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V )
THE EXPOSITOR.
VOL. IX.
Ipist of CTontributors to ilolumc IX.
Rev. Prof. Joseph Agar Beet.
Rev. Prof. A. B. Bruce, D.D.
Very Rev. G. A. Chadwick, D.D.
Rev. F. H. Chase, M.A.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Rev. Prof. S. Ives Curtiss, D.D., Ph.D.
Rev. Prof. A. B. Davidsoint, D.D., LL.D.
Rev. Prof. Franz Delitzsch, D.D.
Rev. Marcus Dods, D.D.
Rev. Prop. S. R. Driver, D.D.
Ven. Archdeacon F. W. Farrar, D.D., F.R.S.
Rev. Prof. G. G. Findlay, B.A.
Josiah Gilbert.
Rev. Augustus Jessopp, D.D.
Rev. Ed. G. King, D.D.
Rev. Prof. J. Rawson Luwby, D.D.
Rev. Prof. W. Milligan, D.D.
Joseph John Murphy.
Rev. W. W. Peyton.
Prof. W. M. Ramsay, M.A.
Rev. F. Rendall, M.A.
Rev. T. G. Selby.
Rev. Prof. George T. Stokes, D.D.
The Editor.
?i-intcd VCKCKardon Paris.
THE
EXPOSITOR.
EDITED BV THE REV.
W. ROBERTSON NICOLL, M.A.
THIRD SERIES.
IDoIume IX.
WITH ETCHED PORTRAIT OF REV. PROFESSOR CHEYNE.
BY H. MAN ESSE.
HODDER AND STOUGHTON,
27, PATERNOSTER ROW.
MDCCCLXXXIX.
\_All rights reset' <ed.'\
Butler & Tanner,
The Selwood Printing Works,
Frome, and London.
THE LAST NINE CHAPTERS OF EZEKIEL.
In many respects the last nine chapters of Ezekiel (xl.-
xlviii.) stand alone in Scripture for their striking pecuHarity.^
Let us first (1) epitomise their contents, and then touch on
the two chief problems which they suggest ; namely, (2) For
what object were they written? and (3) In w4iat; relation
do they stand to the whole system of Levitical legislation ?
I. They are entirely unlike the rest of the prophet's writ-
ings. Those writings, which w^ere doubtless edited in their
complete form towards the close of his life, fall into four
parts. (1) The first twenty-four chapters, after describing
the call and commission of Ezekiel, dwell on the approach-
ing ruin of Judah and Jerusalem, as a consequence of the
iniquities of the people. With the exception of the judg-
ment pronounced upon the Ammonites in xxi. 28-32, they
describe the doom which hung over the Israel of the past,
a doom which approached ever nearer and nearer as the
prophecies advanced. Jerusalem, then as in the days of
Christ, knew not the day of her visitation, and she was
overwhelmed by that final catastrophe which ended for
ever a great epoch of Jewish history. (2) Turning from
the fortunes of Judah, Ezekiel, in chapters xxv. to xxxii.,
utters a series of prophecies against seven surrounding
heathen nations. (3) The next seven chapters (xxxiii.-
xxxix.) deal mainly with the future trium^Dh and restoration
of Israel and God's judgment upon her enemies. That this
is the general idea of the whole final section is obvious,
^ " Occupatus in explanatione Tenipli EzecLielis quod opus in omuibus Scrip-
tuns Sanctis yel difficillimum est." — Jerome, Ep. cxxx. 2.
VOL. IX. I
2 THE LAST NINE CHAPTERS OF EZEKIEL.
but (4) in the last nine chapters (xl.-xlviii.) the prediction
takes a unique form.
II. Those nine chapters furnish a singularly detailed
picture of the organization which is to follow the prophesied
restoration of the people, and they were evidently intended
by Ezekiel to be the crown and copingstone of his work.
They were written B.C. 572, in the twenty-fifth year after
Ezekiel and his companions had been carried into captivity
with Jehoiakin, and therefore fourteen years after the fall
of Jerusalem.^ That quarter of a century of captivity had
produced an immense change in the character of the Exiles.
Jeremiah (chap, xxiv.) had already indicated the marked reli-
gious superiority of the banished Jews, had compared them
to very good figs, and had announced their future pro-
sperity and faithfulness ; while he had compared Zedekiah
and the remnant of " the poorest of the people" left with
him in Jerusalem to very evil figs, and had prophesied
their total ruin and rejection. The Exiles indeed, as we
learn from Ezekiel himself, had been far from perfect ; but
in one respect they rose superior to their predecessors.
The old temptation to idolatry was now practically dead.
The high places, and other local sanctuaries, which so many
of the kings of Judah had tolerated, or had in vain endea-
voured to suppress, were felt to be as much things of the
past as the Gilluhm Matzeboth and Asheroth, which had
been such immemorial emblems of apostatising worship.
The prophet could safely regard the old guilty past as a
tabula rasa, and could organize the theocratic institutions
of a new and better future. These nine chapters are the
foil and counterpoise to chapters viii.-xvi. As those chap-
ters had drawn the gloomy picture of a desecrated Temple,
a doomed city, an insolent and corrupt aristocracy, lying
prophets, and a miserable people, so these set forth a grand
1 In Ezek. xxxiii. 21, "eleventh" not "twelfth" is the leaclmg of the
Peshito and some MSS., and iis accepted by the best modern critics.
THE LAST NINE CHAPTERS OF EZEKIEL. 3
and richly supported Temple, a sacerdotal government, a
God-fearing nation. The increase and enlightenment of the
restored tribes is symbolized by the vision of the waters
(xlvii. 1-12), of which an English poet has rightly seen the
significance.
" East the forefront of babitations boly
Gleamed to En-gedi, shoue to Eueglaim ;
Softly tbereout and from thereunder slowlj'
Wandered the waters, and delayed, and came.
Even with so soft a surge and an increasing,
Drunk of the sand, and thwarted of the sod,
Stilled, and astir, and checked, and never-ceasing,
Spreadeth the great wave of the grace of God."
Of these remarkable chapters — remarkable even in their
prosaic minuteness and mathematical regularity — the first
four (xl.-xliii.) furnish the architectural design and measure-
ments of the Temple, its gates, porch, chambers, orna-
ments, and a description of the altar with its ordinances.
The next three (xliv.-xlvi.) describe the relations of the
Prince, the Priests, the Levites, and the people to the
Temple and its worship. The last two give the vision of
the waters, and describe the position of the Temple and the
Temple city, and the distribution of the land among the
twelve tribes, with the portions assigned to the Prince,
the Priests, the Levites, and the maintenance of the sacred
service.
What are we to think of these chapters, which, as a
whole, are less read, and, with the exception of one or two
paragraphs, seem less obviously profitable, than almost any
part of the Bible ? ^
Are they literal or purely ideal ? In other words, did
Ezekiel really intend that his visionary sketch should be
' The difficulties presented by these chapters are by no means modern.
Jerome says, " Princiijia et finem (Ezechiel) tantis hahet ohscuritatibus involuta
ut apud HebrEeos istae partes ante annos triginta non legantur." — Ep, Hii. 7.
TJIE LAST NINE CHAPTERS OF EZEKIEL.
carried out ? or was he merely throwing certain broad con-
ceptions into a concrete and symbolic form ?
]. Kuenen, among many more "orthodox " critics, still
maintains that Ezekiel was intensely in earnest, and meant
all his directions to be literally carried out by the Exiles
on their return.^ .But the difficulties in this view are in-
superable. It is impossible to work architecturally from
verbal directions, and no two plans, drawn on Ezekiel's
rules, are alike. His plans had no resemblance to Solo-
mon's Temple, and quite as little to the humble structure
of Zerubbabel. If they were intended to be followed it is
hardly reasonable to suppose that they would have been so
absolutely ignored ; for though they must have been well
known, neither Zerubbabel, nor Ezra, nor Nehemiah, nor
subsequently the Pharisees and Boethusim m the days of
Herod took any notice of them. No prophetic instructions
could have been more absolutely disregarded. They were
treated as a dead letter from the first. And indeed the
entire directions about the division of the land among the
tribes, if literalhj taken, would have been physically impos-
sible and ludicrously unjust. The strips of land differ
immensely in value, and some of them are hardly habitable.
The twelve tribes did not return at all, but only a handful
of families, mostly from Judah and Benjamin, who formed
but an insignificant fraction of the entire nation. Further,
some of the tribes had for long years practically ceased to
exist at all. Gad and Eeuben and Simeon had melted
away, long before, into the mass of surrounding nomads, and
' Compare Wellbausen, Prolegomena, p. 60, etc. " So loug as the sacrificial
worship remained in actual use, it was zealously carried on ; but people did
not concern themselves with it theoretically, and had not the least occasion for
reducing it to a code. But once the Temple was in ruins, the culture at an end,
its personnel out of employment, it is easy to understand how the sacred places
should have become a matter of theory and writing, so that it might not
altogether perish, and how an exiled priest should have begun to paint the
picture of it as he carried it in his memory, and to publish it as a programme
for the future restoration of the theocracy."
THE LAST NINE CHAPTERS OF EZEKIEL. 5
Dan only survived in the single colony which it had sent to
the north. Ezekiel's distribution is wholly different from
that of Joshua, and contradicts that of Obadiah.^ It
simply consists of drawing horizontal lines with a ruler
between the Jordan and the Mediterranean. With total
disregard of all physical features, and without even noticing
the territory to the east of the Jordan, Ezekiel partitions
Western Palestine into twelve strips, which are professedly
equal, but which, owing to the greater breadth of the land
southwards, assign three times more territory to Issachar,
Zebulun, and Gad, than to Manasseh or Ephraim.
Moreover the arrangement of the Temple " oblation " is
geographically impossible, as it would have had to en-
croach far beyond the Jordan, which is excluded by the
stated boundaries.^ Ezekiel, consciously or unconsciously,
places the Temple nine miles and a half from Jerusalem,
and fourteen miles and a quarter from its centre. He
wholly removes it from Mount Moriah, and brings it much
nearer to Mount Gerizim. He makes its precincts a mile
square, which was larger than the whole area of Jerusa-
lem, and yet places it "upon the top of the mountain."^
The vision of the waters stands by itself in chapter xlvii.
There is no very high mountain (xl. '2, xliii. 12) in the
position described, and the stream, if understood literally,
would have had to flow uphill, and over the watershed.
This consideration should be sufficient to show that we are
face to face with a dream or vision, representing an ideal
picture. Nor is the particularity and tediousness of the
detail any objection to this view, for it is characteristic of
that total change of style which marks the epoch in which
• See Obad. 19, 20. " Ezek. xlvii. 15-21.
^ Ezek. xliii. 12. In these measurements the " cubit " is taken at an average
of twenty inches, but the general facts remain unaltered if it be made a little
more or a little less. See Prof. Gardiner's notes and introduction in Bishop
Kllicott's Coinmcntiin/,
THE LAST NINE CHAPTERS OF EZEKIEL.
Ezekiel wrote, and the commencing decadence of the pro-
phetic and literary spirit.
■2. The wild notion that the sketch is all "fufiLvist,"
i.e. a prophecy which still awaits its literal fulfilment,
may be dismissed without further notice. It would involve
a retrogression from the spiritual to the material, from
Christianity to Judaism, from the Cross to animal sacri-
fices, from the freedom of the Gospel of Christ to the
bondage of weak and beggarly rudiments.
H. Are these chapters then allegorical ? Do they fore-
shadow great spiritual lessons derivable from the attaching
of a mystic meaning to their numberless details ? If so,
never did any allegory more absolutely fail of its purpose,
and fail even to furnish the least indication that it is meant
to be allegorical at all. That view may be therefore set
aside as a chimera which no one now pretends to maintain.
4. Are they then symbolical / That they contain certain
general symbolical elements seems very probable. Sym-
bolism was undoubtedly at work in many of the Levitical
arrangements, and in the order, regularity, and unity of the
land and Temple, as Ezekiel sketched it, there was a visible
picture, to teach
'■ The art of order to a peopled kingdom" '
Ezekiel probably meant his rules and measurements to add,
in a subsidiary way, to the vividness of the intended plan,
just as Dante did when he tells us that the face of his
Nimrod was
" lunga e grossa
Come la piiia di San Pietro a Eoma " ;
and that three Frieslanders, standing one on another,
could not have reached from his middle to his hair. The
detail and particularity are only ornaments of the general
^ Compare the miuute particularity of St. John's details of the New Jeru-
salem (Eev. xxi. IC), IS).
THE LAST NINE CHAFTERS OF EZEKIEL. 7
conception. They belong to the hterary art of irph oiijxdrwv
TToielv.
5. But it would perhaps be truer to say that Ezekiel's
picture is ideal than that it is symbolical. It is the fond
dream of the exile respecting principles which he thought
might find at least an analogous fulfilment, even if they
could never be exactly realized. AVe have parallelograms
everywhere, which faintly indicate the righteousness of
Jehovah, and the symmetry and proportion of all that
pertains to His perfectness. And everything is so arranged
as to tend to the unity and centralization of worship. The
Temple is to be magnificently secluded and magnificently
maintained. "Holiness to the Lord" is to be visibly
stamped upon all its ceremonial and all its surroundings.
Its servitors are to exercise a hierarchical influence over the
whole nation, and to hold a position of the highest dignity.
Even the Messianic King, so gloriously heralded by more
ancient predictions, vanishes before the Priestly Caste. No
longer as of old is the King of the house of David to be,
as it were, the vicegerent of Jehovah and the priests his
servants. There is to be no prominent High Priest, and
no powerful King, but only a sacerdotal order, to whom
the Prince is more or less subordinate. In Ezekiel's ideal
the nation has been merged into the Church ; the Prophet
recedes and vanishes before the Priesthood ; and cere-
monial takes the place of inspiration. Jeremiah, dissatisfied
with the too superficial reformation in the days of Josiah,
had looked forward to an evanescence of the old system,
and the estg^blishment of a new covenant. In that new
covenant there were to be no priests, and no Temple. But
the time for it had not arrived. The old covenant had
not yet "waxed old," nor was it ready to vanish away
(Heb. viii. 13). Ezekiel was a priest, and wrote with all a
priest's sympathy for sacerdotalism and ritual. He estab-
lishes the foundations of the new covenant as it is given to
8 THE LAST NINE CHAPTERS OF EZEKIEL.
him to regard it, but with an ideal widely different from
that of the elder prophet. The predominant conception of
Jeremiah is that of moral righteousness and individual
fidelity ; ^ but Ezeldel can only conceive of these blessings
with the concomitants of an established Church, an in-
violable sanctuary, a richly endowed order of ministers, an
elaborated ceremonial cultus, a hohness largely guaranteed
by outward purifications and propitiatory offerings.- These
he sets forth with all the laborious minuteness which is the
characteristic of his method. And, so far from being an
idle play of fancy, his scheme, though never even approxi-
mately carried out, yet produced a deep impression on the
minds of his countrymen. During his lifetime he had to
bear the martyrdom of hatred which awaits all precursors,
but he illustrates a tendency which lay deep in the hearts
of some of his contemporaries, and which, more than a
century after he was in his grave, was embodied in those
formal ordinances which are the essence of Judaism. The
impulse which he began, and which was fixed by Ezra and
isehemiah, preserved the nationality of the Jewish rem-
nant, and enabled them to carry out the work for which
they were destined in the great Evangelic Preparation ; but
its exaggerated and exclusive development ended in the
Pharisaism which Paul destroyed by the power of his
reasoning, and on which Christ pronounced His sternest
denunciations.
It will be seen then how momentous are these chapters,
because they mark the transition of the monarchy into the
hierarchy ; of the old religion of the Hebrews into Judaic
formalism ; of the Prophet into the Priest. The new move-
ment ended in the supersession of Priests themselves by
1 Jer. vi. H)-21 ; vii. 21-2G,
- How different are the tone and attitude of Ezeldel towards sacrifices from
those adopted by the earlier prophets! (Amos iv. 4, 5 ; v. 21; Mic. vi. 6-8;
Isa. i. 11-14. etc.)
THE LAST NINE CHAPTERS OF EZEKIEL.
Rabbis and Scribes. The study of this section of Ezekiel
is as necessary for the understanding of the reformation
wrought by Ezra and Nehemiah, as the study of those books
is necessary for the understanding of the Oral Tradition,
the ExternaHsm, and the idolatry of the letter, which
reached their zenith in Pharisaism, and which were finally
crystallized in the Talmudic system.
III. But even now we have not exhausted the historic
and critical importance of these chapters, nor have we even
touched on the yet more curious and difficult problems
which they suggest.
For when we examine more closely this reconstruction of
Judaism by the idealizing imagination of an exile who was
unfettered by tradition and out of contact with realities, it
is found that these eight chapters abound with verbal resem-
blances and coincidences to certain chapters of Leviticus,
so close and so numerous that only the blind tenacity of a
desperate foregone conclusion can still pretend to maintain
that the documents are entirely independent of each other.
Even those who still think it necessary to argue that there
is nothing but fortuitous resemblance between certain parts
of 2 Peter and certain paragraphs of Josephus w'ill not and
cannot attempt to deny that the supposition of independent
and fortuitous resemblance between Ezekiel xl.-xlviii. and
Leviticus xvii.-xxvi. is absurd. This section of Leviticus
has affinities to Deuteronomy ; but it differs from that book
in many respects, and approaches to Ezekiel both in its
special conception of " holiness" in closest connexion with
material worship, and in the use of a long list of words,
phrases, and sentences.^ A number of writers — and among
others Vatke, George, Hupfeld, Knobel, Reuss, Lagarde,
' Wellhausen, I.e., 378. Coleuso, Pentateuch and Joshua vi. 3-23. Harst,
Lev. unci Hezekiel, pp. 72-77. SmenJ, Ezechiel pp. xxv., xxvi. " Diese Ueberein-
stimmung ist um so gewichtiger als sie grossenthiels eine wortliche ist, und
zwar im Worten die sich zii eiuem grosseu Theil sonst uirgends in A.T.
linden."'
10 TEE LAST NINE GHAPTEBS OF EZEKIEL.
Graf, Wellhausen, Colenso, Kuenen, Smend, Horst, Kobert-
son Smith— have sifted and examined these coincident
phrases, and have formed their own conclusions respecting
them ; but neither they nor any other competent and
honest critic has attempted to deny their existence. Hence
these chapters have been called by Orth "the key to the
criticism of the Old Testament " ; and on the final interpre-
tation of the phenomena which they present must depend
in some measure our view of the true sequence of the
religious history of the Jews. There have been various
hypotheses to account for them, and for the peculiarities of
Ezekiel in general.
An English writer in the Montlilij Magazine of May,
1798, came to the conclusion that the last nine chapters of
Ezekiel are spurious. Zunz ^ went further, and doubted the
genuineness of the entire book, which he considered to have
been written B.C. 440-400. He argued from special pre-
dictions, from the allusions to Daniel, from the mention of
the wine of Halybon,"from the inconceivability of supposing
that Ezekiel, in B.C. 572, could have ventured to propose
a new Law and a new distribution of the land, and from
various grammatical and linguistic peculiarities. He was
strengthened in his view by the facts that (1) the Talmud
asserts that the men of the Great Synagogue ^^ wrote"
Ezekiel," and that (2) the canonicity of the book was still
disputed by the Jews at the close of the first century after
Christ.^ It is needless now to examine this hypothesis,
because it breaks down under overwhelming proofs of the
genuineness of the book, and Zunz has, in fact, found no
followers.
1 Gottcsd. Von., 157-1C2, 1S32. Gcmmmelte Schriften, 226-233, 1878.
' Ezek. xxvii. 18, " The wine of Chalybon in Syria was a favourite luxury of
the Persian kings." a Bava Bathra, 15, 1.
* In Shabbath, f. 13. 2 we are told that the Book of Ezekiel would have
been suppressed for its contradictions to the Law, but for Hauaniah ben His-
kiah, who after long lucubrations reconciled the discrepancies.
TEE LAST NINE GEAPTEBS OF EZEKIEL. 11
But in 1866 Graf called closer attention to the simila-
rities between Ezekiel and Leviticus xviii.-xxvi. ; ^ and
though his views were for a long time somewhat superci-
liously rejected and airily condemned, the attention of later
critics was called to the phenomena which he pointed out,
and various theories have been suggested to account for
them.
1. Some have argued that Ezekiel copied from Leviticus,
and this will probably be the only view which will be
accounted " orthodox." To this view we will return later
on, only remarking that God knows of no orthodoxy except
the truth, and that the attempt to identify orthodoxy, with-
out examination, with preconceived and purely traditional
opinions is rooted in cowardice, and has been prolific of
casuistry and disaster.
2. Graf argued, on the other hand, that Ezekiel was the
actual author of that part of the "Priestly Cod6x," which
is contained in those chapters of Leviticus." His view has
been ably supported with some modifications in the mono-
graph of L. Horst.''
In forming this conclusion, Graf was actuated too exclu-
sively by linguistic considerations, which can never be fully
valid apart from historic examination. For if there are
close resemblances of style between these sections of Levi-
ticus and Ezekiel, there are, as Kuenen points out, remark-
^ See Wellliausen, Prolegomena, p. 11. Eng. traus.
The resemblances are most numerous between Ezekiel and Lev. xxvi.
Colenso (vi. 3 ff.) counts thirty which occur nowhere else in the Bible, and
Smeud says, " Lev. xxvi. ist wesentlich eine Composition aus ezechielischen
Eedensarten," p. xxvi.
- The name of " The Priestly Codex " is given not only to these chapters of
Leviticus, but also to parts of the Books of Exodus and Numbers which deal
with worship and priestly functions ; but it is fully admitted by the critics that
it contains elements older than the Exile. It is obvious at once that Lev.
xviii.-xxiii. with xxv., xxvi., differ in style from Lev. i.-xvi. and xxvii. See
Kuenen, Religion of Israel, vol. ii., p. 183.
•' On Lev. xvii.-xxvi. and Ezekiel (Colmar, 1881).
THE LAST NINE CHAPTERS OF EZEKIEL.
able differences of legislation.^ Thus the Temple of Ezekiel
has only doors, while that of Leviticus has a curtain
(Lev. xxi. 23, Ezek. xli. 23). Ezekiel does not so much as
mention a High Priest (Lev. xxi. 10), and speaks of the
sons of Zadok, not of the sons of Aaron in general. Most
strange of all, Ezekiel seems deliberately to pass over
if he does not exclude the Day of Atonement with its com-
plex and deeply symbolic ritual (Lev. xxvi. 23-32, xxv.
9).- He also leaves unnoticed the feast of Pentecost
and the sheaf of the firstfruits (Lev. xxiii. 10-14), while he
prescribes other sacrifices ; nor does he mention the use
of wine at the sacrifices (Lev. xxiii. 13). On any hypothesis
Ezekiel works with an independence truly amazing, if he
was fully aware of the institutions now enshrined in the
Pentateuch. Thus, he not only ignores the High Priest,
but represents "the prince" as performing some of his
functions,^ and in exalting the descendants of Zadok, de-
grades the Levites into a position altogether inferior.* As
though their general inferiority had not been recognised
in the Mosaic legislation, a special and modern reason is
assigned for their future subordination. In the division of
the land not a syllable is said about their forty-eight cities,
or even about the Eefuge cities. Ezekiel sets to work as
though Moses, as we have hitherto regarded his institutions,
had never existed. It is strange that if the Pentateuch,
or even considerable portions of Exodus, Numbers, and
' See Eeuss, Gesch. d. Alten Testaments, p. 253. Eashi points to Ezek. xliv.
31, xlv. 20, as contradictions to the Law.
- It has been argued however, that the language of xU. 3— where the angel
only enters the Holiest Place— implies Ezekiel's recognition of a chief Priest
and his entrance into it once a year.
3 Ezek. xlvi.
■* Ezek. xlviii. 11. In the Book of Deuteronomy the name of Priests is ex-
tended to Levites, and the right of sharing in the sacrifices is conceded (Deut.
xviii. G-8) to Levites who come from distant places ; but in Ezekiel a sort of
compensation is given them for the loss of their maintenance and of sacrificial
dues (Ezek. xliv. 10-10). In Deuteronomy we have the phrase, " the priests
the Levites," but in the Priestly Codex " the Priests (ind the Levites,"
THE LAST NINTJ CHAPTERS OF EZEKIEL. 13
Leviticus were in his hands, he should have ventured to
prescribe an entirely different Temple, an entirely different
altar, and widely different feasts, sacrifices, and priestly
regulations. His views are all in the direction of those
expressed in the Priestly Codex, but the differences between
them are too great to admit of Graf's supposition, that he
was the author of the section of Leviticus.^
3. The only other hypothesis is, that these chapters of
Leviticus were a modification of the ideal of Ezekiel by
some priest or priests working in his spirit, but altering his
regulations into accordance with the actual condition of the
exiles after their return. This is the view which seems to
be taken by the majority of recent scholars who have inde-
pendently examined the question. They think that the
true order of documents in the Pentateuch is Jehovist,
Deuteronomist, Priestly Codex ; and that the latter regu-
lates the actual adoption of that centralization of worship
which the Deuteronomist has demanded. The time has not
yet come to decide on these questions, but meanwhile it
is remarkable to find so eminent and stanchly orthodox a
scholar as the veteran Delitzsch saying, " I am now con-
vinced that the processes which in their origin and progress
have resulted in the final form of the Torah, as we now
possess it, continued into the period subsequent to the
Exile." ~
4. Knobel, Noldeke, and other critics agree with the
ordinary view in regarding the Priestly Code as far more
ancient than the Book of Ezekiel. This is indeed generally
admitted, as regards many of its elements, but the literary
difficulties are still unsolved. How comes it that this
section of Ezekiel is completely saturated with the language
^ For otlier aud verbal differences see Smend, p. xxvii. He says, " Trotz
dieser grossen Uebereinstimmung von Lev. xvii. li'., mit der Sprache und den
Gedanken Ez.'s kann dieser docli uniuo(jUch fiir den Verfasser jenes Corpus
getten."
- Zeitschr. jiir K. Wissensch.,l%SQ.
14 THE LAST NINE GRAFTERS OF EZEKIEL.
of one particular section of Leviticus, and of that section
only? How conies it that the prophet legislates for the
future in a way which was totally disregarded, and which
presents so many divergences from all other parts of the
Mosaic legislation, and even from the very chapter to which
he presents so close an affinity? Above all, what is the
relation of Ezekiel in general to Leviticus xxvi., in which
both the thoughts and the language are so remarkably
akin?^ Is it possible to entertain the suggestion that the
authors of both sections were working on some common
and older document ?
I do not think that the time is at all ripe for any final
decision of the questions thus raised ; but few of those who
have studied the results of modern criticism, and who
know the extent to which they are being adopted by some
of our leading English scholars, can doubt that we must
be prepared for considerable modifications of the traditional
belief as to the unity of composition of the Pentateuch.
Let me only remark in conclusion that such questions are
in no sense religious questions. They do not touch even
the outermost hem of religion. They are questions which
in no wise infringe upon a single article of the Christian
faith. Their solution can never be influenced by a 'priori
bias, or by the loud assertion and thump on the table of
ignorant dogmatists, accompanied by the oracular anathema
that any one who thinks differently from them is "a
heretic." The ultimate decision rests with the science of
criticism alone. The great eternal conceptions which we
derive from the Scriptures, and which make them more
precious than all other literature, are entirely untouched
by inquiries as to the age and authorship of certain por-
tions of them. The eternal supremacy of the Bible de-
pends on the moral and spiritual lessons which are to be
^ Horsf s book is written to prove that tiie chapters iu Ezekiel are a redaction
of the earlier sketch in Leviticus, which he also assigns to Ezekiel's authorship.
THREE PASSAGES IN ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES. 15
derived so richly and to so unique a degree from all its
books. Our opinions as to the date or unity of these books
may be inevitably changed by historical discoveries or by
critical analysis, but as long as man's spirit retains the
spiritual gift of discriminating the transcendent,^ so long
will the Bible continue to be the most precious treasure of
the human race, because in it we hear — far more clearly
than either in the inarticulate speech of the universe or
in the articulate voices of other men — the intelligible utter-
ance of the Word of God.
F. W. Farkae.
NOTES ON THREE PASSAGES IN ST. PAUL'S
EPISTLES.
1 Corinthians x. 4 : " For they drank of a spiritual rock
that followed them : and the rock was Christ."
It has often been remarked that St. Paul's phraseology
is here probably determined by a Jewish legend respecting
the well which the Israelites are related in Numbers xxi.
16 ff. to have dug upon their arrival at the border of Moab.
The Targum of Onqelos exhibits to us this legend in its
genesis. The passage referred to describes how the Israel-
ites, upon reaching a place called Beer, dug a well there to
the words of a song, which is quoted ; and the song is
followed, somewhat abruptly, by a continuation of their
itinerary, the names in which, as well that of the place
Beer, happen to be significant in Hebrew : thus, " (16) And
thence (they journeyed) to Beer {luell) : that is the well
whereof the Lord said unto Moses, Gather the people
together, and I will give them water. (17) Then sang
Israel this song :
.* Kai SoKifJ-d^di TO. OMfpepoPTa. — ^Eoiii. ii. 18.
16 NOTES ON THREE PASSAGES
Spring up, O well ; sing ye to it :
(18) The well which the princes digged,
AVhich the nobles of the people delved,
AVith the sceptre, and with their staves.
And from the wilderness to Mattanah (gift) : (19) and from
Mattanah to Nahaliel (torrent of God) ; and from Nahaliel
to Bamoth {high-jjlaces) ; (20) and from Bamoth to the
ravine that is in the field of Moab, the top of Pisgah, which
looketh down upon the desert," The old Jewish interpre-
tation of the passage, as found in the Targum of Onqelos,
connected however both the first part of verse 16 and the
words following the song, not with the movements of the
Israelites, but with the ivell. We read accordingly in the
Targum : " (16) And thence the well 2vas given unto them :
that is the well of which the Loed said unto Moses, Gather
the people together, and I will give them water. (17) Then
sang Israel this song, * Spring up, 0 well : sing ye to it : (18)
The well which the princes digged, which the heads of the
people, the scribes, delved with their staves.' And from the
wilderness it was given to them ; (19) and from the time
that it was given to them, it went down with them to the
torrents, and from the torrents it went up with them to
the high places ; and from the high places to the valleys in
the fields of Moab," etc. Because Mattanah happens to
be capable of an interpretation in Hebrew, it was referred
to the well, which was supposed accordingly to have accom-
panied the Israelites up hill and down dale in their subse-
quent journeyings! This however is not 'all. The well was
further imagined to have been with them previously, and
the office of the princes on such an occasion as Numbers
XX. 17 was merely to evoke it into activity. On account,
also, partly of the fact that immediately after the death
of Miriam it is said (Num. xx. 2) that the people had no
water, and partly of the similarity between the verse Num-
IN ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES. 17
bers xxi. 17 "Then sang Israel this song," and Exodus xv.
21 "And Miriam answered and said, Sing to the Lord,"
it was attributed to the "merit" of Miriam {'Q'^~\!2 JIIDQ).
Thus we read in the Midrash Kabbah (a compilation some
centuries later than the Targum of Onqelos), on Numbers
i. 1 : " They had the well through the merit of Miriam,
as it is written, ' And Miriam died, and was buried there.'
And what follows immediately after? 'And the congrega-
tion had no ivater.' And how was the well formed? It
was a crag (^/D) like a bee-hive (!), and it used to roll along
{Pi7y?^Di2), and accompany them on their journeyings.
And when the standards were pitched, and the tabernacle
rested, the crag came and settled in the court of the Tent
of Meeting, and the princes came and stood beside it, and
said, ' Spring up, 0 well,' and then it would spring up."
There are allusions to the same fable — not in Onqelos, but
— in the fragmentary Targum, and in the later Targum of
" Pseudo- Jonathan," on Numbers xii. 15 : " And the glory,
and the tabernacle, and the ivell, did not move or journey
until Miriam was healed of her leprosy ; and after that the
people journeyed from Hazeroth, and pitched in the wilder-
ness of Paran " ; and on xx. 2 : " And because through the
merit of Miriam the well had been given, when she died,
the well was taken away."
Further developments of the legend may be seen in the
two last named Targums, and in the Midrash Kabbah, on
Numbers xxi. 16-20 ;^ but they are not worth quoting.- The
entire fable is of the most puerile order, though scarcely
more so than many other fables related in the pages of
the Midrash. There is no reason for supposing, even if in
St. Paul's day it had reached the extravagant dimensions
* The latter, in Wiinscbe's German translation, p. 475 f.
- It is to be noticed that the legend is based entirely upon the irell of Num.
xxi. 17 f., and is unrelated either with the rock ("11 V) of Exod. xvii. 5 f. or with
the crag (y^D) of Num. xx. 7-11 (though it is brought into connexion with
tlie latter by some later writers, e.g. Rashi ; comp. xx. 1.3 in Pseudo-Jon.).
18 NOTES ON THREE PASSAGES
of the Midrash, that the apostle adopted or accepted it
himself: though he does, no doubt, occasionally make use
of a rabbinical interpretation, the adoption of such an in-
credible legend would be totally out of harmony with the
masculine character of his mind, such as it is exhibited in
his writings generally. St. Paul views the water which
the Israelites drank in the wilderness as provided for them
by Christ, in His pre-existent Divine nature, who attended
and watched over His people, and whom he represents
under the figure of a rock, accompanying them through
their journeyings. The particular expression chosen by the
apostle may have been suggested to him by his acquaintance
with the legend current among the Jews ; but it is evident
that he gives it an entirely different application, and that
he uses it, not in a literal sense, but figuratively.
Galatians iii. IG : " He saith not, And to seeds, as of
many ; but as of one. And to thy seed, which is Christ."
The difficulty of this passage lies in the fact that our
experience does not suggest to us as possible a case in
which either the writer of Genesis xxii. 18 or the apostle
could have used the plural seeds. The term seed, like
airipfjia, has a collective signification, and thus expresses itself
a plurality ; so that the argument founded upon it appears
to be nugatory. It is the merit of the learned Jewish
scholar, Abraham Geiger,^ to have pointed out what cer-
tainly appears to be the true origin of the — to us — strange
seeds, and to have shown that the argument, if not con-
clusive as to the meaning of the passage in Genesis, was no
far-fetched conceit on the part of St. Paul, but appealed
to a usage with which both he himself and his Jewish
readers would be perfectly familiar. Though seeds does not
occur in the Hebrew Bible," there was a case in which it
1 In the Zeitnchvift der Deutschen Morgenlilndischen GeselhchaJ't, 1858, pp
307-309. " - -
- Except 1 Sam. viii. 15, of differeut kinds of grain.
IN ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES. 19
was in use shortly after St. Paul's time, in a connexion
which justifies the inference that it was in use also among
his contemporaries. In the treatise of the Mishnah
Sanliedrin iv. 5 witnesses in a court of justice are warned
of the difference between civil and capital cases in respect
of the gravity of the issue : " Know that capital cases are
not like cases which involve merely a pecuniary issue. In
cases which involve a pecuniary issue, a man j)^ys a sum
of money, and is forgiven; in capital cases, his own blood,
and the blood of his seeds (VJni''y")t) to the end of the world,
depends upon the evidence of the witness against him.
For thus we read in the case of Cain, who slew his brother,
' The bloods of thy brother cry unto Me from the ground.'
The text does not say blood, but bloods ; i.e. Abel's own
blood, and the blood of his seeds (VJIVJ^IT)-" In Hebrew,
blood shed is commonly denoted by a plural term, lit.
bloods ; and the use of this plural in Genesis iv. 10 is taken
to show that the guilt, not of Abel's blood alone, but of that
of all those who, had he lived, might have been descended
from him, rested upon the murderer. Whatever the worth
of the argument in itself, the passage shows incontrovertibly
that the word seeds was in use in the language of the
schools to denote a series of generations descended from a
man. It is true, the word used is not strictly the same as
the Hebrew ^"it, but it is such an immediate derivative of
it, that it would naturally be represented in Greek by the
same wor'd airep^a. The same usage occurs in Aramaic.
In the Targum of Onqelos, Genesis iv. 10 is explained just
in the same manner as in the Mishnah: "And he said,
What hast thou done ? (there is) the voice of the blood of
the seeds [VV"^}) which were destined to spring forth from
thy brother crying before Me from the ground." ^ And in
^ Some of the rabbis explain similarly the plural bloods in '2 Kings ix, 2G,
2 Chrou. xxiv. 25. See the Midrash Kabbah on Gen. iv. 10 (in Wiiusche's
German translation, p. 104).
20 NOTES ON TRBEE PASSAGES
Onqelos the same derivative, y"^}^, 'i^r\y^], from yy, seed,
occurs repeatedly for the Hebrew T^Ht^lDui family ; e.g. xii.
8 all the seeds or families of the earth. ^ It is natural now
to suppose that Sfc. Paul, in writing Galatians iv. 10, had in
mind the use of JIV^IT as illustrated by the passage quoted
above from Sanliedrin. The seeds with which he contrasted
the single "seed" of Genesis xxii. 18 are not contemporaneous
generations, but successioe ones. The use of the singular in
a passage where, according to the usage of his time, the
plural might have been employed, appeared to him to show
that the promised blessing was not to flow from an indefi-
nite succession of the generations descended from Abraham,
but from a, particular generation, viz. the generation summed
up in Christ. These considerations do not indeed make
his argument a perfectly valid one (for they do not show,
nor does it appear probable, that at the time when Genesis
xxii. 18 was written, the plural would have been used in
the manner supposed) ; but they relieve it of its apparent
arbitrariness, and show that the apostle was simply speaking
in language which to his contemporaries would seem per-
fectly natural and just. And of course the remark of Bishop
Lightfoot, to the effect that the original w^ord seed lends
itself to application to an individual as a word of plural
form, such as sons, would not have done, retains its force.-
Ephesians iv. 8 : " Wherefore he saith, When he ascended
on high, he led captivity captive, and gave gifts unto men."
The passage Psalms Ixviii. 18 which St. Paul here quotes
^ The correspondinr; word in the phiral ( orjiA \"\) '^ ^^^^^^ i" ^'^^ Peshitto
version of Ezra ii. 59, where the Hebrew has their necJ, aud the Septuagint
(jirep/xa. avTwv. The Greek cnreppLaTa appears to have the same force in 2 Mace,
viii. 1 (quoted by Meyer, from Geiger), w tuv 'Appa/xaiuu aTrep/xdTUf diroyovoi
iraldes 'laparjX'iTaL, Treideade t(^ vSpLq} tovtoj.
' The above explanation of awkpfxaaLv is accepted by Delitzsch in the ninth
of his studies, called " Horte Hebraicas et Talmudica?," on the N.T. in the
Lutherische Zeitsclirift for 1877, p. 603 f. In this country it has been noticed
incidentally by Dr. W. E. Smith, in the Academy, 1877, p. 299, but does not
appear to have attracted sufficiently the attention of commentators.
IN ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES. 2L
has, as is well known, "Thou receivedst gifts among men.'''
The Psalm, as may fairly be inferred from ver. 4 " Cast up
a loay for him that rideth through the deserts," was written
in view of the approaching return of the people from
Babylon (comp. Isa. xl. 3 " Make straight in the desert (same
word) a high waij for our God " ; also Ivii. 14, Ixii. 10, where
the same phrase cast up a loay is used) ; and its buoyant
and jubilant tone is an echo, no doubt, of the feelings
evoked among patriotic Israelites by the prospect of de-
liverance. In vers. 7-10 the Psalmist reviews the glories
of the past — the progress through the wilderness, the
triumphant occupation of Canaan, and defeat of the kings
who from time to time arose to contest its possession with
the Israelites, culminating in the choice of Zion as the
abode of Jehovah, and His solemn entry into it : for in
these glories he sees a type and pledge of the people's
deliverance now, and of their triumphant n^- occupation of
their ancient capital and home. In ver. 18 Jehovah's
entry into the sanctuary on Zion is described under figures
borrowed from the triumph of an earthly conqueror : like
a victor, attended by trains of captives,^ and receiving gifts
from the vanquished," or others who come forward in the
hope of thus securing his favour. He ascends the hill of
Zion : even the rebels, the Psalmist adds, are now ready
with their homage, "that Jah God might dwell there"
(R.V. viarg., with the Geneva version), i.e. might dwell
permanently and undisturbed in the abode which He has
thus chosen, and, as it were, conquered for Himself. But
why does St. Paul change " received gifts among men "
' The expression, "led (thy) captivity (i.e. thy captives) captive,"' is to be
explained from the Song of Deborah— which is the clue to so much in the first
part of the Psalm — Jud. v. 1'2 " Arise, Barak, and lead tJuj captivity captive,
thou son of Abinoam."
- The rendering ''consisting in men" (Ibn Ezra, Ewald, Cornill) is also
admissible ; the reference will then be to the persons of the surrendered enemies
themselves, instead of to their offerings.
22 NOTES ON TEBEE PASSAGES
into " gave gifts to men " ? The same variation from the
Hebrew is found in two of the ancient versions, the
Peshitto and the Targum. In the Targum the verse is
referred, fancifully enough, to Moses, and his ascent to Sinai
to receive the Tables of the Law, and is thus rendered :
"Thou didst ascend to the firmament, 0 Moses the prophet;
thou didst take captivity captive ; thou didst teach the
words of the Law ; thou didst give gifts to the children of
men : but the rebellious ones who become proselytes, and
repent, upon them resteth the Shekhinah of the glory of
the Lord God." In the Syriac version the verse is ren-
dered more literally, except in the second part, the sense of
which is altered : " Thou didst ascend on high, and take
captivity captive ; and thou gavcst gifts to men ; and also
the rebellious shall not dwell in the presence of God."
Whether the rendering of the Peshitto is due to Jewish or
Christian influence inay be uncertain, though the former is
perhaps the more probable : but in any case, the Targum
shows that gave unto men was an old Jewish interpretation
— or rather, as it cannot by any means be elicited from the
Hebrew, an old Jewish paraphrase — of the verse, which,
it is not unreasonable to suppose, may have existed as early
as the time of St. Paul. Probably this will account for the
form of the quotation in the epistle. The connexion in
which the quotation occurs should be noticed. St. Paul is
not arguing on the subject of the ascension of Christ, or
quoting the text as a proof of it ; he is speaking of the gifts
bestowed by Christ upon His Church : " But unto each one
of us was the grace given according to the measure of the
gift of Christ. Wherefore he saith, AVhen he ascended on
high, he led captivity captive, and gave gifts unto men."
The text, as he wrote, probably came into his mind as a
passage which, in tlic form in lohich lie was familiar loith
it, described a bestowal of gifts upon men ; and he quotes
it accordingly, without stopping to inquire whether his
IN ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES. 23
application of it was consistent with the sense strictly
attaching to it in its original connexion. He quotes it
because he sees in it, as understood by the Jews of his
day, an anticipation of a particular truth of Christianity.
The 68th Psalm was not understood Messianically by the
Jews,^ and verse 18 relates plainly to a past fact : at the
same time, the ascent of the ark mto Zion might not
unnaturally be taken as ijrefigitrlng the ascension of Christ
into heaven, and the captives and spoil, presupposed in the
very fact of David's conquest of the stronghold of Zion,
and imagined by the poet to form part of the procession,
might similarly be understood to ])refigure the evil powers
vanquished by Christ, and, as it were, led visibly in triumph
by Him on the occasion of His return to heaven. But if,
following the same principle of interpretation, we ask what
the gifts received among men may prefigure, it is plain that
they cannot, without great artificiality, be taken as pre-
figuring anything except the tokens of horiiage rendered by
men ^to their ascended Lord. Here then St. Paul, as he
quotes the text, substitutes a different sense altogether : for
material gifts received among men, he substitutes spiritual
gifts given to men. On the ground of the rendering in the
Targum, it is, however, reasonable to suppose that in doing
this he is following a current interpretation or paraphase
of the verse, which made, it suitable for quotation in the
context in which he uses it.
S. E. DmvEK.
^ Except ver. 31 (Heb. o2), which, of course, from its very form looks to the
future, and is parallel to many passages in the prophets {e.g. Isa. xviii. 7, xix.
18-25 ; Zeph. iii. 9).
24
THE SCBIPTUEAL IDEA OF PBIESTHOOD
EMBODIED IN SUCCESSIVE TYPES.
The institution of priesthood is not peculiar to the people
of God : there have been heathen priests in all ages, as
well as Israelite or Christian. Kaces and nations, who
have differed most widely in their idea of God, in purity
of morals, in intellectual culture, and in social and political
organization, have alike placed their trust in the inter-
vention of priests for the worship of their gods. These
heathen priesthoods varied according to the character of
the religion ; for while some forms of heathen religion tes-
tified to the moral sense of mankind and the spiritual aspi-
rations of man's higher nature, others expressed the abject
terror created by the widespread prevalence of evil and by
the mighty powers of external nature. But whether the
sense of unworthiness or of helplessness was uppermost,
the impression produced upon the imagination by the awful
mystery of the unseen world prompted men to seek relief
in the intervention of human mediators, who might stand
between them and the invisible beings whom they shrank
from approaching in their own persons. They cast them-
selves upon the superior wisdom or holiness of fellow men ;
and rested with an instinctive, sometimes quite a pathetic,
trust on the mediation of human priests, who could under-
stand their hearts, and whose language they could un-
derstand. Hence the fundamental idea of a priest, as a
man who had power wnth God, and was willing to use this
power on behalf of others. To this corresponds the scrip-
tural definition of a priest, as " taken from among men and
ordained for men in things pertaining to God" (Heb. v. 1).^
' I am sorry to tiucl myself at issue here with Professor Milligan. He writes,
ill a recent number of The Expositor, that " the fundamental and essential
meaning of the word ' priest,' as used in Scripture, is that of one who has the
privilege of immediate access to God, and is able to take advnutage of it with
TEE SCRIPTURAL IDEA OF PRIESTHOOD. 25
Sacrifice was the principal fanction of the ancient priest ;
for no other form of worship was considered in early times
equally expressive of man's devotion, or so acceptable to
God. There was no material difference in this respect
between the Hebrew and heathen types of priesthood ;
material offerings and animal victims at a visible altar filled
as prominent a place in the ancient worship of Jehovah
as in tliat of heathen gods ; and this ritual continued
unaltered as long as the Jewish temple was in existence.
Protests were sometimes made against this sacrificial system,
like those of Psalm xl., " Sacrifice and offering Thou didst
not desire," and Psalm 1., " AVill I eat the flesh of bulls, or
drink the blood of goats?" Prophets lifted up their voice
from time to time on behalf of a more spiritual service
of God. But the Israelite ritual had been rigidly fixed by
law before the people were able to grasp the conception of
a worship rendered in spirit and in truth ; and it remained
the same to the end.
1. The Hebrew Scriptures recorded however the existence
of an earlier form of priesthood in the days of their fathers,
which was essentially distinct in character from the Levi-
tical. The most conspicuous representatives of this earlier
or patriarchal priesthood were Noah, Abraham, and Mel-
chizedek. The personal righteousness of Noah combined
with his position as a father to establish his claim to rank
as priest ; he stood before God in a double capacity, as at
once the most righteous man of his generation, and as
confidence and hope " ; and that " the idea of mediation, of interposition with
God on behalf of others, does not necessarily belong to the word." I take an
opposite view, that the double relation, to God and man, makes the essence of
priesthood. Christ Himself needed the incarnation to qualify Him as Priest
for man, though He was already quahfied by His eternal Sonship as Priest nnto
God. His ofUce was to make propitiation for sins, and to succour the tempted ;
therefore compassion on the ignorant and those that are out of the way, expe-
rience of suffering and temptation, mercy and faithfulness to man as well as
God, are set down amongst the foremost of His qualifications for priesthood
(Heb. ii. 17, 18; v. '2).
26 THE SCRIPTURAL IDEA OF PRIESTHOOD
representative of his children and his children's children ;
after the deluge he offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving on
their hehalf as well as his own for life delivered, and re-
ceived from God in response a covenant of blessing for his
remote descendants. The natural development of this
family priesthood is perceptible in the time of Abraham and
his sons ; as a body of dependants gather round the head
of the ^family, he becomes priest to his household ; as the
family grows in numbers, priesthood becomes the birth-
right of the eldest son, and the hereditary dignity passes to
the firstborn with the headship of the family. In this way
the priesthood of the family expanded by degrees into the
priesthood of the tribe. In Melchizedek is seen its highest
dignity and most extended sphere, for he was at once king
and priest ; and his priesthood was recognised more widely
than his sovereignty : for Abraham, who owed him no
allegiance as king, acknowledged his priesthood by the pay-
ment of tithes and acceptance of a blessing from him.
This priesthood had none of the definite form and
systematic organization which belonged to the Levitical.
Nor does the Old Testament record any direct interposition
of Divine authority l.)y which it was shaped ; but presents
it as a spontaneous growth of natural religion, developed
out of the relations of the family. Its claims to the respect
of men rested rather on their willing acquiescence than on
any exclusive privileges. Its sacredness was not maintained
by jealous restrictions upon others' right to sacrifice. Cain
and Abel, for instance, offered sacrifice each for himself;
Abraham did not cease to act as priest to his own house-
hold, because he recognised an independent and superior
priesthood in Melchizedek ; nor did Jacob hesitate to build
altars and offer sacrifice in the lifetime of his father Isaac.
Throughout the patriarchal period men were free to erect
altars, and perform sacrifices, whenever and wherever the
spirit of devotion prompted them ; though certain men
EMBODIED IN SUCCESSIVE TYPES. 27
obtained meanwhile, by reason of superior dignity, wisdom,
or holiness, an exceptional position and title as priests.
2. The Levitical priesthood was very different in type,
for the legislation of Sinai abruptly terminated natural
freedom and power of growth ; the priesthood became from
that time a national institution, bound up with the theo-
cracy ; the forms of worship were stereotyped by rigid rules
of law, and freedom of sacrifice only revived on exceptional
occasions, like that of Elijah's sacrifice, when the national
worship of Jehovah had fallen into disuse or been abolished
through the prevalence of idolatry. For the central idea
of the Law was the national organization of Israel under
the immediate government of Jehovah : and His actual
presence in their midst, represented by a material sanctuary,
formed the keystone of the Mosaic system. Hence the
institution of a strictly national priesthood became indis-
pensable. For this visible sanctuary recjuired a permanent
staff of ministers, invested with special authority from God
as keepers of His house, guardians of holy things and
places, conductors or assistants at the religious services
there held. The ritual of sacrifice also, which was pre-
scribed in harmony with the religious sentiment of those
rude times, called for the services of a select company of
priests : and it was necessary to invest them with peculiar
sanctity in the eyes of Israel, because the worship was
designed to be an important instrument in the education
of the national conscience, and abounded in suggestions
of spiritual truth. It was their office to pronounce with
authority on every case of sin and uucleanness, to shut out
offenders from the house of God, to prescribe and present
sacrifices for atonement and purification, to grant absolution
in His name, and bring to Him acceptable offerings of
every kind from His faithful servants. In order to satisfy
these necessary requirements a priestly caste was created
by the adoption of the hereditary principle ; one tribe was
28 TEE SCRIPTURAL IDEA OF PRIESTHOOD
selected for ministration, and one family of that tribe
solemnly consecrated in perpetuity to the priesthood. The
permanent separation of priests and people was thus se-
cured, and their consecration for life hallowed them and
their office in the sight of all Israel. This exclusiveness
was a new principle to the Israelites, first promulgated in
the Law ; and the revolt of Ivorah evinces the strength of
the resentment felt among the congregation who were shut
out from all holy offices, and the Levites who were denied
admission to the priesthood. But the principle served the
same purpose as the exclusion of the people from the holy
chambers; it brought home to their minds a sense of their
own uncleanness in the sight of Jehovah, and taught them
His unapproachable holiness. The particular choice of the
tribe of Levi and the house of Aaron cannot be explained
by any intrinsic superiority in holiness or zeal on their
part ; for Aaron was an inferior delegate of Moses, destitute
of the high qualities that marked bis brother for command ;
and though Phinehas and some of his descendants were
bright examples of zeal and faith, others were equally con-
spicuous for profaneness and ungodliness. One instance
is indeed recorded of Levi's zealous championship of the
cause of God ; but it was due apparently to the personal
influence of Moses and Aaron on their own tribe, and was
therefore the result, rather than the cause, of Divine selec-
tion. So far as appears from their history, both tribe and
family were chosen in pursuance of a Divine purpose, without
any special holiness or goodness of their own ; as other
lamilies, tribes, and nations have been singled out from
time to time under God's providence as His instruments
for some special work. Future generations of priests and
Levites were set apart before their birth for the inheritance
of greater privileges and responsibilities than other Israel-
ites ; and even those who proved most unworthy did not
thereby forfeit their position, for the holiness with which
EMBODIED IN SUCCESSIVE TYPES. 29
they were invested was official and not personal. Mean-
while no personal holiness and no dignity entitled other
Israelites to approach the altar, or enter the holy place ;
even the anointed kings of the house of David shared the
exckision of the people from priestly ministrations, and one
monarch who presumed in his pride of power to intrude
into the holy place was smitten with leprosy (2 Chron. xxvi,
16-21).^
The most cursory examination of Scripture discloses the
absolute control of the priesthood over public worship.
The house of God was wholly in their charge, to open and
to shut against any of God's people ; day by day it was
their office to cleanse, light, and order it, with the aid of
subordinate Levites. It was they who kept ever burnin<^
the flame of Israel's sacrifice, and maintained the fire on
the altar of incense. The congregation could not offer their
morning or evening prayers with acceptance, unless the
priest lighted his censer at the altar, that the smoke might
rise up before the mercy-seat, and mingle with their
prayers. All who were defiled by uncleanness, or burdened
with sin, must needs repair to him for purification and
atonement. All whose hearts were stirred with the spirit
of devotion or gratitude to God appealed to him for his
intervention in the consummation of their vows and pre-
sentation of their thankofferings.
And yet in spite of this Divine appointment and these
exclusive privileges, it would be a great mistake to conclude
that the Israelite j)riests played a chief part by reason of
their office in guiding the destinies of their Church and
nation. For it must be remembered that God did not
^ Saul at Gilg.al, aii'l DaviJ at the entrance of the ark into Zion, are often
supposed to have offered sacrifice with their own hands. But tire history ef
the priesthood in those times, and the circumstances of each occasion, render
it most unlikely that they dispensed with the services of a ^Driest in making
their offerings. The sin of Saul lay in disobedience to God's proj^het, not in
intrusion into the priestly office.
30 THE SGRIPTUBAL IDEA OF PRIESTHOOD
constitute them either rulers or guides of His people ; there
were beside them other representatives of God who claimed
an equally Divine commission from on high. A succession
of rulers with various titles, differing according to the
special functions entrusted to their charge, were raised up
for the government of God's people in their early struggles
for national independence and unity, such as Moses the
lawgiver, Joshua the captain, Gideon the judge, Samuel
the prophet, Saul and David the kings, all ruling in the
Lord's name ; while after David followed a line of heredi-
tary kings, anointed with holy oil like the hereditary priests.
It is true that some priests were also numbered among
these heaven-sent rulers, nor were there any stouter cham-
pions of God's cause against idolatry than the priests
Jehoiada, Ezra, and the Maccabees ; but these rose to
power by reason of their personal qualities as men of faith,
and not in virtue of their priestly oftice.
Again, priests were not, as such, the teachers of Israel.
They had no claim as a body to the inspiration of the
prophets or the learning of the scribes. For prophets
claimed direct inspiration from God ; they were listened to
as bearers of God's message, aiul authorized interpreters of
His will to their own as well as succeeding generations.
The Old Testament itself was the fruit of their labours, and
bears witness to the Spirit of God that was in them. And
when in later days the spoken word gave place to the
written, as the authoritative exponent of the mind of God,
the scribes took the place of the prophets as interpreters of
His will, and became in their turn the spiritual and religious
guides of Israel. Both prophets and scribes numbered
priests in their foremost ranks ; for Ezekiel and Jeremiah
among prophets, Ezra himself the first and greatest of
scribes, combined hereditary priesthood with their more
important offices ; but as priests they were only ministers
of the ritual, as prophets and scribes they were ministers
EMBODIED IN SUGGESSIVE TYPES. 31
of the word of God. Now the ministration of the ritual
became from the nature of the case formal and mechanical,
because the ritual was from the beginning unalterably fixed,
without power of growth or development, from the time of
its first promulgation in the Law. The priest had no dis-
cretion to make the slightest change in the customs once
delivered to Moses ; his functions were purely ministerial.
The result was that, in spite of the respect which his sacred
calling procured for every priest who led a consistent life,
the true leaders, reformers, and restorers of Israel, who
swayed men's lives, and acted on their minds and con-
sciences, were rulers, prophets, and scribes alone. Absolute
as the Israelite priest was within his own particular sphere,
that sphere was strictly limited to formal service about the
house of God ; and his Divine commission was constantl}^
overshadowed by higher representatives of God, who either
carried on the government in His name, or embodied His
Spirit in words of power.
3. The New Testament reveals a far higher ideal of
priesthood in the person of the Lord Jesus Christ. So
distinct, however, is the priesthood of Christ in all its out-
ward features from any previous type, that a generation
elapsed after His death before His work of redemption was
presented under that aspect. For the first generation of
Christians were Israelites, trained under the Levitical
system, and imbued with the spirit of the Hebrew Scrip-
tures. Their idea of priestly functions was necessarily
formed from the ancient ritual of their fathers, to which
the hearts of Christian Israel clung with unabated reverence
and affection ; and their experience of priesthood was
limited to the earthly, priests, with whom they were brought
into continual contact in their religious life. Until there-
fore they beheld altar and mercy-seat visibly doomed to
destruction, and the impending abolition of the daily sacri-
fice and the yearly atonement forced them to ask in dismay
32 THE SGBIPTUBAL IDEA OF PRIESTHOOD
what was to take their place, they did not connect the idea
of priesthood with Christ, though they knew Him as their
Prophet and their King. Then at last God revealed to
them that the priesthood, which they beheld passing away,
was but a shadow of the real, and that the substance
remained unchanged and unchangeable in the person of
their Eternal High Priest, enthroned beside His Father in
heaven.^
It was impossible to arrive at this doctrine from contem-
plation of the earthly life of Christ ; for this was not priaet-
like, but the very reverse. He was born a king of the royal
tribe of Judah and house of David; He was, and He
claimed to be, the true King of Israel, albeit a spiritual
king. Again, He came as a prophet ; even Plis enemies
were constrained to admit His wisdom as a teacher and
bow before His authority as a prophet. But He was not
born a priest of the chosen lineage of Aaron ; He claimed
no special privilege of access to God's earthly temple ; He
performed no priestly function ; He neither was, nor could
be mistaken for, a priest in the days of His flesh. The
whole Israelite conception of a priest as engaged in material
sacrifices at a visible altar in a local temple must be dis-
missed from the mind before it can grasp the real nature of
the priesthood of Christ.
For that priesthood did not begin on earth. His earthly
life was a continual preparation for it, and that in two
ways : (1) He was gaining fellowship with man as His
brother in the flesh, being subject, like him, to weakness
and to pain, enduring temptation, wrestling with inward
and outward evil, helping the infirmities, healing the
diseases, and forgiving the sins of men ; (2) He was offering
1 The priesthood of Christ is developed for the first time in the Epistle to the
Hebrews. Many considerations, particularly its reference to the impending
judgments of God, fix its date as written on the eve of the destruction of
Jeruf^alera.
EMBODIED IN SUCCESSIVE TYPES. 33
Himself as a perfect sacrifice, pure, spotless, undefiled, for
the sins of the world. But just as the mediatorial function
of the Levitical priest began after the victim had been slain
by presenting its life-blood and burning the fat or flesh on
God's altar, so also Christ's mediatorial office did not begin
till He had finally completed by His death His work of
self-sacrifice.^ " If He were on earth " (it is written), " He
would not be a priest"; for God had appointed other
priests to present the life-blood of earthly victims before
His mercy-seat on earth. Christ's office was to plead in
heaven the sacrifice which He had made on earth of His
own life for the lives of His human brethren, and make
this a basis for their reconciliation with God.
The possession of immortal life was an essential qualifi-
cation for this priesthood ; for man is himself immortal,
and needs therefore an everliving priest, not of this world,
to satisfy his requirements before God. An unbroken line
of mortal priests was well fitted to maintain the permanence
of ministration through successive generations at an earthly
temple. But an eternal high priest for man needed such a
power of indestructible life resident for ever in his person,
as was obscurely typified by the mysterious personal dignity
of Melchizedek. Even Christ Himself did not fulfil that
ideal till He had been raised above mortal weakness and
earthly contact with sin. As the Levitical priest went
through a formal death, and received a formal gift of new
life from God, in the ceremonial of priestly consecration,
' Under the Law the duties of presenting the victim, laying the hand upon its
head, and slaying it, devolved upon the person or congregation who offered the
sacrifice, and were performed by them or their representatives (Lev. i. iv.).
On the day of atonement and similar solemn occasions the priest performed
these duties (Lev. xvi. 15 ; 2 Chron. xxix. 24). He acted on these occasions iu
a double cai:)acity, as representative of his jjeople, and as mediator for them.
But the two functions are not the less distinct because on particular occasions
one person united both. Christ in the days of His flesh offered Himself as
representative Son of man, but He was not appointed Mediator between God
and man till He entered into heaven itself.
VOL. IX. 3
Si THE SCBIPTUBAL IDEA OF PRIESTHOOD
before he was installed in bis sacerdotal office (Lev. viii.) ;
so Christ did not assume His priesthood till He had
through death triumphed finally over every weakness of
the flesh, and put on His immortality.
Again, the priesthood of Christ is essentially spiritual.
God is a Spirit, and spiritual communion between God and
man lies at the bottom of all true worship. Its outward
forms may vary indefinitely, but there must be some real
approach of man to God in spirit and in truth, or else there
is no real worship ; for the value of worship depends on its
powder to effect communion of spirit with an unseen God.
The most elementary conception of a priest attributes to
him the power to bring men nearer to God than they could
come without his aid. When once therefore the true nature
of God is apprehended, it becomes obvious that no formal
approach can satisfy the ideal of priesthood, and that the
priest who does not achieve spiritual communion between
God and man is reaching after mere shadows of worship,
and failing to secure acceptance in the sight of God. Even
the Israelite priest, invested as he was with a Divine com-
mission, filled nevertheless a subordinate place to the
prophet, because the spiritual intercourse between God and
His people fell within the prophet's sphere, while the priest
was concerned with men's outward offerings, and had no
direct cognisance of their inner lives.
But it is not enough to recognise the priesthood of Christ
as spiritual ; it is necessary to consider further what kind
of spirit animated it. For each successive priesthood has
differed in spirit according to the different conception of
God which it expressed. There was a marked difference
between the patriarchal and Levitical priesthoods ; for
though God was from the beginning regarded as the creator
and invisible ruler of the world, yet in the earlier period
He was contemplated as the friend of man, readily acces-
sible to human gifts and intercourse, and at times Avalking
EMBODIED IN SUCCESSIVE TYPES. 35
visibly with man ; the growing sense of sin had not yet
built up a wall of separation between Him and His crea-
tures. The revelation of Sinai transformed this relation
of man to God. It created multiplied forms of uncleanness,
it deepened the sense of sin, it intensified the holiness of
the God of Israel as unable to bear the sight of iniquity,
and limited all direct intercourse with Him to a few chosen
priests. Atonement for sin became the central idea of
mediation, and almost absorbed every other conception of
priestly functions ; even the burnt offering, though presented
by God's own people and most faithful servants, was viewed
as a species of atonement. The sense of God's love was
almost lost in the dread of His holiness ; for atonement
was fixed by an immutable covenant, and forgiveness of sin
came no longer as a spontaneous act of personal mercy and
love, but was claimed as the legal right of those who
adopted the prescribed means of averting the wrath of God.
Accordingly the dominant spirit of the Israelite ritual placed
the personal initiative of worship in man, seeking by the
appointed method to act upon the mind of God, to win His
favour, or avert His anger.
But the God, whom Christ reveals, is not an impersonation
of holiness and justice sitting apart in His majesty, but
a heavenly Father of infinite love even to those who have
not begun to love Him, whose heart goes forth to meet His
wayward children when they are yet a great way off, who is
ever waiting to forgive, and eager to bless. The initiative
here is wholly on the side of God. Whereas the Israelite
priesthood provided means for man seeking God, Christ
came forth from God to win back fallen man ; and no idea
can be formed of His priesthood without taking account of
this radical difference ; for it involves a revolution in the
idea of priesthood, when it is realized that the barriers
which divide God and man lie wholly in the heart of man,
and that the work of reconciliation has to be carried on
36 THE SCRIPTURAL IDEA OF PRIESTHOOD
entirely there. The ideal priest under the gospel must
plead with men's consciences, reassure their doubts and
fears, pave the way for their return to God by the removal
of every obstacle ; he must win his way into men's confi-
dence as the authorized messenger of God and the friend
of man.
The perfect fulfilment of such a task demands a perfect
insight into the mind of God and undoubted authority from
Him ; such as belongs to the Son of God alone, who is
wholly one in spirit with the Father. Therefore the priest-
hood of Christ is in Scripture based upon His Sonship. It
is said that the address of the second Psalm, " Thou art
my Son," conveys to Him at the same time with the
position of a son priestly rights inherent in that adoption
(Heb. V. 5) ; and His Divine authority as the ideal high
priest for man is made to rest on the fact that He is the
eternal Son of God.
Again the ideal high priest for man must also possess
perfect insight into the mind of man and entire sympathy
with his spirit. Therefore Christ's assumption of the
office was preceded by His incarnation. It issued out of
this indeed as an immediate result. For when He became
Son of man, and made Himself one with men in flesh and
blood. He recognised their birthright as sons of God (how-
ever much God's image might be now defaced in them)
with all its consequences ; He was not ashamed to call
them brethren on earth, or to present Himself before God
in heaven as firstborn of many brethren. He reestablished
for mankind all their rights, as members of the spiritual
family of God ; and they became anew sons of God and
brethren of Christ. As brethren therefore they acquired
a claim on His brotherly love ; and His priesthood on
their behalf followed as a necessary consequence from their
brotherhood. For how can any true son be himself one
in spirit with his father, and yet bear to see his brethren.
EMBODIED IN SUCCESSIVE TYPES. 37
who are likewise heirs to the father's love, shut out from
it ! He must perforce set himself to open a way for their
return home, and stretch forth his hands to help them
onwards on their way to the father. In other words,
Christ could not but become man's priest unto God by
reason of the greatness of His love for man, as a child of
God.
This change in the nature of His priesthood involves
a corresponding change in the sacrifices which He presents
to God, A spiritual priest must offer spiritual sacrifices.
The sacrifices of the old covenant have each their Christian
counterpart. As the Mosaic tabernacle was made after
the pattern of a heavenly archetype (Exod. xxv. 40), so the
ritual was typical even in minute details of a spiritual
system. The most conspicuous instance of this was found
in the yearly entrance of the high priest alone into God's
secret chamber, to make atonement for the sins of his
people ; by which Israel had been educated to trust in the
mediation of the one spiritual high priest who was to enter
alone into the Father's presence on behalf of all His
children. But now, instead of the yearly atonement and
the many offerings for sin and uncleanness prescribed in
the Law, the gospel pointed to Christ's one offering of Him-
self as an all-sufficient atonement. It left no room for any
further sin offering ; for it revealed most fully once for all,
not only the Son's entire forgiveness of the sinners for
whom He gave up His own life, but the love of the Father
also, who had sent Him to die for sinners : and it was
impossible to add anything to the force of this assurance.
But though the sacrifice is finished and complete, the
remembrance of it must be kept ever fresh in the minds
of men; for it is still as necessary as it was in Israelite days
that the sinner should confess his sins over it, declare his
own unworthiness to stand in God's sight, and send up
his prayer for forgiveness in its name. The enthronement
38 THE SCBIPTUBAL IDEA OF PRIESTHOOD
of human sympathy in the Hving person of a heavenly
mediator, able and willing to stand between the penitent
and the just consequences of his misdeeds, continues there-
fore a vital necessity for the restoration of the guilty.
There is no visible cloud of incense now rising up before
God's mercy-seat, and mingling with the prayers of God's
faithful people, that they may find acceptance with Him ;
but the intercession of the Spirit is needed to help our
infirmities, and our High Priest must quicken us with
heavenly fire, that we may pray aright. Moreover Christ
Himself, when He replaced burnt offering by an absolute
surrender of Himself to do God's will, gave a clear example
of the continual burnt offering which Christians are bound
to render to God in Him. Christians again are even moi'e
bound, than Israelites were, to offer to God the fruit of
the lips giving Him thanks, and to bring out of the means,
with which He has blessed them, gifts for His service, for
His poor, and for the use of brethren in Christ ; these are
the Christian thankofferings, to be made through Christ,
i.e. with humble acknowledgment of their own un worthi-
ness, and thankful remembrance of His redemption.
4. The New Testament presents one more type of priest-
hood, subordinate to, but inseparable from, the priesthood
of Christ ; viz. the priesthood of Christian men. The latter
is the inevitable result of the former; for whatever is true
of Christ as a man, must also be true of those that are
Christ's. He undertakes no office in which He does not
make His brethren sharers. If He be a king, they are
to reign with Him as companions of His throne ; if judge,
they are to be seated as His assessors beside His seat of
judgment : they are destined partners of His heavenly
glory, as they are called to be of His earthly sufferings. It
would be alien to the whole spirit of Christianity to conceive
Him sitting in heaven as a solitary priest-king like Mel-
chizedek. Therefore the Epistle to the Hebrews, when it
EMBODIED IN SUCCESSIVE TYPES. 39
applies to Him the prophetic language of Psalm ex., " Thou
art a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek," alters
the words so far as to entitle Him, not priest, but high
priest (Heb. v. 10). The risen Lord is not alone in His
high office, but firstborn of the many children of the
resurrection, and leader of a glorious company of human
brethren, whom He has made kings and priests unto
His God and Father. The inspired author of that epistle
beheld in glorious visions the great host of the faithful
departed, from righteous Abel downwards, first awaiting the
death of Christ for consecration to a heavenly priesthood,
then gathered as consecrated spirits round their Lord in
heaven (Heb. xi. 40 ; xii. 23).^
But this priesthood is not limited to the Church trium-
phant in heaven ; it belongs equally to the Church militant
on earth. It is not a future dignity reserved for saints in
heaven, but a present duty and existing privilege of every
true member of Christ on earth. St. Peter, and St. John
in the Revelation, are both explicit on this head : " Ye are
a royal priesthood"; "Christ hath made us kings and
priests unto His God and Father." Both speak of priest-
hood as the actual and undoubted heritage of all Christians.
Moreover the language of St. Peter derives additional em-
phasis from its original application in the Old Testament ;
for the words are not the Apostle's own, but are borrowed
by him from God's address to Israel at the time when He
admitted them to covenant at Sinai as a "kingdom of priests
and a holy nation" (Exod. xix. G). He then declared that He
had chosen the whole nation, brought them nearer to Him-
self than any other men, and made them by His special
favour worshippers in His courts, and keepers of His sanc-
tuary, that they might become priests unto the Gentiles,
' In both these passages our versiou has unfortunately substituted "perfect "
for consecrate : the latter is the correct rendering of reXetoOc in all the passages
of Scripture which refer to priesthoxl.
40 TEE SGRIPTUBAL IDEA OF PRIESTHOOD
and that the world might learn through them the knowledge
of God and of His holiness. I know no other passage of
the Old Testament suggesting a priesthood distinct from
the priesthood of the altar and the sanctuary. It contains
the germ of a noble truth, which long lay half-buried and
forgotten — for the time was not yet ripe for the compre-
hension of a world-wide spiritual priesthood — but bore
fruit at last when the Apostle seized on it to remind the
Christian Israel that they have succeeded in their turn to
the priestly privileges and responsibilities of Israel ; and
that God has now chosen them out of the world, and
revealed Himself to them in the face of Jesus Christ, that
through them the light of His countenance may shine upon
all who are now walking in darkness ; and so all His
children of every nation and every class may be brought
near to Him in faith and love, and enter in their turn
as consecrated priests through the rent veil into His holy
presence.
The truth is, that the great heavenly High Priest needs
the services of all His brethren on earth for carrying on His
work of reconciliation. His plan of salvation is to make
man the instrument of man's restoration. Therefore, as we
read in Hebrews x. 14, He has consecrated for ever all
those that are or shall be dedicated to the service of God.^
He gives to every member of His Church grace to become
His under-priest. He has indeed other means of bringing
men to God besides the cooperation of Christian brethren,
for He speaks to them by the voice of His Spirit, and the
calls of His providence : but He does not rely on spiritual
influences alone ; He uses largely the living power and
love of human priests, to reassure the guilty, raise up the
fallen, and strengthen the weak ; He breathes into them
1 Our version reads here agaiu "^^cr/Vcfcrf " for consecrated. But it is not
true that Christians are yet jierfeLsted ; tliey are ah-eady consecrated, i.e. made
priests unto God.
EMBODIED IN SUCCESSIVE TYPES. 41
His own spirit of mingled holiness and love, and strengthens
them that they may impart a like strength to others.^
I find therefore in the doctrine of Christian priesthood
a protest against the narrow view of religion which limits
each man's duty to his own personal salvation, without
regard to the welfare of other human souls. It is impos-
sible to reconcile any selfish isolation of individual Christians
with the spirit of Christ ; no man can become a member
of Christ without other men acquiring an immediate claim
upon him in Christ's name to become a priest unto them,
that he may bring them if possible as near to God as he
stands himself. Christ has made us all members one of
another, that those who are strong may strengthen weaker
brethren, those who are wise may teach the ignorant, those
who have come near to God may draw those who are far
oft". It is the law of His kingdom that every Christian
should become by the aid of His Spirit a fresh centre of
religious practice and Christian worship. He bids each of
His disciples, as soon as he has grasped the hand of his
heavenly High Priest, stretch forth a hand in his turn to
forlorn outcast wanderers. By this ministry of souls He
binds high and low together in the common service of their
heavenly Father, weaving chains of human lovingkindness
to reach down from His Father's throne in heaven to the
lowest depths of earthly misery, until all God's children
are embraced within the golden network of Divine love.
F. Kendall.
1 It must not be forgotten that in dealing with Christian priesthood I refer
exclusively to the scriptural usage of the term " priest." The same word is also
used in the Prayer-book and Articles, with a distinct meaning of its own.
When these, retaining the language of more ancient liturgies, speak of the
three orders of Bishops Priests and Deacons, they obviously employ the name
to describe the primitive order of wpea^vrepoL, designated in Scripture as
" elders "; whereas the title of priest is in the Bible reserved exclusively for the
translation of the Greek kpevs.
42
THE DEEP GULF BETWEEN THE OLD
THEOLOGY AND THE NEW.
A LAST CONFESSION OF FAITH.
I.
The more my earthly life declines, the more do I feel
myself compelled to concentrate my strength and time on
practical aims : even in the purely scientific work which
falls to me in my calling as a representative of biblical
science, it is a practical end which I keep in view. It has
been my privilege to live contemporaneous with a bright
period of reawakening in Christian faith and life, which has
borne fruit in a splendid rejuvenescence of Church theology ;
and now I have been reserved with a few, to witness with
them how the structure of half-a-century is being rent, and
how what hitherto stood firm, and seemed likely to endure,
is being undermined and overthrown. This must not
astonish us overmuch. Such is the course of history, sacred
and profane. After the wave-mountain comes the wave-
valley ; and when anything new is to be created, the form
of primordial chaos repeats itself. Heaven and earth are
fleeting, for they shall pass away ; but they are also en-
during, for they shall come forth from that passing away
as new heaven and new earth. The Church's credo is
changeable, for the knowledge which is therein expressed
has from time to time a smelting to undergo ; but it is also
unchangeable, for in it is a truth which outlives the fire,
and which, through all changes of man's cognition, reveals
itself anew in ever purer and intenser brilliance. For just
this reason however has the Church to depend for her
maintenance and progress on the fulfilment of this con-
dition, that she make herself mistress of the elements of
truth implied in the destruction of what has hitherto been
accepted, and that she melt them down with the truth
THE OLD THEOLOGY AND THE NEW. 43
sealed to her by a higher than scientific authority. This
is the practical problem towards the solution of which I
would gladly lend my aid.
For thankful recognition such endeavour must look to
comparatively few among contemporaries, because the
majority of Christian behevers will regard as invalid, or
certainly as doubtful, the supposition from which it starts ;
though now-a-days scarcely any one questions that even the
flood of rationalism from which the Church emerged vic-
torious, left her fertihzed by a sediment of knowledge.
That, by such endeavour, one should earn but paltry thanks
in the camp of his op;ponents, lies in the nature of the case.
If we seek to unite what in the accepted view^s of modern
criticism, appears to demand recognition, with that which
is inalienable in our faith, we incur the reproach of an
inconsistency which stops halfway, and are likely to bear
the ridicule cast upon old clothes adorned with new patches.
But this should not deter nor astonish us. Not deter : for
when we consider how Semler's rationalism and Schleier-
macher's entire reconstruction of theology have contributed
to the advance of Church theology, we may find therein
a guarantee that the latter will also be able gradually to
assimilate the elements of truth contained in the present
chaos. And it should not astonish us that those on the
other side look down on us in their superiority. No pro-
cess of assimilation will bring us materially nearer each
other, for between old and new theology lies a deep gulf,
which the former must cross to win the thanks of the
latter ; and this it cannot do, without approaching that
sin for which there is no forgiveness in this world or the
next.
II.
There is a unifying tendency native to the soul of man,
by which his thought, speech, and effort after knowledge
44 THE DEEP GULF BETWEEN
are decided. ThinkiDg or speaking, he arranges things in
the world of phenomena according to common features, by
which he classes them together under the abstract unities of
notions. In his effort after knowledge he seeks for thesis
and antithesis, and synthesis, which is the blending of the
proposition and its opposite in a real and higher unity. Or,
again, he seeks to force his way down to the radical unity,
whence contraries branch out and develop. This monistic
tendency is in its final ground and purpose a tendency
toward God, the alone One. Since however things which
have their common origin in God may be in themselves
dualistically severed and in principle distinct, the monistic
tendency oversteps the line drawn for it when it reduces
antitheses that defy unification to different sides or degrees
of an imagined unity. Thus God and world are antitheses
which must stand ; he who annuls the opposition asserts
either. There is no world different from God, or. There is
no God diiferent from the world. Spirit and body are
antitheses, which must likewise remain unreduced ; other-
wise spirit is identified with matter itself, developed from
below upward to self-consciousness. Man is a duality of
spirit and body, and as such is different in species from
the beast ; he who annuls this dualism of the human sub-
stance places man on a level with the highly developed
beast.
In such fundamental contraposition stands also nature
and grace. The nature of a thing is its constitution as
fixed by creation and enduring by law ; the nature of a
man is his essential condition, created or inborn, and
expressing itself in this way or that by morally responsible
activity. Man's nature was originally good, but is now,
through his wilfal alienation from God, become sinful,
fallen into the service of sin. But it is God's merciful will
to free man from the self-corruption of his nature. He has
appointed Christ, the Son of God and man, to mediate in
THE OLD THEOLOGY AND THE NEW. 45
the restoration of our communion with God ; and grace is
the name of God's action for us and to us, the purpose of
which is to free us from the consciousness of guilt and from
the ban of sin-service. The work of God's grace in Christ,
aiming as it does at our dehverance, at the breaking of our
bonds, at our salvation, is a supernatural work ; and he
who submits himself to this can in his own experience
distinguish the supernatural workings of grace from the
workings of his natural powers and impulses. It is a
very important matter, says Philip Jacob Spener, in begin-
ning his treatise on Nature and Grace (1687), which he as
chief court preacher in Dresden dedicated to the clergy
of Saxony, — it is a very important matter, to which much
pertains for the exercise of true Christianity and the know-
ledge of our state, that we should know well how to
distinguish what is nature from what is grace. And an
appendix to this work, taken from Thomas a Kempis, begins :
" Son, thou must dihgently apprehend the motions of nature
and grace, for they move themselves contrary, and scarce
are they distinguished unless by a spiritual and inwardly
enlightened man." In fact, without these antitheses there
is no Christian life, and without the distinction of these
antitheses there is no Christian self-knowledge. Nature
and grace are as rootedly, as essentially antithetical as
world and God. But it is a fundamental characteristic
of the new theology that it so softens down the sharpness
of these antitheses as to make the distinction vanish.
Whether it admits the fact or not, the case actually stands
thus : it alters the essence of grace, and makes everything
nature. This is the deep gulf which parts the old from
the new theology, and makes intercourse impossible.
The Christian, as such, leads, as Paul depicts in the
seventh and eighth chapters of the Epistle to the Eomans,
a dual life, in which he feels himself on the one side in
servitude and misery, on the other free and blessed. The
46 THE DEEP GULF BETWEEN
carnal life, in which is rooted his natural existence, still
continues, and never ceases to throw evil shadows on his
spiritual life ; while this spiritual life is a planting of grace,
which has removed him from the law of nature, and set
him in a sphere of life exalted above it, and is thus a
working of God supra naturam because contra naturam.
For, as the apostle says in chap. viii. 2, " The law of the
Spirit, which quickens us in Christ Jesus, hath made me
free from the law of sin and death." "I live," he can say
in Galatians ii. 20 ; "yet not I, but Christ liveth in me."
The division between nature and grace reaches thus to
the centre of his being. His natural I is enthralled under
the curse of the law ; but Christ is his righteousness, in
Him he has obtained a new I, which knows itself as free
from the law and just before God. No one has more
profoundly grasped this truth, or more powerfully attested
it, than Luther in his memorable exposition of the Epistle
to the Galatians. There is, he there affirms, a righteousness
which belongs to the earthly, and a righteousness which
belongs to the heavenly world ; a righteousness of the
law, which is an affair of earth and of our own action,
and a righteousness which we, without our action, must
receive from heaven, the righteousness of Christ, which is
ours when we become by faith so united to Him, that He
takes upon Himself everything condemnable that attaches
to us, and in place thereof gives us Himself with His
righteousness, His victory, and His life as our own. Thus
grace works into the natural life of man a new super-
natural life, which differs from the former as essentially
as the future world of glory from the present world of birth
and decay.
ni.
Or are those extravagances which lift Christian ex-
perience beyond the realm of actuality into that of the
THE OLD THEOLOGY AND THE NEW. 47
imaginary ? The new theology must pronomice such a
judgment. We however rule it to be incompetent, see-
ing that it starts from preconceptions which render it
incapable of experiences such as those of a Paul or a
Luther. A theologian who denies that sinfulness is the
inheritance of man from his birth, that man by nature
is a child of wrath, and has to confess himself a sinner
worthy of condemnation ; who denies that Christ by sub-
stitutionary work and suffering has satisfied the righteous-
ness or the wrath of God, and made for the love of God
an open path ; who denies that we can enter into a direct
real relation of communion with God and the risen Christ,
— such a theologian has by these preconceptions rendered
himself from the outset unable to experience and person-
ally to test the work of grace in his soul.
But these assertions — it will be objected — are in truth no
preconceptions. On the contrary, they are conclusions based
on observation of our religious life and experience. So then
experience stands opposed to experience. In our opinion,
that is only a very superficial introspection which fails to
see that our inborn nature is one sundered from God and
penetrated to its most secret folds with defects and sinful
impulses ; so that we must accuse ourselves before a holy
God as having earned His punishment in time and eternity,
and praise with thankfulness that decree of Divine love,
which appointed Christ to work out for us by His crucifixion
and ascension the forgiveness of sins and a new beginning
of life, and which thus made it possible for sinners worthy
of condemnation to become by faith the beloved of God.
With regard to the real personal intercourse with the living
God and the revealed Son of God and man, the new
dogmatic school views this as a mystic illusion opposed to
experience ; while in its place it puts a mediate relation-
ship effected through the Christian community, and through
what God in Christ has become to this community. This
48 TBE DEEP GULF BETWEEN
is in opposition to the promise of the Lord, " He who
loveth Me will keep My word, and My Father will love him,
and. We will come to him and dwell w4th him " (John xiv.
23) ; in opposition to the testimony of believers of the new
covenant since the time of the apostles ; in opposition also
to psalmists and prophets. It is not in agreement with
historical Christianity to refer redemption and salvation
directly to the community and only indirectly to the
individual. The relations are ever found to be reversed.
It is individuals who, with a sense of merited condemnation,
desire to be made whole, and who grasp with faith the
offered grace of God in Christ, that form the community of
the saved — the unseen beginning of a kingdom of God, of
a commonwealth, that is, heavenly in origin and nature,
whose essence is living communion with God in Christ, and
which starts from this centre in its work of subduing the
world and moulding earth after the likeness of heaven.
There is no biblical conception which, as treated by this
new theology, does not lose in depth and in fulness of con-
tents. True, the kingdom of God is explained to be super-
natural and supramundane : but only supernatural in so far
as it surpasses the natural forms of society (marriage, social
and national relationship) ; and only supramundane in so far
as it has for its bond of union the working of the invisible
motive love. So far correct : but the supernatural and the
supramundane character of the kingdom of God consists
above all in this, that its foundation in the human soul is a
work of supernatural and supramundane influence ; a work
of God. according to the overflowing riches of His grace in
Christ Jesus, as the Lord Himself said, " The kingdom of
God is within you " ; and as His apostle said, " The king-
dom of God is righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy
Ghost."
He who, in the midst of his estrangement from God and
degradation in sin, has experienced this spiritual trans-
TEE OLD THEOLOGY AND THE NEW. 49
formation knows that he owes it to the supernatural inter-
ference of the rescuing hand of God, and feels himself placed
in a new world, in contrast with which his earlier existence
appears like the groping of a hlind man or the lethargy of
one more dead than alive. This new birth, which is
accomplished within the realm of Divine grace by way of
repentance and faith, together with the workings of grace
by which it is brought to pass and maintained, does not in
the new theology receive its due. Even as the closest living
union with God and the risen Saviour is rejected as mystical,
this process of conversion is considered pietistic. Though
I differed on many points with the late Ferdinand Walther,
together with whom I passed through the throes and
raptures of the new spiritual birth, on one point we remained
ever agreed — that the condition of the true Christian is a
supernatural one, seeing that it has its root in the new
birth which he has experienced. This condition is want-
ing in the new theology. Apart from its rejection of the
so-called metaphysical element, to which it denies any
practical significance, the new school speaks with regard to
the actual facts of experience a language of moral shallow-
ness foreign to the Christian and the theologian of the old
stock. The difference between nature and grace is here
toned down and washed out, and that makes the deep gulf
which divides us.
IV.
That the Christianity of the new theology is not that
recorded in history is further evident from this, that in
identifying grace with nature, it at the same time denies
the reality of miracles. For miracle has grace as its
ground, purpose, and province. The supernatural influ-
ences of God on man, which produce in him the new
spiritual life, issue from the decree of grace which aims at
man's salvation ; and the supernatural interference of God
VOL. IX. 4
50 THE DEEP GULF BETWEEN
in external events only subserves the realization of this
decree. Between those redemptive operations of grace and
these historical miracles lie the miraculous gifts of the
Spirit, especially the gift of prophecy, which lifts the
receiver above the restrictions of nature. In every such
gift is manifest the free activity of God, which breaks
through the natural chain of causation to fulfil moral
purposes connected with the decree of His saving grace.
The new theology however recognises no interruption of
the course of natural law, under a Divine direction indepen-
dent of nature. It reduces the miracle to nature ; more
specially to a natural phenomenon, with which, according
to the usual definition, there is connected the experience
of a particularly helpful providence. This is not a different
gulf from that already mentioned ; but how deep the gulf
is, we now rightly apprehend for the first time !
For here it is plain, that the difference between old and
new theology coincides at bottom with the difference
between the two conceptions of the world, which are at
present more harshly opposed than ever before. The
modern view of the world declares the miracle to be un-
thinkable, and thus excluded from the historical mode of
treatment ; for there is only the one world-system, that
of natural law, with whose permanence the direct, extra-
ordinary interferences of God are irreconcilable. The
opposite view, on the other hand, does not content itself
with regarding the miracle as possible ; it regards this as
absolutely necessary, for it distinguishes two world-systems,
that of natural law and that of morals, both of which, since
there are men and so history, act and react on one another ;
inasmuch as the relation of God to free beings brings this
in its train, that interferences take place in the course of
nature which make it subserve moral ends. This is the
Christian, the biblical, and, as we may venture to assert^
the rehgious conception of the world, for it is the presup-
THE OLD THEOLOGY AND THE NEIV. T.l
position of all historical religions : whereas the other view
is a doctrine of philosophy and natural science, which would
fain be recognised as a practical religion, but which never
will, inasmuch as it surrenders inalienable ground-principles
of religion in denying living intercourse with the Godhead,
and, in order to hold intact the inviolability of the chain of
causation found in natural law, is compelled to abandon
the freedom both of man and of God.
The restricting of God to the course of nature has for
its result that we must deny to all prayer, alike of entreaty
and intercession, any effect on external events mediated by
response to prayer. Heinrich Lang, in a work with the
title, BeUgio7i in the Time of Darwin (1874), handles this
subject in a way to make one shudder, when he quotes
Psalm xci., and then says, that the comfort of this psalm is
due to a way of thinking which has been discredited ; that
no prayer or blessing which accompanies the son on his
way to battle can avail to check or turn aside the fatal ball.
As if there were not accredited answers to prayer, like the
intercession of Luther for Melanchthon and Myconius ! And
as if each faithful petitioner could not, from his own ex-
perience, substantiate the psalmist's words (Ixvi. 3), "Thou
hearest prayer, therefore cometh all flesh to Thee"! All
flesh — for everywhere in the world of men where prayer is
offered, this is done in the certainty that prayer has efi'ect
on God and can call forth active help in return. There is
more reason in the consensus gentium than in the doctrines
of isolated thinkers, even be they so great as Schleiermacher
and Ritschl. We can refute the testimony of the soul on
paper, but it is impossible permanently to suppress its
reaction in our inmost nature.
V.
But not alone do the life of prayer and, in general, th^
religious life receive from this restricting of God to the
52 THE DEEP GULF BETWEEN
course of nature a character different from that hitherto
found among men. Even faith in the Easter message
begins to waver. Our greeting on Easter Day loses heart.
The "He is risen ! " which rings through the New Testa-
ment hke the blast of the trumpet of victory, becomes less
probable than the allegation of the Jews, " His disciples
stole Him." For if God cannot make the course of nature
subservient to higher ends, and, as a creator, in special
circumstances interfere with the created order of nature,
then is the re-awakenii]g of Christ no historical fact ; His
work lacks the Divine seal ; and Paul himself says, in 1
Corinthians xv. 4, that if the resurrection falls, Christianity
ceases to exist as a religion of redemption, and can no more
deliver the human consciousness and life from the ban of
sin and death. The disciples of the new theology recognise
the resurrection as a fact in the consciousness of the early
Church, but towards it as a fact of history they remain
cold and reserved. In their system, this is not the centre,
but merely a dim point in the periphery. Logical con-
sistency on their part would cause it to vanish altogether.
With melancholy frankness did Alexander Schweizer,
who died on the third of July last, put this question in
a kindly notice of my Apologetics which appeared in the
Protestant ische Kirchenzeitiincj for 1862: "Are we then,
by assuming this one event, to abandon the entire modern
view of the world? " And Heinrich Lang in the Zeltstim-
men for 18(31, confesed honourably: "So soon as I can
convince myself of the reality of the resurrection of Christ,
this absolute miracle, as Paul seems to declare it, I shatter
the modern conception of the world. This breach in the
order of nature, which I regard as inviolable, would be an
irreparable breach in my system, in my whole world of
thought." In fact, he who in principle rejects the miracle
must also reject the historical nature of the resurrection
of Christ ; but he who acknowledges as history this one
THE OLD THEOLOGY AND THE NEW. 53
miracle will also find it not improbable that this is the
conclusion of miraculous premisses and brings miraculous
results in its train. The decree of grace which attains in
the resurrection of Christ the centre and summit of its
realization fulfils itself in miracles. In most cases, indeed,
is the government of God like the waters of Siloah, that go
softly ; the visible miracles of history are only those flashes
from the supernatural activity of God which serve rare and
exceptional ends. But the whole work of grace, whether
in the experience of individuals or in the history of man-
kind, even where it is hidden, is supernatural and therefore
miraculous ; because, in the midst of this world lying under
the law of sin and death, it aims at establishing a world of
righteousness and glory.
VI.
When the one conception of the world is thus presented
from the standpoint of the other, the mode of statement
unavoidably partakes of the nature of a polemic. The
special purpose however with which I entered on my
subject was not polemical. I wished to exhibit as objec-
tively as possible the deep gap which divides the theologians
of to-day, especially the thoughtful minds who have come
into contact with philosophy and natural science, into two
camps. An accommodation of this antagonism is impossible.
We must belong to the one camp or the other. We may,
it is true, inside the negative camp, tone down our negation
to the very border of affirmation, and, inside the positive
camp, we may weaken our affirmation so as almost to
change it to negation : the representation by individuals of
the one standpoint or the other leaves room for a multitude
of gradations and shades. But to the fundamental question.
Is there a supernatural realm of grace, and within it a
miraculous interference of God in the world of nature, an
interference displaying itself most centrally and decisively
54 THE OLD THEOLOGY AND THE NEW.
ill the raising of the Kedeemer from the dead ? — to this
fandamental question, however we may seek to evade it,
the answer can only be yes or no. The deep gulf remains ;
it will remain to the end of time. No effort of thought can
fill it up. There is no synthesis to bridge this thesis and
antithesis. Never shall we be able, by means of reason's
evidence or the witness of history, to convince those who
reject this truth. But this do we claim for ourselves, that
prophets and apostles and the Lord Himself stand upon our
side ; this we claim, that while the others use the treasures
of God's word eclectically, we take our stand upon the
whole, undivided truth.
True, there is a zone to a certain extent neutral, that,
namely, of historico-critical and particularly of literary-
critical investigation ; but here also the distinction of stand-
point manifests itself in estimating tradition, weighing
evidences, and measuring degrees of certainty. And it is
a most disheartening sign of the times, that even such as
in theory acknowledge the miracle, in practice really reckon
on naturalistic assumptions. The theologia glorlce, which
prides itself on being its own highest authority, bewitches
even those who appeared proof against its enchantments ;
and the theologia critcis, which holds Divine folly to be wiser
than men, is regarded as an unscientific lagging behind the
steps of progress. But the subjectivity of science finds a
wholesome check in the office of preacher and guardian of
souls. Only those of little faith can fancy that such science
as this, which, with its fruitless knowledge and washed out
credo, must be dumb beside the bed of death, menaces
the existence of the Church. In the Muldenthal I was,
as a young man, a witness of soul-struggles and spiritual
victories, which rendered distasteful to me for ever the
over-estimation of science. Still does my spiritual life find
its root in the miraculous soil of that first love which I
experienced with Lehmann, Zopffel, Ferdinand Walther,
PBOFESSOB CHEYNE. 55
and Biirger ; still to me is the reality of miracles sealed
by the miracles of grace which I saw with my own eyes
in the congregations of this blessed valley. And the
faith which I professed in my first sermons, which I could
maintain in Niederfrohna and Lunzenau, remains mine
to-day, undiminished in strength, and immeasurably higher
than all earthly knowledge. Even if in many biblical
questions I have to oppose the traditional opinion, certainly
my opposition remains on this side of the gulf, on the side
of the theology of the Cross, of grace, of miracles, in har-
mony with the good confession of our Lutheran Church.
By this banner let us stand ; folding ourselves in it, let
us die.
Fea^^z Delitzsch.
PBOFESSOB CHEYNE.
The writer of this brief article must at the outset distinctly
disclaim all title to criticise Dr. Cheyne's books, and he
has not sought to inform himself of any facts in his life that
are not matter of common knowledge. His object is simply
to illustrate the nature of Professor Cheyne's work for
sound biblical study in this generation by a sketch of the
attitude which the Church of England, as represented b}'
her authorized teachers, has assumed towards the question
of inspiration and the criticism of the Old Testament. The
statement is intended to be purely historical.
The importance and significance of German criticism was
first clearly recognised in the Church of England by Hugh
James Eose, whom Dean Burgon has described as " the
Restorer of the Old Path." Eose, after spending some time
in Germany, in 1S24, returned' home alarmed and shocked.
In May, 1825, he was select preacher at Cambridge, and
56 PBOFESSOn GEEYNE.
delivered discourses on the state of the Protestant Religion
in Germany, which were heard and read with interest and
concern. Strangely enough, Dr. Pusey replied on behalf of
Germany. The matter is so important, and it has been so
slurred over and misrepresented by Dean Burgon in his
Tuives of Twelve Good Men,^ that it must be treated with
some fulness.
Dr. Pusey's Historical Inquiry into the probable Causes of
the Bationalist Character lately Predominant in the Theology
of Germany appeared before his appointment to the pro-
fessorship of Hebrew in Oxford. The drift of the book is
that rationalism is due to the absurdly excessive claims of
orthodoxy. To quote : " False ideas of inspiration, intro-
duced b)^ the imaginary necessities of the argument with the
Romanists, contributed to the same result. From the first
assumption, that the whole of Scripture was immediately
dictated by the Holy Spirit, was derived a second, that all
must be of equal value ; to prove this it was supposed that
the same doctrines, the same fundamental truths in Chris-
tianity, must be not implied but expressed by all, a theory
which must of necessity do much violence to the sacred text,
while it overlooked the beautiful arrangement, according to
which the different doctrines of revelation are each promi-
nently conveyed by that mind which was most adapted to
its reception (love by St. John ; faith by St. Paul ; hope by
St. Peter ; faith developed in works by St. James), and thus
the highest illuminations of inspired minds, each in the
fullest degree of which it was capable, are combined to con-
vey to us the vast complex of Scripture truth. Yet greater
1 Vol. i., p. 134. — Experience has shown the writer that in reading Dean
Burgou's biographies it is especially necessary to " verify your references."
After the testimonies borne to Dean Burgou by those who knew him, it is
impossible to doubt his good faith ; nevertheless his statements are to be
received with the utmost caution. The fact that the history of the Oxford
movement has been as yet written only by men who were more or less parti-
sans, makes it imperative for those who wish to understand it to go back to the
pamphlets and magazines of the time.
PROFESSOR CHEYNE. 57
confusion must obviously be the result of the same theory
when applied to the Old Testament. The difference of the
Law and the Gospel, which hitherto had been so vividly seen,
was obstructed, the shadow identified v/ith the substance,
the preparatory system with the perfect disclosure. Xot
content with finding the germs of Christian doctrine in the
Old Testament, or those dawning rays which were to pre-
pare the mental eye for the gradual reception of fuller light,
but whose entire character could only be understood by those
whose approach they announced, they not only considered
prophecy as being throughout inverted history, but held
that all the distinguishing doctrines of Christianity were
even to the Jews as much revealed in the Old Testament
as in the New, and that the knowledge of the doctrines
was as necessary to their salvation as to ours. . . .
Less important, lastly, though perhaps in its effects more
immediately dangerous, was the corollary to the same theory
of inspiration, that even historical passages were equally
inspired with the rest, and consequently that no error,
however minute, could even here be admitted. Yet the
imparting of religious truth being the object of revelation,
any further extension of inspiration would appear as an un-
necessary miracle, as indeed it is one nowhere claimed by
the readers of the New Testament." Pusey goes on to say
that this "palpable perversion of the doctrine of inspiration"
prepared the way for the indiscriminate rejection of the
doctrine itself, and that Scripture as a result of it was
not expounded even in the divinity schools.
Eose replied in 1829. His answer took the form of a
letter to the Bishop of London. It is more effectively
written than Pusey's book, but shows much keenness of
feeling, and in parts obviously misrepresents Pusey. For
one thing, he does not squarely meet Pusey's position on
inspiration, but rides off' with an impassioned affirmation
of the inspiration of the gospels. More effective is the
58 PBOFUSSOB CHEYNE.
charge against Pasey of having borrowed the substance of
his book from Thokick's lectures.^
Dr. Pusey was now Piegius Professor of Hebrew, and
took time over his reply, which appeared in 1830. He
writes with much cahiiness of manner; and while admitting
crudities, stands by his main position. He had previously
replied very coolly to the charge of plagiarism from Tho-
luck by pointing out that large passages of the book were
not from Tholuck ; that Tholuck had given him permission
to use his lectures, but not to publish his name ; and that
he had made an acknowledgment sufficient to cover his
debt. But he adheres strongly to his rejection of a doctrine
of inspiration condemned by Seeker, Lowth, Tillotson, Van
Mildert, and Blomfield, but aflirmed by the eminent Scotch
theologian, Dr. Dick, in these terms : " A contradiction
which was fairly chargeable to the sacred writers themselves
would completely disprove their inspiration." Against this
Pusey says that the question of credibility must be settled
before that of inspiration can be discussed, and that
the old theory had shown a tendency to produce among
laymen one precisely opposite, one which falls as far below
as the former far exceeded what may be collected from
Scripture."
Whether Dr. Pusey anywhere repudiates the chief
doctrines of his early volumes I cannot tell. But his
1 Mr. de Soyres, in an able article on Tholuck, recently published in tJie
Guardian, hardly does justice to Pusey on this point.
- Dean Burgon, in his Life of Eose (p. 134) has the following very loose sen-
tence: " Pusey's religious views underwent a very serious change about the same
time ; and shortly after his two learned and interesting voliimes were by him-
self withdrawn from circulation." I do not know what evidence there is of a
change of religious views on the part of Pusey ; but that there was no change
in his attitude to biblical criticism is clearly shown from the preface to his book
on Daniel, where he declares that forty years before he had satisfied himself
of the authenticity of the Pentateuch, which he indeed formerly accepted on the
authority of our Lord. He admits that his early books were crude, but speaks
of them as withdrawn thirty years before— much later than Dean Burgon
suggests.
PROFESSOR CREYNE. 59
labours as a professor were simply to establish the Jewish
and early Christian tradition in biblical criticism. His
activities in various directions were incessant, but not " of
a nature to enhance the reputation of a Hebrew professor."
The controversies about the Bible died down. Those who
had been troubled by them were reassured by translations
from Hengstenberg, Keil, and other German writers of
approved orthodoxy. Very little genuine study of the
Old Testament was carried on in the Church of England.
The atmosphere was however disturbed by the appearance
oiEsmijs and Beviews, of Bishop Colenso, and, may I add?
of the Academy.
Essays and Bevleios is now forgotten, but it did some-
thing, and a chapter on its history need not be uninteresting.
It raised the whole question of inspiration and tlie Old
Testament, not perhaps wisely, but distinctly. Dr. Eowland
Williams, the brilliant and fiery Welshman, who wrote one
of tlie most obnoxious essays, was not a sound pliilologist,
and his books are almost obsolete. But his whereabouts
is shown in that very remarkable and little-known volume.
Defence of tlie Bev. Boiuland Williams, D.D., by James
Fitzjames Stephen, of the Inner Temple,^ one of the
ablest treatises on inspiration in the English language.
The eloquent advocate says, referring to the enemies of
biblical criticism, "If they could catch but one glimpse
of the nature of the book they so ignorantly defend,
instead of attempting to proscribe science and criticism,
they would welcome them as the ministers of God for the
good of their souls, as the appointed means of displaying
to mankind in their full glory the power of the Bible and of
religion to bless mankind here and to save them hereafter."
Williams was victorious ; the clamour soon declined. The
real worth of Essays and Beviews, looking back upon it now,
is not great ; and Diestel's severe criticism in the Jahrhi'icher
1 Smith, Elder & Co., 18G2.
60 PROFESSOR GHEYNE.
fiir deiitsche Thcologie is still the best. But the alarm it
produced was increased by the publication of Colenso's
books on the Pentateuch, the earlier parts of which ob-
tained a wide circulation. As time passed on this declined ;
and although Bishop Colenso gradually acquired a mastery
of Hebrew and of German criticism, yet in the judgment of
such men as Kuenen and Wellhausen, the earlier parts of
his work are the most important, as the author brought a
fresh arithmetical eye to the early records, and produced
his results with sharpness and reality, while he had not the
faculties of a great critic even when learning came to him.
Colenso was replied to on every hand, and that generally
with contumely. It was felt however that hard words were
not sufficient, and the Speaker s Commentary was arranged
for, while Dr. Pusey undertook the defence of the Book of
Daniel. This was considered satisfactory : the orthodox
school of Germans, including Delitzsch and all the writers
accessible to the English public, was with the English
conservatives ; few young Hebraists of real power were
appearing in England ; and the offence of heterodoxy seemed
to have ceased.
In these circumstances Dr. Cheyne's life-work was begun.
He had with prescient eye resolved to devote himself to
Hebrew literature, and had received undying impulses from
Ewald as well as much instruction from others in Germany.
He returned to Oxford, and began immediately to produce
original work, which called forth high encomiums from the
foremost Germans. His powerful influence on the general
public was exerted through the Academy, a journal started by
Dr. C. E. Appleton, one of the truest benefactors to English
literature in our time. Appleton, who had been much in
Germany, was impressed with the insularity and poverty
of English culture, and set himself, with heroic confidence
in a people yet unawakened, to provide an organ of criticism.
PROFESSOR GREYNE. 61
planned on the lines oi the LiterarlscJies Centralblatt. Dr.
Cheyne became one of his closest helpers, and organized the
theological department into thorough efficiency ; secm'ing as
contributors, not only such men as Lightfoot and Westcott
in this country, but all the leading theological writers on
the Continent, including Diestel, Lipsius, and many more.
Not a few who began to study theology about twenty years
ago will never forget the impulse given them by the Aca-
deniij, and most of all by the fresh, fearless, and brilliant
criticisms of Dr. CUieyne himself. I do not wish to " resur-
rect " articles wliich the learned author may be inclined
to regard as freaks of youthful audacity. But we learned
from him that the Speakers Commentary was not a satis-
factory reply to Colenso ; that Dr. Pusey was hardly level
with Keil, while a comparison with Delitzsch was out of
the question ; that even English heresiarchs were of as
little account as the most orthodox. He was the first to
expound the Grafian theory of the Pentateuch, which has
engaged scholars so much of late years and almost broke
up a Scotch Church, stating the case for and against with
a clearness never surpassed. Meanwhile he was working
at his Book of Isaiah Chronolog icallij Arranged (1871),
which led no less a man than Diestel to pronounce him
" a master of scientific exegesis."
For years after he pursued a course of unslackening
industry, producing along with Dr. Driver an edition of
the A.Y. with various renderings and readings from the
best authorities, one of the best aids existing to biblical
exposition. But a revolution was taking place in his
ideas. The critical movement had met with a serious
check, as it appeared, first, that it involved literary pre^
tensions which could not be allowed to any critics, and
especially to critics of an unspiritual and unimaginative
type. Matthew Arnold did good service in dwelling on
the value of internal evidence on questions of disputed
62 PROFESSOB CHEYNE.
authorship ; and in insisting that on the hterary and
moral value of the biblical writings Hebrew and Greek
learning gave no necessary right to speak. It was obvious
further that the deductions drawn from the results of criti-
cism were such usually as to destroy the whole foundation
of supernatural religion, as in the case of Bishop Colenso.
Passing through a period of deep religious feeling, Dr.
Cheyne gave full weight to considerations such as these,
and produced (1880-1884) his great book on Isaiah, which
is perhaps thus far his highest achievement, and in which
he strove to speak " a piercing and reconciling word."
This book was warmly welcomed by Franz Delitzsch and
others, and was thought by many to signify a much more
radical change of critical position than it really did.
After some years of ministry in Tendring, where he was
busy in all his spheres, Dr. Cheyne returned to Oxford as
Oriel Professor of the Interpretation of Holy Scripture ;
and has published his books on Job and Solomon and the
Psalms, which have already taken their place among the
classics of exegesis. He is for three months of every year
in residence at Rochester as one of the canons, and has
gained great popularity as a preacher in the cathedral
pulpit. He has been able to reconcile with marvellous
felicity the two great aims of his life : to advance biblical
knowledge, and to teach it to his countrymen as they are
able to bear it. This very specially appears in his last
volume, The HaUoivuir/ of Criticism, which contains some
fresh and bright cathedral sermons on Elijah, and a paper
read at the Church Congress which these illustrate.
I have been obliged to omit many names, such as those
of Dean Stanley, Dean Perowne, the Nestor of English
Hebraists, Dr. Quarry, and others, which would have been
placed in this sketch had more space been attainable.
The prejudice against biblical criticism has practically dis-
appeared in the Church of England, as is shown by the recent
PROFESS OB GHEYNE. 68
remarkable discussion at the Church Congress, notably the
speech of the Bishop of Manchester. Men like Dr. Driver,
Dr. Cheyne, Dean Perowne are at one in their view of
criticism with New Testament scholars like Bishop Light-
foot, Canon Westcott, Archdeacon Farrar, and Dr. Sanday.
All are profound believers in supernatural Christianity.
Perhaps it is not too much to say, that largely through Dr.
Cheyne's influence scholars are now working at the Old
Testament in firm confidence of bringing out results at
once reconcilable with the attitude of Jesus to the Old
Covenant, with the faith of the Church in Divine reve-
lation, and with the surest conclusions of scholarship and
science.
Editor.
64
EPAPHRODITUS AND THE GIFT FBOM PHILIPPI.
In this paper I shall endeavour, by expounding a few verses
of the Epistle to the Philippians, to reproduce a most
interesting and instructive episode in the Church life of the
first century, and to pay a deserved tribute of honour to a
little-known but very admirable contemporary and friend
of the Apostle Paul.
The letter bears marks of the prison in which it v/as
written (Phil, i, 7, 13). That St. Paul refers twice to his
builds, that he does not tell his readers that he is in prison,
but assumes that they know it and speaks only of the
results of his imprisonment, suggests that it was no pass-
ing incident, but had lasted for some time. That in vers.
20-26 he lingers over the alternative of life or deatli, sug-
gests that his life then hung in the balance. Yer. 26 re-
veals a good hope of release. And chapter ii. 23, So suoii
as I shall see how it will go with vie, suggests that a crisis
was at hand.
The implied length of the imprisonment compels us to
suppose that the letter was written not later than St. Paul's
arrest at Jerusalem. For we have no hint of any long
imprisonment earlier than that event. The probable
reference in chapter i. 13 to the Prcctoriaii Guard, and
the mention in chapter iv. 22 of CcBsars household, support
strongly the universal tradition that the Epistle was written
from Eome.
We shall find that not only had news of St. Paul's
imprisonment reached Philippi, but that after some delay a
contribution for him had been made and sent to Rome; that
the messenger had been seriously ill ; that the Philippian
Christians had heard this ; and that he knew that they
had heard it, and was therefore anxious to return. All
this implies a lapse of at least several months between
EPAPHBODITUS AND TEE GIFT FROM PEILIPPL 65
the Apostle's arrival at Eome and the writing of this
Epistle.
That the Epistle was an acknowledgment of a gift sent
from Philippi to St. Paul at Eome by the hand of Epa-
phroditus is placed beyond doubt by chapter iv. 10, 14 ;
and especially by ver. 18, Having received from Epaphro-
ditus the things from you. News of the Apostle's arrival
as a prisoner at Eome would easily and quickly reach
Philippi. For between Eome and this Eoman colony
there was good communication along the Appian Way and
Trajan's Way to Brundusium, across the narrow straits,
and then along the Egnatian Way ; and travellers on this
familiar route were many. The words now at length in
chapter iv. 10 imply delay. But the delay was by no
means the fault of the Philippian Christians : Ye did take
thought, hut ye lacked opportunity. The lack of opportunity
reminds us of the difficulty of sending money in ancient
days. From St. Paul's words we learn that the news of
his imprisonment and want at once filled the Christians
at Philippi with solicitude on his behalf, and with an eager
desire to help, but that difficulty of communication pre-
vented for a time this desire from taking practical form.
This mental activity on his behalf is accurately described
by the Greek word (ppovelv, a favourite with the Apostle,
and in the New Testament with him only, and a note of
the genuineness of this Epistle. (See Eom. viii. 5 ; xi. 20 ;
xii. 3 twice, 16 twice ; xiv. 6 twice ; xv. 5, etc.)
At length an opportunity of sending help occurs. A good
Christian man, whose name we never meet except in this
Epistle, is going to Eome. Whether he undertook this
journey simply in order to carry the gift his brethren had
long and vainly wished to send, or whether other business
led him to the metropolis, we have no means of knowing.
In any case, Epaphroditus is going to Eome. And the
Christians at Philippi resolve to send by him help for the
VOL. IX. 5
66 UPAPHBODITUS AND THE GIFT FROM PHILIP PI.
great teacher to whom they owed so much. From chapter
iv. 18 we infer that the gift was large : I have all things,
and abound: I am filled, having received from Epaphroditus
the things from you. Certainly it was as large as St. Paul
needed. If, as is probable, the Christians at Philippi were
as poor as the others in the province of Macedonia, and if
these were as poor at this time as, in 2 Corinthians viii.
2, St. Paul says they were a few years earlier, their deej)
povertij would immensely increase the significance and
worth of this abundant gift. We may suppose that the
contribution was quickly made, and that Epaphroditus was
soon on his way with it to the prisoner at Rome.
The gift filled St. Paul with joy : I rejoiced greatly,
(Phil. iv. 10). And his joy was in the Lord; i.e. it was
no ordinary human gladness, such as that caused by supply
of bodily need, but a joy which had direct relation to the
Master whom he served, the Master's personality being, as
it were, the surrounding element of the servant's joy. The
money sent from Philippi revealed the genuineness and
strength of the Christian life of St. Paul's converts there,
the power of Christ to change the hearts of men, and the
truth of the Gospel which St. Paul preached. It thus gave
to him a firmer confidence and richer joy in Christ.
Similarly, as he tells us in chapter i, 14, St. Paul's
imprisonment gave to the more part of the Christians at
Home a fuller confidence in Christ ; they were trusting in
the Lord through my bonds. For so close is the relation
between Christ and His servants, that whatever they do or
suffer in obedience to Him reveals to themselves and to
others His presence and glory.
It has often been noticed that among all the Epistles of
St. Paul that to the Philippians is pre-eminently marked
by joy. Although written in the gloom of a dungeon,
and under shadow of the gallows, it is at many points
irradiated by a brightness Divine. So chapter i. 4, 18, 25 ;
EPAPHBODITUS AND THE GIFT FROM PEILIPPL 67
ii. 2, 17, 18, 28, 29 ; iii. 1 ; iv. 1, 4 twice, 10. And we can
well conceive that this vein of gladness was prompted
chiefly by the evidence afforded in the money brought by
Epaphroditus of the spiritual power of the Gospel, and of
the success of St. Paul's work. So rich a harvest from
seed sown in tears might well fill the sower's heart with
joy. We wonder not that in chapter iv. 1 he speaks of
these loving children in the faith as his joy and crown, and
that his letter to them overflows with joy on their behalf.
Inasmuch as the gift from Philippi was a natural out-
working of the Christian life operating according to its own
organic laws, the Apostle describes it in a metaphor taken
from vegetable growth : Ye have revived, or caused to sprout,
your tJiought on my behalf. For a time want of opportunity
prevented this manifestation of the Christian life. But the
life was there. And when the hindrance was removed, like
the torpor of winter retiring at the approach of spring, the
old stock burst forth into new foliage and fruit. Another
form of the same metaphor meets us in ver. 17 : I seek for
the fruit ivhich increaseth to your account.
By making this contribution, the Christians at Philippi,
as we read in ver. 14, had felloiosliip with St. Paul's
affliction. For by submitting to the self-denial involved
in their gift to him they placed themselves to this extent
under the burden of imprisonment and want which was
pressing upon him, and thus helped him to bear it.
Their gift is called in ver. 18 an acceptable sacrifice, well-
pleasing to God. For Christ had already said, as recorded
in Matthew xxv. 40, Inasmuch as ye did it to one of these
My brethren, ye did it to Me. And whatever is done for
Christ is an offering laid upon the altar of God. The
phrase, odour of siveet smell, recalls at once the same words
as a sort of refrain at the close of the prescription for each
of three kinds of sacrifice in Leviticus i. 9, 13, 17, and else-
where. And certainly the gracefulness of the gift from
68 EPAPHR0DITU8 AND THE GIFT FROM PHILIPPI.
Philippi, pleasant to God and to man, was a perfume more
fragrant than all the Levitical ritual.
The Apostle reminds his readers that the gift for which
he now thanks them was not their first gift to him. Long
ago, at the beginning of the Gospel, when St. Paul first
preached at Philippi and Thessalonica and then went forth
from Macedonia to Athens and Corinth, the Philippian
Christians sent a contribution for his support while preach-
ing the Gospel in another province. This is a most inte-
resting coincidence with 2 Corinthians xi. 9, When I ivas
present loith you, and was in want, . . . the brethren,
ivhen they came from Macedonia, supplied the measure of
my want. From the Epistle before us we learn that this
Macedonian liberality was entirely from Philippi : No
Church except ye only. Even this was not their first gift.
St. Paul reminds them that before he left Macedonia they
sent a gift to him at Thessalonica. More even than this.
During his short stay there they sent tioice to supply his
7ieed.
The above casual and evidently undesigned coincidences
between this Epistle and the second Epistle to the Corin-
thians and the Book of Acts strongly confirm our other
abundant proof of the genuineness of these Epistles and of
the historic truthfulness of the Book of Acts.
Once more. In 2 Corinthians viii. 1, 2, St. Paul speaks
in glowing terms about the liberality of the Macedonian
Christians in the great contribution he was then organizing
among the Gentiles for the poor of the Christians at Jeru-
salem, holding them up as an example to the Christians at
Corinth. We have here no mention of Philippi. But the
earlier and later gifts of the Christians there suggest irre-
sistibly that also in this contribution they took a leading
part. If so, we have five distinct gifts from Philippi : two
to St. Paul at Thessalonica, one to him at Corinth, one for
the Christians at Jerusalem, and one for St. Paul at Kome.
EPAPHBODITUS AND THE GIFT FROM PHILIPPI. 69
These incidents taken together are full of significance,
and present to us a raost beautiful and instructive picture
of early Christian generosity. The Christians at Philippi
did a good work, which no one around them had done
before. They made a contribution to enable one who had
taught them to teach others at a distance from themselves.
And by so doing they gained the high honour of opening up
a new path of Christian well-doing. Moreover their libe-
rality was no passing emotion. Long years afterwards, and
when St. Paul was so far away that they could not render
him practical aid, they were eager to do so ; and did so at
the first opportunity. Their thoughtful care for the Apostle
not only sprang up and bore fruit at once, but its fruitful-
ness continued undiminished after the lapse of many years.
Once more. The generosity of the Philippian Christians
was not limited to kindness towards St. Paul. They who
so readily contributed to supply the needs of the great
Apostle, to whom they owed so much, contributed also to
supply the needs of men to whom they owed nothing
whatever, whom they had never seen, and whose attitude
towards themselves had been rather hostile than friendly.
For their liberality was prompted, not by human grati-
tude, but by love to Christ and to those for whom Christ
had died.
It has often been noticed that among the Churches ad-
dressed by St. Paul, the Christians at Philippi occupy the
highest place. Except a passing reference to a misunder-
standing between two persons whom otherwise he com-
mends, his letter to the Philippians contains no word of
reproof and not many words of warning — a conspicuous
contrast to most of his letters to Churches. He tells them,
in chapter i. 3-5, that his every prayer for them is made
with joy ; the reason of his joy being their spirit of brother-
hood for the spread of the Gospel, a brotherliness which
began with the beginning of their Christian life and con-
70 EPAPEBODITUS AND THE GIFT FROM PHILIPPL
tinues to the present hour. "We notice here on a wider
scale the early development and the constancy already
noticed in the one detail of gen-erosity. The coincidence
is not accidental. Gold perishes. But gold represents
material good. Consequently a man's dealings with
money reveal his conception of material good, and thus
reveal his inmost character. The gifts of the Christians at
Philippi were prompted by genuine and intelligent love,
the central virtue of the Christian life. And the love
which prompted them bore fruit also in all other directions ;
or, rather, it wrought in them a rich and full development
of Christian excellence. Thus the spiritual pre-eminence of
the Church at Philippi reveals the sacredness of Christian
giving. This does not imply any unfair advantage to the
rich. For the spiritual worth of giving is in inverse pro-
portion to the wealth of the giver. The liberal givers in
this case were probably poor. But it points out to the rich,
and to all men, a pathway they must tread if they are to
climb the heights of real Christian excellence.
The spiritual importance of generosity St. Paul knew
well. Hence his joy at the gift from Philippi. For he
tells us in chapter iv. 17 that in his joy he is thinking, not
about the supply of his own temporal need, but of the
harvest of spiritual blessing which the gift is working out
for the givers.
We now return to Epaphroditus, the bearer of the gift
from Philippi. St. Paul speaks of him in chapter ii. 25 as
you?' apostle. This designation sheds light upon the title
given by Christ, as recorded in Luke vi. 13, to the highest
rank (1 Cor. xii. 28) of His servants. Just as they were
commissioned by Him to bear to all men everywhere
the good news of life, so Epaphroditus was commissioned
by the Christians at Philippi to carry their gift to St. Paul.
A similar use of the same word is found in 2 Corinthians
viii. 23 : apostles of Churches.
EPAPEBOBITUS AND THE GIFT FROM PHILIPPl. 71
Another title of honour is given to Epaphroditus. St.
Paul calls him your minister of my need. The Greek word
here used, Xei,Tovpy6<i, and a cognate word with the same re-
ference in ver. 30, are different from, and stronger than, the
word commonly in the New Testament translated minister ;
and denote a public officer, or some one who renders service
to the State. The same word is regularly used in the Sep-
tuagint, e.g. Exodus xxviii. 35, 43, etc., as the title of the
priests, the public and official servants of Grod in the ritual
of the Old Covenant. A similar, but proportionately
greater, honour St. Paul claims for himself in Romans xv.
16, where, using the same word, he calls himself a puhlic-
minister of Jesus Christ ; and explains this title by saying
that to proclaim the Gospel of God is his public and sacred
and priestly work, and that the offering he desires to present
to God is nothing less than the Gentiles consecrated to His
service.
A similar title of honour St. Paul now gives to Epaphro-
ditus. By so doing he reminds his readers, that in bringing
their gift to Rome he was performing on their behalf a
public and sacred work, viz. the supply of St. Paul's need.
This work the Christians at Philippi would themselves
have performed by personal attention to St. Paul. But
this personal help, distance prevented them from ren-
dering. The lack (ver. 30) of it Epaphroditus supplied by
bringing their money to the imprisoned Apostle. Doubt-
less this word was chosen in order to emphasise the impor-
tance and dignity and sacredness of the work committed to
Epaphroditus.
In discharging the duty laid upon him by the Church at
Philippi, the messenger fell seriously ill : He icas sick nigh
to death; . . . he came near to death, hazarding his life
in order to make up for the absence of your ministry toioards
me. The details of this illness are unknown to us. Pos-
sibly, in his haste to reach and relieve the prisoner, Epa-
72 EPAPHRODITUS AND THE GIFT FROM PHILIPPI.
phroditus exposed himself to inclement weather on the
journey. Or perhaps, in his attention to St. Paul at Eome,
he exposed himself to infection. In any case the risk was
knowingly encountered, with the express purpose of ren-
dering to the Apostle the service which distance prevented
the Christians at Philippi from rendering. Well might St.
Paul speak in ver. 30 of such risk as encountered because
of the ivorh of Christ. For that which is done and suffered
to aid the workers is done for the Master.
The news of the illness of Epaphroditus had reached
Philippi : and he knew this. An ordinary man would have
been glad that they who sent him knew at how great risk
and cost he had discharged their mission. But Epaphro-
ditus was filled with sorrow. This sorrow reveals an
exceedingly noble character. It was a mark of genuine
unselfishness. He who has risked his life to help the great
Apostle is troubled that his sickness has caused trouble to
others. He would have preferred to suffer alone. And,
since his friends at home are already troubled on his
account, his care for them makes him wishful, now that
apparently he is again well, to return and by his own
presence to dispel their fears on his behalf. This wish to
return was prompted by a sentiment so noble, that St. Paul
felt that he had no choice but to comply : Necessary I
deemed it to send Epaphroditus.
The recovery of the sick man, St. Paul attributes, in
ver. 27, to the mercy of God towards the sufferer and
towards himself. This reveals his faith that even the
uncertainties of human life are under the control of God.
So does his request in 2 Thessalonians iii. 1, 2 for his
readers' prayer that he may be preserved from bodily
danger. We cannot infer from the above that St. Paul
knew of the illness while Epaphroditus was in danger, and
prayed for his recovery ; although this is quite possible, and
not unlikely. For in any case, whether or not the danger
EPAPHBODITUS AND TEE GIFT FROM PHILIPPL 73
was known to the Apostle, the recovery of the sick man
was an act of Divine mercy both to him and to St. Paul.
That Epaphroditus is called 3bfelloic-ivorker, we can easily
understand ; for St. Paul was essentially a worker, and all
his companions shared his toil. But the precise reference
of fellow-soldier is not quite clear. The same title is in
Philemon 2 given to Archippus. Doubtless Epaphroditus
would bravely stand beside the prisoner at Eome, and en-
counter cheerfully whatever risk or hardship this involved.
Therefore, naturally, in the conflict of the Christian life, the
Apostle calls him a companion in arms.
Notice that St. Paul recognises, and bids his readers
recognise, the work done and spirit shown by this brave
fellow-soldier : Hold such in honour. That honour will be
paid while the world lasts.
Put together now the whole story of the gift from
Philippi and the journey of Epaphroditus, and we have an
incident of surpassing beauty from the life of the early
Church. At Philippi we find corporate church life of the
highest excellence ; and in Epaphroditus we have a private
member worthy of the noble Church he represented.
We go in thought, perhaps about the close of the year
in which St. Paul arrived a prisoner at Eome, to Philippi.
Less then eleven years ago three Jewish strangers visited
this Eoman colony. They remained a few weeks, until the
scourging and imprisonment of two of them made their
departure expedient. But the seed sown during that short
sojourn had taken deep root. Loving and liberal hearts
followed the strangers to other cities of Macedonia, and
even beyond the limits of that province. Some six years
later St. Paul again visited Philippi, and was overjoyed at
the eagerness there manifested to support his great project
of a contribution for the poor among the Christians at
Jerusalem. The next year, as we learn from Acts xx. 6,
on his way to Jerusalem with the completed collection,
74 EPAPHRODITUS AND THE GIFT FROM PHILIPPI.
St. Paul spent Easter in the bosom of the same beloved
Church. Doubtless there, as at Miletus,^ he spoke of the
fears with which he looked forward to his arrival in the
city which had now become the citadel of his foes. His
subsequent arrest at Jerusalem must have come to the ears
of his friends at Philippi. And lately they have heard that
he is a prisoner at Rome and in want.
The Church is eager to send help. But no one is able to
go to Rome. And none but a personal messenger can carry
money safely.
Thus passed, in vain solicitude, some months. At last a
messenger is found. Epaphroditus is going, or is able and
willing to go, to Rome, and offers to carry help to the
prisoner. A large gift is soon collected ; and amid the
blessings of the Church, and doubtless with many greetings
for the Apostle, Epaphroditus starts along the great
Roman road towards Rome ; but either before or after his
arrival there, and in consequence of his loyalty to his trust,
the messenger is overtaken by serious illness, and his life is
in danger. But his charge is performed. The contribution
is duly given to the prisoner.
This unexpected mark of Christian sympathy fills the
Apostle with joy. He longs to thank his benefactors.
Moreover Epaphroditus is now well, and is troubled to
hear that tidings of his illness have reached his friends at
Philippi. How great will be their loving anxiety on his
behalf, he knows well. He is therefore eager to dispel their
fears by his personal presence among them again. This
desire St. Paul approves. The opportunity thus afforded, he
also resolves to use by sending to his friends at Philippi a
worthy acknowledgment of their kindness to him. With
this reply, a gift infinitely more precious than that which he
brought from Philippi, Epaphroditus starts on his home-
ward journey. The joy caused by his return, and the
1 Acts XX. 23.
REGENT ENGLISH LITEEATUBE. 75
effect of this wonderful letter when first read in the Church
at Philippi, are hidden from us. And we maj^ almost say-
that with this letter the Church itself passes from our' view.
To-day, in silent meadows quiet cattle browse among the
few ruins which mark the site of what w^as once the
flourishing Roman colony of Philippi, the home of the
most attractive Church of the apostolic age. But the
name and fame and spiritual influence of that Church will
never pass. To myriads of men and women in every age
and nation, the letter written in a dungeon at Eome and
carried along the Egnatian Way by an obscure Christian
messenger, has been a light Divine, and a cheerful guide
along the most rugged paths in life. As I watch, and
myself rejoice in, the brightness of that far-shining light,
and glance at those silent ruins, I see fulfilled an ancient
prophecy : The grass. iDithereth, the fioiver fadeth : but the
word of our God shall stand for ever.
Joseph Agae Beet.
BECENT ENGLISH LITEEATUBE ON THE NEW
TESTAMENT.
Patristic Texts. — Tlie Cambridge University press has issued for
Prof. Rendel Harris and tlie Johns Hopkins University a very
complete and beautiful edition of The Teaching of the Apostles.
This edition indeed may be said to' take rank as the editio j^rinceps
of this important relic of primitive Christianity ; for not only does
it present a carefully edited text, but it gives photographs of the
entire MS., so that any one can, satisfy himself as to the correct-
ness of the text. These photographs are beautifully executed, and
will do something towards inducing curators of MSS. to follow
Prof. Harris' advice, and insure by photography that, if important
historical monuments disappear by fire or otherwise, we shall
have guaranteed duplicates to refer to. l^ot only does Prof.
Harris give us in this volume an assured text, but the notes he
76 RECENT ENGLISH LITERATUBE
has appended to this text are of very great value. Indeed among-
the many excellent editions of the Teaching which have been
produced, none gives a more truly illustrative book of notes. The
chapter on the Hebraisms of the Teaching is especially interesting
and valuable, adding, as it does, to the information already fur-
nished by Dr. Taylor. The volume does credit to all concerned
in its production.
From the same press has been issued A Collation of the Athos
Codex of The Shepherd of Hernias by Spyr. P. Lambros, Ph.D.,
Prof. Univ. Athens, translated and edited by J. Armitage Robin-
son, M.A. Until 1855 the text of the Shepherd was merely
guessed at through a Latin version. In that year the notorious
Constantino Simonides sold to the University of Leipsic what he
affirmed was the original Greek text of the Shepherd. This was
in the form of three leaves of a fourteenth century MS., and a
copy of six other leaves of the same MS. which he had not been
able to bring away. In consequence of the literary frauds he was
found to be perpetrating, the gravest suspicions were thrown upon
this pretended copy. But Dr. Lambros, in cataloguing the MSS.
of the Athos libraries, came upon one which he believes to be " the
much-desired original of the apographon of Simonides." It is a
collation of this MS. that is now published, and it must of course
be the chief authority for the text of Hernias.
Introduction. — To this department of N'ew Testament literature
Dr. Paton J. Gloag has made a contribution of great value in
his Introduction to the Catholic Epistles (T. & T. Clark). In this
volume every question which has arisen regarding these epistles
is fully and candidly discussed. Nothing escapes Dr. Gloag's
research. With the whole field of modern criticism he is familiar;
and he puts his reader in possession of an amount of information
which very few men have time to acquire for themselves. This
research and learning Dr. Gloag uses with great good sense and
judgment. His conclusions are at all times reasonable, and there
are few critics Avith whom a majority of unbiassed minds will
more frequently be found in agreement. To discuss those points
on which we might be disposed to disagree with Dr. Gloag is here
impossible. It is from his own book any who disagree with him
are likely to find weapons wherewith to encounter him, for it is a
vast repertory of opinions and suggestions on all questions of date,
authorship, and contents of the catholic epistles. It does not
ON THE NEW TESTAMENT.
broach any new theories, and it is none the worse on that account.
But while it defends traditional conclusions, it does so with full
and candid consideration of all that has been urged against them.
Dr. Gloag maintains the authenticity of 2 Peter, although he feels
himself unable to determine whether that epistle or Jude has the
better claim to priority, and on other points he is equally conser-
vative. We may reasonably desire the more piercing light and
the more original criticism which genius can bring, but we need
not look for a more complete digest of opinions than this accep-
table volume gives us.
In Mr. Nicoll's " Theological Educator," An Introduction to the
New Testament has been furnished by Dr. Marcus Dods. This
does not profess to be more than a compilation for the use of
those who are beginning this study. It is hoped that it may find
its way where larger books cannot find access.
An introduction to the fourth Gospel has been written by
Mr. Howard Heber Evans under the title, St. John the Author of the
Fourth Gospel (Messrs. James Nisbet & Co.). This is an attempt
to prove the Johannine authorship, chiefly by an examination of
the phraseology and style of the Gospel. It turns the tables on
those who declare it to be a psychological impossibility that the
Apocalypse and the Gospel proceeded from one mind. Mr. Evans,
by a careful analysis of the language of both writings, shows it to
be a psychological impossibility that those two documents could
have been other than the work of one and the same hand. The
case he presents is a very strong one, and he presents it in a simple
and lucid form, and even such critics as may repudiate his conclu-
sion must at least be thankful for the useful tables of parallel
phrases and ideas he has furnished. This is the best piece of
criticism Mr. Evans has yet given us, and is indeed a solid and
important contribution to the criticism of the fourth Gospel.
Exposition. — To Mr. Nicoll's " Expositor's Bible " (Hodder and
Stoughton) two volumes of uncommon merit have been added,
the one by Prof. Findlay on The Epistle to the Galatians, the other
by Principal Edwards on The Epistle to the Hebreivs. Readers of
this magazine have learned to expect thorough work from Prof.
Findlay. In his New Testament studies he has always shown
independence and originality, combined with an accurate appre-
hension of what other scholars have ascertained. The same
qualities are visible in his present volume ; and it may safely be
RECENT ENGLISH LITERATURE
said that no other commentary enables the reader to apprehend
so readily and so accurately the meaning of this great epistle.
To ascertain and expound, the apostle's gospel as exhibited in
Galatians calls for a theologian as well as a scholar. The ex-
positor must be able to lift the mind from the exact analysis of
words and phrases to those great ideas which make this epistle
one of the foundation-stones of Christian doctrine. This is accom-
plished by Prof. Findlay. He writes with the accuracy of one
who has long pondei^ed his theme, and with the vigour and spirit
of a full and eager mind.
Principal Edwards may also be congratulated on successfully
achieving the difficult task of unfolding the meaning of The
Epistle to the Hehreivs. In this volume every page shows traces
of careful and capable study. The epistle bristles with crucial
passages for a commentator, and none but a veteran need attempt
to find his way through these and to keep a firm hold on the
thread that guides. However any critic may dilfer from Principal
Edwards' interpretation of this or that passage, it will be owned
that he deals with every difficulty in a straightforward and scho-
larly manner. It would very greatly have aided the reader if
a brief introduction, indicating the scope and course of the
epistle, had been prefixed to the exposition. But when one gets
fairly launched in the book the stream of strong and consecutive
thought carries one on. Brilliant and weighty passages relieve the
strain of following the argument and quicken the attention. And
it will be the opinion of every reader that Principal Edwards has pro-
duced a volume full of substance and worthy of its great theme.
Another admirable guide to the meaning of this epistle is fur-
nished to English readers in Mr. Frederic Rendall's The Epistle
to the Hehreivs (Macmillan & Co.). The same author had pre-
viously published a thoughtful and original introduction to this
epistle, as well as critical and explanatory notes on the Greek
text. He has now republished the introduction along with a
translation of the Greek text and copious notes. These notes are
free from everything that might stagger the English reader. No
Greek w^ords occur, no names of commentators or books of refe-
rence load the page. But beneath this unscholastic surface lie
a scholarship as severe and a criticism as penetrating and exact
as are to be found in the most learned of German commentaries.
The reader at once finds himself under the guidance of a serious
ON THE NEW TESTAMENT. 79
and candid mind. New meaning is assigned to several words, and
a new turn given to some phrases and passages ; and although
these will not always be approved, they are all recommended by
considerations that are both interesting and weight3^ We have
few expositions of Scripture which will be found more incentive
to thought, and certainly no one who wishes to understand the
Epistle to the Hebrews should neglect Mr. Kendall's volume.
The Gospel of St. John still attracts expositors. Not only has
the second volume of The Pulpit Commentary on the fom^th Gospel
been published, completing a very full and instructive book, but
Dr. Thomas Whitelaw has issued with Messrs. Maclehose an ex-
position of the same Gospel for the use of clergymen, students,
and teachers. It is named Tlie Gospel of St. John : an Exposition
Exegetical and Homiletical. The homiletical part, in our opinion,
does injustice to the exegetical ; and is besides incongi'uous, for
those who relish the exegesis will not consult the homiletics. The
exegetical part is decidedly good of its kind. It gathers all the
interpretations of each phrase, and classifies them, so that the
reader can choose for himself. The volume therefore represents,
and will save, a vast amount of labour. Sometimes the reader
desiderates a little more dogmatism on the part of Dr. Whitelaw,
and a little less of the mosaic of other men's opinions ; but for
practical purposes, probably Dr. Whitelaw's method is best.
And we cannot too highly respect the painstaking diligence which
every page of his work evinces. The introduction to the Gospel
is a most satisfactory piece of work, full, strong, and conclusive.
It would be difficult to furnish in the same space a more effective
defence of the authorship of this much-debated Gospel. Alto-
gether the book will fulfil its author's design, and be useful to
clergymen, stiidents, and teachers.
In mentioning Dr. Thomas Richey's The Parables of the Lord
Jesus according to St. Mattheic, we travel beyond our pro\ance, as
the volume is published in New York. Mr. Higham, the English
publisher, has however sent us a copy ; and while we leave the
criticism of it to Professor Warfield, we think it right meanwhile
to recommend it to all who wish to see the parables treated in a
more scientific manner than that which is sometimes adopted. It
is a book which repays study.
Dr. Robert Johnstone, Professor of New Testament Literature
in the United Presbyterian College, Edinburgh, has issued two
80 REGENT ENGLISH LITERATURE.
books during the past half year. One of these is published by
Messrs. Clark, and is on The First Epistle of Peter. It is intended
to aid students of the Greek text, and is perhaps even too full in
its grammatical and texical explanations. This however is a vice
that leans to virtue's side ; and no one will question the con-
scientious and painstaking diligence with which Dr. Johnstone
has applied himself to the accurate ascertainment of his author's
meaning. Turning to one of the crucial passages of the epistle,
Ave find that Dr. Johnstone understands that Christ's preaching to
the spirits in prison was accomplished during the lifetime and
through the agency of Noah. This interpretation is scarcely com-
patible with the clause, tois iv (fjvXaKy Trvevfiacn Tropevdea ; and
although Dr. Johnstone endeavours to show that Tropeu^ets is ad-
missible on his interpretation, we find in the numerous pages
devoted to the passage no explanation of the phrase, " the spirits
in prison," although it may be gathered from what is said that
the imprisonment referred to is their condition after death. Dr.
Johnstone's explanation of the references which the apostles made
to the expected coming of Christ is not satisfactory. " Whether
the apostles themselves, pondering the data which God had made
known to them, thought it likely that ' the end of all things '
would come during their own generation, is a question to which
we are not in a position to give an answer." This assertion seems
at all events a little out of place in a commentary on the words,
" the end of all things is at hand." In the main however
Dr. Johnstone's determination of the meaning of his author can
be accepted, and as a whole the commentary is full of the fruits of
sound and exact scholarship, and of serious thought. It is the best
available aid to the study of the epistle with which it deals.
The other volume, issued for Dr. Johnstone by Messrs. Oliphant,
Anderson & Ferrier, is a second edition of his Lectures on the
Epistle of James. These are popular, and are yet based on a
careful examination of the text. They were delivered from the
pulpit to an ordinary congregation, and are admirably adapted for
preaching purposes. They give a lucid explanation of every verse,
and carry out its meaning into suitable applications to life and
character. Preachers will derive valuable assistance from the
volume.
Marcus Dods.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
VI. The Way of Salvation (Chap. ii. 11-18).
This section contains a further elucidation of the way or
method of salvation in its bearing on the personal expe-
riences of the Saviour. It may be analysed into these
three parts : First, the statement of a principle on which
the argument proceeds (ver. 11) ; second, illustrations of
the principle by citations from the Old Testament (vers.
12, 13) ; third, applications of the principle to particular
facts in the history of Jesus (vers. 14-18).
The writer at this point seems at first sight to be making
a new start, looking forward rather than backward, and
with the priesthood of Christ, of which express mention is
made in ver. 17, specially in his eye. Further reflection
however satisfies us that, as the "for" at the commence-
ment of ver. 11 suggests, he looks backward as well as
forward, and that the new truth therein enunciated has its
root in the statement contained in ver. 10. The assertion
that the Sanctifier and the sanctified are all of one may be
conceived of as answering two questions naturally arising
out of ver. 10, to which it furnishes no explicit answer.
First, Christ is called the Captain or Leader of salvation :
how does He contribute to salvation ? Is He simply the
first of a series who pass through suffering to glory? or does
He influence all the sons whom God brings to glory so
as to contribute very materially to the great end in view,
their reaching the promised land? Second, what is the
condition of His influence ? what is. the nexus between Him
VOL. ix. ^'^ 6
82 TEE EPISTLE TO TEE EEBBEWS.
and them, the Leader and the led, that enables Him to exert
over them this power ? The answer to the former question
is, Christ saves by scDictifying ; the answer to the latter,
that He and the sanctified are one. The answer in the first
case is given indirectly by the substitution of one title
for another, the "Leader of salvation " being replaced by
the "Sanctifier"; the answer in the second case is given
directly, and forms the doctrine of the text : the Sanctifier
and the sanctified are all of one.
The new designation for Christ is presumably selected
because it fits in both to that view of His function sug-
gested by the title Leader, and to that implied in the title
High Priest, introduced in the sequel. No good reason
can be given for limiting the reference to the latter. The
probability is that the writer meant to imply that Christ
sanctifies both as a Captain and as a Priest, as the Moses
and as the Aaron of the great salvation. It is probable that
he introduces the title "the Sanctifier" to adjust the idea of
salvation to the Saviour's priestly office, but it is reasonable
to suppose that he does this without any breach in the
continuity of thought.
These are simple observations, but they involve a very
important question; vix. in what sense are the terms "sanc-
tifier" and "sanctified" used in this place? and, generally,
what conception of sanctincation pervades the epistle? In
the ordinary theological dialect " sanctification " bears an
ethical meaning, denoting the gradual renewal of his nature
experienced by a believing man. The usage can be justified
by New Testament texts in Paul's epistles, and as I believe
also in the Epistle to the Hebrews ; but the notion of holi-
ness thus reached is secondary and derivative. In the Old
Testament holiness is a religious rather than an ethical
idea, and belongs properly to the sphere of worship. The
people of Israel were holy in the sense of being consecrated
for the service of God, the consecration being effected by
THE WAY OF SALVATION. 83
sacrifice, which purged the worshippers from the defilement
of sin. It was to be expected that the ritual or theocratic
idea of holiness should reappear in the New Testament,
especially in an epistle like that to the Hebrews, in which
Christian truth is largely stated in terms suggested by
Levitical analogies. Accordingly we do find the word
" sanctify " employed in the epistle in the Old Testament
sense, in connexion with the priestly office of Christ, as in
chapter x. lU: "sanctified through the offering of the body of
Jesus Christ once for all." In such texts sanctification has
more affinity with "justification" in the Pauline system of
thought, than with the sanctification of dogmatic theology.
But it might also be anticipated that the conception of
holiness would undergo transformation under Christian in-
fluences, passing from the ritual to the ethical sphere. The
source of transforming power lay in the nature of the Chris-
tian service. The sacrifices of the new era are spiritual :
thankfulness, beneficent deeds, pure conduct. A good life
is the Christian's service to God. Thus while formally con-
sidered sanctification might continue to mean consecration
to God's service, materially it came to mean the process
by which a man was enabled to live soberly, righteously,
godly. Traces of this transformed meaning are to be
found throughout the New Testament. The Epistle to the
Hebrews is no exception to this statement. The term
" holiness " {dyia(rjj,6<i) is used in an ethical sense twice in
the twelfth chapter. In ver. 10 it is stated that God's end
in subjecting His children to paternal discipline is to make
them partakers of His own holiness ; in ver. 14, Christians
are exhorted to follow peace with all men and holiness —
holiness being prescribed as a moral task, and as an end to
be reached gradually. In the one case, God is the Sanctifier
through the discipline of life ; in the other. Christians are
summoned to sanctify themselves by a process of moral
effort. In another class of texts Christ appears as a foun-
84 TEE EPISTLE TO TEE EEBBEWS.'
tain of sanctifying influence. The word is not used, but the
thing, help to godly hving, is there. "Looking unto Jesus"
the Leader in faith is commended as a source of moral
strength and stedfastness (xii. 2). Even in His priestly
character He is set forth as a source of moral inspira-
tion. Through Him, the great High Priest, we receive
"grace for seasonable succour" (iv. 16); from Him, the
tempte'd one, emanates aid to the tempted (ii. 18). God's
paternal discipline, our own self-effort, Christ's example,
priestly influence, and sympathy, all contribute to the same
end, persistency and progress in the Christian life. In
connexion with the first, we may say God sanctifies ; in
connexion with the second, we may say we sanctify our-
selves ; why may we not, in connexion with the third, call
Christ the Sanctifier?
It thus appears that sanctification is spoken of in the
epistle both in a ritual and in an ethical sense, and that
Christ is represented, in effect if not in express terms, as
performing the part of a sanctifier, not merely by conse-
crating us once for all to God by the sacrifice of Himself,
but likewise by being to us in various ways a source of
gracious help. This double sense of the word sanctify is
analogous to the double sense of the word " righteousness " in
the Pauline literature. In stating his doctrine of salvation,
Paul uses the word in an objective sense. The righteous-
ness of God is an objective righteousness, given to us for
Christ's sake. But in the Pauline apologetic, in which the
apostle seeks to reconcile his doctrine with apparently con-
flicting interests, such as the claims of the law, the prero-
gatives of Israel, and the demands of morality, we find the
word used in a subjective sense — to denote a righteousness
within us. Repelling the insinuation that we may continue
in sin that grace may abound, he strives to show how every
believer in Christ becomes a servant of righteousness. Even
so in the Epistle to the Hebrews we find sanctification
THE WAY OF SALVATION. 85
used in a double sense, a ritual and an ethical. But there
is a failure in the parallelism between the two writers in
this respect, that whereas in Paul what one might call the
artificial or technical sense of righteousness appears in his
doctrinal statement, and the ethical sense in his apologetic,
in the author of our epistle the ritual sense of sanctifi-
cation appears in those parts of his writing which are
dominated by his apologetic aim, and the ethical chiefly in
the practical or hortatory passages, where he is set free from
the trammels of his apologetic argument.^
If it be indeed true that Christ appears in the epistle as a
sanctifier in a twofold sense,- -in a specific sense as a priest,
in a general as a fountain of grace, then it is natural to
suppose that in introducing the title " the Sanctifier," for
the first time the writer would employ it in a compre-
hensive sense, covering the whole extent of Christ's sanc-
tifying influence. This comprehensive sense, as we have
seen, suits the connexion of thought, the text standing
midw^ay between two views of Christ's function as Saviour,
— that suggested by the title Captain of salvation, on the one
hand, and that suggested by the title High Priest, on the
other — looking back to the one and forward to the other,
I feel justified therefore in putting upon the designation
" the Sanctifier " this pregnani construction, and shall now
proceed to consider the affirmation in ver. 11, that the
Sanctifier and the sanctified are all of one.^
This statement, as indicated at the outset, I regard as
the enunciation of a principle ; by which is meant that
' Another point will come up for comparison in due course. Paul discovers
in the very heart of his system a nexus between objective and subjective right-
eousness. Does the system of thought in this epistle provide for the union of
the two kinds of sanctification ? or do they stand side by side, external to each
other? Are religious and ethical interests reconciled by a principle inherent in
the system ?
- The present participle, oi ayia^ofievoi, fits into the view that an ethical j^ro-
gressive sanctification is included, but it does not prove it, for the participles
may be timeless designations of the parties.
8G TEE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
the unity asserted is involved in the relation of Sanctifier
to sanctified. Whether there be only one or many exem-
plifications of the relation is immaterial. Though only one
Sanctifier were in view or possible, the proposition would
still continue to be of the nature of a principle. The point
is, that Christ, as Sanctifier, must be one with those whom
He sanctifies, could not otherwise perform for them that
function. Some, as if bent on reducing the significance of
the statement to a minimum, take it as the mere assertion
of a fact : that this Sanctifier, Jesus Christ, and those whom
He sanctifies are all of one God, that is, are all the chil-
dren of God, the purpose of the statement being to justify
the use of the title " sons " in the previous verse, or to
repeat the truth implied in it. But that title, as we have
seen, rests on its own foundation, the lordship of men, and
needs neither justification nor repetition. Viewed as the
statement of a fact, the first member of verse 11 becomes
almost purposeless and superfluous. Viewed as the state-
ment of a principle, on the other hand, it becomes a very
necessary and fruitful proposition. The relative terms Sanc-
tifier and sanctified imply one very obvious and wide dif-
ference between the parties. The Sanctifier is holy, the
sanctified when He takes them in hand are unholy. That
being so, it needs to be said that, notwithstanding the
separation between the parties, there is a unity between
them surmounting the difference. And that can be said
with truth, for otherwise the two parties could not stand
in the relation of Sanctifier to sanctified ; they could only
stand permanently apart as holy and unholy. Unity is
involved in the nature of the case. That is precisely what
the writer means to sa3^ He states the truth as an axiom,
which he expects even his dull-minded readers to accept
immediately as true ; and he means to use it as a key to
the cardinal facts of Christ's human experience.
Unity to some extent or in some sense is involved, that
THE WAY OF SALVATION. 87
is clear. But in what sense, to what extent? Tliis is not
plainly indicated. The expression is e'^ e»/6? Travre^, " of or
from one all." The style at this point becomes noticeably
laconic ; the sentence lacks a verb, and is worn down to
the fewest words possible, after the manner of a proverb,
" For the Sanctifier and the sanctified of one all." The
commentators have been very much exercised over this
elliptical utterance, and have made innumerable sugges-
tions as to the noun to be supplied after " one." One seed,
blood, mass, nature ; or one Adam, Abraham, God. The
consensus is in favour of the last. But it occurs to one to
ask, Why, if he had a particular noun in his mind, did the
writer not insert it, and so put an end to all doubt? Does
it not look as if his purpose were to lay stress, not on
descent from one God, one Divine Father, but rather on
the result, the brotherhood or comradeship existing between
the two parties ? Is not his idea that Sanctifier and sanc-
tified are all " of one piece, one whole," ^ two parties welded
into one, having ever3'thing in common except character ?
The expression e^ evo? does not necessarily imply that he
is thinking of descent or origin. In the saying of our
Lord, " Every one that is of the truth heareth My voice,"
the expression €k t?}? ak7}9e[a<i means true, in sympathy
with truth; so here e^ ev6<i may mean "one," one as a
family are one, having a common interest and a com-
mon lot. The use of the connecting particle re (o re ^yap
dyid^cov) is in consonance with this view. It binds the
two parties closely together as forming a single idea or cate-
gory : Sanctifier and sanctified, all one.
We can now answer the question, To what extent one ?
' Professor Davidson in a note, p. 66, says, " The words all of one might mean
all of one piece, one whole." But he adds, " If this were the meaning, the point
of nnity would still lie in their common relation to God, and the unity, though
wider than sonship, would embrace sonship as its chief element." He reasons,
" One whole, because xons, the main point." I argue inverselj-, " sons, therefore
one irJiole, one family with a common interest, the main point."
88 THE JEJPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
As far as possible; the more complete the unity of Sanctifier
with the sanctified, the greater His power to sanctify. The
nature of the relation is such as to crave unity in every-
thing but the one ineffaceable distinction of character.
From whatever point of view, the ritual or the ethical, we
regard the Sanctifier's function, this becomes apparent on
reflection. Conceive Christ first as Sanctifier in the ethical
sense, as Captain or Leader of salvation ; it is evident that
in that capacity it behoved Him to be in all possible re-
spects one with those He took in hand to sanctify. For
in this case the sanctifying power of Jesus lies in His
example, His character. His history as a man. He makes
men believing in Him holy by reproducing in His own life
the lost ideal of human character, and bringing that ideal
to bear on their minds ; by living a true, godly life amid the
same conditions of trial as those by which they are sur-
rounded, and helping them to be faithful by inspiration and
sympathy. The more genuinely human He is, and the
more closely the conditions of His human life resemble ours,
the greater His influence over us. His power to sanctify
depends on likeness in nature, position, and experience.
Conceive Christ next as Sanctifier in the ritual sense,
as a priest, consecrating us for the service of God by the
sacrifice of Himself ; and the same need for a pervading,
many-sided unity is apparent. The priest must be one
with his clients in God's sight, their accepted represen-
tative ; so that what He does is done in their name and
avails for their benefit. He must be one with them in death,
for it is by His death in sacrifice that He makes propitia-
tion for their sins. He must be one with them in the
possession of humanity, for unless He become partaker of
human nature He cannot die. Finally, He must be one
with them in experience of trial and temptation, for there-
by is demonstrated the sympathy which wins trust, and
unless the priest be trusted it is in vain that He transacts.
THE WAY OF SALVATION. S9
All these unities except the first are unfolded in the sequel
of the second chapter, and are common to the two aspects
of Christ's function as the Sanctifier. The first unity, that
before God, is pecuhar to the priestly office, and is reserved
for mention at a later stage, when the priesthood of Christ
becomes the subject of formal consideration. ^
Having enunciated this great principle of unity, the
writer next proceeds to show that it has its root in Old
Testament Scripture. The manner in which he does this
is very lively and impressive. In abstract language the im-
port is this : " The unity asserted implies a brotherly rela-
tion between Sanctifier and sanctified. But traces of such
a brotherhood are discernible in the Old Testament, as in
the following passages, where Messiah appears saying, ' I
will declare Thy name unto My brethren ' ; ' I will put My
trust in Him ' ; * Behold, I and the children which God
hath given Me.' " But the writer does not put the matter
in this cold, colourless way. He introduces his quotations
in an animated, rhetorical manner with the spirit-stirring
sentiment, " for which cause He is not ashamed to call
them brethren." Observing that the quoted passages are
all of the nature of personal declarations or exclamations,
observing also that they are all utterances of an impassioned
character, he strives to reflect the spirit of the original texts
in his own language. Therefore he says not, Messiah is
represented as the brother of men, but He calls Himself
their brother ; and not content with that, he introduces
another word to bring out the fact that Messiah does not
barely admit or reluctantly acknowledge the brotherhood,
but proclaims it with ardour and enthusiasm, rejoicing,
glorying therein. " He is not ashamed to call them
brethren. On the contrary. He calls them brethren with
all His heart, with the fervour of love, with the eloquence
of earnest conviction." The reference to shame points
^ I'hlc chapter v. 1.
90 THE EFISTLFj TO THE HEBREWS.
signiUcantly to the one cardinal difference, sin, which con-
stitutes the temptation to the Holy One to be ashamed.
The quotations so spiritedly introduced are well selected
for the purpose in hand. In all brotherhood is expressed
or clearly implied. In the first, the speaker, primarily the
psalmist,^ represents himself as a member of a congrega-
tion of worshippers whom he calls his brethren ; in the
second, the speaker, primarily the prophet Isaiah,^ declares
his purpose to trust God, implying that he is in a situa-
tion of trial in which trust is necessary ; in the third,
taken from the same place,^ he associates himself with the
children God has given him, as of the same family and
sharing the same prophetic vocation. The utterances put
into the mouth of Messiah imply brotherhood in worship
and in trying experience, and even the closer kind of
brotherhood involved in family connexions and a common
calling.
AVe now come to the applications of the principle enun-
ciated in verse 11. They are three in number, together
covering the whole earthly history of Christ, beginning with
His birth, and ending with His death. Incarnation, sor-
rowful experience, death, such are the three grand exem-
plifications of the brotherly unity of the Sanctifier with the
sanctified ; not arranged however in this order, the second
changing places with the third, because the incarnation is
exhibited in subordination to the death as a means to an
end : Christ took flesh that Pie might die. The applications
are as obvious as they are important. If the principle has
validity and value, it must and will prove true in those
particulars. A^hat we have to do therefore is not to jus-
tify these deductions, but to study the terms in which
1 r.-5. xxii. 28.
- Isa. viii. 17, as in Seplnagint. Tlie reudeiiug in the English version is,
I will look for Him."
^ Isa. viii. 18.
THE WAY OF SAJjVATION. 91
they are expressed, which are in many respects curious and
instructive.
First comes the incarnation (ver. 14). The sanctified are
here referred to in terms borrowed from the last of the
three quotations, "the children." The use of this desig-
nation is not only rhetorically graceful but logically apt,
as suggesting the idea of an existence derived from birth.
Children is an appropriate name for men as born of blood,
and therefore possessing blood and flesh. These terms,
"blood and flesh," in their turn are employed to denote
human nature as mortal, as it exists under the conditions
of this earthly life ; for flesh and blood have no place in the
eternal life. Of man's mortal nature, as thus designated,
Christ is said to have taken part irapairXija-co)^, " likewise,"
similarly. The scope of the whole passage requires that
this word be emphasised, so that the similarity may be as
great as possible. Therefore not merely is participation in
man's mortal flesh implied, but entrance into human nature
by the same door as other men — -by birth. We may not,
with Irving and the Adoptianists, include sinfulness in the
likeness, for the application of the principle of unity is
necessarily limited by the personal holiness of the Sanctifier.
The rule is. Like in all things, sin excepted.
The second application of the principle is to the death
of Christ, which, as already indicated, is next mentioned
because it supplies the rationale of the incarnation (vers.
14b, 15). As a mere corollary to the principle it would
have been enough to have said. Because the brethren die.
He too died. But the objection might be raised. Why should
the sinless One die, if, as we have been taught, death be the
penalty of sin ? Therefore the application of the principle
to the death of Christ is so stated as to bring out at the
same time the service He thereby rendered to His brethren.
This is done however in a very peculiar way, which has
greatly perplexed commentators. The difficulty arises in
02 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
part from our trying to put too much theology into the
passage, and to bring its teaching into hne with other more
famihar modes of exhibiting the significance of Christ's
death. It must be recognised once for all that the writer
has various ways of showing that it behoved Christ to die,
and that he gladly avails himself of any way that tends to
throw light on a subject ill-understood by his readers. This
is one of the ways, and although from its isolation in the
epistle it looks obscure and forbidding, the text yields a
good, clear, intelligible sense, if we will be content not to
find in it the whole mystery and theory of the atonement.
For the materials of explanation we do not need to go outside
the Bible : they are evidently to be found in the account of
the fall in the third chapter of Genesis. According to that
account death came into the world because Adam sinned,
tempted by the serpent. The text before us is a free
paraphrase of that account. The serpent is identified with
the devil, death is represented as a source of slavish fear,
embittering human life, because it is the penalty of sin ;
the power of death is ascribed to the devil, because he
is the tempter to sin which brought death into the world,
and the accuser of those who sin, so that they, having sin
brought to mind, fear to die. Christ destroys the devil by
destroying his power, and He destroys his power by freeing
mortal men from the cruel bondage of the fear of death.
All this is plain enough. But the question now arises,
How did Christ through death free from the fear of death ?
We, steeped in theology, would naturally reply. By offering
Himself an atoning sacrifice for sin. But that is certainly
not the writer's thought here. He reserves the great
thought of Christ's priestly self-sacrifice for a more ad-
vanced stage in the development of his doctrine. What
then is his thought? Simply this. Christ delivers from the
fear of death by dying as a suiless one. Death and sin are
connected verj^ intimately in our minds, hence fear. But
THE WAY OF SALVATION. 93
lo, here is one who knows no sin dying. Tlie bare fact
breaks the association between sin and death. But more
than that : He who dies is our brother, has entered into our
mortal state in a fraternal spirit for the very purpose of
lending us a helping hand. We may not fully know how
His death avails to help us. But we know that the Sanc-
tifier in a spirit of brotherhood became one with us, even
in death ; and the knowledge enables us to realize our
unity with Him in death, and so emancipates us from fear,
" Sinners may die, for the Sinless has died." The benefit
thus derived from the death of the sinless One is but the
other side of the great principle, Sanctifier and sanctified
all one. For it has two sides, it applies both ways. The
Sanctifier becomes one with the sanctified in brotherly love;
the sanctified become one with the Sanctifier in privilege.
They are mutually one in both directions in God's sight ;
they are mutually one in both directions for the spiritual
instincts of the believer, even before he knows what the
twofold validity for God means. In proportion as we
realize the one aspect of the principle, the Sanctifier one
with us, we are enabled to realize and get benefit from the
other. "While the Holy One stands apart from us in the
isolation of His sinlessness, we, sinners, fear to die ; when
we see Him by our side, even in death, which we have been
accustomed to regard as the penalty of sin, death ceases to
appear as penalty, and becomes the gate of heaven.^
' So in effect Professor Davidson, p. 70. llcndall, The Epistle to the Hebrews,
1888, renders tlie last clause of ver. 1-4, " tliat tbrough His death He might bring
to nought him that had. the power of that death," limiting the devil's power to
the death of Christ. He takes the article too before Oavdrov as referring to a
particular instance of death. But it is rather a case of the article prefixed
to abstracts. '0 davaros is simply death as a familiar human experience. The
omission of the article in ver. 15 makes no difference, it is still the abstract idea
of death. The use of the article with abstracts, though usual, is not necessary.
Having referred to this writer, I take occasion to remark that he must be added
to the number of those who regard the reference of the crowning in ver. 9 to the
state of exaltation as inadmissible. He however relegates it, not to the earthly,
but to the pre-incarnate state.
94 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
Thus with consummate tact does the writer turn the one
thing that divides Christ from ordinary men, and seems to
disable Him for helping them, into a source of consolation.
Sanctifier, that presupposes sinlessness ; sanctified, that
presupposes sin ; and being sinners we fear to die. Yes ;
but the sinless One died, and we feeling our unity with
Him cease to fear. He cannot be one with us in sin, but
He is one with us in that which comes nearest to sin, and
derives all its terror from sin.
Before passing to the third application of the principle,
the writer throws in a truism to relieve the argument and
make it more intelligible to persons to whom the train
of thought is new and strange (ver. 10). Simply rendered,
what the verse states is this: "For, as you know, it is
not of angels that He taketh hold (to be their Helper),
but He taketh hold of the seed of Abraham." The ren-
dering of the Authorized Version (an inheritance from
patristic times) is due apparently to inability to conceive
of the writer penning so self-evident a truth as that Christ
did not undertake to save angels. That inability again
is due to failure to gauge the spiritual ignorance of his
Hebrew readers. To the same cause it is due that some
recent commentators have not been content to regard ver. 16
as the statement of a truism, but have laboured hard to
assign to it an important place in the chain of argument.
To me this text is one of the most significant indications
of the dark condition of the Hebrew Christians in reference
to the nature of Christianity. They were so little at home,
it appears, in Christian truth, that nothing could be taken
for granted, and they had to be coaxed like children to
engage in the most elementary process of thought on the
subject. Such coaxing I find here. The writer stops short
in his argument, and says in effect: "Please to remember
that Christ is not the Saviour of the angels of whom I
have lately been speaking, but of men, and reflect on what
THE WAY OF SALVATION. 95
that implies, and ifc will help you to go along with me
in this train of thought." But we observe that he does
not say, Christ taketh hold of ])ie)i, but, "of the seed of
Abraham." We must beware of attachmg too much im-
portance to this, as if the reference implied that the Chris-
tian salvation concerned only the people of Israel. Here
again the apologetic exigences and aim are our best guide.
-The writer is not enunciating a theological proposition,
but having recourse to an oratorical device to bring home
his teaching to the hearts of his readers. He means to
say, "Christ took in hand to save, not angels, but your-
selves, my Hebrew brethren." His argument up to this
point has been stated in terms applicable to all mankind ;
to charge it with a warmer tone and an intenser interest
he gives it now a homeward-bound turn. To infer from
this, that he considered the gospel the affair of the Jews, is
to sink to the rabbinical level in exposition. At the same
time it may be noted, that the introduction of a reference
to Israel at this point is convenient, as from this point
onwards the writer is to speak of things in which persons
belonging to the chosen people were specially interested.
The writer now resumes and completes his application
of the principle enunciated in verse 11, giving prominence
in the final instance to Christ's experience of temptation
(vers. 17, 18). In doing so he takes occasion from the
parenthetical remark about the subjects of Christ's saving
work (ver. IG) to make a new start, and go over the ground
again with variations. The thoughts contained in these
closing sentences are similar to those expressed in verses
11, 15. Here, as there, it is inferred from the fact that
the subjects of Christ's work are men, that He must have
a human nature and experience likewise. Here also, as
there, the ends served by the assumption of human nature
and endurance of a human experience are set forth. But
neither in statiny the fact of the incarnation nor in ex-
96 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
plaining its end does the writer repeat himself. He varies
not only the forms of expression, but also the aspects
mider which he presents the truth, so as to give to his
unfolding of the doctrine variety, richness, and fulness.
While before he said that because the children were par-
takers of blood and flesh Christ also took part of the
same, here he says that for the same reason it behoved
Christ in all things to be made like unto His brethren.
And whereas in the former place he set it forth as the end
of the incarnation to deprive the devil of his power over
man through death, and to rob death itself of its terrors,
in this concluding passage he represents the human ex-
perience of Jesus as serving these two ends : first, the
fitting of Him to transact as a priest for men towards
God ; and second, the qualifying of Him for being a sym-
pathetic friend in need to all the tempted.
To be noted specially are the terms in which the unity
between the Sanctifier and the sanctified is stated here. It
behoved Him to be i/i all respects (Kara Trdvra) made like
unto His brethren. Likeness is asserted without qualifi-
cation, and yet there are limits arising out of the nature
of the case. One limit of course is that there can be no
likeness in moral character. This limit is implied in the
very titles applied to the two parties, Sanctifier and sancti-
fied, and it is expressly stated in the place where Christ
is represented as "tempted in all respects similarly, apart
from sin" (iv. 15). Another limit, nowhere referred to in
words, but tacitly assumed is, that the likeness is in those
respects only in which our life on earth is affected by the
curse pronounced on man for sin. Overlooking this prin-
ciple, we might fail to be impressed with the likeness of
Jesus to other men in His experience ; we might even be
impressed with a sense of unlikeness. There are respects
in which Christ's life was unlike the common life of men.
He was a celibate; He died young, and had no experience
TEE WAY OF SALVATION. 97
of the temptations of middle life, or the infirmities of old
age; in outward lot fie was the brother of the poor, and
was well acquainted with their griefs, but of the joys and
temptations of wealth He had no experience. But these
features of difference do not fall under the category of the
curse. Family ties date from before the fall. The doom
pronounced on man was death immediate, and prolonged
life is a mitigation of the curse. Wealth too is a miti-
gating feature, another evidence that the curse has not
been executed in rigoar, but has remained to a consider-
able extent an unrealized ideal, because counteracted by
an underlying redemptive economy. It will be found that
Christ's likeness to His brethren is closest just where the
traces of the curse are most apparent : in so far as this
life is (1) afflicted with poverty, (2) exposed to temptations
to ungodliness, (3) subject to death under its more mani-
festly penal forms, as when it comes as a blight in early
life, or as the judicial penalty of crime. Jesus was like His
brethren in proportion as they need His sympathy and
succour, like the poor, the tempted, the criminal.
This likeness had for its final cause that the Sanctifier
might become an effective helper of those to whom He was
thus made like.
"That He might he a merciful and trusty High Priest in
things 2Jertaining to God, to make propitiation for the sins of
the people." These weighty words form an important land-
mark in the epistle, as containing the first express mention
of a topic which the writer has had in view from the outset,
and on which he will have much to say in the sequel ; viz.
the Priesthood of Christ. He has now arrived at a point in
his argument at which he can introduce the great thought
with some chance of being understood ; though how well
aware he is of the difficulty likely to be felt by his readers
in taking it in appears from the fact that, immediately after
announcing the new theme, he invites them to consider
OS THE EPISTLE TO THE HE B HEWS.
carefully the Apostle and High Priest of their confession
(iii. 1). In effect he says: "Now this is a great and glorious
hut for you difficult topic : give your minds to it ; come,
study it with me, it will well repay your pains." Here he
does little more than introduce the subject. The priestly
function of Christ he describes in general terms as exercised
towards God and as consisting in the expiation of sin. No
mention as yet of the means of propitiation, " gifts and
sacrifices " (v. 1) ; still less of the fact that Christ accom-
plishes the result by the sacrifice of Himself. He will take
care not to introduce that master-thought till he can do so
with effect. Here on the threshold of the subject he gives
prominence rather to the moral qualities of a well equipped
High Priest, mercifulness and trustworthiness ; moved
partly by a regard to the connexion of thought, and partly
by a desire to present Christ as Priest in a winsome light.
The stress laid on these attributes is one of the originalities
of the epistle, whether we have regard to the legal require-
ments for the priestly office as specified in the Pentateuch,
or to the view of Christ's atoning work presented by other
New Testament writers. It is one of the writer's favourite
themes.
Of the two attributes the former is the chief, for he who is
merciful, compassionate, will be faithful. It is want of sym-
pathy that makes officials perfunctory. Hence we might
read " a merciful and therefore a faithful, trustworthy High
Priest." So reading we see the close connexion between
the experiences of Christ and His fitness for the priestly
office. For all can understand how an experience of trial
and temptation might help to make Christ compassionate,
while it is not so easy to see why it behoved Him to suffer
all He suffered in order to perform the essential duty of a
Priest — that of atoning for sin. One might think that for
the latter purpose it were enough to die ; but to insure that
a Hi^h Priest should be heart and soul interested in His
TEE WAY OF SALVATION. 99
constituents, it behoved Him to be made in all respects like
unto His brethren.
The other end served by Jesus being made in all things
like His brethren is thus stated : " For having Himself been
tempted in, that ivhich He suffered, He is able to succour those
irlio are being teinjjted." This rendering of verse 18 is one
of several possible ones which it is not necessary to enu-
merate or discuss, as the general sense is plain ; viz. that
Christ having experienced temptation to be unfaithful to
His vocation in connexion with the sufferings arising out of
it, previously alluded to as a source of perfecting, is able
to succour those who, like the Hebrew Christians, were
tempted in similar ways to be unfaithful to their Christian
calling. The words show us, not so much a different part
of Christ's ministry as Priest, as a different aspect of it. In
the previous verse His work is looked at in relation to
sinners for whose sins He makes propitiation. In this
verse, on the other hand, that work is looked at in relation
to believers needing daily succour amid the temptations to
which they are exposed. Both aspects are combined when,
farther on, mercy and grace for seasonable succour are
named as the things to be sought in our petitions at the
throne of grace (iv. IG).
A. B. Bruce.
100
THE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES.
The scriptural accounts of the Apostles are both interesting
and important, even if we only regard them as pieces of
character-painting by the same artists who liave drawn for
us the amazing figure of Jesus.
For the character of our Lord is an evidence, now
thoroughly recognised and established. It is not only by
His spiritual pre-eminence that the student is impressed,
but also by the verisimilitude of various and minute details,
related by four writers of widely different style, tempera-
ment, and tastes. All of them show us the same dexterity
in debate, in teaching the same sweetness and love of illus-
trations, the same resort for these to the homely and every-
day side of nature and human life, the same penetrating
gaze, the same gentle helpfulness, the same indignation
moved by certain respectable vices, and the same astonish-
ing tolerance when sinners against whom society cries out
appeal to Him. We feel that such harmony could never
have been preserved by a series of deifying myths of a later
period, and therefore that the narratives which sceptical
criticism admits authenticate the rest. And this portrait,
so impressive and sharply cut, exists in defiance of all the
laws of dramatic characterization. Shakespeare created no
faultless man. The blameless king of Tennyson is but a
shadow. Milton and Eenan, and hundreds more, with the
model before them, have failed to reproduce a " Christ in
white marble, . . . without sin . . . simple and pure as
the sentiment which creates it."^ Only four contemporaries
ever described a perfect yet lifelike character; and these were
an exciseman, a physician, and two fishers, since we must
' Tie de Je.iis Top. '21)lh ed., p. v.
TRE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES. 101
recognise the hand of Peter in the second gospel. These
only have succeeded in painting a face without shadows ;
and the natural explanation of their success is that they
actually beheld the countenance which is, in the moral
heaven, as the sun shineth in his strength.
No belief which men allow themselves to reject offhand
because it is " contrary to experience " can be more so than
their achievement. It is miraculous, according to the
boldest definition of a miracle, unless we are to ignore
the existence of laws of literature and of mind. And it
continues to be miraculous, even when the sceptic sub-
stitutes his own theory of the authorship of the gospels.
"Whatever reinforcement this argument needs it inay
draw from the treatment of the twelve Apostles in the same
documents. They too are persons with whom legend and
myth might well busy themselves, foundation stones of the
celestial city, throned assessors in the final judgment of
mankind. How then are they represented by the evan-
gelists ? Are they glorious and blameless, betraying the
untrustworthy nature of the romances which delight us ?
Sceptical theories would lead us to expect this, but it is
not what we find in the Bible. Let any one compare the
Gospels with the Acta Sanctorum, and he will know all
the difference between history and legend. If there is
nothing to be recorded about them which helps the central
narrative they are left in perfect obscurity, such as conceals
Bartholomew. Whatever is related is homely, substantial,
and matter of fact. We see them quarrelling about the
mastery, and whispering among themselves when they
have no bread, and the words of the Master perplex them.
We see the fisherman girding on his coat, the troubled
group asleep for sorrow, and again incredulous for joy, the
nervous blow that misses the skull and only cuts off the
ear, the utterly disheartened love which reckons up the
five deadly wounds, and wrongly thinks that belief in the
102 TEE GROUP OF TEE APOSTLES.
resurrection will be impossible until it has verified them all.
In all this we find the best of evidence that no mythical
tendency created the strange and majestic Figure in the
midst, so unlike these or any other men ; yet no blurred
outline, fuller of humanity than the most human, at once
the most manlike and the most unearthly.
In studying the Apostles, several lines of thought may
be kept in view. "What has just been indicated may be
observed in detail, the homely verisimilitude of the narra-
tives, quite free from any tendency to apotheosis or even
canonization. We may take notice that the part assigned
to them in the fourth Gospel is exactly and minutely similar
to that which they hold in the other three.
Or we may inquire what it was that recommended these
plain men for the supreme rank among mankind. The
answer will not be found in the possession of qualities then
reckoned admirable, the wisdom or learning or nobility of
the Greek world. They were all to come to nought, as a
needful step in the development of that regenerate man-
hood which would find its true nobility only by despising
them. Attainments were not rejected, or Saul of Tarsus
would not have been a chosen vessel ; yet they took a very
secondary place among the qualifications for that first and
grandest crusade, wherein the heroes who went forth con-
quering and to conquer were sheep in the midst of wolves,
Jews among the Greeks and Galileans among the Jews.
Nor is there a trace of the still poorer wisdom of the
modern world, the cleverness by which fortunes are made
or competing politicians " dished," what our American
friends call smartness. They are only worldly wise in so
far as they are falling from grace.
But there is a very great deal of what is far more precious
(and often wins a more enduring fame even beyond the
limits of the Church), the unaffected human nature which
TEE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES. 103
Christ redeemed ; the simple, rich, primitive instincts which
do not belong to man as a cultivated nor yet as a fallen
being, but as man, the creature whom God made and
Christ redeemed. They are persons in whom Shakespeare
would have taken a much greater interest than Pope.
Yet another point has to be borne in mind which is too
much forgotten. Except by glimpses in the Acts, we see
clisciples rather than Apostles, recruits in training for the
great war, not veterans justifying their commission. We
know not how Andrew bore himself in Scythia, nor Thomas
in India ; we are not even assured of the places where they
really fulfilled their ministry. The criticisms, far too free
and slighting, which assail them lose much of their force
when we remember that almost all the services they ren-
dered are unrecorded save in the book of life, human fame
being nothing accounted of by these followers of the Lamb.
The present paper is an endeavour to collect some of the
indications by which we may form a notion of the apostolic
group. What is individual, personal, characteristic of the
fire of Peter or the gloom of Thomas will be treated here-
after. Meantime it is hoped that a comparison of the
scattered notes which concern the Twelve, or " the
disciples" (as far as that title obviously includes them,
with whom, or even a section of them, it is at times
synonymous) ^ may not be without interest.
1. The painters represent our Saviour moving along the
country in the centre of a group of comrades who gather
about Him as they please. But it is much more probable
that they travelled in three ranks, following their Master.
At first sight there is little or no agreement in the arrange-
ment of the four lists given to us in the synoptical Gospels
and the Acts (Matt. x. 2, Mark iii. 16, Luke vi. 14, Acts
i. 13). But we soon discover that the twelve names may
be subdivided into three groups of four, and none is ever
^ Cf. Luke xvii. ver. 1 witli vev. 5 ; Matt. xxiv. 3 with Mark xiii. 3.
104 TEE GROUP OF TEH APOSTLES.
found in any subdivision except his own, while the names
of Peter, Phihp, and the second James are always at the
head of their group, and the first rank is composed of the
mighty brothers, the sons of Jonas and of Zebedee. All
this is best accounted for by supposing that the groups were
actually thus arranged, and that each had a sort of captain
at its head.
On the last journey to Jerusalem, it is explicitly stated
that Jesus went before, and as they followed they were
afraid (Mark x. 32). Now this, if it stood alone, might only
express the holy earnestness with which He then especially
came to do the will of God. His rapt devotion is evidently
the cause of their awe. But their order in going harmonizes
with the call, " Come ye after INIe," with the warning,
" AVhosoever doth not . . . follow Me cannot be My
disciple," and with the going of the Good Shepherd before
the sheep (Matt. iv. 19, x. 38; John x. 4). So too when
Peter pressed upon Him with a too carnal sympathy, Jesus
first turned about, and then, seeing His disciples, rebuked
him (Mark viii. 33; cf. also Matt. viii. 19, '23, and many
other places).
2. Since they were chiefly men of outdoor, hardy avoca-
tions, one might fairly expect them to be capable of more
physical exertion than their Master, whose lifelong occupa-
tion had been more sedentary, and upon whom an unpre-
cedented burden always pressed. Accordingly, we find them
permitted to go forward to Sychar for provisions, while their
Lord sat beside the well in an attitude which expressed His
weariness. And they could row hard across the lake, while
Jesus had sunk into deep slumber upon the helmsman's
cushion in the stern (John iv. 0, Mark. iv. 38).
3. The manner in which they are helpful to Him is very
natural. As Paul was not sent to baptize, so Jesus Him-
self baptized not, but from the first entrusted to them a
duty which made no premature demand upon their spiritual
TEE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES. 105
insight (John iv. 1). And when they were first sent out to
preach, their teaching was but rudimentary : the near ap-
proach of the kingdom, rather than any statement of its
nature ; the signs which were evidence of their commission ;
the goodwill expressed in their greeting ; and the confidence
which threw itself upon their hearers for supplies, and
lacked nothing, — these, and an indignant protest against
such as rejected them, served to prepare the villagers for
His coming, and to develop their own faith, while not over-
straining it (Matt. X. 5). But this is scarcely the gospel
which a later age would have entrusted to them.
Elsewhere their duties are sufiiciently humble. They buy
bread at Sychar, they find what provision is among the
hungry crowds, they sever the multitudes into less un-
wieldy groups, they bring the colt and prepare the pass-
over (John iv. 8; Mark vi. 38-43 ; Matt. xxi. 2, xxvi. 17).
It is at the end of His ministry that the Master who
has. He reminds them, already called them friends, calls
them no longer bondservants (John xv. 15).
4. There is help which might have been expected, but
which they fail to render. They neither interpose when
He is in danger at Nazareth, nor again when He conveyed
Himself away from the Pool of Bethesda, and the Jews
sought to kill Him (Luke iv. 30; John v. 13,18). This
absence of heroism, wliile yet their training is immature,
appears also in another way. It is a curious indication of
the awe which Jesus inspired, that His opponents, espe-
cially in the earlier controversies, impugned His doings, not
to His face, but in murmurs among themselves or else to
His followers, while they often ventured to question Him
about the strange doings of His disciples.
Of Him they ask, " Why do they on the Sabbath day
that which is not lawful ? " " Why walk not Thy disciples
according to the tradition, . . . but eat with unwashen
hands?" " Why do Thy disciples fast not ? " "Master,
106 THE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES.
rebuke Thy disciples " (Mark ii. 24, vii. 5 ; Matt. ix. 14 ;
Luke xix. 39).
It is to them that they say, " Why eateth your Master
with pubhcans and sinners?" "Doth not your Master
pay tribute?" (Matt. ix. 11, xviii. 24.)
Now St. John tells us that this very fear of coming to
close quarters with Jesus suggested grave inferences to some
shrewd bystanders, who asked, " Is not this He whom they
seek to kill ? ^ But, lo, He speaketh openly, and they say
nothing unto Him " (John vii. 25, 2G). But whether He is
questioned or they, it is always He who interposes with a
reply : on their part is the same helplessness as when the
danger was physical, the same which in the garden con-
trasted so sharply with. His self-possession, when by His
surrender He secured their liberty to "go their way."
No sooner do they hear of the murder of the Baptist
than their first missionary circuit closes at once, and they
hasten back to their Protector (Mark vi. 29, 30).
So true are the words of the great prayer, " While I was
with them, I kept them : . . . and I guarded them. . . .
But now I come to Thee. ... I pray . . . that
Thou shouldest keep them from the evil one " (John xvii.
12-15).
5. Their subordination is the least part of what we learn
from the memorable fact that Jesus never invites them to
join with Him in prayer, nor solicits their prayers for Him.
The disciples are to pray the Lord of the harvest that He
would send forth labourers, but He does not propose to lead
them in this prayer ; on the contrary, it is at this very time
that He continues all night in prayer alone (cf. Matt. ix.
38, X. 1; Luke vi. 12).
Again, when they saw Him praying they seem to have
^ Observe the further coincidence that the people, gathered from all parts to
the feast, said, " Thou hast a devil, who goeth about to kill Thee ? " But
" some of them of Jerusalem " kuow hotter (vers. 20, 2")).
THE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES. 107
felt their exclusion, and asked to be taught to pray, as John
had taught his disciples ; and as if to rebuke them for being
dissatisfied with the brief prayer He had already given to
all, they received it again in a form still terser and more
concentrated (Luke xi. 1). Sleep weighed upon them in
the mount of transfiguration, while He prayed. In the
garden they are bidden to watch with Him, and again to
watch and pray, but not to pray with Him (Luke ix. 29-32 ;
Matt. xxvi. 36-41). On the contrary, they must tarry while
He goes farther to pray. To St. Paul, the intercessions of
his followers were priceless ; and they who deny that the
synoptical gospels reveal a union between Christ and the
Father wholly different from ours have to explain this re-
markable 'divorce between the prayers of Jesus and of the
Twelve.
6. This task will not be lightened for them by observing
that in other respects there exists a homely kind of intimacy,
such as prays Him, saying, " Kabbi, eat," and with deeper
solicitude inquires, "Lord, the Jews of late sought to stone
Thee, and goest Thou thither again? " The remonstrance,
"How sayest Thou, Who touched Me?" is akin with that
in St. John, "Lord, if he is fallen asleep he will recover."
With like freedom they interrupt His prayerful retirement,
because "all men seek Thee," and they ask, "' Knowest
Thou that the Pharisees were offended at this saying?"
They desired Him to send away the multitudes because the
place was desert and the day far spent ; and the woman of
Canaan, because her outcry drew attention to them when it
was desirable that they should be hid (John iv. 31, xi. 8 ;
Luke viii. 45 ; John xi. 12 ; Luke ix. 12 ; Matt. xv. 23).
There is something homely and interesting in their
pointing His attention to the size of the Temple stones, just
two days after He had predicted that one stone should not
be left upon another. And it marks the difference between
the region of His thought and theirs, that the day and
108 THE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES.
almost the hour should be the same when He called the
disciples unto Him to point out a generous widow, and
when they came to Him for to show Him the buildings of
the Temple. In the same familiar way they remarked to
Him the speedy ruin of the fig tree which He had cursed
(Mark xii. 43 ; Matt. xxiv. 1, xxi. 20).
The same absence of restraint appears in the questions
which they ask of Him, sometimes little more than curious,
even when they relate to spiritual concerns. "Are there
few that be saved?" "Dost Thou at this time restore
again the kingdom to Israel? " " Who did sin, this man, or
his parents, that he was born blind?" " Speakest Thou
these things unto us, or unto all?" (Luke xiii. 28 ; Acts
i. 6 ; John ix. 2 ; Luke xii. 41.)
A graver note was struck when they asked, " AVho then
can be saved?" "Why could we not cast it out?"
" W^hy speakest Thou unto them in parables ? " " Declare
unto us the parable of the tares." " Who is greatest
in the kingdom of heaven?" Thus too they reopened
privately the subject of divorce, and inferred that it was not
good for a man to marry (Matt. xix. 25, xvii. 19, xiii. 10,
36, xviii. 1 ; Mark x. 10 ; Matt. xix. 10).
7. These questions prove that it was no servile dread of
being repulsed, but awe, as in the presence of a Being from
another sphere, which so often hushed their perplexities
into silence. This silence moreover is most frequent when
the rapt self-devotion of their Lord is most apparent. " They
marvelled that He spake with a woman," yet none asked for
an explanation, and it was among themselves that they
inquired, "Hath any man brought Him aught to eat?"
At His first cleansing 'of the Temple, they silently recalled
to mind that it was written, " The zeal of Thine house
hath even eaten Me." Jesus knew that they were desirous
to ask Him, " What is this that He saith, A little while ? "
(John iv. 27, 33 ; ii. 17 ; xvi. 19.)
THE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES. 109
All these examples are from the fourth gospel, but they
are exactly similar to what we read elsewhere about their
perplexity when warned against the leaven of the Pharisees.
When He cursed the fig tree, we read that the disciples
heard it, evidently in silence. And at three several times,
when warned of His approaching passion, they could not
understand, yet feared to ask Him (Mark viii. 15 ; xi. 14 ;
ix. 10, 32; X. 32).
All this coherence in statement, equally between the
synoptics and John, and between miraculous events and
those which are admitted practically by all sides in the
great controversy, is valuable evidence. It carries the same
conviction which a jury feels when a witness bears the test
of cross-examination well, a test which is all the more valu-
able when it deals v/ith unstudied and minute events.
We now turn to the concerns of their spiritual life.
8. The effect of Christ's protest against formalism, and
His miracles upon the Sabbath, appears most naturally in
their plucking the corn in the wheatfield and eating bread
with unwashen hands, contrary to the tradition of " all the
Jews " (Mark ii. 23, vii. 2). It was not unnatural that
they should hold their new freedom w'ith an unsteady hand.
Yet it was strangely soon after Jesus had vindicated their
liberty, and offended the Pharisees by declaring that man
is not defiled by food which enters the mouth, but by evil
words which issue thence, that they misunderstood His
warning against the leaven of the Pharisees, and suspected
some new ceremonialism of His institution. Their previous
experience was what entitled Him to ask, " Do ye not yet
perceive, neither understand ? " and again, " Do ye not yet
understand? " (Mark vii. 15, viii. 18, 21.)
In fact, at this point our Lord addressed to them the
keenest and longest remonstrance they had yet incurred.
For so distinct a relapse into formalism from liberty indi-
cated the earliest peril of the Church, and foreshadowed the
110 THE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES.
movement which evoked, a few years later, the passionate
remonstrances addressed by St. Paul to Corinth and Galatia.
How many later movements also, wherein the wilful human
heart, ever the same amid its inconsistencies, has preferred
the letter to the spirit, were due to the very principle which
underlay the first heresy of the chosen ones of Christ !
9. The gradual progress of their enlightenment is not
only indicated by the mention of things which they cannot
bear j'et, and of actions which they know not now, but
shall know hereafter (John xvi. 12, xiii. 7), but by the
process of the narrative.
When the miracle of Cana manifested forth His glory,
His disciples believed on Him. Yet, when He presently
spake of the Temple of His Body, we read that after He
was raised from the dead His disciples remembered that
He spake this ; and believed the Scripture, and the words
that Jesus had said. They had not been hitherto incredu-
lous of either, but now their belief attained its intelligent,
perfect form. And at many intervening experiences they
adored Him, " saying, Of a truth Thou art the Son of God,"
and, "Now are we sure ; ... by this we know that Thou
camest forth from G-od " (John ii. 11, 22; Matt. xiv. 33;
John xvi. 29, 30).
And this explains how the confession of Nathanael, lightly
spoken at the opening of the work, became no less than a
decisive revelation from the Father when renewed by Peter,
in the days of bitter opposition and desertion. '' Thou art
the Son of God; Thou art King of Israel," is not other-
wise behind the great confession, " Thou art the Christ,
the Son of the living God" (John i. 49; Matt. xvi. 10).
But Nathanael only repeated, amid favourable circum-
stances, the witness of the Baptist (ver. 34), while Peter
testified from a divinely illumined faith what "flesh and
blood" had ceased to confess, now thinking Him no more
than one of the prophets.
THE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES. Ill
10. This gradual falling away of others was itself a part
of their training. Merely to stand firm was to be confirmed,
as the tree which has borne the storm has become more
deeply rooted. And if there is an evident mixtm'e of self-
interest with their devotion, if Peter is the mouthpiece
of all when he demands, "What shall we have therefore?"
(Luke xviii. 28) he also speaks for all, when Jesus gives
them the opportunity of retreat by asking, "Would ye also
go away?" and he replies, "Lord, to whom should we go?
Thou hast words of eternal life. And we, we have believed
and know that Thou art the Holy One of God" (John vi.
67-69). In this fine answer we discover the sacred hunger
which shall be filled. To return to the lake and the net
is not even considered. Thej^ must have a leader now,
and there is no leader except One : " Lord, to WHo:\r should
we go ? "
Their fidelity amid extreme discouragement (a grace
which is not inconsistent with panic in the hour of the
foe and the power of darkness) is evidently their greatest
merit. " Ye are they which have continued with Me in My
temptations." "They have kept My word." "I guarded
them, and not one of them perished." " These knew that
Thou hast sent Me" (Luke xxii. 28; John xvii. 6, 12, 25).
Even the blow which shattered their hopes did not pre-
vent them from being a united band ; and if they believe
not, it is for joy (Luke xxiv. 33, 41).
11. Their failures are those of weakness, not ot ungra-
cious hearts. Perplexity when they have no bread, drowsi-
ness in the mount, and sleep "for sorrow" in the garden,
natural dread in the two storms and upon the arrest of
Jesus, failure to cast out a devil when both He and the
foremost of their company are absent, these represent one
aspect of human frailty, and are all exceedingly consistent
(Mark viii. 16 ; Luke ix. 32, xxii. 45 ; Matt. viii. 25, xiv. 26 ;
Luke ix. 40).
112 TniU GROUP OF THE APOSTLES.
Another aspect of it is betraj^ed in their frequent contests
for mastery, their indignation when the sons of Salome
covertly intrigue for the chief places, their forbidding the
labours of one who followed not "us" (they say not, Thee),
in their inquiry whether words of especial privilege were
spoken to themselves alone, in their repeated failure to
value children aright,^ and in that reluctance to wash the
feet of the brethren which left that lowly task for their
Master to perform for all of them (Luke ix. 46, xxii. 24 ;
Matt. XX. 24 ; Mark ix. 38 ; Luke xii. 41 ; John xiii. 4, 14).
What kind of frailty was that which forsook Him in the
garden ? Cruel things are spoken by flippant orators (who
have perhaps never in all their lives known real danger,
and yet have sometimes been afraid) concerning the
"cowardice" of the men whom Christ chose out of all
the world. But the narrative tells us that Jesus declared
the spirit to be willing, though the flesh was weak. Al-
though suddenly aroused from slumber, and apparently
weighed upon by the same supernatural pressure against
which Christ wrestled, and of which He warned them,^ yet
they boldly confronted the great multitude of armed men,
and "when they saw what w^ould follow" proposed to
"smite with the sword" (Matt. xxvi. 41; Luke xxii. 49).
In danger they bore themselves gallantly, it was the sur-
render that appalled them. Now the sternest nerve has
often failed in strange and unexpected peril, and the bravest
troops have given way to panic. We forfeit the instruction
of their overthrow when we speak of them as dastards. It
is by remembering all that they afterwards dared, and all
that they were even then willing to hazard, as long as
1 " Take heed that ye despise not " ; " The disciples rebuked those that
brought them" (Matt, xviii. 10, xix. 13).
- Cf. the injunctiou when He was at the place to "pray lest ye enter into
temptation," and again, later, " Watch and pray, lest ye enter into temptation,"
with His mysterious and emphatic words when arrested, " This is . . . the
power of darkness,'' ?; e^ovjia tov (tkotovs (Luke xxii. 40, 46, ■'>?>).
THE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES. 113
danger confronted them in its expected forms, that we
measure the warning given ns by their example, which is
that no arm or heart of flesh is to be trusted in the battles
of the soul.
12. With their frailty there was at least a touching
consciousness of it.
Though far from wealthy, when the danger of riches was
announced they felt the peril within their own hearts, and
asked, " Who then can be saved?" Again they appealed to
Him, "Lord, increase our faith" (Matt. xix. 25; Luke xvii. 5).
The exaggeration of their "cowardice" by pulpit rhetoric
is scarcely less flagrant than that of their " self-confidence"
at the Last Supper. Yet the conscious superiority with
which we read their protests that they never would forsake
their Lord should at least be mitigated by the recollection
that they had just looked one upon another in fear, had
shown an artless and amiable ignorance of the real traitor,
and had asked, in words of which the very order betrays
their breathless eagerness, "Is it I, Lord?"^ (Matt. xxvi. 22.)
Their contradiction of His warning is presumptuous ; but
let us at least remember that it is the presumption of
hearts reassured after an intolerable dread, and after the
bitterly humiliating sense that something treacherous might
be detected in them every one ; of hearts moreover glowing
with loyalty to One who had few friends left, who had just
washed their feet, and who was pouring out for them at
that wondrous feast a flood of tender, sympathising affec-
tion such as never was known before.
Is there any narrative in the world, historical or dramatic,
of the same bulk, in which a greater number of minute
touches, which concern the minor characters and not the
central figure, will bear comparison as well? But these
are not collected from one narrative, they are from four
' Contrast the cold and formal interrogation wrung at last from Jnclas,
"Piabbi, is it I?" (ver. 25.)
VOL. TV. O
lU TUE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES.
pamphlets ; not the production of hterary artists, but of
(xaHleans of the first century, working moreover in the
harsh material of a language not their own. They have
not to do with the idiosyncracies of one individual or
another (these have yet to be added to the demonstration),
but with the behaviour of a group of peasants, natural,
generous, affectionate, willing in spirit yet weak in flesh,
dull in their unconsciousness of the wondrous plan which
they are helping to develop. The miraculous incidents
agree in character with those which scepticism permits us
to believe, and the story in the fourth Gospel teems with
resemblances to the other three. Above all, there is no
trace Avhatever of the glorifying influence of legend or
myth. No sunny haze of sanctified imagination has at
once magnified and obscured their figures ; no blending of
romantic fancy with tender memory has wrapped them in
a silvery mist of beauty, effacing the vulgar tints of earth,-
and revealing only a pearl-white outline, beautiful but
dreamlike. It is only by the interposition of. such a
medium that men would fain explain away the marvellous
-Tesus, standing luminous in the midst of them. But all
around is solid, matter-of-fact, visible in the light of day.
What is written about the Apostles authenticates what we
read of Christ.
G. A. Chadwick.
115
''CROWNED WITH GLORY AND HONOURS
(Heb. II. 9.)
Professor Bruce's able and interesting exposition of this
difficult passage deserves the most respectful consideration.
His view is that Christ was crowned by the Father with
glory and honour in His earthly life. This honour and
glory was just in a word His position as one appointed to
die in behalf of others. For God to appoint " Him to an
office in which He will have an opportunity'' of doing a
signal service to men at a great cost of suffering to Him-
self" is to crown Him with glory and honour, and to
confer a "grace" upon Him, as it is said, "That by the
grace of Clod (to Him) He might taste of death for every
man." I am taken to task because in a footnote I made
the offhand remark that this theory " contained a fine
modern idea, but one to which Scripture has hardly yet
advanced," and that " Scripture did not seem to have per-
mitted to itself the paradox of calling Christ's death a
'glory.'"
Is the above "fine idea" anywhere found in Scripture?
The question has some exegetical interest.
I. Certainly one's first feeling is, that the idea that
Christ's appointment to die for men was a glory and
honour conferred on Him and a grace bestowed on Him is
an idea altogether out of harmony with the general tone of
Scripture when referring to His sufferings and death. The
tone of Scripture is represented by St. Paul (Phil. ii. 6),
"Being in the form of God, He emptied Himself, being
made in the likeness of men ; and being found in fashion as
a man He humbled Himself, becoming obedient even unto
death, yea, the death of the cross " (E.'V.), And to this
give all the Scriptures witness. This theor}^ speaks of
Christ's appointment to die for men as a glory and grace
116 ''CROWNED WITH GLORY AND HONOUR."
conferred on Him ; Scripture says, " God spared not His
Son." The present epistle speaks of His enduring the
cross, despising the " shame " ; this theory speaks of God
conferring glory upon Him by giving Him an " opportunity "
of undergoing the shame. If this is not a " modern " idea,
one would like to be told where to look for one. There
is a multitude of passages which speak of the " grace of
God "to us in appointing His Son to die, let one unequi-
vocal one be produced which speaks of His "grace" to
Christ in giving Him such an appointment. He was made
a " curse " for us, being hanged upon a gibbet.
II. A number of passages however are cited, which are
said to be "kindred in idea." The relevancy of these
passages is not quite apparent.
" Blessed are they that have been persecuted for righteous-
ness' sake." Surely their blessedness did not lie in being
persecuted (which the analogy seems to require), nor were
they yet in possession of their blessedness when persecuted,
for blessedness here is not a state of mind. The whole
sentence must be read : " for theirs is the kingdom of
heaven," a kingdom yet " to come." The sense of such
passages is best seen from one of an opposite tendency :
" AVoe unto you that laugh now ! for ye shall mourn and
weep."
Again, the fact is referred to that Christ conjoins His
glorification with His passion. There may be danger of
missing the full meaning of these profound references. It
would not occur however to a plain reader that Christ's
glory lay in His passion, nor that He yet had His glory (for
which He prays) when undergoing His passion. The corn
of wheat, to use His own symbol, is not glorious in its
death, but only when through death it rises up a new full
corn in the ear. ' But as this glory will certainly be the
issue of its death, so Christ's glory arises with certainty out
of His dying ; and therefore on the eve of His passion He
'•CROWNED WITH GLORY AND HONOUR." 117
can say, " The hour is come that the Son of man should be
glorified." The term " glorify " may in some passages be
used proleptically, but other passages explain the meaning.
Further, Philippians i. 29 is adduced as in point : " Unto
you it is given as a favour, in the behalf of Christ, not only
to believe on Him, but also to suffer for His sake." Such is
the dignity of Christ and such are the things He has done
for us, that it is a grace or privilege to us to be permitted
even to suffer for His sake, as the early disciples rejoiced
that they " v^ere counted worthy to suffer dishonour for His
name " (Acts v. 41), and as Moses counted His reproach
greater riches than the treasures of Egypt. But it would
be strange oblivion of the tone of Scripture to attempt to
turn such passages round, and infer that it will in like
manner be a " grace " to Christ to permit or appoint Him
to suffer for us. To throw Christ into the scale along with
other moral beings, and to pass a general moral judgment
on His giving Himself to death as the act of a moral being
among other moral beings, no respect being had to His
Person, is to take a position " to which Scripture has hardly
yet advanced."
The passage 2 Peter i. 1(3 certainly contains the expression
"honour and glory." To a plain reader ver. 17 seems to
say that God bestowed honour and glory (a common phrase)
on Christ by proclaiming with a voice from heaven, "This
is My beloved Son." This acknowledgment of His relation
to Him was a glory. The apostle says also that he was an
eyewitness of His majesty, referring to the transfiguration.
It may be uncertain whether he regarded the transfiguration
as a momentary manifestation of Christ's inherent glory as
Son of God (John i. 14), or as a prelusion of His glory as
now exalted. The former is perhaps more natural, but
either sense suits the connexion, which refers to the second
coming, "the power and parousia" of Christ. The "honour
and glory" spoken of by the apostle here belongs in his mind
118 ''CROWNED WITH GLORY AND HONOUR"
to the same category as " majestj^" and he refers to it to
sustain the expectation of the jJower of Christ's appearing ;
hut what connexion has such honour and glory with that
supposed to he conferred by God on Christ in appointing
"Him to an oftice in which He will have an opportunity,"
etc. ?
These are the passages that are cited' to show " that the
crowning (as this theory conceives it) is an idea familiar
to the New Testament writers." They do not appear to go
very far in that direction.
III. Dr. Bruce' s eminence in New Testament exegesis
is so well known^ that one can differ from him only with
great hesitation. His exposition however of /3paxv rt,
which when said of mankind he understands of " degree,"
and when said of Christ of "degree" and "time," cannot
by any stretch of courtesy be called simple or perspicuous.
For my part, I cannot conceive a writer in one place saying
of men that " through fear of death they were all their life-
time subject to bondage" (ii. 15), and in another place
saying of them that they are "made a little (in degree)
lower than the angels," and therefore I have no doubt that
the apostle used the phrase " a little " always in the
temporal sense. More important however is the following
point. It cannot be denied that the apostle refers to two
conditions of mankind — their present condition, and their
future one, when over the world to come ; and to two con-
ditions of Christ — His earthly life, and His state of exalta-
tion ; and that he draws a parallel between the two pairs,
the parts of which correspond to one another, because it
was necessary for Christ to go through the life and destiny
of man along its whole line, to enable man to reach
that which was destined for him. Now it is certain that
" crowned with glory and honour," when spoken of man-
kind, refers to their future place in the world to come ; but
according to this theory, when spoken of Christ it refers to
''CROWNED WITH GLORY AND HONOUR." 119
His life in this world. There is no parallel between Him
and us ; what is predicated of us in our condition of perfec-
tion is predicated of Him in His condition of abasement. It
is no answer to this to say that the " glory and honour " of
Christ on earth is of course prolonged into His exalted state
and intensified. The point is, that by bringing His " glory "
forward into His earthly life, the parallel between it and
our earthly life is dissolved. There is no longer a parallel,
but a contrast.
IV. The distinction between the scriptural conception
and the conception of this theory is quite plain. The
Scripture writers fasten their attention on the plain
historical facts connected with Christ as these appeared in
their natural meaning to the ordinary judgment of men —
on His exalted dignity from which He descended, on His
abasement, the contradiction of sinners, the pains of death.
This was in their view "shame," "weakness," a "hum-
bling " of Himself. With the realistic concrete judgment
natural to them they consider all this the deepest abase-
ment, and they set it in sharp contrast to the " glory " to
which He was exalted, which they conceive in a manner
equally realistic. In neither case is their language in the
least figurative, but always literal. It would have seemed
to them an absurdity to call Christ's humiliation a " glory,"
when in tlie natural judgment of all men it was a " shame."
The " glory" was the reward that followed it, ''because of
the suffering of death, crowned with glory," " ivherefore
also God has greatly exalted Him." To them as well as to
their adversaries the cross was an ignominy and a " scandal,"
and they obviated the feeling, not by the ingenious sug-
gestion that the shame was in another view a " glory," but
by showing that the prophets had foretold it, and that the
counsel of God had accomplished it, and that the temporary
shame was swallowed up in the real glory of Christ exalted,
a glory in which He would speedily reappear to the eyes
120 ''CROWNED WITH GLOBY AND RONOUE:'
of the world. They, as well as the modern mind, pass a
moral verdict on Christ's act, or, rather, on Christ Himself,
but they do not use the word "glory" in regard to it.
They say, "Worthy is the Lamb!" and He is worthy
because that to which He subjected Himself was and
remained "shame."
This modern theory moves on different lines. Its origin
is probably this. First, a moral judgment is passed on
Christ's act in giving Himself for others, and expressed in
figurative language. In the ethical sphere, in the judgment
of all moral beings, His act (to use figurative language) was
a thing most glorious. Then the fact is reflected upon that
it was God who put Him in the place where He performed
this act ; and the inference is drawn that God crowned Him
with glory by appointing " Him to an oftice in which He
will have an opportunity of doing a signal service to men at
a great cost of suffering to Himself" ; i.e. an act which
(figuratively) is so glorious. Is there any evidence that any
Scripture writer ever pursued this peculiar line of reflection ?
The reflection is suggested at once to the modern mind
by the figurative language in which it expresses its moral
verdict on Christ's act in our redemption.
That this is the line of thought that led to the curious
speculation appears from the formula enunciated by Dr.
Bruce, that "exalted because of" implies "exalted in."
The formula is a mere heap of heterogeneous words.
"Exalted in" belongs to the sphere of moral judgment, or
moral worth, and modern figurative language ; " exalted
because of" belongs to the sphere of historical events and
Scripture literal language. If Scripture language be adhered
to, the formula is so far from being true, that it is the
opposite of the truth — He humbled Himself, wherefore also
God greatly exalted Him. Is there any evidence that any
Scripture writer ever used the words " glory " or " exalted "
of Christ in His act of giving His life for men, or that any
TEE HALLEL. 121
Scripture writer ever expressed his own sense of the moral
worthiness of this act by such terms as "glorious" or
"exalted"?
The only question that could arise is, whether the writer
to the Hebrews agrees in his phraseology with the other
writers. There is no reason to suppose that he differs.
When he says of Christ that "He hath been counted
worthy of more glory than Moses " (iii. 3), he refers to His
glory in heaven. So (I believe) he does when he says that
"He glorified not Himself to be made a high priest"
(v. 5). He does not speak of the high-priestly office in the
abstract, nor as exercised on earth ; he speaks of it under
the complexion which it has as exercised in heaven. In
other words, he agrees with all the New Testament writers
in regarding Christ's Messianic office (or, high priesthood)
as beginning to be exercised in its proper and full sense
only on His ascension (Acts ii. 36). But even if the second
passage referred to the office in itself, that would be far
from implying that the apostle was thinking of the office as
it involved death, for the oiffce of Aaron, with whom com-
parison is made in the passage, did not involve death.
A. B. Davidson.
THE HALLEL.
(Pss. CXIII.-CXVIII.)
The Psalms of the Hallel have a special interest from the
fact that they were sung by the Jewish Church at her three
great Feasts, and may thus be taken as representing her in-
most thought in those hours in which she held closest com-
munion with her God. But to us they have a still deeper
solemnity, from the fact that they were sung by our Lord
with His disciples at the Last Supper (Matt. xxvi. 27).
122 TEI] EALLEL.
It is from these two points of view that I propose to
regard them : first, as the words of Israel ; secondly, as the
words of Christ. These two points of view are indeed
closely connected. God says of Israel (Exod. iv. 22),
"Israel is My son. My first-horn." It is true that in
Isaiah Israel is called "the servant of the Lord"
(xli. 8, xlii. 1, etc.), but the Septuagint never allows us to
forget that the "servant" (12)?) is a "son" (7rat9, cf.
xlii. 1 with Matt. xii. 18 ff ; see also Acts iv. 27, 30, where
St. Peter and St. John apply this word to Christ).
Israel is God's son, inasmuch as he manifests God's
name to the world (Isa. xlix. 3-0). He has thus a relation,
not only of elder brother to the Gentiles, but also to all
nature, to the whole creation. He is not only a " first-
born among many brethren," but also " a first-born of all
creation " (Col. i. 15).
These two thoughts may be taken as representing God's
ideal for Israel, an ideal which was ever with Him in the
Person of His Son, and which in the fulness of time
blossomed on earth in the Person of Christ. These two
thoughts, the ingathering of the Gentiles, and the up-
lifting^ of all nature into " the liberty of the glory of the
children of God," were the central thoughts in Israel's
three great Feasts.
We speak of the tJiree Feasts, but it is necessary to bear
in mind that in Leviticus xxiii. the Feasts are not three,
but seven. This ch^-pter should be carefully studied by all
who would understand the Hallel.
The following Table will be seen to represent the Jewish
Feasts as given in Leviticus xxiii. :
^ Bom. viii. '11. Compare the thoiiglit of the hcave-uffcriiiu ciiid the wave-
offering.
THE HALLEL.
123
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124 THU HALLEL.
The connexion of the Psahns of the Hallel with the
Feasts will best be seen by reading them in their entirety ;
for this purpose I offer the following translation, merely
giving such notes as are necessary to draw out the leading
thought of each Psalm in its connexion with the corre-
sponding Feast in the above Table.
The most holy Name I have represented by the symbol
Axi which gives the sound of the Hebrew rTTTJ^. "I AM."
I have not space to give my reasons^ for using this symbol ;
suffice it to say, that I regard the modern JaJive as a
complete mistake, while every scholar feels that the word
Lord falls very short of the Hebrew ^\^T]''^
Hallel, Part I. (Pss. cxiii., cxiv.), as sung by the Jews
OVER THE Second Cup.
(Cf. Lightfoot, Ho)\ Heb. on Matt. xxvi. 27.)
Ps. cxni.
Zion's Magnificat, or Zioii's mother-joy on the birth of her Geutile
children. Tiiis Psahn corresponds with the Passover (see Table), and
is full of the thought of the First-born. An Easter Psalm.
1 Praise ye A^ah !
Praise, 0 ye servants of AA,
Praise ye the Name" of A A.
f 2 May the Name of AA be blessed
(. From henceforth for ever and ever.
[ 3 From the rising of the sun to his setting
\ May the Name of AA be praised.
4 High is AA o'er all Nations !
His Glory above the heavens !
5 Who is as AA our God ?
That mounteth so high to be throned !
in Time.
' I have fully discussei'l this (iiiestion in my Names of God aud in
Akkadian Genesis. (Deighton & Co., Cambridge.)
- I.-;, the manifestation.
THE BALLEL. 125
The Incarna- 6 That sinketb so low to be seen !
tio"- In the Heavens !
In the Earth !
Cf. Ifagni- 7 That raiseth the weak fi-oin the dust,
ficaf. That uphfteth the poor from the dunghill,
8 To throne them along with princes,
E'en with His princely People !
0 That throneth the barren one' in the home;
As a joyous Mother of children.
Praise ye Yah !
Note. — Yer. 3. The thought is identical witli tliat o{ Mai. i. 11 : " For from
the rising of the sun to his setting great is My Name among the Gentiles, and
in every place incense is offered to My Name, and a pure offering." JMust not
this prophecy have .been in our Lord's mind as He sang this birthday Psalm
of " a people that should be born " from His own sufferings ? Cf. Isa. xlix. 5, G.
Note. — Vers. 7-9. These verses I would call Christ's Magnificnt. In a cer-
tain sense they applj'to Israel in so far as Israel is God's son {ttuTs), who by
liis sufferings brings the Gentile-world to its birth. Thus according to Isa.
liv. 1-5, the Jewish Church 'is herself " the Barren one," until in pain she
brings forth the Gentiles as her first-born. " Sing, 0 Barren one that hast not
borne ; break forth into singing, and cry aloud, thou that hast not travailed : for
more are the children of the desolate one than the children of the married one,
saith the Lord, etc. : . . . the God of the whole earth He shall be called."
The entire passage should be read and compared with St. Paul's argument in
(lal. iv. 2G ff. "Life from [life " is the leading tliought of the Spring Feasts,
and this means life from pain,
Ps. CXIV,
As the previous Psalm gave the birth-pangs of a new People, so this
gives the birth-pangs of a new Creation, and tlius answers exactly to
Feasts ii., iii., and iv, (see Table). When of old God's People came out
of Egypt (a Paschal thoiight). His holiness was represented by Judah,
which led the van (Num. ii. 3, 9), His strength by Israel. Even then
all nature was moved (vers. 3-7) ; how much more when God Himself
comes in His own Person (vers. 7, 8) ? Cf. Hab. iii.
1 When Israel came forth from Egypt,
The House of Jacob from among the Barbarians,
2 His {i.e. God's) holiness then was Judah,
His power was shown in Israel.
1 Cf. Isa. liv. with Gal. iv. 27.
126 THE HALLEL.
3 The sea saw — then it tied !
Jordan rolled himself back !
4 The mountains skipped like rams,
The hills like the yomig of the flock !
5 What ailed thee, 0 sea, that thou fleddest ?
Thou Jordan, that thou shouldest roll back ?
n Ye mountains, why skip ye like rams ?
Ye hills, like the young of the flock ?
HowrauHi 7 At the presence of AA travail, thou Earth !
^^''^^ , At the presence of Jacob's God,
when (iod ^
comes in^ Who turneth the rock into pools,
Person ? The flint into fountains of water !
Note. — Botli this Psalm aud the preceilins one are appointeil liv tlio Cliurel'i
for Easter Day. The LXX. in ver. 1 read iv e'toSy 'l(jpai)\. . . . Cf. Lnlce
ix. 81, tV '4^obov avTov, "His departure (E.V. margin), whicli He was about
to accomplish at Jerusalem" (Neale).
The question in vers. 5 and 6 is not answered. The thought is as follows ;
If at the first Exodus (Passover), when God was revealed only in the Pillar and
Cloud, all nature was moved, how much more when at the second Exodus
(Passover) God Himself leads His people in person as He promised (Mic. ii. 13)!
In the preceding Psalm we saw the Presence (and therefore the sufferings)
of the Son of God as giving birth to the Nations ; so in this Psalm we see that
same Presence uplifting Nature. This latter thought was symbolized by the
Wave sheaf of Passover and the Wave loaves of Pentecost (see Table). I
therefore conclude that these two Psahns, which compose th'e first part of the
Hallel, were written with special reference to the Spring Feasts.
Hallel, Part II. (Pss. cxv.-cxviii.), as sung by the
Jews oyer the Fourth Cup.
(Cf. vfxv)]aavTe^, Matt. xxvi. 30), answering to the Feasts
of the Seventh Month, which all speak of death. ^
Ps. (\V.
The connexion of this Psalm with the Feast of Trumpets is not
obvious at first sight ; a Vv'ord of explanation must therefore be given.
An inscription of Nebuchadnezzar (quoted hj Sayce, Hih. Led., p. 94-)
^ The connexion between the seventh month and the Sabbath of death was
far older even than the times of Abraham, as I have shown in my Ahl;adian
Genesis.
THE HALLE L. 127
tells us that " on the G-reat Festival at the beginnuig of the year (i.p.
in the seventh month), on the eighth and eleventh days of the month, the
divine king the god of heaven and earth, the lord of heaven, descends,
while the gods in heaven and earth, listening to him -with reverential
p.AVo, and standing hnmljly Ijefore him, determine therein a destiny of
long-ending days." This thought finds its countei-part in the Psalms, c.r/.
Ps. Ixxxii. 1, " God hath taken- His place in the assemljly of the mighty
ones ("px)' Amongst the gods (o'Tlbx) He is judging." I may have
occasion to speak of this Psalm in a future paper ; meanwhile I would
remark that the blowing of Trumpets on '" New Year" was as it were
an a])peal to Israel's God to take His place in Judgment on the gods
of tlie heathen. Compare the tal-cing of .Jericho, also Numbers x. !'.
" Ye shall blow an alarm with the trumpets, and ye shall be remem-
bered before the Lord your God, and shall be saved from your enemies."
The '• Day of Trumpets " or the day of "The Memorial of the Trumpet "
(nr-llj"^ P"'?0 ■^'^'^^ to Israel what the '* Bow in the Cloud " was to Xoah,
it was the outward visible sign of Mercy and Ti'Uth meeting together
in Eedemption; therefoi'e in Ps. Ixxxix. 14, Lj, we read, " Eighteons-
ness and justice are the base of Thy throne, Mercy and Truth go befoi-o
Tiiy face. Happy is the people that know the Trumpet-sound ('"'^■''''^).*'
So in our present Psalm the " memorial " goes np to God " because of
Thy merc3% because of Thy truth " (ver. 1). God answers this appeal
(vers. 12-1.'>), Avith plenteous Eedemption. The Psalm may be trans-
lated as follows :
!\rercy and
1 Not for our sake, A A, not for our sake,
But for the sake of Thy Name grant glory,
Truth meet. Because of Thy Mercy, because of Thy Trutli.
2 Wherefore should the heathen say,
" Where now is their God ? "'
Ps. cxxxv. (k ?) Yet our God is in Heaven ;
All that He willeth is done.
Ps. cxxxv. 4 Their idols are silver and gold,
ir.-20. rjA|-^g ^York of the hands of man :
,5 A mouth they have, but cannot speak;
Eyes they have, but cannot see ;
6 Ears they have, but cannot hear ;
A nose they have, but cannot smell ;
7 Hands, yet cannot feel ;
128 TEE EALLEL.
Feet, yet cannot walk ;
Nor can they utter from their throat.
8 They that make them shall become as they,
Even every one that putteth his trust in them.
9 0 Israel, trust in AA. :
He is their help and their shield.
10 0 house of Aaron, trust in A A :
He is their help and their shield.
11 Ye fearers of AA, trust in AA :
He is their help and their shield.
God lias fnl-12 AA has become mindful of us. He will bless,
He will bless the house of Israel,
pi'omise ot
Num. X. 9 He will bless the house of Aaron, .
13 He will bless the fearers of AA,
The least along with the greatest.
14 May A A add unto you.
Unto you and unto your children.^
15 Blessed be ye of A A,
The Maker of heaven and earth.-
IG The heavens are the heavens of AA,
And the earth He gave for the children of men.
17 It is not the dead that praise Yah,
Not they all that go down into silence,
18 But we, — we will praise Yah,
From henceforth, for ever and ever.
Praise ye Yah !
Note. — The Day of Trumpets is the pledge of the final Day of Atonement.
Israel sounds with the Trumpet, and God is "mindful" of him, and deliver
him (cf. Ps. xlvii. fi); but Zechariah says that, in the time to come, "the Lord
God shall sound with the Trumpet" (Zech. ix. 14). The Jews themselves have
interpreted this to signify that the former deliverances were not final, but that
in the days of the Messiah "I am going to redeem you by Myself, and then
shall ye never more be brought in bondage." (See the whole context in my
translation of the Yalkut on Zechariah, pp. .53, r>4.) '' On New Year men are
redeemed from the Angel of death" (Yalkut, I.e.); this explains vers. 17 and
' Cf. Deut. i. 11, Moses' blessing.
- Cf. Gen. xiv. I'.l, Melcliizedeli's lilcssing.
THE SALLE L. 129
IH of our Psalm. According to a Jewish tradition, the Hallel was not used on
the Day of Atonement, because of the deep solemnity of the day ; neither was it
used on the Feast of Trumpets, because then " the King sits upon His throne,
and the books of Life and the books of Death are opened" (Mischna, Roxlt,
HcisL-liaiui, vii. 4). Be this as it may, the thoughts of the Feast of Trumpets
and of the Day of Atonement are certainly represented in the Psalms of the
Hallel.
Ps. cxvi. (cf. Day of Atonement in Table).
Israel, though a son, leai'us obedience (i.e. lave, ver. 1, iiud faith,
ver. 10) by the things tliat lie suffers. The very darkness is onh*
backgrouud for tlie rainbow. Cf. Heb. v. 7.
1 I love — for A A hears
My supplicating voice,
2 For to me He liath lent an ear ;
So I call (to Him) all my days.
3 Pangs of Death enveloped me,
Straits^ of Hell gat hold upon nie :
4 Anguish and grief (alone) I find.
Then I call on the Name of AA,
" Oh now, AA, deliver my soul."
[Cf, " 0 My Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass
away from Me : nevertheless, not as I will, but
as Thou wilt" (Matt. xxvi. 89).]
5 Gracious is AA, and liighteous :
Yea, our God is Merciful.
G AA is the Guardian of simple folk :
I am weak, but He is mine to save me.
7 lieturn, 0 my soul, to thy haven of rest ;
For AA hath wrought kindness upon thee.
8 For Thou hast delivered my soul from death, mine
eyes from tears, my feet from falling.
9 I shall walk before A A in the Lands ^ of the Living.
(N.B. — According to the Sept. the Psalm ends here, a new Psalm
commencing at ver. 10. There is indeed a very real division of
thought, ver. 10 answering exactly to ver. 1. See Notes.)
^ This word occurs again in Ps. cxviii. -5 ; elsewhere it is only found in
Lam. i. o. - The plural reminds us of the "many mansions."'
VOL. IX. 9
130 TEE EALLEL.
10 I believe — for I can say,
"As for me, I was greatly afflicted ;
11 As for me, I thought in my panic,
' All man's estate is a lie.' "
12 What return can I make to AA
For all His kindness He hath wrought i upon me?
13 The Cup of Salvations ^ I lift.
And I call on the Name of A A.
14 My vows to A A I canjjai/,
In tlie presence of all His people.
[Cf. " 0 My Father, if this cannot pass away, except I
drink it, Thy will be done " (Matt. xxvi. 42). j
15 Bight dear in the sight of KK is the death of His
saints,
16 Oh now AA ! surely I am Thy Servant,
I am Thy Servant, the son of Thine handmaid ;
Thou hast undone my fetters.
17 The sacrihce of thanksgiving I sacrifice to Thee,
And I call on the Name of A A.
18 My vows to A A I can pay,
In the presence of all His people ;
[Cf. " A third time, saying the same words" (Matt,
xxvi. 44). I
19 In the Courts of the House of AA,
In the midst of thee, O Jerusalem.
T'raise ye Yah !
l^'ote. — Ver. 1. Wbetlier these words be tlio wortls of Israel or of Christ, the
love is founded upon the Rock of an inner experience which no terrors of death
or desertion can shake. "Father, I thank Tliee that Thou licardest Me. And
I knew that Thou hearest Me always" (St. John xi. 41, 42, E.V.). "Having
loved His own which were in the world, He loved them to the iitteriuost ''
1 Cf. ver. 7. '■ I-e. the final yalvaticn, which iuehide« all othfers.
THE HALLEL. 131
(St. John xiii. 1, K.Y., marg.). This verse of the Psahn should be carefully
compared with the 10th verse ; see below.
Note.— The three times repeated refrain (vers. 4, lo, 17) proves the Psalm to
be a whole. The three " cries " may be compared with tlie thrice repeated cry
of Gethsemane (Matt. xxvi. 39-44). The first is the saddest, as in the Gospel.
It is impossible to read vers. 3 and 4 of our Psalm without being remiude 1
of Him " who in the days of His flesh, having offered up prayers and supplica-
tions with stroiig crying and tears unto Him that was able to save Him out of
death, and having been heard for His godly fear, though he was a Son, yet
learned obedience by the things which He suffered" (Heb. v. 7, 8). The two
last "cries" (vers. 13, 17) come after the full acceptance of "the Cup of
Salvations" (ver. 13) ; the reader will observe that the refrain has now become
a joy, just as the prayer does in Gethsemane.
But though the Psalm is a whole, the break before ver. 10 is most impor-
tant to be observed. The words " I believe " (ver. 10) exactly answer to " I
love " (ver. 1). The tenses would, in Greek, have been jJ^ ''fee ts. In both cases
the love and the faith are the very outcome of the suffering ; compare St.
Paul's quotation of ver. 10 in 2 Cor. iv. 13 with context.
If, as I believe, the whole Psalm was written for the Day of Atonement, we
might well suppose Part I. (/.e. vers. l-'J) to have been sung before the High
Priest entered the Holy of Holies, and Part II. {i.e. vers. 10 to end) to have
welcomed his reappearance " apart from sin, unto salvation " (Heb. ix. 28).
Ps. (XVII.
A prophecy of the coiivevsiou of the Gentiles in the times of the
Messiah. So Kimchi and St. Paul (Rom. xv. 1*-11). Sec Xeale's
Commentary. The birth of the Gentiles resiilt« from tlie " ixmgs of
Messiah." This Psalm is to the Autumn Feasts what Ps. cxiii. is to
the Spring Feasts.
1 Praise AA, all ye Gentiles ;
Extol Him, all ye Peoples.
2 For His Mercy hath prevailed over us ;
And the Truth of A A is eternal.
Praise ye Yah !
Nate. — Ver. 2. Neale well quotes Gen. vii. 18-20, where the same \Vord is
twice used of the waters of the I'lood prccailivg. So now there shall be a flood
of Mercy.
The Gentiles who were ' once far oh are made nigh in the blood cf Christ '
(Eph. ii. 13, see context).
l'i-2 THE HALLEL.
Vn; cxvin.
Chorus.
A Psalm of Tabernacles (see Table). The suffering Son of God is
victorious over Death and Hell, and enters on the Fruits of Victory,
being acknowledged as King by all Creation. An Easter Psalm.
^1 Give thanks unto AA ; for (He) is good ; for
His mercy is eternal,
'2 Let now Israel say,
"for His mercy is eternal."
3 Let now the House of Aaron say,
"for His mercy is eternal."
4 Let the fearers of AA say,
" for His mercy is eternal."
The Sou 5 In straits I called upon Yah,
Christ) Ii^ largeness Yah gave me His answer,
speaks. (3 ^A is mine ; I will not fear :
"What can man do unto me ?
7 AA is mine ! among my helpers !
Then as for me I'll look upon my foes.
Chorus.
8 Better it is to shelter in AA
Than to put confidence in man.
9 Better it is to shelter in AA
Than to put confidence in princes.
The Sou 10 All nations encompassed me round,
(jlji.'ii^^j 'Tis in AA's Name that I foiP them.
speaks. Yl They compassed, yea, compassed me round :
'Tis in AA's name that I foil ^ them.
12 They compassed me round like plagues/
They flared like a lire of thorns :
'.Tis in AA's name that I foil them.
13 Thou didst thrust me well nigh unto falling
But A A hath helped me.
* Beading uncertain.
TEE HALLEL.
133
Cliorns.
Tlie Son
(Israel,
Christ)
speaks.
Chorus.
14 My strength and my song is Yah ;
And He hath become my Salvation.
/15 A shout of joy and Salvation
Rings through the tents of the righteous :
' The right hand of AA hath wrought might !
16 The right hand of AA hath been raised !
The right hand of AA hath wrought might !
17 I shall not die, but shall live,
And shall tell out the works of Yah.
18 Yah did indeed chasten me sore :
But not unto death did He give me.
19 Open for me the gates of Eighteousness : ^
I will enter by them, I will give thanks to Yah.
( 20 Tliis is the Gate— that belongs to AA ;
i The righteous may enter thereby.
ThcSon(Ts-21 I thank Thee, for that Thou hast heard me,
lae , a lb ; ^^^^ j^^^^ become mine for salvation,
speaks.
^22 A stone that the builders rejected
Hath become the chief-stone of the corner !
23 From AA (Himself) hath this come to pass ;
And it is wondrous in our eyes.
24 This is the Day that AA hath made ;
Let us joy and rejoice therein.
Chorus. ( 25 Ana,~ AA, Hoshiana,
Ana, A A, Hatzlicha?ia.
26 Blessed is the Coming One in the Name of AA:
We bless you from out of the House of AA.
27 AA is God, and gives us light.
Proclaim ^ the Feast with the Branches,
\ Even up to the horns of the Altar.
1 In late Hebrew p"l^* is used almost in the sense of " victory.''
' A mystical name of God, the origin of which I have shown in my Ahkadian
Genesis. •* Vulpr. " Constituitc diem solemnem."'
13 i THE HALLE L.
IheSon ro.s My God (EI), Thoii art, and I thank
(Israel, )
Christ) ") Thee:
siieaks. C My God (Elohim), I extol Thee.
("horns. 29 Give thankis unto AA; for (He) is good: for
His mercy is eternal.
Xote. — Ver. 12. The present text reads D''"13^, "bees" ; for which I suggest
D^"lZl"\F, as in Hos. xiii. 14, " I wih be tliy pLagues, 0 Death.""
Intheplague-legeudsof Chaldea, Deix?}-, "the plague," is often personified, and
is usually connected with " the Burner." There are traces of this thought in
the Old Testament, e.rj. Hab. iii. 5, "Before Him went the plague (Deber),
and the Burner (^t^'1) went forth at His feet " (see Versions). In our present
Psalm the contest has been, not with bees, but with Death. It is indeed the
fulfilment of Hosea xiii. 14.
Note. — Ver. 20. This Terse is, I think, best explained by E/.ek. xliv. 1-1.
" And lie brought me back toward the gate of the Sanctuary outside, which faces
east ; and it was shut. And AA said unto me. This gate shall be shut, not
opened, and none shall enter by it, because AA, the God of Israel, hath entered
by it : and thus it hath become closed. The Prince however, inasmuch as he
is a Prince [and therefore a type of Messiah], he shall sit therein to eat bread
before AA." Compare also xlvi. 1-3 and xliii. 4. Tliis Gate is " the new
and living way" (Heb. x. 19). But after Messiah (the Prince) has entered
thereby He can say, " Open ye the gates, that the righteous nation which keepeth
the truth may enter in " (Isa. xxvi. 2).
Xotes. — This Psalm is generally admitted to have been written for the Feast of
Tabernacles. That great feast gathered in all the thoughts of the great Sabbath -
month. The seventh month (Autumnal Equinox) spoke, even to the Baby-
lonians, of the death and resurrection of the year. The branches (cf. ver. 27)
carried at this Feast were a memorial of the fruits of the earth, and especially
the vintage, now gathered in. These branches were chosen from water-loving
trees. Thus, in the Order of the Hoftannah Bnbba, the .Tews still pray,
" Answer those that cry with the four water trees."
(D^o ''bi^'n rmn n-'huvc^ njyno
I.e. the Palm, Citron, Myrtle, and Willow.
The reason for this choice was, I think, because one of the leading thoughts of
the Feast was Prayer for Eain, upon which the fruits of the opening year
depended. But tlte tree which represented the mystical Israel was especially
"the Vine of David." Tbe earliest passage is Isa. v. 1: "Love (HH) had a
vineyard," etc., wdiere Vulgate reads vinen. Again, Ps. Ixxx. (Ixxix.) « ff
• ' Thou didst bring a "\'ine out of Egypt. . . . The mountains were covered
with its shadow. . . . Look from heaven, behold, and visit this Vine, and
the Branch that Thy right hand hath planted and the Scion (p) which Thou
hast made strong for Thyself."' Here again the Vulgate uses vinea for J3il. just
as for D"I5 in Isa. v. 1. In the Order of the Hosannahs the following passage
occurs, which clearly proves that Isa. v. 1 ff was regarded as a mystical allusion
to the Vine of David. " As Thou didst save the Wine-press of Thy hewing.
MY HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT. 135
(1''3VnO 3p\ cf. 2Vn 2p_^,, Isa. v. 2), so now save us who encompass (the altar)
with green branches surging, Ana Ya Ho Hoshiana" (cf. v. 25). The trans-
ference of this thought to the Eucharist may be seen in the Teachiiifi of the
Tivclve AjMxtles, chap. ix. (see Taylor's edition, p. 68 ff). "And as touching
the Eucharist, thus give ye thanks. First, concerning the cup : We thank Thee,
0 our Father, for Thy holy vine of David Thy child, which Tliou hast made
known to us in Thy Child (ira'ts) Jesus. . . ."
The Psalms of the Hallel thus gather into one Thanksgiving all the thoughts
of all the whole year's Feasts, a fitting Service for that great night when all was
fulfilled in the one " Pure Offering" "for the life of the world."
It may be interesting to observe that, of the Hallel Psalms, our Church
appoints Psalms cxiii., exiv., and cxviii. for Easter Day; now Psalm cxiii. is a
Fasaover Psalm, cxiv. a Pentecost Psalm, and cxviii. a Psalm of Tabernacle.'^.
Thus the "Queen of Festivals" gathers in all that was foreshadowed by the
three great Jewish Feasts.
Ed. G. King.
IN SELF-DEFENCE : CBITICAL OBSERVATIONS
ON MY HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT.
I.
The late Isaac Salkinson, missionary of the British Society,
whose Hehrew translation of the New Testament has now
appeared in its second edition, and is circulated amono- the
Jews with extraordinary zeal, was personally well known
to me, was indeed an intimate friend. We became ac-
quainted with one another in 1870, when we met at a
conference of missionaries and friends of the Jewish Mission,
and were at once attracted toward each other. Salkinson
had then completed the translation of Milton's Paradise
Lost, but had not discovered a Hebrew equivalent for the
English title. He did not at that time venture upon any
suggestion, but subsequently he determined to entitle his
rendering, p^^"]-"!^ li'll)''!, " He sent forth from the garden
of Eden." In fact " Paradise Lost," in the sense in which
it was used as the title of the English poem, could not be
reproduced in Hebrew. This must have been specially
136 MY HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT.
difficult for Salkinson, who would eschew the phrase pi^"P
12i|^^ as non-biblical.
In April, 1855, an attempt had already been made by
Salkinson to produce a new translation of the New Testa-
ment. A specimen of such a rendering was published
under the title, The Ejjistle of Paul the Apostle to the
BoDians translated into Hehrew. I gave expression to my
opinion of it in my monograph of 1870, entitled, Pauliis
des Apostels Brief an die Bonier in das Hehrdische nehersetzt
nnd aus Talmud inid Midrasch, erldutert. In that paper I
heartily admitted the masterly style of this Hebraist, but
took exception to his method of translation in aiming too
much at a biblical elegance and classical diction, and so
leading to the use of phrases that did not literally repre-
sent the text. And there too I laid down the principle that
the translation should not avoid rabbinical expressions, if
they supply the words and formulas in which, without undue
straining, the New Testament Greek can be made intelli-
gible to those who employ the post-biblical literature.
My own work upon a new Hebrew translation of the
New Testament had been completed and all my prepara-
tions for publication had been made as early as the year
1870, but the actual issuing of the book was delayed till the
spring of 1877. During all these years I was anxiously
seeking for a publisher who should undertake the responsi-
bility of the whole work, and then at last the British and
Foreign Bible Society stretched out to me its helpful hand.
By this time Salkinson also had again taken up the work
of translation. I doubt not that my own rendering would
have gained considerably had we carried on this common
work together, although after a careful survey and examina-
tion of all doubtful passages my judgment still remains un-
altered. I look upon it now as quite natural that the man
who had won great applause by his translations of the
Urania of Tiedge, the Paradise Lost of Milton, and some
MY HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT. 1?7
plays of Shakespeare would not be able easily to bring him-
self to take the place of a worker under me. I have the
letter which he then wrote me, inclosing a new translation
of the first chapter of the Epistle to the Komans, which has
not before been published, although the reckless way in
which this " beautiful Hebrew New Testament" has been
eulogised might have tempted me to make it known. An
article in the January number of the Quarterly Becord of
the Trinitarian Bible Society for 1886 quoted a Jewish
opinion, according to which " the work of Delitzsch, in com-
parison with the work of Salkinson, is like a miserable tent
compared with the palaces of kings " !
Quite another spirit was shown by Salkinson in his criti-
cism of my work. He admitted the force and importance
of the principles on which I proceeded, and claimed onl}''
recognition of the relative value of his own divergent views
upon the question. The letter will be thoroughly satis-
factory and conclusive with all who are really acquainted
with the subject, as showing clearly the special character-
istics of the two translations and affording ample materials
for forming a judgment. I give it here without alteration
or abridgment.
" ?:t,, "Reivxek St., Laxdstrasse, Vikxna,
J7ine 11th, 1877.
" Mv DEAR Sir, —
'• I was on the point of answering yonr kind letter, besides giving an
explanation in anticipation of your question on the card, and waited only
for the inclosed specimen, which I got just now. With regard to your
fjueiy, you will remember, after your publication of the Epistle to the
Romans, that 1 offered you my co-operation in continuing and carrying
out the version; but you then informed me that you had the materials
of the whole book already, which required only correction and revision.
Accordingly, out of the high respect and true Christian affection which
I cherish for you, I made a self-denying resolution, and determined to
let you have the whole field free. AVlien I recently saw a statement to
the effect that your work is accomplished and is being published by the
British and Foreign Bible Society, I was very glad for your sake and
for the sake of your great work and thought. And now has my time
138 MY HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT.
come to gratify my old desire. It so happened tliat just tlien a friend
of the committee of tlie British Society proposed that I shouhl be
employed in writing a Tahnudic Christology. I answered that I
would prefer first to make a new HebreAV version of the New Testa-
ment. To this the committee agreed, and I now commenced my task
with the epistles. My plan is to take a good share of liljerty in regard
to words and jihrases, and to Ije faithful only to the sense and spirit of
tlie test, which must neither be added to nor taken from in anything.
Its principle is that of the maxim, ' The letter killeth, but the spirit
giveth life,' and so I hope to be able to make a tolerably pure Hebrew
version. There will of course be a few excejjtions, like the abstract
noun Xninp, 'which you find in the'siDecimen, and other words of a like
nature ; but they will not affect the whole.
" You are j^erfectly correct in saying that when the ISTew Testament
writeTs wrote their Greek they had still the Hebrew of their day in
mind ; but then I want to translate the sense and not to use the words :
and so, when I find tlie apostles writing arro Krlcrecos Koa-fiov, I render it
by the idiomatic phrase D!'?t?*1 \t^^ XIB'QDI*. Now the apostle him-
self can have no objection to see his idea expressed in good old
Hebrew.
"I confess to you too, that the man to whom the gos])el has i)ecome
the power of salvation will prefer a literal translation, just as he would
pi'efer that a love-letter sent to him in an unknown tongue should be
rendei'ed to him verhciHm. But we must rememl^er that our ISTew
Testament is intended chiefly for our unconverted brethren. There-
fore it may be of some service to have it in a style which the .lews
liave not yet forgotten to appreciate, that is, the Inblical Hebrew.
" In the inclosed specimen you will see at a glance Avhat kind of
liberty I take : n^Tl-ISXp^D for apostleship. 0-13X70 is the literal ren-
dering, but in the absolute state it does not occur. Hence it does not
sound ])rctty, and I therefore added an intensive particle r]^ as in
n^*n5D?t", which makes no difference in the real sense. If the reader
translates n''"n'l3N?D 'Divine apostleship,' he will not err, since tlie
apostle himself tells us that this office he got from God. In ver. 9
I added ^L"2J1 to the word '•H-n^, because tlie idiom recpiii'es tliat "TlTin
in the construction of the verse should not stand alone. Hence the
synonymous ''C'Di is added, which makes no alteration in the meaning.
Now all the liberties in this chapter could be avoided, Ijut as there
will be places where such liberties, and even more, will be absolutely
necessary, I therefore put forward this chapter as a specimen, and
would be glad to have your opinion, whether I have not overstepped
the limits of the boundary.
" Now I hoi^e, as I have sympathised and do symjiathise with your
work, so will you witli mine, and even encourage it if possible ; thus
31 Y HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT. 139
making it manifest that wo have learned of the evangelists, who each
wrote the same story, not in rivalry bnt to serve the same common
Master. I wonld like to say a great many things, bnt time forbids.
"I. E. Salkixsox."
After Salkinson had wellnigb concluded bis labours as a
translator of tbe New Testament, and bad prepared tbe
first draiigbt of it — only tbe Acts of tbe Apostles bad not
been" completed — bis unexpected deatb brougbt sore be-
reavement on bis family, and put a sudden stop to tbe work
tbat bad been so dear to bim. I hastened to express my
warm sympathy for tbe sorrowing widow, Mrs. Henrietta
Salkinson, and I made offer to her of my assistance. In
reply she wrote me on June 14th, 1^^'A, when amongst
other things she said : " I do assure you tliat never in my
dear husband's mind was there the least desire tbat bis
work should be made a rival of yours, but he regarded this
work as the task of bis life. I have heard bim repeatedly
say, ' God has given me talent for translating, and I must
use it for His glory.' And there are indeed in almost every
laiiguage several translations of tbe New Testament, and so
too in tbe Hebrew language there may surely be diffei'ent
translations existing alongside of one another, from which
every one may choose tbe version that most perfectly
satisfies bis tastes and bis needs."
These are golden words, which I should like myself to
take to heart, and shall be greatly delighted if Salkinson' s
translation should obtain numerous Jewish readers and
should be tbe means of leading many to tbe conviction tbat
Jesus Christ is Israel's noblest son, the holiest and divinest
Man and tbe Servant of tbe Lord, who has offered Himself
up for His people and for the whole world of sinners ; and
I consider it a providential circumstance, a gracious dis-
pensation of my God, that the new translation has appeared
before my departure. I have received from it a new
impulse in the revision of my own work, and I openly
140 MY HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT.
acknowledge that the discovery of the imperfections of my
own work has been greatly increased since the year 1885.
Yet at the same time I am still thoroughly convinced of
the somidness of the principle which I followed in my
translation of rendering the New Testament into Hebrew
of such a kind as the sacred writers would themselves have
employed had they thought and written in Hebrew. There
are several passages, though the number is by no means
great, in which Salkinson has made in his version what we
might style a more happy hit. Nevertheless continued
study of the New Testament and of biblical and post-biblical
Hebrew, especially of the Hebrew syntax, and the careful
consideration of critical reviews which in rich abundance lie
before me, have led me ever more and more to the humbling
conclusion that I am still very far short of reaching the ideal
of a Hebrew counterpart of the Greek New Testament.
A new reprint of the 32mo edition of my work has just
now appeared. Although the edition has been electrotyped,
I have been able to make various improvements in it by
having some plates recast and occasional corrections made
in some of the other plates. Including the octavo edition,
which appeared in the year 1885, this new 32mo edition
may be reckoned the ninth. The octavo edition has not
been electrotyped, and it is to be followed by a tenth edition,
for which Hebrew types more in accordance with the national
pattern than those previously employed will be provided.
It is my earnest prayer that God may preserve my life so
long that I may be able to give expression to my most mature
convictions in this tenth edition. It will be not merely a
revision of my translation, but a new translation.
And now I shall point out a few instances to show how
much still remains to be done in order to the perfect per-
formance of the task, and only as a preliminary example I
give what follows. The imperial name Kalaap occurs in
the New Testament no less than twenty-eight times. My
EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA. 341
translation as well as that of Salkinson's, with two striking
exceptions, in Luke iii. 5, Philippians iv. 22, renders this
Kaiaap by "19''|i'.ri. But as in the New Testament Greek
this word Kalaap is always found without the article, and is
therefore treated as a self-determining proper name, so it
would seem that the Hebrew ~lD"'p in the Talmud and
Midrasch is also always employed without the article. In
every case then the article should be removed. But how will
this principle affect such a phrase as WDV r\')^^D ? In the
case of these two words we find that in the oldest synagogal
literature Wf^U has not the article, whereas in my trans-
lation, as well as in Salkinson's, the phrase is throughout
written D^'2Ii^^ r)^D7!2. Is the article also in this instance
to be dispensed with ? We shall seek to answer this
question in our next paper.
Feanz Delitzsch.
EABLY CHBISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHBYGIA.
A STUDY IN THE EABLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
III.
The inscriptions which constitute the foundation of this
study belong to what is, as a general rule, the least interest-
ing and the least important class of ancient epigraphic re-
mains— the commonplace epitaph. In the epitaphs of Asia
Minor especially a dreary monotony is the rule. A number
of formulas are stereotyped, and long series of inscriptions
repeat one or other of them with very little variety beyond
that of names and dates. During my first journeys in Asia
Minor these wearisome epitaphs were a severe trial to my
patience, and it seemed almost useless to take the trouble
of copying them. Time was precious, and work was press-
ing, and it was hard to waste minutes or hours in getting
access to and copying such uninteresting and valueless
142 EAIiLT CHRISTIAN MONmiENTS IN PHRYOIA:
epitaphs. Frequently when an inscription was reported,
I got its appearance described, and if the description
showed that it was an epitaph dechned to waste time in
hunting it up, a process which sometimes involves the
expenditure of considerable diplomacy, time, and money.
In many of the Christian epitaphs, the fact that they are
Christian constitutes tlie sole interest. Otherwise they
hardly differ except in the personal names from dozens of
their neighbours. But I trust to have shown by the
examples already quoted that even from this most despised
class of documents intelligent study may derive some im-
portant historical conclusions. Varieties of style and for-
mula have been shown to spring from difference in religious
training and in social circumstances, and two distinct tides
of Christianizing influence, differing in character, have-
been traced. AVhen Christianity became supreme these
provincial differences v/ere proscribed and rapidly dis-
appeared, but it is a distinct gain to know that they ever
existed. The Church of north-western Phrygia has been
traced, by a hypothesis which has in its favour antecedent
probability and a certain amount of positive indications,
to a Bithynian origin, and it has been shown that the
Bithynian ^ tradition assigned the beginning of Christianity
in that country to the visit paid by Paul and Silas to the
Troad.' The origin of the other stream of Christianizing
^ I have assumed the Henuineiiess of the famous disputed letter of Trajan
about the Bithynian Christians : it apjjears to me that the criticism directed
upon it has only proved more conclusively that it must be genuine. It forms
no part of my task to discuss such points, and the same remark which has been
made about Trajan's letter may be applied to some other documents, which I
have already cjuoted or may quote below.
- Without contending that the tradition, mentioned already (Tut ExrosixoL,
October, 188H, p. 2G-1), of the visit paid by Paul dnd Silas to the country
between Cyzicus and the Rbyndacus is really very ancient in origin, I may
mention that the natural way for them to go from Phrygia and Galatia to tbe
Troad (Acts xvi. 6-8) would be through this district, and that the tradition
also agrees with the recorded history in not making them appear east of the
Pihyudacus in the Itoman [iroviuce of Bitliynia;
A STUDY IN TEE EARLY HISTORY OF TEE GEURGE. 143
influence in central and southern Phrygia cannot be doubt-
ful. Antecedent probability is that this influence proceeds
from the valley where Laodiceia, Colossse, and Hierapolis
lie ; and the documentary evidence is most abundant and
characteristic in the districts which lie immediately east
and north-east of that valley, and grows less distinctive
and approximates more and more to the general type of
Christian documents, as we go farther away. Thus the
second and chief stream of Christianizing influence also is
traced back to St. Paul, from whom the Churches of
Laodiceia and CoIossib derived their origin.
It will be best to devote one of these articles to a
description of the local limits and of the characteristics
of the Church of central and southern Phrygia. But before
essaying this task, it is necessary to discuss one pre-
liminary point, which is both of the first importance and of
the greatest difficulty — I mean the influence and authority
exercised by powerful individuals in founding and consoli-
dating the Church in Phrygia. This subject leads us on
to difficult and dangerous ground, a battlefield where con-
troversy has raged without having yet reached a conclusion.
I must therefore repeat my warning as to the scope of
these Studies. I do not and cannot speak from the point
of view of the Church historian. My purpose is only to
show that a great amount of neglected evidence bearing
on this important period of history is in existence, and is
perishing year by year. But the duty of the archa3ologist
is not completed by the mere collection and cataloguing
of raw material, or by the publication of the bare text of
new documents, however important and in many cases
difficult this too thankless task is. The due interpretation
of the natural sense of the documents equally belongs to his
province. Pie is bound to study them from his own point
of view, and his point of xiew is totally different from that
of the historian, to whom these documents come as mere
lU EABLY GliBiSTIAN MONUMENT'S IN PEBYGIA :
small parts of a great mass of evidence, which he looks at
with eyes already habituated to a certain view of the sub-
ject. The archaeologist, on the other hand, is penetrated
with the belief that each new document is an end in itself.
He has the conviction that all of them are redolent of
the soil and atmosphere where they were produced. He
familiarizes himself with the tone and colour and spirit of
the country, brings himself as much as possible under the
influence of its scenery and atmosphere, and tries to realize
in full vividness the surroundings in which and the feelings
with which the documents that he has to interpret were
composed and engraved. I believe that one can hardly
insist too strongly on the influence of nature over the
human spirit in Phrygia. There is no country where the
character of the land has more thoroughly impressed itself
on the people, producing a remarkable uniformity of type
in the many races which have contributed to form its popu-
lation. A tone of melancholy, often of monotony, in the
landscape, combined with the conditions of agriculture,
whose success or failure seems to depend very much on
the heavens and very little on human labour, produced a
subdued and resigned tone in its inhabitants, a sense of
the overpowering might of nature, and a strong belief in
and receptivity of the Divine influence. The archseologist
who would understand or interpret the unused historical
material in Asia Minor must saturate himself with the
spirit and atmosphere of the country ; and though I feel
how far short I fall of the ideal, yet this is the spirit in
which I should wish to write. It must be remembered
that, in thus studying a single group of documents apart
from the general evidence bearing on the subject, there is
always a danger of straining their interpretation, and I
cannot hope to have wholly escaped this danger.
The obscure and ill-composed epitaph which was pub-
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 145
lisbed above as No. 12,^ appears to me, with all its miserable
Greek, to be one of the most instructive of the Phrygian
documents in regard to the tone of the early Christians to
their leaders, and I have therefore added the Greek text
in a footnote, inasmuch as no translation can ever fairly
represent an ancient document. The writer of this epitaph
was full of the same feeling which led the Phrygians of
the Pentapolis to style their hero of the second century
" the equal of the apostles." The leaders and preachers
of Phrygia were felt by their converts and disciples to be
really the successors of the apostles, and their people
entertained for them all the respect and veneration (and we
may be sure paid them the unhesitating obedience) which
breathes through the title and the epitaph which have just
been quoted. Under what actual name these great leaders
exercised their authority, I cannot presume to decide : this
is a point which must be determined by the Church his-
torians ; but, as I said above, the scanty evidence seems
to me to point to the conclusion that the title " bishop "
was not in ordinary use in the early Phrygian Church. So
far as I can presume to hold an opinion the leader and
" equal of the apostles " exercised his supreme and im-
plicitly accepted authority under the humble title of pres-
byter : he was one among a number, and the wide authority
which he exercised depended on personal ascendency, and
was not accompanied by any distinguishing official name
and express rank. The two typical cases in the second
century are Avircius and Montanus. The former is in later
history called Bishop of Hierapolis, and it is quite clear
1 AkvKixv Kadopxs [KaJrexCet, s]f'''[e]i oDtos 6 rvfx'^os
ov 9eov avyiXoii re woOrjrov,
Aaov Trpoffrdfievoi' , vo/JLip T[a] diKea (fipovQiV
"RpOe [i.i'.rjXdi] 5^ d^fJLa Oeov /X€[y]as Tai.fj.aLS [t] dvawava-ii'.
Ill line 3 (ppovSiu has been substituted for (ppovovvra, which would give better
syntax and better metre, and perhaps efd' was intended instead of |eVe. raifials
apparently for rc/xals : fxeras engraved for fxeyas. The rest of the epitaph does
not bear on our subject.
VOL. IX. 10
M6 EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PURYGIA:
that he exercised a personal ascendency which perhaps
surpassed that of the later bishops ; but the natural con-
clusion from the only reference to him in literature, vis.
the dedication of the tractate against Montanism by his
fellow presbyter,^ is that he was usually styled presbyter.
More is known about Montanus, but the evidence is dis-
torted by the prejudice and hatred cherished against a
leader, who was held to have betrayed the cause and to
have become an apostle of evil. But there can be no doubt
that Montanus considered himself to be the apostle of
light, and that his character, position, and influence were
analogous to those of the other leaders who made the
Church of Phrygia, and whose memory has not been kept
alive by the brand of heresy. There is not the slightest
evidence or even probability that Montanus was ever
styled bishop. The opinion is now general that Montanus
represented the old school of Phrygian Christianity, as
opposed to the organized and regulated hierarchical Church
which was making Christianity a power in the world, and
that "the chief opponents of the Montanists were the
bishops."- The very name Kataphryges, which was given
to his followers, shows that he was considered to be a
representative of the old Phrygian spirit and custom.
The bishops however won the day ; Phrygian custom
and the individuality of the Phrygian Church were sacrificed
to the uniformity of the Church Catholic. Everything
known about the later organization of the Phrygian Church
* The anonymous author speaks of " our fellow presbyter, Zoticus of Otrous."
Otrous was a town about three miles west of Hierapolis, where Avircius lived.
It seems to me that only prepossession can make such a writer as Bonwetseh,
after quoting this jjassage, use it as an argument that Avircius was actually
called bishop. The author also addresses him by the respectful phrase w /xaKapie.
The interpretation advocated above, that Avircius had the authority and per-
sonal influence of an " equal of the apostles," but only the title of presbyter,
seems to exi^lain the evidence of this tractate, and to show why a man who
exercised even greater authority than the later bishops received in later docu-
ments the title bishoi).
- Comj)are Bonwetseh, Gesclnclite des Montanismiis, jip. 11, 12, and jMssiin.
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 147
shows that it was framed according to the civil organization :
every city had its bishop, and the bishop of each provincial
metropolis exercised a certain authority over the bishops of
the cities in his province. No other crisis in the Phrygian
Church is known when this organization is likely to have
been substituted for the old, looser system of personal
authority and influence. One who approaches the subject
of Church organization after studying the civil organization
of the Anatolian provinces, and who sees the two coinciding
with each other as far back as the records reach, is forced
to the conclusion that it originated when the Phrygian
Church was brought into conformity and closer union with
the Church in general, i.e. at the Montanist controversy
following after a.d. IGO.
The bishops indeed won the day, but they did not succeed
in making Phrygia thoroughly orthodox, or in putting their
system into the hearts of the whole people. AVe should
be glad to find some traces of the true character and tone
of Montanism, as described by those who came under its
influence. If something was gained in power and unifor-
mity, something also was lost in fervour, by the proscribing
of Montanism as a heresy ; and the Church in Phr3^gia
certainly ceased to be the Church of Phrygia. Complaints
of the heterodoxy and abominable heresies of Phrygia are
common in later times. In the scanty records of its history
frequently some slight detail suggests that underneath the
orthodox hierarchy of bishops another religious system,
which lies deeper, gives an occasional sign of its existence.
But it eludes our search ; the sign, too unsubstantial a
ground for argument, melts away as it is examined.^
'■ I will go forward, sayest thou,
I shall not fail to find her now.
Look ni3, the fold is on her brow."
1 Montanism is a subject which has long had a special interest for me, and
on which I have been most eacer to discover some evidence.
148 EAELY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PEE7GIA:
Montanus was no bishop, but he exercised a practically
boundless influence over his followers, and he preserves to
us the earlier character of the Phrygian Church. The
name however under which authority is exercised is imma-
terial ; the important fact is that widespreading authority
and influence of individual teachers is the character of the
early Phrygian Church. The Phrygian Church gradually
organized itself on the model of the civil organization ; but
on the whole the change is in the direction of breaking
up the more wide-reaching ascendency of the old leaders.
The tendency of the early Byzantine policy in central Asia
Minor was to break up the wide territories of the great cities
by raising villages or small subject towns to the dignity
of independent cities, and the principle was expressly
laid down that every city should have its own bishop, an
exception being made by Justinian in the case of Isauro-
polis, which, probably on account of its proximity, was to
remain under the authority of the Bishop of Leontopolis.^
In some cases the Church resisted the principle that civil
division should cause ecclesiastical division also, but as a
general rule the former was followed as a matter of course
by the latter. After much examination and many various
attempts, I have at last been driven to the conclusion that
the only way of explaining various discrepancies between
the civil boundaries of certain provinces in Asia Minor
and the ecclesiastical lists is due to old religious con-
nexions or to the personal ascendency of great religious
leaders. To discuss this as fully as the material extends
would require an article to itself, but one or two examples
which bear specially on our immediate purpose may be here
quoted.
^ I regret to have lost the precise reference, and my memory jjerhaps deceives
me as to the exact details, especially as to the name Leontopolis. I read the
sentence in an old collection of extracts from Greek ecclesiastical law in the
Bodleian Library, and thought I had also seen it in the Cor])us Juris Civilis,
but have recently been unable to find it.
A STUDY m THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 149
I have frequently mentioned the north-western Phrygian
Church as being originally distinct in character from and
unconnected with the rest of Phrygia. No one who reads
over the first of these articles, and notes the connexion
there described between Kotiaion and the country of the
Prepenisseis, can fail to be struck when the fact comes
before him that in many ecclesiastical lists Kotiaion and the
country of the Prepenisseis are separated from the rest of
the province, and the bishops of the district placed under
the authority of a separate archbishop.^ I have also argued
elsewhere that the omission of Kotiaion from the list of
Hierocles is to be explained because he was greatly under
the influence of the ecclesiastical lists, which did not
class Kotiaion under Phrygia, but reckoned it as auto-
kephalous and subordinate only to the Patriarch of Con-
stantinople and not to the metropolitan of the province.
The only addition which I have now to make to the
reasoning given in the Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia,'^
is to connect this independence of the Bishop of Kotiaion
with the old religious separation between this part of
Phrygia and the rest of the province. A parallel case may
be found in Pontus. Euchaita does not occur in Hierocles,
1 In Notifies Ejnscopatimm iii., x., xiii., the Metropolitan of Kotiaion has
subject to him the bishops of Spore, Kone, aud Gaiou Kome. In my Citieii
and Bishoprics, § xc. to xcv., I have shown (long before the point which I am
now explaining occurred to me) that these three bishoprics lie on the roads
south-east of Kotiaion, the first and third being in the territory of the tribe
Prepenisseis, the third being on its border and perhaps partly in it also.
2 A writer in the Church Qitarterlij for July, 1888 (p. 309), whose generous
praise of my work has been a full reward to me for much toil, of a kind which
I should not have voluntarily chosen, presses further than I intended my words,
" the list of Hierocles is the list of the bishops of his time," when he under-
stands them (and dissents rightly from them) as meaning " the synecdfinns
itself is ecclesiastical." My rather carelessly expressed sentence was not
intended to imply more than that a list of cities is ipso facto a list of bishoprics,
and vice versa ; I did not mean that Hierocles arranges his list as a list of
bishopries would be arranged. Further study however has shown me that the
case is more complicated, aud that while in most provinces his lists are identical
with the ecclesiastical lists, in some (e.g. Hellespontus) he has used a different
authority. He arranges the cities of Asia Minor always in a geographical order.
150 EABLY CHBTSTIAN MONUMENTS IN PEBYGIA :
though it is an important town often mentioned in history.
The probable reason is that it was autokephalous, and
therefore not mentioned in ecclesiastical lists in the
province of Pontus. This honorary position was probably
due, at least in part, to the respect paid to St. Theodore of
Euchaita.
Of the apostles and martyrs of the Phrygian Church very
little is recorded, and that little is transmitted to us in such
suspicious authorities and with such impossible surround-
ings, that it is very doubtful how far the personages described
can be accepted as historical characters. I propose here
to examine the evidence about two of these personages, to
endeavour to separate the legendary from the historical
element in their personality, and to trace how the latter
has been preserved in memory and how the former has
grown around it. The first case is that of St. Artemon,
whose story, connected partly with Laodiceia and partly
with Diocsesareia (a town on the southern frontier of
Phrygia), abounds in such absurd and puerile miraculous
details that the Bollandists themselves entitle it " elogium
fabulosum." Unfortunately no complete biography of him
is known to have been preserved, but several brief accounts
of his martyrdom may be found in the Acta Sanctorum,
October 8th, p. 41 £f. He was a presbyter of Laodiceia in
the time of Diocletian. In company with Sisinnius, bishop
of Laodiceia, he destroyed the images in a temple, which in
one of the accounts is called the temple of Artemis, while
in another the deity to whom it was dedicated is ZEsculapius.
It is to be noted that such vagueness is always a bad sign
of the character of these documents. Moreover such con-
duct is contrary to all that we know about the Christians of
Asia Minor, who were advised not to voluntarily give them-
selves up, much less to wantonly attack the shrines and the
holy things of their neighbours. Such an account arose
during the period when pagan temples were really being
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CnUECE. 151
destroyed by the victorious Christians, and when deeds
similar to those of the present were attributed to the heroes
of the past. He was arrested on the road from Laodiceia
to Diocsesareia,^ and a hind brought news of his arrest
to the Bishop Sisinnius. The javehns which the governor
ordered to be hurled at Artemon slew one of his own
assessors. A pool, probably the actual lake of Diocaesareia,
was produced at the prayers of the saint. Other details are
really too grotesque and puerile for repetition.
As the Bollandists have already labelled it, this account
obviously belongs to the sphere of legend, not of history.
At one time this admission would have been considered a
sufficient reason for relegating the document to the limbo
of oblivion. In recent time however the study of legend
and mythology has become a science. The mere rationali-
zation of legend by omitting the marvellous and leaving
a residue of physical possibility is of course an utterly
unjustifiable and unscientific process ; the residue which
is thus obtained is not one whit more historical than the
whole legend to which it belongs. Some definite objective
evidence, outside of the legend, unconnected with it, and
of independent certainty, must be obtained ; and the legend
tested thereby sometimes yields real information of a very
different kind from that which it professes to give. It is
now an accepted principle that even the genesis of legend
is an historical process, which may throw light at least on
the character of the age when the legend grew, if not on
the age to which it professes to belong.
The problem now is to find some external evidence which
shall furnish a criterion in this particular case. The pre-
ceding statement has exhibited the relation of the details
^ The authorities all say Cffisareia ; hut DiocEesareia was not very far from
Laodiceia, and was in the Eoman conventus whose administrative centre was at
Laodiceia, whereas no city Ciesareia existed in Phrygia. On this point I shall
have more to say below.
152 EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA :
to actual localities in a way which was impossible until the
general survey of Phrygia was organized by the Asia
Minor Exploration Committee. We may now say confi-
dently, that the local surroundings are not fictitious, but
real. The legend of the origin of the lake of Diocsesareia
must have arisen at a time when there was a tendency to
connect natural phenomena with the history of Christian
saints, and when therefore the veneration of saints
possessed a strong hold on the popular mind. In the old
pagan time the reason for such phenomena of nature was
found in the action of the deities, action of a capricious
kind, and not in accordance with general principle. The
Christians of Phrygia supplied the place of the old anthropo-
morphic deities by the saints, who had been the champions
of their faith. This same process is a familiar one in the his-
tory of religion. Among the Teutonic races we find stories,
whose details are among the earliest heirlooms of the Indo-
European races, and which were once told about pagan
deities, related with only the changed personality of Christ
and the apostles. But it must be observed that this
explanation presupposes the existence of a widespread
respect for the saint ; he must have been already venerated
before the legend could arise. If we can fix a date for the
growth of the legend, we can then say that St. Artemon
was then and for some time before that date an object
of general veneration in southern Phrygia and the heir to
the legendary heritage of the pagan deities.
Fidelity of local detail is one of the most important
characteristics of the class of tales which is here described.
This class of tales has grown up among the people of a
district, and has the character of popular legend ; it is
to be distinguished from another class which seems to be
purely invented and to have no roots in popular belief and
no clear local indications. I have here assumed the truth
of the discussion of the localities which is given in full else-
A STUDY IN THE EABLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 153
where : ^ the precise amount of evidence in every detail need
not be repeated here, but should be carefully scrutinised by
those who wish to reach the truth.
In the details of the legend of Artemon no sufficient clue
is furnished as to the date of its composition. The trans-
mitted form of one of the versions is later than a.d. 536,
for it mentions the governor stationed at Laodiceia under
the title comes, and Justinian in that year made a new
arrangement of the provincial governments, and for the
first time placed at Laodiceia a comes as governor of
Phrygia Pacatiana.^ But briefer accounts quoted by the
Bollandists from Greek Menasa preserve different forms of
the tale ; and one which speaks of the temple of iEscu-
lapius, and of the two serpents which lived in it, seems to
be of better character, and to show some real knowledge
of the time when paganism was still existent, though the
length of the serpents is exaggerated to eighty cubits.
Some importance is to be attached to the name CoBsareia.
The native name of Diocaesareia was Keretapa. Under
the influence of the Grceco-Roman civilization, which was
diffused in a very superficial way over the central provinces
of Asia Minor, the Roman name Diocaesareia was sub-
stituted for the vulgar Phrygian name. But this official
term never became thoroughly popular, and after a time,
probably as early as the fourth century, it passed out of
use, and the native name came once more into general
employment. The tale of Artemon preserves the recollec-
tion of the time when Dioceesareia was the name of the
city. But in the later versions of the tale, which alone are
^ See my papers on "Antiquities of Southern Phrygia and the Border
Lands" in American Journal of Archaoloyy , 1887-88, section on Diocssareia
Keretapa.
- The same feature also proves that this version is not later than the century
immediately following Justinian. The government of Phrygia was entirely
remodelled in the following century, when the Themes were instituted, and
probably Laodiceia ceased then to be a seat of government, while the impreg-
nable fortress of Chonai took its place.
154 EABLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA:
preserved, the writer, having no knowledge of the locahties,
does not understand the now disused name, and substitutes
for it the commoner form Cassareia. This shght detail
furnishes a valuable proof of the antiquity of the story.
It takes us back to a fourth century version, possibly
only an oral version, in which St. Artemon was connected
both with the small country town of Diocresareia and
with the seat of the Boman officials at Laodiceia, and
in which fidelity of local details was a characteristic.
The trial of a townsman of Dioceesareia for an offence
against Roman law would necessarily be held at the govern-
ment centre Laodiceia, the seat of the conveiitus. In all
probability this is the only historical part now recoverable
from the legend. The rest consists of floating popular tales,
which gathered round the person of the popular Christian
hero as a fixed point.
The tale of Artemon is one of many which grew in the
popular mind during the fourth century, and many of
which assumed literary form during the fifth century. The
form in which many of them are written down exhibits
to us the historical circumstances which obtained about
400-450 A.D.^ The Eoman officials mentioned bear the
titles and perform the functions which belonged to officials
of the early Byzantine empire, and which were unknown
under the Eoman empire. The tales may be taken as
evidence of the state of society and belief during the
period when they were written. The leading incidents
were not invented by the person who gave literary form
to the tales. They have the character of popular spon-
taneous legend, arising among a people not highly
educated, about personages whose memory was preserved
by religious veneration and by actual Church ceremonial.
This point is the key-stone of the view which is here
^ Perhaps some other version of the Artemon-legend ruay yet be found in
MS., earlier and more detailed than those which are iDublished.
A STUDY IN TEE EARLY HISTOEY OF THE CEUUGE. 155
expressed. The permanence and unalterableness of re-
ligious ritual, as distinguished from the fluctuation of
mere oral tradition and popular legend, make it the one
sure guide in the study of mythology. If memorial cere-
monies kept alive the recollection of the more distinguished
martyrs, the popular imagination was kept right in some
main details, while the importance thus given to their
personality made them fixed centres round which floating
details and vague beliefs gathered. It is, I believe, a fact
that such memorial services were performed in honour of
the great saints of the early Church, and that at these ser-
vices such discourses as that of Gregory Nyssenus on the
Forty Martyrs were delivered ; though on such a point I
speak with all diffidence. Such was the way in which the
memory of St. Artemon was kept fresh by thoroughly
trustworthy evidence as to some of the main facts, and yet
his personality became a centre of mere popular tales.
I do not of course maintain that all tales of Asian saints
rank in the class. Each one must be examined separately,
and vividness of local detail is one of the chief criteria for
admitting any tale into this class. My purpose is only to
show that some tales do belong to this class ; but several
examples might be given of tales, which have not the
slightest trace of local colouring or reality about them.
While the general facts were given by popular legend,
the literary form is due to the genius, or want of genius,
of the writer. How much should be attributed to the
former cause, and how much to the latter, it is not possible
to determine absolutely, though an approximation may be
made in each case, and something may be learned about the
ability and character of the writer in the cases where a
longer biography is preserved. It is not certain whether
the hand of a single writer is to be traced throughout, or
whether there was a general wave of hagiography over
Asia Minor. Probably such a general tendency did charac-
156 EABLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHBYGIA:
terize the fifth century, but at the same time it may be
possible to trace the work of the same writer in several
biographies. The whole subject however requires patient
investigation, and I cannot hope to have hit the truth
entirely, much less to have exhausted what might be
learned, in these remarks, which are founded only on a
hasty perusal of part of the material, undertaken at first for
purposes of topography, and made in the intervals of a busy
life devoted chiefly to other pursuits. I shall be entirely
satisfied if I succeed in drawing more attention to the Chris-
tian antiquities of Asia Minor, and in arousing others to
correct me and to do better what I here do imperfectly.
It is possible that the foregoing remarks may be held
extravagant, but I think it best to draw with rigorous logic
the conclusions that seem to follow from the principles enun-
ciated ; and those who consider that the conclusions involve
too great a strain on their credulity will scrutinize with
proper severity the premises from which they are deduced.
It has fortunately happened that in the explorations car-
ried out in connexion with the Asia Minor Exploration
Fund indubitable evidence was discovered of the historical
character of another Phrygian saint, in whom the legendary
and fantastic and marvellous element is almost as strongly
marked as in the tale of Artemon. Here we have a case
where it is possible to compare the legend with the histori-
cal facts, to trace the origin of the legendary details, and
to show the real facts out of which some of them grew.
The whole circumstances furnish a striking example of
the way in which archaeological evidence may be used to
estimate and establish the authority of semi-historical
documents. Assuming all that has been said by the Bishop
of Durham in this magazine, January, 1885, p. 3ff., on the
special legend which I have to discuss, I shall, in the first
place, enumerate the main points in the tale, so as to bring
out both the purely fictitious character and the probable
A STUDY IN THE EABLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 157
origin of many of them, and also to show something of the
character of the writer who first put the tale in literary-
form. My view is that he wrote about 890-410 a.d., that
he was a man of fair education and knowledge, and that
many details are not of such a character as he would be
likely to invent, but bear all the marks of free creative
popular mythology.
It is possible that the tale has passed through subsequent
editions ; but on this point I express no opinion. In the
main, I hold that it may be considered as a document of
400 A.D. It may be mentioned that this date was proposed
by me in 1883. M. I'Abbe Duchesne argued against my
reasons and advocated a sixth century date. I have replied
to his arguments in a later paper, and I am glad to find my
opinion corroborated by such an authority as the Bishop of
Durham.^
When Marcus Antoninus and Lucius Yerus were em-
perors, there went forth a decree that all should sacrifice to
the gods. Publius, who was governor of Lesser Phrygia,
carried out the command in his own province, and in par-
ticular the senate and people of Hierapolis, clad in white
apparel, offered solemn sacrifice. Aberkios," who was
Bishop of Hierapolis, seeing what was being done, prayed
in anguish of spirit for great part of a day, and then falling
asleep, beheld in a dream a young man of noble aspect, who
put a staff in his hand and bade him destroy therewith the
1 " The Tale of St. Abercius " in Journal of Hellenic Studies in 1882, p. 339 ff. ;
L. Duchesne in Revue des Questions Historiques, July, 1883, p. 1 ff. ; Cities and
Bishoprics, part ii., § xxviii., 1887 ; Lightfoot, Ignatius and Polycarp, vol. i.,
p. 483. A difficulty which I found in my own view [Cit. and Bish., vol. i., p.
425), and which is cleared away by Bishop Lightfoot, is now disposed of by
other reasons on a more careful examination of the stone.
- I use here the spelling of the biography (see Acta Sanctorum, October 22nd).
A few pages previously I used the second century spelling Avircius, which
occurs in the anonymous treatise against Moutanistn. During the third cen-
tury it became customary to use /3 where older documents use ov to express the
sound of our v or to. I call Aberkios the hero of the legend, Avircius the
historical character.
158 EABLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHB7GIA:
false gods. Awakening full of zeal, Aberkios took a large
piece of wood, and going about the ninth hour to the
temple of Apollo, which was the chief sanctuary of the city,
he forced open the doors, and rushing in overthrew and
broke in pieces the statue of the god. Thereafter he broke
in succession the statues of all the other gods which were
in the temple. Neither did the gods themselves inter-
fere to save themselves, proving thus by their inaction the
folly of men in worshipping and calling gods mere stocks
and stones, nor did the ministers of the temple, who were
struck with astonishment, raise a hand against him in de-
fence of their deities : and Aberkios, after pointing the
moral to be drawn from the helplessness of the deities whose
sacred images he had broken, retired to his own home like
a victor from battle. Towards evening the ministers of
the temple recovered from their astonishment, and formally
accused Aberkios before the municipal senate. In the
morning a meeting of the people was held in the temple to
deliberate. The mob were eager to burn the house of
Aberkios over his head ; but the senate, fearing that the
conflagration might spread, and that they might be involved
in trouble with the governor of the province, resolved to
arrest Aberkios and any associates whom he might have,
and send all for trial before the governor.^ During the
delay caused by the difference of opinion in the public
meeting certain of the Christians came to warn Aberkios of
the design against him, and found him engaged in instruct-
ing the crowds who resorted to him. His fi'iends advised
him to retire for a short time from the city ; but he declined
to do so, and going forth into the marketplace he began
to teach in public.
^ In that case they would liave been sent to Synnada, the seat of the con-
ventus (assuming for the moment the historical character of the incident), just
as it was shown above that Artemon must have been sent from Diocjesareia to
Laodiceia for trial.
A STUDY IN THE EAELY HISTORY OF THE CHUBGH. 159
The multitude were now roused to greater fury when
news was brought into the temple of this open defiance.
The senators could no longer restrain them, and they
rushed to the marketplace to kill the saint. As they
approached him, three young men possessed by demons,
hurried forth in front of them, with foaming mouths and
squinting eyes, biting their own hands, and calling out,
" We adjure thee by the true and only God, whom thou
preachest, not to torment us before our time." All stood
still, and gazed on the saint, who, after praying aloud,
touched the young men with the staff which he car-
ried, and ordered the evil spirits to come out of them.
They were healed forthwith, and from henceforth would
never leave the side of Aberkios. The multitude, to a man,
renounced idolatry and were converted on the spot. As it
was too late to baptize them that day, the ceremony was
postponed till the morrow, and many of the new converts
spent the whole night in the open marketplace. On the
next day five hundred persons were baptized.
Such is the scene with which the biography of Aberkios
opens. Its utterly fabulous character is plain. Examining
it a little more closely, we can see that it could not arise
until long after the events which it relates. I have in the
preceding paper described the true character of the struggle
which took place in the second and third centuries. It was
not a struggle between the religion of Christ and the religion
of Apollo or Jupiter ; it was a struggle between the supreme
State religion, the worship of the emperors, and the religion
which claimed to be sole and universal. In this tale there
is not a word about such an aspect of the religious question ;
and it cannot therefore have arisen so long as such a question
was placed alone before the world. But in the attempted
revival of paganism by the Emperor Julian, in 361-363 a.d.,
the question was different. The attempt was then actually
made to restore the worship of the old gods, Apollo and
160 EARLY CHRTSTTAN MONUMENTS IN PERYGTA.
Jupiter and the rest ; and the tale, which could not have
arisen before this time, might very naturally come into
existence after it.
It is probable that the name Apollo is true to nature. I
need not here enter on the point, but it can be shown that
the god of Hierapolis was identified with the Greek Apollo,
and was frequently called by that name by Greek speakers.
In reality he was a purely Phrygian deity, a sun-god, who
in some respects, and especially as a god of prophecy and as
a solar deity, approximated to the character of the Greek
Apollo. Remains, which I take to be those of the temple of
Hierapolis, can still be traced just appearing above the soil
at a wretched village called Kotch Hissar ; they are of great
extent, and are built of unusually large blocks of stone, in a
style which seems to be older than the Roman domination.
The tale arose before recollection had ceased of the time
when a temple of Apollo at Hierapolis had been the chief
sanctuary of the whole Pentapolis.^ The picture of the
senate and people clad in white is true to Roman custom :
the touch is due to the writer, and implies that either he
had actually seen such a ceremony in the time of Julian, or
that he had learned it by reading Roman authors. Most
of the opening scene probably is due to the writer's free
invention. It has not the character of popular legend, but
appears to be written in free imitation and exaggeration
of passages in the New Testament by a person who had
actually seen or heard from eye-witnesses about ceremonies
held in the temple of Apollo at Hierapolis.
W. M. Rams A r.
(To he continued.)
1 I have treated this point in a paper " Trois Villas Phrygieunes," in the
Bulletin dc Curres^ondance Helleiiique, 1882.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBBEWS.
VII. Christ and Moses (Chap. hi.).
The remarkable statement concerning the nature and way
of salvation contained in the section which we have been
considering in the three last papers supplies ample material
for a new exhortation. The writer has shown that the
Christian salvation consists in nothing less than lordship in
the world to come. He has set forth Christ as the Captain
of this salvation, and the High Priest of the new people of
God, the Moses and the Aaron of Christendom, and in both
capacities as the Sanctifier of the sons of God whom He
leads to glory, and, in order to the efficient discharge of that
function, one with His brethren in nature and experience.
The immense supply of motive power stored up in this
densely packed group of thoughts he now brings to bear
on the tempted Hebrew Christians as an inducement to
stedfastness : " Wherefore, holy brethren, partakers of a
heavenly calling, consider the Apostle and High Priest of
our confession, Jesus."
Every word here is an echo of something going before,
and is instinct with persuasive virtue. "Brethren" of
Him who in a fraternal spirit identified Himself with the
unholy, and for their sakes took flesh and tasted death.
" Holy," at least in standing, in virtue of the priestly action
of the Sanctifier; and because holy in this sense, under
obligation to make their consecration to God a reality by
living a truly Christian life. " Partakers of a heavenly call-
ing " — thus described, at once with truth and with rhetorical
skill, with a backward glance at the greatness of the Chris-
VOL. IX. l''^ II
162 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
tian's hope as the destined lord of the future world, and with
a mental reference to the contrast between that glorious
prospect and the present state of believers as partakers of
flesh and blood, and subject to death and the fear thereof;
reminding them at the same time of the blessed truth that
as Christ became partaker of their present lot, so they were
destined to be partakers of His glorious inheritance, the
unity and fellowship between Him and His people being on
both sides perfect and complete. The epithet "heavenly"
gracefully varies the point of view from which the inheri-
tance is contemplated. The world to come becomes now a
world above, a celestial country. The change in the mode
of expression is an oratorical variation, but it is more, even a
contribution to the parenetic force of the sentence, for the
heavenly in the thought of the writer here and throughout
the epistle is the real, the abiding. Heaven is the place
of realities, as this material world is the place of shadows.
Such is our author's philosophic view-point, if we may
ascribe such a thing to him, his way of contemplating the
universe, supposed by some to be borrowed from Philo and
the Alexandrine school of philosophy ; certainly a marked
peculiarity, whencesoever derived. With the heavenly
world Christianity is identified, and thereby its absolute and
abiding nature is strongly asserted, as against Judaism,
which as belonging to the visible world is necessarily
doomed to pass away. This contrast indeed does not find
open expression here, but that it is in the writer's mind
the sequel abundantly shows. He uses his philosophy for
his apologetic purpose, employing it as a vehicle for ex-
pressing and defending the thesis : Judaism transient,
Christianity for aye.^
The titles here ascribed to Jesus also arise out of the
previous context, and are fall of significance. Specially
"' On this point vide Pfleidever's PaiiUnismus, p. 326.
CHRIST AND MOSES. 163
noteworthy is the former of the two, "Apostle," here only
applied to Christ. The use of this epithet in reference to
our Lord is one of many indications of the fresh creative
genius of the writer, and of the unconventional nature of
his style. When he calls Christ an apostle he is not think-
ing of the twelve apostles, or of Christ's prophetic office.
Christ's claim to attention as one through whom God has
spoken His last word to men he has sufficiently recognised
and insisted on in the first exhortation (ii. 1-4). He is
thinking rather of the apostleship of Moses. The basis
for the title is such a text as Exodus iii. 10 : " Come now
therefore, and I v;ill send thee (dTroareiXco, Sept.) unto
Pharaoh, that thou mayest bring forth My people the
children of Israel out of Egypt." Moses was an apostle,
as one sent by God on the important mission of leading the
enslaved race of Israel out of Egypt into Canaan. Christ
was our Apostle, as one sent by God to be the Leader in the
greater salvation. The Apostle of our Christian confession
and the " Captain of salvation " are synonymous designa-
tions. Something indeed might be said for taking it as a
generic title, including all Christ's functions. In that case
it might have stood alone, though even then special men-
tion of the priestly office would have been appropriate, as
having been previously named, and as a source of peculiar
comfort and inspiration, and also because it is in the sequel
the subject of a lengthened consideration. As applied to
it the exhortation to consider has a somewhat different
meaning from that which it bears in reference to the title
Apostle. "Consider the Apostle" means, consider for
practical purposes a subject already sufficiently understood ;
"consider the High Priest" means, consider the doctrine
of Christ's priesthood, that ye may first understand it, and
then prove its practical value.
Christ the Apostle is the immediate subject of contempla-
tion. That aspect is in view throughout the third and
164 THE EPISTLE TO TEE BEBREWS.
fourth chapters, the priestly aspect being presented at the
close of the latter, as an introduction to the long discussion
which commences with the fifth chapter and extends to
the tenth. "Consider the Apostle of our confession " is the
rubric of this new section.
To guide consideration, a point of view is suggested con-
gruous to the practical aim. The aim being to promote
steadfastness in the Christian faith and life, the selected
point of view is the fidelity of Jesus our Apostle. "Who
was faithful to Him that made Him," In other words,
"faithful to His vocation." God made Jesus, as in 1 Samuel
xii. 6 He is said to have made Moses and Aaron. The
underlying idea is, that it is God in His providence who
raises up all great actors in human affairs and prepares
them for their position as public men. God made Jesus
by giving Him His unique place in the world's history, as
the chief agent in the work of redemption. And Jesus
was faithful to God by discharging faithfully the high duties
entrusted to Him. What the Hebrews are invited to do
therefore, is to consider Jesus as the faithful Captain of
salvation, who never betrayed His trust, shirked His re-
sponsibilities, or neglected duty to escape personal suffering,
and who at the last great crisis said, " Not My will, but
Thine be done." For of course the theatre in which
Christ's fidelity was displayed was His earthly life of trial
and temptation. True, it is present fidelity that is asserted
{'TTiaTov ovTo), nevertheless the rendering " who was faith-
ful " is practically correct. What is meant is, that Jesus
is one who by His past career has earned the character of
the Faithful One ; that is the honourable title to which in
virtue of a spotless record He is fully entitled. The field
of observation is His public ministry on earth, assumed
to be familiar to readers of the epistle, either through our
written gospels, or through the unwritten evangelical
tradition. AVhat end could be served by pointing to a
CHRIST AND MOSES. 1G5
fidelity displayed in heaven ? Fidelity there costs no effort ;
but fidelity maintained amid constant temptation to un-
faithfulness is worth remarking on, and may fitly be com-
mended to the admiring contemplation of the tempted.
Then how inappropriate the comparison between Christ
and Moses, if the fidelity ascribed to the former were that
exercised in the heavenly state ! The faithfulness of Moses,
which drew forth the Divine commendation, was certainly
exercised on earth, and could fitly be compared to that
of Jesus only if the virtue were in both cases practised
under similar conditions. This then is what the writer
holds up to the view of his readers as an example and
source of inspiration — -the faithfulness of Jesus to God in
the fulfilment of His vocation during His earthly life. He
has already held up Jesus as Priest, as one who is faithful
to the interests of those for whom He transacts before
God, and therefore entitled to their confidence. The two
views supplement each other, and complete the picture of
the Faithful One. Faithful as Priest to men in virtue of
sympathies learned on earth, faithful as Apostle to God in
the execution of the arduous mission on which He was sent
to the world ; in the one aspect inspiring trust, in the other
exciting admiration and inciting to imitation.
The following comparison between Christ and Moses at
once serves the general end of the epistle by contributing to
the proof of the superiority of Christianity to Judaism, and
the special end of the present exhortation by affording the
opportunity of extracting wholesome lessons from the fate
of the people whom Moses led out of Egypt. The task of
exalting Christ above Moses was a delicate one, requiring
careful handling ; but the tact of the writer does not desert
him here. With rhetorical skill he first places the lesser
apostle beside the greater One, as one who like Him had
been faithful to his commission. In doing this, he simply
does justice to the familiar historical record of the Jewish
166 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
hero's life, and to God's own testimony borne on a memor-
able occasion, the substance of which he repeats in the
words, " as also Moses (was faithful) in his house." "My
servant Moses, faithful in all My house, he,"^ God had said
emphatically, to silence murmuring against him on the part
of his brother Aaron and his sister Miriam. In presence
of such strong commendation proceeding from the Divine
lips, our author, writing to Hebrews proud of their great
legislator, might well have been afraid to say anything
which even seemed to disparage him, and one wonders
what words he will find wherewith to praise Christ and set
Him above Moses, without appearing to set aside the testi-
mony of Jehovah to the worth of His servant. But the
gifted Christian doctor knows how to manage this part,
as well as all other parts of his argument. He lays hold
of the suggestive words "house" and "servant" and
turns them to account for his purpose, saying in effect,
" Moses was as faithful as any servant in a house can be :
still he was only a servant, while He of whom I now speak
was not a mere servant in the house, but a son ; and that
makes all the difference."
Verses 3 to 6a are substantially just the working out of
this thought. So much in general is clear ; but when we
look closely into these sentences, we find them a little hard
to interpret, owing to an apparent confusion of thought.
There seem to be two builders of the house : Christ (ver. 3),
it being natural to assume that he who hath builded the
house is the same with him who is said to have more glory
than Moses, and God (ver. 4), the builder of all things.
Then the same man Moses figures in two characters : first,
as the house (ver. 3), then as a servant in the house (ver. 5).
The former of these puzzles is disposed of in various ways
by the commentators. Some say there are two houses and
^ Num. xii. 7.
CHRIST AND MOSES. 167
two builders : the Old Testament house, whereof God was
builder ; and the New Testament house, whereof Christ was
the builder. Others say, there is one house and one
builder : the one house being God's supremely, Christ's
subordinately, and the builder God as the first great cause,
using His Son as His agent in building the spiritual house
as well as in making the worlds. A third class agreeing
that there is but one house and one builder, make the
builder Christ, and render the last clause of ver. 4, " He
that buildeth all things is Divine," taking ^eo? without the
article as a predicate, and finding in it an argument for
Christ's divinity. The truth doubtless is, that the house
is one, even God's, in which Moses was servant, in which
Christ is the Son, that house being the Church essentially
one and the same, though varying in form under the earlier
and the later dispensations ; whereof the builder and maker
is He that made all things, building it through His Son.
The other difficulty regarding the double character of Moses
disappears when it is explained that the word ot/co? is used
in a comprehensive sense, as signifying not merely the stone
and lime, so to speak, or even the furniture, but likewise
the household, or establishment of servants. In this sense
Moses, being a servant in the house of God, was a part of
the house, and therefore inferior to the builder ; for if he
who builds a house hath more honour than the whole house,
a fortiori he hath more honour than any part of it.
Jesus is a Son, Moses was a servant ; such, apart from all
minute questions of interpretation, is the ground on which
the greater glory is claimed for the former. But it may
be asked, the subject of comparison being the respective
fidelities of the two apostles, is not a reference to their
positions irrelevant ? What does it matter whether Moses
was son or servant, if he was faithful in all God's house,
in all parts of his work as the leader of Israel? If one
were comparing two commanders in respect of bravery and
168 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
military genius, would it not be an irrelevance to say of one
of them, he was the better man, for he was the king's son ?
The question is pertinent, but it admits of a satisfactory
answer, Keference to the superior dignity of Christ is
relevant, if His position as Son tended to enhance His
fidehty. That it did the writer doubtless meant to suggest.
Farther on we find him saying, " Though He was a Son, yet
learned He obedience." Similarly he says here in effect :
" Christ, though a Son, was faithful to His vocation amid
trial." It is a just thought. Beyond doubt we have in
Christ as Son a more sublime moral spectacle of fidelity
than in any ordinary man called to play a great and
responsible part in history. To the fidelities which He has
in common with other men, the Son adds this other :
resolute resistance to the temptation to use His sonship as
an excuse for declining arduous heroic tasks. " If Thou be
the Son of God, use Thy privilege for Thine own advantage,"
said the tempter in the wilderness, and all through life.
" Get thee behind Me, Satan," was the Son's constant
reply, giving to His faithfulness to God and duty a unique
quality and value.
But there is more than this to be said. The reference to
the dignity of Christ looks beyond the immediate parenetic
purpose to the ultimate aim of the whole epistle. It is
designed to insinuate the great truth that Christianity is
the absolute, eternal religion. For there is more in this
statement concerning Christ and Moses than meets the ear,
thoughts suggested, though not plainly expressed. One
great idea never absent from the writer's mind is here
quietly insinuated by aptly chosen phrases and pregnant
hints — the transient nature of the old dispensation in con-
trast to the abiding nature of the new. This idea casts its
shadow on the page at three different points :
1. In the contrast between Moses and Jesus as respectively
servant and Son.
CHRIST AND MOSES. 169
2. In the representation of the ministry of Moses as
being for a testimony of things to be spoken afterwards,
ver. 5 : et9 fjuapTuptov twv XakrjOricroixivmv.
3. In the representation of Christians as pre-eminently
though not exclusively God's, Christ's, house : ov oltc6<i eap,ev
rjfieU, ver. (5.
In the first, because, as Christ Himself once said, " The
servant abideth not in the house for ever : but the Son
abideth ever." And with the servant the service also must
pass away. In the second also, in spite of the difficulties
which have been raised by Bleek and others, who hold that
the things to be spoken of were the things spoken by Moses
himself to the people of Israel, and the idea intended, that
the fidelity he had hitherto exhibited ought to secure respect
for all he might say in future, and protect him from such
assaults as were made upon him by his brother and sister.
Bleek thinks that, had a reference to Christ been meant,
the writer would have written, "to be spoken in the end of
the days," or "by the Son." But over against the verbal
difficulty arising out of the use of \aX.r]6r]ao/ji6VQ}v without
qualifying phrase is to be set the far greater difficulty of
believing that the writer meant to utter in such a connexion
so paltry a thought as the one above indicated. How much
more congenial to the whole style of the epistle to find here
a hint of the truth that Moses in his whole ministry was
but a testimony to things to be spoken in the future by
another greater Apostle !
The transient nature of the Mosaic ministry as sub-
servient to the enduring ministry of the Son is a third time
hinted at in the words, tvJwse house are lue. This is not
a claim of monopoly of family privileges for Christians, but
it is an assertion that the Christian community is in an
emphatic sense the house of God. The assertion mani-
festly implies the transiency of the Mosaic system. It
suggests the thought that the house as it stood in the
170 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
times of Moses was but a rude, temporary model of the true,
eternal house of God ; good enough to furnish shelter from
the elements, so to speak, but unfit to be the everlasting
dwelling place of the children of the Most High, therefore
destined to be superseded by a more glorious structure,
having the Spirit of God for its architect, which should
be to the old fabric as was the " magnifical " temple of
Solomon to the puny tabernacle in the wilderness.
At ver. 66 transition is naturally made from Moses to
the lessons of the wilderness life of Israel. The writer is
haunted by the fear lest the tragic fate of the generation
of the exodus should be repeated in the experience of the
Hebrew Christians. He hopes that the powerful motives
arising out of the truths he has stated may bring about a
better result. But he cannot hide from himself that another
issue is possible. For the future fortunes of Christianity he
has no anxiety ; he is firmly persuaded that it will prosper,
though the Hebrew Church, or even the whole Hebrew
nation, should perish. That fatal catastrophe he dreads ;
therefore with great solemnity he proceeds to represent
retention of their position in the house of God as con-
ditional : Whose Jiouse are we, if we hold fast the confidence
and the boasting of the liope. He does not express himself
so strongly here as in ver. 14, where the thought is repeated
by way of applying the lesson taught in the quotation from
the Psalter concerning the conduct of Israel in the wilder-
ness.^ He is content for the present simply to indicate
that there is room for doubt or fear. By the use of the
qualifying words Trapprjalav and kuuxvH''^ he teaches by
implication that the Christian hojpe is worth holding fast.
It must be a sure and glorious hope which inspires in those
who cherish it confidence and exultation.
1 idu strengtlienecl by the particle irep, which inteusifies the doubt, aud the
words "to the end" (/xexp' reXovs) added: "We are made partakers of Christ
if, that is to sav, we hold fast the beginniug of our confidence firm to tlte end."
GHBIST AND MOSES. 171
In the sequel the grounds both of the hope and of the
fear are set forth. Of the fear first, the material for the
demonstration being drawn from the wilderness history of
Israel, as referred to in a quotation from the ninety-fifth
Psalm, First comes the quotation itself, in vers. 7-11,
connected with what goes before by 8t6, and introduced
as an utterance of the Holy Spirit. The quotation keeps
pretty close to the Septuagint, materially diverging only at
ver. 9, where "forty years" is connected with the clause
" they saw My works," instead of with " I was grieved with
this generation," as in the Hebrew and the Septuagint.
This change led to another, the insertion of cl6 at the
commencement of ver. 10. This divergence is intentional,
as we see from ver. 12, where the writer reverts to the
original connexion, which there suits his purpose, asking,
"But with whom was He grieved for forty years ? " He
prefers here to represent the people of Israel as seeing God's
works forty years, rather than to speak of God as grieved
with them for the same space — both being equally true,
— because he is anxious to make the case of the ancient
Israel as closely parallel as possible to that of the Hebrew
Christians, with a view to enhanced impressiveness. For
both parties were very similarly situated in this very respect
of seeing God's works for forty years. From the time
when Jesus began His public ministry, to the destruction
of Jerusalem, an event very nigh at hand when the epistle
was written, was, as near as can be calculated, forty years.
What a significant, solemn hint to beware is contained for
the Christian Hebrews in this statement concerning their
forefathers. And saio My worlds forty years !^ It says more
powerfully than express words could : " You too have seen
1 The liberty taken with the words of the Psalra in altering the connexion
might be adduced as a fact helping to fix the date of the epistle. The mani-
pulation of the forty years may reasonably he regarded as evidence that such
a period of time had elapsed since the beginning of the Christian Church.
1/^2 TEE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
the works of the Lord, greater works than the ancient ones
wrought by the hand of Moses, for the very same space of
time. Take care that ye see them to better purpose, lest
their doom, or a worse, overtake you." ^
Next follows the application of the quotation to the
case of the Hebrew Christians (vers. 12-14). Take heed,
hrethren, lest liaply there shall he in any one of yon an evil
heart of unbelief in departing from the living God. But ex-
hort each other every day, while tlie word " to-day " is named,
lest any one of you be hardened by the deceit of sin. For lue
are become partakers of Christ, if we hold the beginning of our
confidence firm to the end. The Sto of ver. 7 is to be taken
along with ^Xeirere, all that lies between being regarded as
a parenthesis. " Wherefore — beware," the beware being
charged with solemn significance by the intervening quota-
tion, conceived by the writer as spoken by the Holy Ghost
directly to the Christian Church living in the era of the
final revelation. The earnest exhortation follows closely
the sense of the passage quoted from the Psalter. Eirst, the
brethren are warned against an unbelieving heart revealing
its wickedness in apostasy from the living God, in allusion
to the hardness of heart charged against Israel, and spoken
of as the source of their unbelief and misbehaviour.
Then homiletic use is made of the hortatory word : To-day
if ye will hear His voice. " Exhort each other daily while
to-day is named, while there is a to-day to speak of, while
1 One other point in the quotation umv be noticed. The psahuist, in using
the wilderness history for the instruction of his own generation, aUudes to two
instances in which God was tempted; viz. at Massah, at the beginning of the
forty years, and at Meribah, towards their close. This point is obscure in the
tSeptuagint, which takes the names as abstract nouns, in which it is followed
by our author. The psalmist selects the incidents at the beginning and the
end of the wilderness history as examples of the conduct of Israel throughout
the whole period of the wandering. " From these two learn all," he would say;
the behaviour of Israel being such that God might justly complain, "Forty
years was I grieved with this generation," the very similarity of the events
serving to show how incorrigible a generation it was, given to repeating its
offences, learning nothing from experience.
CHRIST AND MOSES. 173
the day of grace lasts. Let each cry in the ear of a brother
neghgent or slothful, To-day, brother, to-day hear His voice,
lest your heart become hardened by the deceit of sin, every
to-morrov\r making repentance and faith more difficult."
The solemn character of the admonition is excused by the
remark, "for we are become partakers of Christ^ if we hold
the beginning of our confidence steadfast unto the end." This
is the sentiment of ver. 6 expanded, with marked emphasis
on the words apxv and reXo?. The writer wishes to impress
on his readers that it is not enough to have begun, not
enough to have once known the confidence and joy of the
Christian hope, that all turns on persevering to the end.
And he would have them further understand that persever-
ance is not a matter of course, that there is a real risk of an
ill ending where there has been a fair beginning. For this
purpose he again falls back on his quotation, to show that a
disastrous end after a fair beginning is not an imaginary
evil (vers. 15-19).
In ver. 15 we have the formula by which the writer
makes reference to the previously given quotation. It is
loose and vague, and has given rise to much difference of
opinion. Literally rendered it is, " In its being said. To-
day if ye will hear His voice harden not your hearts, as in
the provocation"; and the question is, What does the phrase
"in its being said" mean? My own idea is, that its sole
object is to recall attention to the quotation with a view
to some further reflections on it intended to substantiate
the statement made in ver. 14. The writer, as it were,
says to his readers, " Look at that Scripture again, my
brethren, and after you have carefully reperused it let me
ask you a series of questions on it." He means them to
read or recall to mind the whole passage, though he quotes
only the first verse ; for the questions which follow go over
' On the expression /.Utoxol tov Xpiarov, ride the end of this paper.
174 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
the whole ground, and bring to bear the whole teaching of
the extract for the purpose he has in view.
The first verse of the quotation having been repeated
with an " etc." attached, the series of questions follows, the
first, founded on the verse quoted, being put in ver. 16.
For it is now universally admitted that this verse in both
its members is to be rendered interrogatively, not as in the
Authorized English Version, which makes sad havoc of the
sense in rendering, " Some when they had heard did pro-
voke : howbeit not all that came out of Egypt by Moses."
In this version our translators were but following the
unanimous exegetical tradition of previous ages, and till
the time of Bengel it occurred to no one that the rtye? at
the beginning of the verse was the interrogative rtVe?, not
the indefinite pronoun Tive^. The fact that for ages men
could be content with so unmeaning an interpretation as
the latter yields is an extreme illustration of the sequacious
habits of commentators. It requires courage to forsake
fashion in exegesis no less than in other things.
" Who," asks the writer, " having heard provoked ? Was
it not all they who came out of Egypt by Moses ? " Thus
rendered, the words manifestly bear very directly on the
purpose in hand, which is to impress on the Hebrews that
a warning against apostasy is not superfluous or impertinent
as addressed to persons who have believed in Jesus. The
questions asked remind them that the men who provoked
God in the desert were all of them persons that had started
on the journey from the land of bondage to the land of
promise. The second of the two questions, which answers
the first, reminds the Hebrews of the notorious fact that
the persons who were guilty of the sin of provoking God
were so numerous, and the exceptions so few, that they
might be represented as co-extensive with the whole gene-
ration that came out of Egypt.
The following verse (17) contains a second couple of ques-
CHRIST AND MOSES. 175
tions based on the statement, " Wherefore I was grieved
with this generation." " And with whom was He grieved
forty years ? Was it not with them that sinned, whose
carcases fell in the wilderness '? " In other words, the men
who grieved God for forty years were men who for their
sins were not permitted to enter Canaan, though they left
Egypt in that hope and expectation, but were doomed to
die in the desert, leaving their flesh to feed the vultures and
their bones to bleach on the burning sands. A fact surely
full of warning to those who had set out with high hopes on
the way to the heavenly country to beware of coming short
through unbelief and ungodliness.
Verse 18 contains a third pair of questions based on the
last sentence of the quotation : " So I sware in My wrath,
They shall not enter into My rest." " And to whom sware
He that they should not enter into His rest ? Was it not
to them that were disobedient ? " The aim here is to point
out the cause of failure in the case of ancient Israel, viz.
disobedience, having its root in unbelief, to give weight to
the warning addressed to the Hebrew Christians. To make
the meaning if possible still more plain and emphatic there
is appended to the series of questions the final reflection :
"So we see that they could not enter in because of un-
belief."
Summing up the import of these questions, the first
pair shows that it is not enough to begin the life of faith,
that it is necessary to hold fast the beginning of our con-
fidence firm unto the end. The second shows that a good
beginning does not of itself insure a good ending, that many
begin well who end ill. The third points out the cause
of such disastrous failures — unbelief in the heart, manifest-
ing itself in disobedience and apostasy in the outward life.
The drift of the whole is the same as that of 1 Corinthians
X., in which, after reminding the Corinthians how many
of the Israelites perished in the wilderness for their sins.
176 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
though they had been baptized into Moses in the cloud and
in the sea, and had eaten of the mystic bread and drunk
of the water that sprang out of the smitten rock, the apostle
goes on to say, " Now all these things happened unto them
for ensamples, and they are written for our admonition,
upon whom the ends of the world are come. Wherefore
let him that thinketh he standeth take heed lest he
fall."
I must now go back on an expression occurring in this
chapter which has not yet been specially considered : " par-
takers of Christ" {fieT0')(^0L tov XpiaTov), ver. 14. AVhat
does this mean? The first idea that suggests itself is that
" Christ " stands as a synonym and compendium of salva-
tion, just as " Moses " in the above-quoted words of Paul
is a synonym for the redemption he was God's instrument
in achieving. An alternative course is open to the inter-
preter : to render, "partakers loith Christ," and to find in
the words the thought that only such as persevere in faith
share in the glory and the joy conferred on Him at the
close of His earthly career as God's faithful Apostle. This
view however, though true in itself, attains to its full rights
only when we adopt a bolder course, and take fieroxoi as
meaning here, as in i. 9, " companions " or " fellows." We
then get the striking thought that by persistent loyalty to
the Christian vocation we become fellows of Jesus. It is in-
trinsically likely that the passage about the Messiah quoted
from the forty-fifth Psalm in the first chapter was present
to the writer's mind at this point. It speaks of Messiah as
anointed with the oil of gladness above His fellows, imply-
ing that they too, in their measure, have a full cup of joy.
In the present connexion of thought mention is made of
a "boasting of hope," a hope rising into exultation, imply-
ing a still higher measure of triumphant joy when hope
reaches its consummation. The idea, " the faithful the
fellows of Christ," is also in full sympathy with the thought
CHRIST AND MOSES. 177
expressed in ver. 6, " whose house are we." The faithful
are God's house, at the head of which is Christ, God's Son.
They are God's house not, as Moses was, as servants, but
as sons, therefore the brethren of Christ. But brother-
hood is a thing of degrees. There is an initial brotherhood,
in which, as Paul says, a son differs nothing from a ser-
vant ; and there is a brotherhood, the result of a normal
moral development, in which a younger son, at length
arrived at maturity, becomes the companion of the elder
brother. AVe are brethren to begin with, but if we are
faithful we shall end in becoming fellows. And so our
author, having already said of those who persevere that
they are the house of God, now takes a step in advance, and
in renewing his exhortation to steadfastness says, "The
faithful are not only the house of God and the brethren of
Christ, they are His fellows, sharing His joy and having
perfect communion with Him in spirit."
We now know who are the fjueTo-^ot, of Messiah alluded
to in i. 9. They are not the angels, as we might have
supposed, and as some commentators have said ; ^ they are
men, men who have passed bravely through the tribula-
tions of life, and been faithful even to death. We have
in the text before us a complementary truth to that stated
in ii. 16. Christ took not hold of angels, it is said there ;
Christ's fellows are not angels, but faithful men, it is said
here in effect. It is nowise improbable that such a thought
should be found in our epistle. It is just such a thought
as we should expect to find in a writing from the pen of
one who grasped the signification of the great principle —
Sanctifier and sanctified of one all. It is but the other
side of that grand truth. The first side exhibited is
Christ's unity with those He undertakes to sanctify, and His
' " If any special fores be attached to the exjaression here, it no donbt means
the angels, as dwellers in the city of God, and thus the fellows of the Son "
(Davidson, on i. 0).
VOL. IX. 12
178 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
willing acceptance of all the conditions necessary to His
complete identification with them. The other side is the
unity of the sanctified with Christ, complete equality with
Him in privilege. In crediting the writer with the senti-
ment, " faithful men the fellows of Christ," we merely
assume that he understands his own system of thought ; and
I may add that he is familiar with the teaching of Christ,
and with the conception of the relation between Christ
and His people that pervades the entire New Testament.
For the sentiment in question is no " fine modern idea,"
but one which we find again and again stated in bold,
inspiring terms. "Ye are they which have continued with
Me in My temptations. And I appoint unto you a king-
dom, as My Father hath appointed unto Me ; that ye may
eat and drink at My table in My kingdom." " Well done,
good and faithful servant : enter thou into the joy of thy
Lord." " If children, then heirs ; heirs of God, and joint-
heirs with Christ ; if so be that we suffer with Him, that
we may be also glorified together." "Blessed is the man
that endureth temptation : for when he is tried, he shall
receive the crown of life." "To him that overcometh will
I grant to sit with Me in My throne, even as I also over-
came, and am set down with My Father in His throne."
Christ, Paul, James, John, all say the same thing. Is it
strange to find a thought common to them, and familiar
to the minds of all heroic men in the ages of fiery trial,
getting recognition also in this epistle ?
On all these grounds I conclude that the true rendering
of this text is, " We are become companions, partners, or
fellows of Christ, if we hold the beginning of our confidence
steadfast unto the end." Its aim is to proclaim the fulness
of joy awaiting those who play the hero's part, not to assert
the total forfeiture of salvation, of even a minimum share
in the blessing of Christ, by those who sink below the
heroic level. It presents the motives to steadfastness under
CHRISTIAN INTERPOLATIONS. 17^
the most attractive and stimulating form ; for what can
be conceived more desirable than comradeship with the
Faithful One in the " land of the leal " ? ^
A. B. Beuce.
CHRISTIAN INTEBPOLATIONS IN JEWISH
WHITINGS.
The hypothesis of Vischerir in regard to the Apocalypse,
for which Harnack became sponsor, has attracted the atten-
tion of students of the New Testament. Briefly stated it
is this. The kernel of the book of the Revelation is a
Jewish Apocalypse. A Christian writer translated this from
an Aramaic original, adding a Christian introduction (i.-iii.),
and a Christian ending (xxii. (3-21), and interspersing
Christian interpolations, notably the passages in which the
Lamb is mentioned, interpolations however which can be
easily distinguished, and whose removal admits the light
into dark places. Thus according to A^ischer chapter xii.,
" the touchstone by which it must be proved of what spirit
the seer is," describes the birth and the assumption of a
purely Jewish Messiah.
In order to test this method of criticism, which Vischer
' Delitzsch, among recent connnentatois, holds the view atlvocated above,
taking fxiroxoL as =.soch', "partners." So also Kendall, The Epistle to tlur
Hebrews. The chief argument against this view is drawn from the fact that
the noun and the corresponding verb are used in the epistle mainly in reference
to things as expressing participation in them (ii. 14, iii. 1, v. 13, vii. 13,
xii. 8; the things participated in being "flesh and blood," a " heavenly call-
ing," "milk," "another tribe," "chastisement"). Chap. vi. 4 is hardly an
exception, as the " Holy Spirit " is referred to impersonally as an influence.
Biit the fact remains that in iii. 14 we have an exception of the same kind as
in i. Ij, and referring to the same subject, the Messiah, and it is natural to deal
with both in the same way. That i. 9 is a quotation is immaterial, except
indeed as creating a desire to know who in the view of the writer the fj-iroxot.
of Messiah referred to in the rpiotation arc.
- Texte uiid Untersucliunrjcn, ii. Band, Heft 3. Die offenharnnr} Joliaiuus cine
Jiidische Apocalypse in Christlicher Bcarbcituug von E."\fischer. 188(). The theory
was discussed by Mr. Simcox in The Expositor, 3rd series, vol. v., p. 425 f.
180 CHRISTIAN INTERPOLATIONS
has thus used in reference to what has been commonly
considered the earhest of St. John's writings, I have ven-
tured to apply it to the earliest of St. Paul's epistles, and
to follow as far as possible the lines of his dissertation. It
seems best, in assuming the character of a destructive
critic, to write with as much force and directness as possible.
I have not hesitated therefore, with such an end before me,
to employ arguments and to use expressions for which I
desire to offer beforehand this brief explanation and apology.
I. An investigation into the origin of the Thessalonian
epistles must start with the apocalyptic passage in 2 Thessa-
lonians ii. 1-12. This touchstone will reveal the real spirit
of the writer (comp. Vischer, p. 19).
The greatness of the difficulties which have to be met by
those who accept the common view becomes sufficiently
clear (comp. Vischer, p. 22 f), when we compare the view of
Bishop Lightfoot with that of Prof. Warfield (Expositoe,
ord series, vol. iv., p. 40). The former (Smith's Dictiunarij uf
the Bible, Art., Second Epistle to the Thessalonians) asserts
" that it is on the whole probable that the antichrist is re-
presented especially by Judaism. . . . Corresponding to
this view of the antichrist, we shall probably be correct in re-
garding the Koman empire as the restraining power." With
the latter scholar this interpretation is exactly reversed.
"We cannot go far wrong, "writes Professor Warfield, " in
identifying him [^the Man of Sin] with the Eoman emperor.
The restraining power, on this hypothesis, appears
to be the Jewish state." In such a quagmire of contradic-
tions does the conservative school find itself.
But if we suppose the writer to be a Jew at Jerusalem,
the perplexities vanish.
There are but two interpolated Christian phrases which
must be removed ; viz. y/jicov 'Ii](tov Xpia-rov, in ver. 1, and
the doubtful 'Irjaovs of ver. 8.
IN JEWISH WRITINGS. ISl
The main thought therefore of the passage seems to he
this : the day of the Lord — an Old Testament phrase —
will come, when once the new heresy of Christianity has
reached its head ; then it will be completely swept away by
Jehovah's mere Presence. The following points demand
notice : (1) v diroaTacria (ver. 3). Christianity would appear
to a Jew at Jerusalem simply as a defection from the
national faith ; aTroaraaiav SiSacr/cet? utto Mu;vaeco^ (Acts
xxi. 21) was the charge brought against St. Paul. (2)
6 dvdpa)7ro<? ri}? dvo/jiLa<i (ver. 3), to fivaT)']piov t/}^ dvo/J,ia<;
(ver. 7), 6 avo/xo<i (ver. 8). The emphatic repetition of the
idea of lawlessness will be noticed. Treachery towards tlie
law was the great accusation urged against the earliest
Christians by the Jews (comp. Acts vi, 13, xxi. 28). The
conjecture might be hazarded that in the phrase 6 aVo/xo?
the Jewish writer confuses the Divine Author of Christianity
Himself with St. Paul, its chief missionary.
" One called Paulus ; we have heard his fame.
Indeed, it' Christus be not one with him —
I know not, nor am troubled much to know."
(3) Ver. 4 may, on this hypothesis, be considered to point
to the Divine honours paid by the Christians to our Lord.
With the reference to the Holy Place compare Matthew
xxvi. 61 ; Acts vi. 13, xxi. 28. (4) In ver. 9 there is a
distinct reference to the miracles which accompanied the
earliest preaching of the Gospel. Further, in kut evep'yeuiv
Tov Saravd the old charge is revived, " By Beelzebub the
prince of the devils casteth He out devils" (Luke xi. 15).
(5) The writer of the letter had explained to his friends
when with them (ver. 5) the nature of the Koman tyranny.
This foreign oppression {to KaTe-^ov) in the person of the
Roman governor at Jerusalem (6 KaTe^^^^) held down the
natural tendencies of Jews and Christians alike. But the
writer as a loyal Jew looks forward with confident hope
182 CHRISTIAN INTEBFOLATIONS
to the time when this alien yoke shall be removed, though
naturally he uses cautious language (ea)'; etc fieaov jevTjrai)
to express his expectation. Then at last Christianity will
be seen in its true light. The final conflict between Chris-
tianity and Judaism will be fought out, and the coming
of the Lord will quickly annihilate these new pretenders.
Such an interpretation of the cardinal passage of the
Thessalonian epistles seems clear, self-consistent, and free
from the difficulties which beset any interpretation sug-
gested by those who uphold the Christian authorship of
the whole of these epistles.
II. We next attempt to separate the interpolations of
the Christian Uberarbelter (comp. Vischer, pp. 33-76).
These are of three kinds.
1. The name Jesus Christ, or its equivalent, is inserted
in addition to, or in place of, the name of God.
The phrase Hin^ ''^37 is one of very constant occurrence
in the Old Testament. It is natural that a Jewish writer
should dwell on the thought, and our author recurs to it
four times in the first epistle (i. 3; ii. 19; iii. 9, 13). In
the second of these passages, the Christian interpolator
has added the words printed within brackets : efiTrpoaOev
Tov Kvpiov \J]iio)v 'Irjaov]. In the remaining three places
he has allowed the reference to God the Father to remain
undisturbed (comp. Vischer, p. 00 f.). Comp. 1 Thessa-
lonians ii. 6, 10.
The presumption that the name of Christ is added in
these passages by a later hand is strangely confirmed when
we compare the two passages which follow, where the
interpolator, after inserting the name of the Lord, has for-
gotten to alter the singular verb. The interpolated words
are printed in brackets.
1 Thessalonians iii. 11, 12: AvTo<i he u Qeo'i koI. waTyp-
t'lfifov fcal 6 Kvpio<i y/iMU Iijaov'i , KaTevdvvai rijy uoov t'jfMcov
7rp6<i v/xd<i' Uyua9 Be 6 K.vpio<; irXeovdaai, k.t.X.
IN JEWISH WBITINGS. 183
2 Thessalonians ii. 16 : AvTo<i Se [6 KvpLo<i i^fxoiv 'h-jaov^
Xpi(7T6<;, Kal] 6 0eo? 6 iraTyp r]/u.o)v, . . . irapaKaXeaav vficov
ra? KapSia<i koI crrrjpl^ai fc.T.\.
The interpolator, it will be noticed, has manipulated the
two passages in different ways. Both sentences however,
when the interpolated words have been eliminated, are seen
to be formed on the same model ; and this t3'pe of sen-
tence is proved to be characteristic of the original writer
when the following passages are compared : 1 Thessalonians
V. 2o, AvTo^ 8e 6 0609 rfy? elp/]V7]q dytdaai vp,d^ : 2 Thessa-
lonians iii. 5, O Se KvpLo<i KaTevdvvai vjjlojv rd^ Kapoia<i :
iii. 16, AuTo<; Be 6 KvpLo^ t?}? elpi]vi]^ So^rj vpuv r)]v elprjvtjv
(comp, Vischer, pp. 18, 37, 42).
Some of the other interpolated words which come under
this head must be briefly mentioned. Thus in the first
epistle (a) i. 3, omit rod Kvplov i)pi6iv 'Ir/aov XpLarov. The
strain of the piled up genitives is thus relieved, (h) i. 10,
viov may have been substituted for Xpiarop, and the words
ov yyeipev . . . 'Irjaovu were inserted, (c) iv. 14 should
be omitted. Thus the awkwardness of two consecutive
clauses beginniiig with yap is avoided, (d) iv. 16 : if iv
Xptarco be omitted, the antithesis between ol veKpol and ol
^o)VTe<i is clearly maintained, {e) Further, it is remarkable
that in one passage (2 Thess. ii. 8) the critical attestation
seems to betray a sense of the precariousness of the insertion.
2. The salutations and personal allusions are obviously
the additions of a later hand, if this hypothesis be accepted
on other grounds, and can easily be removed. How far how-
ever there may be incorporated in these passages fragments
of the original, it is impossible now to form an opinion
(comp. Vischer, p. 34). Thus in 1 Thessalonians ii. 14, it is
probable enough that the original Jewish writer drew a par-
allel between the sufferings of his friends in Thessalonica
(if we assume that this was the destination of tlie letters
in their original (Jewish) form), and those of his fellow
184 CHRISTIAN INTERPOLATIONS
countrymen in Judaea. Both were the victims of the Gen-
tiles, on whom the Divine vengeance would shortly fall.
3. Certain Christian, and especially Pauline, phrases and
words may be eliminated, and the context remain unharmed,
if it be not improved (comp. Vischer, pp. 36, 68).
The interpolator, for example, wishes to give a Pauline
tinge to the epistles by inserting references to TriVrt?, eA,7riV,
djaTTT], though it was not till a period later than the sup-
posed date of these epistles that St. Paul formulated the
great triad of Christian graces. Thus in 1 Thessalonians
i. 3, the Pauline graces must needs have a conspicuous
position given them in the forefront of the epistle. If they
are eliminated from the passage, it gains clearly in simplicity
of construction and in point (comp. 1 Thess. ii. 0, rov kqttov
A still clearer case is 1 Thessalonians v. 8. The passage
is in fact a quotation from Isaiah lix. 17. In the second of
the two clauses, if eXTrtSa be omitted, the exact phrase of
the LXX. (except for the insignificant alteration of o-oorrjplov
into awrripia^i) is given. But eXirU having been inserted,
it became necessary to find a place for Trta-Td and dyaTTT].
The breastplate therefore, which in Isaiah answers to
'' righteousness," is incorrectly described as made up of two
materials, and the metaphor becomes confused.
Again, it is clear from their position that the words kuI
TOV Kvpiov in 1 Thessalonians i. 6 are an addition. Thej-
do not harmonize with the defining words which follow,
Be^dfievoi, tov XoyoiJ k.t.\.
The excision of other phrases as Christian will readily
suggest itself. I have only dwelt on two typical cases.
III. It remains to show the Jewish character of what
is left when the interpolations have been removed (comp.
Vischer, pp. 76-91).
1. We notice how in the original portion the writer
speaks of God the Father, when a Christian would naturally
IN JEWISH WRITINGS. 185
have referred to Christ. Thus it is not 6 ^070? 6 toO
aravpou (1 Cor. i. IS) which is gaining gi'ound, but 6 X6709
Tou Kvplov, TO evayyiXtov rov 0eou, X070? aKo?]<i rou Qeov.
Again, it is not to a behef in a Eedeemer that the heathen
have turned, but Trpo? rov &eov, . . . ZovXeveiv Qew ^mvti
Koi dXrjOivM (comp. Vischer, pp. 72, 86).
2. The sternness of some passages is very remarkable.
Not the salvation, but the punishment, of those who stand
outside the circle of safety is the object of deep desire.
What words could be fuller of a passionate craving for
vengeance than 2 Thessalonians i. 6-10 and ii. 1-12 (comp.
Vischer, pp. 55, 82) ?
3. The advice of St. Paul to an inquiring heathen, as
recorded in the Acts (xvi. 31) was, "Believe on the Lord
Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved." Here however all
stress is laid on such moral duties as occupied the thoughts
of Old Testament prophets. The will of God is described
as being chiefly abstinence from fornication and from
meddling in magic (2 Thess. iii. 11 Trepiepya^ofiivovi : comp.
Acts xix. 13, 19 TMv irepLep'X^o/jbevcop 'louSaicov i^opKiaTMV . . .
TMv ra ireplepya irpa^avrcav), kindliness of man to man, and
honest labour.
4. No reader of the Gospels can forget the strength of
the Lord's denunciation of those who " held fast the tradi-
tion of men " (Mark vii. 8). It is echoed by St. Paul at
two different periods of his life (Gal. i. 14, Col. ii. 8). If the
writer had been a Christian, would he twice over have
spoken of " the keeping the traditions " as the main guarantee
for stabiHty in right living (2 Thess. ii. 15, iii. 6) ?
Thus I have stated an hypothesis in regard to the two
epistles which form the earliest group of St. Paul's writings,
and I have supported it with arguments of considerable
weight, I believe, from a critical point of view.
I do not accept the theory myself, nor have I the slightest
186 CHRISTIAN INTERPOLATIONS.
fear lest any one else should become enamoured with it.
But I do not think that its discussion is purposeless.
Vischer's theory in regard to the composition of the
Apocalypse is wonderfully ingenious, and seems to offer
the explanation of many difficulties. I do not pretend to
have dealt with it as a whole. I cannot however but think
that the application of the same critical method to another
portion of the New Testament brings to light several impor-
tant points.
1. If such an hypothesis can be maintained with any
show of reason in regard to a letter, which, from its nature,
vividly reflects the mind of its writer, and is one of a large
collection of his letters,, we need not be surprised that a
similar theory can be made very plausible in the case of
the Apocalypse, a much more artificial work, if the word
may be allowed, and one which is largely founded in regard
of both its imagery and its language on the Old Testament.
G. " Knowledge grows from more to more." The asso-
ciations of Judaism may perhaps have clung more than we
commonly suppose even to tlie Apostles, and especially in
their earliest works may have influenced their concep-
tions and their phraseology. If this was the case with the
" fusile Apostle," "the Apostle of the Gentiles," how
much more should we expect it to be so with St. John,
one of "the Three," who deliberately chose " the circum-
cision " as the sphere of his work (Gal. ii. 9) ?
3. Parallels to some of the more striking phenomena in
the Apocalypse pointed out by Vischer have been adduced.
4. It has been shown that the adoption of such a theory
may happen to have the appearance of throwing an alto-
gether unexpected light on a passage, the interpretation of
which has always presented most difficult problems to
Cliristian scholars.
Fred. H. Chase.
187
THE GBOUP OF THE APOSTLES.
II. Petee.
We have seen how consistent and hfehke are the various
incidents recorded of the group of the apostles, and how
matter of fact and unideahzed is the conception of them.
And since the story of our Lord is supported by exactly the
same evidence, we have concluded that what verifies the
former is a testimony to the latter as well.
We now turn to those individuals among the Twelve
concerning whom enough is recorded to give them shape
and colour; and we ask how it stands with them. Are
they real persons, or demigods, or shadows ? And where
we can find incidents related of them by more than one
evangelist, do these incidents harmonize ?
For it is quite certain that if the historians have given
any rein whatever to their fancy, they will have been carried
in very different directions. The Socrates of Plato and of
Xenophon, the Cyrus of three narrators, the CEesar of
Plutarch and of Shakespeare, are sufficiently unlike to
establish this proposition. Where a real life is honestlj''
and accurately depicted there will yet be variety, because
each author will be impressed by traits congenial to his
own character ; and this is the reason why our idea of Jesus
is formed of contributions from four sources. But these
varieties will blend, like the colours in a beam of light, into
one harmonious effect.
Foremost of the Twelve, not only in station but also in
force and vigour of delineation, is Simon the son of Jonas,
to whose whole life that may be applied which is written of
the sins of some, that it goes before him unto judgment, so
clear and transparent is the import of all the record, so
unequivocal for good or evil.
168 TEE GROUP OF TEE APOSTLES.
What image does our mind call up at the name of the
greatest of the apostles ? AVe think of a man in middle life,
of whom it may be said equally, " When thou wast young "
and " when thou shalt be old," and whose wife's mother
retains sufficient vigour, when relieved from illness, to arise
and minister to his guests (John xxi. 18 ; Matt. viii. 15).
A weatherbeaten man, not unused to whole nights of toil
and to wrestling with the whirlwinds that rage upon the
Lake of Galilee (Luke v. 5 ; John vi. 18). A hasty man, who
first quits the ship and then observes how wild the waves
are, who rashly answers for the payment of tribute by his
master, who strikes with the sword while others crave
directions,^ and who plunges into the waters rather than
await the slow movement of a ship which drags a heavy
net (Matt. xiv. 30, xvii. 24 ; Luke xxii. 49 ; Matt. xxvi. 51 ;
John xxi. 7). A helpful man, the one who draws that same
net ashore when all are bidden to bring of the fish which
they have caught, and whose ship, rather than another,
Jesus will choose to enter when He would fain be removed
a little from the throng (John xxi. 11 ; Luke v. 3). By no
means a penniless labourer for hire, but one of a company
who possessed two ships," and, besides the five partners,
employed hired servants enough to carry on the trade
when four of its members were withdrawn (Luke v. 1-11 ;
Mark i. 20). An unlearned and ignorant man, according to
the standard of technical acquirement at Jerusalem ; yet
not unable to address Cornelius in Greek, and (unless he
employed a secretary) to correspond with his Churches in
epistles very fairly worded (Acts iv. 13, x.). An affectionate
man, sharing his house, although married, with his brother
Andrew, and also with his wife's mother, for whom not
^ Lange has missed a point for once, by making it Peter who asks for orders.
Life of Clirhft, Clarke's translation, iii. 220.
- Probably not more, since their partners were summoned to help from " tlie
other ship," not merely from another.
FETER. 189
only be but all the group besougbt Jesus ; one whose wife
was content, a little later, to go v/ith him in the labours of
his apostolic wanderings ; who could make to bis Master
the pathetic appeal, " Lord, Thou knowest all things; Thou
knowest that I love Thee " (Mark i. 29 ; Luke iv. 38 ; 1 Cor.
ix. 5 ; John xxi. 17). For, in truth, a reproachful glance
from that beloved One had almost broken his heart. A
genial, simple, and unsuspecting nature, outspoken rather
than profound, the first to be led to Jesus by a disciple
already won, and the easiest to bring ; capable of a great
fall, but quick to obtain the relief of tears, and already sufti-
ciently recovered to hasten to the sepulchre upon the tirst
tidings of a further change (John i. 41 ; Matt. xxvi. 75 ; John
XX. 3). A rough man, betraying his province by his dialect,
and liable to relapse, in a moment of great pressure and
peril, into the coarse language of the market (Matt. xxvi.
74). A man who was quickly rather than delicately sen-
sitive ; for when John would not intrude upon his Master,
then troubled in spirit, by searching out the traitor, Peter
had no sympathy with such a fine reserve, but beckoned to
him to ask the question ; whereupon it was the immediate
task of the Divine tact of Jesus to remove Judas from the
room (John xiii. 24). Peter himself was quite ready to
repay in kind the service thus rendered him by John ; for
the fourth gospel pointedly connects this incident with the
fact that Peter, when his risen Master had drawn him
aside, seeing John modestly and unobtrusively following,
called attention to the silent one by asking, "Lord, and
what shall this man do ? " (John xxi. 20, 21.) Perhaps
there is not in the gospels a more characteristic phrase, so
generous in its desire to introduce the wistful brother into
the discourse, so wilful in its assumption that Jesus was
overlooking " this man," so prosaic, even to shallowness,
in its failure to be duly impressed and solemnized by the
withdrawal of the veil from his own future and by the
190 TEE GROUP OF TEE APOSTLES.
stern prospect revealed. Is it conceivable that St. John
should have made such an answer to such a warning, or
even that he should have "turned about" at all to see
who followed ? This was the point of our Lord's rebuke
in answer : Peter had nothing at such a time to do with
others ; let him see that his own heart was strong. Once
he had asked, " AVhy cannot I follow Thee now?" and
had since found by sore experience that he was still un-
ready to follow Jesus. Now he is reminded that the same
task still lies before him, and should have the first place
in his mind. The days are past when he might go whither
he would : henceforth he is in the hands of stronger
and overmastering forces ; and yet he may be free in the
midst of coercions, if only it is his will to follow Jesus, the
Cross-bearer.
Such was he to whom the keys were given, and to whom
Jesus especially committed the task of strengthening his
brethren. Yet one can easily conceive a more elevated
character than his. St. John was probably a greater man,
assuredly a greater thinker, his insight more penetrating,
his mental grasp more powerful. But the greatness of the
sage, and even of the man, is one thing, and the special
greatness of the apostle is quite another thing. The
question was not of inventing a religion, like Mohammad or
the Buddha ; nor of elaborating a theology, like Calvin or
Augustine ; nor even of working out, like St. Paul, the
problem of its relations to the Gentile world. What is re-
quired is a mind upon which a few great conceptions could
be strongly stamped, a heart which would respond with
ardour to the appeal of love and loveliness in wholly novel
manifestations, and a life which might often err, it is true,
but was capable of a great surrender and a genuine loyalty,
and frank, warm, and outspoken enough to convey its
emotions vigorously to other men. The world would not
PETER. 191
be converted (though the Church once founded might be
edified exceedingly) by deep and silent reveries and profound
views of truth. Not a sage but an interpreter was needed.
And it will appear that while Peter and John were con-
stantly together, in every case the initiative was taken by
the first.
Let us now see how this conception of a simple and loyal
soul, easily impressed, ready to express itself, and well
fitted to spread the contagion of its ardour, is worked out
by the different evangelists in detail.
"When first we come upon him, he is one of a circle in
which the Baptist has inspired the highest hope, and
Andrew needs only to tell him, " We have found the Mes-
siah," in order to bring him to Jesus. With him the
Divine wisdom at once takes the initiative, and reading
his character announces that " thou shalt be called Cephas,
which is by interpretation a stone," a mass from the
living Eock. What is said of him is not, as presently
of Nathanael, what he already was ; on the contrary, Jesus
(who is now acting, for the first time, as only Jehovah does
in the Old Testament) bestows a new name which will best
express the especial blessing in store for the want of Simon.
And he gives Peter no opportunity for a rash utterance,
but looks him through and promptly speaks a strong word,
fitted to burn deep into a sensitive heart (John i. 42).
His quick impressibility appeared, in difierent ways, at the
first miraculous draught of fish, when he prostrated himself,
and cried " Depart from me," and when, with a shudder, he
said, "This shall never be unto Thee," "minding" things
in their earthly aspect, but with only too vivid apprehension
(Luke V. 8; Matt. xvi. 22). So, too, the waves, in his
strange position as he walked on them to Jesus, and our
Lord's surrender to His foes, and the hostile crowd in the
palace, and long afterwards the frown of his compatriots
192 THE QEOJJP OF THE APOSTLES.
from Jerusalem, whose displeasure while distant he had
defied, all came home to his keen susceptibilities with peri-
lous and misleading power (Matt. xiv. 30 ; Luke xxii. 53 ;
Mark xiv. 66 ; Gal. ii. 12).
Closer observation will detect, beside this well known
impetuosity in action, a restless craving to act, an inability
to " be still and see salvation," in every crisis a feeling that
he must do something, even if he can discover no deed
litting the occasion. There was in him a certain absence
of repose, which involved him in many of his troubles, yet
indicated zeal and self-reliance.
Upon the Mount of Transfiguration we are surprised to
learn what followed because he knew not what to say.
Silence one would expect, but it is not so ; it is the strange
proposal to build three booths in which the transfigured
Lord and His visitants from another world may enjoy
separate accommodation and shelter from the night air,
since it was good to be there.^ In answer to this bewildered
proposal, which sets the three upon a level, the voice from
heaven bids them continue to hear Jesus, as they have done
for years, and He alone is left with them (Mark ix. 5).
But this, though an extreme example, is not at all a
solitary one. It is not enough to await Jesus in the ship ;
he desires to meet Him half-way, upon the water ; he must
remonstrate if Christ's forebodings appear too gloomy ; he
wants to know, " Why cannot I follow Thee now ? " he must
needs smite unbidden ; and while awaiting new revelations
he will go a-fishing (Matt. xiv. 28 ; Mark viii. 32 ; John
xiii. 37, xviii. 10, xxi. 3).
There is always a similar plunge, one might say, into
the water, into unweighed words, into conflict, and into
the stronghold of his foes. And in every case he is quite
willing to act alone. This is the peculiarity which Jesus
' In several mauusciipts Peter proposes that be sliould himself build all
three tabernacles.
FETEE. 103
indicated, with a' wonderfully accurate and delicate touch,
in the words. When thou wast young, thou didst go,
with loins girt, in the ways of thine own will (John xxi.
18).
Such quick feelings and impulsive ardour are the natural
companions of a quality, dangerous enough, but absolutely
necessary for his high calling, the great readiness of speech,
of which several examples have been already quoted. His
impulsive utterances did often outrun his judgment and
become blameworthy, but they were almost always high-
toned and lovable.
It is worth notice, that while he is so commonly the
speaker for the group, we do not once read of his being so
for evil. The rebuke of those who sought to have their
children blessed, and of one who cast out devils without
following the apostles, the imputing of sin to " this man or
his parents," the impatience excited by the clamour of the
woman of Canaan, the intrigue for the right-hand and left-
hand places in the kingdom, the proposal to call down fire
on the Samaritans, and the complaint of the waste of oint-
ment, in no gospel is one of these ascribed to Peter (Mark
X. 13 ; Luke ix. 49 ; John ix. 2 ; Matt. xv. 23 ; Mark x. 37 ;
Luke ix. 54 ; Matt. xxvi. 8).
And if we reckon up the various occasions of his stum-
bling, none of them will be traced to meanness or self-in-
dulgence at the root. If he left the ship, it was to go to
Jesus ; if he dared to rebuke the Lord, it was because the
prospect of His suffering shocked him ; he would vouch for
the payment by his Master of any claim which he deemed
just ; if his estimate of the duty of forgiveness fell short of
the New Testament standard, it excelled that of his nation ;
he would not suffer his Lord to perform for him a menial
office, but when he discerned its deeper meaning, he asked
too much, forgetting that he was "bathed" already; he
could not believe that any form of peril would shake his
VOL. IX. 13
194 . TEE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES.
fidelity to Christ, for whom he was indeed prepared to
fight, whose surrender only he failed to share ; if he slept
in the garden, it was "for sorrow " ; and if in the palace
he was finally overcome, it was because, with nerves
unstrung, he yet ventured farther than any, except one
who had interest in the place (Matt. xiv. 29, xvi. 22, xvii.
24, xviii. 21 ; John xiii. 8 ; Mark xiv. 81 ; Luke xxii. 45 ;
John xviii. 16).
We come nearer to the secret oi his greatness when we
observe that his sensibilities were not more alive to any-
thing than to spiritual impressions. It was he who " called
to mind " that the blighted fig tree was that which the
Master cursed (Mark xi. 21). When his nets broke, he felt
neither that a great spoil was given to him, nor yet that the
marvel of the giving was greater than the gift ; all thought of
wonder and of gain was lost in the overwhelming sense of
his own unworthiness of such a presence : and although it
was not for him to shake off the mighty influence which
had come into his life, yet he dared not accept it without
the confession, the almost protest, " ]J)epart from me ; for I
am a sinful man, O Lord."
Thus Job, when he saw God, abhorred himself and re-
pented ; and thus Isaiah cried out, "Woe is me, for I am
undone." Self-abasement, not presumptuous confidence,
restored the patriarch, and gave Isaiah and Peter their com-
mission (Luke V. 8; Job xlii. 6 ; Isa. vi. 5).
When Jesus asked the Twelve, " Will ye also go away ? "
it was Peter who answered, acting, perhaps for the first
time, as the authorized spokesman of all the company. He
did not speak of the marvellous miracle they had witnessed ;
rather was his heart still vibrating with the great utterance
which had offended many, and therefore he said, " Thou
hast the words of eternal life, and we have believed and
know that Thou art the Holy One of God." And since men
who had learned the message of eternity could not return
PETEB. 195
to their nets, nor choose but follow some spiritual chief, he
asked, " Lord, to whom should we go ? " (John vi. 68.)
Again, when Jesus asked, " Who say men that I am?"
all were ready to declare how some said with Herod that
He was the Baptist, some Elias the forerunner, some
(because Jesus had now begun to foretell a new ruin of
Jerusalem) the melancholy Jeremiah, and others vaguely one
of the old prophets. But when Jesus again asked, " Who
say ye that I am ? " Peter alone gave the clear and decisive
answer ; not, as with the qualifying preface used of the
guesses of the people, " we say," but confidently, as one
might hail his king, " Thou art the Christ, the Son of the
living God" (Matt. xvi. 13-17).
Blessed in that hour was Simon Bar-Jonas, and now
Christ declared to him that he was actually Peter ; because
this truth was not revealed to him by flesh and blood, not
even by the lips of Jesus, but by the voice of the Father,
heard in the silence of a consecrp.ted heart. Not that he was
himself the rock, for against his gratified self-confidence the
gates of hell too quickly began to prevail, and the words
which he next pronounced fell upon the Saviour's ear as
the very utterance of the evil one. But the great confes-
sion he had made was the foundation and basis of the Chris-
tian faith ; and therefore it was given to him to open the
gates of the spiritual kingdom, alike to Jews upon the day
of Pentecost, and to Gentiles by the baptism of Cornelius.
It is entirely in accordance with all the character we have
been examining, that an appealing glance, and the occur-
rence of a trivial but predicted event should suffice to arrest
his fall, and from wild and recreant oaths convert him to
the weeping of bitter tears (Luke xxii. 60, 61).
And it is to be observed that, while the Searcher of hearts
knew the special danger of censoriousness and uncharity
in the hour of one's own pardon, and expressed it in the
parable of a debtor, forgiven much, who straightway, be-
196 TEE GROUP OF THE APOSTLES.
ginning to economise, took by the throat his own debtor
of a hundred pence, yet He had no fears of this kind for
Peter, but looked to him, when restored, to restore the rest,
who should also have forsaken their Lord and fled. Such
is the only sufHcient meaning of the words which warn
Peter, calling him for his greater admonition by the old
name of his secular life, " Simon, Simon, Satan asked to
have you (all), that he might sift you as wheat ; but I made
prayer for thee {in ijartimilar) , that thy faith fail not : and
do thou, when once thou hast turned again, stablish thy
brethren " (Luke xxii. 31, 32).
This was his especial function. And yet John was more
faithful ; he did not deny Christ in the judgment hall, he
watched by Him at the cross. But John's nature was pen-
sive, retiring, passive, better suited to fathom the mystery
of the eternal Word, than to take the helm in a tempest.
This leads us to consider the remarkable relation which
exists between the silent disciple, who received the tender
charge of Mary, and him whose sinewy hands were fitter
to grasp the ponderous keys of the kingdom than to wipe
a woman's tears.
It is not very hazardous to infer that Peter and John were
linked when Jesus sent forth His apostles two by two.
"We have already seen that each sub-division of four
apostles is the same in every list of the Twelve ; and this
represents, almost certainly, a fixed arrangement. In that
case we may safely assert that each group contained two
of those couples whom our Lord saw fit to join together ;
for the same reasons, whether of mutual attraction or of
character which once yoked them together, would oppose
the rupture of the tie. It follows that the colleague of
Peter was either Andrew or else James or John. But his
brother Andrew seems most unlikely, because there would
be less of stimulus in the presence of a member of his own
family, and less reinforcement for his weakness in one whose
PETEE. 197
character, as will be shown hereafter, is curiously similar
to his own, though less vigorously developed. What is
desirable in such a case is the alliance of natures, not indeed
antagonistic, but supplementary, so that, as Lord Tennyson
sings of a still closer tie, each may subserve defect in each.
It was thus with the friendship which that great poet has
immortalized ; and he has written :
" ' More than my brothers are to me ' —
Let this not vex thee, noble heart !
I know thee of what force thou art
To hold the costliest love in fee.
But thou and I are one in kind,
As moulded like in nature's mint ;
And hill and wood and field did print
The saiue sweet forms on either mind.
And so my wealth resembles thine,
Ent he was rich when I was [xmr,
And he supplied my want the more
As his unlikeness fitted mine."
It will appear in a future paper that the wealth of Andrew
too much resembled Peter's own to be chosen to supply his
want.
With James Peter is never found co-operating in any
special effort, although both are included with John in the
inner circle, the elect of the election among the Twelve.
But Peter and John were as admirably adapted to help
each other as the two great heroes of the Reformation,
whom they so much resembled in other ways, Luther and
Melanchthon.
It will therefore be a striking coincidence, and a fine
example of the minute harmonies which close examination
reveals throughout all the narratives, if these a priori con-
siderations of probability coincide with a number of recorded
facts.
198 THE GROUP OF TEE APOSTLES.
Now Peter and John were sent together to find the man
bearing a pitcher of water ; Peter beckoned to John to ask
who was the traitor ; it was John who brought Peter into
the palace of the high priest ; Mary Magdalene, when sent
to " tell Peter," found him and John together, and they ran
both to the sepulchre ; it was to Peter in the fishing boat
that John whispered his recognition of the mysterious
stranger on the shore; and Peter asked concerning John,
" "What shall this man do ? " together they went to the
temple when the lame man at the Beautiful Gate received
their wondrous alms ; they subsequently stood forward
together when Peter made his bold defence ; and they two
were sent together by the apostles at Jerusalem to confirm
the disciples at Samaria ^ (Luke xxii.- 8 ; John xiii. 24,
xviii. 16, XX. 'i, xxi. 7, 21 ; Acts iii. 1, iv. 18, V.) ; viii. 14).
Nothing can be more consistent than all the incidents
and traits which we have now compared. A glance at the
references will show that they are drawn impartially from
all four gospels and from the Acts of the Apostles. They
are not a few convenient facts selected from a great many,
for there is scarcely an incident recorded of him, and cer-
tainly not one characteristic or important incident, which
has not found its place in the accumulative demonstration.
The most homely events and the most astounding
miracles are equally stamped with this verifying impress —
the manner of Simon Bar-Jonas, as unmistakable as the
impatient style of C'arlyle, or the bold touch of Michael
An gel 0.
And yet this rich, exuberant, and strongly drawn cha-
racter is over-mastered at every point by that of Jesus,
before Whom he does well to prostrate himself.
1 It will be observed tbat this duty is imposed upon him after lie has entered
npoii wliatever authority may be supposed to accompany the keys. A modern
Komanist is therefore bound to ask whether his bishoj^s are in a position to
order a pope upon a journey. The surprise with which he would receive such
a commission is the measure of his usurpation.
rETEU. IPO
Moreover, we have primitive authority for heheving that
St. Peter contributed the materials at least for the second
gospel, which is full of just such incidents as would de-
light his vehement spirit. Its very keynote is the word
"straightway," and everything in it breathes of the energy,
penetration, decision, and fire which took the heart of Peter
by storm.
But here, as elsewhere, we never once find the Master
overstepping those limits of prudence and fine feeling which
the disciple transgressed so often. It is indeed on this
account, and by reason of the exquisite balance of all great
qualities in the Messiah, that so many are surprised when
bidden to observe the strength and even intensity of will
and action of the
'■Gentle .Tosns, mock niul iiiiM."
AVe do not recognise the l)urniiig will, the zeal which
" devoured," when we find them mellowed and sweetened
by the softer graces, only not predominant when it is a
duty to set them aside.
As an admirably proportioned man does not appear so
large as another of equal stature, so the powers of Christ
are less discerned by reason of their harmony. And there-
fore it is well that, like St. Margaret's Church beside West-
minster Abbey, the impetuous fervour of Peter should serve
as a scale by which the imagination can measure the
redeeming energies which inspired, rebuked, and converted
him, which faltered not when he fled, and having con-
quered the grave, restored to him his forfeited commission.
The Christian is at least entitled to ask the unbelieving
critic : How can the authenticity of this strong and graphic
conception be denied? yet how can it be accepted v/ithout
conceding the miraculous narrative and all the claims of
Christ ?
G. A. CilADWICK.
200
THE PRIESTHOOD AND PRIESTLY SERVICE OF
THE CHURCH.
From the Head of the Church we turn to the Church her-
self. The living Lord is now a Priest in heaven. How
far is His Church on earth priestly ? and, if she is so,
what are the functions in which her priestliness is fulfilled ?
The inquiry must relate in the first instance to the Church
as a whole, and not to any particular class within her.
Upon the propriety of keeping this in view, it is un-
necessary to say more than has been said already.
There can be no hesitation then in asserting that, in the
strictest and fullest meaning of the words, the Church of
Christ is a sacerdotal or priestly institution. Sacerdotalism,
priestliness, is the prime element of her being ; and it is so
because it is the prime element in the being of her exalted
and glorified Head. The general principle from which we
must start in all inquiries of this kind is, that whatever
function Christ discharges in heaven must also be dis-
charged, according to her capabilities and opportunities, by
His Church on earth. This principle is the simple corol-
lary to the fundamental principle of the Church's existence
as a spiritual body, that she is the Body of Christ, and that
the Body lives in such close communion with the Head,
that whatever the latter is or does the former must in
measure be or do. " I am the Vine, ye are the branches "
(John XV. 5) ; such is the declaration by her Lord of the
Church's privilege and standing among men. " Abide in
Me, and I in you " (John xv. 4) is His authoritative com-
mand. The true idea of the Church on earth is not that she
consists of a vast multitude of men, individually following in
the footsteps of their Master, and looking for ever-increas-
ing measures of the Spirit dispensed by Him from heaven.
Nor is it even that of a Body starting from earth, and
PBIESTHOOD AND FIUE8TLY SERVICE. 201
reaching onwards to a heavenly condition, only perfectly
attained when our present mortal pilgrimage is over. It
is rather the idea of a Body starting from heaven, and
exhibiting the graces and privileges already ideally be-
stowed upon it in such a manner as may lead the world
either to come to the light, or to condemn itself
because it loves darkness rather than light, its deeds being
evil. The visibility of the Body is one of the essential
notes of its existence. The Father of the spirits of all
flesh desires to make Himself known for the salvation of
the world. Before this can be effectually dojie. He must,
according to the constitution of our nature, be seen
in what He is. Therefore, because no man hath seen or
can see God at any time, the Only Begotten, which was
in the bosom of the Father, hath " declared " Him (John
i. 18). This "declaration," however, could be made by
Christ Himself to none but the men of His own generation.
A record of it might be preserved ; books might be written
regarding it ; a full and detailed description of what Jesus
was while upon earth might be given to mankind. But
not in books alone could all that is involved in communion
with the Father be so presented to the world as to attract
it also into that blessed fellowship. The world needed to
see what such fellowship implied, how it elevated and
consecrated and beautified human life^ and, in the only
sense in which the word ought to be used, brought
" salvation " to man. Hence, accordingly, the words of our
Lord Himself, " As Thou didst send Me into the world,
even so sent I them into the world " ; " And the glory
which Thou gavest Me I have given unto them ; that they
may be one even as We are one ; I in them, and Thou in
Me, that they may be perfected into one ; that the world
may know that Thou didst send Me, and lovedst them, even
as Thou lovedst Me " (John xvii. 18, 22, 23). Hence, the
words of " the disciple whom Jesus loved," " If we walk in
202 THE PBIESTEOOD AND
the light as He is in the hght, we have fellowship one with
another, and the hlood of Jesus His Son cleanseth ns from
all sin" (1 John i. 7). And hence, even more particularly,
those words of the same apostle which hardly appear as
yet to have received the due consideration of the Church,
"As He is, even so are we in this world" (1 John iv. 17).
Further, it would seem to he a principle involved in the
revelation of the New Testament, and confirmed by the
analogy of nature, that the Head of the Church acts only
through the Body ; and that, if the world is to he made
partaker of the influences of His Spirit, that Spirit shall he
conferred through the instrumentality of men, through the
instrumentality of those of whom, it may be said that,
when the world receives them, it receives Christ Himself
and Him that sent Him (John xiii. 20).
It follows from all this, that whatever Christ is or does
in heaven must be represented or done by the Church on
earth. No doubt it will be done imperfectly. The Church
has not yet realized the ideal perfection which belongs to
her. Sin too often prevails where there ought to be no
sin ; there is disunion vvhere there ought to be unity ; there
is weakness where there ought to bo strength ; and, how-
ever high their spiritual life, the members of the Church
must always be clothed with their body of humiliation, with
their body of flesh, until He who is now waited for comes
again and fashions it anew, that it may be conformed to
the body of His glory, according to the working whereby
He is able even to subject all things unto Himself (Phil. iii.
20, 21).
Notwithstanding this, the Church's ideal state supplies
even now the standard of her duty ; it is the manifestation
of that state which she is to have ever before her eyes ; and
to draw nearer and nearer to it is to be her constant
effort. From Him in whom her ideal is already actually
realized she draws her measure of that state to the extent
PBIESTLT SERVICE OF THE GHURGE. 203
to which she is able to receive it. The stream of which
she is to drink, and which she is to convey to others,
does not show sim^Dly the amount of water stored in any
small spring opened on the mountain side, but rather
the abounding fulness of that great gathering of waters
above the firmament, upon which more truly than upon
the ocean the words may be written, " dread, fathom-
less, alone." These waters the Church, with her varied
ordinances of grace, is to transmit, as she passes onwards to
the future, in ever-increasing volume for the fertilization of
widening lands and the refreshment of multiplying peoples.
The true conception of the Church, in short, is that she
l)egins in heaven and descends with all her powers to earth :
she does not begin on earth and work her way to heaven.
Whatever function then is discharged by C^hrist in
heaven must also be discharged by His Church on earth.
Is the glorified Kedeemer a Prophet? — the prophetical
office must belong to her. It may be in a form distributed
through appropriate members ; but primarily it belongs to
her as a whole, the life of Christ in His prophetical office
being first her life, and then her life pervading and ani-
mating any particular persons through whom the functions
of the prophetical life are discharged. In like manner, is
the glorified Eedeemer a King (into the special nature of.
this kingship we cannot inquire at present) ? — the kingly
office must also belong to her; and, if it again is to be
represented in any particular members rather than in the
Body as a whole, her life must penetrate and pervade these
members so that they may be kingly. If it be so with
Christ's offices as Prophet and King, it cannot be less so
with that priestly office which is the culminating part of all
His work, the foundation upon which the others rest, and
the fountain out of which they flow.
Nothing accordingly can be more distinct than the
manner in which this priestly character of the Church is
20 i THiJ PlilESTHOOJ) AND
set before us in Scripture. We have already had occasion
to speak of the priestly character of Israel ; and we have
seen that, if that central aspect of the people of God under
the Old Testament dispensation is to be fulfilled under the
New Testament, it must, after the analogy of all else, be
fulfilled in Christ, and then in His Church. We have
referred also to the plain statement of the Apostle Peter on
the point. Yet it may be worth while to note the same
fact in connexion with that Melchizedek aspect of our
Lord's priesthood which especially distinguishes it in
heaven. Wherever the priestly character of the Church's
Head in heaven is treated of, there the priestly character of
His people upon earth appears. Thus in Psalm ex., where
the coming Eedeemer is saluted as " a Priest for ever after
the order of Melchizedek," those that stand by Him in
the war are described as offering themselves willingly " in
the beauties of holiness," or "in holy attire." " The holy
garments are priestly garments. They who wear them are
priestly warriors in the train of a priestly leader." ^
In the EiDistle to the Hebrews, again, the sacred writer
has no sooner set forth the glory of the Melchizedek priest-
hood, and of Jesus as a High Priest after that order, than
he makes the practical application : " Having therefore,
brethren, boldness to enter into the holy place in the
blood of Jesus, by the way which He dedicated for us,
a new and living way, through the veil, that is to say,
His flesh ; and having a great Priest over the house of
God ; let us draw near with a true heart, in fulness of
faith, having our hearts sprinkled from an evil conscience,
and our body washed with pure water" (chap. x. 19-22).
The entering " into the holy place," spoken of in these
words, at once suggests the light under which Christians
are there thought of, for into it, under the Old Testament
economy, priests alone could enter ; and this conclusion
^ Perowiie, In luc.
PRIESTLY SERVICE OF THE CHURCH. 205
is strengthened by the fact, that the two participial sen-
tences, marking out the mode in which we are to draw
near, are grounded, the one on the sprinkhng of blood
which accompanied the consecration of Aaron and his
sons to the priesthood (Exod. xxix. 21) ; the other on
the command that when they entered into the tabernacle
of the congregation they should wash with water, that
they died not (Exod. xxx. 20). It is as priests then that
members of the Christian Church enjoy their privilege of
immediate access to the presence of God. Because they
have a High Priest over the house of God, they are priests
in Him.
The same thing appears once more in the Revelation of
St. John. That in the visions of that apostle, Christ exalted
in glory is the High Priest of His Church, no one can for
a moment doubt. It is the truth embodied in the funda-
mental vision of the book, that of one " like unto a Son of
man " in chap. i. In that vision Jesus may also be a
King, but He is certainly first a Priest, in priestly garments
worn as these were worn by the priests of Israel when
engaged in active work. With equal clearness does St.
John teach us in the same book that in the risen and
glorified High Priest all His people are also priests. They
have been made " to be a kingdom, to be priests unto His
God and Father" (chap. i. 6) ; and the white robes which
they wear on all occasions throughout the book are robes
of priests.
It is unnecessary to enlarge upon this point; for, the
Head being a priest, the mystical union between it and the
members involves in their case the same idea. Few indeed
deny what is here contended for. What is needed is not
so much a wider acceptance of the truth, as a deeper and
livelier appreciation of its power and consequences. AYe
may start with this as an indisputable fact, that the chief
characteristic of the glorified Redeemer being His heavenly
206 THE PBIESTHOOD AND
priesthood, a priesthood moulded upon His, and exhibiting
it to the world, is the chief characteristic of His Church.
What, we have rather to ask, is in this respect the Church's
commission in the world ? It must correspond to that of
the Head.
I. The Church has an offering to present to God. After
what has been said of the offering of oar Lord, we can
have little difficulty in determining what this offering is.
AVe have seen that the offering of our Lord is not a mere
memorial of His death, but that it is rather His life, won
through that death, in a full, one, everlasting, and never
to be repeated sacrifice and offering to the Father. The
Church again is in Him, and He is in her ; and what
therefore she presents is her life in His life, obediently and
submissively devoted in perpetual service to the will of His
Father and her Father, of His God, and her God. Con-
strained by the mercies of God, she is to present herself,
in body as well as spirit, a living sacrifice, holy and ac-
ceptable to God, which is her reasonable or spiritual
service (Kom. xii. 1). In the joyful confidence of love she
is to draw near continually, with full assurance of faith,
into the inmost sanctuary of the Divine presence, and
there to obtain fresh quickening for the duties that would
otherwise be too difficult for her, and for the temptations
that she would be otherwise unable to overcome. The
life of the Church, even in this world, ought to be at once
a life of consecration and of jo}^ Thus it was that our
Lord spoke of it as the great end of His own consecra-
tion, that His Church "might be consecrated in truth"
(John xvii. 19) ; that is, in a manner real, spiritual,
everlasting, the counterpart of that in which He is con-
secrated. And thus it was that He prayed that His people
might have His "joy fulfilled in themselves" (John xvii.
13),— His own deep, abiding joy, because He stood in the
Father's name ; because His work, amidst all its sorrows,
PRIESTLY SERVICE OF TEE GHURCR. 207
was ill them and through them a joj^ful work ; and because
He was the constant recipient of the Father's joy. It is
because she is priestly that the offering by the Church of
herself to God is so unconstrained and free. Why is " the
spirit of bondage again unto fear" so common among us,
instead of the "spirit of adoption, whereby we cry Abba,
Father"? Why do so many fail to say, " His command-
ments are not grievous," " His yoke is easy, and His
burden is light ? " It is because they do not sufficiently
recognise the fact that, in their great High Priest sitting on
or standing by the throne, they are priests. Did they feel
that they were so, they would see that it was the very
essence of their position to draw near to God with con-
fidence, and to lay their bodies, souls, and spirits upon His
altar, assured that they were an acceptable offering to Him.
So far as w^e have come no objection will probably be
taken to anything that has been said. But a most im-
portant point now meets us, on which there may be more
difference of opinion. The point seems to have been
hardly enough discussed in the Church ; and what is to
be said ought to be regarded as rather suggesting inquiry,
than as indicating positive or dogmatic conclusions.
The principle upon which we have been proceeding, it
will be remembered, is, that the offering of the Church on
earth is the counterpart of her Lord's offering of Himself
in heaven. In this offering, however, our Lord does not
simply surrender Himself to God in a life, if we may so
speak, of individual freedom and joy. He surrenders Him-
self for others. He does not stand alone ; and the question
thus forces itself upon us, Is there anything in the offering
made on the part of the Church on earth in her priestly
functions that corresponds to this '?
Let us glance again for a moment at our Lord's heavenly
offering, in the light in which we have been led mainly to
consider it. In heaven He always presents Himself to the
208 TEE PRIESTHOOD AND
Father in His perfect, one, and everlasting offering for the
redemption of the world. There He also presents in
Himself, as an acceptable offering or sacrifice to God, all
who in the exercise of appropriating faith are enabled by
Divine grace to make themselves one with Him. In other
words, our Lord being now in heaven, and being there not
less truly human than Divine, carries out in its complete
perfection the life of God in human nature ; while at the
same time, taking His people into union with Himself,
He makes those who from the first moment of faith are
ideally His to be more and more actually His, so that the
Father may behold in them what He beholds in Him.
It is impossible however that this should be accom-
plished by a merely legal act. Christ's people must be
offered, and they must freely offer themselves in Him,
with a true, personal appropriation on their part of such
a sacrifice as He made, of such labours and sufferings as
He endured, of such a death as that through which He
passed. Now of this sacrifice, of these labours and suffer-
ings, of this death on our Lord's part, the idea of enduring
them for others is an essential element ; and there must
therefore be some sense in which a similar thought has a
place assigned to it in our conception of offering on the
Church's part. Without this, indeed, offering would fail
to accomplish its great end, alike as regards Christians
themselves, and as regards the world around them.
It would fail as regards themselves ; for suffering on be-
half of others, self-sacrifice for the good of others, is essential
to that perfecting of the character, to that bringing it into
likeness or conformity to the character of Christ, which
is " salvation." Did that word mean in itself only the
bestowal of pardon and everlasting happiness, or were it
possible to think of the bestowal of a completed moral and
religious life without disciplinary experience, it might not be
so. But " salvation " always implies in Scripture delivering
PRIESTLY SERVICE OF THE GHURCE. 209
ITS from the power of evil, " loosing us from our sins," and
a re-creation within us of that Divine image which we
had lost. And this again, according to the nature of man,
cannot be imparted without our passing experimentally
through that process in which we die unto sin and live unto
righteousness, in which we die to self and rise into the
life of God.
Now the essence of the Divine life is love. " God is
love." Love is the fundamental conception of His being.
It is that boundless crystal sea which contains within it
all existence and which would communicate its own blessed-
ness to every creature. Love moreover cannot be con-
ceived of v^ithout the thought of others to share what it has
to bestow. We must therefore love others if w^e are to
know what " salvation " means ; and, in the growing and
perfecting of our love to others, our salvation grows and is
perfected. Further, when they to whom our love must flow
forth, if we have love at all, are sinful and rebellious against
the only true good ; when they are ignorant of what their
real welfare is ; or when, so far as they are dimly conscious
of it, they are inclined to resist and to reject it ; w'hen they
are involved in misery that shocks our sensibilities, grieves
our hearts, and threatens to baffle all our efforts for its cure ;
when their condition, in short, needs rectifying, and when
it cannot be rectified without pain, then love must assume
the form of self-sacrifice. Without this it may be a genuine
pity or an empty sentimentalism, but it is not that power-
ful, vigorous passion which is " strong as death," and which
"many waters cannot quench." To suffer for others is
thus not a mere burden laid in an arbitrary way upon the
followers of Christ. It is not a mere test of their fidelity to
their Lord. Nor is it only a severe probation through
which they must pass, that their affections may be weaned
from the present and directed to the future. It is not even
a mere duty imposed upon us by the remembrance of Him
VOL. IX. 14
210 TBI': PRIESTHOOD AND
who gave Himself for us, the just for the unjust. That
we shall suffer for others is implied in the very nature of
a salvation adapted to man's condition. It is part of the
process. It is that experience in which our salvation is
wrought out, that in which we are brought nearest to the
mind of God and Christ, so that we may say with one who
has recently written with great thoughtfulness upon pain
and self-sacrifice, " If God would give us the best and
greatest gift, that which above all others we might long for
and aspire after, even though in despair, it is this that He
must give us, the privilege He gave His Son, to be used and
sacrificed for the best and greatest end." ^
''Tlic joy that comes iu sorrow's guise,
Tlie sweet j^ains of self-sacrifice,
J would not have them otherwise.*'
While suffering for others is thus needed on the part of
Christians, in order that they may themselves be perfected,
it is not less needed in order that they may exert influence
on the world. Men must see suffering endured for them
and for their sakes if they are to acknowledge any power
on the part of those who profess a desire to do them good.
The spectacle of patient Christian suffering under ills directly
inflicted by the hand of God may be a precious lesson to
persons already, or almost wholly, within the pale of the
Christian faith. It may be doubted whether it has much
influence on the world. The world does not understand it.
It may wonder, perhaps admire. Most probably it will
treat the exhibition of such patience as something inex-
plicable, or as curiously illustrative of the delusions which
men practise on themselves. If it is to own a right in the
sufferers to speak to it, to warn it of error, or to demand its
submission to views and ways different from those it has
chosen, it must see more. Sacrifice of ourselves for others,
' Hiiitoii, Miistcrij af Fnin, p. 17.
PRIESTLY SERVICE OF THE CHURCH. 211
bearing for their sakes toil or want or privation, is, according
to the laws of human nature, the necessary condition of
winning them to our side.
The point now contended for is taught in important
passages of Scripture. How otherwise, for example, shall
we explain the remarkable scene of the footwashing in
John xiii. ? After that scene our Lord said to the disciples,
" Know ye what I have done to you? Ye call Me, Master,
and. Lord : and ye say well ; for so I am. If I then, the
Lord and the Master, have washed your feet, ye also ought
to wash one another's feet. For I have given you an ex-
ample, that ye also should do as I have done to you" (vers.
12-15). No one who has entered into the spirit of the
fourth gospel will for an instant suppose that we are here
taught nothing more than a lesson of humility and kindness.
What had our Lord done to the disciples whom He is ad-
dressing? He had "bathed" them in His blood. He had
taken them up into His own holy and blessed life. They
were in Him ; in Him their sins had been covered ; they
were united to Him, and in Him to God ; they were " clean."
But clean though they were, they could not live in this world
without soihng their feet. Sins and shortcomings would
mark them every da}^ not indeed of so serious a character
as to destroy their interest in Christ, but enough to show
that they stood in need of daily cleansing and of daily
renewal of their consecration. In this sphere they were
to offer for one another. In suffering and self-sacrifice they
w^ere to be victims for one another. The man strong to-day
was to take up his weaker brother into his life, and to
strengthen him. Weak himself to-morrow, he was to be
taken up into the life of the man whom he had strengthened
yesterday, and in him to obtain strength ; until all, thus
revived and completed in the communication of their
brother's strength to make them strong, and of his Hfe to
make them live, were to be " clean every whit." This
212 THE FRIESTHOOB AND
cleansing then, not the ideal but the experimental cleans-
ing— for Jesus said to them, "Ye are clean" (ver. 10) —
was to be reached by offering, by self-sacrifice, by suffering
for each other. Then the power of that sympathy and
love, which were really Christ's Divine life flowing througli
them all, would change each other's sin into sinlessness,
each other's imperfection into perfection, and each other's
weakness into strength.
To a similar effect is the language of St. Paul in Colossians
i. 24: "Now I rejoice in my sufferings for your sake, and
fill up on my part that which is lacking of the afflictions
of Christ in my flesh for His body's sake, which is the
Church." It is impossible to accept as satisfactory the
explanations usually given of these words, for all of them
are marked by the effort to distinguish between the suffer-
ings of Christ and those of His people, whereas the obvious
intention of the apostle is, in one way or another, to
identify them. St. Paul indeed would never have allowed
that the sufferings of Christ lacked anything necessary to
the full accomplishing of the purpose they were intended
to effect. But that very purpose lay in this, — that, as
Christ Himself was perfected through suffering, so the
members of His Bodj^ might in Him be perfected, and
might reach this perfection througli suffering for their
brethren's good. To introduce into the words of the
apostle a distinction between the sufferings of Christ as
satifif actor ice and in that sense complete, and as mdificatorice
and in that sense incomplete and needing to be supple-
mented,^ is to introduce a thought which does not seem
to have been in the apostle's mind, and which is incon-
sistent with his desire to bring out a similarity between
Christ's sufferings and the sufferings of His people. In a
certain sense the sufferings of Christ, even when viewed as
satisfactoricE, may be spoken of as incomplete without the
' Comp. Liglitfoot on Col. i. '24.
PlilESTLY SERVICE OF THE CRURGE. 213
thought of His people ; for when He offered Himself they
were in Him, and without this His offering would have
possessed only that character of a legal work, of a work
to be imputed externally to man, which falls short of the
teaching of Scripture upon the point. If therefore we
would understand the language of the apostle, we must
think of it as proceeding from the feeling, that just as
Christ suffered for others, so the members of His Body
suffer for others. To teach His people thus to suffer,
to redeem them from the power of selfishness, and to
impart to them the life and joy of love, was the aim of
the Kedeemer in what He did and suffered on our behalf.
So long therefore as there is sin or weakness for which
to suffer, sin or weakness which ^cannot be healed except
through the sufferings of those who show that they have
the spirit of their Master by trying to heal it, the offering
of Christ is not "filled up." Its final result is not
attained; nor will it be attained until, there being no more
room for suffering on behalf of others, both the Head and
the members, penetrated by the same life, shall be presented
to the Father in one fulness of joy.
Taking these considerations into account, we seem to
be justified in asking whether the Church has not been
too chary of allowing the idea of offering for others to be
connected with her position and life. It is surely without
sufficient cause that she has been afraid of encroaching
upon the one sacrifice of Christ, or of attributing to sinful
men the possibility of making satisfaction for the sins of
others. No one awakened to a sense of sin, and that is
the condition of all believers, could for an instant entertain
such a thought. So long as the Church feels — what ceasing
to feel she ceases to be the Church — that in Christ alone
is she accepted and complete, that her life is wholly in
His life, and that her work is wholly done in the grace
which He supplies, the thought of her making satisfaction
214 TEE PRTESTnOOD AND
for others must in the nature of the case be entirely put
aside. For the same reason, any idea of merit upon her
part must be equally foreign to her thoughts. There can
be no merit where all that is done by her is not merely
at first bestowed upon her from without, but is at each
moment maintained in her by influences flowing from the
same source. Nay, more ; the most powerful argument to
expel, rather than foster, a sense of merit on the Church's
part is to be found in the considerations now adduced. To
produce humility there is certainly force in telling her that,
as she suffers in following Christ, she is either undergoing
a necessary discipline, or that she is only making a suitable
return for the blessings which she has received. Yet there
is far more force in reminding her that her sufferings have
a deeper root, that they are an integral and indispensable
part of her experience of redemption, and that in the
very act of recognising that she owes all to Christ she
must include her suffering for others as a part of her
obHgation and her debt.
Before passing on it may be well to add that the view
now taken of the Church's priestly offering on earth ap-
pears to bring with it most momentous practical conse-
quences. Of one only of these is it possible to_ speak at
present, but it is too important to be omitted.
It will place the Church before the world in the true
and proper relation in which she ought to stand to it. At
the Pan-Presbyterian Council held in London last July a
paper (since published in The Expositor of the following
October)^ was read which, in spite of the objections made
to it at the time, cannot be regarded otherwise than as
one of interest and value. Dr. Dods said :
"It cannot, 1 think, 1)1' donhtod, tliat tlie C'liurch niig-lit hii\-e given
a more distinct idea of Christianity and of wliat the trne C'liristian is.
' Page 297.
PRIESTLY SERVICE OF THE CHURGH. 215
It must fi-equentl}' have been matter of astonishment, and even of
something like dismay, to every reader to find liow completely even
the best educated assailants of Christianity misunderstand ^Yhat it is.
Not only in the lower class of freethinkiug journals, but in -writers
of the culture and knowledge of the late Cotter Morison, there is
exhibited an almost unaccountable ignorance of the spirit and aims of
Cliristianity. The Christian is represented as an obscurantist, afraid of
light, and capable of swallowing the grossest absurdities ; as a selfish,
small-souled creature, whose object it is to save his own soul, and whose
idea of saving his soul is escaping from punishment in a f utui'e life.
" For such misrepresentations the Church is responsible, in so far as
it has not produced a type of Christianity which would make these
conceptions impossible; and in so far as it has allowed faith in Christ
to become identified in the popular mind Avith faith in a number of
doctrines regarding Christ, and has thus made faith needlessl}' diffi-
cult, and to many minds repellent and impossible." '
The words thus (|noted are as unquestionably as they are
painfully true. It is not indeed necessary to suppose that
the writer undervalues, when they are kept in their proper
place, the "doctrines" of which he speaks; nor does he
probably fail to see as well as others that the interpyctation
of a revelation given in a person must be doctrinal. The
main point of his contention is, that the Church is respon-
sible for having so lived and acted, as to permit the world
to suppose that the reception of any tenets, however Divine,
constituted Christianity. Such a supposition is of course
entirely erroneous, and the Church is bound to correct it.
How is she to do so ? Not by merely shortening her creeds,
or by modifying the relations of her ministers and members
to them. That procedure may be on other grounds wise.
We have nothing to do with it just now. Enough that it
will not correct the fatal misapprehension with which we
are dealing. We have had in recent years a good deal of
it, both in England and Scotland. Terms of subscription
have been shortened ; explanations have been added, till
the explanation threatens to become as troublesome as the
1 The Expositor for October, 188S, pp. 299, 300.
216 THE PBIESTHOOD AND
creed ; the idea that creeds are loose where men thought
them definite, and that they possess a richly expansive,
instead of a narrowly binding nature, has seized with suffi-
cient firmness many a mind. Yet we do not see in the
attitude of the Church to -the world anything that gives
more promise of convincing the world that the Church is
Divine, than in days when men held by every iota of a creed
as if it were the middle pillar of the house that upheld the
house. It was in the midst of these later phenomena on
which we have touched that Cotter Morison's book ap-
peared. That book ought not to have been written, and
it would not have been written had the Church been true
to her commission, or had she presented Christianity to the
world as her Lord, if He had been in our days upon the
earth, would have presented it. In this last case we should
have seen in Him— as things are, we ought to see in her —
what is the real " service of man." Noble words ! The
very utterance of them, like the utterance of those other
words, "the enthusiasm of humanity," elevates us. May
it not be a matter of regret that both expressions should
have come, not from the Church, but from those who either
scorn her, or have little sympathy with her ?
To return to the point before us. What the Church
needs is revival in life and spirit, a keener appreciation of
the fact that she is divinely called to occupy in the world
her Lord's position, to take up there His work of doing
good to man. Instead of declaiming against sacerdotalism
and priesthood, she ought to see more clearly that her own
highest destination is to be sacerdotal, is to be priestly.
She has an offering, a sacrifice, to make ; and it is the very
essence of her condition to make it. That offering, that
sacrifice, is herself; a sacrifice for the poor, the ignorant,
the wretched, and the criminal, that she may win them into
her own life, and in that life present them as an offering to
the Father of the spirits of all flesh in the life, the offering,
PRIESTLY SERVICE OF THE CHURCH. 217
of her High Priest in heaven. When she does this, she will
find that she has attained a greater element of power than
she will ever acquire by thanking Heaven that she is not
priestly.
We have spent so much time upon this first part of the
Church's priesthood, that little space is left for its two other
parts. A brief notice of them must suffice.
II. As in her priestly capacity the Church has an offering
to make, so also, like her glorified Lord, she is an intercessor
with the Father. And what is this intercession? We have
already seen that it is not prayer alone, but the diligent
performance of every office and every act by which the
persons for whom she prays may be built up into the com-
pleteness, strength, and beauty of the Divine life in man.
She has to form those who are as yet babes in Christ into
perfect manhood, to give courage to the faint, to restore the
fallen, to speak peace to the sensitive conscience, to lift up
to higher notes of praise those who are already singing
the Lord's song in a strange land. Of this " intercession,"
indeed, prayer is undoubtedly one of the most essential
parts. Not only the prayers of individuals, but the prayers
of the Church as a whole, ought to ascend continually to
Him who says, " Put Me in remembrance ; let us plead
together ; set forth thy cause, that thou mayest be justified"
(Isa. xliii. 26). The world ought to know that, apart from
the struggles in which it is engaged, from the distraction
of thought from which it suffers, from the materialising
tendencies of life,
" There are in this loud stunning tide
Of human care and crime,
With whom the melodies abide
Of the everlasting chime " ;
and who, within such veils as earth supplies, are sending
up their unceasing prayers to Heaven on its behalf. Nor
218 THE PRIESTEOOB AND
would this only teach dependence upon others, and the
superstitious feehng that without working out our own
salvation we may he saved hy the pious exertions on our
behalf of those who love us. That may be the danger, but
there is no good which has not its attendant danger ; and
surely it is better to think of salvation gained in some way
than not to think of it at all. How often have a parent's,
or a friend's, or a minister's prayers, accidentally overheard
by their object, touched the heart of one wandering in sin,
and done far more to reclaim him than words of direct
remonstrance or reproof! How often has even the per-
suasion that Christian friends were praying for us lent us
courage and hope in the hour of need ! Let the Church
" pray without ceasing " for her own members ; let her
" pray without ceasing" that through her the world may
be made in truth the kingdom of God, and she will only
be acting a part for which even nature pleads, and which
is sanctified by grace. She cannot make a real offering,
either of herself or for others, without occupying the posi-
tion of her heavenly High Priest, and presenting her
prayers, the prayers of all saints, as much incense, before
the tlirone of the Majesty on high.
III. In fulfilling her priestly function the Church, like
her Lord in heaven, dispenses blessings. The point thus
touched on cannot be discussed at present. It would re-
quire separate treatment ; for it opens up the whole question
of the bestowal, not directlj^ but through the Church, of the
Holy Spirit upon men. Yet, without entering upon this
wide and in some respects difficult subject, it may surely
be said that through the Church there is, according to the
teaching of Scripture, the direct impartation of strengthen-
ing grace to those who do not close their hearts against it.
Benediction, blessing, cannot be a mere form of words.
There must be some reality beneath it. Nor can it be only
prayer, or wh}" does it not take the form of prayer alone?
PRIESTLY SERVICE OF THE CHURCE. 219
When the apostles baptized the early converts to the faith
they laid their hands upon them, and the Holy Spirit was
given in their act of doing so. In Acts xiii. 3 it would even
appear that, when Barnabas and Saul were separated for
the particular work for which they are there described as
called, the whole Church at Antioch took part in fitting
them for the execution of their task. " Then, when they
had fasted and prayed and laid their hands on them, they
sent them away."
We cannot suppose that the Church of Christ now^ has
less at her command than she had in the apostolic age, that
Divine grace is less at her disposal now than it was then, or
that there is anything in the Divine arrangements made for
her in her later histoiy by which the efficacy of her early
influence is limited and restrained. When, accordingly, we
read so often in the Acts of the Apostles of the bestowal
of the Spirit as of something distinct from prayer, we are
entitled to infer that there is blessing of a similar kind still
bestowed through the action of the Church in word and
sacrament. Not that the Church is the source of blessing,
any more than she is the source of offering. Eather may
it be said that, as she carries out and applies the offering
wherewith Christ offers Himself to the Father, so she
carries out and applies the blessing wherewith He blesses.
But that blessing is real. Under all circumstances it comes
forth from Him who has in Himself the "fulness " of grace ;
and, when it is not accepted by the world, it returns to
His people for their own increase in holiness and comfort.
Pentecostal seasons did not close wdth the day of Pentecost.
He who then came down in tongues of flame is not confined
to an upper room in Jerusalem, nor is the fire of His in-
fluence less potent at the present day than it was then. It
may appear in different forms ; but it appeared in different
forms even in the apostolic Church. Let it be enough for
us to know that, amidst constantly changuig circumstances
220 THE PRIESTHOOL AXD
and conditions of life, the Spirit of God is still given with
a power not less intimately adapted to them, and not less
capable of producing the same heavenly life in the earthly
homes and haunts of men.
Such then is the priesthood of the Church ; and it will be
observed that it includes far more important functions than
those generally spoken of by writers on tlie universal Chris-
tian priesthood, or the present priesthood of believers. It
is not enough to say with Bishop Moberly that the Chris-
tian, in the power of his personal priesthood, may cultivate
a true and perfect faith ; that he has a right to the Holy
Scriptures ; that he has a title to the sacred doctrine of
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit ; that he may go before God
in repentance and confession of sin ; and that he may pray.^
These privileges belong to man as man, and they fail to
express the distinguishing characteristics of the priestly
position of the members of the Body of Christ. That posi-
tion involves far more, for it involves the privilege of con-
stantly drawing near to God in Christ, and in full assurance
of faith. It involves an immediate and full participation in
the Divine love, so that that love shall flow in rich abun-
dance through all the members of the Body, and shall
animate each to the oftice for which it possesses " natural
ability." It involves the right, not merely the power (John
i. 12), of each to make first an offering of himself to God,
and then of himself for others, so that we may share the
mind of Him who loved us and gave Himself for us. It
involves the privilege of so helping weak Christian brethren
as to convey to them the sense of G-od's pardoning mercy
and the assurance of strength that is perfected in weakness.
And, finally, it involves the right to confer that Spirit of the
Head at once Divine and human which fills and satisfies
every want of our nature as the rising tide runs up and fills
every ripple of sand upon the beach.
^ Admuiistnition i>J the IIoUj Spirit, p. 252.
PRIESTLY SERVICE OF THE CHURCH. 221
At this moment nothing is more imperatively demanded
of the Church than a revival of that idea of her priestliness
which flows directly from the fact that she lives in Him
who is our High Priest in heaven. The idea has been left
too long associated with periods of unscriptural domination
on the part of the clergy, and of ignorance and superstition
on the part of the laity. In spite of this, it is alike true and
fundamental. A clear perception and a bold enunciation of
the Church's priestly character lies at the very root of all
that is most distinctive, most real, most forcible, and most
valuable in her work. The duty of the Church is not to
abandon a position to which she has been divinely called,
because it has been abused, and may be abused again. It
is, rather, so to occupy it that the fears of timorous friends
may be dispelled, and the reproaches of opponents silenced.
The aim of true priesthood is not wealth or station or
power. It is love, work, self-sacrifice ! The anointing in
Bethany was accepted by the Kedeemer as His consecration,
not to worldly honours, but to His " burying "; and to such a
burying, not to ease and the high places of the earth, is the
Church in her turn consecrated. She has not gained much
by casting the thought of her priestliness aside. Let her
again proclaim it, not so much in word as in deed ; and it
may be that men will be more ready to listen to her message,
and that the house will once more be filled with the odour
of the ointment.
W. MiLLIGAN.
9-">9
JESUS CROWNED FOB, DEATH.
Hebrews ii. 5-9.
It is almost presumptuous for any third party to interpose
in a discussion between scholars so eminent and honoured
as Drs, Bruce and Davidson, and upon a subject of such
difficulty and such importance as the interpretation of
Hebrews ii. 0.
" Xon nostrum inter vo.s tantas componore lites."
The writer's apology lies in the fact that the passage in
question is one that needs to be examined from different
points of view ; and that it has possessed for himself, ever
since he began to study the Greek Testament, a peculiar
fascination. He has long been convinced that the tradi-
tional construction of this verse is on grammatical grounds
quite untenable ; and has been led, independently, to a line
of interpretation looking in the same direction as that so
ably developed by Drs. Bruce and Matheson, though not
altogether coincident with it. Hofmann,^ to his thinking,
throws a more searching light upon this subtle and profound
text than any other modern exegete.
Let us however, with Dr. Davidson, dismiss all " fine
modern ideas," and at the same time those "scriptural
conceptions " which are sometimes but another name for
theological prejudgments, and an innocent cover for attempts
to force the language of one inspired writer into the mould
taken by the mind of another. We are dealing in this
' J. C. K. von Hofiuaiin: Die Iwilige Sclirij't nciien Testamentex {fiiiiftcr Theil ;
Hehrrierhrief). Hofmann's exegesis is marred too often by the caprice and
strained ingenuity which Meyer exposes so unspariuglj'. He is nevertheless an
expositor of profound learning and brilliant originality. His method is most
instructive and stimirlating ; and his work teems with keen criticisms and
luminous aperrus. One learns almost as much when differing from him as
when agreeing with him.
JESUS CROWNED FOB DEATH. 223
great epistle with a truly Pauline man, but an independent
thinker, and one who has good right to be heard on his
own account. The irdXvixepm koI TroXvTpoTroi^ with which
he begins is an advertisement to this effect. Let us watch
him as he pens these solemn and inspiring words, with the
Old Testament open by his side, and the life and death of
Jesus spread like a living picture before his memory, writ-
ing to his Hebrew Christian brethren on the eve of the fall
of their national Judaism, and striving to assure them of
the stability of the " new and better covenant," and the
completeness of the salvation which it brings, and, above all,
to raise them to a worthier conception of the glory and
perfectness of their High Priest and Mediator.
The starting-point of the writer's thought in chap. ii. 5
we find in the last words of chap. i. The angels, he says,
'* are ministering spirits, sent forth to do service for the sake
of the destined heirs of salvation." The interjected homily
imports no new thought, but simply enforces what has
been already said, the apostle at the end of it resuming the
thread of his previous exposition. Kow what is the idea
suggested by the animated question of chap. i. 14? It is
surely that of the nobiliti/ of man, the honour put upon
" the heirs of salvation" and the glory of their calling, in
whose interest the angels are engaged, those flaming mes-
sengers of the heavenly court, worshippers and servants of
the Son "in whom" God thought fit to "speak to us."
If the greatness of the Son of God, as author of the new
revelation, is the reflection uppermost in the writer's mind,
the dignity of those to whom He thus speaks, the impor-
tance of their position and the grave responsibility it brings
upon them, are no less present to his thoughts. It is this
consideration that gives its peculiar urgency to the appeal,
" How shall 2ve escape, if we neglect so great salvation?"
This underlying sense of the unparalleled distinction accru-
ing to the status of Christian believers comes out again and
224 JESUS CROWNED FOB DEATH.
again in the course of the epistle. " Holy brethren, par-
takers of a heavenly calling," who may " enter boldly into
the holy place," for whom " God provided a better thing"
than for the greatest of His ancient saints, " receiving the
promise of an eternal inheritance" and " a kingdom that
cannot be shaken " : in such terms the apostle exhorts the
desponding Hebrews, rousing them to a higher sense of the
grandeur of their vocation and destiny as redeemed men,
while he sets before them the supreme greatness, at once
Divine and human, of their Redeemer.
To "those who shall be heirs of salvation " therefore,
" not to angels," belongs " the world ^ that shall be." "We
catch in the emphatic ri]v fieWovaav of this verse a clear
echo of the triumphant hia rou? ixeXkovTa^i kXt] povo fie ti'
awTTfpiav of chap. i. 14. Not to angels, but to men, heirs
of God's promise, is the glorious world to be subject which
prophecy describes, and of which the Christian teacher has
to speak (ver. 5). Man is to be lord in maiis world. While
the angels in the kingdom of God's Son play a subsidiary
but most willing part, to mankind He holds a more inti-
mate relation. "Partakers of Christ," who is "Son over
His house," the heirs of salvation " receive a kingdom " in
which, as it is promised in the Apocalypse, they shall at
last " sit down with Him in His throne." Such is the
goal of the Christian salvation, the inheritance that
Christ confers on His true brethren. The path of suffering
by which it is attained, the way in which Christ has identi-
fied Himself with men and linked their destiny to His own,
the sequel has to show.
It is primarily to support the assertion of man's promised
greatness that the eighth Psalm is put in evidence (vers.
ri]v oiKov^UvTjv, the Inhabited world, the u-orld as the home of man, into which
"the First-born" will be "brought again" (chap. i. 6). It is in this con-
nexion— not as the metaphysical Universe — that the Trdfra and rd wavra of
Ps. viii. and of this context must be understood. Comp. Wisdom i. 7.
JESUS CROWNED FOB DEATH. 225
6-8). What is earth-born man? Poor insignificance! he
stands looking up to the splendour and majesty of God's
eternal heavens ! Strange that the Maker of those gleam-
ing, unnumbered worlds should have regard to him ! And
yet God has stamped on man His image, setting him not
far below His angels/ crowning him with glory and honour,
and making the world a realm for him to rule. Such is
the ideal view of man's relation to his own world. It is
upon this pattern that his renewal is to be effected, as
St. Paul has already taught us, " after the image of Him
that created him" (Col. iii. 10). Man's salvation cannot stop
short of the recovery of this lapsed dominion. And our
teacher will not have this heritage diminished, nor the ideal
of human dignity and power lowered in any wise to the
level of the humiliating fact : " For in subjecting all things
to man, there is nothing that He left unsubjected to him."
So far, let us observe, the apostle's question is simply that of
the psalmist, " What is man ? or man's son (Adam's race) ?"
— a phrase that we have no business to turn into " the Son
of man," as though it were a designation of Christ alone.
We rob ourselves of the precious import of the Psalm when
we force it, unwarrantably, into the Messianic grooves.
The New Testament writers do not use the older Scriptures
in such fanciful and arbitrary fashion as seems to be often
assumed. It is man's estate, designed for him from crea-
tion, that is held out to the view of Christian faith ; and
we are assured that no jot or tittle of the promise shall
be allowed to fail.
Turn now from this ideal to the melancholy fact. " But
now we see not yet all things made subject to him."
There is a tragic litotes here : the stress of the sentence
^ Here Shakespeare is no bad commentator. " What a piece of work is a man !
how noble in reason ! how infinite in faculty ! in form and moving how ex-
press and admirable ! in action how like an angel ! in apprehension how like
a god!" (Hamlet.)
VOL. IX.
15
226 JESUS CROWNED FOR DEATH.
rests on the words made subject {avTM ra Trdvra v-rroTeray-
ixeva), indicating that the very opposite is the case ; as when
St. Paul writes in 1 Corinthians xi. 22, " I praise you not,"
to express the severest blame. ^ Instead of being master of
the world over which God set him, man is like a guilty,
cowering slave, " all his lifetime subject to bondage through
fear of death" (ver. 15). Death has reversed our lordship
over nature, and changed it to servitude. At this point
it is enough simply to state the negative fact. As things
are, man's royalty is forfeited, his crown is in the dust ;
and the apostle, looking out on the world around him,
says with a sigh, " We see not yet all things subjected to
him," Clearly this supremacy, if it is ever to be attained
and the Psalm is anything more than a poet's dream, be-
longs to some future world, to a state of things far different
from the present, and can only be brought about by a great
salvation.
But is this all we descry on the horizon ? Is the world
nothing for man but a scene of failure and discomfiture ?
Not so. The vision of the psalmist indeed " we see not
yet " ; it is prophecy. But there is something we do see
that lifts our hopes to the highest pitch. There is One to
whom the prophetic words apply as to no other son of man,
in whom we have the earnest of their full accomplishment :
" Him that hath been in some little set below the angels,
even Jesus."
It is Jesus, Son of Mary, Child of man, whose appearance
we hail ; not now, as in chap, i., the Son of God, resplen-
dent in His Father's glory with His holy angels, sustaining
creation by His word. The writer is approaching the Re-
deemer's person from the opposite side, and adopting quite
a different line of reflection from that with which the epistle
commenced. He will afterwards unite both conceptions in
^ Similarly, in ver. 11 below, Christ "is not ashamed to call tliem brethren,"
— rejoicing, glorying therein (Bruce).
JESUS CROWNED FOR DEATH. 227
his definition of " our great High Priest, Jesus the Son of
God." We must allow him to work out his argument in
his own way.
Here is a Man then in whom humanity is lifted from the
dust, and once more grows conscious of its primal dignity.
The advent of Jesus raises immeasurably our conception of
the possibilities of human nature, and supplies a new and
magnificent answer to the old question, " What is man ? "
Prophecy is outdone by what we see in Jesus of man's
greatness as the object of the Divine regard. And this
Leader of our salvation is "forerunner" of His brethren's
exaltation, both in earth and heaven.
On every ground we find ourselves compelled to refer
the predicate " crowned with glory and honour," in ver. 9,
to the earthly life and human relationship of our Saviour.
Surely it is in this environment that we see Jesus {/SXe-n-ofiev
'Ir]<Tovv). It is amazing that exegetes like Kurtz and Liine-
mann should render ^Xeirofiev " see with the eyes of faith,"
or, " the eyes of the spirit," and refer to chap. iii. 19 in
proof! If there is a word in the New Testament that de-
notes sigJit as opposed to faith, it is just this verb ^Xe-jrco.
"Faith," in chap. xi. 1, is a "proof of things not seen"
(oj) /SXeTTOfievcov) ; similarly in 2 Corinthians iv. 18, " the
things seen (r. ^XcTrofieva) are temporal ; but the things not
seen (t. fii] ^XeTTo/jLcva), eternal." ^ What " we see " in chap,
iii. 19 belongs not to the region of spiritual truth, but of
historical fact. That their unbelief drove the Israelites
back to the wilderness is a certainty to the Hebrew reader,
"gross as a mountain, open, palpable." History verifies
the teaching of faith. To misread ^Xeirofiev is to miss an
essential point in the warning example given in chap. iii.
^ Comp. also Heb. xi. 7,Eotu. viii. 25, John ix. 7, etc., for the matter-of-fact
character of the seeinr/ denoted by /SX^ttw. The verb appears to be chosen here
for this reason, in distinction from the more general opui/xev which precedes.
" We do see," in contrast with " see," may serve to indicate this difference.
228 JESUS CROWNED FOR DEATH.
And what " we see " in the passage before us is to be found
not in the supernal regions of Christ's heavenly reign, but in
the familiar scenes of His blessed life on earth, in " the
things which," as St. John says, " we have seen with our
eyes, and our hands have handled, concerning the Word of
life." We to-day " see Jesus " in the story of the Four,
as the readers of this letter saw Him in the living words
of His eye-witnesses and ministers.
And " we see Him for ^ the suffering of death crowned
with glory and honour." No words could more fitly ex-
press the strange blending of glory and suffering visible
throughout the earthly course of Jesus, — glory ever leading
on to suffering, and finding in death its climax and hidden
purpose. If man's ideal greatness is the starting-point of
the writer's thought, the death of the cross is always its
centre. The former, for sinful (chap. i. 3) and death-bound
man, can only win its realisation through the latter. Jesus
is crowned for death. Willingly would Israel have given
Him in life the Messiah's crown. They could not under-
stand why One so high in the grace of God, so rich in
kingly qualities and powers, did not take the last remaining
step and mount to David's throne. Their fury against Him
at the last was, in the breasts of many who cried, " Away
with Him !" the rage of a bitter disappointment. They did
not see that the higher He was raised in favour with God
and men, the nearer and the more needful became His
death. If this is a " fine modern idea," then also is that
of " the corn of wheat " that " falls into the ground to die,"
and indeed the whole teaching of John xii. 12-33 comes
under the same designation. It is enough to refer to the
1 5ia, on our view of the text, is almost eqiiivalent to ei's, and looks forward to
the Sttojs yevarjTai, k.t.X., much as in chap. ix. 15. 1 Tim. i. 16, 2 Tim. ii. 10.
It signifies, as always with the accusative, the ground or reason of the event
specified ; only in this case the reason lies in a subsequent, not, as commonly,
a precedent event. There is the same prospective 5ia in Horn. iv. 256, on the
usual interpretation. See Lidd. and Scott, 5id, B. iii. 2.
JESUS CROWNED FOB DEATH. 229
scene of the transfiguration/ and of the royal entry into
Jerusalem, to show the profound connection which existed,
alike in the mind of Jesus, in the purpose of God, and in
the sequence of history, between Christ's human glorifica-
tion and His sacrificial death.
Two important grammatical considerations remain to be
noticed, which will serve further to elucidate, and, as we
think, verify our construction of the text. The object of
the verb " see," in ver. 9, according to the Greek order,
is not "Jesus" in the first instance, but "Him that is
made some little lower than angels,"" who is at once
identified with "Jesus," for of Him this was manifestly
and eminently true. Then follows the predicate, "for the
suffering," etc. It is to be noted that the participles "made
lower" and "crowned" are in precisely the same tense
and grammatical form (rjXaTrco/xivoi/, €a-T€(f>avo>/jievov : per-
fects passive). The presumption is that they denote
contemporary , rather than successive states, just as it is
with the corresponding verbs in the language of the Psalm.
Had the apostle intended to distinguish by these expres-
sions an antecedent and consequent condition, how easy
for this master of Greek idiom — and how necessary with
the parallelism of the psalmist leading the reader the other
way — to have made the transition clear by a change of
1 The words of 2 Pet. i. 16, 17, which we confidently claim as apostolic tradi-
tion, agree closely with those of the text : " We made known nnto you the
power and coming of om- Lord Jesus Christ, being eye-witnesses of His majesty.
For He received from God the Father honour and glory, when there came such
a voice to Him from the excellent glory ... in the holy mount." Perhaps
the writer of the Hebrews had this scene specifically before his mind. We note
as at least a singular coincidence that the phi'ase taste of death occurs also in
this context in the synoptic tradition (Matt. xvi. 28, Mark ix. 1, Luke ix. 27) ;
it is used but once besides in the N.T.
^ This is no term of disparagement in the Psalm, nor need it be here as
applied to the earthly humanity of Jesus. It does not describe the e.riiianitloii
of Philippiaus ii. 6, but refers to the contemporary states of different persons
(men, Jesns, and angels), ra.ther than the successive states of the same person
(the pi-e- incarnate and incarnate Son of God).
230 JESUS CROWNED FOB DEATH.
tense (r. iXXaTTcoOevTa), or by some distinctive adverb, as,
for example, in our own couplet :
" High o'er the angeh'c bands He rears
His once dishonoured head " !
But he does nothing of the kind, for he means nothing
of the kind. While in His human guise Jesus was in some
sort lower than the angels, at the same time, and not-
withstanding, He was crowned with glory. Through all
that is best in human life there runs the same mixture
of honour and humbleness, of greatness crossed by the
shadow of death.
But the oTTw? of the last clause is the crux of the com-
mon interpretation. When it is said, "crowned in order
that He might taste death," to make the " crowning "
subsequent to the " death " is literally preposterous. The
connexion is just as obvious and straightforward in the
Greek as in the English. None of the many ingenious
attempts that have been made to escape this inference, and
to turn purpose into consequence — by shifting the order
of the words, or by evading the force of the conjunction —
is in the least satisfactory.^ Surely the apostle must be
allowed to have his own mind, and to be capable of ex-
pressing himself with reasonable plainness. No Greek
reader, we venture to afhrm, coming upon these words
for the first time, and without theological prejudice, could
have guessed that they meant anything else than that
Jesus was crowned with the purpose that He might offer
for all men the sacrifice of His death.
St. Paul's teaching in Philippians ii. 5-11 has, it seems
to us, dominated the exegesis of this text greatly to its
1 This apphes, we say it with profound respect, to Dr. Edwards' rendering :
" That He may have tasted death for every man " (Expositor's Bible : " Hebrews,"
p. 37), which seems to us to be neither good grammar nor clear sense. If the
apostle meant, " that His tasting of death mijht avail for every man," he knew
how to say it.
JESUS CROWNED FOB DEATH. 231
injury. Sublime and precious as tlie doctrine of that
passage is, it does not contain the whole of Cbristology.
The view it presents of Christ's earthly life as a state of
exinanition and humiliation is that of a man in whose
memory everything else paled before the vision of the
celestial Jesus he had seen on the way to Damascus. But
our author looks with different eyes ; and he teaches us
a truth only less important, and complementary to that
enforced by the Apostle Paul. The life of Jesus was far
other than one of mere ignominy and obscuration. From
the Divine and heavenly side it was indeed a dark eclipse ;
but from the earthward side it was a splendid revelation.
As His disciples looked upon His face, and watched His
miracles, and listened to His words, " such as never man
spake," and felt the spell of the moral majesty that clothed
His person, the saying of the eighth Psalm must often, one
thinks, have come to their minds. Seeing Jesus in the
gospel story, we ourselves " glory in the Lord," and exult
to think that He hath so regarded our low estate ; we
exult to think that humanity is thus ennobled, and that
" He is not ashamed to call us brethren."
G. G. FiNDLAY.
232
FABBAR'S "LIVES OF THE FATHEBS."'^
The full title of Archdeacon Farrar's new work accurately de-
scribes it: Lives of the Fathers: Sketches of Church Hidory in
Bingraphy ; and the idea he has had in writing it may be gathered
from the motto which he derives from Bishop Wordsworth and
places on his title-page, " The history of the Church is repre-
sented in certain respects by the history of her great men." He
has no intention of rivalling Bishop Lightfoot's Apostolic Fathers,
or of earning so i*are an encomium as was pronounced on that
masterpiece by the most competent judge, Prof. Hai-nack, when
he declared it to be " the most leamied and careful patristic
m.onograph which has appeared in the nineteenth century." His
intention has been to " connect the history of the Church during
the first four centuries with the lives of her principal Fathei-s
and teachers." This has been admirably done by B5hringer in
his Kirche7igeschichte in Biographieen, a book which deserves to
be translated and which is written in a style rarely attained by
German theological writers. But Dr. Farrar has judged it expe-
dient to give less attention to questions of absti^act theology than
Bohringer. This will be regretted by some readers, but unques-
tionably it will win for his book a wider popularity.
There can be no question that there was room for such a book
as Dr. Farrar has given us. The Fathers have always attracted
the learned labour of scholars, but in no age has so much been
done as in our ov.'n to illuminate the first four centuries. The
results of research and criticism lie scattered in monographs, in
contributions to dictionaries, in the hints and papers of specialists.
These results Dr. Farrar has brought together, has revised and
analysed them, and uniting them with much research of his own,
has presented them in an accessible and admirable form. Special-
ists may find that Dr. Farrar's omnivorous reading has not in-
cluded some article or paper on a pet subject of their own ; but
undoubtedly the best literature, including the works of the Fathers
themselves and the original material for their biography, has been
not only under his eye, but has been well digested. His most
remarkable omission suggests that other patristic students may
1 Lives of the Fathers : Sketches of Chnrcli History in Biorrraphtj. By
Frederic W. Farrar, D.D., F.E.S. 2 vols. (Adam & Charles Black.)
FAREARS ''LIVES OF THE FATHERS:' 233
also need to be informed that Mr. Ernest C. Richardson, librarian
of Hartford Theological Seminary, has issued a Bibliographical
Synopsis which is virtually a perfect guide to the bibliography
of the ante-nicene Fathers. It is needless to say, for it has been
manifest in all Dr. Fari'ar's writings, that he breathes easily and
moves freely and gracefully under a ponderous mass of learning
which would crush a less powerful man. How proud we all are
to find him napping ! It is a feather in the critic's cap to point
out one mistake among a thousand facts which he reads for the
first time. Unfortunately in this work Dr, Farrar gives the critic
occasion. It was to be expected that Avhere so much Greek is
quoted, misprints should occur. The expectation is realized. The
employment of a careful reviser would have prevented this, and
would also have altered pnticoli into puticuU, and saved Dr. Farrar
from introducing three innovations into two lines from Milton.
Disregard for trifles is an estimable featnre in a man and in an
author, and it is really of absolutely no consequence to Dr. Farrar's
argument whether the Marsian war belongs to B.C. 40 or B.C.
90 ; but there ai'e not wanting persons who will say that if he
is incorrect in this, he will be incorrect in other .statements. Into
other mistakes of a similar kind he has been led by his authorities.
Thus he says : " The bodies were largely taken from [the cata-
combs] by Pope Paul I. in a.d. 751, to save them from the relic-
stealing propensities of Astaulph, king of the Goths." In fact,
the ransacking of the toml>s by Astaulph occurred in 752, and
Paul did not attain the Papal dignity till 757, when Astaulph had
ali'eady been dead for some years.
Sometimes Dr. Farrar's mistakes are moi^e serious. The account
he gives of the Ignaiian Epistles is misleading. " The longer
Greek recension consisted of fifteen letters, of which the Latin
text was published in 1495 and in 1498, and th-e Greek text by
Hartung in 1557. Three of these professed to be the corre-
spondence of Ignatius with St. Johia and the Virgin, with her
answer. They are stupid forgeries. There were, besides, Greek
letters to Mary of Cassobola, the Tarsians, Philippians, the Antio-
chenes, and his successor Hero." These with the seven genuine
epistles make up the fifteen. Now from this statement the
uninitiated reader could certainly not gather the facts of the
case, which are, that the Latin text of 1495 and 1498 contained
respectively three and eleven letters, not fifteen ; that the edition
234 FABBARS ''LIVES OF THE FATHERS.''
published by Hartung in 1557 contained, the Greek text of onlj
twelve epistles ; and that what is known as the longer Greek
recension really contains thirteen letters. It may also be re-
marked that the editor here named Hartung is more commonly
known as Paceus, his full name being Valentinus Hartung Frid,
which in the customary way he Latinized into Paceus. By a
misprint on the following page the edition of Voss is represented
as published in the same year as Ussher's, whereas it appeared
two years later.
But enough of such picking of holes. These little flaws do
not enter into the substance of the work, which is throughout
solid and well-wrought. It is freely and vividly written, and
those who are best acquainted with the Fathers and their writings
will know how much is implied when it is said that from the
first page to the last Dr. Farrar's work is intensely interesting.
He has entered with the fullest intelligence and with sensitive
human sympathy into those early times, and has vitalized them.
He has taken the Fathers out of the hands of scholars and theo-
logians, and made them common property and companionable
figures. Dr. Farrar has never used his great gifts and acquire-
ments to better purpose than in dissipating the dreariness of
that remote period of Church history, and in dispelling the mists
in which a false and narrow ecclesiasticism has enveloped the
Fathers. And it is matter of congratulation that this book, which
most successfully popularizes their teaching, at the same time
exposes the childishness of many views and usages which, because
primitive, have gained currency. There can be no doubt that
Dr. Farrar's volumes will find a response in many a candid mind.
He has produced a book which will long be a standard work. It
fills, and fills excellently, a serious gap in our literature. It will
be widely read, and wherever it is read, it will not only give
pleasure by its graphic pictures and eloquent passages, but will
convey important information which it is most desirable that the
public should know.
Marcus Dods.
235
BECENT OLD TESTAMENT LITEBATUBE IN
THE UNITED STATES.
Hebrew Grammars. — Two important works on Hebrew grammar
have appeared from leading Old Testament scliolars, one bj Dr.
Green, of Princeton, the other bj Dr. Harper, of Yale.
The work ^ by Dr. Green is a new edition of his grammar pub-
lished twentj-seven years ago, with which American and English
scholars are well acquainted. While it bears marks of careful
revision throughout, the syntax has been recast, and has been
enlarged from forty-seven pages in the old edition to one hundred
and twenty-seven in the new. Dr. Green's grammar is the mo.st
complete treatise that we possess on the Hebrew language in
English, and it does not suffer in comparison with the best Hebrew
grammars in German. Taking into account its exhaustive indices,
it possesses incomparable advantages over mere translations of
German Hebrew grammars.
The most serious blemish in this treatise, as we think, is the
retention of the old terminology, preterite and future, not because
it is old, but because it seems to be pretty well established that
the Hebrew verb does not exhibit distinctions of time, but rather
of action or state, as complete or incomplete. Indeed this dis-
tinction seems to be characteristic of all Semitic languages. Even
the Assyrian, as Sayce has shown, in its original chai-acter, does
not furnish an exception. Nevertheless no English or American
Old Testament scholar who cannot use German readily, and who
wishes to secure a masteicy of the language, can afford to be with-
out this grammar.
Dr. Harper has done more, we think, to popularize the study of
Hebrew than any man who has ever lived. The great revival
of interest in Hebrew learning in America is largely due to this
Hebrew evangelist. He has instructed hundreds, if not thousands,
by correspondence, and in the Hebrew s-ummer schools, of which
he is the inspiration. Possessed of unusual enthusiasm, and
executive ability, and of an iron industry, he has thrown his whole
being into the promotion of Semitic studies.
^ A Grammar of the Hebrew Lamjuagc. New Edition, carefully Eevised
throughout and the Syntax greatly Enlarged. (John Wiley & Sons, New York,
1888.)
236 REGENT OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE
We have reason then to he interested in all his hooks, as instru-
ments already tested by one of the most successful teachers who
has ever appeared in the New World.
All his text-hooks, of which he has now published three, are
arranged on the inductive method. The first takes the student
by the hand, pointing out the facts of the Hebrew language, and
then gradually constructs his system. His Elevients of Hehreio
Syntax,^ is arranged on the same plan. He does not claim ori-
ginality of scholarship, but simply a practical adaptation of means
to an end. His method may be illustrated by the first paragraph
under the noun, which is entitled " The Noun, used Collectively."
Under this heading he gives fifteen Hebrew words, with their
meanings and references to the passag-es wliere they occur, under
four classes of examples. Then follows a general statement as
to collective nouns, and four definitions. Below these are four
remarks, and then twenty Scripture references for study.
America thus sends her challenge to Prof. A. B. Davidson, of
Edinbui'gh, to whom we have long looked for a complete and
scientific statement of the principles of Hebrew syntax. There is
certainly room for such a book, and Prof. Davidson is the man to
prepare it.
Pentateuch Criticism. — Twelve of our Old Testament scholars
have combined to erect a bulwark against the modern critical
school as represented by Graf, Kuenen, and Wellhausen, by means
of a little volume entitled, Essays on Peutateuchal Criticism. By
Various Writers-^ The object of the Essays is to establish the
evidences of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch. All the
writers occupy substantially the same standpoint, although Dr.
Schodde approaches somewhat the princijjles of criticism held by
such scholars as the elder- Delitzsch, Strack, Cheyne, and Driver.
Chambers gives a brief historical introduction. Gardiner dis-
cusses the question, "Was the religion of Israel a revelation or a
merely human development ? " Bissell, who is well known through
his volume on The Pentateuch, its Origin and Structure, seeks to
show that there is no confliat in the precepts of the Pentateuch
codes. Green subjects the analysis of the critics in the first
eleven chapters of Exodus to an acute examination, and concludes
that " the critical hypothesis is beset by insuperable difficulties."
' Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1888.
' Fimk & Wagnalls, New York, 1888.
IN THE UNITED STATES. 237
Schodde, while admitting that the Pentateuch does not furnish any
direct testimony to prove " that Moses himself Avrote or caused
to be written the whole of the five books," finds strong indirect
testimony, which is sustained by the New Testament. Nevertheless
he says the Pentateuch is not Mosaic " in the sense that every
word of it was written by the lawgiver, but in the sense that the
laws were promulgated through him." Beecher adduces the testi-
mony of the historical books, save Chronicles, to the authorship of
the Pentateuch ; Terry that of Chronicles ; and Harmon of the
prophetic and poetical books of the Old Testament. Dwinell treats
in a dogmatic tone of " the higher criticism and a spent Bible."
Streibert presents the difficulties of the new hypothesis, and
Hemphill emphasises the validity and bearing of the testimony of
Christ and His apostles. Osgood directs especial attention to the
peoples among whom the children of Israel originated and attained
their majority, — Assyria, Egypt, and ancient Syria, — and argues
against the assumption of those critics who believe them to have
been an ignorant horde of barbarians, and entirely destitute of the
first pre-requisites of a literature in the time of Moses.
Exegesis. — The year has not been fruitful in commentaries. A
little pamphlet (50 pp.) by Rev. William C. Daland, on the Song
of Songs, is worthy of mention. He considers the Song of Songs
a drama in five acts, a product of the wisdom literature of the
time of Solomon, and that the object of it is to set forth the tri-
umph of woman's virtue over the powerful seductions of Solomon.
He finds in it a companion piece to the book .of Job. The trans-
lation is beautiful, and the notes are brief and pertinent.
Antiquities. — A book especially adapted for the wants of Sunday-
school teachers on Biblical Antiquities} has been prepared by
Dr. Bissell, whose name has been already mentioned. It is
divided into three parts : " Domestic Antiquities," " Civil Anti-
quities," and " Sacred Antiquities." Dr. Bissell's previous studies
have fitted him pre-eminently for the preparation of such a work.
It indicates industry and research, but does not enter into the
discussion of critical questions.
Samuel Ives Curtiss.
» The American Sunday-school Union, Philadelphia, 1888.
238
B RE VIA.
La Langue parlee par N. S. Jesus-Christ sur la Terre.^
— The Syrian Archbishop of Damascus, in communion with the see
of Rome, has published in the Revue illustree de la Terre Sainte et
de I'Orient cathoUque, a very lucid, fact-full, and cogent discussion
of the question indicated in the above title. As the most reverend
author states, and as I was assured myself at Damascus, that once
learned city is now more destitute than ever of the varied critical
apparatus necessary for the researches of the scholar. This essay
is therefore not to be compared with the article, from a biblio-
graphical point of view especially, so exhaustive of Dr. Neubauer,^
who so thoroughly disproves the theory of Mark Pattison, that
a good librarian cannot also be erudite. This is what the arch-
bishop claims to have shown : that the Jews of Palestine, in the
time of Jesus Christ, wrote in " Chaldee " and rarely in Hebrew ;
that the proper names of persons and places used by them were
often " Chaldee " ; that the words pronounced by our Lord, accord-
ing to the New Testament, and those addressed to Him, prove
that the language then prevalent in Palestine was " Chaldee " ;
that the name of Greeks was often given then to other nations,
to distinguish them from the Jews, who consequently were not
Greeks by language ; that there were at Jerusalem, and in other
cities of Palestine, Jews distinguished from others by their use of
Greek (which they had learned in foreign countries) ; that for the
Jews of Palestine the Bible had to be translated into " Chaldee,"
and not into Greek ; that the use of " Chaldee," at least in
literature, continued among the Christians of Palestine down to
the thirteenth century, and even later, and ^mong the Jews even
to our own time ; lastly, that Greek only became predominant at
Jerusalem at the beginning of the second century. The most
interesting part of the essay begins at section 7, which treats
of the vicissitudes of the Syro-Palestinian dialect. The student
would do well to read first the column relative to the subject in
Noldeke's article, " Semitic Languages," in Encyclojpoedia Britannica ;
he will then have a framewoi-k into which he can set the facts
put together by ArchbishoiJ David. The chain of facts is indeed
1 Paris, aux bureaux de I'oeuvre des ecoles d'Orient, 1889.
2 Studia Biblica, vol. i., pp. 39-74.
BBEVIA. 239
complete. Even after the Jevvisli Aramaic ceased to be spoken,
through the invasion of the Arabs and their tongue, the Melchite
Church (comp. Tozer, The Church and the Eastern Empire, p. 74)
continued to use Sjro-Palestinian as its sacred tongue, and since
the end of the last century manuscript records of this dialect
have been gradually collected. Even now, at no great distance
from Damascus, there are three villages, the chief of which is
called Ma'lula, in which the language of Jesus Christ, or a dialect
differing little from it, is spoken.
In sections 8 and 9 the archbishop examines the difficulties
connected with the Septuagint version. Perhaps he exaggerates
the degree of hostility to Greek among the Jews of Palestine in
the time of the Ptolemies, but it was an easy task to refute the
argument which the opposite side had set up. In fact, altoo-ether
one may value this essay more for its facts than for its argument
— lucid as this may be, — and most of all perhaps as a specimen of
the critical insight of the learned Syrian. The author does not
absolutely reject the opinion that our Lord and the apostles read
the Scriptui'es in Hebrew, but thinks it much more probable that
they used an Aramaic version. In a footnote he justifies the
former view by Jerome's notice, in his thirty-sixth letter to Pope
Damasus, that he employed for his own Latin translation the
Hebrew Bible used in the synagogue of Bethlehem.
liot the least interesting passage in the essay is an expression
of patriotic opinion which " a learned Oratorian of London,"
Father Philpin de Riviere, criticises in a letter to the same review
in which the archbishop's paper was printed. " Always," says the
archbishop, " it will remain a most memorable and surprising fact,
that Hebrew was so lightly esteemed in the early Christian
Church ; that the original Bible, written in that tongue, was only
admitted at a much later time ; and that no part of the New Testa-
ment was written, or at least preserved, in Hebrew ; that no one
thought of giving to Jewish converts the New Testament trans-
lated into Hebrew ; that, while the unconverted Jews employed
the Hebrew tongue in their writings, nothing was written, or at
least preserved, in the Christian Church in the language in which
God had spoken to the patriarch and the prophets. First Greek,
then Latin and Syriac, in which the first monuments of the church
were written, have not allowed Hebrew to say even a word." This,
he says, accounts for the fact that the New Testament, as well as
240 BEEVIA.
the " Deutero-canonical " books of the Old Testament, and all the
Apocryphal books having i^elation to the Holy Scripture, have
come down to us only in Greek. But, he adds, we must not infer
from this that the whole of the New Testament was written in
Greek ; and not only the first gospel, but the " Epistle of St. Paul
to the Hebrews," was written in Hebrew or (rather) in Syro-
Palestinian.
In the appendix, Archbishop David makes modest and graceful
recognition of Dr. Neubauer's valuable work, and expresses a
difference of opinion on some points of detail. Like that " learned
academician " (is there any subtle irony ?) however, he accedes to
the new view of M. Halevy, that St. Paul's Aramaic phrase in
1 Corinthians xvi. 22 should be read " Marana tha," i.e. " Our
Lord, come." He also touches on the further question, "Did
our Lord ever speak Greek ? " After examining the passages of
the gospels relative to non-Jewish persons who came into contact
with our Lord, his answer is the negative. Similarly for the first
disciples ; but he makes an exception for the great discourse of
Stephen in Acts vii., inasmuch as the assembly which he addressed
seems to have consisted exclusively of Hellenists (Acts vi. 9). Is
there any Semitic scholar of eminence, or any one well versed in
later Jewish history and literature, who holds a different opinion
on this whole controversy from Archbishop David and Dr. ISTeu-
bauer ? Here and there an argument may be forced, but the
general position is, from a philological and historical point of
view, unassailable.
T. K. Cheyne.
ST. JAMES THE APOSTLE.
When we come to inquire closely about the Apostles, and
when we consider the acknowledged part played by them
in an event so stupendous as the spread of Christianity, we
may well be astonished to find how very little we know
about any of them, except two or three. How immense was
the dignity assigned to them is shown by the promise of
Christ, " When the Son of man shall sit on the throne of
His glory, ye also shall sit upon twelve thrones, judging
the twelve tribes of Israel." And how rapidly the grandeur
of their position was acknowledged, even among the earliest
groups of Gentile converts, we see from St. Paul's allusion
to " the Twelve " as a recognised designation, and from
the fact that St. John, as far back as the days in which
he wrote the Apocalypse, sees the names of " the Twelve
Apostles " graven on the twelve precious stones which are
the foundations of the City of God. And yet, from this
little body of the first Preachers and Witnesses of the
Gospel, who had been with Jesus from the beginning, two
only — St. Peter and St. John — are really well known to us.
There are three of " the glorious company of the Apostles "
— James the Little,^ Jude the son of James, and Simon the
Cananaean or Zealot — of whom we cannot be said to know
anything whatever, though St. John does record a single
question of "Judas, not Iscariot."- Of Matthew nothing is
recorded except his call and his farewell feast ; of Bartho-
lomew absolutely nothing, unless we regard as certain the
conjecture which identifies him with Nathanael ; of Thomas
' 6 fMiKpos. He is never called " the Less." The word probably describes his
stature. ^ John xiv. 22.
VOL. IX. 2*1 l6
242 ST. JAMES THE APOSTLE.
and Philip and Andrew only two or three incidents are
narrated, some of which have little bearing on their history
or character. We are enabled indeed to see deep into the
hearts of Simon Peter and of Judas Iscariot, and the figure
of John stands out clear to us, not only in the Gospel story,
but in his own writings, and in the subsequent history and
tradition of the Church. But of James the son of Zebedee
we have little told us, except that, with Peter and John
— and to a lesser degree Andrew — he belonged to the
innermost circle, the itcXeKTOiv iKXeKTorepoi, of our Lord's
disciples. In this capacity the first three alone were ad-
mitted into His immediate presence at the raising of the
daughter of Jairus, at the Transfiguration, and in the Gar-
den of Gethsemane. But in the three special incidents
with which St. James is connected in the Gospels, he is
associated with his brother John. John was the younger
brother, yet greater prominence is accorded to him as being
especially " the disciple whom Jesus loved," and as having
been marked out earlier for the ranks of the Apostolate. It
is a remarkable fact that in his own Gospel he never men-
tions his elder brother by name ; though this may be due
to the same sublime reticence which made him pass over
the name of his mother,^ and only speak of himself by peri-
phrasis and in the third person.
It would be very interesting to know the extent to which
the Apostles were drawn from the immediate families of
Christ's own relatives, but unfortunately we are left to con-
jecture. The early tradition of the Christian Church was
to a great extent fragmentary and anecdotical, and we are
only able to arrive at possible or probable hypotheses on
many subjects of which we would fain have known more.
Our difUculties are further increased by the astonishing
paucity of names among the Jews of the poorer classes at
this epoch. There seem to have been only a few dozen
* John xix. 25, compared with Mark xv, 40, xvi. 1 ; Matt, xxvii. 56.
ST. JAMES TEE APOSTLE. 243
names in common use, and those who bore them had to be
distinguished from each other by patronymics or descriptive
adjectives. Even in the httle group of Twelve Apostles
there were two Simons, and two Judes, and two Jameses ;
and besides these there was another James, another Simon,
another Jude among " the brethren of the Lord." ^ In the
same narrow circle there were also three Maries, and three
or four who bore the name of Joseph and Joses. Perhaps
however it was by the express purpose of Providence that
we were left in ignorance about the mere personal biogra-
phies of the earliest followers of our Lord. We were meant
to draw the lesson that they were less than nothing in com-
parison with Him. What, after all, are the saints ? They
are still but mortal men, " inspirati a Deo, sed tamen
homines." " They are," said Luther, " but sparkling drops
of the nightdew on the head of the Bridegroom, scattered
about His hair." Even the deep silence of the Gospels
concerning them has not prevented them from being ele-
vated into objects of adoration throughout a great part of
Christendom. How much would the danger have been
increased if they had been permitted to occupy a larger
space in the Gospel record !
The notion that " brethre)i" mea.ns" cousins," and that
the word " brethren " is misleadingly and invariably used
when " cousins " might have been used with equal ease
and greater accuracy, may now be regarded as an exploded
fiction, invented mainly by the casuistry of St. Jerome with
the aid of an apocryphal gospel, and practically abandoned
even by its inventor as soon as it had served its immediate
controversial purpose. Whatever " the brethren of the
Lord " may have been, it is superfluously clear from the
Gospels themselves that they were not among the number
of the Apostles." On the other hand, James and John were,
' Matt. xiii. 55.
- Matt. xii. 4(i ; Mark iii. 31 ; Luke viii. lU. To an uuprejudiced mind, which
244 ST. JAMES THE APOSTLE.
almost beyond the possibility of doubt, the first cousins of
the Lord, since Salome was the sister of the Virgin Mary.^
Nor is it impossible that four of the remaining ten stood in
the same or a similar relation to Him. For tradition — in
spite of the difficulty that two sisters will then have borne
the same name" — persistently holds that Mary the wife of
Klopas was another sister of the Virgin ; that though Cleo-
pas is a shortened form of Cleopater,'' it was yet used as a
Greek synonym for Chalpai, Clopas, or Alphseus ; and that
Alphseus was a brother of Joseph. If that tradition be
correct, Matthew and his twin brother Thomas and James
the Little, being sons of Mary and Alphaeus, were also first
cousins of Jesus ; and Jude the son of James (unless this
be another James, which does not seem likely) was His
first cousin once removed.* The previous relationship in
which these Galilsean youths stood to our Lord, the fact
that they must thus have known or heard of Him in earlier
years, throws light on the instantaneous enthusiasm with
which some of them were ready to accept His call.
James does not seem to have been among the multitudes
who streamed to the preaching of the Baptist ; or, if he did,
his presence on the banks of the Jordan is not mentioned
in any of the records. It is probable that the necessities
of earning his bread, and of aiding his father Zebedee in his
refuses to be misled by the fatal facility of ecclesiastical casuistry, John vii. 5
is decisive on this question.
' Four women, not three, are mentioned in John xix. 25. The Peshito even
inserts " and" before " Mary the wife of Klopas."
- This difficulty would not be in any case insuperable, as there are certainly
historic instances of the same thing ; and it would be all the more likely to
occur in a country which laboured under such a sparseness of appellatives.
^ Luke xxiv. 18.
* See Matt. x. 3 ; Mark ii. 14, iii. 18 ; Luke vi. 15 ; Acts i. 13. But who was
Joses ■? Mary is not only called " the mother of James and Joses" (Mark xv.
40), and " the mother of James " (Luke xxiv. 10), but simj^ly " the mother of
Joses " (Mark xv. 47). Joses therefore must have been exceedingly well known
in the group of early disciples. It is a painful illustration of the extreme
fragmeutariness of our record that we know absolutely nothing about him.
He is not even mentioned in Christian traditions.
ST. JAMES THE APOSTLE. 245
precarious trade of a fisherman at Capernaum, may have
detained him in GaHlee. It is known from the Talmud
that there was a regular sale at Jerusalem for the fish
caught in the Lake of Galilee, and this may have necessi-
tated the occasional residence of the younger brother at the
Holy City, where we are told that he — alone of the Apostles
— had a house or lodging, and where he was known to the
servants of the High Priest.^
Zebedee, Zabadja or Zabdia, since he had a boat of his
own and hired servants, seems to have been in more pro-
sperous circumstances than his partners Simon and Andrew. -
But when Jesus called the sons of Zebedee to leave all and
follow Him, without a moment's hesitation they left the
boat, and the nets, and the hired servants, and their
father, to become the close and constant attendants on the
ministry of Jesus. AVith Him they stood the storm, and the
sultry heat of the Plain of Gennesareth, and the homeless-
ness, and the days and nights of incessant labour and
anxiety, and the taunts, and the pressing crowds, and after-
wards the wanderings in heathen lands, the flight, the con-
cealments, the anathemas of Pharisees and Priests. Such
self-sacrifice shows their heroic faith ; but their instant
obedience would have been unnatural and unaccountable if
St. John had not already heard the witness of the Baptist,
and been present at the miracle of Cana, and perhaps in
the early scenes at Jerusalem. James had doubtless also
known something of that sinless childhood at Nazareth
which was " like the flower of roses in the spring of the
year, and lilies by the watercourses," and had heard much
from his younger brother of "the Lamb of God that taketh
' John xix. 27, xviii. 15. This not improbable conjecture has been face-
tiously characterized by flippant critics as a suggestion that St. John was "a
fishmonger." The supposed irreverence lies only in the insincerity and hope-
less conventionality of those who are incapable of seeing that there is nothing
more incongruous in the notion that an Apostle sold fish at Jerusalem than that
an Apostle caught fish at (iennesareth. - Mark i. 20.
246 ST. JAMES THE APOSTLE.
away the sin of the world." His heart had been already
prepared, both by spiritual influences and by the leadings
of providential circumstance, to obey the call which trans-
formed him from a young fisherman of the inland lake to
be a leader among the Apostles, to have Churches dedicated
to his honour in barbarous islands of northern seas of
which he had never so much as heard the name, and to
become the patron-saint of a chivalrous nation by the
Pillars of the West.^ Strange life, strange death, strange
glory — glory greater than that of earth's kings and con-
querors— for the poor Galilsean boy who had once played on
the bright sands of Bethsaida, thinking to live a life of safe
and happy obscurity " beneath the Syrian blue," dreaming
in no wise of the destinies to come ! In the miraculous
draught of fishes after the night spent in fruitless toil he
saw the proof that the hour had come in which Jesus
should manifest Himself to the world - ; and losing his life
that he might find it, he left the little boat in which he had
so often drawn out the fish from life to death to enter into
that other little boat of Christ's infant Church, wherein,
amid the tossing of far fiercer storms, he was to be a fisher
of men.
His task began at once. Very soon after the first year
— the bright Galilsean spring and dawn of Christ's ministry
— St. James must have become well aware that the call of
Christ meant a lifelong sacrifice ; that it involved poverty
and hatred ; that he would often be obliged to face peril and
malediction, and perhaps to die at last, not happy with
children's faces round his bed, but amid the execration of
the religious authorities of his day, by the hand of the
executioner, as a man charged with sedition, heresy, and
crime. And yet how infinitely was he the gainer ! Who
would change the lot of the Apostles, with its persecutions
' St. -Tago of Compostella.
- Luke V. 1-11 ; comp. Mark i. 16--2(J, Matt. iv. 18-22.
ST. JAMES THE APOSTLE. 247
and its hundredfold reward, for that of the rich young ruler
who made " the great refusal " ?
" The worst of miseries
Is when a nature framed for noblest things
Condemns itself in youth to petty joys,
And sore athirst for air breathes scanty life,
Gasping from out the shallows. The life they chose
Breathed high, and saw a full-arched firmament."
Yet it may save us from many a priori hypotheses and
errors if we observe the curious and significant fact, that —
apart from the incidental mention of his name as having
been present on certain solemn occasions — in each of the
three events in which St. James becomes for a moment
prominent together with his brother, his conduct is marked
by reprehension rather than approval. The blame was in-
finitely tender, yet it was distinctly blame. A man^s good-
ness, a man's self-sacrifice, does not make him in the smallest
degree infallible. It gives him no immunity from error,
either in opinion or in practice. Because the Gospels are
true and faithful, therefore the Apostles are not represented
to us as faultless, nor is the language used respecting them
like that of modern biographies, the language of unbroken
eulogy. In all the stately and splendid picture gallery of
saintly lives which Scripture presents to us we find that One
was sinless, and One alone. The Apostles were holy and
noble men ; but they set themselves forth to us as often dull
of understanding, jealous, narrow, impatient, lacking (as
we all are) in perfect charity. Peter denies his Lord, and
Thomas doubts, and, in the hour of His deepest need, all
the disciples — even James, even the disciple whom Jesus
loved — forsook Him and fled. Great was their work, eter-
nal their reward, beautiful even their stormy impetuosity
as " Sons of Thunder," in that cluster of young life which
Jesus gathered round Him. Yet their life too was only a
beginning and a setting forth, not a finishing.
248 ST. JAMES THE APOSTLE.
Let us take the three sentences addressed to these two
brothers by their Lord.
Luke ix, 55 : "Ye knoiv not loliat manner of spirit ye
are of."
Matthew xx. 22 : " Ye know not what ye ask."
Mark xiv. 41 : " Sleep on noiv, and take your rest."
We see at once that the three sentences, deep as was their
gentleness, were three reproofs.
I. James and John had to unlearn the spirit of intoler-
ance. Intolerance is sometimes represented as a virtue, and
as a beautiful proof of flaming zeal ; while tolerance, and
comprehensiveness, and the readiness to make allowance
are often condemned, especially by priests and the sup-
porters of party religionism, as proofs of indifference and
coldness. The lesson which Christ taught was invariably
the reverse of this ; only, in most ages of the Church,
unhappily, many have not guided themselves by the words
and example of Christ, but by their own party interests,
perverted texts, and fierce traditions.
The rude and fanatical people of the frontier village of
Engannim had refused > to receive our Lord, because they
were Samaritans, and His face was as though He would go
to Jerusalem. This inhospitable rejection involved direct
insult, as well as painful discomfort ; and in that very
country Elijah was recorded to have twice called down fire
from heaven to avenge an insult far more excusable. Im-
mediately the Sons of Thunder ask Christ if they may call
down fire from heaven to punish these insolent villagers,
even as Elijah did. They want to perform, in their own
persons, a violent and exterminating miracle. It is the
voice of the inquisitor, the voice of the partisan, the voice
of religious hatred. It was the voice of Torquemada ; the
voice of Innocent III. and Arnold of Citeaux ; the voice of
Calvin ; the voice of John Knox ; the voice of Gardiner
and Bonner ; the voice of Philip 11. and Alva ; the voice of
ST. JAMES THE APOSTLE. 249
sects and partisans — not the voice of Christ. Two words
for themselves ; one for Christ ; none at all for the poor
wretches, innocent and guilty alike, whom, for God's glory
and their own, they want to consume. " Eve7i as Elias
did." There we see a little touch of shame as to their
request. Merciless anger and personal indignation justify
themselves, as usual in such cases, with a real or supposed
Scripture precedent.^ There have always been adepts in
the art of murdering the spirit of Scripture by its own
dead letter. Popes quoted Scripture when they wanted to
exterminate the opponents whom they called heretics ;
and Crusaders, when they waded bridle-deep in blood ; and
Romanists, when they burnt Protestants ; and Jesuits, when
they plotted to get kings assassinated ; and the clergy, when
they preached the Divine rights of despotism ; and slave-
owners, when, with the approval of countless clerical biblio-
laters, they stole men from Africa, and kept them in bitter
bondage. But Christ, with Divine wisdom, set aside their
Scripture precedent as worse than valueless, as a pernicious
anachronism. He tells them that the Elijah-spirit is not
the Christ-spirit. The fire of wrath and destruction is in
God's hands, not in the polluted hands of erring and feeble
men. Fire is the only element in which Christ wrought no
miracle. It is the brambles and bramble-men whose voices
are most full of it, and they have used it chiefly against
the cedars of Lebanon. But Jesus rebuked the two err-
ing and vehement brothers, and said, "Ye know not of
what spirit ye are. For the Son of man is not come " —
as the representatives of the Church have so often and so
fatally supposed — "to destroy men's lives, but to save." ~
^ It is clear that the passage has been tampered with, probably in more than
one direction, by ecclesiastical bias. These words are omitted in N B, L, 3,
etc.
- This glorious utterance is omitted in N, A, B, C. There were scribes so
ignorant and so steeped in the Elijah-spirit of persecution as to regard it as
" dangerous."
250 ST. JAMES THE APOSTLE.
II. Nor was the lesson of intolerance the only lesson
which these two great Apostles had to unlearn. They had
also to be purged from the secret religious selfishness from
which all intolerance springs.
The incident occurred at a later stage of the great journey,
after Jesus had taken refuge for a time from the ban of His
enemies at the little village Ephraim. He only left it when,
from its conical hill, he saw the Galilaean pilgrims beginning
to stream down the Jordan valley towards Jerusalem. He
had been walking in front of His disciples in the transfigura-
tion of majestic sorrow, when He beckoned them to Him,
and for the first time revealed to them the awful fact that
He should be, not only mocked and scourged, but — the
crowning horror — that He should be crucified. It was at
that most inopportunate moment that, instigated by her
sons, the fond mother Salome mysteriously came to Him
with them, and asks as a favour that they may sit at His right
hand and His left in His kingdom. Jesus gently bore with
the error and ambitious selfishness of the young men whom
He loved, knowing that in their blindness they had asked
for that position which, five days afterwards, should be
occupied in shame and anguish by the two crucified robbers.
" Ye hnoiu not what ye ask," He said. Heaven is not a
heaven of the selfish, ambitious, exclusive sort. There are
no beggings and schemings there, no selfish jostliugs and
elbowings in the press, no competitive comparisons of which
has done the maximum of service on the minimum of grace.
There no one wonders why this man succeeds, or envies
because another has been rewarded. There the highest and
the lowest are all equally happy, because all are in full
accord with the will of God.
Frate, la nostra volonta quieta
La Virtu di Carita, che fa volerne
Sol quel ch' avenno, e d' altro uon chi asseta.
ST. JAMES TEE APOSTLE. 251
Se desiassimo esser piu superne
Forau dLscordi gli nostri disii'i
Dal voler di colui che qui ne cerue.
Chiaro mi fu allor, com' ogni dove
In cielo e Pai-adisq, e si la grazia
Del sommo ben d' un modo non vi piove." '
The ten, when they heard the request of the two brothers,
had great indignation among themselves. They too wanted
their thrones and places of distinction. But Jesus, who was
patient because eternal, only taught the two poor disciples
that His cup and His baptism were far different from
what they supposed. And they, rising in their fall, showed
themselves no less ready to taste His cup of bitterness
and to partake of His baptism of fire. But the painful
discipline did not come till they had been more trained to
bear it.
in. St. James was indeed the first martyr of the Apostles,
as St. John was their last survivor. We catch the last
glimpse of him in the Gospels first sleeping and sharing in
the gentle rebuke, "What, could ye not watch one hour?"
then, with the rest, flying from his forsaken Lord.
'"What should wring this from thee?' ye laiigh and ask.
What wrung it ? Even a torchlight and a noise,
The sudden Roman faces, violent hands,
And fear of what the Jews might do ! Just that,
And it is written, ' I forsook and fled ' :
There was my trial, and it ended thus.
Ay, but my soul had gained its truth, could grow :
Another year or two — what little child.
What tender woman that had seen no least
Of all my sights, but bai'ely heard them told,
1 Dante, Paradiso iii. 70, seq. " Brother, a virtue of Charity sets at rest our
will, which makes us wish that only which we have, and lets us not thirst for
aught else. If we desired to be more on high, our desires would be out of har-
mony with the will of Him who distributes us here. ... It was clear to me
then how everywhere in Heaven is Paradise, even if the grace of the highest
Good falls not there in one fashion " (A. J. Butler's translation).
252 ST. JAMES TEE APOSTLE.
Who did not grasp the cross with a glad laugh,
Or wrap the burning robe round, thanking God?"
But this was his last recorded imperfection. In the Acts
of the Apostles we find James named first, before even Peter
and John, though he afterwards became less prominent in
the popular recollection than the Apostle of Love, for he is
described later on as "James the brother of John." We
read no more of him till fourteen years later, and then we
see nothing but the flash of a sword. Herod Agrippa, being
but an alien usurper, supported mainly by the swords of
Rome, is anxious to please the Jews. He knows that he
cannot do so more effectually than by putting to death a
leading Christian. And so " he slew James the brother of
John with the sword." 'AvelXe /xa^atpa — just two words,
and no more, sufiice to narrate the martyrdom of the first
of the Apostles, and, what is very remarkable, of the 07ily
Apostle whose death is recorded. How St. Peter died, how
St. Paul died, how St. John died, how any one of the rest
of the Twelve died, we simply do not know. We do not
know how they were martyred, nor even — except by vague
and late tradition — whether any of them, except the Apostles
of the Circumcision and of the Uncircumcision, were mar-
tyred at all. St. James has the signal honour of being
the only Apostle whose martyrdom is recorded in the
Sacred Book.
But what "Acts of Martyrdom" are these! How brief,
how quiet in their solemnity, how entirely unsurrounded by
any blaze of miracles or of superhuman sanctity in the
sufferer ! The story of tradition, recorded by Clement of
Alexandria and preserved in Eusebius, may or may not be
true — that, on his way to execution, he forgave and con-
verted his accuser, and that when this man desired to die
with James, the Apostle looked at him for a little time, then
kissed him, and said, " Peace to thee, my brother." But if
the story be true, Scripture, at any rate, does not narrate it.
EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA. 253
Scripture differs greatly from common biographies. It is
indifferent to earthly glories and death-bed scenes. It
wo aid seem to say to us —
"■ Why do ye toil to register your names
On icy pillars which soon melt away ?
True honour is not here."
There is, as I have said elsewhere, a spiritual fitness in the
lonely, slightly recorded death- scene of the Son of Thunder.
There is a deep lesson in the fact that, meekly and silently,
in utter self-renouncement, with no visible consolation, with
no elaborate eulogy, amid no pomp of circumstance, with
not even a recorded burial, he should perish, first of the
faithful few to whom, in answer to his request to sit at
his Lord's right hand, had been uttered that warning and
tender prophecy, that he should drink of the cup and be
baptized with the baptism of his Saviour. Nor was the day
far distant when the Herods and High Priests would be
forced to say of him: " We fools accounted his life madness,
and his end to be without honour. How is he numbered
among the children of God, and his lot is among the
saints ! "
F. W. Farrar.
EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA:
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
IV.
Multitudes flocked to listen to the ministrations of Aber-
kios from the neighbouring provinces. Greater Phrygia,
Asia, Lydia, and Caria. He restored sight to a noble lady
named Phrygella, and afterwards to three old women of
the country. Observing that the country stood in need of
medicinal baths, to which invalids might resort for the cure
of their ailments, he fell on his knees beside a river near the
254 EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHBYGIA :
city, and prayed : immediately a peal of thunder was heard
from a clear sky, and fountains of hot water sprang from
the earth. The form in which this tale is told owes its
origin probably to a reader of the Odes of Horace, or of the
Greek original which Horace has imitated in the 34th Ode
of the First Book, where the sceptic, who maintained the
scientific explanation of thunder as due to mere physical
action among the clouds, is converted to believe that it
is due to the direct action of Jupiter, by the occurrence
of thunder and lightning in a clear sky. Such a touch,
like the white garments of the worshippers in the opening
scene, seems to betray some familiarity with ancient lite-
rature ; and incidentally it illustrates what I have said in
a preceding article as to the educating influence of the
earlier form of Christianity in Phrygia. Also the multi-
tudes from the provinces point perhaps to a reader of the
Acts of the Apostles, chap. ii.
Strong belief in the curative and prophylactic properties
of mineral springs seems in all ages to have characterized,
and still continues to characterize, the natives of Asia
Minor. All summer these baths of Hierapolis are still
thronged by visitors, many coming from a great distance,
some to be cured of ailments, others hoping to prevent
them by timely use of the medicinal waters. Two of the
provinces of Asia Minor, Phrygia and Galatia, derived their
distinctive title Salutaris from the number of hot salutary
springs within their bounds. The origin of these healing
fountains was naturally attributed to some beneficent di-
vinity by the pagans, and by the Christians to the great
saint of the district, just as the origin of the lake of
Diocassareia was in the legend just quoted ascribed to the
prayers of St. Artemon. Before the true site of Hiera-
polis ^ had been discovered, the Berlin geographer, Professor
' Different from the i^'reater Hieraiiolis, described above, beside Laodiceia.
There are hot springs at both Phrygian cities of the name.
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE GHURGH. 255
Kiepert, argued from its name that it must be in the
neighbourhood of some hot spring. HierapoHs, "the Holy
City," is from its very name a city of rehgious sanctity,
and all the great pagan sanctuaries of Asia Minor were
situated in places where some striking natural phenomenon
revealed the immediate power and presence of the deity,
who ruled and through his prophets advised his people.
The father of deceit, the devil himself, now sought in the
form of a woman to get a blessing from the saint ; but
the latter knew him, and turning hastily away, bruised his
ankle against a stone, and gave cause of boasting to the
evil one, who delights only in doing injury. The devil then
leaped upon a youth of the company, and handled him in
miserable wise, till Aberkios pitied him ; whereupon the
devil left him, threatening that he would make the saint
go to Eome. This most puerile incident is introduced to
lead up to the central event in the life of the Phrygian
saint, his visit to Eome. The fact was known, and some
motive had to be found for it consistent with the childish
fancy of a miracle-mongering age. The real reason which
led to the wide travels of Aberkios is unknown to us ; it is
probable that it was simply the desire to visit the central
Church of the Eoman and the Christian world in Eome,
and the earliest seats of the Church in Syria, and thus to
strengthen the connexion between the provincial Church
of Phrygia and the Church Catholic.
I have here anticipated slightly in assuming the historical
character of the travels of Aberkios : the reasons which
prove that he did visit Eome and Syria for religious pur-
poses will be given below. I anticipate in order to bring
out more clearly at this point the way in which the legend
grows out of the real facts. The fact that Aberkios went
to Eome and to Syria was recorded and remembered.
Popular tradition demanded a reason why a man from the
interior of Phrygia undertook such journeys ; and in ac-
256 EARLY GHBI8TIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA :
cordance with the character of popular legend the reason
must be supernatural. The devil forced him to go to Eome,
but his success only produced a more signal manifestation
of the saint's miraculous power. When we remember the
character of the Montanist movement — Montanus the re-
presentative of the old native spirit in religion and in
Church government ; his opponents, among whom Aberkios
was one of the earliest leaders, bent on consolidating and
organizing the Church, and on converting the former merely
personal ascendency and authority of Church leaders and apo-
stles into the titled and regulated authority of the officials of
a hierarchical system — we shall see that the journeys of the
saint must have played an important part in forming his
policy and in making him the champion of organization
and the Church Catholic against the distinctively national
Phrygian and separatist tendency of Montanism.
The devil then went to Rome, and took possession of the
Princess Lucilla, daughter of Marcus Aurelius, and betrothed
to the younger emperor Verus. Verus had gone to the
East to conduct a war against the Parthian king Vologeses,
and it had been arranged that on his return Aurelius should
meet him at Ephesus, and the marriage should be cele-
brated there in the temple of Artemis. This last detail
is suggested by the Christian ceremonial of marrying in
church, and is entirely out of harmony with pagan mar-
riage customs. In the whole of this part of the story
there is a distinct effort made to accommodate the incidents
to actual history. The writer was fairly well read in
the history of the second century, but not sufficiently
master of the subject to avoid various inconsistencies and
chronological contradictions, which need not be here par-
ticularized. But even where he is most successful in paint-
ing the historical background, he introduces occasional
details, like the marriage in a temple, which betray the
habits of a later age. Most of this episode gives the im-
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 257
pression of learned invention by the composer of the
biography, and not of free popular mythology. Probably
the only point which belongs to popular tradition is that
the saint was made to go to Eome by the wiles of the
devil, and there cured the princess. The introduction of
the princess is due to a misunderstanding of the real re- _
corded facts that underlie the myth ; for the Church is
called in the record " the Princess."
Every means was tried to cure the princess. The priests
of Rome and Italy, the diviners of Etruria, could not exor-
cise the demon. We note that the author was educated
enough to know the fame of the Etruscans in divination :
another detail to mark his character. The devil declared
openly that he would not come out unless Aberkios, bishop
of the city of the Hierapolitans in Lesser Phrygia, came to
him. The emperor at last sent two messengers to fetch
Aberkios. The letter which he sent by their hands, ad-
dressed to Euxenianus Poplio, governor of Lesser Phrygia,
contains one more touch of the inaccurate learning of the
author of the biography. It refers to the terrible earth-
quake at Smyrna, and to the relief which the emperor had
given to the sufferers. The words are probably written by
some person who had read the petition of Aristides to the
two emperors on behalf of Smyrna, and his panegyric after
the relief was bestowed, but who was ignorant that the
earthquake took place in a.d. 180, only a few months
before the death of Marcus Aurelius. Aristides refers to
the two emperors who relieved Smyrna, viz. Marcus and
Commodus ; the author of the biography apparently under-
stood them to be Marcus and Verus.^
The messengers set out with all speed, and made the
' The inference which I once drew (" The Tale of St. Abercius," Journal of
Hellenic Studieit, 1882, p. 347) from the fact that Euxenianus was also in
authority in Smyrna, cannot be sustained, and is rightly rejected by Bishop
Lightfoot, Ifinatiiis and Pnlycarp, i., p. 484.
VOL. IX 17
258 EARLY CHBTSTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHBYGIA:
journey from Rome to Brindisi, about 400 miles, in two
days ! * The writer was learned enough to know that
Brindisi was the usual harbour on the route from Rome to
the East, but not learned enough to be aware of the dis-
tance. Hence they took ship, and on the seventh day
reached the Peloponnesus, whence they travelled with the
imperial post horses to Byzantium. The writer knows that
Byzantium was the old name of Constantinople, but does
not know the road from Brindisi to Constantinople : im-
perial messengers would have crossed in one day from
Brindisi to Dyrrhacchium, and then ridden post along the
Egnatian Way by Salonica, a very much shorter land
journey. But any reader who knows the geography of the
Mediterranean lands, or who looks at a map, will ask why,
if the messengers are in a hurry, they should go round by
Constantinople. Had the writer lived before the time of
Diocletian, he would have made his messengers follow the
usual Roman route, across the ^gean Sea to Ephesus, and
thence along the great eastern highway by Laodiceia and
Apameia. But he lived at a time when all roads in the
East led to Constantinople, and all imperial messengers
travelled to and from Constantinople ; and he makes the
characters of his story travel accordingly. From Constan-
tinople onwards he knows his ground, and describes it
accurately ; the messengers go along the imperial road
by Nicomedeia to Synnada, the capital of the province.
Arrived at Synnada, they have to leave the main route
and take a cross-country path, over a lofty, precipitous
ridge of volcanic rock, by which they require guides to con-
duct them. About the ninth hour they reached Hierapolis
and met Aberkios as they were entering the city. The
writer throughout shows a great liking for the ninth hour,
1 Clodius boasted of his speed in coming from the Straits of Messina to Rome
in seven days, Cato from Hydruntum to Rome in five days ; the distance is a
httle more than that to Brindisi.
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 259
and makes several of the important incidents of the tale
take place then. At that hour Aberkios was wont, after
spending the day in preaching and teaching, to return home
to pray. The messengers asked the way, and Aberkios
replied by asking what was their business. One of the
messengers, angry at his presumption in questioning a royal
official, lifted his hand to strike the saint with his riding
whip, but the hand remained outstretched and paralysed,
until Aberkios, with his wonted compassion, restored it to
health. Aberkios promised to meet the messengers after
forty days at the harbour of Rome, and they returned alone,
while he took a carriage, and drove down to the harbour
of Attaleia, on the southern coast, where he took ship for
Rome. The miraculous way in which he provisioned him-
self and in which his servant was obliged against his own
will to behave honestly, is too puerile for repetition : it is
obviously due to vulgar popular mythology. The road
which the saint took is exactly the one which would
recommend itself to a native. Three days after Aberkios
the messengers reached the port of Rome, which the writer
understands to be actually beside the city : the saint was
awaiting them as they landed. They land at a harbour,
though it is implied that they returned by the road along
which they had previously travelled. The emperor was
absent from Rome, on an expedition against the barbarians,
who had crossed the Rhine (here we again note the writer's
historical knowledge), and Aberkios was brought into the
presence of the Empress Faustina. He had the princess
brought into the Hippodrome, by which the writer perhaps
means the Circus Maximus, but more probably he knew
Constantinople and its Hippodrome, and transferred the
detail to Rome. Here he ordered the devil who possessed
her to leave her, and to take up an altar which stood in the
Hippodrome and set it down beside the southern gate of
Hierapolis. This same altar was afterwards used as the
260 EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA:
tombstone of the saint, and we may gather from this story
that the saint was buried by the side of the road which
issued through the southern gate of the city. The form of
an altar is, as I mentioned in a preceding article, very com-
mon among the Phrygian gravestones, and there can be no
doubt that the whole story about conveying the altar from
the Eoman Hippodrome is suggested by the monument,
in the shape of an altar, which stood above the grave of
the saint. I shall below mention the exact dimensions and
shape of the gravestone, a considerable fragment of which
is lying before me as I write.
Aberkios refused to accept for himself any recompense
from the grateful empress, but asked her to build a bathing-
house over the hot springs beside his native city, and to
bestow a yearly largess of 3,000 bushels of corn on its
inhabitants. This largess continued to be given until the
time of the Emperor Julian, by whom it was abrogated.
If I am correct in my view as to the date when the
biography was composed, it is most probable that some
public benefaction to the people of Hierapolis did really
exist in the fourth century, and was really confiscated by
the Emperor Juhan (a.d. 361-63). A writer about a.d. 400
could hardly invent entirely without foundation an incident
which belonged to a period well within the memory of his
contemporaries. I believe therefore that the existence of
a benefaction to the Christians of a Phrygian city, which
had lasted some considerable time before a.d. 363, is proved
by this biography. In inscriptions 13 and 20 examples of
such benefactions on a small scale were given.
After remaining some time in Rome, Aberkios was
ordered by God to visit Syria, and the Empress Faustina,
yielding to his request, ordered a ship to be prepared for
him. A voyage of seven days brought him from the port
of Rome to Syria : this impossible statement, compared
with the statement quoted above as to the length of the
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 261
voyage from Brindisi to the Peloponnesus, illustrates the
writer's utter ignorance of geography beyond the bounds
of Asia Minor. The saint visited Antioch and Apameia,
and crossing the Euphrates made a round of the Churches
near Nisibis and through the whole of Mesopotamia. Large
sums of money were pressed on him by the Syrian Chris-
tians, but were persistently declined by him. At last, on
the proposal of a rich and noble Syrian, named Barcha-
sanes, the title of Isapostolos, " Equal of the Apostles,"
was formally bestowed on him. He then returned through
the two provinces Cilicia and Lycaonia and Pisidia^ to
Synnada, and thence to his own home. On the toilsome
road between Synnada and Hierapolis he sat down on a
stone to rest during the heat of a summer day. Some
rustics near him were winnowing their corn in the same
way as is still customary in the country, throwing it up in
the air and allowing the breeze to carry away the chaff.
The brisk northerly wind, which blows on the plateau
almost every day for great part of the summer, enables this
to be easily done. The chaff was borne by the wind into
the face of the saint, who, instead of changing his position,
asked the labourers to stop their work, and when they,
naturally enough, refused to do so, lulled the breeze and
thus compelled them to stop. The rustics employed their
enforced leisure in making a meal. Aberkios begged of
them a little water, but they refused it with rustic jeers,
which after his conduct seem to us not wholly inexcusable.
Aberkios then afflicted them with insatiable appetite, which
continues to be the case until the present day. The writer
does not clearly explain his meaning ; but probably some
rustic joke about the enormous appetite of the inhabitants
' The details are accurate. There were two provinces of Cilicia, Prima
(capital Tarsus) and Secunda (capital Anazarbus). Lycaonia was separated
from Pisidia about 372. Aberkios would, by the usual route, traverse these
provinces and no others.
262 EARLY GHBI8TIAN MONUMENTS IN PHBYGIA:
of some village between Synnada and Hierapolis has given
rise to the legend. The picture of the saint sitting on the
stone and jeered by the rustics is so obviously modelled
on that of Demeter sitting on the Agelastos Petra, " the
Stone of Mourning," and ridiculed by the people of Eleusis,
that we may probably infer that the same tale was related
about the Cybele of Hierapolis as about the Demeter of
Eleusis, and that Aberkios has inherited the local legend.
But how utterly vulgarised is that pathetic legend in its
new form !
The only other incident which is recorded about Aberkios
is his production of a spring of drinking water on the top of
a high mountain. It must be possible to find whether this
fountain exists. I think that a search might discover it,
and prove in one further instance that real natural pheno-
mena were popularly accounted for by the prayers of the
local saint. Then his approaching death was announced
to him in a dream, and he prepared his tomb, engraving
his epitaph on the altar which the devil had brought from
the Hippodrome in Rome.
The mere recital of the useless, meaningless, and often
absurd miracles, and of the historical, chronological, and
geographical impossibilities in this legend, is sufiacient to
show the utterly unhistorical character of the biography.
There is a tone of vulgarity and rusticity about it which
gives it a rather low place in the class of religious romances
to which it belongs. It might fairly be discarded as an
unprofitable fabrication, as Tillemont has done. But the
epitaph which is given, in a very bad text, at the end of the
legend is a remarkable document. Several authorities, such
as Bishop Lightfoot and Cardinal Pitra, caught the ring of
a genuine second century Christian document in it, and
through their remarks ^ it began to attract some notice.
' Lightfoot, Coloasians, p. 54 ; Pitra, Sjncileijium Solesnieiise, iii., p. 553 ;
Duchesne, Revue des Questions Historiqnes, -July, 1883, p. 1 ; Di Eossi most
recently and elaborately in Inscript. Christ. Urbis Ronicc, ii., p. 15.
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 263
But it was in very suspicious company. Few spend suffi-
cient time in so habituating their ear to the tone of second
century work, as to be able to appreciate the ring of truth
in it, and probably the majority would have declined to
accept as historical a document which was enshrined in
such an obviously unhistorical and late biography. More-
over Aberkios is said to be Bishop of Hierapolis. Now
precisely at the time when the biography declares him to
have been Bishop of Hierapolis, we know on certain au-
thority that Papias and Apollinaris successively were bishops.
The legend makes the imperial messengers go from Synnada
to Hierapolis in one day, but Synnada is several long days'
journey from Hierapolis, and the principle has been laid
down above that fidelity in local features is one of the tests
of the better class of religious legend. Attempts which
were made to evade these difficulties proved vain, and mere
faith in the genuineness of the epitaph would not have con-
vinced the world. But when part of the very altar on
which the epitaph was engraved is now in Aberdeen, where
it can be examined by all, and when it is found to be
unmistakably a second century monument, and finally when
the letters on the stone give the true text, which had been
corrupted beyond the reach of emendation in all manu-
scripts of the biography, doubt is at an end.
The biography states that the altar was equal in length
and breadth. It can now from actual measurement be said
that the altar was one foot nine inches in length and the
same in breadth. The total height cannot be determined,
but if, as is common, the lower mouldings were exactly of
the same dimensions as the upper, the altar must have been
two feet eight inches high. The inscription was engraved
on three sides of the monument ; on the fourth side was a
crown, just as on the monument of Aristeas at Acmonia,
which was described in a preceding article. No. 13. The
first six lines of the epitaph were engraved on the side
264 EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHBYGIA :
opposite to that which bears the crown, the next eleven
Hnes were engraved on the left side, and the remaining five
lines on the right side. There is room in the panel on each
side for eleven lines, and the reason why so little was
engraved on the first and most important side, which is
now entirely lost, must have been that symbols or sculpture
of some kind occupied part of the available space.
In addition to discovering the original epitaph, which
mentions the chief facts in the life of the saint, the
systematic exploration conducted by the Exploration Fund
has also removed the historical and geographical difticul-
ties which were stated on the preceding page. It has
shown that there were two cities named Hierapolis, one
the more famous city of the Lycus valley, where Apolli-
naris was bishop in the time of Marcus Aurelius, the
other in the Phrygian Pentapolis, a few miles west of
Synnada, but separated from that city by a lofty range of
rugged mountains, so that it is a good day's journey of
eight or nine hours from the one city to the other. About
two or three miles south of this latter city is a fine series
of hot sulphurous springs, on the bank of a small river, a
tributary of the Mseander. The springs rise within fifty
yards of the bank of the stream. Part of the gravestone of
Aberkios is still built into the wall of one of the bathing
houses, while a smaller part has been brought to this
country during the last expedition organized by the Fund.
It has been stated above that according to the biography
the grave was outside of the southern gate of Hierapolis.
This description of the locality shows how natural it was
that monuments from the southern road should be carried
to build the baths.
The epitaph of Avircius may be thus translated, correcting
the text given in the biography by the epigraphic evidence :
29. "' Citizen of the select city, I have, while still livvmj, made this {tomb),
that I iiiaij have here before the eyes of 7iien a place where to lay my body.
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 265
— I, who am named Avircius, a disciple of the spotless Shepherd, who on
the mountains feedeth the flocks of His sheep and on the plains, who hath
large eyes that see all things. For He was my teacher, teaching me the
faithful writings, — He who sent me to Borne to behold the King, and to
see the Queen (' Princess ') that wears golden rohes and golden shoes.
And I saw there a people marked with a shining seal. And Syria's
plain I saw and all its cities, even Nisibis, ci'osslng the Eiiphrates; and
everywhere I found fellow-worshippers. Holding Paul in my hands I fol-
lowed, while Faith everywhere went in front, and everywhere set before me,
as food, the Fish from the fountain, mighty, pure, which a spotless Virgin
graspedj. And this she (i.e. Faith) gave to the friends to eat at all times,
having excellent wine, giving the inixed cup with bread. These words,
I Avircius, standing by, ordered to be loritten : I ivas of a truth in my
seventy -second year. When he sees this, let every one pray for him (i.e.
Avircius) who thinks with him.^ But no one shall place another in my
grave ; and, if he do, he shall pay 2,000 gold pieces to the Bomans, and
1,000 gold pieces to my excellent fatherland Hierapolis."^
The importance of this document as a summary of faith
and ritual in the second century has been shown briefly by
1 I.e. who believes in the One Church, and abhors Montanus.
^ eKKeKrrjs iroXews 6 TroXeirrj^ tovt^ iTrolyjcra
oiivo/x' 'AovepKLOS wv, 6 fiad-qTr]? Jloi/nevo^ ayvov,
oi^pecnv 8s ^6(TKei wpajSaTuv 0,7^X05 Treoiois re,
5 6(pda\fJ.ovs 6s ^X" f^^yoi^ovs Kal wdvO' bpouivrav
ovTos yap fx edida^e, [oiddaKiop] ypd/JLfiara iriffTd,
ets Pw/xriv OS 'iireixxj/ev e/j.ev jiaaiXTJav ddprjaat.
Kal (iaaikLaaav idelv xP^''^o(xt6\ov xP'^'''''"'"^^'^'"''
Xabv 5' etSov e/cei Xafiirpdv crtppaye'idav exovra'
10 /cat '^Zupirji iriSov el5a Kal acrea irdvTa, "Sicn^iv,
tjV(ppdT7]v 5ta/3ds, Tvavr-q 5' ^crxof crvuofxrjdeis'
\lav\ov ix'^^ €w6pi-t)v, YliaTLS iravT-q de vporjye
Kal irapedriKe Tpo(pr]v wdvT-q 'Ix^iV dirb TvrjyrjS,
iravixeyidrj, Kadapbv, ov edpd^aro llapdivos ayvrj,
15 Kal TOVTOV iwidwKe ^iXois kcrdeiv dia TravTos,
olvov XPW'''^^ ^X"""''*' KipacTfia Si^ovaa fier dpTov.
ravra wapeJTihs elwov ' AovipKios wSe ypa(f>rjvai'
€^Sop.T}KocrTOV eros Kal detjrepov rjyov dXij^ws.
Tavd' opotav ev^aid' VTrip avrov ttcLs 6 avvipSos.
20 ov fxivTOi Tiifx^tp rts ijJ.<^ 'irepov riva drjasi,
ei 5' oOv, 'Poj/xaiois 6-qcrei StcrxeiXta xpv'^^-'
Kal XRVCTji "farpldi lepdwoXi. x^'Xta XP^'^^-
I am obliged to differ in a number of points from the text as given by
Lightfoot and Di Eossi (who differ from each other also in various details). The
chief variations are mentioned below.
266 EARLY GHBI8T1AN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA:
Bishop Lightfoot in The Expositor, January, 1885, p. 1 ff.,
and very elaborately by Coram, di Eossi in the preface to
vol. ii. of his Inscriptiones Christ. Urbis Bomcs. We have in
it the writings of faith, the Church as queen in her golden
attire, the central importance of the Roman Church, the
seal of baptism, the Church of Syria, the intercommunion
of the members of different Churches in different lands — all
are associates of one Church and practise the same ritual —
the importance of St. Paul's writings, faith as the guide of
life, the holy sacrament of bread and wine as the body of
Christ, Christ conceived by the spotless Virgin, Christ born
afresh in the fountain of baptism,^ and the name applied to
Christ is the symbolical fish, the well-known anagram (of
which this is one of the earliest known examples) of the
initial letters, 'Irjcroui; Xpio-ro? ©eov 'TLo<i ^(OTi'jp. The docu-
ment is also interesting as an example of the sacred poetry
of the second century, and it has been compared with the
famous inscription of Autun, which was discovered in 1839.
The latter is a much later document,- but the first six lines
clearly belong to an early period (probably the same period
as the epitaph of Avircius), and are merely reproduced by
the composer of the epitaph proper. The remarkable
similarity of tone and spirit in the two documents furnishes
one further proof of the close relations between the Church
of southern Phrygia and the Church of Gaul, to be placed
alongside of the epistle of the Churches of Lyon and Vienne
to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia, the Lyonnese martyr
Alexander the Phrygian, etc.
The phrase in the second line, "before the eyes of men "
{(f}avepM^), shows the intention of the writer. The epitaph
was intended to be the imperishable record, amid the
' Di Rossi aptly quotes a Byzautine hymn, Tlijyr] liSaTos irriyriv irvevfiaros
- Di Rossi however seeius to me to be quite right in arguing tlrat it is in the
style of A.D. 300, rather than of the fifth century.
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE GHURGH. 267
most solemn and impressive surroundings, of the testimony
of Avircius in favour of the one and indivisible Church
catholic, and against the separatism and the nationalism
of Montanus. During his life Avircius took care that he
should continue after his death to preach the doctrine of
unity, and to protest against the Montanists, even to the
extent of refusing their prayers on his behalf: let them
only w^ho think v^^ith him pray for him.^ This important
word is preserved to us by the contemporary epigraphic
evidence ; and it is very unlucky that Di Bossi and Light-
foot have preferred the feeble reading of the MSS. to the
decisive testimony of an inscription which will be quoted
below. The phrase " in due time " (/catpw), loses all the
individuality that suits the situation, and substitutes a
commonplace platitude. The epitaph, as it has now" been
interpreted, belongs to the height of the Montanist con-
troversy, and can hardly be dated later than A.D. 192,
when the treatise against Montanism was dedicated to
Avircius by one of his neighbours and friends. In respect
of the date, I am glad to agree absolutely with the two
high authorities whom I have just quoted, against Duchesne
and Bonwetsch, who prefer a date about a.d. 215. The
latest date then that can be assigned for the birth of
Avircius is a.d. 120.
Before attempting to draw the conclusions that suggest
themselves from the new evidence about the position and
policy of Avircius, I shall put together here some remarks
on the text of the document which is our chief authority.
Since the complete text of the epitaph of Avircius was
published by me {Academy, Mar. 8th, 1884), other versions by
Bishop Lightfoot and Comm. di Kossi have been pubhshed
' This bitter iutolerance is paralleled by the treatise dedicated in 192 to
Avircius, in wbich the anonymous anthor, a neighbouring ijresbyter, praises
certain orthodox martyrs who refused, even in the immediate prospect of death,
to have any communion with their Montanist fellow martyrs.
268 EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA:
(The Expositoe, 1885, p. 11; Ig7iat. Pol, i., p. 480; Inscr.
Christ. Urb. Bom., ii., preface). I regret to be unable to
agree with the text as restored variously by these scholars,
and in most points the text given in the Academy (in which
I had the help of Mr. Bywater and Prof. Sanday) is I
believe preferable. The recent texts proceed, if I may say
so, on an uncritical principle ; no attempt is in them made to
explain the errors of text in the manuscripts, whereas the
text as reconstituted must explain the origin of the errors.
These errors are, I think, due partly to actual false readings
of the monument (which the biographer acknowledges to
have found difficulty in reading), and partly to attempts to
explain and modernize the text, which caused the substitu-
tion of common forms for dialectic and poetic forms, and of
marginal explanatory glosses for unusual expressions in the
text. The rule then should be, that where any manuscript
authority exists for a dialectic variety or unusual form, the
presumption is that it was written by Avircius.
In the first place, as to the spelling of the name, all the
three versions agree in accepting the authority of the MSS.,
and reading ji^ipKi,o<i. The name however is Italian, as
will be proved below. The Latin Avircius or Avercius
was transliterated in Greek during the second century in
accordance with universal practice 'AovipKco^ or 'AovepKio<i.
During the third century, Greek ^ began to represent
Latin v, and the two inscriptions 300-400 a.d. have
A/BlpKLO'i. The saint must have written either AovepKio^;
or AovipKLo<i, and as all MSS. of the biography and all
the Mensea, etc., quoted in the Acta Sanctorum (Oct. '22nd,
p. 485 ff.), have A^epKio^, the biographer probably saw
AovepKco'i on the monument. I have however written
Avircius on the authority of the treatise quoted by Eusebius,
and of inscriptions 31, 32.
The chief variations which I think are needed from the
text as constituted by Bishop Lightfoot are the following :
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 269
Line 2. Katpu) of the MSS. is falsely read from the stone ;
the epitaph of Alexander gives (f^avep [w?J , which as I have
rendered seems to give also a better though less obvious
sense. Kepai is an easy error for [0a]vepw[9] ,
3. For el/jbi I read wv, 6 : the MSS. have 6 cov, a trans-
position of some scribe ; el/jbc is a purely modern alteration.
4. Ovpecrc, MSS. ; Lightfoot corrects to opeaiv metri causa.
But the ordinary form opeaiv would never have been
altered to the unusual and unmetrical ovpeai. Avircius
wrote ovpecriv at the beginning of the line, in an order which
was a favourite device with him (cf. 5, 7). A scribe restored
the prose order of words, destroying the metre, and the
modern editor eliminated the poetic form and restored the
common form opeaiv for the sake of the metre.
5. Kadop6o3vra<i, MSS. Avircius wrote koI irdvra opoayvTa'i ]
a scribe, omitting kuL accidentally, inserted it above the
line, a most fruitful source of error in ancient MSS. It
was then misplaced by the next copyist, and written Kado-
pocovTWi. Finally metre was restored by reading irdvTT), which
is twice used by Avircius. Lightfoot prefers Ka6opa)VTa<i.
6. There is a gap in this line : Cardinal Pitra restores rd
^wri<i, which gives an admirable sense, " the faithful writings
of life " ; but it is perhaps too bold to introduce without
any authority such an idea into the text. And how should
such a reading have disappeared without leaving a trace ?
I insert hihdaKwv, which completes the sense, adds no new
idea, and explains the omission, for the word is readily
dropped by a scribe after iSiSa^e.
7. BaalXrjav, as Lightfoot rightly shows, was understood
by the biographer, when he transcribed the epitaph, as a
feminine in the sense of empress. Lightfoot also rightly
maintains that a mystic and figurative sense for the passage
was intended by Avircius. In both these points I was
wrong in my first interpretation. But I still hold that such
a writer as Avircius could not have written /SaaiXrjav for
270 EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA :
^aaiXeiav, and repeated ^aaiXia-a-av in the next line in the
sense of " queen." Moreover the rhythm, ^ao-tXrjav d6pi]aai
KOi ^aaiXcaaav IBelv, clearly demands that the two clauses
shall exactly balance each other. BaaiXrjav then I still
maintain to be a correct poetic variety of the accusative of
^aaiXev^, to which many parallels can be quoted. What
the mystic sense is (such as Lightfoot rightly requires) that
lies in " the King" and " the Queen " whom Avircius went
to Rome to see, I must leave to others to determine ; but
I may add that Lightfoot's text also fails to give a mystic
sense to /SaalXrjav.
11. The correct text is suggested by Lightfoot in a
note, but not given in his text. It is avvofitjOet';. The
word must have been misread on the stone. My original
suggestion is wrong.
12.^ My restoration evro [yu,?;!/] is disliked by both Lightfoot
and Di Rossi, but they confess themselves unable to dis-
cover anything better. They seem to understand TIavXov
e%a)y as " with Paul as my comrade," whereas I translate it
" holding (the writings of) Paul in my hands," and thus I
think the line has an unexceptionable sense. The anti-
thesis €7r6fn]v in penthemimeral caesura and 7rpo7]ry€ at the
end of the line is such a common device in hexameters as
to justify itself in this case forthwith.
14. I cannot agree with Lightfoot in doubting the refe-
rence to the Virgin Mary.
18. e^SofM)]fcoa-rov, with its scansion as a four-syllable
word, is necessitated, and may be palliated by the slurring
of the second syllable.
19. 6 voMv followed by 6 avvwho<i seems to be too awk-
ward for the style of Avircius. I think the biographer
falsely read JV for P, and that the true text is, as I have
given, opocov. The phrase is then more characteristic of
epitaphs, more vigorous in sense, and more on a level with
the grammar of Avircius. 6 avvcpB6<i Lightfoot takes in the
A STUDY IN THE EARLY ETSTOBY OF THE CHURCH. 271
sense of Christian: this seems weak. It means " anti-
montanist."
19. ev^acTo virep 'A/SepKLov, MSS. The epitaph wrote, in
accordance with a most frequent usage in these documents,
vTrep avTov ; this was explained by a gloss 'A/3epKLov, which
crept into the text and supplanted the pronoun, virep /.lov,
as given by Lightfoot, is naturally and readily intelligible,
and would not have led to any marginal explanation.
20. Lightfoot deserts the inscription of Alexander com-
pletely. Di Kossi, on the other hand, inflicts on Avircius a
seven-foot line. It is to me inconceivable how the latter
can attribute such a line to a writer capable of composing
this fine epitaph. Alexander certainly gives a seven-foot
line, but he was a half-educated native Phrygian : he found
a somewhat poetic phrase 'Ptw/iatot? in the text which he
was copying, and substituted for it the regular technical
phrase ^Poifiatoiv Ta^eiw.
22. I refuse to attribute to the composer of this epitaph
such a metrical enormity as ^lepoiroXei x^^^''^- I have
for years insisted on and quoted examples to prove the
principle that 'lepoiroXfi is the native Phrygian, Cappa-
docian, and Syrian name, but that wherever Greek education
spread the true Greek form 'lepa JIoA-t? takes its place.
Thus Hierapolis is the invariable form in the Lycus valley,^
which was thoroughly Graecised, and the city of Avircius
always becomes Hierapolis in ecclesiastical documents.
Avircius, a well educated man, used the Greek form, and in
verse considered himself justified in forming a dative ttoXi,
or perhaps in using a vocative. He probably intended the
single word 'lepdiroXi, and not the two words 'lepa JJoki.
Alexander substituted the local name 'lepoTroXet.
Di Rossi thinks that the biographer omitted the con-
clusion of the epitaph, containing the date and a salutation
' Except in one or two of the earliest coins, before it was completely pene-
trated by Greek education.
272 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
to the passers by. This is not probable. The date is
suppHed by the age of the writer, and the usual salutation
is represented by the request for the prayers of the orthodox,
which shows that opowv is required in order to correspond
to the ordinary phraseology of epitaphs: "Let every ortho-
dox person who sees this prove his orthodoxy by praying
for him that is buried here." ^
W. M. Kamsay.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
VIII. The Gospel of Kest (Chap.' iv.).
The interest of an ordinary reader of our epistle is apt to
flag at this point, in consequence of the obscurity over-
hanging the train of thought, and the aim of the whole
passage relating to a " rest that remaineth." It helps to
rescue the section from listless perusal to fix our atten-
tion on this one thought, that the Christian salvation is
here presented under a third aspect as a rest, a sabbatism,
a participation in the rest of God ; the new view, like
the two preceding, in which the great salvation was identi-
fied with lordship in the world to come and with deliverance
from the power of the devil and the fear of death, being
taken from the beginning of human history as narrated in
the early chapters of Genesis.
One aim of the writer of the epistle in this part of his
work was doubtless to enunciate this thought, and so to
identify the gospel of Christ with the Old Testament
gospel of rest. But bis aim is not purely didactic, but
1 The interpretation of Geraios suggested in the second of these papers must
be abandoned, and the more obvious interpretation as member of GerouRia is
to be preferred. The title occurs a third time in a Phrygian inscription at
Hierapolis.
TEE GOSPEL OF REST. 273
partly also, and even chiefly, parenetic. Doctrine rises out
of and serves the purpose of exhortation. The obscurity
of the passage springs from the interblending of the two
aims, the theoretical and the practical ; vs^hich makes it
difficult to decide whether the object of the writer is to
prove that a rest really remains over for Christians, or to
exhort them to be careful not to lose a rest, whose availa-
bility for them is regarded as beyond dispute. In the
latter case one is apt to think it might have been better
to have omitted vers. 2-10 and to have passed at once to
ver. 12, where comes in the solemn statement concerning
the word of God. As in the previous chapter he had
asserted without proof, "whose house are we," why could
our author not here also have contented himself with
asserting, " which rest is ours, if we lose it not by unbelief,
as did Israel of old," and adding, " let us therefore, one
and all of us, be on our guard against such a calamity"?
Would his exhortation not have gained in strength by
being put in this brief, authoritative form, instead of being
made to rest on an intricate process of reasoning ?
As proof offered naturally implies doubt of the thing
proved, it is a ready inference that the Hebrew Christians
required to be assured that they had not come too late for
participation in the rest promised to their fathers. Evi-
dence of this has been found in the word Sokjj (ver. 1)
rendered not " seem," as in the Authorized Version, but
" think " : " lest any of you imagine he hath failed of it by
coming too late in the day."^ The exhortation to fear how-
ever does not suit such a state of mind. It is more likely
that the writer was led to argue the point, that the promised
rest was still left over, simply because there were Old Tes-
tament materials available for the purpose. He chose to
present the truth as mediated through Old Testament texts
' So a number of the older commentators, and most recently Kendall, who
says the rendering " seem " conveys no meaning to his mind.
VOL. IX. I 8
TEE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
fitted to stimulate both hope and fear : hope of gaining the
rest, fear of losing it.
In so far as the section, vers. 1-10, has a didactic drift,
its object is to confirm the hope ; in so far as it is hortatory,
its leading purpose is to enforce the warning, " let us fear."
The parenetic interest predominates at the commence-
ment, vers. 1, 2, v^hich may be thus paraphrased : " Now
with reference to this rest I have been speaking of (iii. 18,
19), let us fear lest we miss it. For it is in our power to
gain it, seeing the promise still remains over unfulfilled or
but partially fulfilled. Let us fear, I say ; for if we have a
share in the promise, we have also in the threat of for-
feiture : it too stands over. We certainly have a share in
the promise ; we have been evangelized, not merely in
general, but with the specific gospel of rest. But those
who first heard this gospel of rest failed through unbelief.
So may we: therefore let us fear." When we thus view
the connexion of thought in these two verses, we have no
difficulty in understanding the omission of the pronoun
(r/fj-eis:) in the first clause of ver. 2, which might surprise
one. As in the previous chapter (ver. 6) the writer had
said, "whose house Sbve loe," so we expect him here to say
" ive not less than they have received the good tidings of
rest." But his point at this stage is not that 2oe have been
evangelized — that is, that the ancient gospel of rest concerns
us as well as our forefathers, — but that we have been evan-
gelized, and therefore are concerned in the threatening as
well as in the promise.
To be noted is the freedom with which, as in the case of
the word " apostle " (iii. 1), the writer uses the term 61)77776-
Xiafiivoi, which might have been supposed to have borne in
his time a stereotyped^meaning. Any promise of God, any
announcement of good tidings, is for him a gospel. Doubt-
less all God's promises are associated in his mind with the
great final salvation, nevertheless they are formally distinct
THE GOSPEL OF BEST. 275
from the historical Christian gospel. The gospel he has
in view is not that which " began to be spoken by the
Lord," but that spoken by the psalmist when he said,
" To-day if ye will hear His voice, harden not your hearts."
Only when this is lost sight of can it create surprise that
the statement in the text runs, " We have had a gospel
preached unto us as well as they," instead of, " They had
a gospel preached unto them as well as we."
Not less noteworthy is the way in which the abortive
result of the preaching of the gospel of rest to the fathers
is accounted for. " The v.'ord preached did not profit them,
not being mixed with faith in them that heard it." The
remarkable point is the idea of mixing, instead of which
one might have expected the introduction of some simple
commonplace word such as " received " : " The word did
not profit, not being received in faith." Had this form of
language been employed, we should probably have been
spared the trouble of deciding between various readings.
The penalty of originality in speaker or writer is miscon-
ception by reporters, copyists, and printers. Uncertain
how the idea of mixing was to be taken the copyists would
try their hand at conjectural emendation, changing cruy/ceKe-
paa/j.evo'i into auyKeKepaa/juivov;, or vice vei'sd. In this way
corruption may have crept in very early, and it is quite
possible that none of the extant readings is the true one.^
Of the two most important variants given above, the
second, according to which the participle has the accusative
plural ending, and is in agreement with e/ceiVou?, is the best
attested, but it does not give the most probable sense :
"The word did not profit them, because they were not ,
mixed by faith with the (true) hearers." On this reading!'
* Bleek conjectures tbat instead of aKovaaat may have stood originally a.Ko6<x-
fxaaL. Among the various readings are several varieties of spelling and form in
the participle <xvyKeK€paaiJ.evos, of no importance to the sense, but showing an
unu.-Aud amount of uncertainty as to the original text.
276 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBBEWS.
the word " mixed " receives the intelhgible sense of
" associated with," but it is open to the serious objection
that the writer has assumed in the previous chapter that
there were no true hearers, or so few that they might be
left out of account (iii. 16). Assuming that the other read-
ing is to be preferred, according to which the participle is
in agreement with \6709, it is difQcult to decide how the
mixing is to be conceived of. Is the word mixed with faith
in the hearer, or by faith with the hearer? and what natural
analogy is suggested in either case ? Obviously this reading
points to a more intimate and vital union than that of
association suggested by the other ; such a union as takes
place when food is assimilated by digestion and made part
of the bodily organization. But how the matter presented
itself to the writer's mind we can only conjecture. The
one thing certain is, that he deemed faith indispensable to
profitable hearing : a truth, happily, taught with equal
clearness in the text, whatever reading we adopt.
At ver. 3 the didactic interest comes to the front. The
new thought grafted into ver. 1 by the parenthetical clause,
" a promise being still left," now becomes the leading
affirmation. The assertion of ver. 2, "we have been evan-
gelized," is repeated, with the emphasis this time on the
" we " ; for though the pronoun is not used, ol incTTevaavreq
stands in its stead. " We do enter into rest, we helievers in
Christ.'' More is meant than that the rest belongs only to
such as believe. It is a statement of historical fact, similar
to "whose house are we" — Christians. Only there is this
difference between the two affirmations, that whereas in the
earlier it is claimed for Christians that they are God's
house principally, if not exclusively, here the more modest
claim is advanced in their behalf that they share in, are
not excluded from, the rest. The writer indeed believes
that the promise in its high ideal sense concerns Christians
chiefly, if not alone ; that thought is the tacit assumption
TEE GOSPEL OF BEST. 277
underlying his argument. But the position formally main-
tained is not, We Christians have a monopoly of the rest,
but, "We have a share in it, it belongs to us also. A rest is
left over for the New Testament ]Deople of God.
The sequel as far as ver. 10 contains the proof of this
thesis. The salient points are these two : First, God spoke
of a rest to Israel by Moses, though He Himself rested from
His works when the creation of the world was finished ;
therefore the creation-xe^t does not exhaust the idea and
promise of rest. Second, the rest of Israel in Canaan under
Joshua did not realize the Divine idea of rest, any more
than did the personal rest of God at the creation, for we
find the rest spoken of again in the Psalter as still remain-
ing to be entered upon, which implies that the Canaan-vest
was an inadequate fulfilment: "For if Joshua had given
them rest " — i.e. given rest adequately, perfectly — " then
would He (God or the Holy Spirit) not afterward have
spoken of another day." The former of these two points
contains the substance of what is said in vers. 3-5, the
latter gives the gist of vers. 7, 8; whereupon follows the
inference in ver. 9, a rest is left over. A third step in the
argument by which the inference is justified is passed over
in silence. It is, that neither in the psalmist's day nor at
any subsequent period in Israel's history had the promise
of rest been adequately fulfilled, any more than at the
creation or in the days of Joshua. Had the writer chosen
he might have shown this in detail, pointing out that even
Solomon's reign did not bring complete rest ; the Solo-
monic rest containing within its bosom the seeds of future
disturbance, division, and warfare, and proving to be but a
halcyon period, followed by wintry storms, bringing desola-
tion and ruin on a once happy land. As for the rest after
the return from Babylon, the only other point in Jewish
history at which the promise could find a place whereon
to set its foot, he would have no difficulty in showing what
278 THE EPISTLE TO TEE HEBREWS.
a poor, imperfect, disappointing fulfilment it brought.
Who that reads the sad, chequered tale of Ezra and
Nehemiah would say that it realizes all the meaning of
the twice-spoken oracle of Jeremiah : " Therefore fear thou
not, 0 My servant Jacob ; neither be dismayed, O Israel :
for, lo, I will save thee from afar, and thy seed from the
land of their captivity ; and Jacob shall return, and shall
be in rest, and none shall make him afraid." ^
Our author takes the oracle in the Psalter as the final
word of the Old Testament on the subject of rest, and
therefore as a word which concerns the New Testament
people of God. God spake of rest through David, implying
that up till that time the long promised rest had not come,
at least, in satisfying measure. Therefore a rest remains
for Christians. Is the inference cogent '? Because a
certain promised good had not come up to a certain date,
must it come now ? Let us review the situation. The
ancient Scriptures speak of a Divine rest which God
enjoyed at the beginning of the world's history, and in
which man seemed destined to share. But man's portion
in this rest has never yet come in any satisfying degree.
It came not at the creation, for after that came all too soon
the fall ; it came not at the entrance into Canaan, for the
people of Israel had to take possession sword in hand, and
long after their settlement they continued exposed to annoy-
ance from the Canaanitish tribes ; it came not from Joshua
till David, for even in his late time the Holy Spirit still
spoke of another day. Extending our view, we observe that
it came not under Solomon, for after him came Eehoboam
and the revolt of the ten tribes ; it came not with the return
of the tribes from Babylon, for envious neighbours kept
them in a continual state of anxiety and fear, and they
rebuilt their temple and the city walls in troublous times.
^ Jer. XXX. 10, xlvi. 27. The idea of rest is iu tliese texts, but it is not ren-
dered by KaTaTravcj in tlie Septuagiut.
tHE GOSPEL OF' BEST. 270
Is not the natural inference from all this that the rest will
never come, all actual rests being but imperfect approxi-
mations to the ideal? So reasons unbelief, which treats the
summiim honum in every form as a mere ideal, a beautiful
dream, a pleasure of hope, like that of the maniac, to whom
"Mercy gave, to charm the sense of woe,
Ideal bliss that truth could never know."
Far otherwise thought the writer of our epistle. He
believed that all Divine promises, that the promise of rest
in particular, shall be fulfilled with ideal completeness.
"Some must enter in"; and as none have yet entered in
perfectly, this bliss must be reserved for those on whom
the ends of the world are come, even those who believe in
Jesus. " There remaineth therefore a rest for the people
of God."
A sahhatism our author calls the rest, so at the conclusion
of his argument introducing a new name for it, after using
another all through. It is one of the significant thought-
suggesting words which abound in the epistle. It is not,
we may be sure, employed merely for literary reasons, as if
to vary the phraseology and avoid too frequent repetition
of the word KaTdiravaL^;. Neither is it enough to say that
the term was suggested by the fact that God rested on the
seventh day. It embodies an idea. It felicitously connects
the end of the world with the beginning, the consummation
of all things with the primal state of the creation. It
denotes the ideal rest, and so teaches by implication that
Christians, not only have an interest in the gospel of rest,
but for the first time enter into a rest which is worthy of
the name, a rest corresponding to and fully realizing the
Divine idea. This final name for the rest thus supplements
the defect of the preceding argument, which understates the
case for Christians. It further hints, though only hints,
the nature of the ideal rest. It teaches that it is not merely
280 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
a rest which God gives, but the rest which God Himself
enjoys. It is God's own rest for God's own true people,
an ideal rest for an ideal community, embracing all believers,
all believing Israelites of all ages, and many more; for God's
rest began long before there was an Israel, and the gospel
in the early chapters of Genesis is a gospel for man, as the
writer of our epistle well knows, though he does not plainly
say it. Into this sabbatic rest cessation from work enters
as an essential element; for it is written that God "rested
on the seventh day from all His work which He had made."
That this is the thought which our author chiefly associates
with the term aa^^aTia^jbo'^ appears from ver. 10, which
may be thus paraphrased : " One who enters into rest ceases,
like God, from work, and therefore may be said to enjoy a
sabbatism." But this yields only a negative idea of the
rest, and the summum bonum can hardly be a pure negation.
The rabbinical conception of the Sabbath was purely
negative. The rabbis made a fetish of abstinence from what-
ever bore the semblance of work, however insignificant
in amount, and whatever its nature and intention. Christ
discarded this rabbinized Sabbath, and put in its place
a humanized Sabbath, making man's good the law of
observance, declaring that it was always lawful to do well,
and justifying beneficent activity by representing Divine
activity as incessant, and Divine rest therefore as only
relative, a change in the manifested form of an eternal
energy. We do not know how far our author was acquainted
with the sabbatic controversies of the gospels, but we
cannot doubt on which side his sympathies would be. It
has been suggested that he coined a name for the rest that
remains, containing an allusion to the seventh day rest, that
he might wean the Hebrews from its external observance
by pointing out its spiritual end.i This view rests on no
positive evidence, but it is far more credible than that the
* So Calvin,
THE GOSPEL OF BEST. 281
bliss of the future world meant for him the eternal prolonga-
tion of a rabbinical Sabbath, as it meant for the Talmudist
who wrote : " The Israelites said, Lord of all the world,
show us a type of the world to come. God answered them.
That type is the Sabbath." He took his ideas of the perfect
rest, not from the degenerate traditions of the rabbis, but
from the book of Origins. That being the fountain of his
inspiration, it is probable that he conceived of the ideal rest,
not as cessation from work absolutely, but only from the
weariness and pain which often accompany it. There was
work for man in paradise. God placed him in the garden of
Eden to work it ^ and to keep it ; and the whole description
of the curse implies that it is the sorrow of labour, and
not labour itself, that is the unblessed element. The epya
which pass away when the ideal rest comes are the kottoc —
the irksome toil and worry — of which John speaks in the
book of Eevelation: " They shall rest from their labours,"
and " pain shall be no more." ~
We have seen that our author borrows three distinct
conceptions of the great salvation from the primitive
history of man. It is reasonable to suppose that they were
all connected together in his mind, and formed one picture
of the highest good. They suggest the idea of paradise
restored : the Divine ideal of man and the world and their
mutual relations realized in perpetuity ; man made veritably
lord of creation, delivered from the fear of death, nay,
death itself for ever left behind, and no longer subject to
servile tasks, but occupied only with work worthy of a
king and a son of God, and compatible with perfect repose
and undisturbed enjoyment. It is an apocalyptic vision :
fruition lies in the beyond. The dominion and deathless-
^ ipyd^e(r9at in Septuagint.
" Bev. xiv. 13, xxi. 4. Very significant for tlie sense of kotos are tlie texts
Lulie xi. 7, xviii. 5 ; Gal. vi. 17. Worry, annoyance, enter into its meaning in
all three places.
282 TEE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
ness and sabbatism are reserved for the world to come,
objects of hope for those who beheve.
The perfect rest will come, and a people of God will enter
into it, of these things our author is well assured ; but he
fears lest the Hebrew Christians should forfeit their share
in the felicity of that people : therefore he ends his discourse
on the gospel of rest as he began, with solemn admonition.
" Let us fear lest we enter not in," he said at the beginning;
" let us give diligence to enter in," he says now at the
close. Then to enforce the exhortation he appends two
words of a practical character, one fitted to inspire awe, the
other to cheer Christians of desponding temper.
The former of these passages (vers. 12, 13) describes the
attributes of the Divine word, the general import of the
statement being that the word of God, like God Himself,
is not to be trifled with ; the word referred to being, in the
first place, the word of threatening which doomed un-
believing, disobedient Israelites to perish in the wilderness,
and, by implication, every word of God. The account given
of the Divine word is impressive, almost appalling. It is
endowed in succession with the qualities of the lightning,
which moves with incredible swiftness like a living spirit,
and hath force enough to shiver to atoms the forest trees ;
of a two-edged sword, whose keen, glancing blade cuts
clean through everything, flesh, bone, sinew ; of the sun in
the firmament, from whose great piercing eye, as he circles
round the globe, nothing on earth is hid. " Living is the
word of God and energetic, and more cutting than every
two-edged sword, penetrating even to the dividing of soul
and spirit, of joints and marrow, and discerning and judging
the affections and thoughts of the heart. And there is not
a creature invisible before it, but all things are bare and ex-
posed to the eyes of Him with whom we have to reckon."
The description falls into four parts. First, " living and
forceful is the word." I have suggested a comparison to
THE GOSPEL OF BEST. 283
the lightning as interpretative of the epithet " hving."
Possibly the allusion is to a seed, in which life and force
lie dormant together, capable of development mider fitting
conditions. The blade of grain is the witness both of the
life and of the power latent in the seed from which it
springs. Or perhaps the thought intended is that the word
of threatening, though spoken long ago, is not dead, but
living still, instinct with the eternal life and energy of God
who spake it, a word for to-day, as well as for bygone ages.
There is no difficulty in determining to what the Divine
word is likened in the next member of the sentence, for it
is expressly compared to a sword. The only difficulty lies
in the construction and interpretation of the words descrip-
tive of its achievements in this capacity. Does the word
divide soul from spirit, or both soul and spirit, not only
soul, but even spirit? And what are we to make of the
mention of joints and marrow, after soul and spirit ? Have
we here a mingling of metaphor and literal truth, and an
accumulation of phrase in order to heighten the impression?
or is it meant that "joints and marrow" are the subject
of a distinct action of the word ? Believing that we have
to do here with rhetoric and poetry, rather than with dog-
matic theology, I prefer a free, broad interpretation of the
words to that which finds in them a contribution to bib-
lical psychology and a support for the doctrine of the tri-
chotomy of human nature, which, with all respect for its
patrons, savoars in my opinion of pedantry. The simple
meaning of the passage is this : The word of God divides
the soul, yea, the very spirit of man, even to its joints
and marrow. It is a strong, poetical way of saying that the
word penetrates into the inmost recesses of our spiritual
being, to the thoughts, emotions, and hidden motives, whence
outward actions flow, as easily and as surely as a sword of
steel cuts through the joints and marrows of the physical
frame. Thus understood, the second part of the description
284 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
leads naturally up to the third, which speaks of the critical
function of the word, in virtue of which it is "the candle
of the Lord searching all the inward parts."
In the concluding part of the eloquent panegyric on the
word, it is spoken of in a way which suggests the idea, not
of a candle, but of the sun, which beholdeth all things ;
and in the final clause, it is said of God Himself, that
all things are naked and exposed to His eyes. The word
which I have rendered exposed is one of uncertain meaning,
and untranslatable except by periphrasis. When a Greek
writer used it he had a picture in his mind which charged
it with a significance and force no English word can repro-
duce ; but what the picture was it is not easy to determine.
The most probable opinion is that Tpaxn^i'^o), not found
in classical Greek authors, was a coinage of the wrestling
school, to express the act of a wrestler who overmastered
his antagonist by seizing him by the neck. Hence the
participle TeTpaxv^''(^i^evo<i might come to mean one over-
powered, as by calamity, or by passion. The verb and its
compound eKTpa')(riKlt,w occur frequently in Philo, in this
tropical sense. In the Epistle to the Hebrews the mean-
ing must be more specific, involving a reference to the
effect of the grip of the wrestler on the head of his anta-
gonist, which might be either to force it downwards, or to
throw it backwards, according as he was seized behind or
before. In the one case, we should render "downcast,"^ in
the other, " exposed " ; the one epithet suggesting the desire
of the guilty one to hide his face from the searching eye
of God, the other implying that no one, however desirous,
can so hide himself from the Divine gaze.^
' So llendall, whose note on the passage is well worth cousulting.
^ The reference to Philo reminds me that another word in this eulogy on the
word of God recalls him to the thoughts of one familiar with his writings. I
refer to the epithet ToiJ.uTepos, which sounds like an echo of Philo's doctrine con-
cerning the cutting or dividing function of the Logos in the universe, set forth
at length in the book Qiiis div. rcr. heres. Indeed one bent on establishing a
THE GOSPEL OF BEST. 285
In the closing sentences of the chapter the writer winds
up the long exhortation to steadfastness by an inspiring
allusion to the sympathy of the great High Priest, who has
passed out of this time- world, through the veil of the visible
heavens, into the celestial world ; taking care that his last
word shall be of a cheering character, and also so managing
that the conclusion of this hortatory section shall form a
suitable introduction to the next part of his discourse. On
this account vers. 14-16 might have been reserved for con-
sideration in a future paper, but I prefer to notice them
here, following the traditional division of the chapters.
How truly they form a part of the exhortation which began
at chap. iii. 1 appears from the repetition of phrases. " Con-
sider the High Priest of our confession," the writer had said
there; "having a High Priest, let us hold fast our confession,"
he says here. But it is to be noted that he does not simply
repeat himself. The movement of his thought is like that
of the flowing tide, which falls back upon itself, yet in each
successive wave advances to a point beyond that reached by
any previous one. Here for the third time Christ is desig-
close connexion between our author and Philo might find a copious supply of
plausible material in this part of the epistle. Besides these two words, there
are the epithet " great high priest," and the attribute of siulessness, ajsplied here
to Christ, and to the Logos by Philo, and in the next chapter the unusual word
fxerpLowaOe'iv, also occurring in Philo. Then does not the expression 6 X670S roO
Qeou seem like an allusion to the mystic personified Logos of whom one reads
everywhere in Philo ? and is not this fervent eulogy on the word almost like an
extract from the praises of the Logos unweariedly sung by the philosophic Jew
of Alexandria ? The resemblance in style is certainly striking, yet I concur in
the judgment of Principal Drummond, that "there is nothing to prove conscious
borrowing, and it is probable that the resemblances are due to the general
condition of religious culture among the Jews" {Philo Judceus, vol. i., "Introduc-
tion," p. 12). In any case, whatever is to be said of the style, it is certain that
our epistle is independent of Philo in thought and spirit. The word of God
here is not Philo's Logos, nor is his cutting function the same. Philo calls
the Logos the "cutter" (6 rofxevs), as cutting chaos into distinct things, and so
creating a kosmos. The cutting function of the word in our epistle is wholly
ethical. The originality of the epistle in thought is all the more remarkable if
the writer was acquainted with Philo's writings, so that there is no cause for
jealous denial of such acquaintance. It is a mere question of fact.
286 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
nated a High Priest, and attributes are ascribed to Him as
such which are to form the theme of the next great division
of the epistle, wherein the priestly office of Christ is ela-
borately discussed. The writer re-invites the attention of
his readers to the High Priest of their confession, and
in doing so uses words every one of which contains an
assertion which he means to prove or illustrate, and which
being proved will serve the great end of the whole epistle,
the instruction and confirmation of the ignorant and
tempted.
The first important word is the epithet " great " prefixed
to the title High Priest. It is introduced to make the
priestly office of Christ assume due importance in the minds
of the Hebrews. It serves the same purpose as if the title
High Priest had been written in large capitals, and asserts
by implication, not merely the reality of Christ's priestly
office, but the superiority of Christ as the High Priest of
humanity over all the high priests of Israel, Aaron not
excepted. As an author writing a treatise on an important
theme, writes the title of the theme in letters fitted to attract
notice, so the writer of our epistle places at the head of
the ensuing portion this title, Jesus the Son of God the
Great High Priest, insinuating thereby that He of whom
he speaks is the greatest of all priests, the only real priest,
the very Ideal of priesthood realized.
The expression "passed through the heavens" is also
very suggestive. It hints at the right construction to be
put upon Christ's departure from the earth. There is an
obvious allusion to the entering of the high priest of Israel
within the veil on the great day of atonement; and the idea
suggested is, that the ascension of Christ was the passing
of the great High Priest through the veil into the celestial
sanctuary, as our representative and in our interest.
The name given to the great High Priest, " Jesus the
Son of God," contributes to the argument. Jesus is the
THE GOSPEL OF REST. 287
historical person, the tempted Man ; and this part of the
name lays the foundation for what is to be said in the
following sentence concerning His power to sympathise.
The title " Son of God," on the other hand, justifies what
has been already said of the High Priest of our confession.
If our High Priest be the Son of God, he may well be called
the Great, and moreover there can be no doubt whither He
has gone. Whither but to His native abode, His Father's
house?
Having thus by brief, pregnant phrase hinted the thoughts
he means to prove, our author proceeds to address to his
readers an exhortation, which is repeated at the close of
the long discussion on the priesthood of Christ to which
these sentences are the prelude.^ In doing so he gives
prominence to that feature of Christ's priestly character of
which alone he has as yet spoken explicitly : His power
to sympathise, acquired and guaranteed by His experience
of temptation.- He presents Christ to view as the Sym-
pathetic One in golden words which may be regarded as
an inscription on the breastplate of the High Priest of
humanity : " We have not a High Priest who cannot be
touched with the feeling of our infirmities; but one that
hath been tempted in all points like ourselves, without
sin."
It is noteworthy that the doctrine of Christ's sympathy is
here stated in a defensive, apologetic manner, "We have
not a High Priest who cannot be touched," as if there were
some one maintaining the contrary. This defensive attitude
may be conceived of as assumed over against two possible
objections to the reality of Christ's sympathy, one drawn
from His dignity as the Son of God, the other from His
sinlessness. Both objections are dealt with in the only way
open to one who addresses weak faith ; viz. not by ela-
borate or philosophical argument, but by strong assertion.
' Chap. X. 19-23. - Chap. ii. 17, IS.
288 TEE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
As the psalmist said to the desponding, " Wait, I say, on
the Lord," and as Jesus said to disciples doubting the
utility of prayer, "I say unto you, Ask, and ye shall receive,"
so our author says to dispirited Christians, " We have not
a High Priest v^ho cannot be touched with sympathy"
— this part of his assertion disposing of doubt engendered
by Christ's dignity — " but one who has been tempted in all
respects as we are, apart from sin " — this part of the asser-
tion meeting doubt based on Christ's sinlessness. How this
can be is a question theologians may discuss, but which
our author passes over in silence.^
To this strong assertion of Christ's power to sympathise
is fitly appended the final exhortation : " Let us therefore
draw near with boldness unto the throne of grace, that
we may receive mercy and grace for seasonable succour."
Specially noteworthy are the words Trpoaepxio/xeda /jueTa
'7rappi]aia<;, Let us approach confidenthj . They have more
than practical import : they are of theoretic significance ;
they strike the doctrinal keynote of the epistle : Chris-
tianity the religion of free access. In the opening paper I
said that this great thought first finds distinct, clear utter-
ance in chap. vi. 20, where Christ is called owe forerunner.
But it is hinted, though not so plainly, here, it being implied
that the priesthood of Christ, in virtue of His sympathy,
and of other properties remaining to be mentioned, for the
first time makes free, fearless, close approach to God pos-
sible. There is a latent contrast between Christianity and
Leviticalism, as in a corresponding passage in Paul's epistles
there is an expressed contrast between Christianity and
Mosaism. "Having therefore," writes the apostle, "such
a hope, we use great boldness (of speech, Trapprjala), and are
not as Moses, who put a veil upon his face " ; " the contrast
1 The sinlessness of Christ here asserted means, in the first place, that He
never yielded to temptation, but that implies as its source absolute sinlessness.
- 2 Cor. iii, 12, 13,
THE GOSPEL OF BEST. 289
being between the free, frank, unreserved speech of the
minister of a rehgion of hfe, righteousness, and good hope,
and the mystery observed by the minister of a rehgion of
condemnation, death, and despair. The one cannot be too
plain spoken, because he has good news to tell ; the other
has to practise reserve, to keep up respect for a rude, imper-
fect cultus which cannot afford to have the whole truth
told. Paul's contrast relates to a diversity in the attitude
assumed by the ministers of the two religions towards men.
That latent in the text before us, on the other hand, relates
to diversity of attitude towards God : the Christian has
courage to draw near to God, while the votary of the old
religion lacks courage. But the reason of the contrast is
the same in both cases ; viz. because Christianity is the
religion of good hope. " Having such hope (as is inspired
by the nature of Christianity), we are outspoken," says
Paul; " having the better hope based on the priesthood of
Christ, we draw nigh to God confidently," says the author
of our epistle.
The contrast is none the less real that the expression
" to draw near " was applied to acts of worship under the
Levitical system. Every act of worship in any religion
whatever may be called an approach to Deity. Nevertheless
religions may be wide apart as the poles in respect to the
measure in which they draw near to God. In one religion
the approach may be ceremonial only, while the spirit stands
afar off in fear. In another, the approach may be spiritual,
with mind and heart, in intelligence, trust, and love, and
with the confidence which these inspire. Such an approach
alone is real, and deserves to be called a drawing near to
God. Such an approach was first made possible by Christ,
and on this account it is that the religion which bears His
name is the perfect, final, perennial religion.
A. B. Beuce.
VOL. IX. 19
290
TWO PABABLES.
THE PRODIGAL SON (Luke xv. 11-32).
THE LABOURERS IN THE VINEYARD {Matt. xix. 27; xx. 16).
There is very little resemblance between the external form
and imagery of these two parables, except that both are
taken from the relations of men in common life ; and they
were spoken on very different occasions. The earlier of
the two, that of the Prodigal, was mainly addressed to the
Pharisees, in reply to their complaint against Jesus that
"this Man receiveth sinners and eateth with them "; though
it was spoken to a mixed audience, consisting both of
Pharisees and of those whom they denounced as sinners.
The later of the two parables, that of the Labourers in
the Vineyard, was spoken to the disciples alone, in answer
to Peter's question, when, referring to the young ruler
who had refused to give up all for Christ, he said, on
behalf of the rest of the Twelve as well as himself, " Lo,
we have forsaken all and followed Thee ; what shall we
have therefore '? "
There is also this contrast, that while the parable of
the Prodigal has probably impressed men more than any-
thing else in Christ's teaching, and in its most impressive
point seems, and is, perfectly clear, the parable of the
Labourers has impressed mankind comparatively little,
■and is regarded by most readers as a perplexing parable.
Nevertheless, we think it can be shown that the teaching
•of the two is closely similar.
The lesson of both is double. In the latter there are
the cases of the first hired and the last hired labourers,
in the former those of the two sons ; and in each parable
there is equal emphasis laid on the two cases. It is indeed
perhaps to be regretted that the former is universally
called the parable of the Prodigal ; because the lesson which
1
TWO PARABLES. 291
Christ means to teach through the elder brother is as
important as that taught through the younger, though
much less obvious. It would be better to call this the
parable of the Two Sons, were not this title already
appropriated to another and later parable, also spoken to
the Pharisees and rulers (Matt. xxi. 28, 32).
The three parables in Luke xv., the Lost Sheep, the Lost
Piece of Money, and the Lost Son, were evidently spoken
about the same time, and form a series. But the words,
" and He said," at the commencement of the third, indicate
a transition of some kind ; and it may be that our Lord,
at this point of His discourse, meant, and was understood
by His audience to mean, " I have till now been address-
ing the Pharisees in defence of My action in receiving
sinners and eating with them. I have yet more to say on
the subject ; and to this I ask the attention of the publicans
and sinners also. I have been speaking of the action of
God and His Son in seeking and saving the lost ; I have
now to speak, not only to those who think they are
righteous, but at the same time to those who know they
are lost."
This lesson, that God will receive repentant sinners, and
that man ought to receive them, is the most prominent
lesson of the parable, and for most readers it appears to
be the only one. Most readers probably think that the
conversation where the Father justifies Himself to His elder
sou for receiving the returned prodigal with rejoicing,
is only meant to heighten the effect of the whole. To
which view we think it may be replied, that, on a first
reading at least, it does not heighten the effect ; and we
suspect that those who think thus would, if they were to
speak their real minds, like the parable better if it had
ended with the reception of the prodigal by his Father,
But if we understand the elder son to be a mere Pharisee,
and, as our Lord tells us the Pharisees generally were,
292 TWO PARABLES.
a hypocrite, we shall lose half the worth of the parable.
Such a view of his character is refuted by the clear state-
ments of the parable itself. He said to his Father, " Lo,
these many years do I serve thee, and I never transgressed
a commandment of Thine " ; and so far was his Father
from contradicting this, or treating it as mere pharisaic
self-righteousness, that he replied, " Son, thou art ever
with Me, and all that is Mine is thine." Compare with
■this St. Paul's assertion of the blessedness of God's chil-
dren : "If children, then heirs; heirs of God, and joint-
heirs with Christ " (Eom. viii. 17). " Whether the world,
or life, or death, or things present, or things to come ; all
are yours" (1 Cor. iii. 22). If Stier is right, that this
reply of the Father is only ironical, God's most gracious
promise may be without meaning ;
'' And if this fail,
The pillared firmament is rottenness."
Who then are they that are represented by the elder
son ? and what is the teaching of that part of the parable '?
We reply, that the elder son, who had served his Father
all his life, is nearly identical with the labourers that had
toiled in the vineyard from early morning ; and the mur-
muring of the elder brother at seeing the prodigal received
with festivity, and restored, without a word of reproach,
to a son's place in the Father's house and the Father's
love, is parallel to the murmuring of the labourers who
had borne the burden of the day and the scorching heat,
when they saw those who had worked but one hour, and
that in the evening, paid as much as themselves. And the
answer to both is the same. God's service differs from
man's in this, that mere length of service does not count
in the apportioning of reward. When the repentance of
the returning prodigal is sincere, he is restored at once
to the place which his sins had forfeited ; and when the
TWO PARABLES. 293
service of the late engaged labourer is honest, be receives
an equal reward with those w^bo have toiled all day. "God
giveth (and forgiveth) liberally, and upbraideth not " (Jas.
i. 5).^ We are accepted, not according to what we have
done, but according to what we are.
Though the imagery of these two parables is taken from
the relations of ordinary human life, yet the lesson is drawn
by representing men as acting as they do not act in ordinary
life. It never was the custom of any country to pay a
day's wages for an hour's work; nor to let a young man
take his inheritance before his father's death, and then go
away and waste it. And though the Father's action in
welcoming the returned prodigal does not seem so strange
to us who have been taught by Christ, it probably appeared
strange, and almost monstrous, to the Pharisees who
heard it.
Among careless readers, the impression left by the par-
able of the Labourers is, that it is possible to enter the
service of God at any time of life, and at the end receive
an equal reward with those who have served Him all their
lives. This view however is contradicted by the parable
itself. To the question, " Why stand ye here all the day
idle?" the answer was, "Because no man hath hired us."
But if any of the labourers had, in the middle of the day,
or even early in the morning, refused the offer of work
in mere idleness and in reliance on the kindness of the
owner of the vineyard, we cannot think he would have
permitted them to come in at the eleventh hour at all ; or
if he had, he would not have paid them a day's wages for
an hour's work. From the language and imagery of this
parable alone, it would be much more reasonable to infer
that God's call to work in His vineyard, if once disregarded,
will never be renewed. But no parable is meant to provide
1 The Epistle of James contains so many allusions to Christ's recorded
teaching, that it is probable this may be one of His unrecorded sayings.
294 TWO PARABLES.
for all cases. The case of those who disregard God's call
and their own privileges is not touched on in this parable,
but that of the Prodigal reveals a degree of longsuffering
of God with sinners which man could not have dared to
hope for. And such an inference as that God's call, if dis-
regarded once, is necessarily withdrawn for ever, would also
be contrary to our Lord's express teaching in the parable
of the Two Sons (Matt. xxi. 28), where a son who at first
refused to work in his father's vineyard afterwards changed
his mind, and was permitted to go to work.
The doctrine of the equality of all rewards also is doubly
contradicted, both in the parable of the Labourers in the
Vineyard itself, and in the conversation that led to it. In
answer to Peter's question, "What shall we have there-
fore?" (Matt. xix. 27) Christ replied, "Verily I say unto
you, That ye which have followed Me, in the regeneration
(or restoration of all things : cf. Acts iii. 21) when the Son
of man shall sit in the throne of His glory, ye also shall
sit upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel."
We cannot tell the exact meaning of these mysterious
words, but they evidently point to some high and peculiar
honour which in the future world will belong to those who
in this world have been first in the service of Christ's
kingdom ; and if to the Twelve, then also to St. Paul and
all others who have done the most in His service. The
same truth is clearly hinted at in the parable of the Pounds
(Luke xix. 12-27), where one servant of a nobleman who
had been made a king is rewarded with the government of
ten cities for the service of earning ten pounds for his
master, and another servant with five cities for earning five
pounds. But having promised this reward — the highest
which the imagination of an Israelite could conceive— of
being viceroys over Israel in the kingdom of the Messiah,
the Lord changes His tone, and warns His disciples that
the expectation of such glory has its own temptations, and
TWO PARABLES. 295
must not be too highly esteemed. In nearly the same
spirit, He said on another occasion, " In this rejoice not,
that the spirits are subject unto you ; but rejoice that your
names are written in heaven" (Luke x. 20). And in a
similar spirit, when speaking of the signs and wonders that
were to be wrought in answer to the prayer of faith. He
adds the caution, apparently without anything to suggest it
except the necessity for it, " Whensoever ye stand praying,
forgive, if ye have aught against any one ; that your Father
also which is in heaven may forgive you your trespasses "
(Mark xi. 2.5). In the passage before us He illustrates His
meaning by the parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard,
and both introduces and sums up His parable with the
warning, " Many shall be last that are first, and first that
are last " (Matt. xix. 30, xx. IG) : showing that the highest
rewards — including in the reward the Master's approval
— do not necessarily belong either to the longest service
or to the greatest quantity of work, or even to the most
steadfast endurance of the "scorching heat" of persecu-
tion ; and in the parable itself He implies that the highest
place in His kingdom can only be given to those who show
an unselfish, ungrudging, and unmurmuring spirit. The
same words — " the last shall be first and the first last " —
might have occurred at the end of the parable of the Prodi-
gal ; the elder son was first, but with his unloving, pharisaic
spirit he was in danger of becoming last. It is the same
teaching as that of St. Paul, in a passage which is perhaps
seldom thought of in connexion with this parable: "Though
I bestow all my goods to feed the poor, and though I give
my body to be burned (a harder thing than to toil under
the scorching noonday heat of a Syrian summer) and have
not the charity which envieth not, seeketh not its own, is
not easily provoked, and thinketh no evil, it profiteth me
nothing" (1 Cor. xiii.).
296 TWO PARABLES.
It is now time to consider the question, bow we are
meant by our Lord to understand the position of tbe elder
brother of the Prodigal, and of the earliest hired labourers ;
and it is our opinion that whatever difficulties belong to
these questions are produced by the attempt to read mean-
ings into these parables which do not properly belong to
our Lord's words, and are inconsistent with them.
First, as to the elder son. There is, at first sight, a real
difficulty in the case. He is introduced solely for the pur-
pose of rebuke and warning; and yet his Father's saying,
" Son, thou art ever with Me, and all that is Mine is thine,"
briefly and simply describes a state of privilege and blessing
equal to the highest which man or angel can ever hope to
attain. How is this apparent inconsistency to be recon-
ciled ? Very simply, as it seems to us. Our Lord was
addressing the Pharisees in reply to their objection to His
receiving sinners. He might have replied by denouncing
their own sins ; but on this occasion He preferred, for the
sake of argument and illustration, to take them at their
best, and to describe a man who had attained to their own
ideal ; one who, like St. Paul before his conversion, was
"as touching the righteousness which is in the law found
blameless" (Phil. iii. 6). This, it is true, was not and
could not be the Christian ideal, for " the law was given by
Moses, but grace and truth came by Jesus Christ " (John
i. 17) ; but it was the ideal of righteousness held up before
ancient Israel ; — and He so framed the parable as to show
them the special errors and temptations of such a char-
acter : ignorance of the gracious purposes of God towards
sinners, and ignorance of the root of sin contained in that
desire for some degree of independence of the Father which
prompted the complaint, " Thou never gavest me (even) a
kid that I might make merry with my friends." In modern
language, we may imagine the Father answering : " You
are most unreasonable. You serve Me these many years I
TWO PARABLES. 297
No doubt ; you are My heir, and in serving Me you best
serve yourself. You never transgressed a commandment of
Mine ! No doubt ; and are My commandments grievous ?
I never gave you a kid wherein to feast with your friends !
You have always been at liberty to invite them to My table;
and if they do not like to dine with Me, they are no fit
company for My son." Such a reply would have been
deserved ; bat the Father made the gentle and gracious
answer, " Son, thou art ever with Me, and all that is Mine
is thine " ; which, if the son had ears to hear, was a keener
rebuke. In his desire to feast sometimes with his own
friends, apart from his Father, was contained the germ of
that love of independence which, in its full development,
brought his brother to riotous and wasteful living (probably,
though not certainly, with harlots), and afterwards to the
service of the stranger and the herding of swine. This root
of sin is in us all ; but in him it was not so full grown as to
bring forth death (Jas. i. 15). The purpose and meaning
of this conversation between the Father and the elder son
is to show what are the special dangers and temptation of
those who, like that son, live all their lives in the habitual
observance of the commandments of God ; and, further,
to show the safeguard against these dangers : namely, to
appreciate as they deserve the privileges and blessings of
such a life. The Father's answer, " Son, thou art ever
with Me, and all that is Mine is thine," was no new reve-
lation ; it might have been introduced with " remember " :
and had he rightly remembered it, he would not have
wished to feast with his own friends apart from his Father,
and would have loved the Prodigal for the Father's sake, if
not for his own.
But neither here, nor in the very similar conversation
between the Owner of the vineyard and the first hired
labourers, is there the slightest hint at final or eternal
condemnation ; except only the hint addressed to the
298 TWO PARABLES.
Pharisees in the words, " And the elder son was angry,
and would not go in," intimating that if they persisted in
their rejection of Christ's teaching, they would be self-
excluded from the marriage supper of the Lamb. I do not
mean to deny that there have been, and may be still, many
who regard themselves as careful observers of all Christ's
commandments, and yet are the spiritual children of those
who slew the prophets and crucified the Christ. And it is
also true, and it is the chief lesson of the parable of the Ten
Virgins, spoken by our Lord not long after to the disciples
alone (Matt. xxv. 1), that profession of Christianity before
the world, symbolized by the lamps, and legal purity of life,
symbolized by virginity, will not avail to save without the
true spirit of religion in the heart ; — without which what
was meant to be the light, not only of the Church, but of
the world, inay " burn dim like a lamp with oil unfed,"
and what was meant to be the salt of the earth may lose
its savour (Matt. v. 13, 14). But no one parable, and no
one discourse, can teach all truth ; and our Lord in the
two parables now before us is not speaking of such cases.
The words, " many are called but few chosen," are now
admitted to be spurious, where the old text has them at
the end of the parable of the Labourers ; and it is not in
the least like the teaching of Christ to hold that those who
habitually keep all God's commandments, like the elder son,
or spend a long life in the honest and unbroken service of
God, like the earliest hired labourers, are in danger of losing
their eternal reward for a fit of anger or sullenness, caused
by misunderstanding a manifestation of Divine grace which
they had not been taught to understand; for they had re-
ceived their training under not the Gospel but the Law.
Such dissatisfaction was, no doubt, of the nature of sin even
in them, and in men trained by Christ's teaching it would
be decidedly sinful ; but " there is a sin not unto death "
(1 John V. 17). The penny — the day's wages in the latter
TWO P ARABLES. 299
parable — is eternal life, the reward of a lifetime spent in
the service of God ; and the saying of the Householder to
the murmuring labourer, " Take up that which is thine,
and go thy way," has nothing to do with " Depart, ye
cursed,"^ but only means, "Cease this useless disputing,
and go home to supper with thy well earned wages."
There was no harshness in bidding him go away when he
could gain nothing by remaining, for the imagery of this
parable does not include any invitation to a dinner or
supper. It is true that Judas, who, being one of the twelve,
was among the first, fell away altogether ; but there is no
allusion in this parable to such a case. The crime by which
Judas fell was not a deficiency in the charity taught by
Christ, but a treason which would have been judged worthy
of death by a merely human and worldly tribunal. In
giving the warning, " Many that are first shall be last,
and the last first," Christ had not in His thought any-
thing like, " Have not I chosen you Twelve, and one of you
is a devil ? " (John vi. 70.) He rather meant the same
as when, on an earlier occasion, the disciples, in the same
spirit as Peter when he inquired, " What shall we have
therefore?" asked who — meaning which of the Twelve — was
to be greatest in the kingdom of heaven ; and He replied,
" Whosoever shall humble himself as this little child, the
same is the greatest in the kingdom of heaven " (Matt.
xviii. 1, 4). And when the two sons of Zebedee asked for
the chief place in the kingdom of Christ, He told the
disciples, "Whosoever would be first among you shall be
(that is to say, let him be) your servant " (Matt. xx. 20, 28).
To sum up our conclusions. In each of the two parables
before us there are two distinct lessons : one of them
' The saying which Stier quotes with apisroval from Luther, " They take
their penny and are damned," seems to us perversely wrong.
300 TWO PABABLES.
primary, simple, and obvious ; the other secondary, and
more recondite and hidden.
In the parable of the Prodigal, the primary lesson is
that God is willing to welcome repentant prodigals, and
that men ought to welcome them; — that God forgives freely
and without upbraiding, so that when repentance is sincere
restoration is complete. In that of the Labourers, the
primary lesson is the kindred one, that those who enter the
service of God late in life shall notwithstanding, if their
service is sincere, be placed on an equality, in the final
distribution of rewards, with those who have served God
all their lives ; — that mere length of service does not count
at all in the apportioning of heavenly rewards.
The secondary lesson of the parable of the Prodigal is a
warning against the special dangers of a life spent, from its
beginning, in the habitual service of God ; — the danger of
trusting in one's own righteousness rather than in the grace
of God, and of permitting the beginning of an alienation of
the heart from God to go on, unchecked because unnoticed.
And the secondary lesson of the parable of the Labourers
is the kindred one, that those who have served God all
their lives, or in any eminent way, are in danger of trusting
in their own services rather than in the grace of God, and
regarding with jealousy those who are placed on an equality
with them after a shorter period of service, or after services
which from a human point of view appear but small. These
two errors are the same in kind, and the proper counter-
active of both is the same ; namely, a truer appreciation of
the privileges and blessings which are theirs as God's chil-
dren, by His grace : — not on condition of works, but of faith.
The elder son is told by his Father, " Thoa art ever with
Me, and all that is Mine is thine " ; the first hired labourers
go home to their eternal rest with the well-earned wages
of a lifetime of toil and endurance in the Master's service.
No further blessing is needed, or possible, except a right
TWO P ARABLES. 301
appreciation of that which they ah'eady enjoy, and more
love and confidence towards their heavenly Father and
Master. Although in the heavenly kingdom the principle
of reward is recognised, and eminent services shall he emi-
nently honoured, yet even in the apportionment of reward
there is no place for boasting : we " are not under law, but
under grace " (Kom. vi. 14) ; and the Lord looks chiefly,
not to the service done, but to the spirit in which it is
done. If they learn rightly to understand this, their trust
and love towards their Master and Father will make it
impossible to have any feeling of jealousy towards those
whom He has set on an equality with them. But if such
feelings, natural as they are, are not overcome, those who
are the first in length or amount of service may be the last
in their Lord's favour ; — not excluded from the kingdom,
but last and least in it.
But are patient toil and endurance in the Master's service
to have no reward of their own? are they to be, in the
eternal kingdom, as though they had never been? It can-
not be so. There will be no comparing and balancing of
claims ; —
" Heaven rejects the lore
Of uicely calculated less or more " ; *
but God will turn all to good in His own way, which is
not ours.
In conclusion, we must consider some objections which
may be made to the ideas here expressed as to the nature
of the character indicated by the elder brother and the first
hired labourers. Their view of things is certainly natural ;
so natural that, notwithstanding our Lord's teaching in
these two parables, it is still a common, and perhaps we
may even say the preponderant, view among His followers ;
' Wordsworth's Sonnet on King's College Chapel, Cambridge.
302 TWO PARABLES.
and it will perhaps be said by some of our readers that we
are arguing in its favour.
We certainly do not mean to take the part of the elder
brother against the prodigal, and of the first hired labourers
against the last. This would be to take their part against
the Teacher who spoke these parables in order to refute
their errors. But we think that readers of the gospels —
perhaps even some who themselves fall into the same errors
when occasion arises — are generally too hard on them. It
seems to us a total misunderstanding of Christ's words to
say that the elder son and the first hired labourers are
for their murmuring excluded from the kingdom, and have
their portion among the unfaithful and the hypocrites. This
is contradicted in the case of the elder son by the words
of his conversation with the Father ; and in the case of the
first hired labourers by the fact that the parable was spoken
to the Twelve, immediately after the promise of the highest
honour in the Messiah's kingdom which an Israelite could
imagine. The purpose of these parables is not to threaten
condemnation, but to warn the hearers against the errors
to which those are specially liable who spend their lives
in the service of God. But so far from agreeing with the
notion that the elder son, who has never transgressed his
Father's commandments, is rather worse than a prodigal ;
or that the labourers " take their penny and are damned "
for their displeasure with an action on their Master's part
which would displease any man who had never heard of the
like, it is our belief that the faults of temper displayed by
them, and by very many disciples of Christ since then, are
not by any means faults of wickedness, but are chiefly due
to deficiency of imagination. These persons are typical
men of the old moral world. Christ has introduced new
and higher principles of thought and action, but the Gospel
must be based on the Law. Such men are certainly not
typical Christians, but neither are the labourers who were
PROF. HUXLEY AND THE SWINE OF GADABA. 303
hired at the eleventh hour, and still less the returned
prodigal ; — the typical Christian is the elder brother when
he is reconciled to the returned prodigal, and the labourer
who, after bearing the burden of the day and the scorching
heat, learns graciously to acquiesce in his Master's action
in placing on an equality with him the labourer who entered
at the eleventh hour.
Joseph John Muephy.
PBOFESSOB HUXLEY AND THE SWINE OF
GADABA.
Professor Huxley's article on Agnosticism in the February
number of the Nineteentli Gentury is one of uncommon
interest. The bits of mental autobiography with which he
favours us are both instructive and captivating. He cham-
pions moreover the position of a much-read novel, and
assumes that belief in Christianity is entirely a question of
the worth of a group of historical records that have hitherto
been supposed to reflect its origins. He also restates some
of the old difficulties arising out of the triple narrative of
the Gadarene demoniac, and ventures to stake the credibility
or otherwise of the gospel traditions upon the truth or
falseness of the psychology that underlies the narrative.
In conclusion, he tells us that " the choice then lies between
discrediting those who compiled the gospel biographies and
disbelieving the Master whom they thought to honour by
preserving such traditions of the exercise of His authority
over Satan's invisible world."
AVithout word- wasting preamble the professor throws
down the gage before the theologians in the following clear
and candid terms :
804 PBOFESSOB EUXLEY
" I fiud in the second gospel a statement, to all appearance intended
to have the same evidential value as any other contained in that history.
It is the well-known story of the devils who were cast out of a man, and
ordered or permitted to enter into a herd of swine, to the great loss or
damage of the innocent Gerasene or Gadarene pig owners. There can
be no doubt that the narrator intends to convey to his readers his own
conviction that this casting out and entering in were effected by the
agency of Jesus of Nazareth, that by speech and action Jesus enforced
this conviction ; nor does any inkling of the legal and moral difficulties
of the case manifest itself.
" On the other hand, everything tliat I know of physiological and
pathological science leads me to entertain a very strong conviction that
the phenomena ascribed to possession are as purely natural as those
which constitute sraall-pox : everything that I know of anthropology
leads me to think that the belief in demons and demoniacal possession
is the mere survival of a once universal superstition, and that its per-
sistence at the present time is pretty much in the inverse ratio of the
general instruction, intelligence, and sound judgment of the popula-
tion among whom it jarevails. Everything that I know of law and
justice convinces me that the wanton destruction of other people's
property is a misdemeanour of evil examjole. Again, the study of
history, and especially that of the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth
centuries, leaves no shadow of doubt on my mind that the belief in the
reality of possession and witchcraft, justly based, alike by Catholics and
Protestants, upon this and innumerable other passages in the Old and
New Testaments, gave rise, through the special influence of Christian
ecclesiastics, to the most horrible persecutions and judicial murders of
thousands upon thousands of innocent men, women, and children."
It is an assumption at once audacious and ambiguous
that the phenomena ascribed to possession are " as purely
natural as those which constitute small-pox." Possibly the
professor may leave the door ajar for his escape from all
the issues of the statement by making the word "natural "
embrace both the known and unknown laws and the seen
and unseen factors in human mind and life. This critical
scientist would perhaps scarcely venture to say that these
phenomena admit of a purely physical explanation, as any
such assertion might leave out of account some of the facts of
recent psychological research. Once allow that the energy
of evil may gather itself up into unseen personal centres,
AND TEE SWINE OF GAD ABA. 305
and the narratives of demoniacal possession perhaps make
a less violent demand upon our credulity than some of the
strange things that have been sifted again and again by
members of the Psychic Research Society and set forth in
their reports. Not a little has been done to explain the
mental conditions under which possession is conceivable,
and the narratives read less like myths than they might
have done fifty years ago.
The mental condition that made the spiritual maladies
described in the New Testament possible was probably
analogous to that induced upon his subject by the mes-
merist. The will and the higher mental and spiritual
faculties were put to sleep and paralysed, and the realm of
the emotions and sensibilities came under the control of
an alien will. To all intents and purposes a mesmerised
subject is ''possessed" for the time, but by the personality
of the human agent to whom he has submitted himself.
The process may be repeated till the will of the subject
is broken down, and his higher faculties weakened, and all
the depths of a humiliating inanity are touched. Readers
of David Elginhrod will remember the story of the German
mesmerist, and of the influence he acquired over a young
lady who figures in the story. The young lady had become
a mental paralytic in his presence, and was conscious of his
approach when he was a considerable distance from the house
in which she was living. The incident is not a simple
creation of the writer's fancy. There are verified instances
in which the unscrupulous mesmerist has carried his power
to a criminal extent. Here you have all the pathological
conditions required for the New Testament incidents.
Possibly the paralysing influence that prepared the mind
for these dark and distressing dominations was the shadow
of Paganism, for nearly all the cases of possession are cases
that occur where Pagan superstition was rampant, rather
than in the purer centres of Jewish thought and life.
VOL. IX. 20
306 PB0FE8S0B HUXLEY
Amongst heathen people I have met cases of derangement
that have seemed to come very near to those of the New
Testament type. The fataHstic tone of heathen thought
may favour this condition of mental helplessness and auto-
matism. Under the influence of the Christian faith, the
will may be so strengthened and the mind so replenished
with light and knowledge, that the prostration is scarcely
possible that leaves the soul helpless in the presence of the
mysterious forces of darkness that prey upon it. Admit
that malign and disturbing influences from the unseen may
act upon the human soul, and these abnormal phenomena
will be sure to appear where the will is terrorised into
helplessness, and the defences of man's higher faculties dis-
mantled by degrading forms of idolatry.
Some of the curious instances in which impressions have
been transmitted from brain to brain without any of the
ordinary processes of contact suggest the existence of occult
laws of influence by which all the phenomena of possession
might be brought about. Not a few marvellous illustra-
tions of what has been called "telepathy" were brought
together in the Nineteenth Century several years ago, and
the names connected with the incidents put them beyond
all possibility of question. The Eev. J. M. Wilson, head-
master of the Clifton College, Bristol, describes the strange
impression that overpowered him when a student at Cam-
bridge. One night a terrifying chill came over him. He
seemed to have all the sensations of death. A fellow
student endeavoured to cheer him. The strange feeling
continued for some hours. The next day he heard that a
twin brother in Leicestershire had died at the very time
when he had these sensations of death. Mr. A. Severn,
the artist, was staying at Brantwood, Coniston. He went
for a sail on the lake before breakfast. A sudden change in
the wind caused the tiller to swing round and strike him
violently in the face. At the very hour his wife, who was
AND THE SWINE OF GAD ABA. 307
in bed, seemed to have received a blow, and actually put up
a handkerchief to her lips. A workman in London felt
an irresistible call to return home. On his arrival he found
his wife had been run over by a cab, and had been crying
out for him ever since. A Congregational minister of
Woolwich had an impression of his brother's death in
America at the time it was taking place, and also of his
brother's wife's death ; and crossed the Atlantic upon the
strength of the second impression to take charge of the
orphan children. In these cases, by some occult process of
influence, one mind seemed to come for the time being:
under the dominion of a distant mind. The cases were
those of momentary possession. If our conception of the
freedom of spirits be correct, it will certainly be less
credible that one human being should thus transfer his
thoughts and sensibilities to another human being, and
make them dominant for the time, than that a spirit should
be able to rule over the sensibilities and nervous life and
impulse of some poor wretch whose higher nature has
become hypnotized.
The transfer of the man's madness, with the mysterious
agents of it, to the swine, however strange, involves no
impossibility, as Professor Huxley seems to admit. There
is good reason for supposing that some dogs are thought-
readers. An English sportsman in Norway says a Norsk
dog obeyed all his orders, although it had not heard English
spoken before, and- the orders were not enforced by the
least amount of pantomime. Domesticated animals will
sometimes .catch a man's moods of terror or depression.
And it is more than suspected that groups of beasts have
gone mad in the mass. The lower nature of the beast,
without will or intelligence, nnless of a very rudimentary
order, would seem to make it a fit subject for the curious
phenomena of possession. Professor Huxley, whilst claim-
ing that the transfer of the demons to the swine con-
308 PROFESSOR EUXLEY
travenes probability, admits that he has " no a pi-iori
objection to offer." " There are physical things which
can be transferred from men to pigs, and vice versa, which
do undoubtedly produce most diabolical and deadly effects
on both. For anything I can absolutely prove to the
contrary, there may be spiritual things capable of the same
transmigration with like effect."
The insinuation that in this destruction of property there
was a misdemeanour of evil example is too trivial from a
serious and fair-minded man. Jesus regarded himself as a
Jew, and if the Jewish law were binding on the eastern
shore of the lake, the act of permission which issued in the
destruction of the swine was perfectly justifiable. I have no
doubt a Jew could have argued as forcibly against a hog-
ranche as the professor himself would argue against a
market for the sale of diseased meat. He ought surely to
do Christ as much justice as he would a sanitary inspector
who disregards the rights of property by laying hands on
the horseflesh that is on its way to the shambles, or the
revenue officer who seizes contraband tobacco or brandy.
The passing of this mysterious power of derangement into
the swine may have been necessary, as some one has
pointed out, to the mental healing and assurance of the
man. Looked at from that standpoint, all who are not
Buddhists must surely refrain from any impeachment of
an act that issued in the destruction of the swine. Man is
paramount over both sheep and swine.
To affirm that the burning of witches in the Middle
Ages was encouraged by these narratives of demoniacal
possession is to wander very far afield indeed. Christ and
His apostles treated all these cases as cases of suffering
rather than transgression. The fact that they are repre-
sented as healed, and not hunted or baited or burned,
ought to show both to the professor and to the Christian
ecclesiastics who may have based their views of witchcraft
AND THE SWINE OF GAD ABA. 309
on such passages, that the things have nothing in common.
The behef in witchcraft is independent of Bible teaching,
and pagan rulers have often found that the peace of
the State could only be maintained by its suppression.
The fact of it is, that assassination rings, and secret
murder societies, and poison leagues work, and have ever
worked, under the cover of necromancy and divination. In
savage countries the political parties divide themselves into
government and opposition. The witches form the one
and the witch-hunters the other, and the war between the
inns and outs is war to the death. The professional
sorcerer is quite distinct from the quasi-victim of de-
moniacal possession, as well as from the attendant in the
temple who is visited by the spirit of the idol and made
to utter trance oracles. Crime against life often hides
itself under professional witchery and wizardry, and I dare-
say mediaeval rulers punished the innocent in hunting out
that crime as the innocent have been punished in all ages
of the world and for every kind of supposed offence.
In some of these miracles it was necessary that Christ
should dramatize the process to lay in the hearts of the
healed and the saved the foundations of a sound faith in His
own spiritual sovereignty. These cases of possession occur
at the meeting places of Jewish and heathen religions.
Faith in the supremacy of God over evil had been lost or
compromised. If the ignorant sufferer was to be delivered
from every form of Manicheeism or degraded and terror-
stricken Fetich-worship, he must be assured of his Healer's
sovereignty over the evil powers that have harrassed him
in the past. Some of the details of these incidents that
affront the scientific reason were necessary to complete
that assurance.
T. G. Selby.
310
CRITICAL OBSERVATIONS ON MY HEBREW
NEW TESTAMENT.
II.
PeofessorE. Schuerer in an article on " The Idea of the
Kingdom of Heaven as set forth in Jewish Writings/' in
the Jahrhiicher filr protes^tantische Theologie for 1876, has
endeavoured to show that D''i2^ D^^bo in post-bibHcal Jewish
Hterature is quite the same as DTT^hiil Pt'lDpD, kingdom of
God. In his Histonj of the Jewish People in the Time of
Jesus Christ, second edition, voh ii., p. 171, he repeats his
statement and confirms the result of his careful inquiry.
One of his chief arguments is this, that as D'^QIi^H n")D7Q
never occurs, but in every case simply D^Dti' without the
article, it is like a proper name which is determinate in
itself. With the exception of KIH -|m I^^HpH, the Holy
One, blessed be He, there is no name of God more commonly
used than D\'2!i^. Everywhere in the two Talmuds and in
the Midrashim we meet with phrases like the following:
n'r2^ i^l\ fem-ing God; U'D^ TM^I^ or D^!2^ ^<1^D, the fear
of God; Wui^ U1^, the name of God, etc. What Josephus
says about the Pharisees' doctrine of predetermination and
liberty is confirmed by the Talmudic maxim, " All is in the
hands of Heaven save the fear of Heaven " ; that is, piety
or impiety depends upon man's own will. This reads in
Hebrew: D^Qtt^ Ili^l'D \)n D'DV H^l b^H {Berachoth, 336).
And what in this utterance is called □''Qti^ Di^l"^ is else-
where more exactly defined as D\"2ti^ mD7,':D 72p, reception
of the kingdom of heaven ; or DVJIi^ noS':^ b^)J b2\), taking
2ip of the yoke of the kijigdom of heaven. Everywhere from
the Mishna down to the Jewish Siddur or Prayerbook
W72t! jnD7D is quite a common phrase, whereas D\!2'ii^n mDz^
never once occurs.
It cannot indeed be proved that in biblical Hebrew
OBSERVATIONS ON MY HEBREW TESTAMENT. 311
heaven is ever used as the name of God. But in the
book of Daniel we seem to have something hke the transi-
tion to this use of the word. There in the interpretation
of Nebuchadnezzar's dream in chap, iv., in one sentence,
vers. 23, 29, we have the phrase, " the Most High ruleth,"
followed by the equivalent phrase, " the Heavens do rule,"
where K\'!3li' with indifferent article is used. And if we turn
our attention to the term " kingdom of heaven," we shall
find that there is only one passage in the New Testament ^
in which *' heaven " is employed as an equivalent of
" God " ; viz. in the parable of the Prodigal Son in Luke
XV., where the penitent says to his father, Uurep, i^ixapTou
e/? Tov ovpavov kol evwiriov aov, Father, I have sumed agaiiist
heaven, and in tliij sight. Evidently he intended to say,
to express ourselves talmudically according to Sanhedrin,
Tia, that he had been mm'? ;m U'r^vb ;?-), that is, had
toivard God and toivard men. The Hebrew equivalent here
is T^iib'i D'r2^b. The fact that the Greek text has ek r6v
oupavov and not eU rov^ ovpavoix; might have afforded a
valuable hint as to the correct rendering of the phrase.
Nevertheless both in Salkinson's Hebrew New Testament
and in my own it has been rendered by Wt^'^b with the
article. This is an error that requires correction.
On the other hand, the translation of the New Testament
phrase /SaacXela tcov ovpavoov, though peculiar to the Hebrew-
Christian gospel of Matthew, and never interchanged with
/SaaiXeLa tov oupavov, by the Hebrew phrase D"'Dli'rT nOt'LD
is perfectly correct and quite irreprehensible, because ?}
^acriXela tcov oupai'cov is really, though not logically, the
same as ?; (^aaikela tov Qeov of the other evangelists, and
is by no means identical with Wt2^ niD^'O of the synagogue.
I refer my readers to the article in Cremer's Bihlico-
^ For Luke xviii. 13 is not to be regarded as a case in point. There d$ rbf
oiipavov signifies " (yj to heaven,'''' and is rendered in my version DV^'i*?, and
by Salkinson DTl'S?,
312 CRITICAL OBSERVATIONS
Theological Lexicon of New Testament Greek, especially to
the fifth edition of that work in the German, published
in 1888. The evangelical notion is fuller and deeper and
wider. The Jdngclom of heaven (heavens) is the new
system of the world, appointed and governed by God in
His Christ, a new system of heavenly origin, of heavenly
nature and universal extent, comprehending as well the
heavenly as the earthly world, and some way transforming
the earth into heaven as the fulfilment of the prayer, " Thy
will be done on earth as in heaven."
In the translation of ^aatXela twv ovpavcov however, we
are presented with a case altogether different from the ques-
tion of the translation of Kalaap. The Hebrew rendering
'^D"'p, must be given, just like the Greek rendering Kalaap,
in every case without the article. I know of only a single
instance in the Talmud in which ID^p has the post-positive
Aramaic article; namely, in the Ahoda zara 10&, where the
question is raised, mni J^^D^p ^^^^m ^IH ^K/t3, What is the
matter with that emperor lulio was, etc.? But even in this
case there are certain manuscripts, such as that of Munich,
which give '^D''p, and that too is the rendering of the cele-
brated extract of the Talmudic Haggadoth {Stories and
Sentences) entitled " En- Jacob."
As the emperor is always rendered "1D''p, not ID'pn, and
God always WiyD, not D''/;3Ii'n, so we may conclude that the
Hebrew equivalent for ^wj; aluyvio^ is not D7l^n ""H, but
zb^)^ ''Tr, This too is another point in which my translation
is in need of improvement. Salkinson has quite correctly
used vh^^ ■'TF without the article. The question, however,
now presents itself as to whether this rendering is sufficient
as an equivalent for the determinate phrase ?; aloovco'? ^wr]
or ')) i^wi) 7] alcovLo^. The discussion of this point must be
reserved for our third paper.
ON MY HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT. 313
III.
In the biblical Hebrew, and likewise in the biblical Ara-
maic, the noun u?^y, of the same form as DmH, a signet
ring, means in every case a period of long endurance {aldnv),
and in no case the temporal world {Koafio^;). There is only
one passage, and that in Ecclesiastes iii. 11, a book belong-
ing to the very latest age of biblical Hebrew, in which with
any show of plausibility " the world " might be given as the
equivalent of D/li^Il. But even there the rendering of the
margin of the Revised Version, " Also He hath set eternity
in their heart," is preferable to that of the text. The idea
of the writer is : The thought of eternity, the yearning after
infinity, is implanted in the human soul.
The biblical usage allows us without the slightest risk
of ambiguity to say not only D/l^ITI^ WT^ (Ps. cxxxiii.
3), but also rh^V^ '^n, as well as d"?!;; ''n (Daniel xii. 2).
Indeed in the seventh verse of this same chapter of
Daniel God is called D7"li?n TF, He who liveth for ever, or
eternally.
On the contrary, in the post-biblical Hebrew, both as
spoken and written, a clear and well-defined distinction
was made between dS^^H "'"TT, life of the world, and U7^'^ ''Tr,
eternal Ufe. When used to denote eternity, D71i^ never has
the article. The Hebrew translator of the New Testament
cannot forbear using Q7")^ as a homonym for alcov and
Kocr/xo';, and must, for that very reason, the more carefully
observe that difference in usage just indicated between
D^li^n, the icorld, and D7l^, eternity. It is quite right to
translate virep t^? rov koct/jlov t,coi]<i (John vi. 51) by "'"TT "Ti-O
D/I^il, as is done in Salkinson's version and my own ;
TTvev/jLa Tov koct/jlov (1 Cor. ii. 12) by D/li^n m"), as is also
done in both ; tov ^lov tov Koajxav (1 John iii. 17) by ''DD2
071^11 (where Salkinson more biblically, as he thinks, but
not so properl}^, renders V''^^ P"^) ; and in Christ's inter-
B14 CRITICAL OBSERVATIONS
cessory prayer, i'yoi ou/c €ljjll i/c tou Koa/xov (John xvii. 16),
by D':'1^n~"j::D ''jyi^, as is done in both. But the equivalent for
alcovi,o<; ^o)?; is D7l^ "''TT. This is the rendering given to the
phrase in my translation of Matthew xxv. 46, Luke x. 25,
John xii. 50 ; but I confess ingenuously that my lamented
friend has been more consistent than I have been in the
regular omission of the article in such cases.
There are several passages however in which the
Greek text has 7) alcovio^i ^(O)], or j) ^cor] alooi'Lo<i, or /; ^mt]
1) alcovio^. Now in such instances, where the notion of
eternal life is conceived of in so determinate a way, it
is quite necessary that the grammatical form of expression
should be correspondingly determinate. The translator
may indeed seek to get over the difficulty by using Pf^'J] '^"'H
or 1^ ''^rr, because TTA^ and fj^, in the sense of " the ever-
lasting," " the eternal," never take the article, but without
it have the idea of determinateness in themselves. But
this device is, after all, only a half measure, which does
not succeed in removing altogether the ambiguity. We
have a better expedient, of which Salkinson has not made
any use ; while I myself have made a very liberal use of
it, but, unfortunately, very seldom in the proper place. In
John xvii. 3 we read, auTy Be eariv ?} alojvto'^ ^w?;. For
this distinctly assertory form of the original Salkinson
substitutes the interrogatory phrase, D/l^^ ■T? HI^D*), and
what is eternal life ? In my translation, on the other hand,
D';!D':'13,*n "•TT DH xh'^'s is not only literal, but, as I am about
to show, unquestionabl}^ idiomatical.
The benediction, rTDIl, which ought to be repeated by
any one who undertakes to read the book of the Thorah,
has in Massecheth Thorah xiii. 8 the following ancient form :
"Blessed be Thou, 0 Lord, who hast given us a law from
the heavens," D^Onr^D D^^sbu^H ^^H, " the eternal life from
the heights." When closing the book he says, "Blessed
be the Lord, who has given us a law of truth, and has
ON MY HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT. 315
implanted in us D7l^ ''"'n," or, according to another reading,
The same tendency to vacillate between u?^)? '''TT and
D^'27^^^ ''TT is to be found at the close of the treatise of
the Mishna entitled Tamid, which deals with the daily
morning and evening sacrifices. There the inscription of
the ninety-second Psalm, " A Song for the Sabbath Day,"
is interpreted, "for the day toliich is entire Sabbath and
rest for eternal life." The text of the Mishna here varies
between u'r:h^y ^'rh nm:^i and D\::':'u^n ^'^rh nmjDi. The
Mishna on which the Palestinian Talmud rests, edited by
W. H. Lowe from the unique Cambridge manuscript (1883),
has D\"DS^il '^^rh nmjD; and in this form the phrase is
received into the blessing used at the table (see Baer,
Abodath Israel, Siddur with Commentary, p. 5G1). Yet,
even in this case, the reading fluctuates, and an old text
issued at Treves in a.d. 1525 gives D^'!27^^ ''Tf, without the
article.
The result of the investigation is, that ■>) aloovLo<; ^(o/j,
wherever it is necessary to express distinctly the determi-
nateness of the phrase, can be idiomatically rendered by
D^Q'^li^n ''Tr, and that ^w?) alwvio'i can be rendered either
by Ub^y >^n or D't2b^); >^n; but that ub^yr^ >^rr for "eternal
life " is equivocal, or not agreeable to the usage of post-
biblical Hebrew, nor even, it appears from Daniel xii. 2, to
that of biblical Hebrew.
Franz Delitzsch.
116
BE CENT ENGLISH LITEBATUBE ON THE NEW
TESTAMENT.
In 184;9 Dr. James Morison delivered and published a course of
lectures On the Ninth Chapter of the Epistle to the Eomans. These
lectures lie has frequently been asked to reprint. Instead of doing
so he has remodelled and rewritten them, and now publishes an
Exposition of the same chapter. Dr. Morison's learning, industry,
and fairness have won for him a large audience, and his present
volume will quite sustain his reputation. It is interesting to
note in this exposition his impartiality as an expositor contending
with his theological presuppositions. Sometimes he seems, uncon-
sciously to himself, to make admissions which open the gate to full-
blown Calvinism ; at other times he strains his text to make Paul
speak the language of Arminius. The unprejudiced reader will
still find Calvinism in this chapter ; and, able as Dr. Moinson is,
he will scarcely persuade his readers that Paul was not a believer
in absolute predestination. — The same chapter is handled with
similar result in Mr. Sadler's Epistle to the Bomans, with Notes
Critical and Practical (George Bell & Sons). Mr. Sadler's commen-
taries are always welcome. They are written in a devout spirit
and with care. Tainted a little his exposition is with extreme
sacramentarian views, but the error is easily eliminated, and the
residuum is eminently edifying. Even those who totally diifer
from Prebendary Sadler in his interpretation of crucial passages
will allow that he defends his views with vigour. For English
readers this commentary furnishes in a readable form the results
of much reading and thought.
It may not be out of place to remind our readers that a work
of great and permanent value has been produced by Dr. James
Drummond, to whom already the theological world owes so much.
His present w^ork, though not bearing so directly on exjoosition as
The Jeivish Messiah, has yet very obvious relation to the interpre-
tation of the I^ew Testament writings. It is entitled Philo-Judceits ;
or, The Jewish- Alexandrian Philosophy in its Pevelopment and Com-
pletion, and is pubUshed by Messrs. Williams & Norgate. There
has hitherto been a very manifest gap in English theological and
philosophical literature, which Dr. Drummond's volumes now
adequately fill. The task of reading Philo is a hard one ; to
frame a coherent jjhilosophy out of his allegorising interpretations
B BE VIA. 317
of Scripture and eclectic speculation, is still harder ; and perhaps
hardest of all is to assign him his due place historically. To
these tasks Dr. Drummond has set himself with true scholarly
zeal, and has fought his Avay through the difficulties with admir-
able success. The blending of Hellenism and Judaism which
prepared the way for Philo is expounded at length, and with much
independence. Here Dr. Drummond is on familiar ground, and
maiiy of Gfrorer's opinions are contested with reason and force.
The doctrine of the Logos is dealt with at great length, and with
eminent fairness. The whole work is a credit to English learning,
and should stimulate philosophical studies.
Marcus Dods.
B BE VIA.
Second Twilights and Old Testament Mira-
cles.— A committee of the Royal Society was appointed some
time ago to collect all accessible information upon the subject of
the volcanic eruptions which took place on the island of Krakatoa
in August, 1883. The report of that commission has just been
issued, and a most instructive and fascinating volume it is. The
various data are illustrated by maps, drawings, and diagrams, and
six water-colour sketches of the wonderful skies seen in England
shortly after the eruption.
The remarkable glows of colour seen in the late autumn of
1883, long after sunset, will be fresh in the recollection of most
students of nature. Within a few days or weeks of the eruptions
this phenomenon attracted attention in Australia, Honolulu,
China, Japan, and in almost every part of Europe. After sunset,
a first flush of colour appeared, lasting fifty minutes, followed
after a while by a second, lasting in many instances nearly an
hour and a half. The sunset scale of colour w^as inverted, the
glow of singular brilliance and its continuance into the far night
almost unexampled. In tropical latitudes, the skj'-effect was
sometimes mistaken by the sailors for the northern lights.
The evidence brought together tends to show that these highly
tinted clouds were formed by extremely minute particles of vit-
reous pumice-dust held in suspension in the upper region of the
atmosphere. For hundreds of miles along the coasts of Java and
818 BUEYIA.
Sumatra dust fell, the analysis of whicli justified tliis conclusion.
It was probably formed by the expansion of gases or steam at the
time of the explosion and ground into these microscopic fragments
by the eruptive force of the volcano. The particles, it has been
calculated, were between one twenty-five-thousandth and one two-
Imndred-thousandth of an inch in thickness, and the stratum they
formed extended from eighty to one hundred and twenty thousand
feet above the surface of the sea. As windows burn with the
ruddy reflections of the setting sun, these glass-like particles of
pumice-dust, held in suspension at a height within reach of the
sun's rays after he had passed the horizon, are supposed to have
returned his illumination to the darkening earth.
The rej)ort contains an interesting list of past eruptions which
have been followed by similar spectacles. 1831 was a year of
marked volcanic activity. Eruptions are recorded of Etna, Vesu-
vius, and some of the Central American volcanoes. " The extra-
oi'dinary diy fog of that year was observed in the four quarters
of the world. The sky was never dark at midnight, and even
in August small print could be read in Siberia, at Berlin, and
Genoa. On August 3rd, at Berlin, the sun must have been nine-
teen degrees below the horizon when small print was legible at
midnight."
On September 2nd, 1845, Hecla was in eruption. " ISTear
London, on September 6th, 1845, at 6 p.m., there was a brilliant
orano-e-coloured sky and brilliant and clear sunset. The sun's
disk was silvery white as it touched the hoi'izon. The solar rays
were visible at 10 p.m., downwards and upwards."
Eruption of Hecla, 1846. " From the middle of April to the
end of May there was an extraordinary after-glow in Switzerland.
It lasted one hour thirty minutes on May 21st, one hour twenty
minutes May 23i"d, one hour twenty-five minutes May 28th, and
forty-five minutes May 31st. It had the appearance of a column
or pillar of red light, and was at one place attributed to a sup-
posed conflagration."
It is perhaps a far cry from Krakatoa to Beth-horon. If the
stoi'y of these marvellous phenomena had been found in the Bible,
what scepticism we should have shown in accepting it ! Had we
read in the book of Joshua or the prophecies of Isaiah that a
month and a half after Midsummer Day small print was read at
midnio-ht in one of the capitals of Europe without the aid of lamp
BEE VIA. 319
or candle, the less reverent of the unbelievers ^•ould liave found
in the bai'e statement a fund of amusement that would have
lasted their saccessive generations of disciples for centuries. And
jet, however little science the Bible historians may have had,
they have every claim to be regarded as trustworthy witnesses of
the facts they record. We speak sometimes as if the capacity for
accurate observation had sprung up within the last thirty years.
As a matter of fact, through tlie division of labour in our over-
crowded civilizations, the capacity for direct observation tends to
decline, if not to quite die out. What has gi'own is the scientific
aptitude to explain and classify facts, not the trustworthy eye to
note them. The Israelites, fresh fi'om the vigils of the wilderness,
their lusty descendants in the times of Hezelciah, were just as
competent to observe all tlie facts that address the eye as are any
of us. Our superiority consists rather in finding the right place
for our facts iii the complex system of nature.
Is it not possible to explain the prolongation of the light on the
evening of the battle of Beth-horon, poetically described as " the
standing still of the sun," by one of these after-glows to which the
attention of the scientific world has been recently directed ? Mav
not the stones rained down from heaven upon the kings in their
flight have been volcanic ash and pumice ? The battlefield was not
many miles away from an age-long centre of volcanic disturbance.
In the eruption of 1883 ash and pumice-stone were candied in-
credible distances, and burnt the clothes and skin of those upon
whom they fell. Possibly some who cboose to regard the after-
glows of 1883 as meteoric in tlieir origin naay think that the late
Dean Stanley has dismissed too lightly the idea that the stones
which fell upon the kings in their flight were meteoric. Would not
the meteoric, no less than the volcanic, theory explain both the
stones from heaven and the protraction of the twilight for the
last crowning act of the wonderful battle ?
May not the going back of the sun ten degrees on the dial of
Ahaz, as the sign of Hezekiah's recovery, be also explained by
one of these marvellous second twilights ? Some observers of the
recent after-glows describe their position as twelve or fifteen
degrees above the horizon. Is there not something in this rough
coincidence of measurement ? It may be said Isaiah gave the
king his choice of a sign, for he promised that the shadow should
go either backwards or forwards. The objection is perhaps not
320 BBEVIA.
forniidablfe, for at the time of the Java eruptions there were fore-
glows before snnrise darkening back again for a time into night,
as well as after-glows ensuing upon the sunsets. If these records
had been found anywhere else than in a sacred book, they would
probably have long since been accepted as hints of some genuine
optical phenomenon unknown as yet to modern science.
Upon either of these theories the miracles of course remain the
same, although the clumsy expedient described as " a suspension
of the laws of nature" is no longer necessary for their explanation.
I am afraid some Christians revel in the grotesquely miraculous.
There is a touch of ostentatious pharisaism in their faith, and
to illustrate the superiority of their faith to that of the more
rational people, who cannot accept a miracle if it involve what
seems an impossible method, they delight to make the miraculous
elements of the Bible history as bizarre as joossible. The more
portentous the wonder they can digest, the grander, it is as-
sumed, the spiritual health of which they are the show specimens.
Such persons will probably still delight to think of the earth as
though it were a racing man's stop-watch, and could be pulled up
at a moment without disaster, and after an interval started again.
If these signs over Gribeon and on the sun-dial of Ahaz be explicable
by after-glows, difficulties may be removed from the path of many
to whom the old conception of the method of the miracles has
been a stumbling-block. And yet at the same time the providential
chai-acter of the narratives is not destroyed. The coincidence of
these after-glows with the necessities of Joshua's campaign against
the kings and with the recovery of Hezekiah from his sickness,
and the prediction of these coincidences by Joshua and Isaiah, will
sufficiently vindicate the supernatural providence of these events.
The miracles will assume a prophetic rather than a thaumaturgic
tvpe. The Bible wi-iters record what was seen, and never commit
themselves to theories of the processes by which the wonders
they relate were effected. If we hesitate to commit ourselves to
this hypothesis of the miracles, the curious information brought
too-ether in the report refei-red to will at least serve to show how
much remains to be learned in the domain of natural law, and
should warn us against an attitude of contempt towards the mira-
culous elements in the Old Testament histories.
T. G. Selby.
THE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEBEMIAH.
In the Book of Jeremiah, the text of the Septuagint, as is
well known, differs more widely from the Hebrew than
is ordinarily the case in the Old Testament. In the other
books of the Old Testament, the variations are, perhaps, the
most marked and important in the cases of 1 and 2 Samuel
and Ezekiel ; but in the prophecies of Jeremiah they are
more considerable still. In the text of the Septuagint,
as compared with the Hebrew, there are very numerous
omissions, sometimes of single words, sometimes of par-
ticular clauses or passages, there are occasionally additions,
there are variations of expression, there are, lastly, trans-
positions. The number of words in the Hebrew text which
are not represented in the Septuagint has been calculated
at 2,700, or one-eighth of the entire Book. It must not,
however, be concluded from these figures that the substance
of the prophecies is proportionately diminished, for many
of the omissions consist of words which have no appreciable
bearing upon the sense, such as the title the i^rophet at-
tached to the name "Jeremiah," or the parenthetic " saith
the Lord" (where the fact itself is plain from the context),
or the substitution of "the Lord" by itself for the fuller title
"the Lord of hosts, the God of Israel," or other similarly
abbreviated forms of expression. Other omissions are, of
course, more important, as 10, 6-8. 10. 11, 7-8 (except the
last words "and they did them not"). 29, 14 (except "And I
will be found of you"). 16-20. 33, 14-26 ; and several times
(but not always) where the words, as read in the existing
Hebrew text, appear elseiuliere in the Book, 8, 10^-12 (see
6, 13-15). 17, 1-4 (with 3^ 4*^ comp. 15, 13-14). 30, 10-11
VOL. IX. ^-^ 21
322 TEE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEBEMIAH.
(see 46, 27-28). 30, 4-13 (4-10 in the Hebrew text abridged i
from 52, 7-16). 48, 40\ 41'^ (see 49, 22). The additions in
the Septiiagint are unimportant, and need not detain us.
Ilhistrations of variations of expression will be referred to
subsequently. The transpositions, so far as they concern
words or clauses {e.g. " prophet and priest " for " priest and
prophet," or the altered position of " saith the Lord" in
1, 19. 3, 16 and elsewhere), though there are many such
instances in the course of the Book, are also of subordinate
importance. The really important difference of order be-
tween the Septuagint and Hebrew text is in the position
assigned to the prophecies on foreign nations, ch?43ters 46-
51. These, which in the Hebrew text are placed at the
end of the entire Book (being only followed by the histo-
rical chapter 52 ( = 2 Kings 24, 18-25, 30, usually in a purer
text), which the note at the end of 51, 64 shows was not
regarded by the compiler as Jeremiah's work), are arranged
in the Septuagint so as to follow 25, 13 — the second part
of this verse, in the form The things ivhich Jeremiah pro-
Ijhesied concerning the nations, forming a superscription to
them, ver. 14 being omitted, and the entire group being
followed by vers. 15-38 (ver. 15 beginning Thus said the Lord
the God of Israel), which afford indeed an excellent and
appropriate sequel to them. The order of the nine prophe-
cies composing the group is also different in the Septuagint,
as well as the position occupied by the group as a whole.
These variations between the two texts of Jeremiah have
for long been noticed by commentators and critics, and
many hypotheses have been proposed for the purpose of
accounting for them. By some, the variations have been
attributed to the carelessness of copyists in transcribing
the version of the Septuagint ; ~ by others, to the incom-
' Comp. especially ver. 8 with 52, 12-14.
" Jerome, Prologue to Commentary oa Jeremiah (" librariorum errore cou
fusuiii "). This explanation is certainly insufficieut.
TEE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEBEMIAE. 323
petence and arbitrariness of the LXX translators them-
selves ; ^ others have thrown the source of the variations
farther back, supposing them to arise from the fact that
the existing Hebrew text, and the text from which the
LXX translation was made, exhibit tico different recensions
of Jeremiah's writings, and regarding (as the case may be)
the one or the other of these as representing more faithfully
the prophet's own words." It is evident that the problem
which the double text presents can never be solved by the
a priori method of starting with a fixed conviction as to
the necessary or inherent superiority of one of the two
texts above the other : the only method by which its
solution can be successfully attempted is by a systematic
investigation of the differences which the two texts present,
and a careful comparison of individual cases for the purpose
of ascertaining on which side the superiority lies. And by
several of the writers named this has been done, with more
or less completeness, though the conclusions to which they
have been led have not always been the same. The case is
one, no doubt, in which it is difficult to establish a perfectly
objective standard ; and hence different critics obtain different
results. An impartial and judicious estimate of the claims
that have been advanced on both sides is given by Kuenen.-'^
1 So De Wetto (originally), Wichelliaus, Niigelsbach, Graf, Keil (though ad-
mitting that in particular cases better readings have been preserved in LXX).
" So, but differing widely in their estimate of the fidelity with which the
LXX translators reproduced the text of their recension, J. D. Michaelis,
Movers, De Wette (later, following Movers), Ewald {Prophets, iii. 91 f. Engl, tr.),
Bleek {IntnuJnction to the O.T. §§ 214-218 [in Wellhausen's edition, 1878,
J;§ 191-195]), Kuenen, Hitzig (Commentary, ed. 2, 1866, pp. xv-xviii), the Dean
of Canterbury (in the Sjjeakefs Commentary, p. 321 f.), Scholz [Der Mussoretisclte
Text unci die LXX-Uebernetzuny des Baches Jeremias, 1875). These scholars,
however, mostly prefer themselves the text of LXX only with reserve, and
admit, especially Ewald (who indeed practically follows the LXX hardly more
than Graf), that the translators performed their work with more or less arbitrari-
ness and neglect. The Dean of Canterbury, however, absolves the translators
from these faults, but thinks that the MS. used by them was one that had
been transcribed in haste.
^ Hi^toriscli-l-ritiscli Omlerzoch, etc. (18G3), ii. pp. 210-219.
324 TEE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEBEMIAH.
The foregoing remarks have been suggested by a work in
which the entire subject has been taken up afresh, pubhshed
recently by an American professor, the Eev. E. C. Work-
man.^ Prof. Workman has devoted much independent
study to the comparison of the two texts ; and the task
has evidently been with him a labour of love. The con-
tents of the volume, stated briefly, are as follows. After
some preliminary remarks on the general relation subsist-
ing between the existing Hebrew text of the Old Testament
and the Septuagint translation. Prof. Workman in his first
chapter surveys the different explanations which have been
offered of the variations occurring in the Book of Jeremiah,
and states the method which he proposes to follow himself.
The five following chapters are devoted to a discussion
of these variations, which are classified in order ; viz. the
omissions, additions, transpositions, alterations, substitu-
tions. Chap. vii. is an examination of the causes to which
the variations may be due ; chap. viii. consists of an estimate
of the value of the LXX translation ; chap. ix. sums up the
results of the entire investigation. Chap, x., however, will
be to many the most attractive part of the work. This is
headed, " The Conspectus of the Variations," and contains
in two parallel columns, occupying 116 pages, all the pas-
sages in which the two texts differ, the Hebrew word (or
words) being transcribed in one column, and the other
column exhibiting the reading underlying the LXX trans-
lation, as restored by Prof. Workman. For this, the most
novel part of his work, Prof. Workman states in his preface
that he has had the assistance of a Jewish scholar. Dr. S.
Mandelkern ; and we may say at once that, judged merely
as' a piece of Hebrew translation, it is excellently done.
1 The Text of Jeremiah ; or, a Critical Investigation of the Greek and Hebrew,
with the variations in the LXX, retranslated into the Orifiinal and Explained.
By theKev. E. C. Workman, M. A., Professor of Old Testament Exegesis and
Literature in Victoria University, Cobourg, Ont. , Canada. With an Introductory
Notice by Prof. Franz Delitzscb, D.D. (Edinburgh : T. & T. Clark. 1889.)
TEE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEBEMIAH. 325
There are occasional oversights, though seldom serious
ones ; ^ and the Hebrew, as a rule (judged apart from the
context to which it is presumed to belong), is bright and
idiomatic.
We turn, however, to the wider and more important
question. Has Prof. Workman advanced the subject with
which he deals ? From what we had heard, we had
cherished great expectations as to what Prof. Workman's
book would accomplish ; and we perused it, when it
appeared, with great interest : we regret therefore the
more to find ourselves compelled to answer this question
in the negative. We are very far from desiring to dis-
parage Prof. Workman's labours. His honesty, his in-
dustry, his singlemindedness are conspicuous upon every
page ; but we are bound to say that the viethods by which
he has carried on iiis work appear to us to be radically
unsound. He starts with the assumption of principles
which really have first to be proved. He is a warm advo-
cate of the claims of the Septuagint version ; and in his
reaction against the depreciation with which it has been
viewed in some quarters, in particular by Graf, he invests
its translators with ideal excellences, and can discover in
their work hardly any blemishes. He thinks indeed, that
unless the translator possessed the fullest qualifications
which the learning and training of the Alexandrian schools
of the time could confer, he would not have been selected
» Thus 3, 3 JiXO will not construe; 6, 8 "IDID should be 2 fern.; 6, 12
nnTTlC'JI is a strange error for Un^'^) ; 9, 15 read Dnib (so 49, 37) ; 10, 23
^b': ior'^hy, 12, 16 n;331 ; 15, 18 n3S0 is an impossible form; 18, 21 DSpXni
do. ; 22, 27 hnh is not biblical ; 23, 31 the inf. abs. should be DIJ ; 25, 15
ipnn may have been read by the LXX translators, but cannot have been
written by Jeremiah ; 25, 29 1"J'S2 the syntax is incorrect ; 28, 1. '"IpE^TI X''23n
do. (also 6, 16) ; 29, 11 I'i^'nH) should be nCnXI. (or '•natJ'rTl); 32, 44
th^)-)^ 2^2D2) is not correct; 41, 5 D''t^0^5 D''JDC> do.; 49, 25 read Mnii -^
51, 20. 21. 22 "Tl^'Sni is an error for ^n'^'DHI ; 51, 27 -"IJS'in for -llOnn (dpare) ;
51, 39 -ID-nT. for -lOnT.
326 TEE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEBEMIAE.
for such an arduous and important task (p. 7 f.). He
believes (pp. 217, 281) that the book was translated with
the utmost carefulness, " as literally as the genius of the
flexible Greek language would allow, the translator or trans-
lators having in no way arbitrarily changed the original
Hebrew text, and having in no instance been influenced
either by personal scruple, theological bias, or religious
tendency,"
These contentions, however, are based, in fact, on a
■priori considerations. There is no more sufficient reason
for supposing that the translator of Jeremiah was selected
on the ground of his special qualifications, than for supposing
that the translator of the Minor Prophets was so selected ;
and if so, we fancy that Prof, Workman will admit either
that the Hebrew text of the Minor Prophets used by the
translator was often in a singularly deffective state, or that
Hebrew scholarship at Alexandria must have been at a low
ebb. Whichever alternative be accepted, the conclusion is
not favourable to the unconditional and necessary superiority
claimed on behalf of the LXX version of Jeremiah. This
parallel is, however, only adduced for the purpose of showing
the fallacy of the a priori argument : the question of the
actual comparative value of the Hebrew and LXX remains
as before ; and the only method by which this can be
ascertained is by comparing the two together, and where
they differ by considering which is better in accord, {a) with
the general standard of well-established Hebrew usage,
(b) with the standard supplied in ]3articular by the parts of
Jeremiah where the two texts agree. When this has been
done, we believe that it will appear that the translators
have by no means proceeded with the scrupulousness and
precision which Prof, Workman attributes to them. They
have permitted themselves, in one word, like most other
ancient translators, to paraphrase, to make additions, altera-
tions, and omissions, especially slight ones, to a far greater
TEE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEBEMIAE. 327
extent than Prof. Workman allows for. Hence his restora-
tion of the presumed Hebrew original upon which their
translation was based rests in large measure upon illusion;
the variations which he and Dr. Mandelkern so patiently
reproduce in Hebrew are, in very many cases, simply more
or less paraphrastic renderings of the same Hebrew text
which we possess ourselves ! We entirely agree with Prof.
Workman that much has been laid to the charge of the
translators (especially by Graf and Keil) of which they
are guiltless : in other words, we accept cordially the main
principle for which he contends, viz. that the deviations, in
a large number of cases, were already present in the MS.
used by them, i.e. that they were recensional ; and our
agreement with him in his main thesis causes us to regret
the more that he has shown so little power of discriminating
between real and 9nly apparent recensional variations, and
has in consequence failed in the main object which he set
himself, viz. to exhibit, in a perspicuous and convenient
form, the approximate text of the recension lohich was in the
hands of the Greek translators.
We proceed to offer specimens of Prof. Workman's
method, which we hope may be regarded as sufficient to
substantiate what we have alleged. It will be remembered
that there are throughout two questions, which are distinct
from one another : 1. What is the Hebrew text underlying
the LXX translation? 2. Is this text preferable to the
existing Hebrew text? Prof. Workman's answer to the
first question is stated very fully and clearly ; it occupies
the whole of the long chapter headed " The Conspectus of
the Variations." The second question he does not answer
systematically, but he gives the reader to understand that
though he does not suppose the text represented by LXX
to be entirely free from error, he is very generally disposed
to prefer it to the Hebrew text which we at present
possess.
'^28 THS i)OtfBLlb} TEXT OP JUBEMIAS.
The Hebrew word jm^-iti^ firmness, in a bad sense,
obstinacy, occurs in Jeremiah eight times ; as the LXX,
however, express it by a word of a different meaning,
it is inferred by Prof. Workman that they had a different
text before them, which is restored by him accordingly.
Thus 3, 17 evOv^fMara, W. r]'\^pt2 ; 9, 13. 16, 12. 18, 12
Td apea-rd, w. n^^<r) ; 23, 17 irXavT], w. r]^^r} : in 11, 8
and 13, 10 the word is not represented in LXX ; perhaps
also not in 7, 24, though it seems to us that Jlliii^l!^! is
the word which is here not represented, and that DTlHiy
is expressed, as in 3, 17, by ipdv/xy/xaTa. There is not the
smallest basis for any one of these supposed restorations.
Prof. Workman has overlooked the fact that in the two
other places where the word occurs in the Old Testament,
Deuteronomy 29, 18. Ps. 81, 13, it is represented in LXX
by d7T07r\dvr]at'i (as by ifKavq in Jeremiah 23, 17) and
iTTLTTjBeu/xara : if these do not satisfy him that the LXX in
all cases read the same word which we now have (though,
not miderstanding it etymologically,^ they rendered it by
words more or less suggested by the context), then, as it
is not to be supposed (upon his principles) that the trans-
lators of Deuteronomy and the Psalms were less trust-
worthy than the translator of Jeremiah, he is landed in
one of these extraordinary conclusions, either, viz. that
JTl"l''1ti^, an actual Hebrew word, was seven (or eight) dif-
ferent times expunged from the MSS. used by the LXX,
or that three distinct words, standing originally in the seven
(or eight) passages, were changed in the Massoretic text
to a word not otherwise occurring in Hebrew at all ! We
venture to think that every reasonable critic will admit that
the "restorations" in the cases referred to are one and all
1 As the other ancient translators did not understand it, and hence render
differently: thus Pesh. always —ilJiO , w'/s/;es; Targum "l"l^"l^'^ imagination;
Aquila <tko\i.6t7]s, whence no doubt Jerome's inavitas ; Symmachus apecrKela
(see the Hexapla on Ps. 81, 13) ; Saadyah in Deut. (^hSi desire.
THE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEREMIAE. 329
imaginary, and that the LXX in each passage read precisely
the same consonantal text ^ which we read now.
We proceed to consider some passages taken at random.
7, 26 DH)")^ Di^ Wp''') LXX eaK\i]pvvav rov Tpdx7]\ov avrojv.
Tpd')(7]\o<;, however, happens sometimes to express "IJ^lii ;
and hence Prof. Workman forthwith restores this word as
the reading of LXX here. In doing this he neglects three
facts : (1) that rpdxv^o'i also represents ^1)^ (as Deutero-
nomy 10, 16. 31, 27 and elsewhere, in the same phrase) ; (2)
that "li<i1ii iltDptl is an unidiomatic combination (unless, to
be sure, it can be proved that wherever hardness of neck is
spoken of in the Hebrew Bible — some seventeen times — ^")^
is always an error for "IJ^Ili !) ; (3) that he has himself left
^'■))J r\^\)r^ without any alteration in 17, 23 and 19, 15 !—
14, 7 our iniquities testify against us LXX avTearrjaav,
whence W. V2ip for IJ^, producing a most improbable
figure in this connexion (Job 16, 8 is different), and not
noticing that HJ^ is rendered by exactly the same verb in
LXX Deuteronomy 19, 18. Isaiah 3, 8, and especially in
the very similar passage Isaiah 59, 12. — 11, 14. 14, 12 HJl
LXX Ber]aL<i, W. T^^Hn and T^b^Jl, overlooking the fact that
njl, the cry of prayer, is constantly expressed by 8er](Tt<; in
the Psalms. — 15, 21 D"'2in^ oppressors LXX Xoificov, W.
strangely D'^hivriD {sicknesses !) But \oip,o<i expresses the
same Hebrew word X'l); in Ezek. 28, 7. 30, 11. 31, 12. 13.
— 18, 10 have done evil in my sight {"^2^2) LXX evavrlov
fiov, W. ■'JE)'? before me. But see 7, 28. 40, 4 where Prof.
Workman himself does not suggest that the LXX had any
reading differing from ours. — 17, 27 palaces of Jerusalem,
LXX d/j^cfioSa, W. m^irr ; but 49, 26 no change ! 6, 5 the
same word is rendered ^e/xeXta ; which of course suggests
to Prof. Workman the reading nmD\ But m^^DIl^ is re-
presented six times in Amos 1-2, as well as elsewhere, by
0efi,i\ia ; and it is certain that it is one of the many words
^ It may be admitted that they may have vocalized as a plur. (JTIIC).
330 THE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEBEMIAH.
the meaning of which was unknown to some of the LXX
translators. — 19, 5 nor did it come up upon my heart (a
Hebrew idiom = nor did it enter into my mind: see Acts
7, 23), LXX ovSe 8L6VOJ]9r}v iv rfj KapBla fiov, W. "'il^ti/n ii7)
'^y?^. It is true, LXX render the idiom hterally in 3, 16.
32, 35. 44, 21 ; but it is far more probable that they were
not perfectly uniform, than that such a weak expression
should have been used as Prof. Workman restores (espe-
cially when it is remembered that the passage is parallel
in thought to 7, 31. 32, 35) ; moreover, in 7, 31, where their
rendering is exactly the same, he makes no change I — 24, 8
and 25, 19 Vlti^ LXX ixe^LaTave<i, whence W. concludes that
they read V?')!^. Yet /jLeyiardve^ corresponds to W^l^ in 34,
10. 49, 38. 50, 35 (which he leaves unaltered !) and thrice
in other books. — 25, 30 the Lord shall roar . . . shall
mightily roar against his fold, LXX xPVf^"'^^^^ • • • ^070^
;)^/07;^aTiet ; W. 111^ . . . 121'^ ")I11 ivill speaJc . . .
will speak a loord. There is no doubt that Prof. Work-
man and his coadjutor can write excellent Hebrew prose ;
but do they seriously ask us to believe that the LXX read
this prose in their MS. ? Have they both forgotten Amos
1, 2, where LXX similarly paraphrase the figure by e(p6iy-
^aro? Is the entire Old Testament to be reconstituted
upon the basis of a literal retranslation of the Septuagint
Version ? In the same verse, for his fold LXX have roirov
auTov, W. accordingly )'D)pt2 his place. But (1) LXX para-
phrase mj similarly in Psalm 79, 7 : and (2) where the
same rendering occurs in 49, 19, no different reading is
postulated by Prof. Workman himself ! — ^32, 35 to pass
through (the fire) to Moloch, LXX ava^epeiv to offer, W.
mpn'?. But Exodus 13, 12 acfjeXel^, Ezek. 16, 21 aTrorpo-
TTid^eaOai for the same Hebrew word, show that the trans-
lators simply paraphrase : "to p>ass throng Jo (the fire) to
Moloch" is a standing expression in Hebrew, "to offer to
Moloch" is never found. — 49, 18 like the overthrow of
TSE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEBEMtAH. 331
Sodom and Gomorrha, '^T 'D -nDS)rT?DD LXX wairep Kare-
<TTpd(l)7] 5*. Kal r., W. y^ 'D nDSrr:! It^i^D (a similar change
in 50, 40). The LXX render hkewise by a verbal form
Deuteronomy 29, 2'2 ; Isaiah 13, 19 ; Amos 4, 11. But
surely, because Greek idiom will not admit of the peculiar
Hebrew construction being rendered literally, Prof. Work-
man does not propose to eliminate this classical expression
from the pages of the Hebrew Bible ? or even to suggest
that, by some extraordinary freak of transmission, it was
already, in^i^e different i^laces, corrupted into the inelegant
form which he " restores," before the time when the LXX
translation was made? — 50, 11 "lli'lSn LXX iaKipraTe, W
Tlbri (Gen.. 49, 24), truly a case of " fumum ex fulgore."
The LXX read exactly what we read, as is clear from their
rendering of Malachi 3, 20.— 50, 45 ]i^:in ny)i, LXX ra
apvla TMP irpo^drwv aiiroiv, W. D2i«iiJ ''T'Sii {goats of their
flock!). But is not apvia as venial a paraphrase of ''I'^i^U
little ones, as it is of ''J31 ijoung ones in Ps. 114, 4 ?
The use of the infinitive, in lieu of the finite verb, in
certain circumstances, is a familiar and well substantiated
Hebrew idiom, though one which it is naturally difficult,
and even impossible, to reproduce in another language. It
occurs several times in the Hebrew text of Jeremiah, some-
times (as 7, 9) with great force (Ewald, Heh. Syntax, §
328^), and always in entire accordance with idiom. Because
however LXX render, as they could not help rendering,
by a finite verb, they are supposed to have had a finite
verb in their text, which is everywhere restored — or
rather corrupted — accordingly (3, 1. 7, 9. 18. 8, 15. 14, 5. 19.
22, 14. 23, 14. 32, 33. 36, 23. 37, 21). Because the ex-
pression D^ti^T)'' ■'Uti'V inhabitants of Jerusalem is some-
times rendered in LXX ol Ka-roiKovvre'^ ev 'lep., they are
supposed in such cases to have had in their MS. D''2ti^Vn
Dbt:ri10 (8, 1. 11, 2. 9. 17, 25. 19, 3 etc.), an expression
never found in the Old Testament. Innumerable cases
332 THE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEREMIAH.
also occur in which shght differences of tense, or number,
or person, or construction (e.g. 5, 14 ; but contrast 7, 13.
18. 23, 38 etc.), or the substitution of a pronoun for an
article, or the addition or absence of a small particle,
etc., are supposed to point to different readings in the MS.
used by the LXX, — as a rule, quite needlessly.
It is a peculiarity of Hebrew to employ a singular, in
many cases, where a western language would use a plural.
Thus Hebrew writers say often "your heart" instead of
" your hearts " ; and in general are apt to use collective
terms in preference to true plurals, as tear for tears, chariot
(or chariotry) for chariots, sometimes even man for men.
Naturally in such cases, where the Hebrew has a singular
term, the LXX have used a plural in accordance with the
prevalent usage of the Greek language. Prof. Workman,
however, believes that in all such cases — all, at least, which
he has not overlooked — the LXX actually had plurals in
the text which they used ; and the plural for the singular
figures in his " Conspectus of Variations" accordingly! Ex-
amples : 2, 22. 3, 2. 5, 7. 7, 22. 11, 20. 12, 9. 13, 17. 14, 20. 16,
18. 18, 23. 23, 14. 31, 33. 34. 32, 23. 36, 3. 47, 2. 48, 35. On
account of the Greek SuKpva, the unnatural Jll^/^T for n^^Ql
is restored in 8, 23. 9, 17. 13, 17. 14, 17. 31, 16. Where the
Greek has apixara, □''1D~I (which occurs once only in the
Old Testament, Cant. 1, 9) or miD")?2 is supposed always
to have been read by the translators : 17, 25. 22, 4. 46, 9.
47, 3 (here in an impossible form V^DI), 50 37. 51 21. In
11, 11 Behold, I bring evil upon them, the LXX have
KUKa : accordingly m^"l is declared to have been their read-
ing ; yet, by another of the inconsistencies which are so
conspicuous in Prof. Workman's book,^ in 6, 19. 19, 3. 35,
' See besides those which have been noticed, 6, 22 compared with 25, 32. 31,
8. 50, 41 ; 6, 21 (where mPV^ Dv^PI is contrary to usage) compared with 50,
43 ; 11, 22 with 29, 32 ; 14, 1 with 7, 22 ; 42, 20 with 42, 2. 7, 16. 11, 14. 14,
11 etc.
THE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEREMIAH. 333
17. 45, 5, where the same phrase occurs, no change is con-
sidered necessary. Hebrew writers speak uniformly of
dehvering into the Jiand (not hands) of so and so — whether
a singular or plural follows : LXX usually have eU x^lpa^,
and ''T'l is duly recorded as having been their reading (20,
4. 5. 21, 7. 10. 22, 25. 26, 24 ondi passim) . On this we would
observe that the standing usage of the Old Testament is
'^"'1 not no : which supposition then is the more probable ?
that the LXX simply wrote "into the hands" for "into
the hand " ; or — for these are the alternatives — either that
the Hebrew text of the entire Old Testament is so corrupt
that we do not know what was idiomatic in Hebrew and
what was not, or that Jeremiah himself deserted the idiom
of his own language, or that a scribe, who of course must
also have been conversant with Hebrew, introduced tlirough-
out the Book this un-Hebrew expression?
Hitherto we have confined ourselves to the first of the
questions stated above, and have endeavoured to show cause
why we cannot accept Prof. Workman's restoration, as a
genuine representation of the Hebrew text used by the
LXX. Let us next approach his restoration from a dif-
ferent point of view, and (accepting it, provisionally, in the
form in which he sets it before us) inquire how far it can
claim superiority to the existing Hebrew text. We must
be brief; and our opinion will perhaps be sufiiciently indi-
cated if we take two or three chapters and compare the
two texts. In chap. ii. the conspectus exhibits seventy-five
variations (or groups of variations) between the Hebrew
and the presumed original of the LXX, Of these we should
say that about twelve are, or might plausibly be argued to
be, better than the corresponding readings in the Hebrew,^
1 2, 6 nD:J> {see 51, 43) ; 12 ; 20 >rn3t^' and '•npnJ, and DIVH (as the Kt.)
21 (though not as Prof. Workman restores, but as is suggested by Graf, viz,
ni'np'? for n mo •'b, cf. Deut. 32, S2-=TrLKpla) ; 27 ^JFl"!^'' ; 30 3in, DDHd'?,
aud'''DnN-i^ x"?! ; 31 iro:;' ; 33 x?3o'? nyin n>i! qj ; 34 '•dt ; 53 n^x-bs-'?!;.
334 THE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEBEMIAE.
about twenty-four are neutral — the sense differing so
slightly, that it is impossible to say that either is superior
to the other, — and about thirty-nine are decidedly worse, con-
sisting often of phrases which Jeremiah himself could not
possibly have written. We have no space here to examine
the passages in detail ; but we can assure our readers that
we have considered them carefully, and without the smallest
bias against the LXX. In chap, vii., out of some fifty-six
variations (disregarding the two long omissions in vers. 1-2,
27), only one appears to us to offer a reading preferable to
the Hebrew, viis. the omission in ver. 24 of (not Jm")"lti^Il, but)
Jlliij^lDl, "in counsels " (which from its imperfect construc-
tion may not imj^robably be a gloss) ; of the remaining
fifty-five, about twenty-six appear to us to be neutral, and
about twenty-nine inferior to the present Hebrew. AVe
cannot however conceal our persuasion that the majority
of these variations are not " recensional " at all, but are
simply due to a slight freedom in rendering on the part of
the translators, or (in some cases) to their having misread
or misunderstood their Hebrew text. In point of fact, out
of the fifty-six variations noted by Prof. Workman in chap,
vii., we should say that about tiuenty^ might fairly be treated
as " recensional," though whether they are all actually so
is more than we can take upon ourselves to say, — probably
not ; the rest we should attribute, without the smallest
hesitation, to one or other of the causes just indicated.
Mutatis mutandis, our judgment would not be substantially
In his view of 131"! ver. 31 (p. 237), Prof. Workman has gone entirely astray. We
cannot admit that the LXX translation proves 11"! to mean " be lord," but,
allowing that it does, ov KvpievOrjaoneda. would express not IJl"! NTTI (p. 286),
but "n~i;j N^. And on p. 270, the originality of the inversion which he seeks
to disj)ute, is surely confirmed by the usage of the cofinate languages.
1 Viz. the omissions in vers. 1-2, 3, 4 end, 10, 13 his, 20, 21, 24 (niVJ?1?;Dn),
26 end, 27, 28 his; the addition in ver. 28" (which agrees with the omission of ver.
27); and ver. 7 pNIl, 22 im'pyn ; 31 T\)22.; 32 DJinri: 34 jbt' and Dn?X'.
We have endeavoured to be liberal to Prof. Workman ; for it is not possible to
be confident rosjiecting some of these.
THE DOUBLE TEXT OF JEREMIAH. 331
dissimilar in other parts of the book. We base this opinion
largely upon general views. Though it is undoubted that
the Septuagint preserves in many cases — perhaps indeed in
more cases than is generally supposed — readings superior
to those of the existing Hebrew text, it is also undoubted
that in the vast majority of cases its readings are greatly
inferior ; so soon as it deviates from the Hebrew, a deterio-
ration in force, and terseness, and idiomatic freshness at
once, as a rule, begins to show itself. Can any qualified
Hebrew scholar doubt that chaps, ii. and vii., read in the
form in which Prof. Workman exhibits them, are inferior,
both in intelligibility and force, to the form in which the}^
appear in the Massoretic text ? Upon grounds, not based
(as we hope) upon an unreasoning prejudice, but of our
appreciation of Hehreio idiom, we are thus compelled to
conclude that, on the whole, the Massoretic text exhibits
the prophecies of Jeremiah in their more original form ;
and this being so, it appears to us incredible that the vast
amount of change, including many of the most violent and
extravagant character — witness the stylistic toiu's de fgrce
in 2, 23-4. 25. 7, 16 — could have been introduced into the
text by any scribe, or series of scribes, or at any time. For
the variations being mostly significant, they must have been
due to design, and yet they are of a nature which it is im-
possible even to imagine any scribe as designedly making.^
The alternative supposition, that, to a certain extent, more
than is conceded by Graf and Keil, but considerably less
than is contended for by Prof. Workman, the variations of
LXX are recensional, but that, beyond this, they are due,
partly to the MS. (or MSS.) used being in places imper-
fectly legible, partly to the fact that the translators either
misunderstood the Hebrew, or permitted themselves some
1 It is probably in its greater conchoiess of e.r2»-es>iion that the text of LXX
is most frequently superior in origiualiiy to the existing Hebrew text. But this
seldom affects stijle.
336 THE DOUBLE TEXT OF JE BE MI AH.
freedom in rendering it, is surely both far more intelligible
in itself, and altogether more in accordance with probability
and analogy.^
It is with sincere regret that we have found ourselves
compelled to pass this unfavourable judgment upon Prof.
AVorkman's volume. But truth obliges us to own that he
is not equal to the task which he has undertaken. His
judgments are crude, superficial, and inconsistent ; and he
is greatly deficient in the faculty of discrimination. In par-
ticular, he has not learnt the lesson of Wellhausen's mono-
graph, On the Text of the Books of Samuel, in which the
distinction between variations due only to the translators,
and variations having their source in the MS. or MSS.
used by them, which alone, as is obvious, possess any value
for the textual critic, is repeatedly illustrated and enforced.
Hence his volume to the textual critic is a disappointing
one. He does not find in it what he expects to find, viz.
a clear and well considered estimate, based on long and
discriminating study of the book, of what are recensional
variations ; and he finds in it a great deal which is of no
interest or importance to him whatever. Had Prof. AVork-
man considered the variants individually, and eliminated
from his Conspectus all those which may fairly be re-
garded as due solely to the translators, he would have pro-
duced a handbook which would have been of real service
to the student of Jeremiah ; as it is, his Conspectus be-
wilders by the mass of irrelevant and worthless material
which it contains, and, to all but the trained scholar, is
simply misleading. For the present, we hope that all who
are interested in the prophecies of Jeremiah will provide
themselves with Prof. Workman's volume ; but we hope
1 The Targum, to which Prof. Workman often appeals in support of his
restorations, of course paraphrased likewise. It would be easy to show also
that its evidence is often on other grounds inconclusive. Thus it regularly
renders ^Tl by the plural jv3n ; how then does its use of this word in 6, 24
show that it read □''7311 rather than PTI ?
OLD TESTAMENT CRITICISM. 337
also that they will follow it with the utmost possible dis-
crimination. And for the future we earnestly trust that
Prof. Workman may be induced to reconsider the plan
upon which he has pursued his investigations ; and in a
future edition will not shrink from cutting down his Con-
spectus to one-third or one -fourth — the more, the better —
of its present dimensions.
S. K. DiMVER.
OLD TESTAMENT CBITICISM IN THE LIGHT
OF NEW TESTAMENT QUOTATIONS.
DuEiNG the past half-century the attention of Hebrew
scholars has been directed, perhaps more than at any former
period, to the consideration of the text, and the structure
of the books, of the Old Testament. The impulse to such
studies had its rise a century earlier, but it was only here
and there that a solitary student gave himself to the work.
In our days the labourers have happily become more
numerous. Their work too has been fruitful in results,
and when what is certain in these inquiries becomes as-
sured to the Church at large, we shall find that we have
advanced greatly in our knowledge of these sacred books,
and have gained clearer insight into the manner of God's
revelation. But that time, though it be steadily approach-
ing, has not yet arrived. Meanwhile the minds of many,
who cannot examine the originals for themselves, grow
sorely troubled by the questionings that are current, and
not always couched in a reverent form, about matters which
they have hitherto deemed unquestionable.
For much of this trouble no doubt the Churches themselves
must be held responsible. All study and instruction con-
cerning the origin and history of the Old Testament writings
VOL. IX. 22
338 OLD TESTAMENT CRITICISM IN TEE
has either been omitted by those who were responsible for
imparting it, or else has been thrust very much into the
background. It was no unnatural result of the Beformation
that the authority of Scripture should be magnified. The
reverence then generated grew in time to be somewhat
superstitious. The instrument by which God had revealed
Himself to His ancient people became regarded as partaking
of the Divine perfection. The climax of letter-worship
was reached when the reformed Churches of Switzerland, in
1675, declared that "the Hebrew text of the Old Testament,
as we have received it from the Jews, is, as well in con-
sonants as in vowels and other points, and in matter as
well as in words, divinely inspired ; and by it all versions,
eastern or western, are to be examined, and where they
vary, are to be conformed to it." ^
Such opinions were not confined to Switzerland, and of
them we now reap the fruits. Being trained on such ideas,
there are many devout minds which receive a severe shock
if it be suggested that Moses may not have been the author
of the Pentateuch ; that Genesis bears evidence of being
a compilation from various independent documents; that
other books of the Old Testament are of a composite
character ; that the prophecies of Isaiah and Zechariah are
not the work of one author throughout ; that the whole
of the Old Testament may have been brought into its pre-
sent form in the days of Ezra, or even later, and that in
the course of many transcriptions some errors of the scribes
may have found their way into the text.
In our days criticism has pronounced these and similar
judgements, and many of them are receiving constant con-
firmation. And they are seized upon by some, who have
no love for revelation, and are glad of any means to disquiet
the minds of the faithful, and are put forward in crude
and exaggerated forma as helps toward undermining the
* See Formula Concensus Helvetica (Canon ii.), Niemeyer, p. 731.
LIGET OF NEW TESTAMENT QUOTATIONS. 339
authority of the sacred Scriptures. Devout criticism, and
it abounds, has no such aim ; and those who have given
most earnest labour to these investigations feel more than
others for the pain which godly people may suffer from the
unwarranted representations which are sometimes made
concerning the results of critical inquiry into the origin of
the Old Testament. Hence they wax more earnest in their
work, assured that the light will spread, and that a better
understanding of what is, and what is not, at stake in these
investigations will sooner or later dispel this alarm.
For it was not always thus. Devout men in former
times accepted a great part of what is put forward by
modern critics, and found the authority of the Bible in
nowise impaired thereby. None will accuse Calvin of
undervaluing the Scriptures, yet now4iere can one find more
of what is now called " free handling " than in his com-
mentaries. Examples, both in our own country and abroad,
could easily be multiphed. One will serve the purpose.
Dr. Whitaker, who was Kegius Professor of Divinity in the
University of Cambridge from 1580 to 1596, and who was
largely engaged in controversy with the Romanists on the
authority of the Scriptures, writes : " It is very possible
that the books [of the Old Testament], which may have
been previously in some disorder, were corrected by Ezra,
restored to their proper places, and disposed according to
some fixed plan, as Hilary, in his prologue, affirms par-
ticularly of the Psalms." ^
The over-great superstition with respect to the sacred text
had not arisen in the days of Calvin and AVhitaker, and
there was more widely diffused than at present a knowledge
of its history. This enabled men to keep firm hold upon
that which constitutes the true value of the Scriptures, to
distinguish between the Divine purpose of revelation and
the fallible human agency which God has employed for its
' See Whitaker's Disputation on Scripture, p. 116. (Parker Society.)
340 OLD TESTAMENT CRITICISM IN TBE
publication. It is with this latter that criticism of words
and language deals, and clear knowledge on this point is
all that is needed to allay any anxieties which are now
raised by discussions concerning text and authorship.
The Old Testament bears witness unto Christ. He
Himself has told us so. And His apostles teach us that
it is able to make men wise unto salvation; that it is
profitable for teaching, for reproof, for correction, for in-
struction which is in righteousness. To serve these
objects it was given, and we cannot possibly turn to better
authority than our Lord and His apostles for the way in
which it may be employed to do so. They constantly
appeal to the writings of the older covenant, but from the
way they do this we have clear evidence that textual
criticism would have given them no alarm ; that their
concern was not with the verbal exactness of the vehicle,
not with niceties of text or with unity of authorship, but
with that instruction which is in righteousness and which
is conveyed to men in the sacred record.
The New Testament, written in Greek, represents our
Lord and His apostles as employing, not the Hebrew
Scriptures, but a Greek version of them, the Septuagint,
which had been made at various times between the close
of the Hebrew canon and the first or second century
before Christ. The Greek version, though giving the
general sense of the Hebrew fairly well, is by no means an
exact translation ; yet in it Jesus found that testimony and
those lessons after which He earnestly exhorted men to
seek as the way to life eternal.
One or two examples will make plain both what has been
said about the character of the Septuagint version, and also
show the way in which our Lord and His apostles made
use of it. And first of Christ Himself. In St. Matthew
xxi. 16 we find Him replying to the murmurings of the
chief priests and scribes, who were offended at the hosannas
LIGET OF NEW TESTAMENT QUOTATIONS. 34-1
of the attendant children. Jesus says, "Have ye never
read, Out of the mouths of babes and sucklings Thou hast
perfected praise.^" Here He is quoting from the Septua-
gint of Psalm viii. 2. But that passage in the Hebrew,
which is strictly represented by our English translations,
ends with " Thou hast ordained [E.V., established] strength."
And this rendering is in entire harmony with the context
of the psalm, which speaks of stilhng the enemy and the
avenger. For such a work strength and not praise would
be needed. It in no way concerns us to inquire how the
Septuagint rendering of this verse arose. It suliices that
Jesus has accepted it as giving the spirit of David's psalm.
He had enemies around Him of a different character from
those contemplated by the psalmist. But the Divine eco-
nomy is manifested in many ways, and it is part of that
economy to use the weak things of the world to confound
the things that are mighty ; and it is suitably represented,
whether the faithful lips of children be described as a bul-
wark against the folly of the adversaries, or their youthful
praises as a confusion to the malice of opposing priests and
scribes.
The same psalm supplies us with an example of the way
in which, out of a somewhat inexact rendering in the Sep-
tuagint, the writers of the New Testament were able to
derive needful lessons of Divine truth, and made no scruple
about verbal preciseness. The psalmist is speaking of the
dignity which God bestowed upon man at the creation.
" Thou hast made him but little lower than God, and
crownest him with glory and honour ; Thou madest him
to have dominion over the works of Thy hands. Thou hast
put all things under his feet." In the Septuagint, the first
clause of this passage is rendered, " Thou hast made him
a little lower than the angels^ And this translation was
accepted, and made the basis of an argument, by the writer
of the Epistle to the Hebrews ; and in consequence of
342 OLD TESTAMENT CRITICISM IN THE
that acceptance, the translators of the Authorized Version
followed in the psalm the Septuagint rather than the
Hebrew. The Revised Version has given the correct trans-
lation, and has made the passage refer, as it was meant to
dOj to the creation of the first Adam in God's image and
after God's likeness.
Yet see how the apostles accept the rendering of the
Seventy, and draw from it true instruction ! St. Paul's
lesson is found in 1 Corinthians xv. 27, where he uses the
psalm as witness that in the first Adam there was a pro-
mise of the second. He quotes the words, " God hath put
all things under his feet," and refers them not to Adam,
but to Jesus Christ.
The other apostle (Heb. ii. 3-9), if indeed it be not St.
Paul here also, is comparing the word that was of old time
spoken by angels with that gospel which began from Christ
and was continued by His disciples. The latter, he shows,
was incomparably the grander message. The angels pro-
claimed the law, but since the incarnation men have been
made fellow workers with the Lord of glory in publishing
the message which speaks of life and immortality. This
is the honour which God has bestowed upon man in the
second Adam. By humiliated human nature, after its
assumption by Christ, God has now manifested His glory,
as it had never been manifested among, or by, the angels.
The psalmist had celebrated the subjection of all nature to
the first Adam. The apostle testifies that a greater exal-
tation than this shall be realized. To Christ, our Lord, the
Son of man, in a far higher sense, all things shall be made
subject. "We see not indeed as yet all things put under
Him. All the exaltation of which man is made capable
through the incarnation has not yet been made manifest.
But a foretaste of it there has been. We see Jesus the
God-Man, who was made a little lower than the angels for
the suffering of death, crowned with glory and honour.
LIGHT OF NEW TESTAMENT QUOTATIONS. 343
In this way the comparison with the angels serves the
apostle's purpose. The words of the psalm could most
fitly be apphed to Him, the Son of man, who was also the
Son of God ; and His humiliation was followed by an exal-
tation, which is a pledge of the future crowning of those
whom He has not been ashamed to call His brethren,
though now they may here be suffering, as He did that
He might be made a perfect Mediator.
It may have been a feeling of reverence which led the
Septuagint translators to render by " angels " the word
which is properly the name of God Himself. For the
representatives and ministers of God are sometimes, in the
Old Testament, called by this name Elohim. Thus the
judges are so designated in Exodus xxi. 6, xxii. 8, where
however the Eevised Version has placed " God " in the
text, and " the judges " on the margin. But satisfied with
the version of the Seventy as conveying the Spirit of God's
teaching, the apostles adopt it and expound it, to the great
comfort of multitudes of godly souls in the generations that
have come after them. And we may rest assured that
those who did so would have paid little regard to the sort
of questions which verbal criticism must raise, and which
are of importance in their degree, but mainly for tracing
out the various stages of the history of the sacred text.
The next example is different in character, and even more
striking. In the council which (Acts xv.) was held at
Jerusalem, about the terms of admission of the Gentiles
into the Christian Church, we find St. James, after he has
alluded to St. Peter's visit to Cornelius, whereby the door
of the Church was opened to the Gentile world, continuing
his remarks thus : " To this agree the words of the prophets,
as it is written :
After tliis I will return,
And I will build again the tabernacle of David, whicli is fallen ;
And I will build again tlie ruins tliereof,
344 OLD TESTAMENT CRITICISM IN THE
And I will set it up :
That the residue of men may seek aftei* the Lord,
And all the Gentiles, upon -whom My name is called,
Saith the Lord, who maketh these things known from the beginning
of tlie world."
The quotation is made by St. James from the Septuagint
translation of Amos ix. 11, 12. But instead of " that the
residue of men may seek after the Lord," the Hebrew has,
" that they {i.e. Israel) may possess the remnant of Edom."
Now it is almost certain that the Seventy took the word
Dnh? = Edom, as if it were D"Fh{ = man. Thus "the rem-
nant of Edom " would at once become " the residue of
men," They must also have regarded this as the subject,
and not the object, in the sentence, and read the verb
1i:^~)'''' = <' they may inherit," or "possess," as if it were
lIiti"T' = " they may seek." Thus the change of the render-
ing in the Septuagint may be in some degree explained.
But over this verbal change the apostle stumbles not. He
feels that the later expression includes the earlier, that
when the residue of men and all the Gentiles seek the
Lord, the faith of Israel will have prevailed among the
remnant of Edom, For the purpose of his argument he
can, without demur, accept the language of the version ;
for in it is contained the same, yea, even fuller, testimony
to the Divine scheme of salvation. The true up-building
of the house of David shall be the up-building of all man-
kind beside.
Almost every book of the New Testament yields a supply
of similar examples. Those which have been given are
enough to show that, though the Septuagint varies from
the Hebrew, now in its way of expressing the precise form
of thought, now by a changed rendering of single words,
and at times in the larger difference of a whole modified
sentence, the speakers and writers in the New Testament
did not regard this as a bar to its use, but accepted it as
LIGHT OF NEW TESTAMENT QUOTATIONS. 345
expressing the substance of God's revealed word, and found
in it what they knew the Old Testament writings were
intended to teach.
Nor was it that they were ignorant of the existence of
such difference from the original as we have been noting.
When it is necessary, they can leave the Septuagint, and
render the Hebrew closely for themselves. Perhaps one
of the most interesting instances in proof of this is found
in St. John xix. 37 : " They shall look on Him whom they
have pierced." In this quotation from Zechariah xii. 10,
the Septuagint renders, " They have danced over in
triumph," instead of " they have pierced." They appear to
have read Ipl — to dance, instead of "Ipl = to wound ; but
the evangelist gives the correct translation of the Hebrew.
Similarly in 1 Corinthians iii. 19, St. Paul leaves the Sep-
tuagint, to which in most cases he adheres faithfully. He is
quoting from Job v. 13, " He taketh the wise in their own
craftiness," and his words are, 6 hpa<Ta6ixevo<i rov<i ao^ov<;
ev TTJ 'jravovpyla avrcov. Instead of this, the Septuagint has
6 KaraXafi^dvoiv (ro(f)ov<i ev rfj <^povy]aet. Everywhere else
but in this passage the Seventy translate HDI^ hyiravovpyia;
and the apostle takes that word as the true sense here
also, while for the verb he employs Spdaaofiai,, which they
never use for this Hebrew word.
Instances of this kind are not numerous, for, as has been
already said, the New Testament writers, as a rule, follow
the Septuagint, but they are enough to show us that this
following did not come about because these writers were
unable to go to the original for themselves, if they found
it best to do so ; and their practice makes it quite manifest,
that what they sought and found in the writings of the
older covenant was something with which verbal and literal
criticism does not and cannot interfere.
We may gather also that they would have been undis-
turbed by questions such as are now discussed concerning
346 OLD TESTAMENT CBITIGI8M IN THE
the diversity of authorship in any books of the Old Testa-
ment. To them the whole volume was one, and all its
parts of co-ordinate authority. Hence St. Matthew (chap,
xii.), writing about our Lord's reproof to the Pharisees on
the observance of the Sabbath, represents Jesus as citing
from 1 Samuel the example of David, and immediately
afterwards quoting the book of Numbers in support of His
position, and completing His rebuke by pointing out the
true principle of religious observance as set forth by Hosea,
"I will have mercy, and not sacrifice." Each quotation
is put forward as of equal authority, and as part of one
and the same Divine revelation. To Christ it signified
not whether for His purpose God has made use of three
writers or one. In the same way, and in the same chapter,
Jesus couples together the books of Jonah and of the Kings,
in His witness against the evil generation who would see
a sign. The men of Nineveh and the queen of the south
shall each rise up in the judgment and condemn them.
And our Lord's manner in thus using the Old Testa-
ment is illustrated amply in ^ the other synoptists. St
John does not record many details of Christ's conversations
with other persons than His disciples, and to them He
does not quote the Old Testament Scriptures. But where
the evangelist himself has occasion to make use of Old
Testament illustration, we find his practice exactly the
same. The whole volume is but one Divine record. Thus,
in chapter xii., he quotes from Zechariah, and twice over
1 Modern investigation concerning the text of the New Testament sup^jhes us
with an interesting example in Mark i. 2. The textus receptus was correctly
rendered in the A.V. " As it is written in the prophets." The quotations which
follow are from Malachi and from Isaiah. But, as is now established, the
earliest and best supjaorted text would be rendered (as in E.V.) " As it is written
in Isaiah the prophet." The evangelist, though citing Malachi first, speaks of
the whole as " written in Isaiah." So entirely of one piece to his mind was
the whole cycle of the Old Testament prophecy. Some later hand, finding two
different i^rophets quoted, noted the fact, most probably on his margin, and in
time the marginal note was substituted for the primitive text.
LIGHT OF NEW TESTAMENT QUOTATIONS. 347
from Isaiah, as if they were all of one authority ; while
in chapter xix. he places side by side extracts from the
Psalms, from Exodus, and from Zechariah : thus employ-
ing, in one single chapter, words from each part of the
Old Testament as divided by the Jews, from the law, the
prophets, and the Psalms.
The same use is found in St. Paul's epistles, and in other
epistles also. He discusses, in chapters ix.-xi. of the
Epistle to the Komans, the rejection of the Jews and the
calling of the Gentiles ; and in the midst of an argument
where almost every sentence contains some allusion to the
Old Testament records, the apostle quotes directly from
Exodus, Leviticus, Deuteronomy, several times over from
the Psalms and from Isaiah, and from Nahum ; and he
uses the language of these various writers as though it were
all of co-ordinate value and importance, all alike bearing
evidence to the same revealed truth.
In the same way St. James in one chapter (ii.) employs
for his argument the words of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus,
Deuteronomy, Joshua, and Job, and treats them all as of
the same cogency.
In the Epistle to the Hebrews, as might be expected,
quotations from the Old Testament are very numerous.
Quite two-thirds of the books are either directly quoted
or indirectly alluded to. Yet there is not a trace that one •
portion of the volume was of more esteem than another
for that instruction in righteousness for which the whole
was given.
We may be well assured, then, that our Lord and His
apostles would have heard without concern the conclusions
at which modern criticism has arrived, or is likely to arrive,
concerning the mixed authorship of any or of all the Old
Testament books. Familiar with the Septuagint, as we see
they were, they must have known the tradition, which is
recorded in 2 Esdras xiv., of Ezra's prayer that he might
348 OLD TESTAMENT GBITIGISM IN THE
receive the Holy Spirit in such measure as to enable him
to rewrite the law which had been lost, and how tradition
said the prayer was granted. They must have been ac-
quainted with the more matter of fact statement made in
2 Maccabees ii. 13-15 about the gathering by Nehemiah of
the acts of the kings, and the prophets, and of David, and
about a similar collection made in later days by Judas
Maccabasus. In times when such traditions were current,
no such worship of the letter of the Old Testament could
have prevailed as would check the use of reason and
observation upon the documents as they stood, nor would
there have been any hesitation in admitting that these
sacred books had undergone some important revision in the
days which succeeded the captivity. But the faithful in
those times believed that the same Divine Spirit was guid-
ing Ezra, Nehemiah, and Haggai which had guided Moses
and Joshua and David : and so believing they were at peace
in their minds, assured that the truths of revelation had
been ever preserved, though the channels which conveyed
had been changed ; assured that it was as ever the word of
Him who testifies, " I am Jehovah, I change not." And
like assurance would come, nay, will come, now of clearer
knowledge. It is but the long silence on such topics which
makes men think them perilous to be discussed ; whereas
in truth the discussions, now happily growing to be more
widely appreciated, deal only with the external present-
ment, with the casket in which God's truth is contained,
seeking to find any indication of how the various pieces
thereof were brought to form a part of the admirable work.
From such a study reverently conducted we cannot but be
gainers in the end, cannot but grow in admiration of the
Wisdom which has preserved for the world this knowledge
which by its own wisdom the world had never found.
In connexion with this absence^ of concern about pre-
* It may be noted as au iustauce of disregard of verbal precision, thongh in
LIGET OF NEW TESTAMENT QUOTATIONS. 349
ciseness of text in the New Testament writers, there is
another feature which deserves to be noted. Not only do
the apostles quote from the Septuagint where it varies from
the Hebrew, but they also not unfrequently allow them-
selves to make some alteration, to give some slight turn to
the Greek which shall make it more completely suit their
argument. Thus in 1 Corinthians iii., St. Paul is speaking
against the wisdom of this world as being foolishness with
God, and he continues, "For it is written. The Lord
knoweth the thoughts of the wise that they are vain." The
Old Testament passage to which he refers is Psalm xciv. 11.
But there the words are, " The Lord knoweth the thoughts
of men that they are vain." The original verse has reference
to the whole human race, but the apostle does not hesitate
to modify it, that it may the better j5t into his argument.
The modification impairs no whit the truth of what is said.
If God has given sentence on all men's hearts, the hearts
of the wise are included in the verdict. St. Paul's limited
application does not exclude the wider truth of the psalm.
Once more, in Ephesians iv. 8, the apostle, speaking of
the gifts which Christ since His ascension has bestowed
through the Spirit, quotes thus : " Wherefore he saith,
When He ascended up on high, He led captivity captive,
and gave gifts unto men." In the psalm (Ixviii. 18) the last'
phrase of this passage is, " Thou hast received gifts for
(R.V., among) 7ne7i." The language there is a description
of the glorious ascent of the ark into Mount Zion, and in
prophetic vision the psalmist sees, and tells, how the long
train of Jehovah's willing captives shall come thither to
follow the ark, for God's might shall prevail and win sub-
mission among all men. The apostle applies the words to
quite another kind, that while all the four evangelists give an account of the
inscription above Christ's cross, the words, in the original, are slightly different
in each gospel (of. Matt, xxvii. 37, Mark xv. 26, Luke xxiii. 38, John xix. 19).
Had the gospels been merely a work of man's device, this discordance would
have been removed.
350 OLD TESTAMENT GBITIGISM.
Christ. He has ascended into heaven, of which Zion was
but a poor figure. He has led and is leading His conquered
ones into His blessed bondage. At this point St. Paul
turns aside to illustrate some previous words, in which he
had been speaking of the gifts of the Holy Ghost, and
knowing that what Christ has won (according to the
psalmist's words) among men by His incarnation, He has
won only to shed back upon men again in blessed showers,
he is bold to modify the psalmist's expression, while re-
taining its substance and force ; and so he says of Christ
that He gave gifts unto men.
Of this kind these examples will suffice. They also
show us that the New Testament writers were not careful
about verbal preciseness, if only they could convey the full
force of what they felt to be the true lessons of the older
covenant. Niceties of language which come properly under
the notice of the students of the sacred text would have
seemed of little importance to St. Paul or St. James. They
are of interest, but their interest is historic, not doctrinal.
And there has never before been a time when an exami-
nation of such questions could be thoroughly undertaken.
The opportunities and studies of the present time all tend
to direct inquiry toward such points. The wider and more
'constant intercourse among nations, the discovery of new
MSS., the comparison of texts, must raise questionings.
But " search the Scriptures," ^ was meant for this phase of
inquiry also, and zealous labour in this newly opened field
will yield good fruit. The ultimate result of searching may
be to make men modify some opinions which they have
long entertained about the structure and history of the
1 For our argument it does not matter whether the verb in this verse (John
V. 39) be taken as imperative or indicative. The Scriptures testify of Christ,
and a rebuke of tlie devotion to a study of the boolc rather than of tlie life
which it contains (which wouki be the force of the indicative) does not make
less important or less needful the rightly directed search to find out Christ in
His revelation.
THE EPISTLE TO TEE HEBREWS. 351
Old Testament books. But if there be no good grounds for
holding them, if they have grown up from want of light, if
different opinions can be supported by trustworthy evidence,
then it is well that, though hallowed by age, mistakes should
be cleared out of the way. If we will but show our faith
in Christ by obeying His command. He who bade us search
will send us light, and make ever clearer His own saying,
which is what gives their value to the Old Testament
records, that they bear witness unto Him.
J. Eawson Lumby.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBBEWS.
IX. Christ not a Self-elected, but a GoD-ArroiNTED
Priest (Chap. v. 1-10).
At length the priesthood of Christ, already three times
alluded to, is taken up in earnest, and made the subject of
an elaborate discussion, extending from this point to chapter
X. 18. The writer begins at the beginning, setting forth
first of all that Christ is a legitimate priest, not a usurper :
one solemnly called to the office by God, not self-elected.
For this is the leading thought in this introductory state-
ment. It seems indeed to be only one of two. Prima facie
one gets the impression that the writer's object is to specify,
as of equal and co-ordinate importance, two fundamental
qualifications for the office of a high priest, and then to
show that these were both possessed in a signal manner
by Jesus. Every perfectly qualified high priest, he appears
to say, must both sympathise with men, and have a call
from God : accordingly Jesus had such a call, and was also
eminently sympathetic. And he evidently does regard
sympathy as, not less than a Divine call, indispensable, the
terms in which he speaks of it being quite remarkable for
emphasis and vividness. Nevertheless he does not put the
352 TEE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
two on the same footing. The chief thing in his mind here
is the call or appointment ; the sympathy is referred to, in
connexion with its source, personal infirmity, as explaining
the need for a call, so as to suggest the question, Who,
conscious of the infirmity which is the secret of sacerdotal
mildness, would dream of undertaking such an office with-
out a Divine call ? Hence in the application of the general
principles enunciated regarding the high-priestly ofiice
(vers. 1-4) to the case of Christ (vers. 5-10) no reference
is made to His sympathy, but only to His call, and to
experiences in His earthly life which showed how far He
was from arrogating to Himself the priestly office. These
experiences were indeed a discipline in sympathy, but that
aspect is not spoken of.
If sympathy is not co-ordinate with the call in the
writer's mind, still less is it his main theme. Yet it is
apt to be regarded as such by those who assume that
the Hebrew Christians were familiar with the doctrine of
Christ's priesthood, and stood in no need of its heing proved
to them, or even elaborately expounded, but only of its
being used for their encouragement under trial. To such
chapter v. 1-10 will naturally appear a pendant to the
statement in the close of last chapter concerning the
sympathy of Christ as the great High Priest, containing
some such line of thought as this : Compassion may be
counted on in every high priest, for he is conscious of his
own infirmity, and moreover he is called to office by God,
who knows whom to call, and takes care to call only such
as are humane in spirit. On both grounds you may rest
assured of the sympathy of Jesus. ^ As I understand the
passage, its drift is rather this : Sympathy is congruous to
the high-priestly office in general. It arises out of the
sense of personal infirmity ; whence also it comes that no
right-minded man would undertake the office except as
1 So Professor Davidson.
CHRIST A GOD-APPOINTED PRIEST. 353
called of God. Jesus assuredly undertook the office only as
called of God. He was called to the priesthood before His
incarnation. He came to the world under a Divine call.
And during the days of His earthly life His behaviour was
such as utterly to exclude the idea of His being a usurper
of sacerdotal honours. All through His incarnate expe-
riences, and especially in those of the closing scene, He was
simply submitting to God's will that He should be a priest.
And when He returned to heaven He was saluted High
Priest in recognition of His loyalty. Thus from first to
last He was emphatically One called of God. Thus viewed,
the passage before us is obviously the proper logical com-
mencement of a discourse on the priesthood of Christ, in-
tended to instruct readers who had next to no idea of the
doctrine, and needed to be taught the very rudiments thereof.
Was this their position, or was it not ? It is a question on
which it is very necessary to make up our minds, as the
view we take of it must seriously influence our interpre-
tation of the lengthy section of the epistle of which the
passage now under consideration forms the introduction.^
What is said of the sympathy that becomes a high priest,
though subordinate to the statement concerning his call,
is important and interesting. First, a description is given
of the office which in every clause suggests the reflection.
How congruous sympathy to the sacerdotal character ! The
high priest is described as taken from among men, and the
suggestion is that, being a man of like nature with those
for whom he transacts, he may be expected to have fellow-
feeling with them. Then he is further described as ordained
^ The views of recent expositors on this important subject are widely diver-
gent. Tlius Mr. Eendall in The Expositok for January, 1889, p. 32, says that
the Hebrew Christians " did not connect the idea of priesthood with Christ,
though they knew Him as their Prophet and their King." Professor Davidson,
on the other hand, says, " The fact that the Son is a High Priest is a common-
place to his readers " {The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 106). 1 have expressed my
own view, to the same effect as Mr. Eendall, iu the introductory paper in The
Expositor for March, 1888.
VOL. IX. 23
354 TEE EPISTLE TO TEE EEBBEWS.
for men in things pertaining to God, the impHed thought
being that he cannot acquit himself satisfactorily in that
capacity unless he sympathise with those whom he repre-
sents before God. Lastly, it is declared to be his special
duty to offer sacrifices of various sorts /or sm, the latent idea
being that it is impossible for any one to perform that duty
with any earnestness or efficiency, who has not genuine
compassion for the sinful.
What is implied in ver. 1 is plainly stated in ver. 2,
though in participial form, in accordance with the subor-
dinate position assigned to the requirement of sympathy in
relation to the Divine call. "Being able to have compas-
sion on the ignorant and erring."
Very remarkable is the word employed to describe priestly
compassion, ixerpLoiraddv. It does not, like (TvixTraOrja-ai in
iv. 15, signify to feel with another, but rather to abstain
from feeling against him ; to be able to restrain antipathy.
It was used by Philo to describe Abraham's sober grief
on the loss of Sarah and Jacob's patience under affliction.
Here it seems to be employed to denote a state of feeling
towards the ignorant and erring balanced between severity
and undue leniency. It is carefully selected to represent
the spirit which becomes a high priest as a mean between
two extremes. On the one hand, he should be able to
control the passions provoked by error and ignorance, anger,
impatience, disgust, contempt. On the other hand, he must
not be so amiable as not even to be tempted to give way
to these passions. Ignorance and misconduct he must not
regard with unruffled equanimity. It is plainly implied
that it is possible to be too sympathetic, and so to become
the slave or tool of men's ignorance or prejudices, and
even partaker of their sins ; a possibility illustrated by
the histories of Aaron and of Eli, two high priests of Israel.
The model high priest is not like either. He hates igno-
rance and sin, but he pities the ignorant and sinful. He is
CHRIST A GOD-APPOINTED PRIEST. 356
free alike from the inhuman severity of the pharisee, who
thinks he has done his duty towards all misconduct when
he has expressed himself in terms of unmeasured con-
demnation regarding it, and from the selfish apathy of the
world, which simply does not trouble itself about the failings
of the weak. He feels resentment, but it is in moderation ;
disgust, but it is under control ; impatience, but not such as
finds vent in ebullitions of temper, but such rather as takes
the form of determined effort to remove evils with which
it cannot live on friendly terms. All this of course implies
a loving, kind heart. The negative virtue of patience implies
the positive virtue of sympathy. The model high priest
is one in whose heart the law of charity reigns, and who
regards the people for whom he acts in holy things as his
children. The ignorant for him are persons to be taught,
the erring sheep to be brought back to the fold. He re-
members that sin is not only an evil thing in God's sight,
but also a bitter thing for the offender ; realizes the misery
of an accusing conscience, the shame and fear which are the
ghostly shadows of guilt. All this is hinted at in the word
fierpiOTTaOeiu, whereby at a single stroke the writer _;j7i0^o-
graphs the character of the model high priest.
The character thus drawn is obviously congenial to the
priestly office. The priest's duty is to offer gifts and sacri-
fices for sin. The performance of this duty habituates the
priestly mind to a certain way of viewing sin : as an offence
deserving punishment, yet pardonable on the presentation
of the appropriate offering. The priest's relation to the
offender is also such as demands a sympathetic spirit. He is
not a legislator, enacting laws with rigid penalties attached.
Neither is he a judge, but rather an advocate pleading for
his client at the bar. Neither is he a prophet, giving utter-
ances in vehement language to the Divine displeasure against
transgression, but rather an intercessor imploring mercy,
appeasing anger, striving to awaken Divine pity.
356 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
But the special source to which sacerdotal sympathy is
traced is the consciousness of personal infirmity. " For
that he himself also is compassed with infirmity." The
explanation seems to labour under the defect of too great
generality. A high priest is no more human in his nature
and experience than other men, why then should he be
exceptionally humane? Two reasons suggest themselves.
The high priest was officially a very holy person, begirt
on all sides with the emblems of holiness, copiously anointed
with oil, whose exquisite aroma typified the odour of sanc-
tity, arrayed in gorgeous robes, significant of the beauty of
holiness, required to be so devoted to his sacred calling and
so dead to the world that he might not mourn for the death
of his nearest kin. How oppressive the burden of this
official sanctity must have been to a thoughtful, humble
man, conscious of personal infirmity, and knowing himselt
to be of like passions and sinful tendencies with his fellow
worshippers ! How the very sanctity of his office would
force on the attention of one who was not a mere puppet
priest the contrast between his official and his personal
character, as a subject of solemn reflection. And what
would the result of such reflection be but a deepened self-
knowledge, a sense of unworthiness for his sacred vocation,
which would seek relief in cherishing a meek and humble
spirit, and in manifesting a gracious sympathy towards
his brethren, considering himself as one also tempted ; and
would gladly hail the return of that solemn season — the
great day of atonement — when the high priest of Israel
offered a propitiatory sacrifice first for his own sins, and
then for the people's.
Another source of priestly benignity was, I imagine,
habitual converse in the discharge of duty with the erring
and the ignorant. The high priest had officially much to
do with men, and that not with picked samples, but with
men in the mass ; the greater number probably being
CHRIST A GOB- APPOINTED PRIEST. 357
inferior specimens of humanity, and all presenting to his
view their weak side. He learned in the discharge of his
functions to take a kindly interest in all sorts of people,
even the most erratic, and to bear with inconsistency even
in the best. The poet or philosopher, conversant chiefly
with ideal men, heroes invested with all imaginary
excellences, is prone to feel disgust towards real common
men, sadly unheroic and unromantic in character. The
high priest had abundant opportunities for learning that
the characters even of the good and devout are very de-
fective, and he was thankful to find that their hearts were
right with God, and that when they erred they were
desirous to confess their error and make atonement. He
looked not for sinless, perfect beings, but at most only for
men broken-hearted for their sins, and bringing their tres-
pass offering to the altar of the Lord.
The account given of priestly sympathy prepares us for
appreciating the statement which follows concerning the
need for a Divine call to the priestly office. " And no one
taketh the honour to himself, but only when called by God,
as indeed was Aaron " (ver. 4).
No one, duly impressed with his own infirmities, would
ever think of taking unto himself so sacred an office. A
need for a Divine call is felt by all devout men in connexion
with all sacred offices involving a ministry on men's behalf
in things pertaining to God. The tendency is to shrink
from such offices, rather than to covet and ambitiously
appropriate them. The sentiment, 7iolo episcopari, which
has ever been common in the best days of the Church, is
not an affectation of modesty, but the expression of a
deep reluctance to undertake the onerous responsibilities
of a representative man in religion by all who know them-
selves, and who realize the momentous nature of religious
interests. The sentiment is deepened by the reflection that
the office is honourable as well as sacred. For it is a
358 TEE EPISTLE TO TEE EEBEEW8.
maxim which calls' forth a response from every healthy con-
science, that men should not seek honours, but be sought
for them, it being but an application of the proverb, " Let
another man praise thee, and not thine own mouth."
Having stated the general principle that a Divine call
is necessary as an inducement to the assumption of the
priestly office, the writer passes to the case of Jesus Christ,
whom he emphatically declares to have been utterly free
from the spirit of ambition, and to have been made a high
priest, not by self-election, but by Divine appointment. Of
the two texts quoted in proof of the assertion, the second,
taken from Psalm ex., naturally appears the more im-
portant, as containing an express reference to Messiah's
priesthood. This oracle, the key to the whole doctrine of
the epistle on the subject in question, is introduced here
for the first time, very quietly, as if by the way, and in
subordination to the more familiar text already quoted from
the second Psalm bearing on Messiah's sonship. Here
once more we have occasion to admire the oratorical tact
of the writer, who, having in mind to present to his readers
a difficult thought, first puts it forth in a stealthy, tentative
way, as if hoping that it may thus catch the attention
better than if more obtrusively presented ; just as one can
see a star in the evening twilight more distinctly by looking
a little to one side of it, than by gazing directly at it.
It is difficult to understand, at first, why the text from
the second Psalm, " My Son art Thou," is introduced here
at all, the thing to be proved being, not that Messiah was
made by God a Son, but that He was made a Priest. But
on reflection we perceive that it is a preliminary hint as to
what sort of priesthood is signified by the order of Melchi-
sedec, a first attempt to insinuate into the minds of readers
the idea of a priesthood belonging to Christ altogether
distinct in character from the Levitical, yet the highest
possible, that of one at once a Divine Son and a Divine
CHRIST A GOD-APPOINTED PRIEST. 359
King. On further consideration it dawns on us that a still
deeper truth is meant to be taught; that Christ's priesthood
is co-seval with His sonship and inherent in it. Only when
we find this idea in it do we feel the relevancy of the first
citation to be fully justified. So interpreted it contains
a reference to an eternal Divine call to the priesthood, in
consonance with the order of Melchisedec, which is de-
scribed farther on as " having neither beginning of days
nor end of life " — eternal a parte ante, as well as a parte
post. Thus viewed, Christ's priestly vocation ceases to be
a mere accident in His history, and becomes an essential
characteristic of His position as Son : sonship, Christhood,
priestliness, inseparably interwoven.
From the pre-incarnate state, to which the quotations
from the Psalter refer, the writer proceeds to speak of
Christ's earthly history: " Who, in the days of His flesh."
He here conceives, as in a later part of the epistle He
expressly represents ^ the Christ as coming into the world
under a Divine call to be a Priest, and conscious of His
vocation. He represents Christ as under training for the
priesthood, but training implies previous destination ; as
an obedient learner, but obedience implies consciousness
of His calling. In the verses which follow (7, 8) his pur-
pose is to exhibit the behaviour of Jesus during His life
on earth in such a light that the idea of usurpation shall
appear an absurdity. The general import is : " Jesus ever
loyal, but never ambitious ; so far from arrogating, rather
shrinking from priestly office, at most simply submitting
to God's will, and enabled to do that by special grace in
answer to prayer." It is implied that this is a true account
of Christ's whole behaviour on earth ; but the special
features of the picture are taken from the prelude to the
passion, the agony in the garden, where the truth of the
representation becomes startlingly conspicuous.
' Chapter x. 5.
360 THT] EPISTLE TO THE EEBBEWS.
In the description of the tragic experiences of that crisis,
we note the pains taken to lay bare the infirmity of Jesus,
the object being to show the extreme improbabihty of one
who so behaved assuming the priestly office without a
Divine call. The familiar fact that Jesus prayed that the
cup might pass from Him is stated in the strongest terms :
"When He had offered prayers and supplications with
strong crying"; and a particular is mentioned not other-
wise known, that the prayers were accompanied with
"tears." Jesus is thus made to appear manifesting, con-
fessing His weakness, frankly and unreservedly ; even as the
high priest of Israel confessed his weakness when he offered
a sacrifice for himself before he presented an offering for the
people. Whether the writer had in his view a parallel
between Christ's agony in the garden and the high priest's
offering for himself it is impossible to decide, although
several things give plausibility to the suggestion, such as
the use of the sacrificial term irpoaever^Kw^ in reference to
Christ's prayer in the garden.^ What is certain is that he
is careful to point out that Christ was compassed with
infirmity not less real, though sinless, than that which in
the case of the Jewish high priest made it necessary that
he should offer a sacrifice for himself before offering for the
people ; the moral being, how unlikely that one who so
shrank from the cup of death should be the usurper of an
office which involved the drinking of that cup !
The hearing of Christ's prayer referred to in the last
clause of ver. 7 belongs to the description of His sinless
infirmity. Whether we render, " And being heard for His
piety," or "and being heard (and delivered) from the fear"
(of death as distinct from death itself), is immaterial;- in
1 Hoffmann, Schriftbeiceis, ii. 399, earnestly contends that such a parallel is
intended. Vide Tlie Humiliation of Christ, p. 277, where I have stated and
adopted his view. I still feel its attraction, but I am not so sure that the
alleged parallel was present to the writer's mind.
^ Opinion is very much divided as between these two renderings of the words
GHBIST A GOD- APPOINTED PRIEST. 361
any case the answer consisted in deliverance from that fear,
in courage given to face death. Some have supposed that
the reference is to the resurrection and ascension. But it is
not permissible to read into the passage a hidden allusion
to events of such importance. Moreover the reference is
excluded by the consideration that all that is spoken of in
ver. 7 leads up to the main affirmation in ver. 8, and
must be included under the category of learning obedience.
The last clause of ver. 7 describes the attitude of one who
shrank from death, and who was at length enabled to face
death by special aid in answer to prayer delivering him
from fear ; that is to say, of one who in all that related to
the passion was only learning obedience. The point to be
emphasised is, not so much that the prayer of Jesus was
heard, as that it needed to be heard ; that He needed
heavenly aid to drink the appointed cup.
To perform, or even to attempt, such a task without a
conscious Divine call was impossible. Even with a clear
consciousness of such a call it was difficult. That is the
truth stated in ver. 8, in these terms : " Though He was a
Son, yet learned He obedience from the things which He
suffered." Freely paraphrased these words mean : In His
earthly experience Christ was so far from playing the part
of one who was taking to Himself the honour of the priest-
hood, that He was simply throughout submitting to God's
purpose to make Him a Priest ; and the circumstances
were such as made obedience to the Divine will anything
but easy, rather a painful process of learning. Reference
is made to Christ's sonship to enhance the impression of
difficulty. Though He. was a son full of love and devotion
to His Father, intensely, enthusiastically loyal to the Divine
elaaKovaOels aTrb ttjs evXa^elas, many weighty names being on either side.
Bleek supports the first view, Bengel the second. On the whole, the weight of
authority and of argument inclines to the rendering, " being heard for His
piety, or His godly fear."
362 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
interest, ever accounting it His meat and drink to do His
Father's will, yet even for Him so minded it was a matter
of arduous learning to comply with the Father's will m
connexion with His priestly vocation. For it must be
understood that the obedience here spoken of has that
specific reference. The aim is not to state didactically that
in His earthly life Jesus was a learner in the virtue of
obedience all round, but especially to predicate of Him
learning obedience in connexion with His priestly calling
— obedience to God's will that He should be a Priest.
But why should obedience be so difficult in this con-
nexion ? The full answer comes later on, but it is hinted
at even here. It is because priesthood involves for the
Priest death (ver. 7), mortal suffering (ver. 8) ; because the
Priest is at the same time victim. And it is in the light of
this fact that we clearly see how impossible it was that the
spirit of ambition should come into play with reference to
the priestly office in the case of Christ. Self-glorification
was excluded by the nature of the service. One might be
tempted to take unto himself the honour of the Aaronic
priesthood, though even with reference to it one who fully
realized its responsibilities would be disposed to exclaim,
" Nolo pontifex fieri." A vain, thoughtless, or ambitious
man might covet the office of Aaron, because of the honour
and power which it conferred. In point of fact, there were
many ambitious high priests in Israel's last, degenerate
days, as there have been many ambitious ecclesiastics. But
there was no risk of a self-seeker coveting the priestly
office of Christ, because in that office the Priest had, not
only to offer, but Himself to be the sacrifice. With refe-
rence to such a priesthood, a self-seeker would be sure to
say, " I do not wish it ; I have no taste for such an
honour." Yea, even one who was no self-seeker might say,
"If it be possible, let me escape the dread vocation"; and he
would accept its responsibilities only after a sore struggle
GHBIST A GOD.APPOINTED PRIEST. 363
with the reluctance of sentient nature, such as martyrs have
experienced before appearing with serene countenance at
the stake. The holy, sinless Jesus did indeed say " no "
for a moment in reference to this unique sort of priesthood.
His agony in Gethsemane, so touchingly alluded to in our
epistle, was an emphatic " no," which proved that, far
from proudly aspiring, He found it hard even to humbly
submit to be made a priest.^
The verses which follow (9, 10) show the other side oi
the picture : how He who glorified not Himself to be made
a priest was glorified by God ; became a priest indeed,
efficient in the highest degree, acknowledged as such by
His Father, whose will He had loyally obeyed. " And being
perfected became to all who obey Him author of eternal
salvation, saluted by God ' High Priest after the order
of Melchisedec' " A weighty, pregnant sentence, setting
forth the result of Christ's earthly experience in terms
suitable to the initial stage of the discussion concerning
His priestly office, implying much that is not expressly
stated, and suggesting questions that are not answered, and
therefore liable to diverse interpretation.
"Being perfected," how? In obedience, and by obedi-
ence even unto death, perfected for the office of priest,
death being the final stage in His training, through which
He became a Pontifex consummakis. Some think the
reference is to the resurrection and ascension. So, e.g.,
Pfleiderer, who thus argues : " reXeiw^e/? is not the moral
perfecting in the learning of obedience through suffering,
but a new moment, the last result of that learning, through
which Christ was placed in a position to become the cause
1 Keferring to the agony in the garden, I have said in The Humiliation oj
Clirist, " That agony was an awfully earnest, utterly sincere, while perfectly
sinless, nolo Pontifex fieri, on the part of One who realized the tremendous
responsibilities of the post to which He was summoned, and who was unable
for the moment to find any comfort in the thought of its honours and pro-
spective joys " (p. 276).
364 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
of blessedness. What that condition is we gather partly
from the connexion, partly from ver. 7. There it is said
that Christ prayed to His Father to save Him from death,
and was heard for His piety. This piety is then described
in ver. 8 ; whereupon ver. 9, with reXetw^et"? takes up the
elaaKovaOek of ver. 7, and so says that He was saved from
death, which of course in this case is to be referred to the
exaltation following on the resurrection."^ It is a plausible
and tempting line of thought, but I cannot help feeling that
the writer of our epistle has studiously avoided such specific
references, and expressed himself in general terms fitted
to convey the moral truths involved independently of time
and place. I therefore see no reason for assigning uv.
reXeiw^et? a different meaning from that which seemed to
be the most appropriate in chapter ii. 10.
Being made perfect in and through death, Jesus became
ipso facto author of eternal salvation, the final experience
of suffering, by which His training for the priestly office
was completed, being at the same time His great priestly
achievement. Such I take to be the writer's meaning.
This interpretation implies that in his view the death of
Christ was a priestly act, not merely a preparation for a
priesthood to be exercised afterwards, in heaven. Nay, not
merely a priestly act, but the great priestly act, the fact-
basis of the whole doctrine of Christ's priesthood. I have
no doubt that such is the case. It is noteworthy, in this
connexion, that the first and the last times the writer
refers to the subject of Christ's priestly work, chapter ii. 9
and chapter x. 10, it is to His death that he gives pro-
minence : "that He should taste death for every man";
* Paulinismus, p. 344. Pfieiderer finds a reference to the heavenly state in
all the texts which speak of the perfecting of Christ. He holds moreover that
where the word is nsed in reference to men, it includes in its meaning the idea
of glorification, combining the Pauline diKaiovv with the Pauline Sot^d^eiv ; the
combination illustrating the characteristic ambiguity of the epistle in regarding
the Christian salvation as at once a present and a future good.
CEEIST A GOD-APPOINTED PRIEST. 365
" we are sanctified through the offering of the body of Jesus
Christ." That Christ's priestly ministry is placed in the
heavenly sanctuary is not less certain, and the two views
seem to be in flat contradiction to each other. Whether
they can be reconciled and how are questions which may
come up for discussion hereafter ; meantime let us be content
to leave the two views side by side, an unresolved antinomy,
not seeking escape from difficulty by denying either.
The statement that through death Jesus became ipso
facto author of salvation is not falsified by the fact that
the essential point in a sacrifice was its presentation before
God in the sanctuary, which in the Levitical system took
place subsequently to the slaughtering of the victim, when
the priest took the blood within the tabernacle and sprinkled
it on the altar of incense or on the mercy-seat. The death
of our High Priest is to be conceived of as including all
the steps of the sacrificial process within itself. Lapse of
time or change of place is not necessary to the accomplish-
ment of the work. The death of the victim, the presenta-
tion of the sacrificial blood — all was performed when Christ
cried Terekearai}
It is not the writer's object in this place to indicate the
nature of " salvation," — that is, the precise benefit procured
for men by Christ as Priest, — but simply to indicate the fact
that He attained to the high honour of being the source or
author of salvation. Two facts however be notifies respect-
ing the salvation of which Christ is the author : that it is
eternal, and that it is available for those who oheij Him.
The epithet alcovco^, here used for the first time, frequently
recurs in the sequel. It is one of the great, characteristic
* Some theologians, such as Professor Smeaton, contend for an entrance
" within the veil " by Christ, with His blood, in His disembodied state, imme-
diately after His death on the cross. The feeling which dictates this view is
right, but the view itself takes too literally and prosaically the parallel between
Christ and the Jewish high priest. For Professor Smeaton's view vide The
Apostles^ Doctrine of tlie Atonement, p. -±8.
366 THE EPISTLE TO TEE HEBREWS.
watchwords of the epistle, intended to proclaim the abso-
lute final nature of Christianity, in contrast to the transient
nature of the Levitical religion. Possibly it is meant here
to suggest a contrast between the eternal salvation procured
by Christ and the annual salvation effected by the cere-
monial of the great day of atonement. More probably
its introduction at this place is due to the desire to make
the salvation correspond in character to the Melchisedec
type of priesthood, whose leading feature is perpetuity :
" Thou art a Priest for ever." To the same sense of con-
gruity it is due that obedience to Christ is accentuated
as the condition of salvation. Christ became a Saviour
through obedience to the will of His Father, and it is meet
that He in turn should be obeyed by those who are to
receive the benefit of His arduous service. It is a thought
kindred to that expressed by Christ Himself when He spake
of the Son of man laying down His life for the many as
the way He took to become the greatest, and to be minis-
tered unto by willing subjects.
The Divine acknowledgment of Christ's priestly dignity,
referred to in ver. 10, is not to be prosaically interpreted
as a formal appointment ; whether a first appointment, as
some think, to an official position now commencing in the
state of exaltation, or a second confirming a first made
long before, alluded to in the Messianic oracle quoted in
ver. 6 from Psalm cx.^ It is rather the animated recog-
nition of an already existing fact. Christ, called from of
1 Mr. Reudall takes this view. He says : " The language of this verse and
the context alike point to a new appointment quite distinct from that recorded
in the Psalms, though both refer to the same Melchisedec priesthood. Psalm ex.
has been cited as evidence of the earlier appointment of God's Anointed by
prophetic anticipation to a priesthood. This verse declares the formal recog-
nition of His hicjh priesthood by a Divine salutation addressed personally to
Jesus" (The Epistle to the Hebreivs, ■p. 45). I agree with him so far as to
recognise the distinction between the two appointments, only I cannot regard
the expression "formal recognition " as true to the spirit of the passage com-
mented on.
CHRIST A GOD.APPOINTED PRIEST. 367
old to be a priest in virtue of His sonship, and made a
priest indeed by His arduous training on earth, is cordially
owned to be a priest when the death which completed His
training, and constituted Him a priest, had been endured —
whether immediately after the passion or after the ascension
must be left undetermined. The style is dramatic, and the
language emotional. God is moved by the spectacle of His
Son's self-sacrifice, as of old He had been moved by the
readiness of Abraham to sacrifice Isaac, and exclaims,
" Thou art a Priest indeed ! " That the writer is not
thinking of a formal appointment, which creates a position
previously non-existent, appears from the liberties he takes
with the words of the oracle which contains the evidence
that Christ was a God-called Priest : " high priest " substi-
tuted for " priest," and " for ever " omitted. The former of
these changes is specially noteworthy. It is not accidental
and trivial, but intended and significant. The alteration is
made to suit the situation : Christ, already a High Priest in
virtue of functions analogous to those of Aaron, and now
and henceforth a priest after the order of Melchisedec. The
oracle, as adjusted, combines the past with the future, the
earthly with the heavenly, the temporal with the eternal.
Translated into abstract language, ver. 10 supplies the
rationale of the fact stated in verse 9. Its effect is to tell
us that Christ became author of eternal salvation because
He was a true High Priest after the order of Melchisedec :
author of salvation in virtue of His being a priest, author
of eternal salvation, because His priesthood was of the
Melchisedec type — never ending.
The words put into the mouth of God serve yet another
purpose : to indicate the lines along which the writer in-
tends to develop the subject of Christ's priesthood. His
plan is to employ two types of priesthood to exhibit the
nature of the perfect priesthood of the absolute final re-
ligion—the order of Aaron, and the order of Melchisedec.
368 THE EPISTLE TO TEE HEBREWS.
I say not that he means to teach that Christ occupied
successively two priestly offices, one like that of Aaron, the
other like that of Melchisedec, the former on earth, the
latter in heaven. That is too crude a view of the matter.
His plan rather is to utilize the Aaronic priesthood to set
forth the nature of Christ's priestly functions, and the
Melchisedec priesthood to set forth their ideal worth and
eternal validity ; and he here as it were lets us into the
secret. The plan in both its parts is based on Scripture
warrant, to be produced at the proper place. This view of
the writer's method is not to be summarily set aside by the
assertions that priest and high priest are synonymous terms,
and that the functions of all orders of priesthood are the
same. As to the one point, it is enough to say that the
writer uses the two words with discrimination: "priest"
when likening Christ to Melchisedec, "high priest" when
comparing Him with Aaron. As to the other, it is to be
remarked that no mention is made of sacrificial functions in
connexion with Melchisedec's history as given in Genesis,
and that the writer evidently does not choose to ascribe to
him functions not spoken of in the record. Arguing from
his way of drawing inferences from the silences of history,
one might rather conclude that because he found no sacri-
ficial functions mentioned in the story, he therefore assumed
that such duties as were performed by Aaron about the
tabernacle did not enter into the idea of the Melchisedec
priesthood.
The words, " high priest after the order of Melchisedec,"
containing the programme of the discussion about to be
entered on, we expect to find the two topics suggested
' taken up in this order : first, Christ as High Priest ; next,
Christ as Priest after the order of Melchisedec. In point
of fact, they are taken up in the inverse order. Why, we
may be able to discover in a future paper.
A. B. Bruce.
369
THE BBEAD PBOBLEM OF THE WOBLD,
OUR LORD'S FIRST TEMPTATION.
Cheist comes to the baptism, finding in that ritual the
expression of thoughts with which He is labouring. These
thoughts, emphasized by the ritual, find their antitheses
in the temptation. A ritual nourishes the roots of the
thoughts it expresses. He is on the banks of the Jordan
in a human society which shades down from John to the
basest of men. Whatever men may be, the law of humanity
remains, " Thus it becometh us to fulfil all righteousness."
To be human, in the ideal of humanity, is all righteousness.
Christ, in baptism, accepts this humanity.
After the ritual, our Lord hurries into a wild, weird,
lone waste, carrying a flood of great thoughts, to inspect
the elements of the situation. The creation of a spiritual
humanity of a superior order is the gravity upon His mind.
He is with Himself in this wilderness, engaged upon the
plan of His own being and the specifications of the archi-
tecture before Him. He who creates must have a plan.
He chooses His methods, and finds definitions for Himself.
He looks to His destination, and settles Himself into its
terms and limits. The temptations, what we call the
temptations, are surveys of the situation ; and from them
came the battle of alternatives, competitions of methods,
divergences from the predestined ideals, which lend them-
selves as oppositions in the scheme of things.
In this collision of procedure He encounters the Bread
Problem of the world. The problem of food lies in the very
core of humanity, inheres in its very structure. In the
earliest look we give to our being, as we front the adventure
of it, we find that our food is big in the schedule. He who
wishes to teach men how to live, he who would pre-
scribe methods of life, he who would be a regenerator of
TOL. IT. 24
370 THE BREAD PROBLEM OF THE WORLD.
faculty and feeling, must adjust himself to this question.
Christ had a Bread Problem for Himself and us to solve.
It will be my aim to argue that the Food Problem, which
is the physical basis of man, suggests to our Lord certain
modifications of the Divine programme He holds.
Three introductory explanations are necessary before we
can reach the heart of our subject, to clear the ground of
the argument, and they apply to the three temptations.
First, that these temptations must be strictly regarded
as visions and debates of the mind. The arena on which
the battle of alternatives and competitions is fought is the
spirit. It is possible for the devil to carry Christ on his
shoulders, and actually place him on one of the spikes or
finials of the Temple towers, though to many minds it must
appear a clumsy procedure for the sublime purpose of a
temptation. But it is not possible for the devil to place
Christ on any mountain in Palestine or elsewhere where
He could literally see the kingdoms of the world. To see
with the eye the kingdoms of the world means seeing
Babylon, Ephesus, Athens, Corinth, Rome ; the legions of
Home in their military accoutrement, and flush of victory ;
the commerce of Corinth carried in its ships and stored in
its warehouses ; the philosophy of Athens in the manu-
scripts of Euripides and Plato ; the literature of the classic
age in the library of Alexandria. This is a sheer visual
impossibility. The spectacle of the kingdoms is mental. If
the literal and physical break down in the third temptation,
they fail equally with the first and second. The tempta-
tions are thoughts, looks of the mind, inspections of the
situation, repulsions and attractions in the scheme of life
appointed to Him. A temptation is a superior plan of
action struggling with the inferior, the will with its deter-
minations facing the Divine predestinations.
The subjectivity of the temptations is further confirmed
OUB LORD'S FIB8T TEMPTATION. 371
by the order preserved in Luke's narrative. He makes
Matthew's third temptation to be the second. Canon
Farrar in his classic Life of Christ, adopting the traditional
view that the first temptation was addressed to the hunger
of Christ, and the second to a fall from a giddy height, very
properly adds, " both orders cannot be right," and then
makes an apology for inspiration. But both orders are
right, if the temptations are in the realm of the subjective.
The thoughts crossed and recrossed each other, occurred
and recurred, and the record is simply a classified summary
of forty days' reflections and examinations. Any order now
becomes right.
A second explanation respects the nature of the literature
before us, which is poetic. The historians got their report
of the thought of the forty days from Christ Himself, and
He is the Master of parables. A diary of forty days' intense
studies and rapt surveys, of the mental absorption which
had suspended the functions of the body, cannot be com-
pressed in ten lines of print. The journal is turned into a
poem ; the report is partly dramatic, partly epic in form,
a kind of literature not known in the modern world, and
belongs to the genius of the Hebrew nation. In the first
chapter of Genesis we have the history of tens of thousands
of years, the chemistry and physiology, the flora and fauna,
the geology and biology, of millenniums of time condensed
into one page. Here we have wide ranges of visions ex-
tracted into ten lines. This manner of literature is only
possible to the poetic faculty, and probably to the Shemitic
species of poetry. We see the artist, who can make a
picture of leagues of cloud and miles of mountain by the
mixture of a few colours, by a few strokes of the brush, on
a canvas a foot square. The poet can idealize the infinite
in a few similitudes. The register of these forty days is
the painting of an artist with a creative mind. The litera-
ture is not historical writing ; it is not a chronicle. It is
372 THE BREAD PROBLEM OF TEE WORLD.
history sublimed, facts idealized, details generalized, and a
poem got. It sums up as on painted canvas, on statued
marble, in statuesque, the history of an unique situation.
Poetry is often superior to history, always nearest to the
human understanding.
The three temptations are a poem, in which the Divine
theory of Christ's situation is pictured, in which human
life appears in its laws, limitations, first principles, inner
meanings. There is a glow and thrill in the story which
only poetry could import into it. It is curious to note that
Milton's Paradise Begained is wholly these temptations in
a modern epic garb, as if the poet's genius had perceived
that Christ's entire mission was mirrored in them.
Third. The literal history is made altogether improbable,
and the exclusive mental sphere of the temptations made
certain, by the fact reported by Mark and Luke, that the
temptations were distributed over the whole of the forty
days, and are not concentrated into three intense activities
at the end of them, which last is the reading uniformly
given by interpreters. It is said, " And Jesus being full of
the Holy Ghost returned from Jordan, and was led by the
Spirit into the wilderness, being forty days tempted of the
devil." This diffusion of the temptations requires that we
separate the hunger of Christ from the incitement to turn
stones into bread. It requires us to take the first two verses
of Matthew's and Luke's narrative as the historical intro-
duction not to the first temptation only, but to all three.
We confuse history with poetry, and the historic intro-
duction with the ideal story, when we connect the hunger
with the first temptation. The order in which the tempta-
tions are given depends upon the standpoint of the narrator.
The Bread Problem was probably first in time, occurring
however again during the forty days. The World Temp-
tation is however the first in order of rank, recurring
also all through the forty days. Luke may as well have
OUB LORD'S FIRST TEMPTATION. 373
put Matthew's third as first, as he has Matthew's third
as second.
Our Lord's hunger has no more to do with the first
temptation than with the second. We must separate with
an accentuated clearness the hunger at the end of the forty
days from the proposal to convert stones into bread. Our
Lord became hungry after the temptations were past.
When the ecstasy of thought, the mental abstraction is
over, the temptations are over. When the tension of
thought and temptation is past, the body remembers itself,
and recovers its suspended functions. When Moses is
engrossed giving a constitution to Israel, he neither eats
nor drinks. When Christ is thinking out a constitution for
the kingdom of the soul, He neither eats nor drinks. The
hunger comes when distinctions are got and decisions
taken, and. the victory is obtained. The conversion of
stones into bread was not the trial of a hungry man. The
hunger is felt after the abstraction and thought subside,
and the temptations belong to the period of abstraction,
and depart with it. The hunger is outside the temptation.
The temptations are prefaced by three facts : the locality
of the wilderness, the mental entrancement of forty days,
the hunger which follows the cessation of the entrancement.
There history ends. Then the details of the temptations
are reported as idealities, pictured in the form of proposals
to convert stones into bread, to take a leap down from the
finial of the Temple tower, to accept the offer of the king-
doms of the world. The poetic form of the literature, the
thought-sphere of the temptation, the separation of the
hunger from the proposal to convert stones into bread,
reveal the grandeur of the occasion. If the trial consisted
in the pang of hunger, and this as an introductory taste of
hardship and a suggested dislike to a mission involving
pain, it is poor enough. But the address is made to the
deepest that is in Christ, to the philanthropy of His soul
374 THE BREAD PROBLEM OF THE WORLD.
and the pain of philanthropy, and to His mission as the
Creator of a new quality of the human soul. It is not mere
endurance, physical and moral, that is tested here, but it is
a vision of the structure of human nature which is given to
Christ, and the problem is handed to Him to develop a new
quality in it. This is not an address to the luxurious use of
power, nor is it intended to rouse a disappointment with
His situation because He was hungry. Every temptation is
a revelation, and this is a revelation of the forces needed to
make men Christian. The temptation to convert stones
into bread is a temptation to the use of inferior forces,
which will be short and transient methods with human
nature. It is a modification of the original plan in the
interests of philanthropy. It is a subtle seduction.
The natural basis of this subtle seduction is the Bread
Problem of our world, and its relations both to the comfort
of men and to the spiritualities which Christ has come
to introduce. Our Lord has just come from the artisan
life in Nazareth. Nazareth is a town notorious for its
poverty and ill conditions of human nature. In village
huts He had seen and felt how hard it is for men to make
their daily bread, and what bread is made is mostly coarse,
scanty, hard fare, unworthy of us. The normal condition
is one of bare subsistence ; chronic poverty is man's out-
ward estate. The comfortable classes make a limited upper
ten thousand. The masses and the millions live on the
edge of famine, with just enough to pay rent and taxes,
make ends meet, and life passable. We begin at the point
of nothing, and continue to the end apprentices to labour,
clerks to industry, and masters only of want. The harvest
of the year is always trembling in an uncertain balance ;
sunshine and rain seem to be badly proportioned, frost and
heat are untimely, we look ever with anxiety to the autumn
fates. This universal, abnormal destitution of the human
OUB LORD'S FIRST TEMPTATION. 375
race engages the earliest thought of Him who accepts the
position of its chief and Eedeemer. How want pressed on
every side of us, what a hand to mouth struggle it was, and
without dignity, how the earth refuses to give us more than
dry crusts, — these facts, these humiliations, are a vision to
the Head of the race who is considering His plans for the
spiritual republic. He naturally encounters on the threshold
this primeval, cleaving circumstance, environing human
nature as a curse, and apparently degrading it.
To reduce the pressure of this controlling force, to make
the terms of natural existence easier, to call up a new
history of humanity by removing this Bread Problem, to
get this relief as the dominant feature of His work, is the
insidious thought which receives the drapery and dramatic
force of the words, " Command that these stones be made
bread."
The instigation to this thought is in the possession of
power. " If Thou art the Son of God, and in the conscious-
ness of power by Thy recent baptism, as solar worlds and
planetary conjunctions, light and heat, are at Thy bidding,
grow heavier harvests, make Thyself monarch of plenty,
make men comfortable, save them by first mitigating their
hard outward lot. An acre produces twenty-eight bushels
of wheat, cause it to produce one hundred bushels, and the
lot is mended, and they will be set free to more elevating
occupations." The income per head in Britain is £30, in
France £20, in Turkey M, in India £2. Men are underfed,
underclothed, underhoused. Baise this income to ±'300 a
year, and the human conditions will be dignified and
sweetened. This is the idea which the allegory of the
temptation literature expresses. Wheat is a grass, a wild
grass specialized by cultivation. The discovery of another
wild grass, capable of an edible variation, hardy, enduring
opposite climates of heat and cold, dampness and dryness,
holding a heavier head of grain, richer in gluten and starch,
376 THE BREAD PROBLEM OF TEE WORLD.
which is within the capabiHties of our wild grasses, would
materially alter the condition of man's life on earth. This
gift of comfort will be a fine foundation on which to rest
the spiritualities of the kingdoms. This new enactment by
Him who is the Lawgiver of the race would be the best
inauguration of the new society to be established. This is
a plausible method of procedure, and the devil of a modified
programme which appeals to Him,
The address is made to the best in Christ, to the sympathy
of the heart. Who that has thought to any purpose, and
who carries a feeling in the soul for his race, has not felt
the sharpest pang of being that so many of his kind, with
noblest possibilities, are badly housed, coarsely fed, rudely
dressed? Who that has seen the beauty of the human face,
of man and maiden in their prime, and loves a human face
by innate attractions within him, and thinks of the poverty,
the incapacity, the want of opportunity which are the lot
of men, has not felt that the plan of being is too severe,
and soothed his pain with the indispensable future which
is to compensate humanity for its present suppressions ?
Patience alone quiets our pain, and in impatience we wait.
" Command that these stones be made bread," is the sum-
mary of a wish for a swift, short, but unsafe expedient for
the elevation of the race. It is philanthropy in a hurry.
The pathos of the soul, the movement of families, the
migration of races, the fortunes of nations, and the history
of the world, have been inspired by the price of bread.
One of the earliest records of a human sigh expresses the
hope of relief from the unending strife of finding bread.
In the traditions of the Shemitic race, Lamech is known to
have said on the birth of a child, " This same shall comfort
us concerning the . . . toil of our hands, because of the
ground which the Lord hath cursed." Hebrew nationality
has its sources in a famine. The family of Jacob go to
Egypt in a dearth of food, and find Joseph superintending a
OUB LORD'S FIRST TEMPTATION. 377
dearth-oppressed nation. There they remain, and abandon
those nomadic habits indigenous to the Shemite, and a
national cohesion begins. There the family becomes the
nation, and develops its own pecuhar genius of religion
under the stimulating influences of the wisdom of Egypt.
Their last education into nationality was in the want of the
wilderness, which left traces in them which were never lost,
and to which they turn as unforgotten history. Ruth falls
into the royal line of David in the progress of a famine.
The Greeks and the Hindus started from the uplands of
the Caucasus in search of new lands, when their own native
highlands could no longer support the growing population.
The fortunes of East and West took colour from the bread
migrations of this vigorous Aryan race. That the Greek
and Sanscrit languages are varieties of the same language
once spoken by the same race is one of the central discoveries
of our day.
Plato is writing philosophy when he says, " The body is a
source of endless trouble to us by reason of the mere require-
ment of food." ^ Tacitus says that Augustus Csesar was
able to turn Rome into an imperial state by supplying
cheap corn to its starving multitudes. =^ That vilest of men
and most wicked of princes, the Emperor Nero, who was a
punishment to his age, had a hold on the affections of Rome
by keeping granaries of corn ever ready to feed its popula-
tion: In the century of our Lord, Jerusalem had suffered
much from scarcities. The messianic hope became corn
romances, which pictured the Messiah as standing on the
shores of Joppa, the Mediterranean wafting pearls at His
feet, and He distributing bread to the people, and want and
toil becoming memories of the past. The only occasion
when the popular enthusiasm ran so high on the side of
Christ that the people would have made Him a king, was
1 Jowett's Plato, " Phasdo," vol. i., p. 439.
2 Annals, book i. 2.
378 THE BREAD PROBLEM OF THE WORLD.
after He had fed the five thousand. There is a Gaehc
proverb which says, "Hunger is a violent companion";
and its violences are determining impulses, vs^hich direct
the careers of men, of tribes, of nations.
Modern history has large epochs inspired by this bread
impulse. A German philosopher has wittily and
pathetically said, " Luther shook all Germany to its foun-
dations, but Francis Drake pacified it again ; he gave us
the potato." ^ The deeper hunger which Luther stirred
demanded a higher mode of living, and the potato supplied
the richer starch which the body needed to be parallel with
the spirit, justified by faith. To this day the potato con-
tinues its reign. In France the dry summer of 1788 was
followed by a winter below the freezing point. 1789 was a
famine unmanageable by Church and State. Barley bread,
soaked bran, mouldy rye, were the food of the people.
On July 14th the Bastille fell, which has changed the
face of Europe to this day. Had Louis XVI., like Nero,
kept granaries to feed the people, Europe had never seen
a Napoleon. That Revolution, the product of hunger,
originated ideas of franchises which still rule Europe.
"Fancy, then, some Five full grown Millions of such gaunt
figures, with their haggard faces (figures haves) ; in woollen
jupes, with copper-studded leather girths, and high sabots,
starting up to ask, as in forest-roarings, their washed Upper
Classes, after long unreviewed centuries, virtually this
question : How have ye treated us ; how taught us, fed us,
led us, while we toiled for you ? The answer can be read in
flames, on the nightly summer-sky : . . . Emptiness, —
of pocket, of stomach, of head and of heart. Behold there
is nothing in us ; nothing but what Nature gives her wild
children of the desert : Ferocity and Appetite ; Strength
grounded on Hunger. Did ye mark among your Rights of
^ Heine's Wit, Wisdom, and Pathos, p. 289. By Suodgrass.
OUB LORD'S FIRST TEMPTATION. 379
Man, that man was not to die of starvation, while there was
bread reaped by him? It is among the Mights of Man." ^
"We are the wealthiest country in Europe. In 1847,
within living memory, half a million of men perished in the
Irish famine by the failure of Drake's potato and Heine's
specific. Thousands died with the spade in the hand ; the
dying were not fed ; the dead were not buried. The whole
social system of Ireland depended upon the potato. Two
millions emigrated to America, to give a Celtic human floor
to the new world as the old world had the same, making
perhaps the greatest human exodus known in modern
history. It was in the struggle of the corn laws that
Cobden and Bright received the ingrained conviction that
we should not be a happy nation till our representative
institutions were perfected, an idea which has influenced
the course of politics ever since, and its issues will colour
our history to the very end. During the last ten years
we have heard the howl of hunger in Ireland, and seen the
madness of it ; and in Scotland the crofter cry for more
bread and better bread is making a patient people rebel-
lious. In thirty years famines have carried off twelve mil-
lions of people in India and cost the Government twenty
millions of money.
In the forefront of the speech which Mr. Parnell de-
livered on receiving the great Irish testimonial to his
services is his sympathy with human want, which was his
power and his opportunit^^
" I looked round, and saw artisans in the towns struggling for a
precarious existence with a torpid trade and with everything against
them. I saw also the tenant farmer trembling before the eje of the
landlord, with the knowledge that in that landlord's power rested the
whole future of himself and his family ; that his position was literally
no better, physically not so good, as the lot of the South African
negro; . . . that his life was a constant struggle to keep a roof over
1 Carlyle, French Revolution, vol. i., book vi., " General Overturn," p. 179.
380 THE BREAD PROBLEM OF THE WORLD.
his head and over the heads of his family, ... I saw the Irish
labourer, the lowest of the low, the slave of the slave, with not even a
dry roof over his head, with the rain from heaven dropping on the
couch on which he was forced to lie, dressed in rags, subsisting on
the meanest food. . . . Here was a nation carrying on its life,
striving for existence, striving for nationhood, under such difficulties
as had never beset any other people on the face of the globe." —
Times, Dec. I2th, 1883.
A Kegenerator, a Eedeemer, a Power, who is going to
make history, must take this economic problem as an
important factor in His calculations. When our Lord
retired for thought, we find our Lord doing just what we
should have expected Him to do : to begin His inspection
of human laws and forces where man's life begins, and to
adjust Himself to the external, natural, and physical life of
man, as it stands related to the inner, psychic, and spiritual
life. The sensuousness of man has always to be reckoned
with in treating him. The sensuousness has to be re-
spected and harmonized. Merely to live is the first prize of
our being ; and yet to keep ourselves alive, to keep this prize,
is a grim effort all our days. The heavy price we pay for
this prize is the struggle to keep ourselves living, and there
is even a pleasure in the struggle ; it is so central to live.
We will not resign life, spite of the fierce battle. Suicide is
the last insanity of our nature.
This line of thought gives a natural basis to that con-
ference with Himself which Christ holds in the wilderness,
out of which comes the tempting wish, which calls the
power of divinity to its aid. The poor shall never cease out
of the land. The struggle for bread is always to be there.
By this economic law spiritual eminences will be obtained,
nourished in the soil of want and carrying a moral chemistry
from it, and the higher kingdoms will be found. " Blessed
are the poor in spirit : for theirs is the kingdom of heaven."
I shall verify the conclusion at which we have arrived
by the equations we obtain from it to our own situation.
OUB LORD'S FIRST TEMPTATION. 381
1. In the refusal to be a corngrower and the discoverer of
a cereal of a richer potency, Christ reveals the ground-plan
of our being. " Man doth not live by bread alone, but by
every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God."
This is quoted from an ancient document. It is history
that God is the basis of human nature, religion the archaean
gneiss and fundamental floor, in which all the stratifications
of human thought and activity are deposited. Man lives
by revelations of God and commandments of God. The
primitive and primary element in man is his sense of God,
and his responsiveness to far off connexions, and to the tide
of the infinite playing on his faculties. The mind ingre-
dient in the protoplasm of us distances us from nature,
though we are a constituent part of it ; and the nature of
mind is seen in its opening correspondences with God. He
who would redeem man or renovate him. He who would
elevate the type of him, and initiate an epoch in his history,
must make this structure the stress of his central thoughts.
Religion gives to man his centralness, and to give him a
new direction or development you must touch the vital
centralness.
This sense of God, this divineness, becomes conspicuous
in the thoughts of these days. Abraham began his career
in the youthful antiquity of our world by a new conception
of God and a new sensitiveness to Him. The cohesion of
the Hebrew nationality was got from a finer responsiveness
which Moses has found and which is expressed by the name
Jehovah. The epoch of modern history takes its mark from
Christ. The last turn which Europe took, and on the lines
of which it is still moving, was obtained through Luther
and a religious revolution. Grote has said of Greece,
" Grecian antiquity cannot be at all understood except in
connexion with Grecian religion."^ Gibbon has said of
Rome, " The innumerable deities and rites of polytheism
' History of Greece, vol. i., p. 400. Library edition.
382 THE BREAD PROBLEM OF THE WORLD.
were closely interwoven with every circumstance of public
and private life." ^ Renouf says of the ancient Egyptians,
" Religion in some form or other was dominant in every
relation of their lives." "
Religion as the uniform expression of man's deepest
thought, and as a continuous factor in history, ever present,
I must pronounce as the marvel of our world. We are so
familiar with it, that the marvel is lost upon us. Our Lord
explains the portentous phenomenon which Gibbon and
Grote and Renouf have registered, by the principle that
man's structure is such that he must be a Divine feeder.
The nutriment indexes the nature, and the nature the
nutriment. His constitution requires Divine revelations ;
he can live only by the natural operation of his faculties
upon God, in congenialities and correspondences. There is
a hunger in him which no harvest by sea or land can still.
He looks upward to God. He sees God ; he worships a
Father ; he sacrifices to Powers that rule him from above.
To keep right with the august Being that invests him
round is the high struggle which shows his high quality,
and to inspire him in this struggle is the main business
of redemption ; all other things shall be added to this.
Primitive man, when the world was young, saw a shell on
the seashore, felt its pearly lustre and its spiral lines and
fiutings ; perhaps putting it to his ear, he heard the roar of
the sea in the imprisoned vibrations within its chambers,
like the phonograph that keeps the sound that once was
started in it : and he startles with a vision of the infinite
Hand that carved those lines and set those colours. In the
dreams which love reflected in its contest with death, the
dreamer saw his lost friend in other fields and other shores,
and a vision of the Otherwhere haunts him and becomes a
guidance. In the purple line of the hills against the blue
^ Decline and Fall, vol ii., p. 48. Bohn's edition.
2 Hibhert Lectures, p. 26.
OUB LORD'S FIRST TEMPTATION. 383
sky, in the cuttlefish and in the palm tree, he sees a beauty
and a majesty in which is revealed the Power which is felt
in his consciousness as over him, and of relations outside of
this world, of situations that begin where lands and oceans
end. Homer says, " All men everywhere open wide their
mouth for the gods, as the fledgling does for food." Before
the Greek Attic and its cousin the Hindu Sanscrit were
spoken, when that Aryan language was spoken of which
Greek and Sanscrit began as dialects, a future life was sung
in hymns. In the hymns of the Vedas, which Professor
Max Miiller has unearthed and deciphered for us, the fresh-
ness of the early dawn was the picture which pictured the
boundless One, the infinite God. Before the era of Moses,
in a temple in Egypt sacred to Isis stood the inscription,
" I am all that was and is and shall be, nor my veil has it
been withdrawn by mortals." In the 139th Psalm, which
is a Hebrew lyric of man's structure, the emotion is got
from the marvel that man is ever in the presence of an
Invisible Spirit. " Thou knowest my downsitting and
mine uprising, Thou understandest my thought afar off.
Whither shall I go from Thy spirit ? or whither shall I flee
from Thy presence?" He is overpowered with this occult
investment, and becomes lyrical, " I will praise Thee, for
I am fearfully and wonderfully made." It is this historic
fact and psychologic structure with which Christ meets the
kindly feeling to make men comfortable in outward circum-
stances. It is written in an old book, and is the conclusion
of history and psychology, " Man doth not live by bread
alone, but by the word of the mouth of God." It will
not touch his central need to make him more comfortable.
It may injure that centralness. His work must begin at
another point.
In the anatomy of this temptation, in the earliest
thoughts that occupy the Eedeemer of men, we see laid
bare the constitution of our being, its regnant forces, and
384 THE BBEAD PROBLEM OF THE WORLD.
the methods of the Divine government over us. To know
God, to be in response to Him, to answer His will by a
corresponding conduct, this alone finds the seats and
centres of us. This is the word of God, the manifestations,
by which he lives. We touch our summits when we want
God. We see the redemption we need when these are the
summits to which we have to be raised. The religious idea
is a ruling force ; the religious sentiment guides and has
guided the eventful career of man. To provide a finer
medium for the visions of this idea, to make more forceful
this sentiment, is the primal want of this world of ours.
And here Christ sees the stress of His work must be laid.
2. The commandment or word which Christ receives and
obeys is to restrain His benevolence and let the natural law
of poverty alone and to introduce other laws. The stress
or sting of the temptation is in the words, "If Thou be the
Son of God" — as and since Thou art the Son of God. The
consciousness of power and of a good intention is in the
higher and more subtle kinds of temptation. Is it neces-
sary to keep within the old lines, to let misery alone and
to continue the former history, when other methods are
at hand and history might proceed on other lines? Is it
necessary that He should hold in abeyance the power He
possesses and withhold Himself? Very few men can have
power and waive its use. He has the power to convert
stones into bread, to be the King of plenty ; He has the
power to redeem men from the struggle with want. But
He and His work are under limitations ; His divinity works
by law, and His love includes law ; and law restrains the
freedom of love and divinity.
The work of Christ is within the old laws and the struc-
ture of human nature. It is not miraculous. He continues
nature, and He carries the religions of nature with Him.
He inserts no new elements into nature ; the supernatural
is, after all, a prolongation of the lines of the natural. Christ
OUR LOEB'S FIRST TEMPTATION. 385
is to work on the basis of nature, and the moral revolution
which He is to effect will proceed on the lines of nature as
it has been from the beginning. Christ is to work along
with the struggle for bread, and the Bread Problem to
remain where it ever was, even though the new worker be
the Son of God. Man has always lived in God when he
has followed the higher impulse, and not fallen back upon
the animal, and Christ has come to give a fine and fresh
potency to this life in God and to create a new t5'pe of it.
The Christian life is not obtained by a miracle. It is the
most natural thing for us. It is a higher nature to us ; its
germs are innate in us. Be true to your constitution, and
you will develop into a Christian. The Spirit of Christ is
where truth is ; He leads into all truth. The Christian
life is the finer life of God in us, which is our natural life.
There is a certain independence gifted to our freewill,
but our freewill has to suppress and subordinate it. Mind
is a miracle in the midst of matter, which is a mere
mechanism. We are at liberty, and yet we are bounded ;
and the will finds its freedom in recognising the suppression
and the limitation. The reason for our limitations is that
we gain a future and more permanent good by refusing
the temporary good. From our secular limitations come
spiritual enlargements. Keep within the routines and
traditions of your country, and then conventionalisms
break up and you become original. Christ keeps within
the rules of humanity, and very soon He does the most
original work ever done in our world, which was foolish-
ness to the Greek and an offence to the Jew ; and He has
created the highest races by the originality of the cruci-
fixion. Begin with the creeds, and then you will not want
creeds. You will leave the road of the creeds and roam
over the hills and valleys of the Bible. Keep within the
limitations appointed to you, and then limits dissolve away,
and the Unhmited will guide you. Time is on the side
VOL. IX. 2$
386 THE BREAD PROBLEM OF TEE WORLD.
of every man who surrenders himself to law and limit,
who prefers future good to immediate advantage, who post-
pones the showy for the solid, and waits. " If thou he
so and so, do this ; as thou hast so and so, go there," are
siren notes, and we must rule even a legitimate power and
restrain even a benevolent liberty.
There are no straight lines in nature, except in crystal
forms. Look at a coast-line, at a mountain-line, at the
clouds, at the rocks. The lines curve in and out, w'ind up
and down. The curve is the line of beauty. Eules take
us in straight lines, bounded on each side ; and as you keep
straight the rules go out of sight and you get into the
curves of love. Law is lost in love ; but there is a stage
at which love and law are quarrelsome, and there is
temptation in that stage. Limitation purchases for us the
illimitable. Love is impatient with law.
3. The unmended struggle for bread is to be continued
by the Founder of the new society as a spiritual agency.
Christ leaves alone the struggle for bread, leaves it just
where it has always been, and, as always, it will be utilized
for moral purposes. AVe are not to be made comfortable
outwardly ; with the sweat of our brow and brain we
are to earn our living. In this effort, in this medium,
we shall hear more correct reports of the soul, and learn
the more intimate decrees of Heaven. Christ refuses to
mitigate the harsh conditions of being, but He will furnish
lights by which we shall get more heart for the battle
appointed to us. To be is a privilege ; and we get the
privilege of being, on the sovereign condition that we work
out of the lower into the higher. There is a lower and
there is a higher ; and the law of ascension is that we
crucify the lower ; and the crucifixion of Jesus is a new
leverage for this lift. If the religion of Christ had made us
more easy than we were before, it would lose half its value.
It rather reveals a pain deep in the heart of the universe
OUB LORD'S FIRST TEMPTATION. 3S7
by His crucifixion. If a religion were introduced which
brought comfort to men as one of its great factors, we
should become religious for the sake of the comfort, and
we should become rich, comfortable saints, which means a
pauper population of religious men at best ; but worse, we
are likely to become a society of hypocrites, becoming
Christians for the sake of the comfort. The blessing of ease
is refused in this temptation to the race of men and the
religion of Jesus. The blessing of rest is to be given ; and
rest is the equilibrium of struggling forces. Ease is the
negation of force and the decomposition of structure.
The appointment is continued, unmodified, that we begin
life at the point of nothing, with a bare body, and to keep
life by labour ; to find the living for life by signing articles
of industry. Labour may pass a point and become struggle,
and struggle may pass a point and become agony. Labour,
struggle, agony, are the lines on which we are moving, and
in this campaign there will be Sabbath armistices, when we
will hear the higher word of God and get deeper insights of
the mystery which encompasses us round. Being is made
dear to us in both senses of the word. It is dear, and we
will not part with it, and the price we pay for keeping it is
dear. The young man who refuses to take the bit in his
mouth and yoke to labour finds a freedom to waste himself
and decompose at leisure. America and Australia are new
continents made by the youth of the overcrowded old con-
tinents from compulsions of bread. We have to follow
right loyally the directions which these compulsions impose
upon us.
The margin is always the narrowest between bread and
famine, and one of the early temptations which emerges for
us all is to chafe with the difficulties, to take it easy or
overstep the limitations. To hear the rumble of discontent,
to be irritated with the conditions, to revolt from them ;
and it makes the sad breakdown of a heavy percentage
338 TEE BREAD PROBLEM OF THE WORLD.
of human souls. Two temptations will emerge : to do as
little as possible, or to do too much in the haste to be rich.
Ambition, on the one hand, and indolence, on the other,
pride or ease, will shape themselves into temptations.
These temptations manfully overcome b_y a righteous labour
will bring a sense of God, a vividness of conscience, and a
vision of principles. We are potential with good, and the
struggle to begin right will bring out the best. Life is a
battle of alternatives ; and the left-hand alternative, met by
the loyalist that is in us, will summon the finer powers
into government, and illuminate the fields around us, and
give us our right hand. The irrigation of human nature is
got through religious ideas ; and we shall get them as we
see the plan of God, that man lives by bread from heaven.
When life is a story of poverty or of mere competence,
when we prefer labour to a counterfeit comfort, when we
eat the bread of sorrow according to the will of God, then
we see that the lines of this world are produced to another.
We discern an essence in duty and drudgery for functions
elsewhere. The junction of time and timelessness is seen,
and the heat of the junction felt. The anomaly between
our proud faculties and penurious surroundings grates on
us, and the friction flashes on us the central, commanding,
immortal structure of our being. If we had all that we
want for the body, we should feel that we were spent
and finished here — and there is nothing more for us. Dis-
content with the outward discovers the finer contents of
our being. Herodotus says that the gods envy men their
happiness,^ and we now know the reason, that holiness may
be emphasized as the master-idea of being. Christ leaves
unmitigated this struggle for bread, leaves the law of
harvests where it has ever been, and uses the scanty
food-supply as an instrument for the spiritualities of His
kingdom. " Labour not for the meat which perisheth "
' Book vii. 46.
OUR LORD'S FIRST TEMPTATION. 389
has been accented as never before. The discourse on the
heavenly bread is Christ's exposition of this temptation.
4. The special element which Christ supplies for re-
demptive purposes becomes visible. That element is the
crucifixion. In this temptation the Cross is before Him.
The bread He has to furnish is His dead body. It is
divinity and death that are mingled in His great work.
By divinity alone He can supply the famine of the world.
He feels this power, and the feeling gives force to the
temptation, " If Thou be the Son of God, command that
these stones be made bread." But it is divinity and death
that are the true bread, which are the true need of man.
This truth, accented by the temptation, is the basis of the
great sacrament. " Take, eat ; this is My body, broken for
you. My flesh is meat indeed, and My blood is drink
indeed." In the foreground revelations of this hour is the
Cross. Temptations are revelations.
When our Lord was approaching the realities of the
crucifixion, and the shadow became a pain, His mind
reverts to the baptism in which the shadow also was. The
crucifixion is the fulfilment of it. In the baptism, the
mission of death was first made vivid. " I have a baptism
to be baptized with, and how am I straitened till it be
accomplished ! " The stress of the crucifixion was felt in
the visions of the water sacrament, and hence the point
of the figure and the prefiguration. The temptations were
holding Him from the prophetic pain, trying to soften the
forecast of it by suggesting possible methods which would
avoid or postpone it.
" Seek ye first the kingdom of God, and all other things
shall be added." Christ emphasized this order for Him-
self and for us, that we are to begin at this beginning. We
are to begin with the soul when we begin this life. When
God is King of the soul, and Christ is Lord of the heart ;
when we are living by the best and truest in us ; when we
390 TEE BREAD PROBLEM OF THE WORLD.
have found the primary affections, and our feet are on the
original basements of things — then we are in the kingdom
of God. Every idea of happiness v^ithout hohness, every
thought of success without obedience, every scheme for
bettering ourselves without bettering our inward nature, is
a fatuousness. And this is the beginning : "If any man
will come after Me, let him deny himself, and take up his
cross, and follow Me ; for whosoever will save his life shall
lose it : and whosoever will lose his life for My sake shall
find it. For what is a man profited, if he shall gain the
whole world, and lose his own soul? "
Christ furnishes for us the forces of the crucifixion, and
the crucifixion is the law of the beginning. We speak in
science of a magnetic field. Place a magnet on a table, and
cover the table with iron filings. The filings will arrange
themselves round the magnet with greater or less intense-
ness. The nearest will stick to it, the farther will turn
sharply towards it, and the farthest will feel that there is a
force near to commund them. Within a certain radius they
will group themselves in relation to the attractions of the
magnet. The magnetic condition of the soul is got by the
poles of the crucifixion ; and when that is got the externals
of life will be under government. Circumstance will be in
rough or kindly attendance. "All other things shall be
added." Christ makes bare the basement of us, by His
crucifixion, when in our name He says, " Man doth not
live by bread alone." Bread is circumstance after all.
5. The message to the Church from this vanquished temp-
tation is, that her radical work is missions, not charities.
She first builds churches, then schools and hospitals. She
says no word about literature and science, because these
are involved in the larger. Her message is religion, not
civilization ; grace, not culture ; salvation, not charities.
Civilization comes by getting that which is fairer and
better than civilization. The Greeks cultivated philosophy :
OUR LORD'S FIRST TE2IPTATI0N. 391
ceasing to be philosophers, in the later decay, they became
great merchants. The Hebrews cultivated righteousness :
ceasing to be prophets, they ended by becoming great
financiers. Greek and Hebrew dropped on the lower plat-
form, through which they had unconsciously passed on
their way to the higher. Phoenician traders were once the
honourable of the earth ; but they began with the lower,
and perfected themselves in it. They found the lowermost.
Their mere memory is with us, but they have left not a
scrap of literature nor an inspiring character for the good
of the race. The Greeks have bequeathed a philosophy,
and the Hebrews the Old Testament.
The unsafe value we attach to the lower is illuminated
by this temptation, and is a beacon to us. The substance
of a man is the Worship in him. The deeps of our man-
hood are not opened till we receive and obey Divine reve-
lations. Christ shows us the substance by His death.
Take a good grasp of the governing law, that the more we
make of this world the less we get out of it, that the less
we make of it the more we get out of it. To know God
as our Father and Christ as our Saviour, to see our home
elsewhere as a fact, to be good and to find pleasure in right
doing, to be holy and cultivate the beauty of character,
this is got from the true bread. When we have found
this true bread other and lower kinds of bread will be seen
involved in it, and issue out of it. Charities, parochial
organizations, school boards, parliamentary franchises, philo-
sophies, art, will come from enthusiasms born of faith and
love and worship.
W. W. Peyton.
392
EABLY CHBISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHBYGIA :
A STUDY IN THE EABLY HISTOEY OF THE CHURCH.
V.
But our immediate interest in the epitaph is the h'ght it
throws on the legendary biography of Avircius. It shows
us the foundation in historical fact, and enables us to trace,
at least in outline, the process by which the legend was
formed. The memory of the historical Avircius was kept
alive, not only by tradition, but also by religious ritual on
the twenty-second of October, the anniversary of his death.
In the various Men^a,^ brief notes of different tenor are
attached to his name: the titles "Equal of the Apostles"
and "Miracle-worker" occur in some cases; in others an
outline of his life is given in prose or metre. In one in-
stance two obscure iambic lines are given : " Aberkios,
rendering earth to earth, according to the law of mortals,
accedes a God by adoption to Him who is God by nature."
Keferences which occur on other days to an " Aberkios,
bishop and martyr," seem to be due to some confusion of
names.
Hound this nucleus of fact gathered a mass of popular
legend. The remarkable natural features of the district
were attributed to the miraculous power of the saint ; he
became the hero in popular witticisms and in tales that had
once been told of the pagan deities. But through all this
accretion the main facts of the period when he lived and his
wide travels and great influence at home shone forth. The
writer of the biography, a man possessing a fair amount of
education, set to work about a.d. 400 to give literary form
to the legend. The epitaph was still before his eyes, and
1 The Meuaea are iudeed all later than the biography, but they may be taken
as an indication of the amount of information preserved by the Church ritual
about him.
EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA. 393
he copied it, complaining of the faintness of the letters/
though at the present day they are clearer than three-
fourths of the local inscriptions. He expanded and filled
up the outlines of the popular legend, using his rather
inaccurate historical knowledge for the purpose. He shows
himself well acquainted with the geography of Phrygia, but
absolutely ignorant of that of the world beyond iisia Minor,
and is thus proved to be a native of the country.
To illustrate the gradual progress of investigation, it is
not without importance to describe the way in which the
evidence bearing on the epitaph of Avircius was accumu-
lated. In October, 1881, when wandering among the
villages of a wide and fertile plain in central Phrygia, we
observed the following inscription on a stone at the door of
a mosque. The inscribed side was towards the wall, and
so close to it that it was very hard to read it by sidelong
glances. The surface is mutilated, and the following text
is completed by the aid of the biography. When I pub-
lished the text in 1882 I was ignorant even of the name of
that Phrygian saint.
30. " Citizen of the i<elect city, I luave, luhile still liolng, made this
(tomb), that I may have here before the eyes of men a ylace ivhere to lay
my body ; I, who am na.med Alexander, son of Antuniits, a disciple of the
spotless Shepherd. No one shall place another in my tomb: and if he do,
he shall 2~)ay 2,000 gold pieces to the treasury of the Romans, and 1,000 to
our excellent fatherland Hierapolis.
"It ivas tvritten in the year 300 (a.d. 216) daring my lifetime. Peace to
them that pass by and think of me.'"
This epitaph alone would furnish indubitable evidence as
to the epitaph of Avircius, from which it quotes five lines,
spoiling the metre by substituting for the name Avircius
"Alexander son of Antonius." It also proves that the
original is earlier than a.d. 216. These inferences were
drawn by Di Kossi and Duchesne immediately on the pub-
' Hence are to be explained perhaps some variations such as Kaipo: for
(pavipQs in line 2.
394 EARLY GHBISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHBYGIA:
lication of the epitaph of Alexander. In June, 1883, I again
found time to visit the valley, accompanied by an American
friend, Mr. Sterrett ; and again in October, 1883, I made
another visit alone to clear up some further difficulties. The
result was the complete proof that the valley bore in ancient
time the name Pentapolis,^ from the five cities which it
contained, Eucarpia, Hierapolis or Hieropolis, Otrous,
Brouzos, and Stectorion, and the discovery of part of the
actual tombstone of the saint, which has since been brought
home to this country as a precious historical document.
Literature has not utterly lost trace of the Phrygian saint.
From the tract against Montanism, written by a presbyter
of the Pentapolis, and addressed to the saint, in the year
192, we learn that his name was Avircius Marcellus, and
we gather an idea of the respect in which he was held, as
well as of the position he took up on the great ecclesiastical
question of the day. Even the form of the name is impor-
tant. The later form Aberkios produces a false impression
about it. Every element of Avircius is Italic, and we are not
surprised to find Avircius and Avircia occurring several times
in the inscriptions of Kome and of Gaul.^ On the other
hand, it has none of the Anatolian character about it, and
the few examples of it that are known in Asia Minor are
due solely to the influence and fame of the saint. Now
Boman names are, it is true, not very rare in Phrygia ; but
the great majority are names of emperors ; and of the
remainder some few are due perhaps to the popularity of
provincial governors, one or two such as Gaius and Quintus
are taken as typical Roman names (if they do not really
belong to the imperial class), and the others come from
Italian settlers in the great cities. Such a distinctively
Italian name as Avircius Marcellus, belonging to a Phrygian
1 This name is preserved to us only in one authority; viz. the signature of
a bishop at the Council of Chalcedon.
'^ Corjnis Inscr. Lat., vi. 12,923-5 (Avircius), xii. 1,052 (Avercius).
A STUDY IN THE EARLY ETSTORY OF THE CHURCH. 395
boi^n about 120-130 a.d., appears to any one that studies
the character of Phrygian names to be expHcable only on
the supposition that the bearer belongs to an Italian family
settled in Phrygia. The noble name Marcellus might be
adopted in a purely Phrygian family ; but not such a plebeian
and almost unknown name as Avircius. This Phrygian
saint then is an instance of the return influence exerted
by the West on the East ; and may be set against the more
usual influence of the East upon the West.
The name Avircius lasted in central Phrygian nomen-
clature. The Bishop of Hierapolis who was present at the
Council of Chalcedon in 451 a.d. signs himself Aberldos
(with the later Greek spelling), a clear proof that the saint
was still remembered in the district ; and according to the
interpretation given above, the biography shows that he
was remembered about 400. Inscriptions support the same
conclusion. The first which I have to quote belongs to
Prymnessos, a city and bishopric distant about twenty-seven
miles by a very circuitous road from Hierapolis.
31. " Aurdlns Dorotheos, son of Ahirkios, constructed the lieroon for
himself and for my mother Marcellina, and for my own children and for
my cousins. Fare ye ivell ivlio pass by."
Above the inscription are the Christian symbols A P /2.
In this inscription the general form, the pagan word
heroon, and still more the salutation at the end are char-
acteristic of the third century, while the symbols might
incline us rather to a fourth century date. The monument
may probably be dated about or soon after 300. Ahirkios
was married to Marcellina ;^ the conjecture suggests itself
that Marcellina belongs to the family of Avircius Marcellus,
and that the cousins who are included in this almost unique
fashion belonged to the same family.
I have already alluded to the possibility that Marcella,
1 Bishop Lightfoot, who quotes this text in his Ignatitis and Polycarp, i.,
p. 4:85, by a slip spealcs of Marcellina as mother, instead of wife, of Ahirkios.
896 EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA :
the " highly respected and beloved " wife of Aurelius Euty-
ches Hehx, senator of Eumeneia, may have belonged to the
same family.^
The next inscription v^hich I have to quote belongs also
to Prymnessos. As it mentions a deacon, it must be later
than the time of Constantine ; but the style of art in the
relief that accompanies the inscription seems to be not later
than the fourth century, so that the date of the monument
is about 320-400 a.d.
r2. " Ahirhios, son of Porphnrios, deacon, constritded the memorion to
himself and my lofe Theuprepia and the children."
The word memorion in the sense of tomb and the form
StaKoyp for SiciKovo^ are both marks of lateness, so that a
date near 400 may be considered probable. A later date
seems to me unlikely on account of the style of art in
the relief, which is carved beneath the inscription. In the
centre is a standing figure, slightly turned to the right,
dressed in a mantle, and holding the right hand in front of
the breast in the attitude of warning or admonition, thumb
and first two fingers extended, and third and fourth fingers
closed.^ The figure is rather awkwardly shortened. The
face, seen in profile, is youthful, beardless, and of a con-
ventional Greek type. Eight and left are busts, on a rather
larger scale, both shown in profile. That on the right is
female, in remarkably good style, obviously a portrait of a
matron of middle age and decided beauty, with slight indi-
cation of a double chin. The bust on the left is made
in the same conventional Greek style as the head of the
central figure. The two faces look towards the central
figure. The intention of the artist seems to be to show the
Saviour admonishing Abirkios and Theuprepia. On early
Italian Christian sarcophagi the Saviour is represented as
1 The Expositor, Dec, 1888, p. 422 : the epitaph contains a veiled remini-
scence of a phrase in the opening line of Avircius's epitaph.
- The same position of the hand which is employed in benediction.
A STUDY IN THE EARLY EISTOEY OF THE CHURCH. 397
a young and beardless man very similarly to this relief.
This monument is, I think, the only early representation
of its kind left us by the Eastern Church.
In one of the letters of Basil of Cfesareia, a person named
Abourgios is mentioned. It is not improbable that this is
a Cappadocian corruption of the same name, in which case
we have a proof that the fame of the Phrj^gian saint ex-
tended far to the east. I have observed no other example
of the name, but the three instances from the fourth
century, and one from the fifth, of such a peculiar name,
show the persistence of his fame at the very time when I
have argued that his biography was written.
One point more remains. Is it possible to recover a
clearer idea of the position and influence of this Phrygian,
who, after having been forgotten for many centuries, has
recently risen to fresh reputation ? If the cause of which
he was the champion had been thoroughly popular in
Phrygia, it is probable that his name would have occurred
more frequently, and his fame would have remained in the
popular memory much longer. But it has been stated
already (The Expositor, Feb., p. 147) that the orthodox
party was undoubtedly the weaker si^e in the Phrygian
Church, being kept in power by the pressure from the
Church in general, and at' a later time by the power of the
State. Thus it has happened that the fame of Avircius has
not been proportionate to the glowing account given in his
biography. He was the champion of a minority in Phrygia,
and while " they who thought with him " cherished his
name and exaggerated his actions, the world, which is rarely
deceived by the passionate admiration of a minority, prac-
tically forgot him. But, while we must reduce his per-
sonality to its true dimensions, which fall far short of the
pretensions of his biographer, he remains none the less a
most interesting chajracter, and his epitaph a document
of real importance.
398 EARLY CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PHRYGIA :
We have seen the probahihty that Avhxius belonged to
a foreign family from the West settled in Phrygia. The
district where he lived is in the basin of the Mseander, the
part of Phrygia which was most open to external influence
and most closely connected with the rest of the world. His
wide travels further brought home to his mind the power
and extent of the Church, and his epitaph shows what an
impression was made on him by the fact that everywhere
he found the Christians united in the same belief and
practice with himself. His whole experience conspired to
make him the champion of the Church Catholic against the
individualizing tendency of Montanism. A less bigoted
and more tolerant spirit might perhaps have avoided the
dissension that occurred, as was the case at a later date in
Cappadocia,^ and might have retained within the Church
the national tone and fervour of the Montanists.
Montanus, on the other hand, belonged by birth to north-
western Phrygia. He was a convert, first heard of at a
village Ardabau, on the frontier between Mysia and Phrygia,
a description which points to the same neighbourhood
where we have found clear traces of the north-western
Phrygian Church. Does Montanus represent the tone of
that Church ; and does the beginning of the Montanist con-
troversy correspond to the time* when the christianizing
influence spreading from the north-west met that which
was penetrating from the south-w^est ? If we can see any
reason to answer this question afiirmatively, our investiga-
tion will have gradually led us to something like a distinct
view of the general character of that north-western Phry-
gian Church which was detected and described in the first
of these papers. The following arguments show that the
answer in all probability must be affirmative.
1 I hope to describe the episode at some later time : it has remained
practically unnoticed by any modern writer, as topographical accuracy is
necessary for the understanding of the few recorded details.
A STUDY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 399
The Church of south-western and central Phrj^gia, con-
nected closely with Laodiceia and the Lycus valley, and
originally founded therefrom, is naturally more catholic
and less Phrygian in tone ; whereas everything that we
can learn of northern Phrygia shows it to have been the
special stronghold of heresy and of the specially Phrygian
type of rehgion. In the fourth century, Cotiaion was the
chief centre of Novatianism in Phrygia : now Novatianism
revives one of the tenets of Montanism,
" — that iinpitying Phrygian sect which cried,
Him can no fount of fresh forgiveness lave,
Who sins, once washed by the baptismal wave."
Under the Arian Valens and the tolerant Valentinian
Phrygian heresy flourished free, but in the beginning of
the following century, mider Theodosius II. and his sister
Pulcheria, a determined effort seems to have been made to
force Cotiaion into orthodoxy. Four bishops in succession
were murdered by the people, and we may gather that they
were bishops of the orthodox faith, imposed by the party in
power on an unwilling people, and that the resistance of
the latter was carried to bloodshed. At last Cyrus, a man
trained in civil government and administration, was made
a priest and sent to rule the Church of Cotiaion ; and by a
dexterous address he gained a footing in the city. Again
at Pazos, near the source of the Sangarius, a Novatian
synod was held ; and Amorion is always famous as a
heretical centre. Now I have already shown that Cotiaion
was the centre during the third century of the north
Phrygian style of Christianity, and that in later time it
preserved its separation from the rest of Phrygia as
metropolis of the surrounding district. The district was
remote from intercourse with external civilization, and
infinitely less exposed to influence from contact with the
Church in general than the basin of the Mfeander. It is
by later ecclesiastical writers spoken of sometimes with
400 EAFLT CHRISTIAN MONUMENTS IN PEBTGIA'.
contempt for its ignorance, sometimes with hatred for its
heresy. Attempts to force it into orthodoxy result even in
bloodshed. The conclusion seems necessary that the same
characteristic and exclusive Phrygian tone characterized it
from the beginning, and that Montanus, born in the midst
of it, represents its tendencies in conflict with the Catho-
licism of the south Phrygian Church.
This investigation has given a very different view of the
position and action of Avircius from the biography. In the
latter he is the apostle of Christianity in a pagan land ; he
is adored by his people, and no hint is dropped of dissension
or controversy among them. The epitaph, whose real
meaning has been obscured to modern scholars by the
tone of the biography, has now been interpreted to show
Avircius, not as the missionary of a new religion, but as
the leader of a party in a Church already well established,
and now divided against itself. His party was victorious,
after a keen and bitter contest, in his own neighbourhood,
but in the greater part of Phrygia the opposite sect was
far stronger.^ The Phrygian heretical tendency, vouched
for by the hatred of the orthodox historians in later times,
has now been traced back, through the inscriptions of the
third century (Nos. 1 to 12), to its origin in an isolated
current of christianizing influence ; and has been shown to
be a vigorous form of religion, redolent of the soil where it
was rooted, spreading unchecked towards the south till it
met the Catholic Church. The first passages in the long
struggle between nationalism and universalism in Phrygia
are connected with the respective leaders, Montanus and
Avircius. To the fact that controversy divided those who
ought to have felt that they were really of one mind must
be attributed the extirpation of Christianity in Phrygia.
W. M. E AM SAY.
^ This is exactly the tone of the account given by Eusebius.
PRIMITIVE LITURGIES AND CONFESSIONS
OF FAITH.
I.
The evangelist St. Luke, in the preface to his gospel, has
seen fit to lay before us his reasons for publishing a new
record of the Lord Jesus' life. There were already many
8Lr)yi]aei<; of doubtful authority, but he would now so write
that his friend Theophilus might be furnished with facts
upon which he could implicitly rely, and hence arrive at a
fuller assurance regarding those Xoyot ^ in which he had been
systematically instructed.
2. Again, in his Book of the Acts of the Apostles, when
the same evangehst introduces Apollos to the notice of his
readers, he describes him as " mighty in the Scriptures,"
and as one who had been " systematically instructed" in
" THE WAT " of the Lord.^
3. Once more, we read that when Sergius Paulus, the
proconsul at Cyprus, was impressed by the Apostles' preach-
ing, and gave in his adherence to the truths proclaimed, he
believed, startled by the SiSaxv of the Lord.^
4. Lastly, when Elymas strove to hinder the work begun,
and to weaken the impression that had been made, we are
told "he sought to turn away the procurator from the
faith" {d-rrb t?)? Tr/orreo)?) ; and when in the sixth chapter
we hear of a great multitude of priests being convinced, it
is said of them vtt/jkovov tt} TriaTei.
^ tva iwiyuipi vepl uv Karyjxvdv^ A67WI' rrjv dacpaXeiav.
" oStos '7jv KaT-qxvfJi-^vos rriv odbv rod Kvplov (Acts xviii. 25). Ci. 1 Cor. iv. 17.
^ €KTr\riaa6fiepos eVt rrj dLdaxfi '''ov Kvpiov (Acts xiii. 12).
401 of\
vnr. TV ■^vJ
402 PRIMITIVE LITURGIES
A careful comparison of the passages referred to, with
many others that will come under review in the following
pages, forces upon us the conviction that the four terms
here employed, 6 \6ryo<;, 97 StSa;)^^, ?; 6S09, and rj Trtarci, all
refer substantially to the same thing. Viewed with reference
to the speaker who by word of mouth rendered an account
of what was to be believed, it was 6 X6709; viewed with
reference to the teacher who instructed, or the neophyte
who received instruction, it was r] Bihaxv ', while as it was a
summary of those things which were most surely believed,
it was Tj 7riarc<; ; and as the Ime along ivhich all dogmatic
exposition was to travel, it was 17 6S69.
It would happen in the natural course, that as one term
became (so to speak) the favourite, this term would tend
to thrust the others out of use ; and accordingly it appears
that one of these terms, rj 686<i, did actually cease to be
employed very early ; but there is abundant evidence of the
fact, that, while the organization of the infant Church was
still imperfect, these four terms were used as practically
convertible.
Thus the BiSaxv tov Kvptov of the 12th verse of Acts xiii.
is plainly the A-6709 tov Kvplov of the 48th and 49th verses,
and as plainly the 0809 tov Kvplov of Acts xviii. 25, and the
iri(TTL^ TOV Kvpiov of St. James ii. 1.
Again the 6809 (TcoTr]pLa<; of Acts xvi. 17 is clearly the
\6709 crQ)r7]pia<i of Acts xiii. 26, and probably the KOLvrj
acoTTjpla of St. Jude (Jude 3), while the 6S09, which St. Paul
declares he once persecuted, and of which (Acts xix. 9) we
hear certain men spake evil before the people, can be no
other than the irlarL'i in which Paul and Barnabas besought
the men of Pisidia to abide, ^ in which the Churches were
confirmed as they increased in number daily,^ the iricyTa
which St. Paul when he had finished his course glories in
' TrapaKaXovuTes e/Mtxtvetv rrj Triarei (Acts xiv. 22).
" at fi.(v o^v tKKKrjcriai, karepeovvTO rrj Triarei, k.t.X. (Acts xvi. 5).
AND CONFESSIONS OF FAITH. 403
having kept/ and that which in its later and more expanded
form he refers to again and again under the designations of
rj KoXr] irapaOrjKrj, 6 ttlctto^; Xoyo'i, rj vyiaiVovaa hihaaKoKla,
and other names, with which we shall attempt in the sequel
to deal in fuller detail.
That these four terms refer to a Formulated Summary of
Primitive Christian Doctrine is the first position which this
article attempts to support.
Such a summary would of course serve more than a
single purpose. To the preacher of the Redeemer's truth
it was a guide and safeguard, keeping him from license in
speculation and rashness in assertion. To the anxious
inquirer, desirous to enter the Church, it was a simple
elementary instruction in the primary essentials of the
Christian faith. To the newly baptized believer it was a
blessed memento of the solemn profession he had made at
the laver of regeneration, when he had " passed from death
unto life, and from the power of Satan unto God."
Hence it is only what we should expect if the writers of
the several epistles appeal to and allude to this summary
of Christian truth as to a palladium which each Christian
would naturally hold very dear. Renegades who had left
the Church under the pressure of persecution are called
dSoKi/jboc irepl rrjv iria-Tiv (2 Tim. iii. 8), or are said apvovadai,
TTjv iricTTLvr' Timothy is exhorted afymvl^ov rov koXov aiySiva
TYj^ 7rL(TT€a)(; (1 Tim. vi. 12 ; 2 Tim. iv. 7), and in the Apoca-
lypse the aytoi are described as those oi rrjpovvre'i ra? ivroXaq
Tov Qeov ical rrjv irLariv ^Irjaov (Apoc. xiv. 12).
That something like a dogmatic Confession of Faith was
drawn up very soon after the ascension of our Lord appears
from the nature of the case more than probable. It is
1 r^j/ irldTi.v TeT-qprjKa (2 Tim. iv. 7).
^ . . . TTjj' TTiffTLv ijpvriTai Kal ^(jTLv aTricTTOv xf^pwj' (1 Tim. V. 8). Compare
Apoc. ii. 13, ovK dpvTjaoj Tr\v wlaTiv /xov.
404 PRIMITIVE LITURGIES
scarcely conceivable that the new society, by no means
blind to the immense destiny which was before it, and the
mighty work it was to carry out, should have remained long
without some organized machinery for proselytizing, and
some discipline for the regulation of its inner life and the
display of its necessary activity.
Accordingly, no sooner do we read that three thousand
were added to the Church in a single day, than we are
assured that these same new converts continued stead-
fastly attending to the doctrines of the Apostles, and to the
common contribution, and to the breaking of bread, and
to the prayers.^ The force of the article in these passages
can by no means be passed over. In every single instance
the term employed is a technical term, which subsequently
attained an important signil&cance, and if " the breaking of
bread " must be taken to refer to a religious rite, and the
Koivcovia must as certainly be assumed to point to a general
contribution to a common fund — such as Macedonia and
Achaia afterwards made for the relief of the poor saints at
Jerusalem (Acts xv. 26), which the Hebrew Christians were
specially admonished not to neglect (Heb. xiii. 16), and
which the Corinthians are commended for having carried
out with simple liberality (2 Cor. ix. 13) — not less certainly
must the SiSa^xv be understood to refer to an authoritative
and dogmatic exposition of the fundamental verities of the
Christian faith ; while by the 'Kpoaev^al are meant simple
forms of prayer, which would be among the very first
necessities of the multitudes whose awakened consciences
and whose excited feelings would require that the outpour-
ings of their emotions should be guided, instructed, and
controlled, and the worshipper preserved from spasmodical
utterances apt to run riot into wildness and extravagance.
Nor are allusions to such forms of prayer wanting. When
^ Acts ii. 42 : ijffav di TrpoaKapTepovvres ry 5i5axij tQv airocrToXuv koI ttj Koivwviq.,
TTJ KXdaei Tov dprov kuI to7s irpoa(vxo-^s. Cf. Ephesians vi. 18.
AND CONFESSIONS OF FAITH. 405
the continued growth of the Church had brought with it
an increase in the number of those distracting engagements
which constitute the most serious interruptions to the work
of an evangehst, then it was seen that the governing body
of the Church needed to be reheved in some way from
the immense pressure of mere business which threatened
to embarrass and overwhelm the apostoHc college. The
diaconate was accordingly instituted. To the deacons was
committed the administration of the Koivcovla, " but," said
the Twelve, " loe will give our attention to the prayers and
to the ministry of the X6709." ^
But in truth nothing is more remarkable in the history of
the Church than the promptness with which the Apostles
set themselves to legislate for special occasions, and the
wisdom they exhibit in dealing with difficulties as they
arise. I have already alluded to the institution of the
order of deacons ; no less striking is the ordaining of Bar-
nabas and Saul (Acts xiii.) for the extraordinary mission
at Antioch ; the provision for allaying the prejudice against
St. Paul on his last recorded return to Jerusalem ; and,
above all, the publication of the SoyuaTa on the question of
admitting Gentiles into the fold of Christ.
On this occasion (Acts xv. 6 and seq.) we find that the
apostolic college, seeing the gravity of the point at issue,
and that a crisis in the history of the Church had come,
hesitated to put forth any canons on their own authority
solely, but calling a council of the whole Church at Jeru-
salem, they solemnly deliberated upon the course to be
adopted, and only after long discussion and devout inquiry
did they finally agree upon the important point that was
raised. But the BojfiaTa once having been passed, no time
was lost in giving them publicity (Acts xv. 22). A formal
copy of the resolution passed at the meeting of the council
1 Tj/xeh Se ry irpocevxv Ka.1 rg diaKovla tov \6yov irpoanapTep-qaoiJ.ev (Acts vi. 4).
Compare here the use of Oia/cow'a (Kom. xii. 7).
406 PRIMITIVE LITURGIES
was committed to Paul, Barnabas, and Silas, and these
distinguished servants of the Church were at once sent forth
to promulgate the canon. In this case there can be no
doubt that we have the actual words of the letter with
which the commissioners were furnished. We are expressly
told that the decree was disseminated as widely as possible,
and that it was imposed upon the several Churches as an
ordinance binding upon all who were baptized in the name
of Christ. It is moreover observable that these ordinances
were not promulgated once, and once only, and that when
the special occasion had passed they were forgotten ; on
the contrary, the Bory/jbaTa of the council at Jerusalem were
evidently imposed as fundamental conditions of union upon
every new Christian community which was afterwards
admitted into Church membership, and more than once we
meet with allusions to these decrees in epistles to Churches
ivhich loere not founded for some years after the council was
held. Thus it can scarcely be doubted that the TrapayyeXiaL
which St. Paul speaks of having given to the Thessalonians
(1 Thess. iv. 2), regarding fornication, refer to these early
Soyfiara, for so only can we explain the full force of his
language, where he says that they had been given Sia rov
Kvpiov Irjaov, i.e. by the instrumentality of the Lord Jesus ;
and a large portion of the first epistle to the Corinthian
Church appears actually taken up with explaining and
enforcing .those very decrees on the subject of fornication
and things offered to idols, as against those who assumed
that the Soyfiara were only meant for such as were " babes
in Christ," but no longer binding upon advanced Christians
who had risen to the apprehension of an esoteric yvcbcn<;.
How then can it be conceived that any time should have
been lost in drawing up a confession of faith for the
guidance of the teacher and the support of the taught ?
especially when it is remembered that all this wonderful
progress — all this Divine awakening of men's minds, and
AND CONFESSIONS OF FAITS. 4>01
this eager acceptance of Christ — was going on for years
before the earhest of our gospels was composed, nay,
probably before two of our evangelists were converted to
the faith at all. For it must never be forgotten that the
growth of the Church was not due to the gospels, but that
the gospels sprang into being from the needs of the Church.
Hence it appears not so very improbable that the ancient
tradition of the Apostles' Creed being actually composed by
the Twelve may have some basis of truth to repose on. I
have already pointed out that the expression SiSaxv tov
Kvplou is to be regarded as the equivalent of the 68d<; rov
Kvplov : but in the second chapter of the Acts, ver. 42, we
find this term in another form ; it is there called StSaxv "^^v
diroaroXcou, as though the very first work which the Apostles
had set themselves to labour at (possibly in that awful time
of suspense and anxious expectation which preceded the
day of Pentecost) had been the drawing up of some short
summary of doctrine in conformity with which all the
teaching of the future should be carried on. And one very
striking passage in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians,
which it appears to me commentators so far have misunder-
stood, affords a remarkable confirmation of this view. In
the eleventh chapter of the epistle and the sixth verse,
St. Paul is contrasting his own claims to be listened to with
those put forth by the false teachers at Corinth.^ "For,"
says he, " I reckon myself in no respect to have fallen
short of the chiefest Apostles " ; for although an unofficial
person in regard to the X6709, I am not so in regard of the
yvo!)<Tt<; : i.e. in the drawing up of the first elementary
summary of Christian doctrine I took no part, for I was
no Apostle then, yet in the fuller and more developed ex-
' \oy[^ofj.aL yap imtjScv vffTeprjKivai tQv vvep \iav aTroarbXwv. el Sk Kal idiCoTTjs ry
X67y, dXX' ov Trj yvw(T€i:d.\}^ iv Travrl (papepwaavres ev wdcni' els vfids. Taking this
view of the passage, it appears to me that the reading (papepdxravres becomes the
only intelligible one ; the diplomatic evidence in its favour is overwhelming.
408 PRIMITIVE LITURGIES
position of the faith — the 7Vft)o-t9 — I did take my part, and
my apostleship was acknowledged.
This is that A.6709 which he subsequently commands
Timothy to proclaim (2 Tim. iv. 2) — KTjpv^ov rov Xoryov —
and to persist in with all patience in teaching, " because,"
he adds, *' the time will come when people will not endure
the wholesome doctrine, but will choose teachers according
to their own fancies." This is that X6'yo<i dKorj^; which the
Thessalonians (1 Thess. ii. 13) are said to have received not
as a human, but as a Divine X0709, as in truth it was. This
is that X6709 Tov 06OU which the Corinthians (1 Cor. xiv. 36)
are reminded did not go out from them, but came to them.
This is that X0709 tov Kvplov of which, in writing to the
Thessalonians, the Apostle prays that it may have free
course and be glorified. Lastly, it is that ryvro? Si.Saxv'^ to
which at their baptism the Eoman Christians were handed
over, and by virtue of the reception of which they were
freed from the bondage of sin and bound by a new bond to
righteousness (Eom. vi. 17).
But this passage in the Epistle to the Corinthians, which
puts in such marked contrast the A.6709 (or primary and
elementary summary of the faith) and the jvcoaL'i (or esoteric
doctrine to which probably the Christian was introduced
only after his baptism), brings us to a further examination
of those passages where the <yvMai'i is alluded to.
It must be conceded that, as a technical term, 77 <yvo!)ac<i
appears much more frequently in the epistles to the
Corinthians than anywhere else in the New Testament ;
but, though this might suggest the hypothesis that the
origin of the term is to be traced to the Corinthian Church
in the first instance, we do meet with it in its technical
sense in other apostolic writings.
In the epistles to the Corinthians however the passage
referred to above by no means stands alone. A plain
allusion to this distinction between the iriaTCi and the
AND CONFESSIONS OF FAITH. 409
yvcocri^; is to be met with in the thirteenth chapter of the
first epistle, where the commentators, as far as my
observation goes, have failed to point out the right explana-
tion of the acknowledged difficulty. The second verse
stands thus : kuI iav e%a) 7rpocf)r]TeLav (observe, no definite
article) kuI elSco ra fjbvaTrjpca iravra koI iracrav rrjv jvcbacv,
Koi iav e'^co Trdaav rrjv irlaTLV (aare oprj fieOiaTavetv, dyaTrrjv
8e (again no definite article) firj ex,(o, ovOev elfii. The passage
should, I believe, be thus translated : " And if I have a
gift of prophecy, and know all the mysteries and the ivhole
jva)ai,<; ; and if I hold the whole 7rt(7Tt9 to such an extent
as to remove mountains, yet have not love, I am nothing."
The elBevai to. ixvaTrjpia is illustrated by another passage in
the eighth chapter, which will be discussed hereafter ; but
the distinction between j-tiv iriartv and T'qv yvcoaiv appears
obvious.
In the first chapter of this epistle a no less evident
and significant allusion is to be found. At the fifth verse
the Apostle gives thanks to God 6tl iv iravrl e'ir\ovTLa-dr]re
ev avra>, iv ttuvtI X6<y(p koI irdcrrj lyvcoaet,, KaOco'i to fiapTvpcov
Tov XptaTov i^e^atcody] iv vfilv ; i.e. Because ye were en-
riched by Him ^ in every way, to wit, eV Travrl X6y(p kol
irdar] ryv(ocr€i. That these words are extremely difficult of
translation is certain ; yet I feel no doubt that the true
key to the meaning of the expression is to be sought in
that marked distinction between the two terms which has
been pointed out before.^
^ I regard the first iv wavTl as equivalent to an adverb of manner ; the second
Trai/Tt is in close concord with \6yu}, and only affected by the preposition in so
far as it agrees with its noun ; ev avrQ is here instrumental, as in Eom. v. 9, 10,
and, as I believe, much more frequently in St. Paul than is usually supposed.
See Ellicott on Eph. ii. 13.
Cf. Eur. Ion. 1071 : ov yap . . . ^Coaa ttot' dfj./j.dTiov ev rpaevvah dvixo^'^^ «"
a!)7ars, K.T.\. ; i.e. she will never, if she lives, endure ivith her bright eyes, etc.,
etc.
- It is quite possible that allusion is made to the existence of distinctive
\6yoL or yvuaeis among the conflicting Church parties at Corinth.
410 PBIMITIVE LITURGIES
A similar allusion to this esoteric yva)ai<i is observable in
the second chapter of the Epistle to the Romans. St. Paul
is there insisting that Jew and Gentile are equally liable
to the righteous judgment of God. He puts the case thus
(Eom. ii. 17) : " But you call yourself a Jew, and rest upon
the law, and boast yourself in God, and know His will, and
are examining points of difference, having had your cate-
chising out of the laiv, and believe yourself to be a leader of
the blind, a light to those in darkness, an instructor of the
simple, a teacher of babes, having yom' form of the •yvMo-i'i
and of the truth in the law. . . ." ^ Whatever else the
word <yvo)(rt^ may mean, it certainly is not adequately
represented by the English word " knowledge." Here, as
elsewhere, the significance of the definite article can by
no means be passed over ; and if the aX7]deia here be the
Xo'yo'i TTj^ aXrjOeia'i of the Second Epistle to Timothy and
elsewhere, the 7naTb<; \6jo'i, the Xoyo^i (T(i)Tr}p[a<;, called in
the Acts (ii. 42) the ScSa')(^r] twv airoaToXmv, then the yv(t)cn<i
here, as in the former passage to which attention has
been drawn, can be no other than the fuller and more
expanded summary of the faith which received this technical
name.
One more passage must be noticed in which the same
allusion is to be found. I refer to the fervent and sublime
prayer for the Ephesian converts. Here again the signifi-
cance of the definite article is to be insisted on, and the
^ Et 5^ (TV 'Ioi;5a?os eirovofid^rj Kal eTravawavr] vo/j-q), /cat Kavxaaai. ev GeclT, Kcd
yiyviI}<XK€LS TO 6e\r]/jia, /cat doKi/xd^eis rd diacp^povra, KaTTjxovfxevos e'/c rod vofxov
. . . Anything like a discussion of the syntactical difficulties of this passage
would be beyond my province here ; but I feel no doubt, (1) that the verbs
ewovofid^rj, e-rravaTra^rj, and /cauxacrat are all to be taken as middle verbs ;
(2) that ooKifxdi'eis is to be taken in the sense of " testing " or " examining " (see
Bp. EUicott on Eph. v. 10) ; (3) that rd Siatpipovra, whatever else it may mean
(and how widely different the meanings given to it have been may be seen in
Ellicott, Phil. i. 10), cannot liere mean " things which transcend," even though
so profound a scholar as Bishop Lightfoot has so rendered the phrase in the
parallel passage.
AND CONFESSIONS OF FAITH. 411
distinction between 7riaTc<; and jvojaa to be carefully
observed ; and here too, I believe, as elsewhere, that the
key to the obscurity of the eighteenth verse is to be found
in looking upon it as containing allusions to the mystical
phraseology of the theosophic forimdce with which the half-
instructed converts of Ephesus (as of Corinth, Colossse, and
elsewhere) would be acquainted, and from which deliverance
was to be sought by giving greater prominence to the
ethical element in Christianity. The Apostle thus begins :
" . . . I bow my knees to the Father, . . . that
He may grant you, according to the riches of His glory, to
receive strength with power by means of His Spirit into
the inner man ; so as for Christ to take up His abode in
your hearts, by means of the faith — being rooted in love as
ye are, and having had your foundation laid — in order that
ye may be thoroughly able to comprehend with all the
saints what is [the true significance of] the breadth, and
length, and depth, and height, and [be able] to know
Christ's love, which transcends the 'yvoicn<i, in order that
[as the final result] ye may be filled to all the fulness of
God." ^ A beginning might be made when the TTicrrt? was
' . . . /cd/XTTTW TO. yovaTo, fxov wpbs tov Warepa, . . , iVa 5a> v^lv Kara, to
ttXovtos TTJs S6^r]s avTov SvvdfMei KparaLwdrjvai Si.a tov irveijfj.aTos avrou et's top etrw
dvdpWTrov, KaToiKTJcrai tov Xptcrroj' 5ta ttjs TrtVrews ev Ta7s /capSt'ats vfiuu, ev dydirri
ippi('iI)fj.€voL Kal TedefxeKiufievoi, 'iva i^iaxvcfriTe /caraXa/Setr^at avv irdaiv rots dyiois tL
TO wXaTOi Kal fJirJKOs Kal vipos Kal ^ddos, yvCovai re ttjc inrep^dWovaav ttjs yvu}(T€WS
dydiniv tov XpiaTou, 'iva irXripudiiTe els irdv t6 irK-qpufxa tov Qeov (Eph. iii. 14-19).
With regard to the grammar of this passage, it will be sufficient to note —
(1) that KpaTaLudijvat 5id tov irve^uaTos and KaTOLKrjaaL t6v "KpiaTov Sid ttjs TriaTews
must necessarily be taken as expressing instrumentality : the irvev/xa is the
instrument in one case, the TriVns in the other ; (2) that KaToiKTJarai is consecutive
upon KpaTaiudrjvaL ; (3) that 'iva €^Laxvffy]Te expresses the primary purpose, or
result that the prayer has in view ; (4) that 'iva irX-qpuiOrjTe marks the iiltimate
purpose, KaTokafiiadai indicates intellectual apprehension, yvQvai. experimental
fruition.
What St. Paul prays for is, that the Ephesians may receive Christ into their
"heart of hearts"; they had accepted "the faith," and the beginnings
of a sanctifying emotion had become manifest, but growth in Christian
experience was extremely desirable, and this he prays they may attain.
Why that growth was so desirable he explains :
412 PRIMITIVE LITURGIES
accepted, when the neophyte put on Christ, and through
the ^voicn<; he might make a step in advance ; but real
progress was first made when Christ was accepted with
the heart, and when the mere intellectual yvojaa was
supplemented by love — the soil in which the Christian
could alone hope to grow and bring forth fruit to the
end.
But as in the case of what I have called the primary or
elementary summary of Christian doctrine, we find that in
the as yet unsettled condition of Church government that
summary is called by different names, — sometimes it is 6S09,
sometimes \0709, sometimes irlaTL^, — so is it probable that
this esoteric yvwai'i was designated by other equivalent
terms. We need not go beyond the Epistle to the
Ephesians itself to be convinced that the term fivaTrjpcov
was used as an equivalent of the other term ^vwai^ : ^ while
from 1 Corinthians xv. 51, it would almost seem that any
advanced statement was called a fivaTrjpiov, any truth, i.e.,
for which the babe in Christ might not be prepared, though
it was meet and right that the more advanced Christian
should be instructed in it. Thus in writing on the subject
of the resurrection of the body, St. Paul draws attention
to what he is about to say on the subject by calling it
fivarripiov ; ^ in the First Epistle to Timothy iii. 9, he
orders that the deacons must be those exovTWi rb fivarrjpiov
tt}? 7ricrTe&)9 ; a few verses later he speaks of ro pbvarijpLov
Tri<i evcr€^eLa<i : and taking these passages in connexion with
(1) Because it would biiug profounder insight into the infinite depths of the
Divine mysteries, with which, if the yvibaeis professed to deal, they would but
deal, at best, inadequately.
(2) Because it would bring more intimate personal union with Christ on the
emotional side, with which the yvthueis did not even pretend to deal.
(3) Because the final grand result would be that the convert would attain, at
least in idea, to the fulness of the Divine perfection.
1 Eph, iii. 4. I cannot accept Meyer's view of this expression, adopted by
Alford and Bishop Ellicott. See infra.
■^ Ibov fivarripiov vfuv Xeyw (1 Cor. xv. 51'!.
AND CONFESSIONS OF FAITH. 418
others in the apostolic writings, nor losing sight of the fact
that the expression to, /jbvaTrjpta t^? ^acn\ela<i is more than
once used by our Lord — in a sense which certainly supports
the view advocated — bearing in mind too that the use of
the term in the Apocalypse can bear this interpretation only
— I am irresistibly led to the conclusion that the term
fivcTT^jpiov is in many passages of St. Paul a technical term
(if the expression may be allowed), the equivalent of what is
elsewhere called 'yvMai<i ; and that both refer to the advanced
summaries of Christian instruction to which, as will appear
in the sequel, such frequent allusion is made.
But having arrived at this point, it will be well if I simply
recapitulate what has been said.
I. I have pointed out, that at the very beginning of the
history of the Christian Church we find a formal summary
of Christian doctrine referred to under four different terms :
r] 65o9, r] SiSa)(^r], 6 Xoyot;, rj TrtcrTt?.
II. That such a summary would be felt as a necessity
when no written record of our Lord's life existed, and
the Christian Church was increasing enormously day by
day.
III. That in the general organization of the Church
conspicuous wisdom and foresight w^ere exhibited when
emergencies arose, and that it was unlikely so primary a
need as this should be left for long unsupplied.
Lastly, assuming that such a summary of fundamental
Christian truth was drawn up thus early, that this X6709
or Bi,8axr] was but a brief summary of primary Christian
doctrine, possibly drawn up by the Twelve themselves ;
that the acceptance of this elementary creed was a con-
dition of baptism ; but that supplementary to this primary
summary there appear to have been expanded statements
of more advanced or esoteric doctrine — possibly less gene-
rally accepted, probably less widely diffused, and certainly
less generally imposed ; and that such an expanded state-
414 PRIMITIVE LITURGIES.
ment was called jv(oaL<; or fjivar/jpiov, and perhaps was known
by other designations also.
It remains to consider what fragments of these original
formularies of the faith are embedded, and may still be
traced, in the writings of the New Testament.
Augustus Jessopp.
415
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
X. The Teachee's Complaint (Chaps, v. 11-14, vi. 1-8).
" Of whom," i.e. Melchisedec, continues the writer, taking
up the second part of his programme first, " we have many
things to say." Yet he does not say these things ; he
refrains from entering on ample discourse (ttoXu? X070?) on
the Melchisedec priesthood, because his spirit is disturbed
by the recollection that he writes to persons dull of appre-
hension, at once ignorant, indolent, and prejudiced, unable
and unwilling to take in new ideas, and, like horses with
blinders on, capable of seeing only straight before them
in the direction of use and wont, and therefore certain to
find the thoughts he is about to express hard to understand.
The haunting consciousness of this painful fact obscures
the subject of discourse as a cloud hides the glory of the
sun on an April day ; and even as our Lord was not able
to proceed with His farewell address to His disciples till
He had rid Himself of the presence of the traitor, so this
man of philosophic mind and eloquent pen cannot proceed
with his argument till he has given expression to the vexa-
tion and disappointment caused by the inaptitude of his
scholars. This he does with very great plainness of speech,
for which all Christian teachers have reason to thank him ;
for what he has written may be regarded as an assertion
of the right of the Church to be something more than an
infant school, and a defence of the liberty of prophesying
on all themes pertaining to Christ as their centre against
the intolerance always manifested by ignorance, stupidity,
indolence, and prejudice towards everything that is not
old, familiar, and perfectly elementary.
The teacher's complaint is severe — too severe, if the
416 TEE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
things to be said concerned some curious point in theology
on which the complainer had some pet notions. A man
may be a good Christian, and yet be ignorant or indifferent
in reference to the mysteries of predestination and free
will and their reconciliation. Might not the Hebrews be
sufficiently good Christians, and yet remain ignorant of, or
incapable of understanding, the transcendental doctrine of
the Melchisedec priesthood ? No ; because the question
at issue is not a mere curious point in theology. It is
rather the fundamental question whether Christ was really
a priest. The priesthood of Christ in its reality and ideal
worth is not understood, unless it is seen to be of the
Melchisedec type. Therefore the incapacity complained of,
if not fatal, is at least serious.
The account given of the spiritual state of the Hebrew
Christians is not flattering. In effect, they are represented
as in their dotage. They have become dull of hearing, have
become children having need of milk, and not able to receive
the solid food of full grown men. They are not merely
children, but in their second childhood ; in which respect
it is interesting to compare the Hebrew Church with the
Corinthian as described in Paul's first epistle. The mem-
bers of the Corinthian Church were in their first childhood
spiritually ; hence they were unruly, quarrelsome, and had
an indiscriminate appetite for all sorts of food, without
possessing the capacity to discern between what was
wholesome and what unwholesome, or the self-control to
choose the good and reject the evil. The members of the
Hebrew Church, on the other hand, were in that state of
dotage so affectingly described by Barzillai with reference
to the physical powers : "I am this day fourscore years old ;
and can I discern between good and evil ? can thy servant
taste what I eat or what I drink ? can I hear any more the
voice of singing men and singing women ? wherefore then
should thy servant be yet a burden unto my lord the
THE TEACHER'S COMPLAINT. 417
king?" The Hebrew Christians had once had a certain
capacity of discernment, but they had lost it. Their senses
had become blunted by the hebetude of old age : they had,
so to say, no teeth to eat solid food, no taste to discern the
excellency of new, strong meat, but simply enough taste to
detect that the meat was new ; no ear to appreciate the
new songs of the Christian era, but just enough hearing left
to tell them that the sounds they heard dimly were strange,
not the familiar melodies of the synagogue ; no eyes to
see the glory of Christ's self-sacrifice, but simply vision
enough to perceive as through a haze the gorgeous robes
of the high priest as he moved about the temple precincts
performing his sacerdotal duties. All the symptoms of
senility were upon them as described by the preacher;
decay was present and death near. Melancholy end of a
Christian profession that had lasted some forty years !
Dotage at an advanced age, in the physical sphere, is natu-
ral and blameless, exciting only tender pity ; in the spiritual
sphere it is unnatural and blameworthy. What ought to
be is steady progress towards moral and religious maturity
{TeXetorrira), characterized by practised skill to discern
between good and evil, and settled preference for the good,
a wise, enlightened mind, and a sanctified will.^ That so
few reach the goal, that healthy growth in the spiritual
life is so rare, is for all earnest souls a wonder and a deep
disappointment.
Having uttered these sharp words of reproof, the writer
proceeds (vi. 1) to exhort his readers to aspire to that state
' The words rfKeLos and reXetor??? (v. 14, vi. 1) are used here in a sense distinct
from that in which Christ is said to have been perfected by suffering, and from
that in which men are said to have been perfected by His one offering of
Himself. To be perfect is always to be in the position of having reached the
end ; but the end in the present instance is not training for an office, or purga-
tion of the conscience from the guilt of sin, but the attainment of manhood,
with the characteristics named above. Of the two characteristics only the wise
mind, or experienced judgment, is referred to, because defective spiritual
intelligence is the thing complained of.
VOL. IX. 27
418 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
of Christian maturity which is capable of digesting solid
food, and not to remain always at the beginnings of the
Christian life. Perhaps we should rather say, that the
writer intimates his own purpose to go on in his discourse
from the milk of elementary truth that suits babes to the
solid food of advanced doctrine that suits men. The com-
mentators are divided in opinion as to which of these two
interpretations is the more correct ; but it is scarcely worth
while to discuss the question, as the one view implies the
other. The writer does not wish merely to express his own
thoughts concerning Christ's priestly office, but to com-
municate them to others. He desires to teach; but he can
teach only in so far as there is receptivity in his scholars.
Teaching and learning are correlative, and teacher and
scholar must keep pace with each other. No man can
teach unless his pupils let him. Therefore this Christian
doctor, minded to discourse not of the principia of Chris-
tianity— " the beginning of Christ " — but of its higher
truths, appropriately says, "Let us go on," expressing at
once a purpose and an exhortation.
In declining to make the Christian elements bis exclusive
theme, the writer takes occasion to indicate what these
were. We scan with eager interest the list of fundamentals
setting forth what, in the view of our author, and we may
assume also of the Church in his time, a man was required
to do and believe when he became a Christian. What first
strikes one in this primitive "sum of saving knowledge" is
how little that is specifically Christian it contains. There
is no express reference to Christ, not even in connexion
with faith, where it might have been expected. In his
address to the elders at Miletus, Paul claimed to have tes-
tified to Jews and Greeks "repentance towards God, and
faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ." Here, on the other
hand, mention is made of "repentance from dead works, and
faith towards God," as if it were a question of theism as
THE TEAGHEKS COMPLAINT. 419
against polytheism, rather than of Christian beHef.^ It is
superjfluous to remark that the priesthood of Christ finds
no place in the list ; that topic evidently is regarded as
belonging to the advanced doctrine. To us, who have been
accustomed to regard faith in the atoning death of Christ,
and even in a particular theory of the atonement, as essen-
tial to salvation, all this must appear surprising. Yet the
meagre account here given of the catechumen's creed is no
isolated phenomenon in the New Testament. It is in entire
accord with what we learn from Paul's First Epistle to the
Thessalonians, which may be said to show the style of his
instructions to young converts during the period of mis-
sionary activity antecedent to the rise of the great contro-
versy concerning the law. Paul's purpose in that epistle
seems to be to remind the Thessalonian Christians, for
their encouragement and strengthening, of the things he
had taught them at the time of their conversion, such
phrases as "ye remember," "ye know," being of frequent
occurrence. Yet throughout the epistle we can find no
trace of the doctrine of justification in the specifically
Pauhne sense, or of the doctrine of Christ's atoning death.
Christ's death is indeed referred to, but in such a way as to
suggest that the fact of vital importance to faith was not
that He died, but that He rose again. " If we believe that
Jesus died and rose again, even so them also which sleep in
Jesus will God bring with Him." ^
The apparently non-Christian character of the Christian
principia is not the only perplexing feature in the list or
fundamentals. It is not easy to determine how the various
matters mentioned are related to each other. Judging from
the rhythmical structure of the sentence, one's first thought
^ A few commentators have actually maintained that the reference is not to
the Christian elements but to the leading points in the Old Testament religion,
faith in the true God, and the rites of purification and laying on of hands on
the sacrificial victims, of typical significance for the Christian religion.
2 1 Thess. iv. 14.
420 TEE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
is that the Hst contains six co-ordinate articles, grouped in
pairs : first, repentance and faith ; second, the doctrines of
baptism and laying on of hands ; third, the doctrines of
resurrection and eternal judgment ; the members of each
pair being of kindred nature, and the whole six forming
together the foundation of the Christian religion. But
doubt arises when it is observed that in this view things
are mixed together which belong to different categories ;
repentance and faith, which are spiritual states, with
doctrines about other matters of greater or less importance.
If there are six articles in the list of fundamentals, why not
say, " Not laying again a foundation in doctrine concerning
repentance, faith, baptisms," etc. ? And so we are tempted
to take up with another hypothesis ; viz. that the last four
are to be regarded as the foundation of the first two, con-
ceived not as belonging to the foundation, but rather as the
superstructure. On this view we should have to render,
" Not laying again a foundation for repentance and faith,
consisting in instruction concerning baptisms, laying on of
hands, resurrection, and judgment." In favour of this con-
struction is the reading BcBa^vv (ver. 2, clause 1) found in
B, and adopted by Westcott and Hort, which being in appo-
sition with dejjLeXtov (ver. 1) suggests that the four things
following form the foundation of repentance and faith.
It is possible that the mixing up of states and doctrines
in the list is due to the double attitude of the writer,
as partly exhorting his readers, partly expressing his own
purpose. " Not laying again a foundation, you by re-
newed repentance and faith, by repetition of elementary
instructions." But I cannot help thinking that there is
discernible in this passage, notwithstanding its graceful
rhythmical structure, on which Bengel and others have
remarked, a slight touch of that rhetorical carelessness
which recurs in much more pronounced form in chapter ix.
10, where the writer, referring to the ineffectual ordinances
THE TEACHERS COMPLAINT. 421
of Levitical worship, characterizes them in language diffi-
cult to construe as " only, with their meats and drinks and
diverse washings, ordinances of the flesh imposed until a
time of reformation." In that place the loose construction
of the sentence is an oratorical device to express a feeling
of impatience with the bare idea that Levitical rites could
possibly cleanse the consciences of worshippers. Of course
the writer has no thought of putting the elementary truths
of Christianity on a level with these rites. But the feeling
of impatience with never getting beyond the elements
seems to influence his manner of referring to them, giving
rise to an elliptical abruptness of style which leaves room
for many questions as to the construction that cannot with
certainty be answered.
On the whole, our first thought as to the connexion is
probably the correct one, according to which the passage
is to be paraphrased thus : " Leaving discourse on the
beginning of Christ, let us go on unto maturity, and unto
the doctrine that suits it, not laying again a foundation in
reiterated exhortations to repentance and faith, and in
instructions about such matters as baptisms, laying on of
hands, resurrection of the dead, and eternal judgment."
The only points calling for explanation in this summary
of elements are those included in the middle pair. Re-
pentance and faith, the resurrection and the judgment, are
obviously suitable subjects of instruction for persons begin-
ning the Christian life. Repentance and faith are the
cardinal conditions of entrance into the kingdom of God,^
1 Mark i. 15 : " The time is fulfilled, and the kingdom of God is at hand;
repent ye, and believe the gospel." I reserve for consideration in another
place (chap. ix. 14) the meaning of the words dirb veKpQv epyuv attached to
fieravoias. I will merely say here, that it is by no means so clear as most com-
mentators assume it to be that " dead works " are synonymous with " sinful
works," and that there is no reference to the religious works of an artificial
legalism, which first our Lord and then Paul declared to be worthless and per-
nicious. Of such works, in a transition time, when an old religion is dying
and a new religion is coming in, there are always plenty ; and converts from
422 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
and though resurrection and judgment, as events, come at
the end of the Christian's career, the doctrine concerning
them comes appropriately at the beginning, as fitted to
inspire an awe and a hope which are most powerful motives
to holiness.
But what is the doctrine of baptisms ? If instruction
as to Christian baptism be mainly referred to, its appro-
priateness at the commencement is beyond question. But
why baptisms and not baptism ? Commentators generally
concur in replying, because the writer has in view, not
merely Christian baptism, but all the baptisms or washings
with which Jewish converts were familiar. Where symbolic
use of water in various forms was known, comparison would
be natural, and might be useful as a means of conveying
instruction as to the distinctive significance of Christian
baptism. Against the reference to baptism in the specifi-
cally Christian sense it has been urged that it is never, in
the New Testament, denoted by /SaTTTto-yao?, the word used
here, but always by ^dirTia/jLa. To this however it seems
a sufficient answer that the former word is employed
because Christian baptism is included in a more compre-
hensive category along with Levitical purifications.
The " laying on of hands " is to be understood in the
light of the apostolic practice of imposing hands on the
heads of baptized persons, as a sign of the communica-
tion of the Holy Ghost. This symbolic action was often
followed by the bestowal of miraculous gifts. The doctrine
probably consisted largely in explanations concerning these
the old to the new feel that they are what most need to be repented of, and
that in deliverance from them Christ's redemptive power is most signally
displayed. They constitute the " vain conversation received by tradition from
the fathers " of which St. Peter speaks. The phrase " dead works " as used by
our author seems to be a current expression rather than a coinage of his own,
and we can easily imagine its origin in circles familiar with Christ's moral
criticism of Pharisaism. Bleek is of opinion that " dead works" mean legal
religious works.
THE TEACHER'S COMPLAINT. 423
gifts — tongues, prophesyings, etc. — just such instruction as
we find in Paul's First Epistle to the Corinthians on the
subject of spiritual gifts. The doctrine of the laying on
of hands has ceased to hold a place among the Christian
principia, because miraculous charisms have passed away.
Such are the fundamentals.^ What now is meant by
leaving them ? Not of course ceasing to believe in them,
or to think and speak of them, or to set importance on
them ; for the things enumerated, though elementary, are
fundamental, as the term deixekiov implies. They are to be
left in the sense in which a builder leaves the foundation of
a house, by erecting an edifice thereon. They are not to
be treated as if they were everything, building as well as
foundation ; as if all were done when the foundation was
laid, and the builder might then fold his hands. Yet there
has always been a Christianity of this sort, stationary,
unprogressive, never getting beyond the initial stage, always
concerned about repentance, pardon, peace, justification.
With reference to Christian teachers the meaning is, that
they are not to confine themselves to the elementary truths
of the faith, but to go on to higher doctrine, teaching wisdom
to the "perfect," the mature in spiritual understanding,
not forgetful of their peculiar needs, though the number of
them in the Church be small. Even for the sake of the
' In an interesting article in The Expositor for December, 1888, by Eev.
R. G. Balfour, M.A., a third way of connecting the six articles is proposed :
that the second pair is to be regarded as a parenthetical remark concerning the
first, to the effect that repentance was symbolically taught by washings, i.e.
Levitical purifications, and faith by the laying on of hands (on the head of the
victim in the great day of atonement). Mr. Balfour renders, " Not laying again
the foundation of repentance from dead works and faith exercised upon God
(the things taught by washings, also by laying on of hands), also, the resurrec-
tion of the dead and eternal judgment." Readers are referred to the article
for his argument ; but I may notice here his contention that ^avTia/xQv dcdaxfis
can only mean the doctrine which washings teach, and that had the writer
meant the doctrine concerning washings he would have written irepl /3.5. But
the genitive ^airTKJixQv may be either subjective or objective. For instances of
the objective genitive see Winer's Grammar of New Testament Greek.
424 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
immature it is well not to tarry too long by the elements,
lest they imagine they have nothing more to learn, when in
truth they are in the state of the disciples to whom Jesus
said, " I have yet many things to say to you, but ye cannot
bear them now."
What he has just declared to be desirable the writer
intimates his own purpose to do, cherishing the desire, if
not the hope, that he may carry his readers along with him.
"And this will we do," you and I, "if, that is,^ God
permit." This " if God permit " is an ominous hint at the
more than possibility of the Hebrews having become so
spiritually hidebound that they will prove totally incapable
of receiving new truth. And so it forms a suitable intro-
duction to the solemn passage which follows. And yet,
though when a grave, earnest man makes reference to God's
sovereign will, we feel that he must have some serious
thought in his mind, we are hardly prepared for the very
sombre picture of the apostate which this passage contains.
Nor is it quite easy to see how it is connected with what
goes before. Does the writer mean, "It is useless to keep
insisting on foundation truths relating to repentance, faith,
and the like topics ; for if any one have fallen away you
cannot bring him to repentance by any amount of preach-
ing on the old trite themes " ? or is his meaning rather,
" I do trust you and I will go on together to manhood and
its proper food, though I have my fears concerning you,
fears lest you be in the position of men who have lapsed
from a bright initial experience, whose outlook for the
future is necessarily very gloomy "? Possibly both of those
thoughts were passing through his mind when he wrote.
In these verses (4-6) there is a vivid description of a
happy past, a supposition made regarding those whose past
experience is pourtrayed, and a strong assertion hazarded
regarding any in whom that supposition is realized.
^ idvrep, the irep iDtensifying the force of the idv.
THE TEACHER'S COMPLAINT. 425
The description of initial Christian experience is a com-
panion picture to the preceding account of initial Christian
instruction. It points to an intense religious life, full of
enthusiasm, joy, and spiritual elevation, not however to be
regarded as the exceptional privilege of the few, but rather
as the common inheritance of the Church in the apostolic
age. The picture is painted in high colours, but the outlines
are not very distinct ; and the spectator, while powerfully
impressed, fails to carry away a clear idea of the scene.
The writer's purpose is not to give information to us, but
to awaken in the breasts of his first readers sacred memo-
ries, and breed godly sorrow over a dead past. Hence he
expresses himself in emotional terms such as might be
used by recent converts rather than in the colder but more
exact style of the historian. "The heavenly gift " — precious
doubtless, but what is it? "The good word of God" —
ineffably sweet, but what precise word gave such rare en-
joyment? Five distinct elements in the initial Christian
experience of converts seem to be specified, yet on further
analysis they appear to be reducible to three : the illu-
mination conveyed by elementary Christian instruction
{<pcoTia6evTa<;), the enjoijment connected with that illumina-
tion {yevaa/jiivov<i, ver. 4, repeated in ver. 5);^ and the spiritual
vower communicated by the Holy Ghost, and manifesting
itself in the miraculous charisms whereof we read in Acts
and in Paul's First Epistle to the Corinthians {Svvd/jL€i<i
1 The repetition of yevaafxivovs suggests that the clause in which the participle
occurs for the second time may be explanatory of that in which it occurs for
the first time. In that case the " heavenly gift " would be practically identical
with the " word of God," which the convert finds good to his taste = the gospel
of grace; and the "Holy Spirit" in which the convert participates would be
synonymous with the " powers of the world to come." That is to say, the Holy
Spirit would be referred to, not as the indwelling source of Christian sanctity,
but as the source of spiritual gifts or miraculous charisms. The change in the
construction (the genitive after the participle in the first case, the accusative
in the second) may suggest slightly differing shades of meaning : sharing,
having part in the heavenly gift, appreciating the quality of the Divine word,
receiving the truth, feeling its value.
426 THE EPISTLE TO THE EEBBEWS.
fMeXK,ovTo<i al(bvo<;, ver. 5). The cardinal fact is the illumina-
tion. The light of heaven breaking in on the soul awakens
strong emotions, which find vent in speaking with tongues
and prophesying — the powers and signs of the Messianic
age. That illumination is the epoch-making event of
the Christian life. It takes place once for all (aira^) ;
there ought to be no need for its repetitioii, nay, it can-
not be repeated. It comes like a revelation, and produces
mighty effects ; and woe to the man who lets the light go
out !
"If they fall away" (koI trapa'rreaovTe'i), such is the
supposition made with reference to persons who have gone
through experiences so remarkable. The case put is that
of persons who once knew, believed, and loved Christian
truth, did wonderful works in Christ's name and by the
power of His Spirit, lapsing into ignorance, unbelief, in-
difference, or even dislike of what they once found sweet
to their taste — God's word and the gift of grace to which
it bears witness. The very putting of such a case seems
a rude contradiction of the dogma of perseverance, and
hence this passage has been a famous battlefield between
Arminians and Calvinists. The expositor who is more con-
cerned about the correct interpretation of Scripture than
about the defence of any system of theology will not find
himself able to go altogether with either side in the contro-
versy. The Bible is an excellent book for the purposes
of practical religion, but rather a tantalising book for the
scholastic theologian. Its writers know nothing of the
caution and reserve of the system maker, but express them-
selves in strong, unqualified terms which are the torment
of the dogmatist and the despair of the controversialist.
The author of this epistle in particular writes, not as a
theorist, but as an observer of facts. Cases of the kind
described have actually come under his eye. He has seen
many bearing all the marks of true believers fall away, and
THE TE AGREE 8 COMPLAINT. 427
he has observed that such men do not usually return to
the faith from which they have lapsed. He speaks as his
experience prompts. He does not call in question the
reality of the faith and gracious affections of quondam
Christians, but describes these after their fall, as he would
have described them before it, admitting them to have
been blossoms, though they were blighted by frost, or leaf-
bearing branches, though they afterwards became dead and
rotten.
As little, on the other hand, does he hesitate to affirm
that recovery in such cases is impossible, reasoning again
from past observation, and also doubtless in part from the
nature of the case, apostates appearing to him like a fire
whose fuel has been completely consumed so that nothing
remains but ashes. This brings us to the third point in the
passage before us, — the strong assertion made regarding
those who lapse : " It is impossible to renew them again
unto repentance." Two questions suggest themselves. Is
the assertion to be taken strictly? and, so taken, is it true?
That the writer uses the word "impossible" strictly may
be inferred from the reason he gives for his assertion.
When men have got the length of crucifying Christ to
themselves, and putting Him to an open shame before
others, their case is hopeless.^ But possibly he puts too
severe a construction on the facts. There may be a lapse
from the bright life of a former time, serious and perilous,
1 Dr. Edwards takes the ijarticiples avaaravpovvTas and Trapadeiy/j.aTli'oi'Ta^, not
as explanatory of irapawecrovTas, but as putting a hypothetical case, and renders,
"they cannot be renewed after falling away if they persist in crucifying." The
change from the aorist to the present may be in favour of this view, yet one
cannot help feeling that the writer means to say something more serious than
that falling away is fatal when it amounts to crucifying Christ. Mr. Eendall
has another way of softening the severity of the dictum ; viz. to take dvaKaivi^eiv
as expressing continuous action, and render " it is impossible to keep re-
newing "=the process of falling and renewing cannot go on indefinitely: the
power of impression grows weaker, and at length becomes exhausted by repeti-
tion. This view is certainly in keeping with the spirit of the whole passage
(v. 11-14, vi. 1-8).
428 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
but not amounting to a crucifying of Christ, or so hardening
the heart as to make repentance impossible.
Now two things may be admitted here. First, there are
phases of the spiritual life liable to be mistaken for symp-
toms of apostasy, which are truly interpreted only when
looked at in the light of the great law of gradual growth enun-
ciated by our Lord in the parable of the blade, the green
ear, and the full corn in the ear.^ The difficult problem of
Christian experience cannot be mastered unless we grasp the
truth taught in that parable, and know the characteristics
of each stage, and especially of the second, which are most
liable to be misunderstood. For lack of such knowledge
many a Christian, destined to reach a splendid spiritual man-
hood, has seemed to himself and others to have fallen away
utterly from grace, faith, and goodness, while he was simply
passing through the stage of the green fruit, with all its
unwelcome yet wholesome experiences. In this crude stage
of his religious history Bunyan thought he had committed
the sin against the Holy Ghost, and "an ancient Christian,"
supposed to be wise in counsel, whom he consulted, told
him he thought so too. Yet he was on the way to Beulah
through the valley of the shadow of death ; and few reach
that blessed land without passing along the same dark,
dreary road. How far the writer of our epistle, or indeed
any of the New Testament writers, understood the law o±
growth by broadly discriminated stages, enunciated by
Christ, does not appear. It is certain that nowhere else
in the New Testament can there be found a statement
approaching in scientific clearness and distinctness to that
contained in the parable referred to." In absence of a
1 Mark iv. 26-29. On this parable see The Parabolic Teaching of Christ.
2 It has been disputed whether there be any distinct doctrine of growth or
gradual sanctification in Paul's epistles. Pfleiderer maintains the affirmative.
Eeuss, a more orthodox theologian, denies, maintaining that Paul conceives the
new life as perfect from the first. There is a noticeable diii'erence between Paul
and our Lord in their respective manner of dealing with the defects of young
THE TEACHER'S COMPLAINT. 429
theory of sanctification to guide them, however, their spiri-
tual sagacity might be trusted to keep them from con-
founding a case like Bunyan's with that of an apostate.
Second. Bible writers often state in unqualified terms
as an absolute truth what is in reality only an affair of
tendency. Translated into a statement of tendency, the
doctrine taught is this. Every fall involves a risk of apo-
stasy, and the higher the experience fallen from the greater
the risk. The deeper religion has gone into a man at the
commencement of his Christian course, the less hopeful his
condition if he lapse. The nearer the initial stage to a
thorough conversion the less likely is a second change, if
the first turn out abortive ; and so on, in ever-increasing
degrees of improbability as lapses increase in number. The
brighter the light in the soul, the deeper the darkness when
the light is put out. The sweeter the manna of God's word
to the taste, the more loathsome it becomes when it has
lost its relish. The fiercer the fire in the hearth while the
fuel lasts, the more certain it is that when the fire goes out
there will remain nothing but ashes. The livelier the hope
of glory, the greater the aversion to all thoughts of the
world to come when once a Christian has, like Atheist in
the Pilgrim's Progress, turned his back on the heavenly
Jerusalem. Action and reaction are equal. The more
forcibly you throw an elastic ball against a wall the greater
the rebound ; in like manner the more powerfully the human
spirit is brought under celestial influences, the greater the
recoil from all good, if there be a recoil at all. The gushing
enthusiasts of to-day are the cynical sceptics of to-morrow.
Have promoters of "revivals" laid these things duly to
heart ?
Christians. Paul blames, as if they were full grown men ; Christ corrects, as
one who knows that nothing else is to be looked for in children, and that the
future will bring wisdom : " I have many things to say unto you, but ye cannot
bear them now."
430 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
But the wise teacher whose complaint of his dull scholars
we are considering has something more serious in view,
when he speaks of falling away, than the coldness and
languor, or even the moral lapses, which are apt to overtake
converts after a period of great excitement. It is not a
question of loss of feeling, or of unstable, inconsistent con-
duct, or of falls through infirmity, but of deep alienation of
heart. He thinks of such as are capable of cherishing
towards Christ the feelings of hatred which animated the
men who crucified Him, and of openly renouncing the
Christian faith. This was the crime the Hebrew Christians
were tempted to commit. A fatal step it must be when
taken ; for men who left the Christian Church and went
back to the synagogue became companions of persons who
thought they did God service in cursing the name of Jesus.
The writer proceeds (vers. 7, 8), by a comparison drawn
from agriculture, to illustrate the danger to which those are
exposed who, having had a pronounced spiritual experience,
afterwards fall away from the faith and life of the gospel.
The parable does not really afford us much help to the
understanding of the matter; as it is rendered in the
Authorized Version it affords no help at all. As the case
is put there, a contrast seems to be drawn between two
kinds of soil, one of which is well watered, and therefore
fertile, while the other is unwatered, and therefore sterile
or productive only of thorns and thistles. Such a contrast
would bring out the difference between those who have and
those who have not enjoyed gospel privileges, not the dif-
ference between two classes of Christians who have both
equally enjoyed such privileges, or the two possible alter-
natives in the case of every professing Christian. It is
a contrast fitted to serve the latter purpose that really is
made. Exactly rendered it runs thus: "For land which,
after drinking in the rain that cometh oft upon it, bringeth
forth herbage meet for those for whose benefit it is tilled.
TEE TEAGHEB'S COMPLAINT. 431
receiveth blessing from God ; but if it (the same land well
watered) bear thorns and thistles, it is worthless, and nigh
unto a curse, whose end is unto burning."
When we compare this parable with any of our Lord's,
there is a great falling off in point of felicity and instruc-
tiveness. One purpose it doubtless serves, to make clear
the matter of fact, that the same Christian privileges and
experiences may issue in widely different ultimate results.
The soil is supposed in either case to be well watered, not
only rained upon, but often saturated with water, having
drunk up the blessing of the clouds, and moreover to be
carefully tilled ; for though that point is left in the back-
ground, it is alluded to in the words St' ou? koI yeoopyelTai.
Yet in one case it yields a useful crop, in the other only a
useless crop of thorns and thistles. But why? On this
important question the parable throws no light. The land
which bears the useless crop is not a barren rock; for it
drinks in the rain, and it is considered worth ploughing.
Nay, it is doubtful if the case supposed in the second
alternative can occur in the natural world. Was there ever
a land well tilled and watered that produced nothing but
thorns and thistles? It seems as if the natural and the
spiritual were mixed up here, and that were said of the one
which is strictly true only with reference to the other.
The writer describes a case in the natural world which can
hardly happen to represent a case which may happen in
the spiritual world, that, viz., of men whose hearts have
been sown with the seed of truth and watered with the
rain of grace becoming so utterly degenerate and reprobate,
as in the end to produce nothing but the thorns and thistles
of unbelief and ungodliness.^ Mixture of metaphor and
1 Natural improbability occurs in some of our Lord's parables; e.g., in the
parable of the great supper. Such a thing as all the guests invited to a feast
with one consent refusing to come does not happen in society. The truth is,
it is impossible to describe the essentially unreasonable behaviour of men in
regard to the kingdom of God in parabolic language, without violating natural
432 TEE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
literal sense is indeed manifest throughout, the phrases
"receiveth blessing," "reprobate" {aBtKifio-i) , "nigh to a
curse," "whose end is unto burning," expressing moral
ideas rather than physical facts. This is particularly evident
in the case of the last phrase. It plainly points to a judicial
visitation of the severest kind, the appointed penalty of
spiritual unfruitfulness. But in the natural sphere burning
is remedial rather than punitive, to burn land which has
become foul being a good method of restoring it to fertility.
In yet another respect the comparison fails us. Suppos-
ing there were such a thing as burning unprofitable land
by way of judicial visitation, as the land of Sodom was
destroyed by fire and brimstone — an event which may have
been present to the writer's thoughts, — the fact might serve
to symbolize the Divine judgment on apostasy. But the
matter on which we most of all need light is the asserted
impossibility of renewal. That the finally impenitent
should be punished we understand, but what we want to
know is, how men get into that state : what is the psycho-
logical history of irreconcilable apostasy ? To refer to
Divine agency in hardening human hearts does not help us,
for God hardens by means naturally fitted and intended to
soften and win. Neither can we take refuge in the suppo-
sition of insufficient initial grace, at least from the point of
view of the writer of our epistle ; for he assumes that the
fruitful and the unfruitful have been equally favoured. The
rain falls not less liberally on the land that bears thorns and
thistles than on the land that brings forth an abundant
crop of grass or grain ; and the rain represents the enlight-
enment, enjoyment, and power previously mentioned.
In the parable of the sower the diversity in the results is
traced to the nature of the soil. In each case the issue is
probability. On the other hand, the parables which describe Christ's own con=
duct, much assailed by His contemporaries, are all thoroughly true to nature ;
e.g., those in the fifteenth chapter of Luke. I have remarked on this contrast
in llie Parabolic Teaching of Christ,
THE TEACHER'S COMPLAINT. 433
exactly such as we should expect from the character of the
ground. In the parable before us opposite results are sup-
posed to be possible in the same soil. That is to say, the
effect is conceived to depend on the will of each individual,
on the use one makes of his privileges. The Hebrew
Christians might have been teachers, instead of childish
learners, had they chosen to take the necessary pains ; they
might have been full grown men, had they only properly
exercised their spiritual senses in discerning between good
and evil.
A. B. Bruce.
VOL. IX.
28
434
THE APOSTLES.
III. The Minor Figures.
How does Art contrive to define and quicken into life those
minor characters upon whom she cannot bestow a large
space or many touches? To one method, only too simple
and obvious, many even among distinguished authors have
been driven : the fixing a sort of label upon these personages,
by which they may be known again. The fat boy in
Dickens is always dropping asleep, and Mr. Buckett shaking
his finger : Eobespierre in Carlyle is always sea-green, and
Buonaparte always bronze.
In greater writers than these we have not this repetition
of one mannerism, or insistence upon one physical peculiarity,
but in the place of a human being we too often find the
incarnation of a quality. In Ben Jonson the minor char-
acters are not boastful or boorish, self-indulgent or servile
men, they are boastfulness or stupidity, luxury or adulation,
dressed up as puppets and bidden to speak. Nay, even the
supreme dramatic power of Shakespeare may, with a little
attention, be caught in the workshop, and its methods
detected by a study of his minor parts.
Speed is not very characteristic, except when he quibbles.
Marcellus has no individuality, except so far as he forbodes
public mischief (catching up this clue from Horatio), and
when first discussing the apparition wants to know, " Why
such daily cast of brazen cannon? " and again thinks, when
the ghost reappears, that " something is rotten in the state
of Denmark." Most readers can see the wires which move
the clowns and pedants ; and liveliness is given to the
maidens in several plays by the device of making them copy
closely the wiles and coquetries of their mistresses, thus
reduplicating the effect which has already been elaborated.
THE MINOR FIGURES. 435
Such things show that genius itself cannot easily vivify a
character in a few strokes. And we must remember that
the dramatist and the novelist have a great advantage,
because they mould their incidents with a view to the
unfolding and artificial display of human nature, while the
historian must follow the actual course of events.
The gospel history has proved its fidelity in a remarkable
way. For it has not condescended to gratify men's innocent
curiosity by relating the slightest incident concerning many
of the apostolic group.
It is a familiar evidence of the faith, that the Scripture is
often most explicit where " the mind of the flesh " has no
desire to learn, and at times most silent where men are so
inquisitive as to imagine the answer which has been with-
held from us.
The spurious gospels, with their wild accounts of the
education of the Virgin, the childhood of Jesus, and the
descent into hell, are well known specimens of the lines
along which Scripture would have been impelled, if the
motive power had been human curiosity and not Divine
inspiration, if the gospel had been invented as an anodyne
for the cravings of the intellect, and not given as bread for
the hunger of the soul. And the same superhuman silence
rebukes us, when we ask what supreme greatness it was, of
service or of wisdom, which engraved on the foundation
stones of the heavenly Jerusalem some of the names of the
twelve Apostles of the Lamb.
Concerning Simon the Cananasan, we only know what
that name, and St. Luke's translation of it, tell us. He
had been a Zealot, For a moment at least he Simon
had been drawn to that wild and unscrupulous Zelotes.
movement which at last shook down his country. Was it
while yet in the fever of such excited energies that he saw
the wondrous works of Jesus, did homage to the zeal of
God's house which ate Him up (John ii. 17, R.V.), and
436 THE APOSTLES.
thenceforce yielded his soul to be gradually transformed
by the milder ardours of the Christian faith ? Or was
it in some hour of sad reaction against the violence and
guilt of his faction that he was drawn to the gentler
Physician of bleeding souls, as one looks up, with aching
eyes, from the glare of a conflagration to the silver light
of heaven ?
"We know not ; nor is any effort whatever made to fix
our attention upon the fact, of more profound significance
than perhaps the evangelists themselves were conscious,
that the wild zeal of Simon was called into such close com-
munion with the Lamb of God. Jesus never indicated
more clearly that His Church was to embrace all phases
and temperaments of human nature, and that He was Him-
self the Son of man, the Child of universal humanity, who
could sympathise with high aspiring, even when it was ill-
regulated and mistaken, with zeal toward God though not
according to knowledge, than when He, the meek and lowly
of heart, who should not strive, nor cry, nor lift up His
voice in the streets, chose for one of His immediate fol-
lowers the Zealot. Neither is any comment made upon
the scorn of mere prudence which enrolled a follower so
sure to be suspected. That it was so is recorded : the con-
clusion we are left to draw for ourselves. Nor do we read
anything of the gallant labours by which Simon doubtless
justified the choice. As he comes, so he passes away, in
silence. "We only know of him, because we know it of all,
that he praised God when his Lord ascended, awaited the
Comforter in the upper room, rejoiced when they were
accounted worthy to suffer dishonour for the Name (Acts v.
41), and bore his part in the planting of the sacred seed in
the broad field of the world. Yet there is no more tempt-
ing subject for legend or romance to work upon than the
deeds of the Zealot in the cause of Jesus. But possibly his
methods, however effective, were not the best to put on
THE MINOB FIGURES. 437
record for the meditations of the Church. Beyond doubt
they were outshone by the achievements of that other who
was called, while breathing out threats and slaughters, to
bear the name of Jesus to remote nations and to kings.
And thus, edification not requiring the record, not a
solitary act or word of Simon Zelotes is preserved to us.
It suffices him that his name is written in the one lasting
roll of fame, the book of life.
We are in almost equal ignorance concerning James the
Little in stature, miscalled James the Less. We do not
certainly know that he was a different person Jaaies the
from the brother of the Lord, although it will Little.
never be the opinion of unsophisticated readers that if one
brother (or two, for Jude must follow the same ruling)
were already among the Twelve, and had shared in the
great confession of St. Peter, " Thou art . . . the Son of
the living God," St. John could have written that, in the
last period of Christ's ministry, "even His brethren did
not believe on Him " (vii. 5).^
No careful reader can be misled by the Authorized Version
of Galatians i. 19, nor would this rendering itself establish
the conclusion which has been drawn from it (c/. Lightfoot
in loc). And if it be objected that three persons of one
name could scarcely have held prominent positions in the
Church, we may well ask in reply whether it was the son
of Zebedee, or the brother of Jesus and bishop of Jeru-
salem, who needed to be distinguished by the singular title
James the Small.
Thus we are led to the conclusion that we have a second
Apostle, concerning whose words or deeds not an echo of
fame has reached us.
^ The answer of Lauge is surely euough to put his case out of court. " The
brethren of Jesus, thougli still, when viewed in the light of the subsequent
Pentecostal season, unbelieving, i.e. self-willed and gloomy, could nevertheless
be apostles " {Life, i., 336).
438 . TEE APOSTLES.
Nor does it appear, at first sight, that the case of Bar-
tholomew is any clearer. His very name is micertain,
Bar-tholomew being only the son of Tolmai,
as Bartimseus is the son oi Timsens, But an
ingenious conjecture throws some light, though flickering
and uncertain, upon the subject. The group of fishers in
the closing narrative of St. John consists entirely of
apostles, unless Nathanael be an exception (xxi. 2). But
Nathanael was previously mentioned in the story of the
calling of the first and greatest of the apostles, and there
we read that he was found by Philip. Now it is pointed
out, that the three catalogues in the synoptical gospels all
join the name of Bartholomew with this same Philip. It
is therefore a reasonable conjecture, so long as we re-
member that it is a surmise and no more, which makes
Nathanael the son of Tolmai.
And this brings within our scope an incident delicately
drawn. When a Nazarene is announced to Nathanael as
the Messiah, local prejudice and the unfitness of such a
hamlet for such honour make him dubious. And when
Jesus pronounces him an Israelite indeed, because guile-
less, and therefore worthy of the better name of him who
was at first a supplanter, he is still cautious, and asks,
" Whence knowest Thou me? " And yet, in this question,
the character given to him is justified. For he does not
feel it to be misplaced : no hidden dishonesty causes the
saying to jar upon his consciousness ; rather, he asks how it
comes to pass that he is known so well. And when Jesus
answers by indicating some secret of his inner life, his
guileless nature no longer hesitates to confess Him largely
and amply, and the true Israelite does homage to his
King : " Rabbi, Thou art the Son of God " (whom the
Baptist thus describes, ver. 34), " Thou art the King of
Israel."
How often has our curiosity asked what it was that
TEE MINOR FIGURES. 439
Jesus saw beneath the fig tree, what temptation conquered,
what good deed performed, what passionate prayer of the
genuine Israehte for his forsaken land ? But the tact of
Jesus betrayed not what the simplicity of Nathanael would
fain conceal. The Lord proceeds to stimulate his hope by
a promise of greater things, in which all the group should
have a part,^ such a reunion of heaven and earth as was
revealed to Jacob, ere yet his guile was burned out of him
in the fire of affliction, the coming and going of angels
as upon a ladder upon Him whom His disciples confessed
to be the Son of God, but who loved to call Himself the
Son of man (John i. 45-51).
The graceful reticence of Jesus with regard to Natha-
nael's innocent secret ; the coyness of the intellect and the
alacrity of the heart of the new disciple, and the title he
gives his King, which virtually says, "If I be an Israelite,
my fealty is Thine"; the reward promised to his faith,
which is not a personal gain, but an ampler revelation ;
and the repeated allusion to the history of the patriarch, —
all contribute to the effect of this sunny and delightful inci-
dent. And yet ali we read afterwards of Nathanael is that
he went a-fishing with Peter. And except by this con-
jecture we know absolutely nothing of the Apostle Bartho-
lomew. So far is Scripture from idealizing even its greatest
names.
One certain incident only brings Jude into a clearer light,
since the same arguments which apply to James the Little
show that he too was not the brother of our
Jude.
Lord, the author of the Epistle of Jude.
From his position in the lists, we may be sure that he is
the LebbfEUs of St. Matthew and the Thaddteus of St.
Mark ; and perhaps these names were used, like the addi-
tions of the epithet, " brother (or son) of James," to sepa-
rate him clearly from the infamy of his terrible namesake.
^ " Believest thou i . . . ye shall see."
440 THE APOSTLES.
What we read of him is one thoughtful question, met by
a full and deeply spiritual answer. " Lord, what is come to
pass that Thou wilt manifest Thyself unto us, and not unto
the world?" To Jude we owe the great exposition how
love leads to obedience, and attracts in return the Divine
love which leads to manifestation ; while they who love
not Christ cannot keep His words (John xiv. 22-24).
Eeassured then by the utter absence of all "tendency"
from the narrative, which seeks not to create a wonderful
career, nor spiritual achievement, nor intellectual dis-
tinction for the chosen ones, we return to those minor
personages in the group of whom some few incidents are
recorded. Putting these incidents together, we ask whether
they indicate real character, life, individuality ; and if so,
whether there is any trace of artifice or self-consciousness
in the indications.
Foremost in order and perhaps in interest is Andrew, the
brother of the strong and impetuous Peter,
and sharer of the family temperament.
When he, with another, hears the Baptist's testimony,
they promptly follow Jesus, who is hitherto unattended,
and has apparently come back from the temptation to make
a silent claim on His forerunner for the first elements out
of which He will mould His Church. It was not for mortal
to accost Jesus before He had begun His public work of
grace. But when He asks, "What seek ye?" the answer
is direct and brief: " Eabbi, where dwellest Thou? " From
the lowly home of Jesus Andrew goes to Peter with the
short and sharp utterance of an eager man who has no
misgivings, " We have found the Messiah," so unlike the
weighed and slow declaration of the same fact by Philip,
who took seventeen words to announce what Andrew said
in three. And here again the reticence must be observed
which tells us nothing of the surprise of the two friends,
confronted by a Messiah so unlike the national hope, in a
THE MINOR FIGURES. 441
dwelling so unlike their dreams, nor anything of the earliest,
wonderful discourse which sent forth Andrew, with his soul
on fire, the first convert that ever led another to his Lord,
and that other, the Peter of the keys. Does any one doubt
that legend would have reversed the positions of Simon
and Andrew in this narrative ? ^
When Jesus called the two brothers from their nets,
Andrew was no less prompt than Simon to obey : " They
straightway left the nets, and followed Him " (Matt. iv. 20).
In the miracle of the five thousand, when the disciples
were bidden to see what provision was forthcoming, Andrew
discovered the lad with the loaves and fishes ; and St. John,
who only has preserved this detail, so tells it as to suggest
a suspicion that there was already some lurking hope of
what should follow, the information being apparently ready,
and Andrew's suggestive mention of this little store being
contrasted with Philip's unenterprising calculation (John
vi. 7, 8).
Still more characteristic is the story of the application
of certain Greeks to the Apostle with a Greek name.
Philip hesitates, knows not what to do ; but the difficulty
vanishes the moment that Andrew, as a helpful person, is
consulted : Philip and Andrew went and told Jesus (John
xii. 22). This is in exact harmony with all that we know
of both ; yet so undesigned and subtle is the coincidence,
that even Dean Alford has overlooked it, and transposed the
parts they play. " When certain Greeks wished for an
interview with Jesus, they applied through Andrew, who
consulted Philip," etc. (Smith's Bible Dictionary, Art.
Andrew). It may safely be asserted that Andrew would
have done nothing of the kind.
' Eenan can of course explain the part they take by the simple theory that
St. John was jealous of Peter, and sought to put him in a secondary place, even
in this matter {Vie, p. Ixvi., note 2 ; loth edition). But most sceptics would
find their positions gravely compromised indeed, if they brought back the
Gospel of St. John so far as this unamiable theory demands.
442 THE APOSTLES.
Once more, when the three who formed an inner circle
desired to ask a question of pre-eminent importance, when
should the temple be destroyed, and what should be the
sign, they associated Andrew with them in asking Jesus
"privately" (Mark xiii. 8). All this is consistent, lucid,
and natural : let us see how it agrees with the conduct of
others.
We have already twice glanced at the contrast between
the decision of Andrew and the greater deliberation of
^ Philip. A slow, and even hesitating circum-
Philip. . .,^.. . ..„,.
spection IS the distmctive peculiarity of this
disciple. At the very outset he needs a direct impulse
from the supreme Will ; he is the first whom Jesus claims,
and as it were seizes, saying, " Follow Me." In Smith's
Dictionary he is described as repeating to Nathanael "the
self-same words with which Andrew had brought to Peter
the good news that the Christ had at last appeared." But
the difference is far more significant than the likeness, and
none would fail to distinguish the words of the brother of
Peter, if shown for the first time the two sentences, one
so concentrated, the other so cautious, so cumulative in its
slow disclosure, so diplomatic in reserving to the very last
the dangerous word which did actually startle his hearers.
One said, "We have found the Christ" : the other, "Him
whom Moses wrote of in the law, and the prophets, we have
found, Jesus the son of Joseph, Him of Nazareth." And
when Nathanael questions further, Philip returns the
unemotional, discreet answer, " Come and see " (John i.
43-47). It was to Philip, and specially to prove him, that
Jesus put the question, "Whence shall we buy bread, that
these may eat ? " And with his natural grave circumspec-
tion Philip calculates the sum necessary to give each of
them a little (John vi. 5-7).
We have already seen him needing the advice of Andrew
before venturing to tell Jesus of the application of the
THE MINOR FIGURES. 443
Greeks (John xii. 20-22). And when Jesus declares that
from henceforth His disciples know, and have seen the
Father, Philip suddenly discloses a desire for more tangible
evidence than even that of the voioe which lately came, for
their sakes, who needed it, from heaven. There is care,
misgiving, the accent of a troubled heart in his answer,
" Lord, show us the Father, and it sufticeth us " ; if we had
seen Him these brooding anxieties would be at rest (John
xiv. 8).
In him a different type of character finds a place among
the Twelve, and even a place of honour ; for the slow and
cautious heart is often most loyal at the core. Philip is
leader of the second of those three groups of four Apostles,
into which we have seen that the Twelve are sub-divided.
Yet one cannot but feel that Clement of Alexandria has
either preserved a fact, or else indicated, perhaps uncon-
sciously, a striking resemblance of character, when he
quotes the words as addressed to Philip, "Let the dead
bury their dead, but thou follow Me." AVas he not the
very man to plead, " Suffer me first to go and bury my
father" ?
From Philip to Thomas is but one step, and that in the
same direction ; but the advance is real, and the charac-
teristics, though similar, are discriminated as _
\ . Thomas.
accurately as the melancholy of Jacques from '
that of Hamlet. Philip hesitates and considers, Thomas
despairs. He is in sore danger of falling, and the hour
will come when he must either conquer his besetment or
perish. Yet he is kept by the fire of real love, which
gleams through all the smoke of his despondency. For he
is loyal when most hopeless, and his character is perfectly
shown in the first event that is recorded of him. When
Jesus would return to Judgea, where the Jews had lately
sought to kill Him, and added to some obscure sayings
about Lazarus the plain words, " Lazarus is dead, . .
444 THE APOSTLES.
let us go unto him," Thomas readily inferred the worst.
All was over now ; nothing was left but either to forsake
his Master or to share His fate. And yet the faithful
heart conquered the gloomy temperament, and he said,
with no parade of loyalty, not addressing Jesus Himself,
but his comrades. Let us be true to the end; "let us also
go, that we may die with Him " (John xi. 16). It is a
saying which deserves the notice of those shallow critics
who find only boastfulness in the professions of the last
supper.
The same helplessness (brooding no doubt upon the
solemn warnings which intervened, but unable to accept
these with their stated limitations, and with the promise
of ultimate triumph which accompanied them every one)
reappears in the second incident recorded. It was when
Jesus said, " Whither I go, ye know the way," that he
seized the opportunity to confess his perplexities in the
discouraging and despairing comment, "Lord, we know
not whither Thou goest : how know we the way?" (John
xiv. 5.) He speaks for his brethren as well as himself;
but Thomas was their spokesman in despair, as naturally
as Peter in the confession of their faith.
Such joyless temperaments are given to solitude.^ We
know too little to rely upon the absence of any conjunction
of another name with his, but there is much significance in
the fact that he was not with the disciples when they
solemnly assembled, with due precautions, in -the evening
of the resurrection day (John xx. 24). In what seclusion
had he buried his woes, that all day long no rumour of the
return of hope had reached him? Or in what obstinate
despair had he repelled the tidings, and held aloof from the
^ Jacques and Hamlet have just been mentioned. The former in his
affectation of melancholy, says, "I thank you for your company; but, good
faith, I had as lief have been myself alone." And the latter says, " Man
delights not me, nor woman neither."
THE MINOR FIGURES. 445
assembly, whose agitation and suspense would irritate his
settled gloom ? Accordingly no vision but his own will
convince him ; and even this he does not think enough,
for it is not the sincerity of his comrades that he doubts,
he would equally refuse the same evidence exhibited to
himself. Such is the utter despair of love in its defeat, a
love which broods over the list of the cruel wounds that
have bereaved it, and requires to verify them all. And yet
some unconscious hope relieved the darkness of the long
week which followed, for he was not absent when Jesus
reappeared.
This was the crisis of his life, when his character will be
fixed, and he must either " become " faithless or believing
{fir] yLvov aTTio-To?, aWa ttlcttos:). And his glad avowal, for it
is more than a cry, tells us that the victory is won. Thou
art "my Lord and my God" (for 'O Kvpi6<i ixov is a
confession ; an exclamation would have been Kupie).
We are surely entitled to claim these three various inci-
dents as a revelation of consistent character, more perfect
than any which the students of Shakespeare have found
wrought upon as small a canvas.
Of the minor Apostles, only Matthew is left. And here
the study is complicated, because we know more of his true
nature from the character of his gospel (the
authenticity of which is here assumed, as well
as the obvious identity of Matthew and Levi), than from
what is told us directly of him. Something however is
recorded, and we can compare the two sources of infor-
mation.
From the fact that he had been a publican, we may infer
that his feelings, if strong, would be silent and repressed,
as are those of all whose position is equivocal and ill
thought of. When Jesus called, " he left all " ; but it is
not he himself who joins this statement to the words "he
rose and 'followed Him," nor who records the fact that
446 THE APOSTLES.
he made for Jesus " a great feast in his own house " ^
(Luke V. 28, 29). St. Matthew's expression was both
unostentatious and natural from the man himself, " as
Jesus sat at meat in the house" (Matt. ix. 10). Here,
because they saw the acceptance of a publican, many pub-
licans and sinners sat at meat with Him, and his gospel,
which is accused of a specially Hebrew tone and of Old
Testament sympathies, records that His discourse was of
the futility of patching old garments, and putting new wine
into old skins.
And this is all we know of him, except one striking
inference. Although he was apparently the only man of
business among the Twelve, and should naturally have
been the treasurer, yet he was either content to yield the
post to Judas, or submissive when supplanted by him.
Trained in the somewhat mechanical duties of an officer
of customs, and repressed besides by the evil reputation of
his calling, silent about his large hospitality, but careful to
record his shame, and willing to stand aside when another
would push before him, what sort of gospel should we
expect from Matthew ? His writing should exhibit order,
an interest in numbers, a business-like attention to detail,
accuracy rather than boldness or a fiery reproduction of
passionate and striking scenes ; and yet under all this the
strong, deep feeling of the man who never forgot that the
King of the Jews had called the toll-gatherer of the Eoman
to His side. Nor is it wonderful that his gospel should be
the most Hebrew of the four, and more than the others
careful to trace in the story of Christ all the fibres of con-
nexion with that ancient system which his former calling
had somewhat slighted.
And this is exactly what we find. At the beginning, he
so arranges the genealogy that there shall be three sections,
^ He alone, in the list of Apostles, adds to his own name the epithet of
shame, " the publican."
TEE MINOR FIGURES. 447
each of fourteen persons, so that the Messiah comes in the
seventh place after six sevens. It is from him alone that
we learn that a second demoniac was healed at Gerasa, and
a second blind man in Jericho (Matt. i. 17, viii. 27, xx. 30).
And these two parallel cases entirely turn the edge of the
somewhat clumsy railleries of Strauss, because Matthew
alone mentions also that in the triumphal entry the ass
accompanied her foal. It is in his manner thus to parti-
cularize, as if he were entering an account ; it is not in
that of either Mark or Luke.
If any one doubts the comparative absence of graphic
and vivid delineation, he need only compare the three
accounts of the fierceness and the cleansing of the demoniac
(Matt. viii. 28, Mark v. 1, Luke viii. 26), or the two reports
of that noble peroration, the falling of the house built upon
sand, and the stability of the other which was built upon
a rock (Matt. vii. 24, Luke vi. 47).
Yet when he comes to relate the suffering, the death,
and the awful consequences of the death of his Master, it
is this evangelist, elsewhere so calm and self-restrained,
who rises to an epic grandeur and overwhelming energy,
nor is anything in any other gospel even comparable to this
astonishing narrative.
The four gospels have now been subjected to an elaborate
and exhaustive cross-examination. Not one incident that
is related of the more obscure Apostles, by which the
slightest insight into character could be obtained, has been
(consciously, at all events) passed over. And what have
we found ? Not a vestige of straining after effect, not the
least desire to exhibit one of them as a hero or even as a
saint, but human nature in all its varied phases, energetic,
fearful, despondent, business-like, always vivid, consistent,
lifelike.
Either the evangelists possessed a graphic and imagi-
448 THE IMAGE AND TEE STONE.
native power equal to that of the greatest genius in all
literature, enabling them, not once or twice, in three or
four touches to create a distinct individual man, which
power however they wielded quite unconsciously in the
service of religion and not of art, or else they drew from
life. One of these alternatives the sceptic is bound to
choose. And when doing so, he must observe that he is
dealing with one more strange phenomenon, in addition to
so many others, a testimony of a different kind, reinforcing
from an unexpected quarter the witness of history, of the
Church, of the supernatural morality and the quickening
spiritual power of Christianity, and above all, of the sub-
lime and unearthly conception of Him who stands in the
midst of this homely group, God manifested among these
men of the people.
G. A. Chadwick.
THE IMAGE AND THE STONE.
Nebuchadnezzae ! At that dread name how terrible a
form rises from its ancient grave ! The mighty conqueror
of the antique eastern world stands before us illumined by
three brief but vivid flashes of Scripture history ; otherwise
he would be but a name. He built Babylon, adorned and
fortified it so as to be the wonder of its time — of all time,
as historians and travellers tell of its vastness and record
its splendour ; nevertheless the builder of Babylon would be
of small interest to us had he not destroyed Jerusalem,
that little hill city ! Three times he laid his hands upon it,
twice besieged it, again and again carried into captivity its
kings, its princes, its priests. Some perished early on the
dismal journey, slain before the stern conqueror at Kiblah,
slain before the eyes of the last Hebrew king, ere those
THE IMAGE AND THE STONE. 449
eyes were quenched for ever. It is a fearful story. To the
custody of such a man the sacred people are consigned ;
but their sacredness immediately enwraps him as with a
sacred vesture. He has received from heaven that high
guardianship ; he becomes forthwith God's minister. The
Most High casts over him the shield of the Divine protec-
tion ; nay, more, He visits him with visions of the night.
To Nebuchadnezzar is revealed in a dream, and in its inter-
pretation, the future of the world — the coming of the king-
dom of Heaven !
Let us look at the story as it has come to us. The great
king dreams, but he wakes with the terror of a vision that
he cannot recall. He rages at his inability. He rages all
the more that the accredited revealers of secrets, with all
their costly paraphernalia of divination, cannot help him.
They shall not put him off with any subterfuge. They shall
die. If, as they say, none can show the thing except the
gods, whose dwelling is " not with flesh," why, is it not
their business to consult such powers? For what other
purpose are they there but to deal with the occult, the
mysterious, the awfulness above and around, — with those,
whoever they are, whose dwelhng indeed is "not with
flesh," but whom their incantations should be able to reach
and to compel? A suspicion of falsity, of long-sustained
imposition, breaks upon his mind, and drives him to fury.
But there has been sent to dwell within his palace walls
one of the greatest heroes of the Hebrew faith, one destined
to be from time to time the organ of Divine communication
with this greatest of earthly potentates. Now for the first
time, the captive Daniel, involved with his companions in
the fate of the soothsayers, steps forward and asks for delay,
purposing to appeal to One — the God of heaven, supreme
as heaven itself — concerning this secret. Again it is night,
again appears the vision, not now to Nebuchadnezzar, but
to Daniel ; and with the vision the interpretation thereof
VOL, IX. -9
450 THE IMAGE AND THE STONE.
is made clear to his understanding. Brought before the
king, he excuses the magicians among whom he has been
enrolled, whose gods have failed them, but declares that
"there is a God in heaven that revealeth secrets, and hath
made known to the king Nebuchadnezzar what shall be in
the latter days." " But as for me," he says, in effect, I am
no diviner; "this secret is not revealed to me for any
wisdom that I have more than any living." Let these
others go. The interpretation is only given to me, " that
thou mayest know the thoughts of thy heart."
"Thou, 0 king, sawest, and behold a great Image!"
But we need not repeat the well-known description of the
colossal Image, strange and terrible, that stood in dazzling
brightness before the dreaming king. The head of fine
gold, the breast and arms of silver, the belly and thighs of
brass, the legs of iron, the feet of iron and clay, are familiar
to us. Nor need we dwell upon the interpretation given,
that these separate parts represented kingdoms — empires
that were to rule in succession upon the earth. Enough to
remark that we have the authority of the original interpreter
for recognising in the first of them the sovereignty of Nebu-
chadnezzar himself, " Thou art this head of gold," and that
the second was that which should follow after him, unnamed,
as are all the others. The particular identification of these
is not to our purpose, though we may suppose that in the
qualities of the different metals — as indeed we are told with
respect to one of them, the iron — and also in the different
portions of the body to which they are assigned, are sug-
gested certain characteristics of the successive empires,
affording a clue not very difficult to follow, to their verifica-
tion in history. Our present object is to direct attention
to this composite image as a whole, to what may be a
symbolic rather than a definite historical meaning ; to take
it as representing worldly power in its various forms, all
of them expressly the result of human wisdom, skill, and
THE IMAGE AND THE STONE. 451
energy ; to note too the method of its destruction, and the
nature of that which took its place.
The great Image then, as it dazed the vision of Nebuchad-
nezzar, shone one gigantic figure of a man. What was
the expression of the countenance we are not told ; most
likely it showed only emotionless repose, features without
expression, symbohzing simply power, passive, immovable,
remorseless — power that answers no questions, and demands
only silent, unquestioning submission. Possibly, after the
Assyrian manner, the Image stood in profile, one arm
stretched forth, one leg advanced; and thus, fixing no
gaze upon the beholder, remained the more inscrutable. It
was entirely to outward view metallic, excepting the toes of
brittle clay ; and the metals, whether gold, or silver, or brass,
or iron, are all, we may remember, products of human labour
and skill. They none of them exist otherwise ; the furnace
and the alloy are required to fit them for human use. So
much for the materials. But not only are these of human
discovery and manufacture, but for an Image like that of the
vision would be required the fashioning and fitting of each
metal to its appointed place and function. The gold would
need casting, or else beating into plates, or to be prepared
for gilding the enormous head. The silver in like manner
plated, or was wrought into semblance of arms and breast.
Burnished brass built up the belly, and cuissed the thighs.
Iron sheathed the legs, and was wrought partly into the feet
that sustained the whole.
Thus it stood a thing of human contrivance from head to
foot ; even where metal failed, and potter's clay supplied its
place, there was the modelling of toes. The whole was
fashioned to represent the organic unity of a human frame,
all its parts were there. Part by part, whatever was the
diversity of material, was adjusted to its place, so that the
man-form should be complete — a figure that, were it living,
could think and act, could strike, and march to its end. It
452 TEE IMAGE AND THE STONE.
was a figure of colossal, unassailable strength, but for one
element of weakness scarcely observable amidst its signs
of power — the one flaw attaching to those insignificant
members the toes. Yet this Image with its grandeur,
splendom', and strength of material, has to be destroyed.
How shall destruction come ? Shall axe or hammer come
forth against it ? Shall heaven's lightning blast it? Shall
an earthquake shake it down ?
By far other means. From a mountain side a Stone is
loosened ; stirred by no visible means, cut from the soil
without hands, it begins to roll, and as it descends the
steep it bounds and leaps towards the steadfast Image.
Shall it strike the head of gold ? Shall it assail the silver
breastplate ? No ; it simply drops upon the feet, incon-
spicuous compared with the lofty bulk above — the feet
wherein is the fatal flaw. They crumble with the blow, and
then all fails. When the feet of iron and clay are crushed,
the legs, despite their iron strength, bear up no longer.
The body bows, the glorious head rolls in the dust, the
whole lies in hideous ruin, and the winds arising sweep it
all away.
Between the Stone and the Image there is a notable
contrast. We have pointed out the artificial character of
the Image, an object of human manufacture ; the Stone
is a natural product. No mason's tool has touched it. It
is of no recognisable or definite shape, such as human
intelligence would have given. Age-long elemental powers
have moulded and placed it on the precipitous steep above.
The processes have been altogether secret, silent, by which
it has been formed, and reached its destined size and place.
The cause of its descent at last is not observable. What it
does, if it destroyed a human life, would, in legal phrase, be
called " the act of God." Then the Stone, its work accom-
plished, takes the place of the destroyed statue, whose very
fragments are to disappear, and, unlike the Image in its
THE IMAGE AND THE STONE. 453
lifeless immobility, notwithstanding its man-like form, the
Stone seems to have life in itself; it grows, it enlarges its
base, it towers in height, till it fills the whole horizon of the
sleeper's sight.
This Stone which becomes a mountain receives, like the
Image, its interpretation. As the Image represented human
empire in a succession of kingdoms, so the Stone represents
a kingdom, following upon, though in a measure contem-
poraneous with, the others. It is a kingdom which the
God of heaven will set up, and which destroys the others.
For it may be noticed that the earlier kingdoms, though
according to the interpretation of the vision they had in
turn passed away, are yet included in the destruction finally
dealt upon the Image, suggesting to us a larger understand-
ing of the vision than we might at first suppose. The
Image after all is one, though of diverse parts, and of inter-
mediate application, as the Stone is one, though it becomes
a mountain.
The Stone, small as it is when it first comes to sight,
is indeed that everlasting kingdom of God which in these
latter days has been revealed. It is that kingdom which,
coming not with observation, — as none would have noticed
the Stone on the mountain side, — issuing from the secret,
the eternal counsels of God, declares itself not in the glory
of its power, but as a simple, unsuspected force. It is clad
in no panoply of war. No catapult is required to launch
the Stone, its momentum arises from the invisible action
of a natural law. So the Divine kingdom makes no obvious
assault, it uses no visible weapon ; even the Stone does not
encounter the kingdoms of this world where they affront the
sky, but with that economy of means and yet completeness
of result which marks the Divine administration, it strikes
upon the one weak spot in its adversary, that one strange
flaw in the mighty Image. That flaw may have an historical
and temporary import, as the narrative appears to intimate ;
454, THE IMAGE AND THE STONE.
but larger meanings are common in Divine prophecy, and
looking at the Image as a whole, may we not take this flaw
to indicate some inherent, invariable defect in all worldly
power? If so, does not the "iron mixed with miry clay"
aptly represent that moral corruption through which the
pomp and pride and military strength of empires constantly
come to naught ?
Some commentators suppose that the destroying blow is
not yet given, since the kingdoms of this world have not yet
fallen before the kingdom of our God. They view the Stone
as still rolling down the mountain. They postpone the
moment of collision till the end of this dispensation, when
all opposing forces will have been swept away. This does
not agree with the terms of the vision. The blow is given
while as yet the kingdom of God is but a solitary Stone ; it
is by growth only that the Stone becomes a mountain. We
may well understand an interval during which the Image,
smitten only on its feet, still stands erect, apparently
untouched, and answering thus to the apparent stability
for a time of earthly kingdoms, though already doomed to
destruction.
This kingdom of God, let us mark, is set forth as a king-
dom against kingdoms. Yet it is not that of the sacred
land. It is not the monarchy which had been destroyed in
Jerusalem that will be re-established. It is not the throne
of David which overturns these other thrones ; or the
throne of Solomon which outshines their splendour. It is
no earthly kingdom, however sacred, no visible city of God
which out-tops the Babylons of the world. It is something
new, something wholly unlike any previous form of power.
Apparently it is among the weak things of the world —
as an untrimmed, unsquared stone, which a builder would
refuse, yet, if chosen of God, is living and precious, fit to
become the corner-stone of a glorious temple. Such a
use of it here however would not be consonant with the
THE IMAGE AND TEE STONE. 455
purpose of the vision. No great building arises on the site
of the destroyed statue. Such an ending would have
injured the force of the contrast between God's work and
man's work. The shapeless Stone changes, the dreamer
sees not how. He dreams through ages, though he knows
it not. In that sleep a thousand years are but as a watch
in the night, and, behold, the Stone has become a mountain !
— a mountain dimly vast, whose base fills the earth, whose
top reaches unto heaven ! How grandly does this set forth
that kingdom which is altogether a Divine creation !
But however unlike earthly kingdoms, it is still a king-
dom, which is foreshown to Nebuchadnezzar. As such it
agrees with his ideas of power, and commends itself to his
understanding. But it is a Divine purpose. That which
appeared in the fulness of time was invariably declared
to be a kingdom, an ordered rule — the rule of a King who,
if He came at first without form or comeliness, despised
and rejected, "is yet a King, who shall reign until all
enemies are put under His feet." So also the conquering
power of this kingdom is specially set forth in this vision
given to a conqueror. That is what he would expect in a
new kingdom ; it must overthrow and take the place of its
predecessors. But how unlike in its warfare to the king-
doms he has known is that which he beholds ! How like
to the kingdom which was to come !
That prefigured destruction of kingdoms certainly does not
imply the dissolution of order and authority in human affairs.
These were recognised as of Divine purpose, even in the
despotic rule of Nebuchadnezzar and his successors. Never-
theless Babylon remained the centre and type of influences
inimical to the people of God — the people amongst whom
that kingdom of heaven was to be established — and was
subjected to the Divine judgments accordingly. In so far
as the kingdoms of this world are antagonistic to the king-
dom of God in principles or in practice, they are exposed
456 THE IMAGE AND THE STONE.
to its destroying power, not otherwise. And in that respect
we may beheve that, not kingdoms only, but all institu-
tions based solely upon human conceptions, formed only for
human aggrandisement, associated in any degree with false-
hood, injustice, lust, oppression, cruel force, — all systems
of thought alien to the Divine Mind share in the irreme-
diable defeat. There needs but a stone to roll down from
the mountain of God's truth, that holy hill of Zion, that
mountain of the Lord's house established in the top of the
mountains, and, behold, the towering but baseless fabrics
fall into fragments, and are ready to vanish away !
May we extend the parable still further ? Is it fanciful
to discover in that ruthless dominion of science which
distinguishes our era, that supremacy of intellect, that
brilliance of achievement apart from moral progress, an
apt resemblance to the head of gold — now apparently
serenely secure, but whose downfall as the supreme arbiter
in human affairs may arise from that "foolishness of God
which is wiser than man " ? So may not the silver of a
refined but irreligious civilization, the brass of social dis-
tinction, the iron of despotism, when opposed to the Divine
kingdom, be brought to naught before those " weak things,
and things which are despised, which God hath chosen to
confound the things which are mighty "? In this sense the
kingdom of God may still be but as a Stone that continually
strikes and destroys.
This phase of the kingdom however is to pass away.
The assailing Stone becomes a mountain, and like unto a
mountain shall the kingdom at last be established upon
everlasting foundations — " a kingdom that shall never be
moved," endowed with all the strength of the hills, girded
with power, reposing in all the majesty of endless duration.
The kingdom, its days of warfare over, is to be a kingdom
of peace. As the mountain clothed in beauty rises into the
serene heaven, is bathed in the light of heaven, a vision
TEE IMAGE AND TEE STONE. 457
of rest and peace, so " the kingdom of God is righteous-
ness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost " ; its King is
the Prince of peace.
The kingdom is to be a universal kingdom. All forms of
power known to Nebuchadnezzar had their geographical
limits. They were bounded by mountains or rivers. All
religions were of local jurisdiction. The God of the Hebrews
had been doubtless to Nebuchadnezzar but a tribal God ; Bel
Merodach had his special home in Babylon. The vision
referred to a God of heaven, high above all, of whom the
Babylonian king could have had but a dim conception ;
and to a kingdom which, like the mountain that filled the
whole earth, should be wide as the cope of heaven above,
wide as the world below.
To us it "has been given to know the mysteries of the
kingdom of heaven." The Lord of that kingdom has likened
it to leaven that, hid in an ephah, presently leavens the
whole. He has likened it to a mustard seed which springs
up into a mighty tree, upon whose branches the birds of the
air make their lodging. He has told us that " the field is
the world"; of seed cast into the earth that " groweth
while a man sleeps, he knoweth not how," and of a great
harvest. He has told us of His return after long absence
to receive a kingdom. Of the glory and universality of that
kingdom, prophets and apostles combine to assure us ; and
an angel announced that it should have "no end." What
more perfect representation of that kingdom in its secret
commencement, its peculiar conquering power, its eventual
world-wide extension and glory, could have been given (if
given in such a form at all) than in this ancient vision ?
Is it not a parable of which none could have been the
author save Him who, when He appeared on earth, spake
in parables ?
But was there ever such a vision ? Did the God ot
heaven of a truth reveal this thing to Nebuchadnezzar by
458 THE IMAGE AND THE STONE.
the month of His servant Daniel ? or, does the whole story
belong to what is termed " pseudepigraphical literature"?
" It can hardly be denied " (says a popular writer), " when
prejudice is quite laid aside, that the facts point to a very
clear conclusion, viz. that the book of Daniel is one of a
class, and differs in quality rather than in kind from
other works of the same class — a class of writings which
sprang up in the days of national resistance to Antioehus
Epiphanes. It was characteristic of this class of writings to
appear under the name of some distinguished personality,
Enoch, Moses, the patriarchs, and so on. There was no
intention to deceive, any more than Milton wished to
deceive when he put some of the noblest thoughts that
have ever been uttered into the mouths of the persons in
Paradise Lost. The faithful servants of God, who were
resisting the blasphemous tyranny of Antioehus, were
strengthened in their noble struggle by the glowing stories
and marvellously beautiful visions which had marked the
life of the great Daniel in Babylon."
We are not here concerned with the authenticity of the
book of Daniel, but since in the passage above it is plainly
implied that Nebuchadnezzar's dream was only one of the
"glowing stories" inserted in an altogether imaginative
composition, we may be allowed a few words of comment.
And for one thing, it is hard to understand how the ser-
vants of God could be strengthened in the struggle they were
maintaining by what was an acknowledged and accepted
invention of their own time ! If, on the contrary, they
believed the story to be a true record of a supernatural
event such as had again and again occurred of old time
in their nation's history ; if they believed it to contain a
genuine prediction, through one of the greatest of their seers,
of an everlasting kingdom, superseding all other kingdoms,
which the God of their fathers would set up ; — they might
well hold it as one of their strongest supports, little as they
THE IMAGE AND THE STONE. 459
might have understood its nature. "Noble thoughts,"
uttered only by one of themselves, would be of small avail.
It was by the great facts of the past that their faith and
hope could alone be sustained.
But not to dwell on this. Is it conceivable that so
sublime a vision, with its profound spiritual significance,
its far-reaching prophecy, even unto " the time of the end,"
was the invention of an age in which by common consent
the prophetic function had ceased? Could it be the pro-
duct of an age when creative genius had been succeeded
by the imitative : of an age that lived on the past, and was
busied only with compilation, the working up old materials,
the elaboration of legend and marvel ? Could it belong to
an age that was obliged to cast its lucubrations in some an-
cient mould in order to attract attention and win respect ?
Could it belong to a set of writings which, from certain char-
acteristics have for ages been considered devoid of authority,
and among which it has not hitherto been classed '? Lastly,
was it appropriate to a time of desperate conflict with a
heathen prince, to compose a story which makes a heathen
potentate the depositary of Divine secrets, and omits all
reference to Jewish exaltation and conquest in the future ?
To put these questions is, it seems to us, to answer them.
If we are to judge literature by the circumstances of its
time, this story could not have belonged to the time of
Antiochus.
On the other hand, the historical verity of the vision is
not without confirmation when we remember the reported
crisis of its occurrence. The visible kingdom of God had
ceased, but, according to the story, it was immediately
followed by a vision which points to a future invisible but
most real kingdom of God — a restoration of the original
theocracy, not in a limited and local, but in a universal
sense, a completion thus of a great plan. This vision more-
over is given to one, who, though the immediate destroyer
460 ANCIENT CELTIC EXPOSITORS.
of the visible, historic throne, had become the custodian
of the sacred people, one of whose seers interprets to him
its meaning. It must needs therefore win for the captives
unusual respect, while they, through their great represen-
tative, fulfil their ancient mission as depositaries of the
Divine will, destined in due time to declare it to mankind.
It is a conclusion in harmony with the whole history of
this people that this dream really visited the great Baby-
lonian ruler, and that it was, with its interpretation, a true
revelation of the counsels of God. No ; we have not been
sitting at the feet of a pseudepigraphical scribe, we have
been listening to the eternal Word.
JosiAH Gilbert.
ANCIENT CELTIC EXPOSITORS.
ST. G0LUMBANU8 AND HIS LIBBART.
The Acta Sanctorum form an unexplored mine of history,
poetry, and romance. The historian finds there authentic
records of life as lived amid the beginnings of European
civihzation. The poet can find there sweet songs — almost
always of a sad and plaintive character ; while as for
romance and fable, they abound on every sid-e. Among the
romantic lives of the saints, those dealing with the Celtic
missionaries stand pre-eminent. Fable, as we might expect,
gathers thick round them. Adamnan's Life of St. Columha
for instance, abounds with stories, fabulous indeed, but
beauteous and touching withal. Bomance too lends its
charm, and among the most romantic lives, that of
Columbanus, the apostle of Burgundy, Switzerland, and
Italy, was the most striking and is the best authenticated.
I have in another place sketched that career, beginning at
ST. G0LUMBANTJ8 AND HIS LIBRARY. 461
the monastery of Bangor in the County Down, and ending
at Bobbio in Northern Italy. ^ To that sketch I must refer
the reader desirous of knowing the facts of his chequered
life, directing now my attention to Columbanus as he was
an expositor of Scripture. Let us first realize his epoch
and assign him a local place, a definite era in our minds.
Columbanus belonged to the latter half of the sixth and
earlier part of the seventh century, the age of Mahomet
and of Gregory the Great, and is a connecting link between
expositors of the school of St. Patrick in the fifth and Sedu-
lius and writers of his type in the eighth and ninth centuries.
We shall use our study of Columbanus to reflect light back
upon the darker age to which St. Patrick belongs.
Columbanus was educated at the monastery of Bangor in
the County Down, an institution which continued to flourish
till long after English power was estabhshed in Ireland,
though not a vestige of the ancient abbey now remains,
and its very site is a disputed question.- As soon as he
arrived at the years of manhood he was seized with a desire
to propagate the gospel. Foreign missions were then the
rage in the Celtic Church. Columba was evangelizing
Scotland, and another Columba — for Columba, not Colum-
banus, was the real name of our saint — determined to pursue
the same course in Central Europe.^ He left Bangor there-
fore with St. Gall and eleven other followers, preached with
great success in Central Europe, and founded the monastery
of Bobbio, not far from Genoa, among the mountains of the
Apennine range in the year 612. From that date the Abbey
^ See Ireland and the Celtic Church, chap. vii.
" Bishop Pococke, about the year 1750, describes some few fragments of the
abbey then in existence. See his MS. tour in Ireland, now in the Hbrary of
Trinity College, Dublin.
3 What a fine opportunity would have been here for a German rationalistic
critic, had these two Columbas been first-century, and not sixth-century
missionaries ! How easily could their personality have been dissolved in the
dove-like (Columba) spirit of the new religion which was spreading over the
world !
462 ANCIENT CELTIC EXPOSITORS.
of Bobbio became a great literary centre, and a chief wit-
ness to ancient Celtic culture and devotion to expository
studies. As I do not know of any convenient account of
this ancient Celtic monastery, I shall be pardoned if I
describe its manuscript resources and its still existing remains
at some considerable length, for they prove the learning
of the ancient Celtic Church to have surpassed that of any
other branch of contemporary western Christendom.
Bobbio was founded in 612. Its position — twenty-four
miles S.W. from Piacenza in the valley of the Trebbia —
is even still a lone and solitary one. Two centuries ago,
when Mabillon visited it, he describes his journey thither
as rough and difficult, over lofty mountains and through
lonely valleys. And here, in passing, I may remark that
with all our modern advances and discoveries, the true stu-
dent will have much to learn from those chatty volumes,
the Diarium Italicum and the Iter Italicum of the great
French Benedictines Mabillon and Montfaucon. Sir James
Stephen, in his Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography, has given
a very charming account of Mabillon and his literary tours ;
but it is only when one turns to the volumes themselves
that we can at all realize the marvellous erudition of these
monkish students, now so seldom consulted. The library
of Bobbio is in some respects the most interesting, to us
at least, in the world, for there we can learn the state of
education and culture existing in our western islands more
than one thousand years ago. Bobbio was founded by
Celtic monks from Ireland, and during the first three cen-
turies of its existence, down to the close of the ninth, it
was continually replenished by Irish, or as they were then
called, Scottish emigrants. We have too another most
interesting point in connexion with Bobbio. Muratori, in
the third volume of his great work on Italian antiquities,
has preserved a catalogue of the Bobbio library, drawn
up in the tenth century. It is a marvellous proof of the
8T. COLUMBANUS AND HIS LIBEABY. 463
erudition of the members of that monastery, fiHing several
of Muratori's pages with lists printed in the closest possible
order. The Irish monks were no narrow students ; their
minds ranged over every branch of literature. In their
catalogue we find patristic literature, Greek and Latin, the
works of Augustine, Athanasius, John Chrysostom, Eusebius,
Hilary, Origen, and Cyprian ; Latin and Greek historians,
poets and orators, Homer, Virgil, Horace, Lucan, Juvenal,
Cicero, Fronto ; geographers, mathematicians, musicians ;
while they were not forgetful withal of the country whence
they had come out, they were not forgetful or incurious
about their own, but duly installed in the place of highest
honour the works of their founder Columbanus, the Hymn-
book of their parent monastery of Bangor, commonly called
the Antiphonarium Benchorense, the writings of Adamnan,
the Abbot of loua, and the encyclopaedic volumes of the
Venerable Bede. I have spoken of this library as still exist-
ing, and indeed its history is almost a romance. It con-
tinued to flourish all through the Middle Ages, preserving
even in the darkest periods a flavour and reminiscence of its
ancient culture. Its contents seem to have been frequently
surveyed, as Peyron, in the beginning of this century, dis-
covered another catalogue made in the year 1461, in addi-
tion to the tenth-century one already known. In the early
years of the seventeenth century the library changed its
locality. Cardinal Frederic Borromeo, a munificent patron
of learning, was then presiding over the see of Milan. It
was an age marked all over Europe by a devotion to studies
and a prodigal liberality in their encouragement. Kings
like our own James I. and Henry IV. of France pensioned
learned men, such as Casaubon, that they might have time
to prosecute their researches. Prelates like Laud and
Ussher spent their revenues in scouring Oriental monasteries
for ancient manuscripts, maintaining agents in Smyrna,
Constantinople, and Alexandria for that purpose.
464 ANCIENT CELTIC EXPOSITOBS.
It is to that age we owe the discovery of some of our
most valued treasures and the foundation of some of our
greatest libraries. It was just the same in Italy, where
Cardinal Borromeo spent vast sums in building the
Ambrosian library, and furnishing it with books and manu-
scripts. With this end in view, he cast his eye upon
Bobbio, bestowed rich gifts upon the monastery, and in
exchange became possessor of the greatest portion of its
famous library, leaving behind only about one hundred
volumes, which Mabillon saw and inspected on the occasion
of his visit to Bobbio. In the Ambrosian library the Bobbio
collection was often visited during the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. The Irish manuscripts were a puzzle
to the antiquarians of the last century. The Celtic monks
were good Latin and Greek scholars, but they, like many
a modern student, often interspersed their books with mar-
ginal notes couched in the Irish language, glosses, explana-
tions, prayers to favourite saints — especially St. Bridget
— and notes upon even the most trivial matters, the time
of day, the hour of dinner, or the state of the weather.^
These Irish glosses and notes greatly puzzled French and
German scholars. They ascribed them to the Anglo-
Saxons, and called them Anglo-Saxon characters. They
credited them to the Lombards, and never dreamt of trac-
ing them to the right source. We, however, cannot wonder
at this. The knowledge of Celtic is even now not widely
spread. Fifty years ago its possessors could be counted on
the fingers. A century and a half ago it was regarded as a
barbarous jargon unworthy the attention of civilized men,
devoid of a literature or of a history. Still something valu-
able was brought to light. Muratori discovered the Mura-
torian Fragment, the oldest historical witness to the gospel
canon, copied by an Irish monk in the seventh century
from some early Christian manuscript. He found, too, the
1 See 55enss, Gram, Celt,, prtef., pp. xi., xii.
ST. COLUMBANUS AND HIS LIBRARY. 465
Bangor psalter, composed in the seventh century, whence
the most popular hymn-book of the Church of England has
derived the hymn, beginning —
" Draw nigh and take the Body of the Lord,
And drink the holy Blood for you outpoured,
Saved by that Body and that holy Blood,
"With souls refreshed, we render thanks to God."
The period of almost romantic discovery was, however,
yet to come for the ancient Bobbio library. Cardinal Mai
was one of the greatest scholars the Church of Rome
has produced during this century. The volumes he pub-
lished are well-nigh numberless. His various collections,
in their very titles — the Scriptorum Veterum Nova Col-
lectio, the Spicilegium Bomanum, and the Nova Patriuii
Bihliotheca — sufficiently indicate the industry and learning
of that eminent prelate. In later life he was the librarian
of the Vatican. In earlier life he was the librarian of the
Ambrosian library, where he made discoveries which give
us a glimpse not only of the learning but also of the straits
and poverty of the ancient Celtic monks, and show us at the
same time what invaluable manuscript materials they pos-
sessed. While all Europe was convulsed by the Napoleonic
wars, Mai was studying the Bobbio books, and in the course
of his investigation ascertained that a good many of them
were palimpsests. The Celtic monks in the seventh and
eighth centuries were sorely in want of writing material.
The supply of papyrus from Egypt had ceased since the Sa-
racen conquest,^ but they possessed a large supply of ancient
books written on vellum. These they took, rubbed off the
ancient writing, or washed it away, and then wrote their
own Christian documents which they esteemed more impor-
tant than the original text. The disciples of Columbanus
must have been in sore dis-tress when they thus treated some
of their ancient books, for they preserved the vast ma^'ority
' See Scrivener's Introduction, p. 24.
VOL. IX. 30
466 ANCIENT GELTIG EXPOSITORS.
most carefully. And some of them were very ancient and
very precious too. Orations of Cicero, lost for ages to the
modern vs^orld, were thus treated by the monks, and recovered
by Mai. The monks took a Cicero originally written in the
second or third century, and in the eighth century wrote over
Cicero's brilliant periods, which they partially erased, the
devouter sentiments of the Christian poet Sedulius, who
flourished in the fifth. The works of Fronto were similarly
treated, and similarly restored by the learned cardinal.
Fronto was the friend, tutor, and associate of the imperial
philosophers Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, with
whom Fronto maintained a very lively correspondence. His
letters were collected and published in a volume some time
in the third or fourth century, a copy of which found its way
to Bobbio. The monks of the eighth century had no special
interest, however, in the correspondence of pagans, so they
took the fourth-century volume, rubbed out the writing,
and inserted instead a copy of the Acts of the Council of
Chalcedon, a.d. 457, which were of much more interest and
importance to themselves. Mai's discoveries created a great
sensation at the time. Great expectations were raised, and
people thought they would have received most valuable light
upon the history of the second century from the imperial
and philosophic correspondence. The pure classical scholar,
forgetting his vast obligations to the monks and the monas-
teries for all they had preserved, saw in their conduct
a typical instance of narrowness and stupidity. And yet
Wisdom was justified, in this instance at least, of her child-
ren, for when the letters were published they were found
to be of almost trivial importance, and the judgment of the
sons of St. Columbanus was amply vindicated. I cannot
now indeed enlarge further on this point, which relates to
the discovery of classical palimpsests, and belongs rather
to the region of the Classical Bevietv than to that of The
Expositor. The work, however, begun under Mai's
ST. COLUMBANUS AND EIS LIBRARY. 467
auspices, has been since continued, and of later years under
the direction of Ceriani, Ascoli, and other learned men,
has produced some remarkable results in various directions
of scholarship. I may just mention for the advantage of
the diligent student whose curiosity may have been aroused,
that a very interesting account of Mai's discoveries will
be found in the preface to that learned prelate's Ciceronis
Opera Inedita, published some seventy or eighty years ago.
One point, indeed, is plain and manifest, and it is a most
important one. The Bobbio library in the seventh century
possessed a number of documents dating back to the year
200 A.D., some of them classical, others of them sacred and
ecclesiastical like the Muratorian Fragment, or rather the
work of which it originally formed a part. If that could
only be discovered what a treasure we should possess ! The
Bobbio library preserved for us in fact some remnants of
the ancient libraries of North Italy. We often wonder
what has become of all the gold and silver ever coined since
money became current with the merchant. People often
wonder what has become of all the books ever printed, and
if they only knew the true state of the case, they would
wonder even still more at what has become of all the libra-
ries which existed in ancient times. It is a common notion
that books were few and far between, because in ancient
times there were no printing presses; while, on the contrary,
books seem as a matter of fact to have been quite abundant.
Every city and large town had a public library, some towns
quite a number of such institutions. Every rich man's
house was furnished with a library as a necessary part of its
equipment, often as little used, and as really unnecessary as
in more modern mansions. Seneca rebukes the rage of his
day for heaping together a vast quantity of expensive books,
" the very catalogues of which their owner has never read
in his whole life" ; while that bitter scoffer Lucian, a cen-
tury later, laughs heartily at the uneducated rich for their
468 ANCIENT CELTIC EXPOSITORS.
useless extravagance in this direction, in a treatise ad-
dressed TIpo^ aTralSevTov Kol ttoWci j3i^\ia oovovfievov. Italy
was in the first and second centuries filled with public
libraries. Pliny in one of his charming letters tells us of a
man who published his son's life, had an edition of a thou-
sand copies struck off, and then distributed them gratis to
all the libraries of Italy. What became of all these libraries
and their contents? Making every allowance for fire and
loss sustained through barbarian invasions, there must have
been vast remains of these ancient collections still in exis-
tence when Columbanus founded the Bobbio library.^
But here some one may naturally say, This is all very
interesting as bearing on the classical learning of the Celtic
monks, but what has it to do with them as students of
Holy Writ and as expositors of its teachings? In reply
I would say that I have brought forward these facts simply
to establish the general culture of the ancient Celtic wor-
thies, whose secular studies were never allowed to interfere
with their devotion to sacred truth, for they were inde-
fatigable in their multiplication of copies of Holy Scripture
and of commentaries upon the same.- The followers and
disciples of Columbanus were prominent in this great work,
and modern learning owes much to their diligence. A
' On tbe subject of ancient libraries, the reader may consult an article on
Pompeii, in Journal des Savants for July, 1881, p. 406.
- The culture of St. Columbanus himself must have been of a very extensive
kind, as far at least as classical studies were concerned. His poems, for in-
stance, as ccntained in all the collections of his works, and accessible in a handy
shape in Migne's Patrologia or Fleming's Collectanea, abound in evidences of
his scholarship. His first poem is an Epistle to a certain Hunaldus, one of his
disciples. It contains thoughts and expressions drawn from Ovid, Horace, and
Prudentius, though it measures only seventeen hexameter lines. The second
poem contains allusions to Horace, Seneca, Prudentius, Juvenal, Ovid, Virgil.
A study of the other poems, annotated as they have been by Sirmond and
Canisius, will yield similar results, proving Columbanus to have been an
accomplished classical scholar. Now as he did not leave Ireland U23on Iris
foreign mission till he was long past forty, he must have gained this knowledge
under St. Comgall at the Abbey of Bangor, where the best classical authors
must have been subjects of daily study in the middle of the sixth century.
ST. G0LUMBANU8 AND HIS LIBRARY. -iGO
glance at the Introduction to New Testament Criticism,
published by Westcott and Hort, or by Scrivener, will amply
prove this statement. They multiplied copies of the Scrip-
tures in Latin and in Greek. The Monastery of St. Gall
was founded by a member of the School of St. Columbanus
— his disciple St. Gall, after whom it was called. To it
we owe the celebrated Codex Sangallensis, still preserved
in that monastery ; and the Codex Boernerianus now at
Dresden, which, hov/ever, is only a part of the St. Gall
manuscript, this latter containing the Four Gospels, as the
Dresden document the Epistles of St. Paul. To the Irish
monastery of Eeichenau, on the Lake of Constance, is due
the Codex Augiensis, which, like the St. Gall MS., is a
Greek uncial copy of the Epistles of St. Paul with a Latin
version in parallel columns. The Bobbio monks devoted
themselves to the multiplication of the Latin translation,
such Celtic work being always distinguished, whether in
these islands or abroad, by the beautiful capitals with which
the writers interspersed their texts. ^ Some of these manu-
scripts— all of which come from about the same period, the
seventh to the ninth centuries — contain most interesting
marginal notices, illustrating the history of doctrines and
doctrinal changes, or else giving us glimpses of the social
life and habits of that distant time. St. Gall, for instance,
was an intense Augustinian, and taught predestinarian views
in the most extreme forms. He lived in the seventh century,
but in the ninth century his followers, like certain moderns,
had revolted from his teaching and gone over to the opposite
party. This is manifest from some notes which the monks
attached to various texts which the predestinarian party
quoted in defence of their views or felt as difficulties, as
for instance John xii. 39, 40, " Therefore they could not
believe, because that Esaias said again. He hath blinded
1 See for instance the Books of Durrow and Kells iu the Library of Trinity
College, Dublin.
470 ANCIENT GELTIO EXPOSITORS.
their eyes, and hardened their heart ; that they should not
see with their eyes, nor understand with their heart, and
be converted, and I should heal them," and on texts like
Eomans iii. 5, "But if oar unrighteousness commend the
righteousness of God, what shall we say? Is God unright-
eous who taketh vengeance?" 1 Corinthians ii. 8, "Which
none of the princes of this world knew : for had they known
it, they would not have crucified the Lord of glory," and 1
Timothy ii. 4, " Who will have all men to be saved, and to
come unto the knowledge of the truth," which last of course
constituted a difhculty to an Augustinian, because it asserts
God's desire that all should be saved and come to eternal
salvation,^ Upon all these and several other verses the St.
Gall scribes inserted marginal notes warning their readers
against the heretical teaching of Gottschalk, the leader of
the extreme predestinarian party in the ninth century. St.
Gall's Monastery however has not been the only institution
which has thus performed a theological somersault in the
course of two centuries and quite reversed the teaching of
its founders. All the Celtic monks, we must at the same
time remember, did not follow the example of those of St.
Gall ; for Sedulius belonged to that period and still clung to
the ancient Irish view, upholding an extreme Augustinianism
which might have satisfied John Calvin or the fathers of the
Westminster Assembly.
But the most interesting of the St. Gall notes is one in
the document containing St. Paul's Epistles, now at Dres-
den. This manuscript was, as I have said, once in St. Gall's
Monastery, where it was written by Irish monks, as appears
from some curious Celtic lines contained therein, which Dr.
Scrivener gives on p. 170 of his Introduction to the Criti-
cism of the Neiu Testament. They are written in old Irish,
and long puzzled the learned men of the Continent till
a great Celtic scholar, the late Dr. John O'Donovan, the
' See Scrivener, I.e., p. 151.
ST. C0LUMBANU8 AND HIS LIBRARY. 471
translator of the Four Masters into English, was consulted,
when he at once explained their meaning. Dr. Scrivener
gives O'Donovan's translation with corrections by Dr. Todd
and the Eev. Kobert King. The verses run thus in the
English version :
" To come to Rome, to come to Rome,
Much of trouble, little of profit ;
The thing thou seekest here,
If thou bring not with thee, thou findest not.
Great folly, great madness,
Great ruin of sense, great insanity,
Since thou hast set out for death,
That thou shouldest be in disobedience to the Son of Mary."
These stanzas were written of course by an Irishman, for
they are in the Irish language. Mr. King suggested that
they were composed by an Irish bishop named Marcus, who
went to Eome on a pilgrimage in company with his nephew
Moengal. Upon their return from Eome they called at
St. Gall, where the bishop and his nephew remained as
residents, bestowing their books on the monastic library,
and sending their servants and their horses home to Ire-
land. This however is a mere conjecture ; the lines them-
selves give us facts. ^ They show us that pilgrimages to
Home were made by monks from Ireland in the eighth and
ninth centuries. We know that it was just the same with
the Celts two centuries earlier. St. Laserian of Old Leigh-
lin, Cummian a Columban monk, the author of a learned
epistle on the Paschal question, still extant, both visited
Eome in the first half of the seventh century. And the
fashion of pilgrimage to the tombs of the Apostles Peter
and Paul never died out in Ireland, though like many an
Irishman since that time, the Celtic author of the stanzas
quoted above seems to have returned very discontented
' The visit of the Celtic bishop and liis nephew to St. Gall is au undoubted
fact. It is mentioned by a contemporary chronicler, Ekkehardus. See Pertz,
Monumenta ii., p. 78.
472 ANCIENT CELTIC EXPOSITORS.
with his Roman visit. ^ He went to Rome doubtless as
Luther did, expecting to find it the very centre and seat of
hohness incarnate, and in his own emphatic language he
found "to come to Rome much of trouble, little of profit."
He went to Rome expecting to find God's presence and His
peace there specially revealed. The ancient delusion was
there dispelled for him that God draws nearer one place
than another. Peace with God was at last realized by
this ancient Celt as found in the islands of the ocean as
readily as in the ecclesiastical capital of the West. The
words, "The thing thou seekest here, if thou bring not with
thee thou findest not," are an echo of the blessed teaching
of the Master Himself to the Samaritan inquirer: "The
hour cometh, when ye shall neither in this mountain, nor
yet at Jerusalem, worship the Father. God is a Spirit :
and they that worship Him must worship Him in spirit
and in truth."
George T. Stokes.
^ The dedications of the ancient cathedral of Glendalough and of the mona-
stery of Bobbio were the same, in honour of the Ajiostles Peter and Paul. The
usual dedications of ancient Celtic churches were in honour of purely local
Celtic saints.
INDEX.
Rev. Professor Joseph Agar Beet.
Epaphroditus and the Gift from Philippi .... 64
Rev. Professor A. B. Bruce, D.D.
The Epistle to the Hebrews :
VI. The Way of Salvation 81
YII. Christ and Moses 161
VIII. The Gospel of Rest 272
IX. Ohrist not a Self-elected, but a God-appointed
Priest 351
X. The Teacher's Complaint ..... 415
Very Rev. G. A. Chadwick, D.D.
The Group of the Apostles :
I .100
II. Peter 187
III. The Minor Figures 434
Rev. Fo H. Chase, M.A.
Christian Interpolations in Jewish "Writings . . .179
Rev. Professor T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Brevia :
La Langue Parlee par N. S. Jesus-Christ sur la Terre 238
Rev. Professor S. Ives Curtiss, D.D., Ph.D.
Recent Old Testament Literature in the United States . 235
Rev. Professor A. B. Davidson, D.D., LL.D.
" Crowned with Glory and Honour " .... 115
Rev. Professor Franz Delitzsch, D.D.
The Deep Gulf between the Old Theology and the New . 42
In Self-Defence : Critical Observations on my Hebrew
New Testament :
1 1S5
II., Ill 310
473
474
INDEX.
Rev. Marcus Dods, D.D.
Recent Englisli Literature on the New Testament
Farrar's Lives of the Fathers ....
Rev. Professor S. R. Driver, D.D.
liotes on Three Passages in St. Paiil's Epistles
The Double Text of Jeremiah .
Ven. Archdeacon F. W. Farrar, D.D., F.R.S
The Last Nine Chapters of Ezekiel .
St. James the Apostle ....
Rev. Professor G. G. Findlay, B.A.
Jesus Crowned for Death ....
Josiah Gilbert.
The Image and the Stone ....
Rev. Augustus Jessopp, D.D.
Primitive Litui'gies and Confessions of Faith
Rev. Ed. G. King, D.D.
The Hallel
75, 316
. 232
. 15
. 321
1
. 241
222
. 449
. 401
. 121
Rev. Professor J. Rawson Lumby, D.D.
Old Testament Criticism in the Light of New Testament
Quotations . . . . . . . . . 337
Rev. Professor W. Milligan, D.D.
The Priesthood and Priestly Service of the Church . . 200
Joseph John Murphy.
Two Parables 290
Rev. W. W. Peyton.
The Bread Problem of the World, Our Lord's First
Temptation 369
Professor W. M. Ramsay, M.A.
Early Christian Monuments in Phrygia : a Study in the
Early History of the Chui'ch :
III 141
IV ' . . .253
V 392
Rev. F. Rendall, M.A.
The Scriptural Idea of Priesthood embodied in Successive
Types 24
INDEX.
475
Rev. T. G. Selby.
Professor Huxley and tlie Swine o£ Gadara . . . 303
Brevia: Second Twiliglits and Old Testament Miracles . 317
Rev. Professor George T. Stokes, D.D.
Ancient Celtic Expositors ....... 461
The Editor.
Professor Cheyne ........ 55
INDEX TO TEXTS.
PAGE
PAGE
Genesis vii. 18-20 . . .131
Ezekiel xliv. 1-4
. 134
Exodus xix. 6 .
39
Daniel ii. 31
. 448
xxi. 6 .
343
iv. 23, 29
. 311
xxviii. 35, 43
71
xii. 2
. 313
xxix. 21 .
205
Hosea xiii. 14 .
. 134
Leviticus xvii.-xxvi.
9
Amos ix. 11, 12 .
. 344
Numbers xx. 17 .
16
Zechariah xii. 10
. 345
Joshua X. 12
318
Matthew iv. 3 .
. 369
2 Chronicles xxvi. IG-
21
29
viii. 28
. 303
Jobv. 13 .
345
ix.9 .
. 445
xHi. 6 .
194
X. 2 .
. 103
Psalm viii.
341
X. 3 .
438, 439, 443
viii. 2
341
X. 4 .
. 435
xl. .
25
X. 5 .
. 105
Ixvi. 3 .
51
xii.
. 346
Ixviii. 18 .
20
xiv. 30
. 188
cxiii.-cxviii.
121
XV. 23 .
. 107
cxiv.
125
xvi. 13-17
. 195
cxv.
126
xvi. 16
. 110
cxvi.
129
xix. 27
. 290
cxvii.
131
XX. 16 .
. 290
cxxxiii. .
313
XX. 22 .
. 248
cxxxix. .
383
xxi. 16
. 340
Ecelesiastes iii. 11
313
xxvi. 27
. 121
Isaiah v. 1 .
134
xxvi. 39-44
. 131
vi. 5
194
xxvi. 42
. 130
xxxviii; 8
319
Mark iii. 16
. 103
Jeremiah .
321
vi. 29
. 106
Ezekiel xl.-xlviii.
1
vii. 15
. 109
476
INDEX.
PAGE
PAGE
Mark viii. IG . . . .111
1 Cor. XV. 27 . . . . 342
X. 32
. 104
2 Cor. iv. 13
131
xii. 43
. 108
viii. 1, 2 .
. 68
xiv. 41
. 248
xi. 6
407
XV. 47
. 244
xi. 9
68
Luke i. 1-4
. 401
Galatians i. 19 .
437
V. 5 .
. 188
ii. 20 .
. 46
vi. 13
. 70
iii. 16
18
vi. 14
. 103
Ephesians iii. 14
411
ix. 55
. 248
iv. 8 .
2
0, 349
XV. .
. 311
Philippians i. 7, 13
64
XV. 11-32
. 290
i. 29 .
. 117
xxiv. 18
. 244
ii. 5-11
. 230
John i. 14 .
. 117
iii. 6 .
296
i. 40 .
. 440
iii. 20, 21
202
i. 43 .
. 442
iv. 10
66
i. 50 .
. 438
Colossians i. 24 .
212
iv. 6 .
. 104
1 Thessalonians iii. 1
1, 12
182
vi. 51
. 313
iv. 2
406
vii. 5
. 244
V. 8
184
xii. 22
. 441
2 Thessalonians ii. 1-
12
180
xiv. 8
. 443
ii. 6
182
XV. 5 .
. 200
1 Timothy iii. 9 .
412
XV. 15
. 105
2 Timothy iii. 8 .
403
xvii. 18
. 201
Hebrews ii. 3-9 .
342
xix. 25
. 244
ii. 5-9 .
222
xix. 27
. 245
•ii. 9 .
115
xix. 37
. 345
ii. 11-18
81
xxi. 17
. 189
iii.
161
xxi. 18
. 188
iv.
272
Acts i. 13 .
. 103
V. 1 .
24
iv. 13
. 188
V. 1-10 .
351
V. 41 .
. 117
V. 5 .
3
6,121
vi. 4 .
. 405
V. 10 .
39
vi. 7 .
. 401
V. 7, 8 .
131
xiii. 12
. 401
V. 11-14
415
XV.
, 343
vi. 1-8 .
415
XV. 6 .
. 405
ix. 26 .
131
XV. 26
. 404
X.14 .
40
xviii. 25
. 401
X. 19-22
204
xix. 19
. 402
xi. 40 .
39
llomans ii. 17
. 410
James i. 5 .
29.5
viii. 2
. 46
2 Peter i. 16
117
1 Cor. iii. .
. 349
1 John V. 17
298
iii. 19
. 345
Revelation xiv. 13
281
X. 4,
. 15
xxi. 4'
281
xiii. 2
. 409
Butlev & Tanner. The Selwooil Printing Works. Frome, and Iximion.
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