly all 


the more hypnotizable subjects in one or the other category, 
five in the alert-obedient, and five in the drowsy or sluggish 
group. The average hypnotic index of the former was 3.9, of the 
latter, 3.5. 

Correlations. For purposes of correlation, the subjects of Groups 
III and IV, twenty-eight in all, were united in a single rank order 
of hypnotizability. Hypnosis plainly requires on the part of the 
subject a willingness to sacrifice, at least for the time being, his au- 
tonomy, and a somewhat deferent attitude toward the hypnotist. It 
is therefore not surprising to find significant correlations with the 
n Deference (+.43) and the n Autonomy ( .44), the two 
needs directly activated in the hypnotic situation. Subsequent 
reports of subjects who resisted the hypnotist's suggestions show 
how the experiment is affected when these needs are working 
against rather than for it. Deference was clearly not aroused in 
Umber, who observed to the second interviewer, * When he said 
I couldn't raise my arm, I said to myself, " Well, watch me " ' ; 
nor can much rapport be inferred from Valet's statement, * I 
couldn't help thinking how much of an ass he must feel, droning 
along, saying those stupid things.' Mauve, on the other hand, 
saw his autonomy in danger of out