An exposé on the dissentions of Spanish America ... Intended as a means to induce the mediatory interference of Great Britain, in order to put an end to a destructive civil war and to establish permanent quiet and prosperity, on a basis consistent with the dignity of Spain, and the interests of the world ..

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W^A- CHEERY

^^^m

1

AN EXPOSE

ON THE

lai^^f ntton^ of ^mni^ii Mmtxim,

COJVT^IjriJVG,

Aa account of the origin and
progress of those fatal difierences,
which have bathed that country,
in blocd and anarchy. An expla-
nation, of the social footing of the
Spanish Americans. The degrada-
tion of the colonial system of ""ipain .
The redress sought, and denied by
the Cortes. Detects of the Spanish
Constitution. Horrors of the Spa-
nish soldiery in Spanish America.
Dreadful consequences to the Bri-

tish islands,from arming the negroes
inCaracas- Mutual murder of pri-
soners there. A death war declar-
ed. Conciliation, the only means
of putting an end to these horrois.
How England ought to establish
her claims of a free trade, with
Spanish America. This even ad-
vantageous to Spain. Great re-
sources of that country. Only way
of establishing a permanent go-
vernment there, &c. &c. &c.

INTENDED AS A MEANS TO INDUCE THE

Mediator]/ Interference of Great Britain^

IN ORDER TO PUT AN END TO A DESTRUCTIVE CIVIL WAR,

AND TO

E^ABLISH PERMANENT QUIET A^D PROSPERITY,

On a basis consistent with the Dignity of Spain, and the Inieresti
of the World.

RESPECTFULLY ADDRESSED

TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE
REGENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM,

&C. &C. &C.

Oy THE ^WSV WILLIAM WALTON.

London j

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR,

And sold by Ridgway, Piccadilly; Lloto, Harley-street >
Mason, Holy well-street. Strand ; Whitmore and Fenn, Charing- Cross ;
Maxwell, Bell- Yard ; Wilson, Royal Exchange; Ricxij^RDSoir^
Ditto; Gosling, Oxford-Street; BrowN} Ditto, &c. &;c. Ac. '

^irni^

1814.

4> <^fi'/

VV, GUndon, Printer, Rupert*
Street, ila^aiarket.

PR E F^ C E.

X HE pages, I have now the honour to lay before
the public, were, originally, written for the exclu-
sive object of inducing the British government to
ponder on the melancholy situation of Spanish
America ; and under a hope of explaining the
nature of those unfortunate dissentions between
European and American Spain, which had ge-
nerated into an unnatural and destructive civil
war. More than a year ago, they were placed, in a
more condensed shape, in a channel, from which
some relief was expected; yet,still, the same apathy
seemed to reign with regard to this most interesting
subject ; and the murders of unoffending thousands
were heard^ without the corresponding sympathy

IV

so usual to Britons. In the midst of so much
languor, and surrounded by mi^srepresentations, we
seemed perfectly insensible to the nature of that
war, which had already inundated the Western
hemisphere with blood ; nay so much had our po-
licy changed, that we now behold those struggles
with contempt, which, lately, we had encouraged
and promoted ; and though a road was open to
bring relief, consistently with honour, and even
with the new engagements England had contracted
with Spain, as well as of adding essential re-
sources to that momentous cause, in which we
were embarked, we still kept aloof, and feared
to interfere in a matter, we seemed not to under-
stand.

A resolve was made to print them, when the in-
discriminate massacres in New Spain, had risen to
such a height, that they could not be read without
the keenest emotion ; when a death-wsLT had been
declared in Caracas, and when every thingthere an-
nounced th« mutual butchery of prisoners, which
afterwards took place. They were sent to press,
when, in Venezuela, the slaves had been armed for
the murder and pillage of their masters, when the
horrors of St. Domingo were there renewed ; and,
when the danger pressed heavy on all holders of
British property, in the West Indies. They were
sent to press, when the chief sections of Spanish

Columbia, had been wrapped in a wide and univer-
sal state of civil war and desolation^ when a mil-
lion and a half of its inhabitants had been immo-
lated on the altars of vengeance ; when odium
was accumulating on the British name; and when,
bj our coldness^ there was every reason to believe,
we were about to lose, for ever, our hold on a rich
and extensive country^ that, otherwise, opened to
us the most brilliant prospects. They were printed,
in short, when the mass of injustice and the enor-
mities, committed against an unoffending people,
were such, as the feeling mind, could, no longer,
behold with calmness and self-controul ; and when
it became the first duty of humanity, as well as
of society, to explain them to a public, both inte-
rested and implicated in their fatal consequences,
and who* never before had an opportunity of judg-
ing for itself, or even of fully comprehending the
nature of a dispute^ which had, already, filled the
New World with scenes of horror that outrivalled
its conquest.

During their publication, two great political
events have occurred, viz. the fall of Buonaparte ;
and the return of king Ferdinand, to his throne,
after the di-persion of the new Cortes. The first
event has, certainly, occasioned some material
change in the tenour of my arguments. The rising
influence the French were fast gaining in Spanish

VI

America^ and the manner in which they were sup-
planting us in the affections of the people^ ceased
to be a subject of alarm. Yet, things had been
so organised^ that the sailing of three frigates to
three isolated points^ which it was out of our
power to watch^ with twenty thousand stand of
arms each^ would not only have broken, for ever,
the Spanish sceptre, in the Western hemisphere,
and destroyed our own influence, but would have
given the French that same ascendency they ac-
quired, by aiding the revolutionary struggle of the
United States.

The second event, as far as it relates to the du-
ration of the constitution, was perfectly foreseen; as
will be evinced by the strictures on that singular
speculation of law, which were both written and
printed, long before the late revolution in Madrid,
took place. Not that it could be anticipated,
that Ferdinand, or rather his counsellors, would
reek their vengeance on the New Cortes, which, if
at all founded, ought to have fallen on the old ones.
Had their conduct to Spanish America, been one of
the motives alleged for this harsh treatment, the
world would not have been so much astonished, or
those who wish well to Spam, so much scandalized.
And, yetj even the old Cortes, though they have
rendered Spanish America, the seat of anarchy,
bloodshed, and destruction, had, nevertheless, sav-

vn

ed one half of the monarchy to its rightful pos-
sessor, and had acted as a shield against the most
pressing dangers. This e\ent has^ more than ever,
confirmed me in the opinion, that nothing but the
mediatory interference of Great Britain, under
such a general clash of interests, such a preva-
lence of irritated feelings, and under such systems
as those likely again to prevail in Spain, can ever
restore peace to the ultramarine provinces, in a
manner consistent with reason and justice; or es-
tablish permanent harmony, on the basis of gene-
ral good. If so, and since every month's delay,
is the murder of thousands, ought one moment
to be lost, in relieving universal aiSliction and
distress ?

If I have any thing to add to the explanation of
my views in publishingthis expose, it is, to implore
the benevolent exertions of my fellow-citizens, to
urge relief for suffering humanity; and, in order,
that the brightest prospects that ever opened on
our mercantile enterprize, may not be marred.
The memorials sending up from the manufactur-
ing towns, respecting a retention of trade to Span-
ish America, sufficiently, inlicate the public inte-
rest felt upon this occasion ; yet, what can be our
prospects of trade, in a country desolated by civil
war ? Let us not appear selfish, humanity is the
spring on which we are to act. Let all, with a

Vlll

firm and decided voice^ express the necessity under
which England stands, of giving peace to Spanish
America ; and after aiding to extend the olive
branch over the old world, to pronounce it as her
sacred duty, to see that its benign effects are equal-
ly diffused to the new one. Peace must be the pre-
cursor of all definitive arrangements, let its basis
only be liberal, and itwill not only be advantageous
to all parties; but will, eventually, confer the
most lasting benefits on the world at large.

London, June 8, 1814.

01? th:r
TO HIS ROYAL BIGHNESS,

THE

m t|)e (Hnfteti l^tnsftiams,

&c. &c, &c.

SIR,

VV HEN a private individual presumes
to address one, of the exalted rank of your Royal High-
ness in these United Kingdoms, the subject-matter, he
proposes to discuss, ought not only to be of a transcen-
dent and national interest, but the language of his
appeal, ought to be, besides, respectful, and divested of
every spirit of party and fallacious reasoning. If he
anticipates a favourable result from what he has got to
disclose, correct details ought to form the basis of his
expose, and impartial truth, ought to be preeminently
conspicuous in his display of facts.

These essential requisites, vt^ill, I hope, be found in the
pages I have now the honour to submit to your Royal
Highness ; nor will it, perhaps, be deemed presumptive,
if I call your attention to a subject, not of temporary, but
of lasting and genuine importance to us, as a maritime
and commercial people; and of vital interest to us, during
our present expensive war-system, and the great conti-
nental combination formed against our resources. At a

period, then, when our increased sacrifices press heavy
on the revenue^ of the country, and whilst a fearful and
an eventful tragedy is acting- on the grand theatre of
Europe, may I be allowed to lay before your Royal
Highness, the following considerations, dictated by the
most pure and unbiased interest for our national
welfare ; and which have for object, to stop the ravages
of war, and to quench the flames of civil feuds in the
great continent of Spanish America ; to turn its lost
resources against the common enemy ; to open new
sources of intercourse and vent for our stagnant trade ;
to promote the influx of precious metals, and the entry
of manufacturing raw materials; to connect us by in-
dissoluble ties, by the double ones of gratitude and
interest, with a population larger than our own ; in
short, to add greatly to our wealth and prosperity, and
by thus contributing largely to our own strength and
resources, to establish a lasting and powerful check on
the views of our enemies.

Great and comprehensive as are the subjects to be
-discussed in^the following sheets, I will, nevertheless,
endeavour to unfold them, in as brief and plain a manner
as their complexity will admit; I will do it with a
correctness and solemnity suited to the importance of
the matter in view, and the present momentous crisis of
iiuman events; well aware, that in appealing to your
Royal Highness's judgment and feelings, I not only
present a fair, an interesting opportunity, of following
the dictates of humanity, of exercising those manly
and benign principles and virtues, which have ever
formed the characteristics of your Royal Highnesses
illustrious house ; but I, also, afford the means of
promoting the national wcllare of that empire, over

s

wliich you so worthily preside; besides extending tlie
blessings of peace, prosperity, and regeneration, to an
extensive and valuable range of country, that will, at no
distant period, remunerate us for all our exertions in its
favour.

To one, w^ho like yourself, holds in his hands the
reins of a government, so much concerned in the political
welfare of every nation of the globe, but particularly so,
when interest, sympathy, and political engagements add
to the bond ; of a government, in short, that has sacri-
ficed so much for the freedom and independence of the
Stales of Europe, and has ever been foremost in the
cause of reason, justice, and humanity, it cannot be an
unseasonable theme, to dwell on those national interests
we have now at stake — to advert to that fund of odium
accumulating on our name, and those dangers we, at
the same time, incur, by an entire dereliction from
our plighted faith, and reiterated and solemn pro*^.
niises: neither can it be irrelevant here to pour-
tray the oppression, calamities, and destruction of one
entire quarter of the globe, with whose natives we have
so long sympathized, and to whose interests we are so
closely connected ; when, at the same time, a safe and
consistent remedy is within our reach ; a remedy not
only in perfect unison with our national honour, and
founded on sound and lasting policy, but, moreover, by
no means opposed to those very engagements, under
which we stand bound to the third party concerned.

The object of my present address, is to call the atten*
tion of your Royal Highness to the long neglected and
melancholy situation of the great continent of Spanish
America, where a destructive civil war has been waging
for more than four years : a deadly war, that like a

b2

4

spreading cancer threatens to overrun, and soon to des-
troy that fair portion of the habitable globe, if the neces-
sary remedies are not speedily applied. It is, at the
same time, to point out the immense resources there
uselessly wasting, and the oceans of blood spilling in
every section ; and, in a full manner, to explain the
origin, nature, and progress of that complicated and ag-
gravated dispute, which has so long desolated Spanish
Columbia, rent asunder the ties of blood and nature, and
filled it with unheard of scenes of horror and devastation.
In short, the pages I have now the honour to inscribe
to your Royal Highness, are intended to throw light on
a subject that has been but partially understood in this
country; whence have originated delusive theories, and
erroneous conceptions of the actual state of. the great
question here alluded to ; and I am the more solicitous to
undertake this essential task, from the general ignorance
in which the public has been kept, of all the transactions
carried on in that unfortunate country, owing to its dis-
tance, and the confined use of the language, in which
they have been detailed ; as well as from the misconcep-
tions and prejudices diffused amongst us, in consequence
of the partial and incorrect statements, copied into our
public prints, from those of Cadiz.

This is, perhaps, the only great political question
that has not hitherto met with the attention of the
British public, or called forth the discussions of our
statesmen or writers of the day; yet, to us, as the allies
of the Spanish monarchy, anxious to give every efficiency
to that alliance, and acting on the broad principle of
justice and equity, it cannot be deemed of trifling im-
portance; much less so, when we view it connected
with our present and future prospects of trade, and

linked with our most interesting maritime relations. Com-
merce, has ever been considered as the main sinew of
our political existence, and we have now in view, the
great and gigantic efforts of the enemy, if not to pa-
ralyze, at least to corrode this pillar of the British
empire, and to diminish its energy and extent Some
of our greatest and most enlightened statesmen of the
age, have, moreovor, established as a political axiom, that
considering our insular situation, the nature of our de-
fence, and the circumstances of the enemy, it behooved
us, in a particular manner, to extend our influence, our
connections, and our consumption of merchandise, in
those regions which are beyond his reach, and conse-
quently not subject to his control, his systems, or to
the fortunes of war, he may threaten to wage against
them. This safe and fundamental principle, founded on
our naval preponderance, and so intimately connected
with our political economy (that real basis of our
strength and grandeur) has been verified by the expe-
rience of the last twenty years, by successive events,
and by the failure of our past energies on the continent,
as well as by the depressed state to which we now stand
reduced.

In conformity to this principle, and considering also
the present condition of Europe, not only in conse-
quence of the influence of France, but also owing to a
continental policy existing even amongst our oldest
allies, to trade as little with us as they possibly can ;
Great Britain is particularly called upon, at this moment,
to enquire, if in any other quarter of the world, a
barrier can be found to resist the general combination
formed against her mercantile interests, and to open
new channels, in lieu of those closed against her. In this

6

important enquiry, the political economist naturally casts
his eyes towards the great continent of Spanish America,
a country far surpassing the whole of Europe in extent,
in fertility, and in rich productions, though hitherto de-
barred from the intercourse of foreign nations. A
position, therefore, unparalleled on the face of the globe,
for the union of commercial advantages ; an extended
range of country, varied in soil and productions ; rich
in every thing necessary to minister to the wants and
luxuries of man ; one that in its late degraded state,
annually coined forty-tw^o millions ^f dollars, in gold
and silver ; consumed fifty-nine and a half ditto in Eu-
ropean imports, circulated thirty-eight and a half ditto ia
choicest exports,* besides being inhabited by a large and
increasing population, certainly presents a scene worthy
of the contemplation of the first magistrate of so enter-
prizing a nation as ours; yet fair as is this prospect, con-
siderable as is this produce and consumption of Spanish
America, the timely adoption of better systems, and a
newly diffused regeneration (as will hereafter be fully
proved) would long since have doubled both. And, yet, in
addition to this scope for commercial enterprize, in addi-
tion to this flattering but correct picture of the resources
of Spanish America, and these considerations of national
expediency, political motives of a still more sacred na-
ture, have long called upon us to look with anxious
concern to the fate of the Western continent, and to pre-
vent its entire destruction.

The increase and protection of trade, undoubtedly, be-
comes the paramount duty of the heads of government ;

* Vi(kj Humboldt's Political Eswy on the Kingdom of Nc\t Spain,
tol.4, books, chap. 12.

and any elucidations on so interesting a subject, cannot,
therefore, by your Royal Highness, be deemed ill-placed or
offensive. Every thing relating to Spanish America, that
we have undertaken for many years past", proves how little
we were acquainted with the dispositions, sentiments,
and resources of those distant regions, notwithstanding
the expences government has incurred to obtain inforrar
ation ; and how much we have been puzzled to fix on aa
enlightened and accordant policy, in our new alliance
w^ith Spain, results from many facts that will hereafter,
be adduced. I am, for this reason, the more en-
couraged in my present attempt, as well as from a
conviction that my sources of information are not only
extensive, but also correct, and in most cases, official.
And whilst I deplore that want of influence we have
never obtained over the councils of Spain, whilst I
regret our complete failure to infuse liberal principles
in her members of government, and to awaken an en-
lightened policy in the nation at large, respecting its
vital interests with Spanish America, (the grand cause
of most of the evils with which we have now to con-
tend, in our relations with the Spanish monarchy of both
hemispheres) though late, I still hope something useful
may be deduced ; and at all events, it may be of service
to delineate those results which would have been pro-,
duced by a different line of conduct on our part, and to
point out where we erred, in our new and delicate con-
nection with European and American Spain.

Important, however, as might have been the conse-
quences of keeping the two halves of the Spanish mo-
narchy strong and united ; offensive both to justice and
humanity as has been that cruel, desultory, and unnatu-
ral war which has so long been waging between them; im-i

8

mense as has been the waste of property, and lamentable
and afflicting, as has been this impolitic dismemberment
of the Spanish monarchy, not less dangerous to the
future existence of Spain, than subversive of the prospe-
rity of Spanish America, and prejudicial to the real
interests of England ; still, as the sincere friends and
allies of both parties, we have hitherto devised no
effectivje remedy ; nay, our statesmen in their views of
national policy, and national welfare, appear studiously
to have avoided the contemplation and discussion of a
question, in which so much was at issue, and in which w^e
were so materially implicated. They appear never to have
pondered on the future consequences of that blind ob-
stinacy, which first caused the dissentions here alluded
to; and which, by neither being prevented or remedied,
have not only cut off from Spain half her strength,
but have, also, deprived her of the greatest part of
those resources she might have brought into active ope-
ration against the common enemy ; and have, further, con-
verted the fairest portion of the Spanish monarchy (whose
integrity, and consequently preservation we have guaran-
teed) into one wide extended waste of anarchy and ruin,
and are, besides, fast driving it into the interests of the
Trench. That increase of private wealth and public
revenue, which might otherwise have flowed into Spain
to our benefit, that accession of physical and moral
strength w^hich might have been secured to her, and
that closer union which might have been cemented
between all parties, seems to be a subject completely
overlooked and disregarded ; nor is there a measure of
a public nature, in which we seem to have been so much
embarrassed, as in our conduct to our Peninsular
ally.

9

Spanish America, in the mean time, has been bleeding at
every pore, in vain have its natives appealed to our jus-
tice'and generosity, and in vain have they reminded us
of our old promises and offers. We have calmly beheld
them put to the sword, for seeking that just redress and
requisite regeneration, such as the whole world pro-
nounced to be their due ; and for endeavouring to esta-
blish those rights they had inherited from their forefa-
thers, but which their trampled laws could no longer
secure to them. Unheeded, we have beheld their fruitful
plains laid waste, and their ravaged cities levelled with
the dust. Without an effective effort in their favour, w^e
have seen their peaceful country become a prey to
anarchy and devastation, nor is there a record of a
public nature existing to prove, that we have felt for
them the common sympathies of men, or at least, that
we have been really sensible of the injustice committed
against them. Instead of, seriously, applying remedies to
the increasing gangrene, that has been so long preying on
the political existence of the Spanish monarchy in both
hemispheres; we have suffered it to rankle and to inflame,
till at last, w^e not only behold it verging to an alarming
state of dissolution ; thus counteracting the object of that
very treaty which bound us to its welfare, but, we are,
moreover, ourselves fast losing the affections of the inha-
bitants of each of its divisions, perhaps, for ever.

It is, therefore, here intended to trace the different sta-
ges of this unfortunate dispute, as a means of bringing it
in a full shape before your Royal Highness, and the pub-
lic; for which purpose, it may be extremely proper, to
examine it in principle, and to develope its results. —
It may, at the same time, be useful, to review the policy
and conduct of the British cabinet in its relations with

10

Spani&b America, as constituting part of that same na-
tion to whom we are allied; and, also, to enumerate
the means by which the evils hereafter detailed, might
have been prevented or remedied. In prosecution of
my subject, it will, moreover, be highly illustrative, to
take a view of those unparalleled advantages which would
have resulted to the world at large, but particularly to
the patriotic cause of Spain, from the redress and regene-
ration of Spanish America, in that just and consistent
manner that might have been fixed upon, when the era
of liberty first dawned upon both. The contemplation of
this interesting scene, is not, indeed, novel to the British
cabinet, for it once formed the unceasing and favourite
study of that great and lamented statesman, whose views
and plans have serv^ed as a beacon to all his successors ;
and have, perhaps, under the guidance of the Almighty,
effected the great and momentous changes of the day.
Other more fair and equitable means to realize his con-
templated results, have, indeed, since occurred; and cer-?
tainly had he been living, they would not have been un-
improved. In Spanish America, Mr. Pitt beheld a wide
prospect of national advantage, and a plentiful source of
benefits, not of an uncertain and transitory nature, but
•uch as can no longer appear dubious and fleeting, after the
voyages of a Humboldt, the gleanings of a Depons,and the
labours of 'Molina and Azara; and, most assuredly, under
such a propitious an alliance as ours with Spain, he would
have gloried in calling them forth, against the common
enemy.

Though entirely unknown to your Royal Highness,
I am not devoid of hope, that the particulars on which I
am about to enter, will meet with every attention their
magnitude deserves, it is under these impressions alone,
I presume to ask it. These are not indeed details of

11

universal notoriety, because they have not come within
the reach of many, but they are well known to those,
who like myself, have closely followed up the course of
events, who have viewed the occurrences as they have
passed, and who, for the last five years, have taken a
lively interest in the fate and misfortunes of Spanish
America. The following pages, constitute the result of
a long and favoured residence in the Spanish dominions
of both hemispheres ; nor do I foresee thai any of my
allegations, will be found devoid of their adequate and
respective testimony.

It having been my lot, early in life, to visit the re-
gions to which I allude, I used every effort to become
informed of their situation, how their prosperity and
happiness might be promoted, and how these might
redound to the advantage of my own country. It is
the result of this research, I now submit to your Royal
Highness, on whom, in great measure, the happiness or
misery of Spanish America depends. My only object
is to be useful, for after the sacrifices I have already
made for the furtherance of these views, I should conceive
myself wanting in my duty to the nation of which I am
a member, and to the interests of that country, whose ame-
lioration I have greatly at heart, and whose misfortunes
I sincerely deplore, were I to hesitate to step forward,
on an occasion like the present, and fail to place my
observations in that channel, in which they may pro-
duce their desired effect.

Impressed with these sentiments, I again solicit your
Royal Highnesses indulgence, under the assurance, that
mine is not a project to bring burthensome consequences
on the nation, or intended to make us swerve from
the faith of treaties ; but it is, perhaps, under existing
circumstances, the only means of giving efficiency to our

12

alliance with European and American Spain ; it is thd
only one that can adequately relieve and augment our
trade, besides, retrieve our past losses ; objects which
cannot but strongly interest every member of society, at
the present moment, and press, with peculiar force, on
those who are charged wnth His Majesty*s government.
It is not, now, a question of prudence and deliberation,
but an absolute command of imperious justice and hu-
manity, to stop the torrents of blood flowing in every
section of Spanish America, and deluging its ravaged
plains.

The eyes of its unhappy natives, have long been cast
upon England; and on the judgment of your Royal
Highness, now rests the well-being of seventeen niillions
of people. And, whilst the nations of Europe bless the
benign and strenuous exertions with which your Royal
Highness watched over their welfare, and prepared the
means of their liberation ; whilst Spain, in an especial
manner, has witnessed the profuse sacrifices, and gene-
rous assurances of both the British government and
people, is no sympathy due to the unredressed natives
of Spanish America, with whom we are equally allied,
but to whose sufferings we have been so long estranged ?
The substantial glory and true virtue of the British na-
tion, could never shine forth with more effulgency, than
by becoming the effective mediator and sincere umpire,
between the alienated provinces of Spanish America, and
Spain; and by promoting the return of harmony be-
tween them, on principles just and equitable to both.
This is a beneficent enterprise, still within the reach of
your Royal Highness, if moments the most precious are
only improved. It was at first difficult, because we did
not fully understand it ; it has afterwards become ar-

13

duous, from being loo long neglected. The assembling of
the new Cortes in Madrid, is an occurrence the most
propitious, and for the sake of humanity, and the name
and future interests of the British empire, it is to be
hoped, it will not be disregarded.

With regard to myself, if I can, in any w^ay, be the
humble instrument, by the following details, that through
your Royal Highnesses means, may bring alleviation to
the ills and sufferings of Spanish America, and explain
to my fellow citizens, a subject in which they and their
posterity are so much interested ; if the following details
which I have thrown together with great pains and la-
bour, can only fix the attention of your Royal Highness
to the contemplation of this important subject, I shall not
only consider myself superlatively happy, but I shall be
gratified, in having complied with one of the first duties
of a social being. The chief contents of the following
sheets, were originally thrown together, in order to
solicit and implore the attention of his Majesty's minis-
ters, to the melancholy situation of the country thereia
alluded to ; but recent services, connected with Spanish
America, and researches to enlighten our policy, and to
open new sources of enterprize, are no longer deserving
of notice or encouragement, though so much has been
formerly expended in revolutionary speculations, and oa
inconsistent plans.

Before, however, I enter into the principal and parti-
cular points relating to ourselves, as the allies and friends
of the entire Spanish nation ; it becomes essentially ne^
cessary to establish, fully, what was, and yet is, according
to their laws and charters, the relative situation of the
Spanish provinces of America, with regard to Spain ; and

14

to explain the nature of the colonial policy therein esta*
blished, at the time our alliance commenced. These eluci-
dations, will aid to a more perfect comprehension of the
causes of complaint, the redress sought, the consequences
of its denial, and what have been the real features and re-
sults, of all the differences and insurrections which have
taken place up to the present period ; and I am the more
induced to enter into this previous digression, from my
extreme anxiety, that the subject should be perfectly
understood, by your Royal Highness, in all its parts and
relations, and because the same has been egregiously
mistatedand prejudged amongst us.

§ The discovery of that immense range of country,
extending from California, on the one side, and the
Missisippi on the other, as far as Cape Horn ; washed by
the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and generally denomi-
nated Spanish North and South America, was due to the
great Columbus, and its principal conquest and settle-
ment, to Cortes and Pizarro. Both the discovery and
conquest thereof, were effected in conformity with a
6olemn and special contract, made by the kings of Spain,
tvith Columbus and his enterprizing companions, ot? whose
account and risk every thing was to be performed. It
"ivas also, afterwards, the policy of Spain, /or no discoveries
or settlements to be made at the expence of the state.* It
was further agreed, that in consideration of the services
performed, the discoverers and conquerors were to remain
lords of me countryy the principal ones toith the titles of
marquis, ^c.f The Indigenes, were also to be established

* Vide Herrera, and, also, Recopllacioa de las Lejcs de India*,
ley 17, til. 1, lib. 4.

i- Ibid, ley 23, tit. 3, Lib. 4.

15

i>n the basis of feudal vassalage, under the plan of «rt-
comiendas {or distributions) on consideration that they
were taught the Christian religion, to lice in society, and
succoured and defended from harm and injury. In con-
foimity to these stipulations, the first establishments
both in Hispahola and the Main, were on the plan of
encomiendas, or a distribution of lands and Indians, in
proportion to the rank of the discoverers and settlers.
Herrera, also, expressly says, that all these conquests were
performed at the expence of the conquerors, and not of
the government ; and the whole history of the conquest
of the new world, proves, that the first proceeds of trea-
sure obtained, were appropriated to refund that part of
the expences the crown had advanced, by way of loan
and encouragement

The high dominion of these new settlements, " dts*

covered and ti be discovered^* was retained by the king,

•' on condition that he did not alienate or separate them

from, the crown of Castile, to which they were incorporated,

either wholly or in part; in no case, or in favour of

any one. And considering** (concludes the Emperor

Charles V.) *' the fidelity of our vassals, and the

pains tchich the discoverers and settlers experienced in

their discoveries and settlements, and in order that

they may possess more certainty and confidence of these

always remaining united to our Royal croivn, we pro'

mise, and pledge our faith and royal ivord, in behalf

of ourselves and the kings our successors^ for ever and

ever, that their cities and settlements, on no account or rea*

son, or in favour of any person whatever, shall he alien^

ated or separated, ivholly or in part ; and that if we or

any of our successors should make any gift or alienation

thereof, contrary to this express declaration, the same

16

ihall he held as null and void,"'^ Such was the social
compact, or magna charta under which the first settle-
ments in Spanish America were established, and such
was the tenure by which they were held. Such was the
solemn oath and pledge, by which Charles V. bound
himself and his successors; how it has been observed,
the reader will hereafter be able to judge.

§ That great persecution and desolation which befel
the whole of the new settlements, coming immediately
after the horrors of a conquest, whose contemplation
makes humanity shudder, and has for ever darkened the
annals of Cortes and Pizarro, rapidly brought the Indians
to an alarming state of diminutioDj and owing to the
distance of the court, and the depraved conduct of the
first chiefs and settlers, every species of crime was com-
mitted with impunity. The Indian population of the
Antilles had already disappeared, some had been carried
as slaves to the Peninsula, others were put to work in
the mines and pearl fisheries, and others applied to carry
burdens, or to till the ground, under imperious and cruel
task masters,! Roused by such scenes of impiety

* Ibid, ley 1. tit. 1. lib. 3. Charles TV. in a flagrant manner infringed
this solemn pledge, by the cession of Louisiana and the Spanish part of
St. Domingo, to the French.

t Robertson, (vol. I. book 3,) describes the conduct of the Spa-
niards to the conquered Indians, in the following words . " If the sim-
plicity and innocence of the Indians, had inspired the Spaniards with
humanity, had softened the pride of superiority into compassion, and
had induced them to improve the inhabitants of the new world, in-
stead of oppressing them, some sudden acts of violence, like the too
rigorous chastisements of impatient instructors, might have been re-
lated without horror. But, unfortunately, this consciousness of supe-
riority, operated in a different manner. The Spaniards were so far

17

and injustice, some venerable ecclesiastics, amongst whom
the name of Las Casas stands pre-eminent, remonstrated
with the king, and by every means in their power, sought
the relief of the oppressed aborigines. Inspectors, corre-
gedorSf and audiejicias, or high courts of justice, were
sent over to serve as mounds, to the torrent of disorders
that had overran the country; and a supreme council,
called of the Indies, was established at home, to watch
over the fulfdlment of the laws enacted, and the royal
orders transmitted to the other side of the Atlantic,* but
especially to protect the Indians. By these establish-
ments, and by the new enactions of Charles V. (exclusively
emanating from the humane exertions of the benevolent
Las Casas,) the situation of the Indians was bettered ; but
they still retained the principal appendages of feudal vas-
salage, rendered doubly galling by the avarice of their
masters, and doubly grievous by the distance of the
fountain of redress. The latter circumstance, also, was
the cause of many of the projected ameliorations and

far advanced beyond the natives of America in improvement of every
kind,^at they Tiewed them with contenjpt. They conceived the
Americans to be beings of an inferior nature, who were not entitled
to the rights and privileges of men. In peace, they subjected them
to servitude: in war, they paid no regard to those laws, which, by a
tacit convention between contending nations, regulate hostility, and
set some bounds to its rage. They considered them, not as men
fighting in defence of their liberty, but as slaves, who had revolted
against their masters. Their caciques when taken, were condemned,
like the leiiders of banditti, to the most cruel and ignominious pu-
nishments, and all their subjects, without regarding the distinction of
ranks established amongst them, were reduced to the same state of
abject. slavery." — Alas, and are not the scenes of the first conquests,
renewed in the horrors of the present insurrections ?

* Vide Revol. Mexico, torn. ii. lib. 14. •

C

18

modifications of the kings of Spain, being scarcely ever
carried into effect/*

§ Gradually, the encomiendas and repartimientos of In-
dians, excepting in the working of mines, were abolished ;
and in lieu of these primitive grants and privileges, thd
settlers and their posterity received, as compensation,
others; amongst which were, their being entitled to a
preference of offices and trusts in their own country ; f their
being declared nobles of the kingdoms of Castile according
to the privileges, laws, and customs of Spain, &c.&c.f
According to Solorzano, the kings of Spain also entered
into specific agreements with the primitive bishops, pur-
porting, that the Creoles, or descendants of the conquerors
; and settlers, should have the right of holding the chief
ecclesiastical dignities, &c. &c. Ii The same stipulations
were afterwards confirmed, in theory at least, by various
successive cedillas, or royal decrees, still extant in the laws
of the Indies ; nor were they in any way unreasonable,
when it is remembered, that the new world was discover-
ed, conquered, and settled at the expence, and with the
blood and exertions of the first adventurers ; who, besides,
defrayed the charges of the primitive churches, and after-
wards maintained the ministers of the altar, with the
tythes of their property ; the king being debited only with
a third part of the expences of the first cathedrals, and of

♦ The Breve Hclacicm, &c. of Las Casas, (lately reprinted iii
London gives the most lamentable account that can be imagined,
of the sufferings of the primitive Indians : for which reason it wa»
prohibited by the government of Spain.

+ Ibid, ley 3 and 5, tit. 6. lib. 4.

i Ibid, lib. 6.

11 Ibid, ley 32, tit. 2, lib. 2, and ley. 29, tit, 6, lib.l. SolofZftB*
rolit.lad. lib. 3. cap. 14.

19

some parish churches.* This principle^of preference in
^ favour of the Creoles, was still carried further ; so much
so, that all foreigners, amongst whom are enumerated,
such as are not naturalized in Castile, viz. Aragonese, Ca-
talans, Valencians, &c. though allowed to go over to reside
or traffic there, were not eligible to any ecclesiastical
benefice in Spanish America, not even when named by
the king himself.f Thus it was, that to empower tiie
Navarrans, naturalized in Castile, for the above purposes,
an express law of the Indies became necessary. $

\f"ith regard to temporal dignities and offices, the laws
are not less explicit. Many royal decrees contained
amongst the laws of the Indies, expressly declare, " that
in all cases of government, justicCy administration ofjinance,
commissions, encomiendas of Indians, ^c. the first discO"
verers, then the pacificators, and lasthj the settlers, and
those horn in the said provinces" (of America) " are to he
preferred,' Nor are these, and many others that might be
named, vain and pompous privileges, granted at the in-
stance of flattery, extorted in any undue manner, or ob-
tained without thesurrendry of good equivalents and con-
sideration. On the contrary, they form the basis of the
social compact, instituted between the kings of Spain and
the first conquerors and settlers, on behalf of themselves
and their posterity ; who thus ceded up to the crown of
Castile, those regions they had discovered by their enter-
prize, won by their blood, and settled with their own for-
tunes, on condition that they, the said kings, kept the com*
pacts and agreements contained in the laws of the Indies^

* Ibid, ley 2, lit. 2, lib. 1. ct alibi.
+ Ibid, ley 31, tit. 6, lib. 1.
t Ibid, ley 32, til. 6, lib J

C ^

20

wherein they are termed privileges ; the basis of which
has been just quoted.*

§ Even the Indians, in accepting the dominion of Spain,
came under certain stipulations, called in the laws, capitu^
lations ; by which their ri£;hts were defined, and their re-
lative situation, as social beings, was established. Charles
V. after the consultation held with Las Casas, at Valla-
(Tolid, in 1545, declared, that the wars waged against them
were unjust and tyrannical ; and even prior to that period,
in 1537, it had been decreed, that those of their laws and
customs, which were not opposed to the spirit of the
Christian religion, should be observed with equal force,
as if they had been specially decreed by the king. An
acknowledgment was made of their classes and nobility;
these were exempted from tribute, as were also their caci-
ques, lords, magistrates, and governors, who were, besides^
allowed the right of addressing the king in person. The
compacts formed with the Indians of Tlaxcala and others,
in consideration of their auxiliary aid, are, also, seen in the
respective accounts of the Mexican and Peruvian con-
qiiests. After the establishment of Spanish power, when
any insurrections amongst the Indians occurred, the kings
always ordered new privileges, grants, and exemptions to
be oflered to them, as a means of pacification ; and every
thing, in theory at least, tended to inspire them with con-
fidence, in the solemn pledges and promises made to
them.f Remesal observes, that the laws and compacts
made in favour of the Indians, are, in substance, mere con-
plusions, drawn from the writings of Las Casas, in which,

* Vide, La Revolucion de Mexico, topi. 2, lib. 14, lately printed
in London, therein this point is treated at full length andvvith great
erudition. ^ , ,

\ Ibid, ley 9, tit. 4, lib. 4. ' '"' '

21

having proved the injustice and horrors of the conquests,
he argued that the kings of Spain, as the protectors of
the gospel (the only title by which the new world was at
first held*)were rigorously bound injustice, not to injure
them in their natural rights, property, or persons.f In
numberless other royal orders and decrees, it is further
commanded, to " treat the Indians well; as free men, and
vassals of the crown of Castile, as in fact they are," Thus
by the laws themselves, the legislative power over the
Indians, is not left absolute and arbitrary in the hands of
the monarch himself, much less so, in those of the self
created governments of Spain.

Even the social footing of the negroes in Spanish
America, was established by a solemn compact, made
between Bayano their king, and the Marquis de Cariete,
viceroy of Peru, in 1557* According to Garcilasso,$
they then agreed to lay down their arms, on condition
that they were allowed to settle as natives of the coun-
try, and had the privilege of freeing themselves, when
ever they were possessed of the requisite funds.|| Their
free descendants of colour, are consequently entitled to
the rights of their forefathers, yet, as will hereafter be
seen, the Cortes themselves have not only deprived them
of the right of citizenship, but have even excluded them
from the general census.

§ Thus does it appear, that from the time of queen Isa-^

* Vide Alonzo de jedas address to the Indians, in Robertson's
History of America, vol. 1, note 23, page 269 ; also Pope Alexander
sixth's Grant, and queen Isabella's will.

t Revolucion de Mexico, torn. 2, lib. 14.

+ Cement del Peru, part 2, lib. 3, cap. 3.

II The price for freeing a prime negro, fixed by law, is 300 dollars,
which not being left to the will of the master, as in our colonies and
those of the French, greatly promotes emancipation.

25

bella, the Spanish settlements were inseparably united
and incorporated with the crown of Castile; and as
before noticed, Charles V. took a solemn oath, for him-
self and his successors, never to alienate or disunite them*
They were united, even on more favourable terms than
Andalusia and Galicia had been, for they retained their
own rights and privileges, whereas the constitutions of
the latter, were absorbed in that of Castile. Aragon,
Portugal, Italy, and Flanders, were, at one period of the
Spanish monarchy, on a similar footing with the Indies,
and had in Spain their respective supreme councils,
similar to that destined to govern the American pro-
vinces.* It was ordered also to erase from the laws of
the Indies, all title, name, or idea of conquest; and ae
before stated, the Indians were not only declared free,
but also subjects of the king, the same as the Castilians.f
§ The kings themselves, never addressed their Ameri-
can provinces, by the name of colonies, but always gave
them the title of Jdngdoms ; nor is the former denomina-
tion to be met with in the laws of the Indies, The ap-
pellation of kingdoms was even enacted by an express-
law. Charles V. was, at that time, also emperor of Flan-
ders and of Italy, but on his coins was alone engraved,
Emperor of Spain and of the Indies, and in some of the
Koyal decrees of Philip II. he styles himself Emperor of
the Indies, only. As the governing system of the American
provinces improved, viceroys, not factories, were sent
Qvcr to govern them^ with the full representation of alter^

* Revolucion de Mexico, tora.2, lib. 14.

+ The incorporation of Spanish America was decreed by Charles V.

in Barcelona, 1 1th of Sept. 1519, confirmed by Donna Juana in Valla-

dolid, 9th of July, 1520; in Pamplona, 22nd of Oct. 1523 j inMonzon,

7th of Dec. 154T, by Pbilifi 11.; in Madridj July 18, 156:J, and

Xharlps II...-

ego, a denomination not even given to some of the vice-
roys of provinces, in the Peninsula itself.* Chanceries
and AtidienciaSy or high courts of justice, were established,
with the same privileges and pre-eminence as those of
Spain; also, universities, on the same footing as that of
Salamanca, and municipalities, as in the Peninsula. The
archbishops and bishops were made independent of
Spain, and of even each other. The Spanish American
provinces, were, moreover, allowed to hold their Cortes
of the deputies of the cities and towns ; and in New
Spain, the capital of Mexico held the first place, as
Burgos did in the Cortes of Castile. In the Cortes of
the south division of America, Cusco, from being the
ancient seat of the Incas of Peru, was entitled to the first
placet Nor ought it be forgotten,'this is a privilege which
even the province of Galicia in Spain, never obtained.

This right, was, indeed, never exercised in America,
but it never was revoked. It was decreed, by Charles V,
in 1530, and the privilege of Tlaxcala having the second
seat, immediately after Mexico, in the Cortes of New
Spain, was granted by Charles I. on March 13, 1535, and
confirmed by Phillip II. on July 16, 1563. Even in
Spain, during the reign of Charles V, the usage of assem-
bling Cortes ceased ; for the regent Cisneros, overturning
the barriers which had been placed by the people, to
check the arbitrary conduct of their sovereigns, by means

* The viceroy of Navarre alone, had a similar denomination, be-
cause this kingdom, like those of America, was dependent only ou
the king ; nor was any law promulgated in Spain, binding therein,
unless accepted by its own Cortes. Vide Revolucion de Mexico,
tom. 2, lib. 14, et alibi.

t Vide, Recop. Leyes lad. by 2, til. 8, lib. 4 ; also, Real Ceduladc
^25 de Marao, 1635 ; alsp Ibid, lib. 4, tit. 8, lib. 4, et alibi.

9t

of the armed force he had at his command, excluded the
grandees and prelates from the Cortes in 1538; thereby-
reducing this popular representation solely to the depu-
ties of the towns and cities, from whom he stood in nped
of subsidies for the public service. From that time, the
Cortes declined, in such a way, as to become a mere
ceremony, to swear in a new king; and in fact, the gene-
ral Cortes were never since assembled for public business,
till lately in JL.a Isla de Leon.

§ The whole of Spanish x\merica, as before stated, was
governed by a supreme council, called of the Indies,
equal in honours and in power with that of Castile, and
so independent of it, and of all other branches of govern-
ment, that no law premulgated in Spain, nor even a bull
of the Pope, was legal or valid on the other side of the
Atlantic, unless authorized by the seal of the said coun-
cil of the Indies. Like that of Castile, it was further
empowered to enact laws relating to America, in con-
currence with the king. A code of particular laws, was
also given to the American provinces, but the monarch-
ical constitution, was declared equally extending to
them.

§ Such were the rights, privileges, and equality granted
and sanctioned by the respective sovereigns of Spain, to
the discoverers and settlers of the new world; such as
they are yet found in their own legislative code, and in
the primitive grants, charters, and compacts, on which
their possession of these countries, was founded. From
these faithful sources, it is, as well as from the ancient
histories of the conquest, that the above grounds have
been extracted. Hence may it fairly be deduced, that
the relative situation of the ultramarine provinces to
Spain, originally, was not that of dependent colonies on-

23

a parent state ; but that they were, by their own prero^-
gatives, and by the laws themselves, made equal with
Castile, and were even placed on a more eligible footing
than their sister provinces of the Peninsula, which, like'-
themselves, had been successively added to the said
crown of Castile. It further results, that the king was
their chief, if not, only and immediate bond of union.

Humboldt, who was not only theoretically conver-
sant with the legislation of Spanish America, but also
confessedly, the most accurate and enlightened observer
who has visited those long secluded regions, expressly
says, " that the Kings of Spain, by taking the title of
Kings of the Indies, have considered these distant pos-
sessions, rather as integral parts of the Spanish monar-
chy, as provinces dependent on the crown of Castile,
than as colonies in the sense attached to this word, since
the sixteenth century, by the commercial nations of Eu-
rope.* In another part of the same work, he adds,
" According to old Spanish laws, each viceroyalty is not
governed as a domain of the crown, but as an insulated
province, separated from the mother country. All the
institutions, that together form an European government,
are to be found in the Spanish colonies, which we might
compare to a system of confederated states, were the co-
lonists not deprived of several important rights in their
commercial relations with the old world. f Solorzano,
one of the compilers of the laws of the Indies, and be-
sides, one of the most learned of the Spanish juriscon-
sults of his time, confesses, " that the Indies were in-
corporated to the crown of Castile, as feudatory king-

* Essai Politique, chap. 12, Iib.5.
t Ibid, chap. 6, liv. 13.

26

doms, or as the municipia of the Romans, without losing
tmy of their rights, forms, privileges, &c.*
- In strict accord with the laws of tbe Indies, and con-
formably to the records of the discovery, conquest, and
settlement of the great continent of Spanish America, it
plainly results, that its constitution was founded on mu-
tual compacts made with the first conquerors and the
indigenes, guaranteed by the faith of kings; and after-
wards modeled on such laws and charters as were suc-
cessively emitted, according to circumstances, and the re-
lative situation in which the conquerors and settles
Rtood, whilst their rights and privileges were yet fresh
and undisputed. No part of these same rights, was ever
surrendered up by the original settlers or their descend-
ants; and the present natives of Spanish America, as
their direct and lawful heirs, of course, have inherited
every prerogative thereby solemnly pledged to tlieir
forefathers, and sanctioned by the most solenm govern-
mental faith.

§ Experience had, indeed, proved, that these laws,
rights, charters and privileges, had long been tramp-
led upon, and that, in their stead, had been substituted a
practical colonial policy, undoubtedly adapted to insure
control, as far as ignorance and abjection could depress
the mind, so as to take from its energy, and make servi-
tude habitual. But, as the ultramarine provinces, have,
already been proved, equal in their ancient constitution
with those of Spain, independent of her councils and
tribunals, and equal in rights, as well by virtue of their
subsequent laws, as by their primitive social compact,
this abuse became not only unjust, but also unwarrant-
able ; and the natives are now fully authoiized to sue

• Politlml. lib.?. cap. 27.

27

for its removal. If such, moreover, were tlteir rights,
privileges, and prerogatives ; if such was the social com-
pact originally and solemnly instituted in favour of the
first settlers, and if these agreements have not been ful-
filled to their children, the present generation, as their
rightful inheritors, are justifiable in claiming, and in re-
covering them by every means in their power ; and their
being any longer withheld, is an act of tyranny on the
part of the Spanish government. Nay, by their long
forbearance, they are doubly entitled to insist on the due
performance .of a convention, strengthened by as ex-
plicit and binding acts of the legislature, as sagacity could
frame, and language express.

§ By the force of habit, and the pressure of despotism,
as well as by the exclusion from the perusal of every
thing liberal and enlightened, gradually the Spanish
Americans, instead of equal subjects, had become de«
pendent vassals, and their rights and privileges, were
scarcely to be found, but in their Statute books. Were
these, however, to be examined carefully, and the pri-
mitive history of the ultramarine provinces to be atten-
tively perused, it would not only appear, that their sole
bond of political union with the mother country, was
the person of the king; but, that, from being in their
constitution independent of eveiy bjanch of government,
not immediately and directly emanating^ from him, when
this bond became dissolved, they naturally re-assumed
all their political and social rights, as free men. The
powerful confraternity which united the Spanish in-
habitants of both hemispheres, and their reciprocal^and
social connections, naturally prescribed the propriety
and necessity of preserving this union; yet, it is, at the
same time, certain, that prior to the unjustifiable abuse

28

into wliich this colonial policy had sunk, no other mea-
sure of government had been employed, to secure this
union and to give it effect, than that of annexing and in-
corporating the new world to the Spanish crown, under
the title of kingdoms, nor had long and abject submis-
sion, effaced the only title, by which the kings always ad-
dressed their distant provinces.

The heading of the royal decree, published in the
year 1524, for the creation of the supreme council of the
Indies, makes use of no other term. It is as follows.
" And considering the great benefits and favours, which,
from the Almighty we have received, and are daily re-
ceiving from the increase and extension of the kingdoms
(reynos) and lordships of our Indies; and sensible of the
great obligations and duties thereby imposed upon us ;
and anxious on our part to establish the proper means
that the said kingdoms and lordships may be governed
in due manner, &c. &c. we hereby order and decree,
that a supreme council of the Indies be created," &c. &c.*
Such is not only the general, but, also, the exclusive ap-
pellation given by the kings of Spain to their provinces
on the other side of the Atlantic, nor is the term colonies
to be met with in their laws, or in the royal orders suc-
cessively transmitted to them.

§ The inhabitants.thereof, are, consequently, in right,
and in the eye of the law, no more colonial vassals, than
are those of the provinces of Spain conquered from the
Moors,t nor were the authorities, had they only kept

* Rocop. (le Leyes Ind, ley 1. tit. 2. lib. 2.

f Seville, according to Mariana (Hist. Gener. de Espnua. lit. 1.
lib. 13. cap. 9.) was conquered from the Moorish Kinjf Axataje, by
St. Ferdinand, who annexed it to the crown of Castile and peopled
it, Nor was this long before the discovery of America, which, ac-

28r

within their original bounds, constituted in any other
manner, than those which administered the duties of
government in the Peninsula. So explicit was the
ancient legislation of Spain, in this particular, that the
whole of the rights and privileges of the Creoles, stand
coeval with the mutual compacts made between the
monarch and the first conquerors ; and as before stated,
the whole were consigned to the very code that was to
govern them. The American provinces, consequently,
were not manors conferred by the sovereign on the king-»
doms of Spain ; they were not given in fealty to any
class of inhabitants in the Peninsula, nor to any indi^
vidual or intermediate corporation between the crown
and themselves; yet, tantamount would have become
their political footing, if every thing pretended by the
late government of Spain, and the monopolists of Cadiz,
was carried into full effect. No, they are yet, and ever
were, in point of right, justice, and reason, considered as
incorporated, and consequently equal dominions, nor had
they ever acknowledged any link of the feudal chain,
now attempted to be imposed upon them. Their bond
of union was the same, as that by which the successors of,
Ferdinand the Catholic, held the kingdoms of Aragon
and Castile.

§ In another point of view, it would be unjust to con-
sider the Spanish American provinces, as held in colonial
dependence by Spain, under the pretext that Spaniards

cordlngly, was placed on, at least, an equally elij;ible footing, yet in
the late revolution, Seville becomes the seat of government, and its
Junta dictates laws to the whole of the Spanish monarchy. Granada,
Murcia, and Jaen, were dependent on the crown of Castile, but in-
dependent of each other, so that their relative situation greatly re-
sembled that of Spanish America.

80

and Spanish property, were employed in their conquest
and settlement. The discoverers and conquerors were
all volunteers, their pay and reward were in the country
to which they were bound; and instead of returning
home, they remained and settled on the land they had
gained by their enterprize and personal sacrifices ; and
the fruits of their labour, with all the prerogatives there-
by acquired, have naturally descended to their rightful
succession. With regard to the funds laid out by the
crown, and certainly Isabella pledged some of her jewels
for the expedition of Columbus, so great was the poverty
of the Peninsula prior to the conquest of America, Her-
rera, as before noticed, expresely asserts, that all these
advances were refunded, and that the conquerors, alone,
bore the expence. Robertson also observes, that " though
the name of Ferdinand appeared, conjointly, with that of
Isabella, in the compact signed with Columbus, as king of
Arragon, he bore none of the expence."* Diego Velas-
quez, his friends, and Cortes, payed for the Cuba equip-
ment, which gave to the Spanish crown the empire oi
New Spain; and the outfits of Pizarro, for the conquest
of Peru, were borne by himself, Diego Almagro, and
Hernando Lugue, canon of Panama, who all agreed to
share the profits obtained, according to the substance of
the original contract, found in Herrera, Dec. 3. lib. 6.
cap. 13. Nay, it seems, that the commissions and au-
thorities for the discoveries and conquests, were all the
sovereigns contributed; and it would be hard if the grant
of a Pope, had more force than the specific services and
expended property of the first adventurers.

But even supposing that some of the crown funds
had remained uncovered in the beginning, (a circum*

* Hist. Amcr. vol. 1. b»ok 2%

31

stance impossible, when we consider the slender outfits,
and the quantity of funds successively remitted from
Hispanola and the main, as soon as they were conquered)
it cannot be denied, that they have long since been re-
funded with incalculable interest; since the Spanish
American continent alone, by Humboldt, is calculated to
have afforded to the world, and principally to Spain, the
enormous sum of <£ 1,223,231,434 sterl, or 5,706,700,000
dollars, in gold and silver,* besides rich productions;
and this within a period of 311 years, viz. from 1492 to
1803.

§ Neither, therefore, can the plea of the conquest being
performed by Spaniards, nor that of the primitive funds
expended, belonging to the crown, even if this were the
case, amount to any right or excuse for the King of
Spain himself, much less the provisional governments
which have, since his seizure, governed in his name, to
hold the Spanish American provinces in absolute de-
pendence and abject subjection ; since force, and not the
consent of the latter, had produced a departure from
their original compacts. Neither are the inhabitants of
the trans -atlantic states, to be blamed or punished for
the abuses into which the Madrid government had gra-
dually fallen, or for the decline, instead of the rise, which
might have been expected from such valuable acquisi-
tions. If Spain has squandered away the resources, the
former has so long and so abundantly poured into her
lap, she alone is answerable for her own mismanage-
ment and profusion; but to be divested of the common
feelings of gratitude to her American brethren, is a
charge for which she is answerable to the whole world,

» Vid« HuiQbeMt P»l, E5»ai, &c. chap. ll»

32

If Spain has not profited by this great accession of wealth
and strength, she owed to the enterprize of the great and
immortal Columbus, it has been owing to the weakness of
her past governments; and if she now treats the American
provinces unjustly, it is only the second part of her in-
gratitude to their venerable discoverer. If she had arrived
at the degraded state in which she stood, when her patri-
otic cause broke out, it w^as in consequence of the efforts
of her government, and of its agents, to destroy every
germ of industry, liberality, and useful knowledge on the
other side of the Atlantic; by which means, the little she
herself possessed, has been directly undermined, and she
has thus gradually fallen into a worse state, than that she
attempted to bring upon the American provinces.

Neglecting her own resources at home, Spain was in-
flated with the magnitude and splendour of treasures,
which passed from her as soon as received, and which she
afterwards was unable to find, but on her custom-house
books of entry. She considered herself rich, w^ithout
possessing more than the shadow ; and powerful, without
being sensible of her own weakness; till at last, debilita-
ted on every side, she fell into a system of jealousy and
distrust, which became the more sensible in the ultrama-
rine provinces, from the distance of the fountain of
power and redress. If, however, by the sacrifices one part
of the monarchy has made for the other, the present rights
of the Americans are to be measured, what has Spain to
throw into the scale against 300 years of slavery, not only
in its essence illegal, but in its form unnatural; during
which period of time, the great resources of America^
(with the exception of the mines, the only object which
has absorbed the attention of Spain, to the incalculable
sacrifice of Indian lives) have been rendered useless, by

33

not being called forth; during which, an illiheral and de-
structive system of government has prevailed, the arts and
sciences have been precluded, and in short, religion itself
has been degraded, in order to support despotism, by its
influence. What adequate compensation, then, can the
present regenerated government of the Peninsula, make to
Spanish America, forall these privations and sacrifices, and
forso long and flagrant an invasion of sacred rights, which
the former governments had so solemnly guaranteed ?
And, yet, if Spanish America has been able, in some
measure, to rise superior to all these clogs; if under such
shackles,'the minds of her inhabitants, as Humboldt him-
self observes, have been able to expand to an astonishing
and unexpected degree : this is not to be attributed to
the condescension of their oppressors, but to the nature
and genius of the natives themselves, aided by the influ-
ence of climate, and in consequence of their ardour in
searching after books, notwithstanding the prohibitions
of government. If, they have been able to overcome ob-
stacles laid in their way by the hand of despotism, from
motives of jealousy and distrust, the merit is due to them-
selves alone, and they are entitled to claim all its conse-
quent benefits. Neither are the advances made in litera-
ture, in civilization, and in social relations, in which the
Americans,have proportionably surpassed their European
brethren, now to be urged against them, as further mo-
tives for persecution, or, as a plea to bring them back to
that state of abject degradation, which the arms of the
Spanish despots, intend to entail upon them.

§ Every one, conversant with history, is aware of the
great difference, between the relative and political situa-
tion of colonies, amongst the Greeks and Romans, coii-
trasted with those of the modern mercantile nations of

34

Europe, Our own historian, Gibbon, observes,* that
the colonies of Rome, in their ''manners and internal
policy, formed a perfect representation of their great pa-
rent, and they were soon endeared to the natives, by the
ties of friendship and alliance; they effectually diffused
a reverence for the Roman name, and a desire which was
seldom disappointed, of sharing, in due time, its honours
and advantages. The municipal cities, insensibly equalled
the rank and splendour of the colonies; and in the reign
of Hadrian, it was disputed, which was the preferable
condition, of those societies which hadinsued from, or
those which had been received into the bosom of Rome."
Thus, the najne of colonies, far from being dishonourable
or disadvantageous, was a privilege, owing to their good
system, which was sought even by allies; and far from
excluding them from metropolitan rights, it even con-
ferred them on the conquered, much more so, where pre^
vious compacts existed.

" The restless and suspicious policy of the nations of
Europe," says Humboldt, " and the legislation and colo^jial
policy of the moderns, which bear very little resemblance
to those of the Phenicians and Greeks, have thrown insur-
mountable obstacles in the way of such settlements, as
ipight secure to those distant possessions a degree of pros-
perity,and an existence independent of the mothercountry.
Such principles as prescribe therootingupof thevine and
olive (exactly those of Spain) are not calculated to favour
n^anufactures. A colony has, for ages, been only consi-
dered as useful to the parent state, in so far as it supplied
a great number of raw materials, and consumed a number
of the commodities, carried there, by the ships of the mo-
ther countr3% "f

* Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, chap 2. Art. Colonies,
t Essai Polit. &c. liv. 5. hap. Vi.

85

Oar own Western colonies, were chiefly founded on
these principles, and the basis of their political establish-
ment, grew out of the commercial compact, formed be-
tween them and the government at home. They were
planted at the instance of the latter, and their trade, was
afterwards fostered by legislative acts. Their civil insti-
tutions, even originally, am.ounted to no more than a re-
ciprocal monopoly, and an exclusive interchange ; we
consumed their sugar and tobacco, and they our ma-
nufactures; and this was not only founded on custom, but,
also, sanctioned by law. At first, they were, however, only
small in extent, established on desert and depopulated
tracts ; whereas the settlements of the Spaniards, were
immense, and fixed in the centre of regions, in which
had been discovered, formidable and civilized empires,
whose population, besides having social rights, became
partly blended with the settlers, or was left in its primi-
tive and independent state. The ones, built new towns
for themselves, but the others, settled in the ancient and
magnificent cities of the Indians, as they stood at the
time of their discovery. The one,was a governmental and
commercial agreement, for certain individuals, to go out
and cultivate productions, suited to the wants or luxu-
ries of the mother country, in order that she might not
have to purchase them in a foreign market; and protection
was conformably ofiered, on condition, that home pro-
ducts and manufactures, should exclusively be consumed
in the colonies; who, in return, had the privileged supply
of sugar and tobacco in the parent state; but the
other, was a species of naval and military crusade.
The object of British and French colonies, has been
to promote agriculture ; that of the Spaniards, if the
parallel is applicable, to extend their empire and to
dig the mines. The governments of the first, encou-

^^ 0? THR

36

raged their subjects to go out, as peaceable tillers of the
earth; but the latter embarked as conquerors, possessed
of an insatiate lust for gain ; and fired with the martial
spirit of the age and of their country, bent rather on
plunder, than disposed to follow the humble pursuits of
the hoe and ploughshare. The ones, went out as special
colonists, carrying with them all the liberality, and all
the free rights of the civilized countries to which they
Ijelonged ; and from the beginning, adequate systems of
government were modelled for them, on the plan of
those to which they had been accustomed; whence
they became miniatures, of the parent states, from which
they derived their origin. The others, entered on their
daring enterprize, in order to establish themselves by
force; and as well from the earliness of the period,
as the despotic state in which Spain at that time stood,
were unprepared to establish a governing system, suit-
ed to the more enlightened state of the present times.
The ones, went to insulated points, whereas the others,
settled on an extended and varied continent, which at
the time of its discovery, contained, and yet contains,
double the population of the country that still pretends,
to hold them in colonial dependence.* The ones, in
short, emigrated with the rights only of colonists, the
others went out, free and unschackled military despots,
who would have shrunk from the idea of being included
in the calculations of trade and economical expediency.*

*In consequence of the ravages on the present population of Spain,
it caunot now be esteemed at more than eight millions and a half.
That of Spanish America, from accurate data, rises as high as seven-
teen, which added to that of the Philipine Islands, viz, three ditto,
makes the ultramarine population of Spain, twenty millions.

t Till within the last forty years, the profession of a merchant
was held as degrading, particularly by the nobles, but even grandees,
bad no objection, now and then, to handle a little contraband.

37

The colonial policy of the one, was to bind the affections
of their distant fellow citizens, to the country from
whence they issued, by equitable and useful laws, by ha-
bits, manners, and by an enlightened equipoise of inte-
rests ; that of the other, to insure control and dependence,
by force, and by means of an undue sacrifice, in favour
of metropolitan ambition and gain. The ones, in surren-
dering up certain rights, gained others as equivalents ;
whereas the others, to use a Creole simily, wKgre as a
cow, they themselves had to feed^hut ichich the Spaniards
milked, for their oion exclusive use,

§ I have been, thus far, diffuse in explaining the nature of
the first discoveries and settlements, made by the Spaniards
on the continent of America, as well as in examining the
primitive charters and prerogatives, on which the political
and social rights of its inhabitants, were founded; from a
conviction of the necessity of establishing, in the fullest
ipanner possible, this material point, on which chiefly
hinges, the great question now at issue. It has been the
object of all the late governments of Spain, to hold the
transatlantic provinces in colonial dependence; and from
the conduct of that of Great Britain, it would almost ap-
pear, that her ministers, also, have not dared to consider
them in any other light. Nay, both seemed resolved to pro-
long a slavery, unjust in the eye of the law, unnatural in its
essence, and particularly unreasonable, when it was not
only attempted to save European Spain from the yoke
of a foreign enemy, but, also, to regenerate her inhabitants.
It is, now, high time to delineate the late policy of Spain,
established in her distant provinces; which from its de-
graded nature, had acquired the term of colonial; an elu-
cidation, essentially necessary, to form a just idea of the
gromids of complaint on the part of the Creoles, such as

m

^ Iheywill be described, in the more advanced stages of this
production*

In consecjiience of the imperfection and frailty of hu-
man nature, as well as from the natural tendency of man,
to follow the impulse of his own inordinate passions, even
under the best institutions, transgressions, both of law
and of justice, will sometimes occur. In order, however,
to render such deviations from right, as rare as possible,
it becomes the object of every good system of policy,
as well as the duty of the sovereign or legislative body,
by means of precaution and animadversion, not only to
enact adequate laws, but, also, to watch carefully over
their execution. The wishes and intentions of the first
jnonarchs of Spain, with regard to their distant domi-
liions, were undoubtedly good, and their zeal for justice
and equity, sincere and praiseworthy; but what availed it
to the Americans, to know that their laws were, at least
in theorj^ good, if they never saw them executed* ? In
the distant settlements of every nation, instances of
corrupt and arbitrary conduct are on record; but we
judge of the excellency of their establishments and
regulations, more from their tendency to prevent a recur-
ience, than from the theoretical and pompous manner in
which the rights of the subject are defined; in like
manner, as we appreciate the real merits of a first ma-
gistrate, by the uprightness of his conduct, and by the
impartial and equitable manner, in which he administers
justice, more than by his brilliancy of talents.

Necker, in his introduction to the Administration of
Finance, observes " that it is necessary to give with re-
serve, and promise with circumspection; but when once
the faith of the prince is pledged, its object ought to be

♦ The Americans confess many of their laws on paper, to be good»
if a Uw could only be enacled, to make them observed.

39

punctually fulfilled. Thus, is it ordained by the policy of
credit, and by the rules of justice." Enough having
been, already adduced, to prove the rights of the Spanish
American provinces, in the eye of the law, to be very

different from their exisling civil and political situation,
as described by every author who has written on the
subject, it would be both useless and tedious, to trace the
gradual stages of those infractions of their laws and
rights, which the despotism of the kings of Spain, and
the corruption of their ministers, had successively com-
mitted. When the minister of France, was penning the
above words, it would almost seem, as if he had in view,
the promises of the Spanish government, ever ready toof-
fer but backward to fulfd. Though, individual wrong, could
seldom penetrate to the foot of the distant throne, gene-
ral abuses, did, sometimes, arrest the attention, and bias
the mind of the feeling or politic prince, or his minister,
and royal orders were sent out to correct the defect com-
plained of. These royal orders and sovereign resolutions,
were placed on record, and under formal injunctions, re-
mitted to America ; but far from being fulfuled,by thos©
who ought to have been foremost to give the example
of obedience and submission to the king, they laughed at
them, and in the term of the country, called them uncon-
secrated hosts* Hence, originated numerous consequences,
not only fatal to the country, but also injurious to the
sovereign, who liad placed the constituted authorities
there, for no other purpose, than to watch over the hap-
piness of his far-removed subjects, and to fulfd his spe-
cial orders, relating to them. From this inobservance of
the laws and royal orders, it resulted to Spanish
America ;

- * Hostias sin consagrar, that is, from beiog unhallowed, not de-
serving of notice,

40

1st. That, arbitrariness, despotism, and terror, wer^
the devices of the Spanish rulers, and, that, the above,
were their springs of action.

2n(l, That, being the first to infringe the law, they
were, also, the first to deserve the punishments prescribed
for similar crimes ; and, that, their bad example, in this
deviation from equity, and from the vi^ill of the sove-
reign, if it did not authorize it, at least, shewed to
the American subjects, the road to separate themselves,
from a dominion, unjust, rash, odious, and tyrannical.

3d. That, dubious, whether redress had been obtained,
and often judging that just remonstrances had been
treated with disdain, the part of the community inte-
rested, attributed to the despotism of the minister, or
of government, what was, alone, arbitrary, on the part of
its agents abroad.

4th. That, in individual cases,money, humiliations, and
often-times meanness, were the only means to obtain jus-
tice, and even to see the laws executed ; and that, though
the Americans w^ere sensible of, and deplored the aggrava-
tions under which they laboured, they had no local re-
dress, nor scarcely a distant one, since the minister, who
patronized his transatlantic bashaw, was the medium be-
tween the king, and the complainant.

5th. That, these mandataries, often became the tools
of a corrupt minister, who, in mutual concert, sported
with the distress and sufferings of the Spanish Ameri-
cans, thereby, inducing them to conclude, that promises^
and not works, were all that fell to their lot.

()th. That, the colonial chiefs, being Europeans, and
biassed by provincial predilections, reserved every thing
for their own; and that, it was an usual policy, in order

41

to secure their power, to encourage divisions between
the former and the natives of the country.

7th. That, these chiefs, thereby, became the absolute
interpretei^s of the law, and that they were practically
subordinate to no one, since, to no one, had they to ren-
der an account.

8th. That, a system of distrust and jealousy, had per-
vaded every act of the viceregal government^ whose
agents, by commanding the armed force, and rendering
civil justice subservient to their own will and caprice, fead
caused despotism to supplant the liberality of the laws,
and to frustrate the intentions of the king, even, when
they were benign.

From general premises and deductions, like the above,
it would, however, be impossible to form an adequate
idea of the principles of the system, by which Spain has
been so long governing her American provinces ; which, as
before remarked, by its extreme degradation, had at last,
even amongst other more liberal nations, acquired the
term colonial ; it will, therefore, be requisite to descend to
more niinute particulars, and toenumerate, with a degree
of correctness^, -the privations, insults, and invasions of
right and law, under which the transatlantic natives,
have so long laboured. This picture, in which each cor-
responding shade will appear in lively and distinct co-
lours, will, at the same time, render the preceding del-
ineation of primitive rights, together with their in-
fraction, more glowing and forcible ; and, by thus
exhibiting the viceregal despotism, to be more injurious,
and more tyrannical, than even the defects of old institu-
tions, in the hands of unprincipled power ; the reader
wi/i be enabled to judge, correctly, of the situation of the
Spanish Americans, at the period, when their Peninsular
brethreuj heroically rose in arms, for the double purpose

42

of resisting the insidious invasion of the Freilch, and in
order to better their own political and social condition.

§ The various sections of the great continent of Spanish
America, were divided into nine, distinct, and isolated
governments, independent of each other, and acting only
in concert with the king, and his supreme council of the
Indies, with whom their communication was direct.
They we^e given in charge to viceroys and captain gene-
rals, named as the representatives of the king ; and their
command, owing to defects in original institutions, dis-
tance, and the various reasons above detailed, was render-
ed illiberal, oppressive, and improvident. Holding the
supreme authority, and concentrating, within themselves,
the civil, military, and administrative commands, without
any local check to keep them in awe or control, they not
only tyrannized over the individual, but the whole of the
country under their jurisdiction, was forced to contribute
to their emoluments, in order to enable them, when their
command had expired,! to return home, with sufficient
treasure to gild over their w^'ongs, and to place them be-
yond the reach of justice. The laws of the Indies, had,
indeed, originally, placed many restrictions, on the chief
transatlantic agents, for the purpose of promoting the
better administration of government ; but it was easy to
elude them, and even their public infraction, was treated
with impunity. The picture of colonial chiefs, as

* The viceroyalties,are, New Spain, Peru, Buenos Ayres, and Santa
Fe de Bogata. The captain-generalships, are, Guatemala, Caracas,
Puerto Rico, Havanah, Chili, and Yucatan, iu a military point of
\iew. The Philipine islands in Asia, also constitute a captain-
generalship.

* According to the laws, the period fixed for the command of a
viceroy, or captain-general, was fivey ea

43

ilrawn by Say, is perfectly applicable to tbose of Spain.
Enumerating the defects of colonial systems, he observes,
"that as the colonial chiefs, do not consider the coun-
tries wherein they govern, as those in which they are to
live the whole of their lives ; they feel no interest ia
making them happy and prosperous ; but, on the contra-
ry, all their views are directed to enrich themselves; be-
cause they are aware, that, on their return home, the con-
sideration they are about to receive, will be in proportiou
to the property they have amassed, and not according to
the conduct they may have observed, during their govern-
ment. If, to this is added, the arbitrary power, it is ne-
cessary to grant to those, who go to govern remote coun-
tries, we shall there find all the elements, which, in ge-
neral, compose the worst of governments."'^ And if in
our own distant establishments, where local checks
existed, where comparative liberality and equity reigned,
^nd where redress was attainable, chiefs have^ sometimes,
infringed the rights of the subject, and have been arbi-
trary and oppressive ; we need not to be astonished, that
this was the case, in the Spanish ultramarine provinces.

The assumed, as well as the delegated power of the
said viceroys,t in its own nature, that is, comprising the
executive, legislative, and military attributes, and, also,
owing to the arrogant manner in which it was exercised,
had, at length, not, only, become repugnant to eveiy feel-
ing of liberty and justice, but, had amounted to a motley
despotism, the most scandalous that can be conceived,
besides being possessed of the absolute command, and^

* Econoitiie politique, lib. 1. chap. 23.

t Their exorbitant power, is emphatically expressed, in one of
Iheir own sayings: Dios esta mui alto, el Rey en Madrid, yyo en
Meiico. Meaning, thai they are out of the reach ©rcontrol.

f

44

agiinst which, it was impossible to appeal ; they were al-
lowed to make generals and admirals, whom it w^as trea-
son to disobey ; so that, supported by Gothic tribmials,
presided by European judges, with the faculty of inter-
preting the laws, and of judging of both the evidence and
the fact, every one was subservient to their will, and
trembled at their displeasure. It was under the unlimit-
ed authority of these Audiencias, or high courts of jus-
tice, that frequently were seen, clandestine decisions, noc-
turnal and arbitrary arrests, domiciliary visits, banish-
ments without previous trial, besides numerous other vex-
ations, practised by them, and their inferior satellites.
How often, has the friend of humanity, shuddered to be-
hold, and how often has the impartial and conversant vi^ri-
ter of every nation revolted, as he penned the corrupt and
debased manner in which the judicial proceedings ot Spa-
nish America,«were conducted ; and how many have been
the victims constantly sacrificed to partiality, corruption,
or revenge ?* Scarcely is there a solitary instance on re-
cord, of the frequent violations of private right and pub-
lic justice, at length, meeting with condign punishment ;
for itw^as the custom of the court, to uphold its agents in
their crimes, under a maxim of national policy, that it
w^as necessary to support the distant authorities, as the
most efficient means to insure subjection.

*A Spanish American friend of distinguished family, and great
litierality, after seeing the world, assured me, that he often shuddered
at what he rememhered of his youth. At the age of sixteen, he in-
herited tiie right of regidor, or memhcr of tlie cabildo,or municipa-
lity ; and in that capacity, and at the above age, he sat as judge on
trials for death, it being to this court, that such cases were referred in
the first instance. The office of regidor, corresponding to ours of
alderman, was inheritable and pu ;chaseablc, in all Spanish America.

4b

Thus, thoughout had been established, a practical co-
lonial policy, calculated todepress and paralyze every ef-
fort of rising genius and labour; to rivetthe poverty of the
lower classes, and to blunt every charm[of rational nature,
and every feeling of social existence. The government
of Spain, improvident and illiberal in itself, and sensible
of its own wrongs and consequent insecurity, had, thence,
become jealous, irritable and oppressive'; till at last, lit-
tle difference could be perceived, between the civil state
of the Spanish Americans, and that of the peasant vas-
sals, in the most oppressed of the feudal countries of our
continent, as they lately stood, and as they are even yet
to be found, in Russia.

Tributes generally, besides destructive 77227a^, in some
sections, vrere exacted from the miserable aborigenes ;
the whole of whom, were constituted into the most un-
warrantable and eternal pupilage and minority, and de-
barred from the means of acquiring property.* They were
often forced to work, gratis, on the farmsofthegovemorS
and alcaldes, and often their little Earnings, by various
means, were unjustly extorted from them. Humboldtsays,
that the legislation of Isabella and Charles V. had deprived
the Indians of the most important rights enjoyed by the
other citizens.f The venerable bishop of Mechoacan,
also quoted by the above author, represented to the
king, that in the present state of things, the moral per-
fection of the Indians was impossible, and that they were
held in a state of extreme humiliation and misery ; that
they have no other means of existing, than by becoming

* The laws forbid an Indian to contract a debt exceeding twenty-
five dollars, so that they were unable to earn a livelihood, as traderf
or farmers ; servitude being alone open to theci.

t Essai Pol.&c. vol. 1. chap. 4.

46

servants of the rich, whence results a clashing of inter-
ests, mutual envy, discord and hatred, which are render-
ed more terrible, by no intermediate state existing be-
tween them and the whites.* But monstrous and impo-.
litic as were the regulations instituted for their regimen,
and calculated to keep them in a state of eternal ignorance
and misery, the personal cruelties and exactions they
suffered from the European chiefs, were, still, of a more
galling nature. They were, indeed, aware, that this ha-
bitual oppression, was not only opposed to the spirit of
the law, but, also, in direct contradiction to the intentions
and wishes of the king : but, yet it existed, and of what
«vail were the good intentions of the latter, when those
who were to execute them, were the first to contravene?
All those, who, in the remotest manner, derived any
origin from African blood, by the laws and by custom,
were branded with perpetual infamy, and excluded from
all society. In pursuance of an adopted principle of poli-
cy, that it was necessary to keep each class of the co-
loured natives, distinct and divided ; the most cruel and
unheard of punishments, prohibited their miion and
cohabitation.f Numerous specimens of the impolicy of
the laws, as well as of systems founded on jealousy and
distrust, which, particularly in the latter times, actuated
'the conduct of the cabinet of Madrid, might be quoted,
if I feared not to exceed the limits of a letter like this.
Both the Indians and descendants from African blood,

* Informe del Obispo de Valladolid de Mechoacan,&c. 1799.

+ The words of the law are, " que para adelante, ningun negro
ni negra se pudiese servir de Indio, ni India, so pcna, que al negro
que se serviesede* India, ge lecortasenlosgenitales,y si se sirviese de
Indio, cien azotes para la priraera tcz." &c. &c. Vide Hertera, Dec.
«. lib. 6. cap. 12.

47

all of whom are denominated casts, in Spanish America,
have experienced the miseries of a long degraded vassa-
lage, so much had that inherent and habitual propensity
to tyrannize, added to an injurious spirit of monopoly,
broken down every barrier, erected by reason and justice,
and prescribed by sound and enlightened policy.

Notwithstanding the original compacts made with
the first settlers, the Creoles were gradually shut out
from all participation in the local commands and dig-
nities; in such manner, that on examining authentic re-
cords, it results: that from the period of the first settle-
ment, up to the year 1810, out of 166 viceroys, and 588
Captain-Generals, Governoi-s and Presidents, who have
governed in Spanish America, in all 7o4 ; only IS have been
Creoles, and these few, merely, in consequence of their
having been educated in Spain. Even the curacies, pre-
bendaries, and in short, nearly every other civil, ecclesi-
astical, and military employment, were bestowed on Euro-
peans* not according to merit, but often, as the reward of
flattery, intrigue and court favour.* These unjust and

* It would be useless to carry back the reader, to a contemplation
of the corrupt state of the Court of Madrid, under Charles IV. and
Maria Louisa. The fact is, that almost every office, in America, had its
fixed price, the same as a loaf of bread,and in general, all were disposed
of, under the rose. The prices current,were as follow, Oidor, or Judge,
in Mexico, or Lima, 12,000 dollars, in the other sections, 8000 do, col-
lectorship of customs, 10,000 dollars, and so on, in proportion to the
revenue of the office. Another means of obtaining a nomination, was,
by marrying one efthe maids of honour, who had, perhaps, been little
else, than a pander to the pleasures and intrigues of the queen. Even
the servants of ministers, were often invested with offices, and I could*
from my personal knowledge, quote an instance, of a baker being sent
out by even Galvez, as one of the colonial treasurers. And yet the
natives of Spanish America, are commanded to bear all thege insults
and degradation, without repining.

48

impolitic privations, were so glaring to Spaniards them-
celves, that Dn. Malchor Macanaz, in his celebrated
memorial, presented to Philip V. uses the following
words. " As the natives of those, your Majesty's domi-
nions, are equally deserving of filling the principal offices
of their own country, it appears reasonable, that they
should not be divested of all management in their own
homes. I am fully persuaded, that in those countries,
there are many discontented persons, not because they
are under the control of Spain; but because they are
cast down, and tyrannized by the very persons, who are
gentoVerto exercise the duties of the judicature. Let
your Majesty give these offices to subjects of that coun-
try, and by this means, disturbances will be avoided."*
Other similar sentiments and avowals, from many enlight-
ened Spaniards, might be quoted.

Thus, from the time of Phillip V, does it appear, that ra-
pacious, and often, immoral Peninsulars, held every office
of profit and distinction, and little else was left to the ex-
cluded natives, but ill treatment, continued insults and
outrages, to such an extreme, that even, lately, the Mexico
Consulado, or Board of Trade, composed of European
members, in its solemn deliberations, manifested to the
Cortes, that the Americans icere a race of monJcieSt filled
itith vice and ignorance, and automata, umoorthy of repre-
sentingy or being represented. The'debates which took place
in the Cortes, on the receipt of, this singular communica-
tion, are to be found in its proceedings for Sept. 1811';
yet similar, if not greater insults, might be quoted from
the Cadiz prints.

Bribery and corruption were the springs by which

* Semanario Erudito, torn. 7.

49

every thing was moved ; monopolies of various kinds, and
in the most essential articles, absorbed the industry of the
lower classes ; and restrictions of trade and prohibitory
systems, rendered every thing stagnant, and left the choi-
cest productions of no value. Besides the onerous mo-
nopolies, which existed in favour of the crown, and of
individuals, the liberty of the press was unknown, the
planting of the vine, and olive, was forbidden in most
sections,* generally the distilling of spirits, and also the
growing of hemp and flax. It was unlawful to whale, or
fish for cod, as well as to trade between the respective
provinces,! not only in articles brought from Spain, but
even in those of their own growth. Coasting trade was
not allowed, intercourse with foreigners, was pronounced
a capital crime, and punished as such.

Estrada observes, that the Spanish government, in
order to hold the Americans in greater subjection to its
own dominion, conceived that the best means, was not to
permit them to manufacture any thing made in Spain,
nor to grow, on their soil,*any of her productions. :|: Hence
they were forbidden to rival the wine, brandies, oil, rai-

* " Quedandaexpresamente prohibido para la Nueva Espaaa, Ter-
ra-firrae y Sant^ Fe, los vinos, aguardientes, vinagre, aceyte de olivas,
pasas y alraendras del Peru y Chile, y privados rigorosaraente en to-
das partes, los plantios de olivares y viuas." Vide Gazetade Mexico, 6
deoctubre 1804. also, Censor Extraordinario, No. 59. Cadiz, 1812.

f That this singular prohibition may not appear dubious, I quote
the letter of the law : " Ordenaraos y raandamos 4 los Vireyes del
Peru y Nueva Espana, que infalibleraenteprohiban y estorbeneste
comercio y traficoentrearabos reynos, por todos los caminos y me-
dios que fuere posible." Recop. Leyes Ind. Ley 79 Tit. 45.

q: Examen imparcial, fol. 149

£

sins, almonds, silks, cloths, glass, &c. of the mother
country, on whom they became dependent for supplies of
these articles. They were not suffered to work the quick-
silver mines, with which their country abounds ; and the
king preferred to expend a considerable sum, annually, in
the port of Trieste, than that the Americans should not be
beholden to him, for the requisites to amalgamate their ores.
Another unjust and impolitic principle in the colonial pc-
licyof Spain, was, that one section, was to be sacrificed
to the advantage of another. In 1792, thecabildo of Lima,
petitioned the court to prohibit the planting of the sugar
cane in Chili, in order to render "the latter dependent on
them for this article, and it was granted. Chili was also
refused permission to grow tobacco, almost, now, be-
come a necessary of life amongst all Spaniards, and was
thus forced to draw its supplies from the Peruvian dis-
trict of Lambayque, though its quality was the very
worst. Acapulco and Mexico, were not suffered to take
the wine, olives, raisins, and almonds of Chili ; and in
many other instances, unequal and disproportioned shac-
kles, were placed between the respective provinces. In
Chili, a company was established to catch seals, which
abound on the coast and contiguous islands, but the court
refused its sanction, notwithstanding the subjects of the
United States of North America, were allowed to whale
and seal on all the shores of the South Seas. The great
restrictions on the importations of books, were, also, ex-

+ It was, Qnly, on the other side of Cape Hom, that wine, oil,
brandies, raisins, and almonds, were allowed to be raised, though CTery
other section is congenial te their growth. This was in consequence
of Ibc length of the Toyage,for articles of so heavy a nature.

51

ti^emely grievous ; for, if any thing besides prayer-books
4^nd caf6chisms,escaped the vigilance of the custom house
searcher, it was difficult to elude the fangs of the Inqui-
titn, on whose expurgatory list, were to be found, the
best and most useful authors in modern languages. It
even entered into the colonial policy of Spain, to hide
from the Americans, the real and faithful details of the
primitive conquest of their country; so much so, that
the works of Las Casas, who was, at the same time, vene-
rated as a saint, were forbidden by Government, because
they constituted a true and just picture of the horrors
and cruelties, committed by the first conquerors against
the inoffensive Indians, and enumerated the ravages and
destruction of the primitive towns, with all the ardour of
a christian, and all the truth of an eye witness. Epic
poems, and romances, in praise of the first conquerors,
like the history of Solis, were, alone, suffered to be
read, and in which the ignorance and vices of the defence-
less natives, were alleged, as a plea for the unheard of
butcheries, which so soon depeopled the lately discover-
ed sections of the new world. It is, only, when Spanish
America is freed from bage despotic power, and the free-
dom of the press, established, that the occurrences of the
primitive conquests, will be fairly known to the world.
The friend of humanity, has still many fresh tears to shed
over the more faithful picture of the first ravages; and
his heart w^ill, often yet, beat with sympathy, at the
untold degradation heaped on the Indians, for more than
three hundred years.

By being deprived of foreign trade, the Spanish Ame-
ricans, were obliged to pay for their clothing, three times
dearer than it was worth ; and as there was no competi-

5^

tion, and most of their territorial productions were not
consumed in the Peninsula, they were under the necessity
of selling at low prices. During the wars, in which
Spain has been engaged, the evils of this exclusion, have
been incalculable, and, amongst other things, so great has
been the want of iron, so necessary for the implements of
agriculture, that, in Quito, according to UUoa,it hassold
for one hundred dollars, per hundred pounds weight,
and steel for one hundred and fifty ditto.* Ou rown
navigation act, by which we hold an exclusive trade^
has been quoted as an excuse for Spain, and as a correct
example, how all parent states ought to act to their colo-
nies; but even, if such was the relative situation of the
Spanish American provinces, (and sufficient concurrent
testimony, has been brought forward, to prove th^i con-
trary) the adoption of the same law, on the part of Spain,
would not either be just or political, at the present mo-
ment, from her neither having ships, credit, capital, nor
manufactures. British settlements are restricted to our
own ships, because they can always have them cheaper,
and better protected than others j and because this is
one of the clauses of their original compact. Were the
impossible case, however, ever to occur, and by any unfore-
seen event, we were to be deprived of a sufficient numbery
for colonial purposes, it would be both cruel and unjust,
that the productionsof our planters, should rot on their
farms, for want of conveyance home. When Lord Chat-
bam asserted, that not a nail ought to be manufactured
in our late North American settlements, it would have
been most tyrannical, if this article had not been manu-
factured in England, and that at a cheaper rate, than
any where else.

Patriotic societies, which had for object, beneficence^

* Viage a la America Meridional, Fart 1. Lib. 5. No. 713*

h

53

and the dissemination of knowledge, under the most spe-
cious pretexts, were prohibited; as well as the study of ■
the laws, and rights of nations, which latter, were sup- j
posed to form no part of the claims of the Americans.
The Indian college of Tlaiclolco was abolished, because
the natives of colour, therein acquired informatiotil Ca-
cique Cirilo de Castilla, spent thirty years of his life, in
endeavouring to found an Indian college, in La Puebla,
but died in Madrid, without succeeding. Dn. Juan Fran-
cisco, an Opata chief, travelled to Mexico on foot, a dis,
tance of five hundred leagues, and then crossed the ocean
to Madrid, solely to solicit a grant to found a school in
his own interior province, for the only purpose of teach-
ing his fellow Indians, the first rudiments; and lir was
refused by the council of the Indies, in 1798. A patriotic
society, established by the benevolent Villaurrutia, in
Guatemala, for the object of encouraging the arts and
sciences, was, also, interdicted, as offensive to the views
of the court.

The numerous instances of a similar nature, I could
quote, would almost exceed credibility; and any other
than the practical observer, would be induced to ^^>ubt
their existence. In a country, like England, where the
king, and also the dignitaries of the crown, are the active,
as well as the professed patrons of benevolent establish-
ments and institutions, for the care and instruction of
the lower orders, it will scarcely be believed, that when
Charles I V^.v/as solicited to found an university in the city
of Merida, in the captain-generalship of Caracas, his
Majesty, in his royal cedula, or decree, after consulting
the council of the Indies, and the fiscal, refused permis-
sion, alledging, that he did not conceive it j^roper, for learrt"
ing to become general in America*

54

Thus, whilst the other nations of Europe, devoted
their best exertions, to spread useful knowledge among all
orders of society ; whilst, even those which had colonies,
hastened to make them share in every thing liberal and
enlightened, they themselves attained, Spain alone, was
prohibiting the extension of useful knowledge in her
transmarine provinces, and debarring them from the pro-
gressive advances of the latter centuries ; on a system,
and in conformity to principles, which can scarcely be
supposed to exist, even in the most uncivilized and bar-
barous nations. This strange obliquity of intellect, can
be explained in no other way, than by adverting to the
narrow-minded and bigotted manner, in which'all hergo-
vernmental transactions have been conducted; nor could
such instances of antisocial principles be credited, were
tbey not derived from the best authorities, and proved
by the testimony of all those, who have been observant in
Spanish America. The Inquisition, with all its horrors,
and exclusively composed of European judges, like the
police of Napoleon, was charged to watch over every one
who murmured against government, whose instrument it
had become, rather than that of religion. In short, the
despotism of Asia, or Turkey, scarcely presents a picture
more horrid and debased, than the policy acted upon by
the European Spaniards in their American provinces ;
one, that, in defiance of every just principle, and in direct
opposition to the law,, not only existed, but had gradually
grown into a most undeviating regularity of actual
system.

Hitherto, therefore, it would appear, that the inhabi-
tants of Spanish America, have been treated, rather as the
meek and servile servants of their European masters, than

55

Ik

as men, endowed with the same understanding, equal to
them in rights, and, by the laws of justice and of nature,
entitled to the same privileges and social footing. In
most countries, where civilization has superseded the ra-
vages of conquest, the individual has some degree of per-
sonal protection against injustice, by the impartiality and
soundness of the laws, by these being fixed and unchange-
able, or by the correct manner in which they are admi-
nistered; for it is a folly to suppose, that a society could
ever long, and properly subsist, that is not protected by
adequate codes. Few, indeed, are the established socie-
ties, so wretched, and so destitute, as not t9 have some
check or other on the powerful, and some provision
made against arbitrary power, and the despotism of their
rulers; but, in this number, Spanish America might be
counted ; for experience has proved, that an appeal, at
the distance of two thousand leagues, before a corrupt
court, had no other effect, than to aggravate the case.
How many unfortunate claimants, unjustly deprived of
their property, have collected the last remnant of their
fortunes, and have crossed the ocean to seek redress at
the foot of the throne; but if Americans, they have had
to expend the whole, and, perhaps, the remainder of their
lives, in seeking, what from principle and corruption, was
denied them, but what, injustice, could not be withheld.
How many such instances, are there, not on record ; how
many, up to the present day, yet occur ; nay, how many
victims of vengeance and injustice, could not the prisons
of Cadiz, at the present moment, disclose ? How many,
in the dungeons of both hemispheres, are now dragging
a wretched existence, or perishing in hopeless captivity;
withouttrial, or without having, even, been notified of the

I

56

cause of their sufferings ? The records of the colonial
policy, and of the judicial proceedings of Spain, applied
to her ultramarine settlements, have been filled with the
greatest horrors ; nor is there a pretext of any nature^
that will amount to a justification of a continiiahce of
such outrages. Yet, are we astonished, that the settle-
ments have sought redress ; nay, we, ourselves, have been
deaf when they appealed to us as a nation, and sought
our interference, as a shield against the horrors by which
they were surrounded; and this under such grievances, as
those already sketched, and after the most friendly assur-
ances on our part. When they called on the universal
sympathies of mankind at large, and strong in so sacred
and just a cause, addressed themselves to us, we were
the only nation that acted with indifference, and that ne-
gatively told them, their object was unjust, and that
the Spaniards w^ere acting right, in punishing them as
w^anton insurgents, and in filling their country, with hor-
ror and devastation.

Unjust and improvident as was this colonial system
I have just sketched, it was nevertheless exercised over
one of the richest and most interesting portions of the
.globe, and inhabited by seventeen millions of people,
more enlightened than their European brethren, more
liberal, and possessed of a character and disposition,
filled up with many interesting traits. There is in the
Creole,^ a degree of sensibility, which, whilst the partial
European has often construed into effeminacy, partakes
more of the finer feelings ; and though, at first sight, it
may have the appefarance of languor, and a want of ener-
gy, facts, have, nevertheless, proved, that the native of
Spanish America, is not divested of courage, but, that he

57

seldom descen(Js to cruelty. Gifted with a warm and
brilliant imagination, his mind is adapted to every science
that is^not peculiarly dry and abstruse ; and amongst the
literary characters the settlements have produced within
few years,^lmost all have been Creoles; indeed, in the very
Cortes, the most eloquent and liberal, are of that class.
I make these few incidental remarks, because, the natives
of the country to which I allude, amongst us, are partially
known, and not justly appreciated. Fortunately, also,
the upper classes, as previously stated, have, by dint of
perseverance, overcome most of the obstacles opposed to
mental improvement; in such manner, that the European
traveller is now astonished at the various acquirements,
which, in general, they have attained, and which he
would have thought impossible, under the political des-
potism, in which they have been so long held.

HoAvever, snch as I have just pencilled; has been the
degraded aspect of the transmarine government, and such
the melancholy picture, the Spanish Americans have pre-
sented, for 300 years ; and scarcely is there a country
where the smallest spark of rational freedom, and of
civil liberty has existed, that has not lamented the fate of
that injured people, and condoled with their abject state;
Since the time of Raynal, scarcely has there been a pen
employed in describing those varied and extensive regi-
ons, that, after enumerating their neglected resources,
has not deplored the unnatural subjection in which they
were kept, and the privations to which they were reduced.
All governments, with regard to the citizen, ought to have
a just and moral power ; but, very much the reverse, was
that by which the Spanish settlements were ruled; ingra-
titude was the basis of the colonial policy of Spain, and

58

that same ingratitude which placed the immortal Colum-
bus in chains, was perpetuated to ail the countries he
discovered.

This enquiry into the ancient, but violated laws, as
well as into the colonial policy of Spain, I conceived
necessary, to the more complete, and full comprehension
of the state of Spanish America, at the beginning of the
19th century; and even up to the commencement of the
patriotic cause of the Peninsula; a period at which, the
rest of Europe, was astonished by political occurrences,
Tsiore remarkable and momentous, than any to be found
in the historical annals of that country. I have, pur-
posely, examined the laws of the Indies, as the most
correct means of establishing the relative, and social
footing of that people, for whose exclusive government,
they were enacted; and after recapitulating their primi-
tive compacts, undertaken on the most solemn pledges
of kingly faith, and successively guaranteed by the most
express, and repeated acts of Spanish legislation ; I have
supposed, that a faithful picture of the present colonial
policy of Spain, would be the most sure criterion, to
judge, whether there has been any deviation from the
original rights and prerogatives of the Spanish American
subjects; and whether or not, they required redress and
reform. If, I have enumerated the galling restraints on
civil liberty, as well as in many other shapes, which ex-
isted; and, if, in short, I have represented the situation of
that country to be most deplorable, where the order of a
corrupt minister, had, often acquired the force of law,
and whereevery thingwas venal, degraded, and oppressive;
it was in order to promote an enquiry, wheUier these
same abuses have been continued, since the boasted rege«

59

iieration of Spain; and whether, when a most favourable
opportunity offered, the late governments of C adiz, have
complied with this most sacred of all their duties, by
bringing alleviation to the ills of their distant brethren, on
which, principally, depended, the future salvation of
the whole monarchy.

In examining all the principles of the theory, and the
practical circumstances of the case in view, I have been
guided, only, by such documents and records, as could be
relied on ; and these premises once established^ it will be
easy to judge, correctly,of the point at issue ; particularly
after the subjoined display of every thing material, that
has occurred in Spanish America, and in the Cortes, on this
important subject, of which details will be brought for-
ward, in the course of this production. If, I have defined,
in an ample manner, the primitive, but long-invaded rights
of the Spanish Americans; it was to ascertain whether
the infractions of their past rulers, have been remedied by
the present ones ; and whether, every thing allowed by
reason, by justice, and even by the laws, has been prac-
tically granted to them. If, I have explained the relative
situation of Spanish America, to Spain; it was not only to
clear up doubts, under which we, ourselves, have long la-
bouFed, and in order to establish, that Spanish America,
from being an equal, incorporated, and integral part of
the Spanish monarchy, has equally become our ally; but,
also, to elicite an impartial search, into the conduct and
disquisitions of the Cortes on the existing dissentions.
My object is, to demonstrate, on which side rests, the
blame of so many horrors and ravages, now committing
in the transmarine provinces of Spain, and consequently,
to ascertain, which party is to be charged with ingrati-

60

tude and injustice. If my premises and deductions
should turn out correct, it will result, that the situation
of Spanish America, instead of being bettered, since the
period of the late changes in the Peninsula; had rather
become worse; nor, do I doubt, that experience and
faithful observation, will fail to authorize the tenour of
my allegations. If my conclusions are fairly made, it
will be proved, that it was not the remembrance of past
evils and infractions; it was not a spirit of wanton inno-
vation, and undue revenge; but rather, the recent pres-
sure of fresh aggravations and unprovoked insults, which
first roused the natives of Spanish America, w^iich urged
them to resist the tyranny of the Cadiz rulers, and to
seek, by force, what, on remonstrance, had been denied
them. In short, the subsequent details on which I shall
soon enter, will tend to evince, that the situation of the
transmarine provinces, instead of being ameliorated by
the regeneration of the parent state, had, in fact, become
more degraded; so ancient, and so habitual, was the prac-
tice of the heads of government, and of the monopolists of
the trading ports, to consider the kingdoms of America,
as dependent colonies, only destined to contribute to the
luxury and advantage of the mother country, and as a
fruitful harvest, intended, only, to enrich the impover-
ished natives of the Peninsula.

§ Nor do the people of Spanish America, appear to
have been, altogether, insensible to the hardships and
privations under which they had so long lived. Prior
to the present situation of things, some attempts had
been made by the Indians, to obtain, by force of arms, a
partial redress and reform in the governing system, the
whole of which, seem to have had for object, to with-

m

stand or limit, the oppressions and exorbitant exactions
of the Alcaides and Encomenderos % and though unsuc-
cessful, they, nevertheless, prove, that the natives were
alive to all their wrongs, and were indignant, to be thus
dealt with, by their cruel task-masters.* It would not,
however be possible, in this place, to enter into the de-
tails of these transactions, or of those which took place
in other sections, amongst the whites; they would be tedi-
ous, and, are, at least, partially, known in Europe. Hence,
however, has it happened, that most of our political wri-
ters, who have fundamentally discussed this question, and
have examined the situation of both Spain, and her settle-
ments ; have been of opinion, that the former, could not,
long, hold the latter in dependence and subjection. They,
indeed, conceived, that the influence, affinity, and identity
of religion, customs, and prejudices, might, for sometime,
retard the period, when Spanish America, would shake off
so galling a yoke ; but they all pronounced, that accord-
ing to the late growth, and moral improvement of the
settlements, the period was not far distant, when the pre-
sent century began.

They reasoned, however, from analogy, and not from

* I cannot refrain from announcing, that shortly will be published
here, an account of the revolution of Inca Tupac-Amaru, in Peru,
from authentic documents, found in the public offices of Buenos
Ay res and upper Peru, since the chan<!^es of government. It is high
time, that the cruelties committed by the Spaniards on the Indians of
Peru, about the year 1780, and which have purposely been kept so
secret, should be laid before the world, in an authentic shape. At
sigitt of the mass of information that will henceforward be laid before
the public, it will be seen, whether the most callous Briton, could
put his hand on his heart, and say, Spanish America required not a
radical reform.

62

local knowledge; for without the late revolution in
Spain, and without the ungrateful conduct of her present
governments, no general commotion could have taken
place ; and even now, the Spanish Americans are very
far from wishing to change their allegiance; that is, if
they are to be dependent on any European power, they
•will always prefer Spain ; even, though conquered by
the French, notwithstanding the oppression of her go-
vernment. We are not, however, to be astonished,
since information has become more general, that the poli-
tical events of Europe, from 1789, should have excited a
lively interest amongst a people, who have been long
sensible of their abject situation, and who have been
aspiring to the extension of rights, which, as I have al-
ready manifested, in effect^ belonged to them; when this
privation, was not only a material obstacle to the mutu-
al prosperity of both countries ; but, has, also, now be*
come, a motive of such just resentment, against the pa-
rent state.

§ But, before I proceed any further, I conceive it ne-
cessary, previously, to take a short retrospective view, of
what was, at one time, the decided policy of the British
government, with regard to Spanish America, and what
professions were then made in its name; as a better
deduction may be thence formed, of the manner in which
we have abandoned the interests of that injured conti-
nent, since our present treaty with the Peninsula.

Long, and rational has been the boast, that in our
sea-girt isle, the lamp of freedom burned with a clear
and steady flame ; a blessing, which, whilst we enjoyed,
we have never failed to regret, was not equally the por-
tion of others. Early, therefore, did the people of Eng-

land, imbibe sentiments of compassion, and feelings of
personal interest, for the natives of Spanish America;
which were gradually confirmed and strengthened,by the
writings of Robertson and others, as well as by the line of
policy some of our late ministers traced out, for their
political conduct. Our illustrious Pitt, felt this just and
rational sympathy, and clearly saw, that the improvement
of so immense and diversified a continent, would not only
redound to the advantage of Europe in general; but
would, in a pre-eminent degree, contribute to the commer-
cial prosperity of the nation, over which he presided. He
was undoubtedly aware, that Spain, from her geographi-
cal position, from the debased state of her government,
and her want of energy, industry, and firmness ; could
be considered, as little else than a province of France ;
who, by the sale of her goods, and by the exactions of her
government, absorbed all the treasure that arrived from
the settlements, of which Spain was scarcely more than
the landing place. He evidently saw, that the resources
of the continental war, were, thus considerably increased ;
and with a magnanimity and foresight peculiar to his
character, he resolved to cut off this annual accession of
wealth from our rival, and to give it a new channel.
That same enlightened statesman, reasoning on the in-
dependence of Spanish America, and contemplating the
wonderful changes, the discovery and possession of that
immense and fruitful country, produced on the continent
of Europe, nay, in the whole world, even when its re-
sources were yet in embryo ; naturally calculated the
greater change that must ensue, from its separation, in its
present comparatively advanced state ; and that the be-
nefits, thence to be derived, would, consequently, result

\

64

in favour of the country, that aided to effect so impor-
tant an event.

Forcibly urged by these strong and flattering con-
victions, Mr. Pittjhad ever present to his mind, a changeso
desirous and momentous, and for the furtherance of his
views, and in conformity to his plans, natives of that
country were encouraged and collected; some were placed
in the charge of our government, and projects were
formed . Unfortunately for England, as well as for Spa-
nish America, with very few exceptions, the charac-
ters thus encouraged, were neither men of influence, in-
formation, or connections ; they were, in general, mer-
cenaries, rather intent on their own personal interest and
aggrandizement, and if we may judge from the plans
adopted in the subsequent ministiy, and the complete
darkness, in which the government has been kept with re-
gard to Spanish America, and the manner in which it has
been misled, they never knew the public sentiment of
that continent, and I have the best founded reasons to
add, ^they had neither abilities, nor principles, to aid in
any cause, that was to be conducted on the basis of libe-
rality and honour. When the services of such charac-
ters, are, still preferred to the sacrifices, approved zeal,
and unrequited exertions, of our own subjects; no won-
der that the Spanish Americans complain, that our ulte-
riour views towards them are dishonourable, and that we
should, yet, know so little of this valuable portion of the
globe, whose resources are so fast wasting from us.

The plans Mr. Pitt adopted for the Spanish settle-
ments, appear to have been an absolute independence, and
an entire separation from the mother country. Yet, this
M'as a work of a very complicated and gigantic nature ;

6a ^ .

the means and persons employed, were not adequate ; nor
were the settlements in a state of maturity, for such an
event, or, even disposed for its accomplishment. Posterior
circumstances, have proved, in amanner the most evident,
that, notwithstanding the wrongs of the Spanish govern-
ment, a mere reform was wished ; and, that the natives
of those distant, and injured settlements, were not tired of
the name of Spaniards. Perhaps, there is not an instance,
when this question was popular in England, in which,
both the public and the government, were more deceived,
than in the one here alluded to. The fate of our own
expeditions to South America, convinced us, that its na-
tives were not debased enough to submit to conquest ;
and the stages at which the more recent insurrections yet
stand, most clearly demonstrate, that the ties of the mo-
ther country, were too strong, to be easily shaken, much
less so, by exteriour interference. Loyalty was never
wanting in Spanish America, and the manner in which
the natives have defended their own coasts,* the sacri-
fices they have, so long, made for the parent state, and
their late antipathy to the French, unequivocally prove
its existence. It haSj only, been (as will, hereafter, be
more fully evinced) since ingratitude has been thrown
into the cup of the other ills, the settlements had to en-
dure, that the people have been roused, that they have
attempted open resistance ; but, even yet, they have not
generally expressed sentiments, coincident to indepen-
dence; nay, they yet cling to the Spanish name, revere

* 11 is a fact, that prior to the expulsion of the Jesuits, no regular
Spanish troops were on the American establishment. The unpopula-
rity of this measure, made it requisite to be provided against insurrec*
Vions of the Indians, which immediately followed, in 1780.

£

em

the same monarch; the Cadiz government, alone,is the
dissentient point.

There are too many public testimonies, on record, for
it to be doubted, that the British government was, at one
time, busied in either plans of reform, or of separation,
for the Spanish American settlements ; but they do not
appear to have been, publicly, and officially, announced
and avowed to them, till June, 1797 5 notwithstanding the
different neighbouring governors, had, long, been corres-
ponding on the subject. About that period. General
Picton, governor of Trinidad, by orders of Mr. Secretary
Dundas, addressed and circulated a proclamation on all
the contiguous main, which, from the express manner in
which it acknowledges, the oppression and tyrannic sys"
tern exercised there; as well, as from its containing the
most ample and express proffei-s of friendship; besides
actual assurances, of England being ever ready to give
aid and support, whenever the inhabitants icere disposed ta
malce use of it; I have conceived highly illustrative of
my present subject; and have, consequently, placed it
in my Appendix, under the head of A ; as its insertion in
this place, would interfere, too much, with the body of
my text. This, was a solemn and sacred pledge, then
made to the people of Spanish America, that England
felt for their debased situation; was sensible of their
wrongs, and was, at all times, ready to redress them.
This, was an act, as solemn and as binding, as our first
engagements made with the Asturian and Sevilian de-
puties ; and though it would have been inconsistent and
dishonourable in England, in such moments as these, to
have abetted the absolute independence of Spanish
America, it was, however, a most sacred obligation and
bounden duty, on her part, to see that the objects of her
former promises, now attached to her by a new alliance^

were not butchered as ingrates, totally undeserving of
her regard. Her fornner offers, added to the fresh bonds,
she had just contracted with the whole Spanish monarchy,
ought to have urged her, to apply those principles of
truth and reason, as well as that manly promptitude,
which, in general, have guided her cabinet, not only in
objects of policy and legislation, but, also, in all foreign
transactions, in order to hinder the destruction of
the best portion of that same monarchy, that had,
iiow, become our ally, and the common feelings of
men, ought to have made us feel for a flagrant and cry-
ing injustice, of which we bore a proportionate blame,
and of which, eventually, we shall experience the deep-
est consequences.

Such, as contained in document A. were the sentiments
and professions, which the British government, by ex-
press command, caused to be manifested and circulated
on all the Southerncontinentof America, and snch the as-
surances which were never withdrawn. They are on pub-
lic record, they are well remembered by the natives, to
whom they were often individually repeated ; and up to
the time of the late Spanish revolution ; and till a change
of policy took place, similar sentiments were confirmed
hy all the governors of the contiguous islands. Thus, did
England stand pledged ; thus, did she acknowledge the
oppression under which the Spanish Americans labour-
ed ; and after such a confession, after an offer so solemn
and so voluntary ; they had the best founded reasons to
hook up to her, as their future deliverer, from that same
oppression, she had so often, and so explicitly deplored.
They had substantial grounds to believe, that her sympa-
thetic sentiments were real and sincere; that they had
not been proposed as a snare, or under the guise of mo-
mentary interest. The least, they were, thence, autho-

«8

rized to expect was, that, when they were equally patrio-
tic, equally enemies of the French, equally ready to join
in the common cause,and when their wishes were the best,
that England would never commit herself, so far, as to
abandon them to the fury of their enemies, and to deliver
them up to the devastating scourge of a cruel war, waged
between irritated brethren. Yet, can it be believed, that
Avhen the newly constituted authorities of Caracas, ap-
pealed to the justice and generosity of the British govern-
ment, in a most eloquent and pathetic letter (hereafter
quoted) to the king, and only complaining of the illega-
lity of the new governments of Spain, that not an answer
was deigned to their communication, nor an efficient
measure adopted, to stop the evils, which daily increased.
It was about the period of our dispute with Spain,
respecting Nootka Sound, that Mr. Pitt first commenced
bis projects, for revolutionizing the Spanish possessions in
America, and opening their lost resources to more gene-
ral enterprise. It would be foreign to my present purpose,
here, to endeavour to trace the various engines set to
work, in the first place, to obtain information, and after-
wards to construct plans, which might eventually lead to
the political emancipation of that quarter of the globe,
and insure its regeneration. Many of them, have, already,
studiously, been laid before the British public, either in
Reviews, in detached Tracts, or in the Annual Registers.
Most of them, would warrant the assumption, already,
made, that the means projected and employed, were nei-
ther adequate or congenial ; and abundance of positive tes-
timony, might be adduced, to prove, that the beneficent in-
tentions of our ministersjwere, in some cases, egregiously
imposed upon. It would, at the same time, be irrelevant
here, to discuss the merits of that part of Mr. Pitt's pro-

69

ject, which related to the expediency of interesting the
United States of North America, by a proportionable co-
operation, in the emancipation of their sister continent;
or, to dwell on a renewal of the same projected scheme,
during the administration of Lord Sidmouth. They may be
seen, at some length, in the Edinburgh Review, for Janu-
ary, 1809 ; and many interesting particulars, may, also, be
collected, from the instructions given to Generals Craw-
ford* and Whitelocke ; and in the trials of the latter, of
Lord Melville, and Sir Home Popham. The fact is, that
at the period to which I allude, in Europe, vast and bril-
liant plans existed, on paper, for the emancipation and
political regeneration of Spanish America, when, at the
same time, its natives were neither predisposed, or even
acquainted with what was meditating so far off, for the
amelioration of their lot. Eventually, these long pro-
jected plans, ended in injudicious attempts to subject
them, by the force of arms; and to impose upon them,
a fresh allegiance, against which, they had the strongest
prejudices. Roused by the spirit of freedom, and
galled by the experience of the past, the American
provinces might have been induced to throw off the
Spanish yoke ; but instead of leaving these results to the
energies of mind, and to the gradual, and more effective
means of convincing its natives of their degradation
and abject state, and animating them, by the prospect of
a brighter era which awaited their own exertions, we
not only attempted by the bayonet, to rend asunder, all
the ties which united them to the soil, from whence they
derived their origin ; but we held out to them, what, as

* General Crawford, with 5000 men, was bound against Chili,
where it is reported he had before been incognito to take plans.

they conceived to be, was a greater degradation than the
one, we sought to'remove.
So much was the British government engaged in its plans
for the Spanish main, that expeditions were sent to Buenos
Ayres ; but their failure having been, already, attributed
to, partly, the right causes, viz. to the plans of conquest,
and to the attempt, of, merely, giving the chains of the
people, another form; it will not be necessary, here,
to enter into any further particulars. Even up to the
breaking out of the present Spanish patriotic cause, a
fresh expedition was ready to put to sea, commanded by
Sir Arthur Wellesley, and to be accompanied by General
Miranda and others; the troops and commander of which,
afterwards sailed to the Peninsula, from their rendezvous
at Cork. These circumstances were not unknown to the
Spanish Americans, and such demonstrations, added to
the solemn declarations they had continued to receive,
from the year 1797, amounted to an undoubted certainty,
that interest and liberality, would urge the cabinet of SU
James, when in its power, to interfere, at least, for an
amelioration of their lot; and that, when they had offered
to become parties in the war against the French, they
would not be left, deserted, and abandoned to their fate ;
more especially at a time, when they only asked for re-
form, and for the restoration of those rights, of which
they had been unjustly dispossessed. When they appeal-
ed to England, as their umpire, little did they dream, that
she would behold, with cold apathy, those very struggles,
she, herself, had so lately excited and encouraged. Little
did they suppose it possible, when they were only aim-
ing at redress, and she had just before pledged to support,
even, their independence, that England would not befriend
them ; and this, at a moment, when, had sli/e only lifted

71

up her hand in time, nearly all bloodshed might hare
been spared, and the Spanish cause made doubly strong ;
whereas now, the Spanish monarchy is dismembered, ci-
vil wars have been enkindled, universal devastation has
ensued, to such a lamentable degree, that, on a correct
calculation, more lives have been, already, sacrificed in the
Spanish American provinces, than in European Spain.

§ I have been more explicit in this short sketch of the
former intentions, views, and professions of the British go-
vernment towards the natives of Spanish America, because
I have noticed the odium and rancour, our dereliction, and
subsequent silence have caused ; and, because, had it not
been for these repeated assurances and demonstrations ;
as well as the positive conviction, that an attempt at re-
form, would coincide with the good wishes of England,
and even with those of the whole liberal w^orld, the pro-
vinces of Spanish America, would not have sought it;
but, would have, still, hugged their chains, had they
thought it consistent with justice, and the common feel-
ings of men.

Urged by the love of common j ustice, if I have thus far,
traced the hardships of the political situation of Spanish
America, if I have pointed out the defects of the colonial
system of Spain, and explained the arbitrary conduct of
her governmental agents ; it has not been for the purposes of
reproach; but, rather, with a view to convey a just con-
ception of the abject and degraded circumstances, under
which,the Spanish Americans laboured, at the period, when
the ruler of France, resolved on a change of dynasty in the
Peninsula ; and when the results of that debased venality
and deep intrigue, by which he had, long, been pre-
paring for the completion of his base design, became
manifest to the astonished world. The unweildly power

72

of France, had, already, extended her limits, far beyond
those known to her ancient kings; and a rapid succession
of victories, aided by artifice and intrigue, had made the
politics of the surrounding monarchs, subservient to the
views of a chief, who had, dexterously, raised himself,
on the ruins of republican anarchy and prescriptive right.
To ordinary minds, one would have thought, that such
acquisitions as these, would have been sufficient to satisfy
thekeenest cravings of ambition; but, in the bosom of such
H man, as Buonaparte, in like manner, as in that of the
hero of ancient history, he is most proud to imitate; this
ever restless passion, like space, has no limits ; and to
conquer one world, was only to sigh for another.

To usurp the contiguous throne of Spain and the In-
dies, and place their sceptre in the hands of one of his own
family, was a project he had long revolved in his aspir-
ing breast ; and consonant to his plans of universal mo-
narchy, and general dominion, in 1808, he, openly, resolv-
ed to make the Peninsula, a domain of France, He was,
already, in military possession of the principal frontier
towns ; and the persons of the Royal Family, had been,
long, surrounded by his creatures. The degraded situa-
tion of Spain, was, also, propitious to so vile and hazar-
dous a plot ; and the general debility, which had spread
throughout, was peculiarly favourable to the means em-
ployed for its execution. Charles IV, a weak and inactive
prince, had then reigned about twenty years ; but, from
the time of his marriage with the princess of Parma, he
had been so much under the control of his wife, whose
scandalous intrigues had become an object of scorn lo
the meanest of her subjects, that scarcely an act of vir-
tue or justice, had characterized his pusillanimous reigiK

With such a monarch, and under the guidance of a mi*
nister, both a libertine, and a despot ; Spain was, at this
time, sunk in the most abject state of political torpor and
debasement, and appeared to be on the eve, of falling an
easy prey, to an insidious and powerful invader. The in-
fluence of the queen, and the excesses of her paramour,
had spread dissentions betw^een the king and his son ; and
the unprecedented favours shewn to an intriguing and
ambitious, upstart, had not, only, alienated the minds of
the nobles from the person of their sovereign ; but, had,
also, inspired contempt, amongst the lower orders of so-
ciety. Spain, was, besides, without fleets, treasury, or
arsenals ; public credit had become extinct ; and a consi-
derable national debt, had been accumulated. Flattery,
favours, and bribeiy, had, long, been the only means, by
which employments had been obtained ; the laws, had,
frequently, been founded on the caprices of a corrupt
premier; the court, and most of the higher classes, had
become a prey to all kinds of immorality and dissipation;
and every means of circulating liberal ideas, had been
polluted. Patriotism and national interest, no longer
preserved the union of society ; the press was broken, or
fettered ; the public writers, were awed into silence, by
proscription ; or, shamefully, bribed to plead the cause
of existing despotism, by ribbands, offices, or pensions ;
in short, every thing was grown into systematic tyranny
and debasement, or consigned to the darkness and apa-
thy of ignorance; whilst every spark of genius, merit, and
liberahty, w^ere either damped, or extinguished.

Such, was the situation of Spain, in 1808, when Buo-
naparte threw off the mask of friendship, and entrapped
the members of the Royal Family. I hasten to pass over

74

that brilliant display of patriotism and national feeling,
"which, immediately, burst forth in the whole Spanish na*
tion ; but, particularly, in the lower classes, where the
contagion of the court had not reached ; and, which,
eventually, led to an alliance w^ith ourselves. Confined,
as I am, to the affairs of Spain, only, as they relate to the
question, now under discussion, it would be perfectly ir-
relevant, here to call the attention of my readers, to mili-
tary details, or to view the Peninsula, in the light of
a grand theatre of successive, and brilliant victories.
Those errors, also, of our policy, which contributed to
weaken the affections of its inhabitants ; and by which,
the resources and energies of the country, have not been
adequately called forth, or united, I leave, to a more able
pen ; certain as it is, that the public cannot long be de-
prived of a full expose of the impolitic measures, and fa-
tal effects of a weak diplomacy, which, if they have not
greatly retarded the expulsion of the French, and strip-
ped many of our brilliant successes of half their promised
fruits ; have, at least, detached the mass of the Spanish
nation, so much from our interests, that they scarcely
feel bound, either by the ties of gratitude, or by the te-
nourof that premature treaty, we so early made, with the
first self created government of the Peninsula. — Whilst
no language can be too strong, or too glowing, to pourtray
the valour and prudence of our military chief, and the
heroic ardour of his persevering troops ; it is, at the same
time, painful to reflect, how little effective co-operation
has been obtained from a nation, that promised so much
in the outset of its just cause; and how much its re-
sources have been wasted and lost. It is lamentable to
behold, the domestic anarchy and civil discord, which
have been suffered to rankle and impair the energies of a

7d

people, from whose enthusiastic and simultaneous insur-
rection, (being roused by the ingratitude of its foe, and,
stimulated, also, by a loyal impulse,) so much was expec-
ted.— But, it is high time, to pass on, to that period of
our connection with Spain, when our relations assumed
the shape of a definitive treaty.

§ On the 14th of January, 1809, that is, after the Spanish
nation had been receiving from the government and peo-
ple of England, the most unequivocal and disinterested
proofs of friendship, sincerity, and profuse aid, for up-
vrards of seven months, a definitive treaty of peace and
alliance was agreed upon,with the Central Junta of Seville,
in the name of Ferdinand Vllth, This treaty stipulates,
a perpetual and sincere amity arid strict alliance, and art
entire and lasting oblivion of past hostilities. — It was, fur-
ther, agreed, that the contracting parties should make com*
mon cause against France^ that England should supply
abundant succours, and by an additional article, it was,
also, stipulated, that a treaty of commerce was to be car'
ried into effect, at a more convenient time ; a promise,
which apparently stands asacounterpoise,for the aid which
England, was, about to give; and as an equivalent for the
enormous expences she was, thereby, to incur ; but which
up to the present moment, has not been complied with —
By some posterior arrangement, not attatched to the ori-
ginal treaty, as published in the prints of the day, and
preserved in the Annual Registers; it was afterwards
agreed, that England should guarantee the integrity of
the whole Spanish motiarchy ; an obligation, which the
Spanish government, has interpreted, as a positive exclu-
sion to our interference with the American provinces;
and as an actual engagement on the part of England,
even, to employ force against their revolted inhabitants

76

as wanton insurgents; a compliance, with which, the Ca-
diz rulers have, since, more, than once, officially exacted.
This stipulation, was, also, partly, announced in the
king's message to both houses of parliament, on the 4th
of July, 1808; wherein a pledge is given, to maintain
the power and independence of the Spanish monarchy,
integral and entire.

Such, is the substance of the engagements, which
bound us in sacred and effective alliance with the whole
Spanish monarchy ; of which, as the American provinces
constitute an equal and integral part, not only by the an-
cient laws of the realm, as already proved ; but, also, by the
more recent acknowledgments of the newly constituted
authorities of the Peninsula, as will hereafter be seen ; it
appears strange, that it should now be interpreted, that
this same treaty of alliance, was, exclusively, confined to
European Spain. The want of some definite basis for
the American provinces, added to the posterior conduct
of both the Spanish and British governments, have, how-
ever, practically, given such interpretation to these en-
gagements; thereby, constituting Spain, as the fully autho-
rized and de spotic parent state, and, thus leaving the
American provinces, on the footing of dependent colo-
nies, divested of any will of their own. This unfortu-
nate and material error, out of which have arisen, most of
the fatal dissentions, now so fast, dismembering the Spa-
nish monarchy, to whom we then bound ourselves, and
whose integrity we guaranteed, without explaining the
real purport of so comprehensive a clause, has never yet
been corrected, but has rather been confirmed by the acts
and correspondence of the British ministers, in which
mention has been made of the Spanish American pro-

vinces, as well as in every other transaction relating to
them. It is, therefore, here, necessary to enter into some
explanatory details, respecting our first treaty with
Spain.

It was, unfortunately, at the very moment the Spanish
patriotic cause broke out, and when the first deputies ar-
rived from the Juntas of Seville and Asturias; that Eno[-
land lost the favourable opportunity, of complying with
her ancient promises and engagements made with Spanish
America; as well as of adding fresh strength and resources,
to the new ones, on which she was about to enter, with
European Spain. Founding herself on that self evident
principle, that Spain could not, eventually, withstand
the struggle, and repel the force preparing against her,
but, by the aid and resources of her ultramarine provinces,
England ought to have foreseen, that their union and al-
legiance, was not only necessary, but if possible, that it
was, besides, requisite to increase their revenue, in order
to multiply the essential means. When, therefore, Spain
proposed the integrity of the monarchy, as astipulation
to her treaty, if she thereby understood the abject de-
pendence of her colonies, she, as well as ourselves, must
have been aware, that if they continued in their past de-
graded state, and under such an unjust a system, as that
I have before pourtrayed, the advantages to be derived,
would be but small; and that nothing, but a grand and
radical reform, added to a full restoration ot their rights,
could adequately turn them to account. When England
bound herself to give succours, Spain, reciprocally,
pledged herself to exertion, and to husband her resources;
and when the former guaranteed the integrity of the said
colonies, as part of the entire monarchy, she must have
been sensible, she was signing the warrant of a fresh war.

if Spain did not acquiesce in a just reform. Under the
enthusiastic hopes, with which we embarked in the Pe-
ninsular struggle, we ought also to have foreseen, that in
all times of need, Spain had been obliged to negociate
Joans in America; — that, in 1797, after the treaty made
with the French at Basle, so great were her pecuniary
wants, that she was obliged to borrow 17 millions of
dollars in Mexico, to refund which, the crown-monopoly
of tobacco, was placed in the hands of the lenders; — that
when her invasion took place, according to the state-
ments of Minister Count Cabarus, she had a national debt
of 400 millions of dollars on her shoulders, — that her Vales
Realesy or paper money, had depreciated 59 per cent,—
that in the best of times, when her territory was un-
touched, and when under an active trade, and in the re-
ceipt of colonial products, her annual revenue did not
exceed 35 millions of dollars; — and that, in short, by the
alienation of the American provinces, the mother coun-
try would be deprived of the very nerve of war.

Spain, with great reason, relied on the many ties
which bound the ultramarine provinces to her; but she
must have known little of the feelings of the human
heart, and less of the situation of her sister kingdoms, to
suppose, that they were to be drained of their treasure,
to be placed under a war system, and plunged into all
its privations, for the sole purpose of aiding the mother-
country to gain her independence; when, in return, their
own chains, instead of being knocked off, were to be
tightened and rendered more heavy. Whoever, like my-
self, has had an opportunity of viewing the Spanish
Americans, attentively, must pronounce them the most
loyal people any sovereign could wish; and it must
further be confessed, that they gave to the term and to

7a

the idea of mother-countr^r, as well as to their constitu-
tional monarch, a respect and veneration unexampled ;
but there is a point beyond which the most abject cannot
proceed, and it was that, at which both Spain and Ame-
rica had arrived, when the transactions at Bayonne,
roused both from their sullen torpor.

It was self evident, that Spanish America would not
let slip, such an opportunity, as was about to preseut it-
self, without demanding the alleviations and political re-
formation, so essentially necessary to her own welfare ;
together with the restitution of those rights, of which she
had been dispossessed, by the despotic conduct of her
successive monarchs. This was, an event, easily cal-
culated and foreseen ; as well as, that, if denied, she
would persist in her demands. This position being, there-
fore, correct, our guarantee of the integrity of the Span-
ish monarchy, that is, our authorizing Spain to treat her
American provinces, with eveiy species of harshness and
injustice, we, pledging ourselves, at the same time, to
stand aloof, ca;i be considered, in no other light, than aft
an actual consent on our part, for one half of the Spttnish
nation, to tyrannize over the other; nor can this clause be
interpreted in any other way, when all circumstances are
considered, than as a prelude to that consequent declara-
tion of war, which was, clearly, to result, since Spain
seems never to have dreamt of redress, or reform. From
this vague stipulation, which, we have, besides, left Spain
to interpret, widely, to her own convenience, was, plain-
ly, to result, the sacrifice of one half of the nation, whose
united cause we were then espousing ; and, in thus stepw
ping forward, to guarantee a most flagrant act of injus-
tice,and, in negatively, upholding Spain in the continuation
of her oppressive and iniquitous conduct to her sister

8»

kingdoms of America, we, ourselves, became a party, to
the most atrocious outrage on the rights and Uberties of
an inoffensive people, that ever marked the annals of ty-
ranny or imposture.

It has, indeed, been asserted in Spanish America, as
a kind of excuse, but, God knov^^s, v^^ith what degree of
foundation, that the ministers of England, were, partly,
surprised into this clause ; and that, when they assented
to it, they were unaware of the latitude that could be
given to its interpretation, and the destructive abuse, that
could be made of their upright intentions. But, if this
is the case, is it not high time, carefully, to ponder on
this important point, and, to examine the fatal conse-
quences, which have originated to so noble a cause, from
this material oversight? Full of confidence in the recti-
tude of her principles, and, as the avowed protectress of
reason and of justice, England entered into an alliance
with Spain ; but, if the consequences of that alliance, have
been opposed to both, and, are, fast dismembering the
monarchy, whose integrity, we, thereby, guaranteed,
ought we, any longer, to delay, entering on a review of
this part of our conduct ; and, if possible, to fix on the
most early remedy, to evils, which interest seventeen
millions of our allied fellow creatures, of whom we have
been, hitherto, unmindful, in the hour of sorrow*

In entering on such a treaty, as the one, to which I
allude, the cabinet of St. James, must certainly have con-
templated some objects of expediency ; or at least, in an
undertaking so expensive and so difficult, as that we
then had before us, some account must have been made
of the resources of Spanish America. If so, their being
unexpectedly cut off, becomes a point of material con-
siiteration. Spain, even in time of peace, could scarcely

81

exist as a nation, although with the aid of her American
provinces; for as already demonstrated, she had been
long verging to a state of complete penury and degrada-
tion. . We, certainly, must have been aware of this pal-
pable fact, so soon, afterwards, confirmed by official
statements laid before the nation; whereby it was
proved ; that, besides the interest of the national debt,
the annual expences of government, amounted to
1,200,000,000 rials, to cover which, there was only a
revenue of 255,000,000 do. thus leaving a deficit of
945,000,000 do.* If, such was the actual picture of
Spain, at the beginning of 1811, that is, after 90 millions
of dollars had been received from Spanish America,
from the commencement of her patriotic cause, what
must not have been her impoverished state, at the mo-
ment we formed our alliance, since so large a portion of
her territory was in the hands of the French ?

In such an exigency, Spanish America was the only
country, on which, the government of Spain, could call
for pecuniary aid and resources ; it was evident she
would refuse them, if not redressed ; so that, a stipula-
tion to this, or some other equivalent effect, ought to
have preceded the one, by. which we guaranteed the inte-
grity of the Spanish monarchy ; if it was, thereby, to be
understood, that by this transaction, we did not intend to
exclude the ultramarine provinces, from a concurrence
and participation of benefits, in the very engagement, we
were about to form, with European Spain, If, we had it

* Exposicion del rainislro de Hacienda, sobre el Estado de la
Tesoreria nacional. Real Isla dc Leon, 2b de Feb. ISl I.

82

then, in view, to give full efficacy to our new alliance, to
hinder future misunderstandings and bickerings ; and to
call forth the united resources of the whole Spanish mo-
narchy, in an active and condensed shape, against the
common enemy ; to combat whom, both divisions there-
of, were, at first, so ready and so zealous ; it was, from
the commencement, not, only, essentially necessary to in-
sure their perfect union and permanent co-operation, but,
also, to peclude the possibility of its being, at any time,
suspended. In order to render successful the grand
scheme of warfare, into which we then entered for the
immediate interests of Spain; instead of laying a ground-
work that was to dismember the very nation, whose cause
we were making our own, and, would, evidently, tend to
disunite its forces, to infuse dissentions and distrust, and
to waste so many valuable resources; we ought, in the
very first moments, and by a solid and well defined basis,
to have fixed the respective obligations of the parties
thus contracting ; we ought to have defined the relative
situation, in, which, each was to stand in the general al-
liance; and by a full and explicit declaration and guaran-
tee of our views and intentions, we should, thus, have
hindered those misunderstandings and mutual cl^shings,
which have materially foiled our projects in Spain ; which
have rendered our name odious to Spanish America,
and have, also, filled this ill-fated country, with horror and
devastation. If, we had then preferred to see Spain, en-
joy the solid benefits of unanimity, security, and national
honour, in the place of anarchy, and the transitory grati-
fications of bloody triumphs and fell revenge ; by our
said treaty, we ought not to have placed a barrier to the
operations of reason, consistency and law ; nor any ob-

83

stacle to retributivej justice being extended to the Ame-
rican provinces. Tiie alliance of England, was sought,
and solicited, by Spain, and, before it was matured into a
specific and definitive form, it had been cemented by acts
of friendship and sacrifices unexampled. If Spain was
then sincere and grateful, and, if we looked for any com-^
pensation, to replace those sacrifices we were about to
incur, this was the moment to have stipulated its nature,
or, at least, to have established its basis. Had this, only,
been done, in the first instance ; had our treaty been made
with European and American Spain, as equal and integral
parts of the Spanish monarchy, and as, in fact, they
stand ; doubtlessly the government of Spain, would, in
those moments, have acceded : nay, it would now have
been thankful, that justice and liberality, had been made
the groundwork of a transaction, by which so many me-
lancholy consequences might have been avoided.

This, was the important moment to have traced a line
for our own political conduct; then, it was, that we
ought to have manifested to the Spanish nation, at large;
what were our views on entering, with such cordiality,
into so expensive and hazardous a'struggle ; and above all,
our sympathy ought not to have been confined to one sec-
tion, since the other, however distant, was equally an ap-
pendage, and, perhaps, the brightest, of the crown of the
unfortunate Ferdinand,whose entire rights,we thus, nobly,
stepped forward to defend. By this means, the good un-
derstanding, and the mutual regard of the two govern-
ments, would, beyond doubt, have been strengthened and
preserved ; and the eternal gratitude of European and
American Spain, would have been our portion. Instead
of considering the one, as a mere cypher, and lavishing

F 9 '

84

the most unbounded acts of friendship on the other, if
we had only given to each, the relative situation that was
due, and even by a tie, stronger than any they had before
known, if we had but united both, in the same just and
glorious cause, in which each was so deeply interested,
besides laying the ground*work of certain success, we
should, also, have stamped our policy, even in the eyes
of the most cavillous Spaniard, with the features of dis-
iuterestedness, equal justice and firmness; we should have
silenced all the grovelling and unworthy suspicions res-
pecting our views, which would, thereby, have been pro-
ved, as originating from pure and honourable motives,
and, as, divested of every mercenary, or rival feeling.
Had the policy of England, then been enlightened, and
the conduct of Spain, magnanimous; and had our alliance
only been made, with the Spanish monarchy of both
hemispheres; had it had for object, the welfare of the
whole nation, and not of one detached portion , then,
might we have been enabled to boast of an united and
effective ally, and then, might all our sacrifices, have
been crowned with corresponding fruits. A measure,
Jike this, would have prevented the jealousies, and bick-
rings, which have since originated, and would have clear-
ed up that mystery and ambiguity, by which our conduct
has always been enveloped; for, with such a nation, as
that, with which we were then dealing, a conduct, not
only firm, and undeviating, was necessary ; but, also, a
policy, the most plain, clear, and unequivocal, ought to
have been obseiy^^d to all its parts.

The fact is, that in this, as well as in our other pos-
teriour transactions, relating to Spanish America; we
appear, not to have been aware, of her real and relative

' 85

situation ; nor to have known, that she formed an equal
and undivided part of the Spanish monarchy. But, yet,
if we were ignorant of this material point, in our new
alliance ; if we were unacquainted with the rights and
privileges of that injured country ; in short, if, by the
whole tenour of our conduct, we became the abettors of
the tyranny and injustice of Spain ; we ought, at least, not
to have forgotten, that the neS^t revenue the crown receiv-
ed from Spanish America, was more than that of European
Spain ; that it was easy to double it ; that it was the only
country from whence bullion could be obtained ; and,
finally, that, if a civil war, which, the conduct of Spain,
was, evidently, preparing, was suffered to rankle, and to
spread widely, our European ally, would not only be de-
prived of the best half of her usual resources ; but, that
the mines, trade, and agriculture, would be at a stand,
and that the just cause in which all parties were engaged,
would, thus, lose half its effective strength.

How different, would the situation of Spain, have
been, at the present moment ; if a good understanding,
and a solid and liberal basis for our future conduct, and
satisfactory to all parties, had been adopted in the earliest
stages of our alliance, and before the contest was made
our own. She might, now, have had Spanish America
bound to her, by the strongest ties of interest and grati-
tude ; and, instead of now having money to expend, and
men and arms to send over, to conquer her transmarine
provinces, by thus, having made liberality and justice the
basis of her conduct, and by the adoption of new finan-
cial plans, she might be in the annual receipt of 40 or 50
millions of dollars, besides her own local revenue ; and
sjie might have withdrawn 30,000 of her own troops.

86

now in garrison in different sections of America, busied
in butchering the unredressed inhabitants, and expending
those same resources, which otherwise, might have been
usefully employed in the general cause. In addition, she
might have received fifty thousand native volunteers, who
would, then, have joined her standard, in Europe; and,
besides, she would have deserved the good wishes of
every feeling mind. Thirty thousand of the best Spanish
troops, equipped with resources supplied by England, have,
up to the present time, as will, hereafter, be more fully treat-
ed, been sent abroad; these might have kept in the Penin-
sula, and with this additional strength, together with the
prospects I have just sketched, it might fairly be asked,
what different results might not have been produced in
the salvation of Spain, after the battles of Salamanca,
Vittoria, and the Pyrenees ?

How England, on this same occasion, neglected to sti-
pulate for a participation in a trade, which the other
contracting party could not carry on; and, which, by add-
ing to the respective resources of each, would have been
of the most essential benefit in tranquilizing and ameliorat-
ing the aggrieved provinces of Spanish America, appears
a political problem, difficult to be solved ; particularly,
as it, early, formed a subject of conversation, between
Mr. Canning, and Don Pedro Cevallos, according to the
assurance of the latter. England beheld, with eager ad-
miration, the first burst of the revolutionary cause of
Spain; and, augured well, from the enthusiastic manner,
in which the natives displayed their abhorrence of a fo-
reign yoke ; yet, if, we then hoped for eventual success,
it was not, only, necessary to preserve this spirit entire,
by the prevention of discord and dissentions; but, also.

87

to throw, in the fullest and most effective manner possi-
ble, that additional force, into the general scale of exer-
tion, which might have been derived from Spanish Ame-
rica. The impoverished and debilitated state of the Pe-
ninsula, was public and manifest, and it was evident, that
the only means of retrieving past losses, and of giving fresh
vigour and energy to the whole machine, was, by hus-
banding and improving those Western sources of wealth
and revenue, which, alone, could crown the sacrifices of
all parties, with adequate success. It was, likewise, na-
tural, for England to seek some compensation or other,
for the strenuous exertions of her subjects, and, as a
means to support her armies. Yet, when, consistently
with reason and national honour, and, as a return for all
our sacrifices, we had it in our power to open a trade,
beneficial to all parties ; and which, besides becoming a
bond of union, would have rendered European Spain, a
«trong and powerful ally, we seem scarcely to have re-
flected, that Spanish America was in existence ; and, has-
tily forming a treaty, that wdLS to defeat its own object,
we set armies on foot, and rush, as it were, into a summer
campaign, at the end of which, we trust, to experience the
generosity of the self created governments of the Penin-
sula. That individuals, within their own sphere, should
sport romantic and disinterested acts of friendship, is in
the common order of things ; but, that a nation, entailing
an enormous debt on its posterity, should thus act on
visionary calculations, and be deaf to the dictates of pru-
dence and foresight, in an obliquity of conduct, that can
scarcely be credited. The fatal consequences, of our not
then stipulating for a free trade to Spanish America, be-
ing, however, a material point in the main subject, now

.t

88

under discussion, I conceive it better to omit any further
remarks, in this place, and till I come to that part of my
text, wherein I present a review of our posterior diplomatic
transactions in Cadiz, undertaken with a view to obtain
this concession; as any anticipation in this place, would in-
terfere with the proposed order of my narrative. I will,
therefore, proceed to describe, the first features of the se-
veral insurrections in the Spanish American provinces.

§ It may, with justice, be said, that the present dissen-
tions, existing between European Spain, and her ultrama-
rine provinces, have, in this country, never, yet, been
placed in a correct point of view ; consequently, they
cannot be fully understood. Unfortunately, amongst a
large portion of the natives of the Peninsula, and, espe-
cially, in the councils of the nation, a rancorous animosi-
ty, early, displayed itself; the flames of which, were con-
stantly fanned, by all those, concerned in the monopo-
lies of trade, and interested in the colonial subjection of
Spanish America. Hence, has it happened, that from the
very beginning of the disturbances, the reasons of neces-
sity, and the calls of justice and equality, so strongly
urged by the Americans ; have been disregarded, or pain-
ted in the blackest colours; and mercenary and corrupt
pens, have been employed, to disfigure, and cover them
with invective. A feeling of prejudice and enmity, soon
became transfused through the higher ranks of European
Spain ; and language, only worthy of the harpies of illi-
berality and monopoly, who, by their obscene and disso-
nant murmurs, would drown the voice of reason and
equity, would scare the beneficent return of prudent and
sober policy, and, with their envenomed claws, would
tear the olive branch of peace, has, hitherto, been, almost

89

the only 'means by which the insurrections of Spanish
America, have been represented to the Peninsula, and to
the rest of Europe. The feeling and impartial mind, re-
volts at the masses of coarse and scurrilous invective and
recrimination, which have issued from the Cadiz press;
and, is, at the same time, astonished, at the numerous,
foul, and corrupt engines, set to work, in order to in-
fluence the dastard passions of the multitude; and, to
oppose the fair and unbiassed discussion of the most im-
portant question, ever agitated in the Cortes of Spain.
Whence, is it to be deplored, that war, instead of conci-
liation, has been made the order of the day ; and the
clearest and most evident points, even the tendency of
the transmarine insurrections, have been disfigured and
mistaken.

In vain, have the transatlantic governments, and
newly constituted Juntas, endeavoured to fix the public
opinion, by solemn declarations and manifests ; breath-
ing the same principles and views as those promulgated
in the Peninsula ; and expressive of their firm resolution,
to remain united to the grand whole, as long as it should
hold together ; provided they were granted in the same,
that relative and social importance, which their popula-
tion, extent, riches, and services, not only entitled them
to, and even the laws granted; but, which, the urgency
of present circumstances, also, imperiously demanded.
Each of the American provinces, in the Peninsular
struggle, expressed the most sincere and unequivocal
attachment and adhesion to the parent state. Each felt
the justice of so good a cause, and each stepped forward
with the balm of consolation, and poured it into the
bleeding wounds of their E u ropean , breth ren. Each

^Xy^^ OF TH4^ *

iyersitt;

90

maoifested, respectively, its hatred and abhorrence of
the insidious cruelty of the common tyrant; each for-
warded succours and donations ; each, in short, pledg-
ed itself, to avenge these mutual wrongs.

The declaration of war against France, and the new
intercourse with England, were announced by order of
the Supreme Junta of Seville, on the 6th of June, 1808;
and followed by other spirited and encouraging mani-
fests. The whole was wafted to the other side of the
Atlantic, as fast as the tardy winds would permit ; and
in all the various sections, was received with more en-
thusiastic acclamations, than had even been evinced in
the Peninsula. The temples, on every side, resounded
with rogations for the release of Ferdinand ; and every
voice called down the blessings of the Most High, on
tbo arms and exertions of the heroic and loyal natives of
the Peninsula. Ferdinand was proclaimed, with the
most sincere effusions of loyalty, by the heads of govern-
ment, in which the people joined, with the most animat-
ed demonstrations of joy. Extasies of sincere delight,
were witnessed on all sides; and illuminations, feasts,
and rejoicings, filled up the first days, after the receipt of
the resolutions of the Spanish nation at home. Address-
es, on the occasion, were presented to the viceroys, by
the respective municipalities and public bodies; they
were filled with congratulations, for the new era that
opened on the whole monarchy; they breathed warm and
genuine offers of allegiance to their newly acknowledged
sovereign, and they pledged their property and persons
to defend his dominions for him, as their rightful owner.
Money, with his name and bust, was coined; his portrait
wa3 placed on all the banners and in all the public

91

places of the cities and towns ; and, perhaps, no mo-
narch that ever swayed the sceptre of the united king-
doms of Spain and of the Indies, was ever adjured with
such lively and sincere effusions of loyalty and personal
regard, as were now to be witnessed, in all the American
provinces.

Nor, were these, demonstrations extorted by the nod
of power, or influenced by the hopes of reward. They
were the spontaneous overflowings of hearts, filled with
respect and veneration for an unfortunate youth, entrap-
ped by a subtle enemy; whom they beheld as the hope-
ful instrument of future regeneration to both hemis-
pheres; and as it were, as a superior and benign god-
head, that was about to raise European and American
Spain, from the abject state of degradation and vassal-
age, in which both had been so long sunk. All, in short,
was fraternity and brotherly love, and like loving and
faithful subjects, the Spanish Americans complied with
every duty of allegiance, and nothing was left them, but
to raise their ardent and fervent prayers, for the release
of their absent monarch. The winds, for the first time,
seemed tardy, that were wafting to them the news of
the situation of their brethren in arms, — every delay or
suspence, was a moment of anxious torture.

The first resolves, of the whole of Spanish America,
were twofold ; in the first place, to resist the intrusive
dominion of the Emperor of the French; and in the
second, to give abundant succours to the patriots of Spain.
Nor were these professions confined to any one section,
they were, equally, displayed in all. Such, I can warrant,
was the enthusiastic 8pirit,which,then, pervaded the breast
of every Spanish American, and such was the loyalty,sym-

92

pa thy, and patriotic feeling, universally felt and manifest-
ed, when the outrages endured by the natives of Spain,
became public, that, had the early governments of the
Peninsula, been, only, influenced by just, liberal, and
generous sentiments; the transmarine provinces, besides,
being preserved tranquil and entire, and besides being
rendered happy and prosperous, might have been created
into a great additional aid, and used as a powerful in-
strument to the grand purpose, in which England and
European Spain, at that time, united thf^ir noble efforts.

Yet, after the sincere avowal of such sentiments,
after a solemn oath of allegiance had bound every pro-
vince of the great Spanish American continent, to the
same unfortunate monarch; and after a mutual exchange
of fidelity, dictated with the purest effusions of patrio-
tism, national honour, and unanimity, had preceded ; it
would appear, almost, impossible, that these same pro-
vinces, were, so soon, to become the seat of anarchy and of
civil war; that thfey were about to witness scenes, which
outrival those of the conquest in horror; and that, in short,
besides universal devastation, a war of extermination,
was about to be declared.

That some weighty and important reasons, have urged
the natives of Spanish America, to resist the newly con-
stituted governments of Spain, and to refuse to admit
their control, will be easily acknowledged by those, who
consider the characteristic and docile disposition of the
inhabitants of that country; and when, also, it is remem-
bered, that this was not an act, partial or confined; but,
that, on the contrary, it extended to the largest provinces
and kingdoms; that it was simultaneous in all, though no
correspondence existed between them; that it is not the

93

feeling of a day, but, has now lasted for more than four
years; that it does not subside at the sight of danger, but,
that it urges its abettors to the most daring acts of cour-
age and heroism, and that, instead of decreasing, it daily
gains ground, and enlists fresh partizans. As the Ame-
ricans, themselves, have confessed, no other conclusion
could be draw^n of their conduct, in thus deserting the
cause of the mother-country, than, that, they were more
ferocious than loild beasts,* if it could not, at the same
time, be clearly proved, that this alienation, had arisen
from the most cogent reasons; had been caused by the
most imperious circumstances; and had emanated from
motives of an insuperable nature. The Spanish Ameri-
cans, cannot be accused of disloyalty; after 300 years of
abject submission, are throw^n into the scale; nor can
they be charged with a spirit of wanton innovation,
when we consider, their long and unrepining resignation,
which has astonished the whole of Europe, and which
was proof against all the efforts of exterior influence and
intrigue, even those England had been combining for
years, as well as the more recent plans, the French had
been concerting, to inthrall their allegiance. The cruel-
ties now committing, and the profuse oceans of blood
now flowing in every section, are not attributable to the
Spanish Americans, since with them they did not origin-
ate; nor did they ever consider their European brethren,
as a nation distinct from themselves. They cannot be
charged with undue ambition, since it was in the cause
of the Peninsula they first stepped forward; nor have
they been urged by a wish to have the exclusive com-'

* ReprescDtacion dela Deputacioa Americana, a las Corlei. 18U.

M

mand in their own country, since they charged theif de-
puties in the Cortes, only to ask for half the public offices
for their own natives. With regard to the mistaken idea
of independence, in the course of this expose, it will be -
proved, never to have existed, at the time the first leven
of discontent, soured the minds of the Spanish Ameri-
cans, and eventually produced disaffection.

That some material, and radical defect, exists on one
side or the other, must, consequently, be evident; and,
for the sake of humanityj it is to be lamented, that it has
not, long since, been discovered and remedied. It hav-
ing, however, been already proved, that it was no want
of loyalty on the part of the Spanish Americans, which
first gave rise to these fatal dissentions; it becomes ne-
cessary to trace them to a more advanced period of the
Spanish revolution, which will be best done, by describ-
ing minutely, the prominent features the insurrections
of Spanish America assumed, in their very commence-
ment.

The Central Junta of Seville, whose members had
early invested themselves with the sovereign power, in
the name of the absent king, and ^exercised it with all
the arrogance of despots notwithstanding their manifest
illegality, had, nevertheless., been acknowledged in all
Spanish America, and had been obeyed in all the pro-
vinces, which, had, hitherto, remained tranquil and in
perfect harmony with the parent state. They had con-
tinued, during a period of two years, to send overabund-
ant succours, and had lived on the most cordial terms
with their European brethren, notwithstanding, even a
solitary effective measure of redress, or amelioration, had
never reached them, in return, During, however, this

95

interval of perfect amity, each section, respectively, had
been furnished with an opportunity of discovering the
views and sentiments of the Spanish chiefs placed over
them; each, beheld the precipice, preparing for all. It
^was, evidently, the intention of their leaders, for the
transmarine provinces to follow the fate of the mother-
country; and they beheld themselves destined, to deck
the triumphal car of the ruler of France. They had,
also, been able to discover the divided, delapidated, and
impotent state of the Peninsula ; and the dispersion of
the only government which existed there, covered with
the execrations of all their fellow-subjects, together with
the invasion of the Andalusian provinces, sounding at
such a distance, as the entire loss of the kingdom; alarm
for their own situation, at first, became manifest, which
added to a grounded distrust in the colonial chiefs, caused
the Americans to conceive it was high time, to consult
their own safety.

This despondence in the affairs of the Peninsula, wa»
not only natural from its depressed situation, from the
great force employed by the enemy, from the general dis^
union that was known to exist, and the scandalous man-
ner in which the resources of the country, had been
wasted by the central Junta, but it was, also, strengthen-
ed and confirmed by manifests circulated in every quarter,
particularly by the remonstrance of the Junta of Valencia,
the proclamation of that of Cadiz, and the circular of the
Marquis de la Romana ; besides various papers, which
were wafted to the other side of the Atlantic. Every
thing, in short, that arrived, was disheartening; and every
new occurrence, tended to represent to the Spanish Ame-
ricans, the uncertainty and hoplesness of their situation*

96

The European Viceroys and Captain-Generals, were not
to be trusted ; for holding their 'commands from the old
governments, most of whose members, besides, being cor-
rupt ; were known to be devoted to, and even joined with
the French, it was natural to suppose, that the persons of
their election abroad, were, also, ready to adhere to any
sovereign, who would continue and confirm their com-
mands; and that, consequently, they were, in pectore, the
firm defenders and supporters of that system of despo-
tism, of which, they had, hitherto, been the principal in-
struments. These surmises, were, at length, confirmed
by their own conduct and declarations; and their re-
moval was judiciously resolved on, by the provinces re-
spectively, each, considering its own local administra-
tion, most secure in the hands of persons elected out of
its own bosom, and possessed of the confidence of the
people.

In the adoption, however, of this measure, every one
alledged and published, that they took the government
and administration into their own hands, for the time
heing, in order to promote their own security — not to be
delivered over to the French, or to any other power j — and
to preserve themselves for Ferdinand F//.whom all, with
one voice, again acknowledged as their lawful king, and
in whose name, their proclamations were made. This,
was -^ act, spontaneous and general in every division of
Spanish America, however secluded and distant, one
section was from the other; and by the respective details
of the governmental changes of each, it is proved; that
no exterior influence, no ulterior views of independence^
or^ any thing, in short, disloyal or inimical to European
Spain, asanation, had any direct or indirect share there-

97

in. In the remonstrance presented by the American de-
puties to the Cortes, in August, 1811, are to be found,
the details of all the immediate causes and peculiar cir-
cumstances, which lead to the assumption of the autho-
rities into their own hands; and this important docu-
ment, is the more deserving of credit, from the official
shape it bears, and because it was never contradicted.
They are, in substance, as follows: -^

" In Caracas, the invasion of the Andalusian pro-
vinces by the French, and the dissolution of the Central
Junta, gave rise to the revolution ; in which, without
. any effusion of blood, the authorities were deposed, on
the 19th of April, 1810; and a Supreme Junta was cre-
ated for the purpose of governing the province, and in
order to preserve its existence and guard its security, and
as fully, expressed in the proclamation then issued."*

" In Buenos Ayres, the purport of the same news,
communicated by Viceroy Cisneros, and his calling to-
gether a congress, in order to adopt measures of precau-
tion, on the 25th of May, 1810, produced a provisional
Junta, till a congress was formed of all the deputies of
the provinces."

'« In New Granada, the imprudent conduct of the
Corregidor of El Socorro, by causing his troops to fire
on the unarmed citizens, of whom eight were killed, oc-
casioned the first movement, on the 3d of July, 1810;
the immediate consequences of which, were, tl5!>t im-
prisonment of the Corregidor and his satellites.**

" In Santa Fe de Bogota, a private individual, passed
by the shop of an European, who insulted him, with
words injurious to the Americans in general ; and parties

* Vide the various proclaraatiens of Buenos Ayres, Chili, Caracas,
Santa Fe, Mexico^ &c.

a

siding with the principals in the quarrel, produced dissen-
tions, and gave rise to the eventual creation of a Junta^
on 2nd. July, 1810."

" The offensive measures of the governor of Carth-
agena, and the odious divisions he attempted to sow be-
tween the Europeans and Americans, ended in a provisi-
onal Junta, on the 18th. August, 1810."

** In Chili, the people were so much roused and irri-
tated by the arbitrary acts and extraordinary violations of
governor Carrasco, (afterwards tried at home for his con-
duct) that he found himself under the necessity of resign-
ing his command; and a Junta was, consequently, cre-
ated on the 18th. Sept, 1810." A singular circumstance
is, that this was the only Junta, the government of Spain
^ . ever acknowledged.

**- In Mexico, the arrest of Viceroy Iturrigaray, on the
I5th. Sept. 1808, executed by a faction of Europeans, ex-
cited a strong rivality between the latter and the Ameri-
cans; which spread gradually throughout the kingdom,
v^ V ,The death of several Americans, and th^afrest of others,
\v/ transfused still greater irritation amongst the latter; which,
added to the impolitic measure of Viceroy Venegas, car-
Tying oiit rewards, and distinctions for the authors and
accomplices of the European faction, produced a revolt
in the town of Dolores, on the 14th. Sept. 1810, which
sooru^xtended to the whole country."* "

Such are the prominent features and first causes, of
all the insurrections, or rather local changes of govern-
ment, which have taken place in the various sections of
Spanish America. Such, do they result, from the res-
pective oliicial accounts I have carefully examined, atkl

• Vide Deputacion Americana, l '' dc Agoslo, 181 1 r

99

8Uch are they represented to be, in the respectable docu-^
ment, from which I have made the above extracts. In
this shape, were, they laid before the Cortes, and of course
exhibited to the censure of the nation at large. In
weighingwell,all the collective testimony on this subject,
it will result, that, in addition to the conviction of the
hopeless situation of Spain, which even the governmental
chiefs, themselves confessed ; " local insults and ill-treat-
ment, more immediately tended to rouse and irritate the
minds of the people," and it is deserving of remark,
t^ that the whole of these insults and outrages, commenced
on the part of the Europeans towards the Americans,
and in no instance whatever, were the former ill-treated
by the latter."* The Americans, who used any disaffected
language, or complaint against the Spaniards, however
insulted and irritated thGy might have been, were arrested
and thrown into dungeons; and in no place, were the lat-
ter molested, though they frequently insulted the Creoles,
even in 4:he public squares. The principal and first
causes of these misunderstandings, have consequently,
rather originated in the impolicy of the European chiefs,
and individuals, according to the contents of the document
already quoted ; and they have now grown into open war,
by the want of timely remedies, and by a wish rather to
domineer, than to conciliate. The pride and arrogance of
the Spaniard, was increased, and the passive disposition
to the American, was, at length, roused. To escape insult,
and to watch over the security of his country, was the
object of the latter ; and the former had in view, to in-
force the subjection, to which he had been so long ac-
customed.

* Ibitl.

c2

100

§ The commotions in Spanish America, have not, there-
fore, originated in a want of loyalty; for no greater a
proof of its existence could be given, than the sentiments
all the inhabitants evinced, when they were informed of
the occurrences at Bayonne, and when Murat's first dis^
patches, were received amongst them. By the European
chiefs, private and mysterious meetings were then held,
to know in what manner, the allegiance of the American
people, could be safely transferred ; at the very moment,
that the latter were enthusiastically proclaiming Ferdinand
VII. swearing adhesion, obedience, and fidelity to him,
aud calling on the magistrates, to join them in this sponta-
neous and solemn act. But the constituted authorities,
(who had been assured of the good intentions of the
French Emperor to keep them in office, this having been
expressly notified by Minister Champigny, in a circular
letter addressed to all the chiefs) being confounded and
surprised at the sudden and animated resolution of
the peopel, designedly kept aloof, in order not to im-
plicate their reputation with the French, and declared the
necessity of waiting further accounts of the state of Penin-
sula.

During this interval of uncertainty, there were chiefs
of the rank of Viceroys, who dared openly to make pro-
posals in favour of the Gallic line ; and Liniers, in a procla^
mation addressed to the people of Buenos Ay res, after
coldly relating the events by which Ferdinand VIL
had ceded his crown to Napoleon, and he afterwards to
Joseph; and instead of commenting on an occurrence of
that nature, with all the indignity, the circumstances
would inspire, concludes, by saying, that the Emperor of
the French, returned his thanks to the people of Buenos

101

Ayresyfor the glorious defence they had made against the
English, The solemn act of allegiance, sworn to, in Ca-
racas, on the 15th July, 1808, in the name of Ferdinand
VII. amounts to an authentic proof of the timidity, and
uncertainty, which prevailed in the councils of the Eu-
ropean mandataries, and constituted authorities ; for, it
expressly says, *' that the Captain-General, and some of
the ministers of the audiencia, had authorised it, in conse*
(juence of the clamours, and repeated messages of the peq-*
pie and cahildo ; by which clause, they prepared a loop-
hole for themselves; and, in the line of conduct they af-
terwards followed, nothing but ambiguity and half mea-
sures, are to be discovered. They all feared to offend
him, whom they considered as now constituted their
new master, and who had promised the continuation of
their commands, the object they had most at heart. Even
the governor of the Philipine islands, persisted in follow-
ing the orders he had received from Murat.

Treacherous, in the extreme, was the general con-
duct of the Spanish constituted auth'orities abroad, with
only one exception; for, no sooner had the kings of
Spain ceded their crown to Buonaparte, than emissaries
were sent over to every section of Spanish America, with
orders, signed by Ferdinand, by the council of the Indies,
and by Azanza, for a general transfer of allegiance ; and
all confirmed the old chiefs, as a means to secure their
interest, and the consent of the people. The Americans,
ulone, opposed their views; they, alone, publicly burnt
the proclamations sent out by Buonaparte, and expelled
his agents. The European chiefs, on the contrary, pro-
tected them, and, the governor of Caracas, when Captain
Beaver, of his Britannic Majesty's ship, Acasta, demand*

102

ed the French bri^, which brought out the agents and
papers, returned for answer, that he had given orders to
the forts of La Guira, to fire on his ship, if he attempted
fo capture the Imperial flag.

Thus, in these critical and trying moments, did the
Americans stand firm and decided in their conduct; and
the chiefs, such as Iturrigaray, viceroy of Mexico, who
declared for Ferdinand, and were induced to consult the
safety of the country, in a legal and consistent manner,
were, by the European party, deposed, imprisoned, and
persecuted; for, they were all of opinion, that the Spa-*
nish American provinces, were, to abide by the fate of
the mother country. This, even, entered into the views
of the Spanish government, at home, as may be seen, by
the proclamation of the Regency, of the 6th September
1810, addressed to the Americans, in which are found, the
following pointed words : *' It does not suffice, for you to
he Spaniards, unless you also belong to Spain ; and this,
iohatever be the event of fortune.* It is, then, to the
steady and firm conduct and loyalty of the Americans,
that we now owe the liberation of their country from
the fangs of the French ; that its resources are not, now,
ttirned against us, and that we have them, at least, par-
tially, open to our trade and enterprise. And, can the
British nation, alone, be insensible to this triumph of
probity, loyalty, and good sense ?

Had it so happened, that the conquest of Spain had
been eifected, at the period of the dissolution of the
Central Junta, and when Soult commenced the siege of

* No basta que seals Espanoles, slno sois do Espana ; y lo sois, en
fjualesquiera casos de la ^ortuna,

103

Cadiz ; had the saerifice of principle, then been made by.
the Spaniards, in order to spare further devastation, and
the spilling of more blood, (and both in Spain and in
England, such a dread certainly existed) if the Ameri-^
cans had then, only, wavered, or been disloyal, it would
not, now, have been a dubious case, what flag would be
flying in Spanish America. Their inconstancy or irreso-
lution, at that time,would have caused, the brightest pros-
pects that ever dawned on the hopes of England, to have
been for ever blasted. Liniers told them, they ougbt to
wait, in the same manner, as they had done, in the war of
Succession, till the fate of the mother country was decid-
ed, and till it was ascertained, what dynasty was to as-
cend the throne of Spain ; as they would, then, have in
their power to follow her example. In order that the
views of the French on Spanish America, may be more
manifest ; as, well as, that the candid and generous con^
duct of the Americans, in resisting their overtures, may
be better appreciated ; I have inserted in Appendix B.
fiopy of the instructions, given by Joseph to his thirty-
two emissaries, destined to revolutionize Spanish America^
in his own favpur. This, is an important document, to
those who desire to form a correct idea of the transactions
to which I allude ; and it is rendered the more curious,
from not having been hitherto laid before the public. I
have only omitted the list of the agents names.

The means concerted by the French, for the purpose
of transferring the allegiance of the inhabitants of Spa-
nish America, to their new dynasty, by various official
documents, are proved to have been, a general confirma-
tion of the powers and commands, of all the heads of go-
vernment and colonial chiefs. And who, at that time,

104

were the partisans of these chiefs? Who, were those,
who were ready to support them, in all their machina-
tions? The old Spaniards, all those, who were connected
with the Peninsula, by the ties of blood, or by the rela-
tions of trade. The same who imprisoned Iturrigaray,
because in the orphan state of Spain, he conceived it ne-
cessary to assemble the proper representatives of New
Spain, in conformity to the laws and the exigence of the
moment. The same who held all the monopolies; and
who, are, stjll, endeavouring, by plots and conspiracies,
to pull down the very Juntas, which, at that time, saved
the country from the dominion of the French. The
same, in short, who would, now, deliver it over to them,
if Spain were under the subjection of its invaders. The
last two campaigns, have proved, that the independence
of Spain, is only maintained by the exertions of England ;
and were this aid, by any peculiar circumstances, to be
withdrawn ; were France, by any unforeseen contingen-
cies, to effect her intended conquest, or establish her in-
fluence, the consequence would be, that no sacrifices on
our part, would then suffice, to prevent those sections of
Spanish America, which have not had sufficient energy to
insist on the administration of their own concerns, from
following the fate of the mother country. The partisans
to this measure, and to an adhesion, in favour of the
French, would be the very persons, who then opposed
the Juntas, and we have only to calculate their strength,
in order to draw the inference.

On the appearance of the first alarm, excited by the
dangerous situation of Spain, as I have already shewn,
the governmental agents would have exerted all their in-
fluence, and called forth all the resources of the countries

105

they had in charge, in behalf of their new sovereign,
from whom they expected dignities and emoluments.
For him, also, they would, yet, employ the very means
they are, at present, wielding against the just rights of
the people, in as strong, and decided a manner, as the
mercantile interests of Cadiz, on the fall of their coun-
try, would struggle to preserve their monopolies, and to
prolong their former connections. The very same per-
sons, who now vociferate the injuries of the nation, and
the rights of the throne, would, then, be favourable to
France. They would use the same exertions, and make
the same sacrifices, to obtain an object, in which, they are
so much interested ; nor would they fail to support adhe-
sion to the Peninsula, after its flag had been changed.
Now, they talk of resisting the despot of the continent,
then they would say, as they have done before, let us
combat the tyrant of the seas. The governors in Spa-
nish America, there, possess nothing, beyond their digni-
ties and honours ; they are strangers in the kmd; and, as
I have already proved, they were lately rectdy^jfco sacrifice
every thing to their preservation ; what guarantee, then,
have the Americans, or we, ourselves, that the same
would not be the case, at present, if similar opportunities
oifered ?

It has, not, been, in the mass of the people of Spain,
or of the ultramarine provinces, that the French have
found partisans or support; the higher classes, and per-
sons of the first influence and distinction, have been those
who have furthered their views, and seconded their in-
trigues. Such, have, uniformly, been the abettors of the
French usurper ; and such, those, who have served as the
instruments of his guilty ambition. In Europe, we have
seen them ready to sell the honour and independence of

ids

their country ; and, could it be expected that the slime'
species of men, embued in the same f>olitics, stimulated
by the same ambitious views, and tutored in the same
school, although removed to a distance of two thousand
leagues, would have been more scrupulous, with regard to
Spanish America ? The British government is, also, pos-
sessed of a list of the agents, Buonaparte had prepared to
change the allegiance of that country to his own dynasty ;
let k be examined, and it will be found, that none of
them are men of the lower orders, that they principally
consist of persons, formerly in office, and out of thirty-
two named, only three are not European Spaniards. None
of the persons who have mixed in the American insurrec*-
tions, or formed part of the new governments there, are
enumerated on this list; yet, some of them, are yet em*
ployed by the Spaniards; and, till lately, one was acting
ss a general in Peru, who, had, also, sworn allegiance to,
txid received dignities from Joseph, in Madrid. This, is
tme of the worthy instruments, employed by the Cadiz go-
vernments, to butcher the unredressed and insulted inha-
bitants of Spanish America ; and destined to fill the
peaceful towns of the interiour, with carnage and horror,
as will be more fully seen, when I sketch the ravages an^.
cruelties, committed in that unfortunate country.

Yet, sincere and well disposed, as were the lower or-
dets in Spain, little has been done for them ; their condi-
tion has not been bettered ; and, though composing the
real strength of the nation, they appear to have been
counted on, for little else, than to fight and to contribute ;
and, in Spanish America, they have been left to the fury
imd revenge, of those, who, a few months before, were
plotting to deliver them over to the French. I am indue-

107

ed to dwell the longer, on this part of my subject, because,
I wish it, clearly, to be understood, that in the transmarine
provinces, at the period, when the first ruptures took
place, there did not exist, amongst the inhabitants, the
smallest party for the French, or any disposition to listerv
to their overtures. We, on the contrary, at that time,
possessed all their good wishes, and, it was, then, in our
power, to have retained them. Time, and a variety of
circumstances, have, however, unfortunately, produced a
considerable change in the sentiments of the Spanish
Americans. The intrigues of the French, particularly,
in some sections ; together with the indiflerenee of Eng-
land, and the insults they have received from British offi-
cers, are fast contributing to the distrust and coldness
excited against us, as will, in a particular manner, be
noticed, in a more convenient place.

§ That no general, or deep rooted sentiment of inde-
pendence, prevailed in the minds of the Spanish' Ameri-
cans, at the period of their first resistance to the govern-
ment of the parent state, or even at present, is a fact
which will be readily admitted, by every close observer
of the transmarine transactions ; acquainted with the si-
fuatiou of those provinces, their tone of feeling, and the
construction of their society. This is a position, that
■will, at first sight, surprize many; particularly, those,
vrho reflect on the enormous expence, the British go-
vernment had incurred, under a different impression.
When our own North American settlements, raised the
standard of rebellion, the tax on tea, was made the
ostensible cause; but, there existed at the bottom of the
design, plans of ulterior separation. This, however,
has not been the-case in the American provinces of

108

Spain. The relations and bonds, which united the in-
habitants of the latter, to their European brethren; a
conformity of habits and customs; and the intimate con-
nection which originated from the Americans, in general,
being educated by Spaniards, had evidently strengthened
that inherent love to the Peninsula, vv^hich was trans-
fused through all classes, from their very cradle. To
this, was added, an habitual respect paid to the govern-
ment and its agents; together with a blind, and, almost,
trembling submission, which, by length of time, had
been converted into a second nature. The whole of these
powerful ties, had created a gordian knot, which it was,
nearly, impossible to sever.

Influenced by opinions and prejudices, which they
could neither control nor discord, and which education,
habit, conscience, and, perhaps, honour, lead them to
cherish, and retain; it was impossible to infuse into
the mass of the Spanish Americans, any wide and effec-
tive wish, for absolute independence, unless a total re-
volution in their sentiments, previously took place.
This, could only be the effect of time, or be caused by
the immediate pressure of extraordinary circumstances,
which certainly had not occurred, during the period of
their late harmony with the mother-country. To pro-
claim independence, under such exigencies, as those
which pressed heavy on the monarchy at home; would
have stamped such a measure, as the offs])ring of dis-
loyalty and ingratitude ; and the late resolves of the
Americans, not to listen to the French, as before de-
scribed, as well as every other feature of their political
conduct, sufficiently repels so unfounded a charge. That
ingratitude and ill treatment; that the sight of their de».

109

populated and ruined towns; and the repetition of their
interminable butchery and human misery, should, in thd
course of time, produce a revohition in their sentiments,
and gradually engender a fund of odium, and create ini-
mical feelings, to such a degree, as to render all inter-
course with Spain impossible, is, indeed, within the
possibility of fact. But, this, was, by no means, the
case, when the Americans first took the administration
of their own local concerns, into their own hands; nor
was it till the government took refuge in Cadiz, and till
its insensate and infuriate acts, had scattered firebrands
and death, in every section, that open enmity partially
flamed. It was, not, till Spain, forgetful of the long
and affecting proofs of loyalty and attatchment, she had
uniformly received from her provinces abroad, by her
impolitic declaration of war, severed the bonds of fra-
ternity and mutual interest, that one detatched section
of America, resolved on independence ; but this was in
consequence of peculiar hardships, and a variety of co-
gent motives, detailed in its manifest then published.
It was, not, till terror and alarm, instead of re-
dress, had been employed as weapons, by the agents of
Spain, to inforce the subjection of the American pro-
vinces— it was not, in short, till indignation, sharpened
by taunts, revilings, as well as by unheard of horrors,
had roused the inhabitants of the western continent to a
state of political phrenzy, that the deadly enmity now
existing, made its appearance. No, the Spanish Ameri-
cans can never be charged with disloyalty, the spirit of
their history, and the leading features of those commo-
tions already pencilled, not, only, prove that they pos-
sessed loyalty; but, also, that it was genuine and sincere.

110

They, would have remained tranquil, would have even
conceived it honourable and conformable to their wishes
and interests, to have continued united with the mother-
country, had her government, only, corrected the ty-
ranny and oppression of its agents, whose wrongs, had^
at last, become so flagrant, repeated, and galling, and
whxDse politics were so manifestly treacherous, that it
w^ere to judge the people divested of sense or feeling, to
suppose that they could endnre them any longer.

The changes of government here alluded to, had,
therefore, no connection, v/hatever, with any ulterior
views of independence ; nor, did they originate in causes,
emanating from foreign influence. This fact is fully
established by abundant testimony, and particularly by
the official declarations, respectively made on these oc-
casions, but which, are too voluminous for insertion
here. In the urgency of the moment, and for motives
both legitimate and cogent, the Spanish Americans re-
.solved no longer to put their trust in men, whose trea-
chery was evident; and they determined to administer their
own local concerns ; not, only, as a remedy against past
and present ills; but, also, in order to promote their
own security. Neither, did any spirit of disloyalty, or
French intrigue, in any way, influence their actions.
As, before observed, the Spanish American provinces
resolved to acknowledge no other sovereign, than a de-
scendant of Charles IV. and every where, war was pro-
claimed against the usurper of Spain, with as much en-
thusiastic ardour, as at home. The firm resolution of
the Peninsula, to repel, by force, an insiduous invader,
was not, only, applauded ; but every American stepped
forward, with anxious zeal, and with offers of private

Ill

and public donations, in order to contribute bis mite, to
the general expence of a popular enterprize. It was,
consequently, neither disloyalty, nor ingratitude, which-
stimulated the conduct of the Spanish Americans; al-
though these have been the principal charges brought
against them, by the party spirit of the monopolists of
Cadiz, and the ravings of a violent war faction, which
have uniformly attempted to disfigure every transaction,
and to give edge and fury, to the burnings of revenge and
of disappointed gain.

§ Ih order, however, to manifest, in the clearest man-r
iier possible, the intentions and views of the Spanish
American provinces, in their recent changes of govern-
ment; it will be extremely proper, to draw a parallel of
the situation of Spain, at the period of the seizure of the
royal persons, with that of the Spanish American pro-
vinces, when the news of the advances of the French,
•dnd the dispersion of the Central Junta, reached their
alarmed shores. I dwell, with greater stress, on this
particwlar part of my subject, because, it is of the first
importance, to a just and correct conception of the mat-
ter in view, to present my reader with a full picture, of
all the Concurrent and existing circumstances, which in-
duced the inhabitants of the transmarine provinces, to de-
posit their confidence in local Juntas of their own choice;
and to explain, what were their real intentions and views,
-in so doing. This being the particular circumstance,
that nearly involves all the points at issue, it is necessary
to' examine, with a scrupulous care, the immediate
causes which lead to it; for which purpose, it is, essen-
•^tially, necessary, to retrace and describe, the respective
situation of each part of the Spanish monarchy, at t-he
two distinct periods, above alluded to.

The debased situation of the government of Spain, as
already pourtrayed, had, in a great measure, brought upon
her inhabitants, the horrors and misfortunes which befel
theni. Before the perfidy of the French, was unmasked
to the world, Spain had been bereft of her monarch ; the
principal provinces and fortified places w^ere in the hands
of the enemy, even the capital itself; and the whole coun-
try was reduced to a crisis, not only unforeseen and un-
provided for by the legislation of the state, but, also,
unexampled in the annals of history. During the absence
of the king to Bayonne, the administration of the pro-
visional government, had been the work of the enemy,
in whose hands, perfidy had also placed every other
branch of the legislature; and plans for the general sub-
mission of all the realm, had been long and deeply or-
ganizing. A foreigner had been placed at the head of
this same administration, and the enemy not only pos-
sessed the persons of the royal family, but had, even,
succeeded to use them, as so many active instruments to
his base designs, which had been rendered the more
powerful and dangerous, from being the more sacred
and respectable.

The councils of the nation, the constitutional inter-
preters of the law, the ministers, as well as the supreme
courts and tribunals, were all under the control of the
»^ usurper; and were all ready and disposed to contribute
to cement his base and treacherous seizure. And, what
had been the springs, employed to secure all this as-
cendency? Nothing, besides address, corruption, and
the promise of continuation in office and command; in
short, the very same^means, which had been, equally,
practised in America.' To add to this national calamity,
these same occurrences, had been' preceded by one of

113

the most unfortunate and abject epochs of the Spanish
monarchy, of which, an outline, has been, previously,
given* In consequence of the baseness, abjection, and
Venality of the ministry, the nation was, at that time,
without an adequate army, without resources, and had
fallen a prey to interior convulsions and distrust. Every
branch of the administration and government, was, be-
sides, in the hands of chiefs; who owed their elevation
to the most debased measures and intrigues ; the king's
agents and rulers, in a word, every where, were men
destitute of talents and probity, and in general, had for-
feited the public confidence* In such a dilemma, what
was the conduct of the provinces of European Spain?
Did, they not, wherever they could, elect provisional
Juntas, and did they not vest in them, the public con-
fidence, and place under their charge, the momentous
struggle, on which they were about to enter ?

And, if this picture of the state of the Peninsula, at
the period referred to, be true and faithful ; can it be de-
nied, that these same evils, with all their respective ag-
gravations, existed in the ultramarine provinces? Owing
to their distance from the seat of power, and, in conse-
quence of many defects in the governing regimen, must
they not, rather, have been there felt, in a more sensible
manner? It has, already, been evinced, that the colonial
chiefs, were, in general, partisans of the French; and, it
is equally a fact, that the Americans were as ignorant as
their European brethren, to what an extent the machina-
tions of the enemy, and of their abettoi^s, had been pre-
pared, and how far, their efficacy might be relied upon.
Both, were equally ignorant, how long, and how widelv,
snares had been laying to entrap their allegiance ; and,

H

^

\

ill the fi r&t moments, when both were roused from the
same lethargy, each was unaware of the depth of the
precipice, to the brink of which, both had been diagged.
The Spanish Americans, beheld one section, commanded
by a Frenchman, and in the other sections, they saw as
their chiefs, and governors, no other than corrupt cour-
tiers, venal dignataries, and sycophant placemen, whose
patrons and supporters, had already enlisted under the
banners of the enem}^ and were actively employed to
^further his views and plans. If so, may it not be fairly
asked, whether such chiefs and heads of government,
were worthy of the confidence and trust of the American
people, when, at the same time, most of them had, actu-
ally, given evident signs of treachery ? In the trying and
momentous crisis, Spain experienced at the period above
alluded to,she varied her government, and changed her
rulers, because the one was reduced to an actual system
of political despotism, and the others, were no longer de-
serving of tJie confidence of the people. And are the
Spanish American provinces, alone, divested of this right,
when the motives are not less founded, and when the
danger is more manifest and urgent?

§ The situation of both European and American Spain,
on the seizure of the Royal Family, amounted to a com-
plete interregnum; for, the legal monarch, being, no
longer, in the exercise of his authority, also, absent, and
in actual confinement; was, of course, unable to watch
over the welfare of his subjects, and to attend to the
safety of his realm. Consequently, it became necessary,
to replace liis lost authority, by transferring it, as a depo-
^sit, into the hands of a body of persons, elected by, and
vested with the' confidence of the people; under such

ai3

forms and restrictions, as the laws prescribed. It would he
useless, in this place, to burden my reader with the opinions
of writers on the general laws of nations, applicable to
case in question. For the immediate purposes in view,
it is only requisite to examine the legislation of Spain,
in this particular; and, to discover what its annals pres-
cribe, for a national exigency, like the one above describ-
ed. In all cases of great calamiti/j or iclienever the Jdng
dies, and leaves a son under age, it is ordered, that the re-
presentatives of the cities and toicns, archbishops and
bishops, together with the nobles of the land, be assembled
to deliberate on the emergency lohich has occurred, and to
decide what measures are to be adopted.^ This is the
substance of a variety of laws, w'hich might be quoted ;
and Spain, in her creation of provincial Juntas, acknow-
ledged both its truth and application.

Were we to examine, attentively, the events which
occurred in the Peninsula, in the calamitous moments
above traced; and, were we to watch the stimulus of
action, that, then, urged the most important movements of
its inhabitants, we should find them in exact coincidence
with what took place in Spanish America; and, that
the example of the one, actually justified the conduct of

* The law of John II. Madrid, 1418, is as follows, Porque en Iqs
hechos ardiios de uuestros reynos, es necesario consejo de nuestrps
subditos y naturales, cspecialmente de los procuradores de las ciu-
dades, \illas y lugares de los nUestros reynos ; por ende ordenamos y
raandaraos, que sobre tales fechos grandes y arduos, se hayan de ayun-
tar Corties, y se faga con consejo de los ires estados de nuestros rey-
nos, segun que lo hicieron, los reyes nuestros predecesores. Vide
El Especulo, ley 5. tit. 16. lib. 2.— Also, Leyes de Castilla, ley 3. til.
15. part 2. et alibi. Azcarate declares, that the above law was ex|;eiid-
ed to Spanish America.

h2

116

Sie other. The inhabitants of the 'latter, notwithstand-
ing the long invasion of their rights, nevertheless, stood
on exactly the same footing, as did those of European
Spain, at the time, she was bereft of her monarch. In
that cephalous state, as was fully proved by Elola, in his
sound and judicious preliminaries to the new constitution
of Spain, (maxims on which the Cortes, themselves, have
acted, and thereby acknowledged as true) it results that
'^ the people are free and independent, and neither are, nor
can hey the patrimony of any one family or person ; afid,
that the sovereignty, essentially, resides in them ; conse-
quejitly, the right of establishing its fundamental laws,
and of adopting the most suitable form of government,
exclusively, belongs to them."

Such are the principles, and such the basis on which
the boasted constitution ol Spain, is founded ; and such
have been the grounds, on which the Cortes have divest-
ed the rightful king of his sovereignty ; an occurrence,
not only, hitherto, unknown in the history of the Spa- >
nish monarchy ; but, also, an extreme, to which the peo-
ple of America, have never thought of going. Jovella-i— ^
nos, whose name will always be mentioned with venera-
tion, in his celebrated report, laid before the Central Jun-
ta, on 7th October, 1808, establishes as a principle, ap-
plicable to the existing case of the nation, " that when q
people perceives the eminent danger of the society of
which they are members, and are aware, that the adminis*
trators of the authority, which is to govern and defend
them, are suborned or inthralled: they naturally enter
into the necessity of defending themselves, and consequent-
ly, acquire an extraordinary and legitimate right of insur-
rection'' Such was the sanction given by the first States-

117

man, Spain, at that time, possessed, to the conduct of the
new revolutionary governments, therein established ; and
it formed the basis of all their operations, ^et, v^^hen
the American Provinces apply the same maxims to them-
selves, their European brethren take the alarm, and con-
stituting themselves into the dictators of the whole
monarchy, they decree, thar its rights are concentrated
in them alone. When the Spartish Americans, find that
their chiefs are become the tools of Buonaparte ; that
most of the Europeans amongst them, are addicted to his
views, and pledged to his support ; when they behold all
the treasure they had sent over, had been wasted, and
they despaired of the success of thePeninsular struggle ;—
when they, equally, beheld themselves bereft of their
iegal monarch, and without any constitutional or safe
government; and when, in short, they, find themselves
on the eve of becoming a French colony, by the very
treachery of those, who were charged to watch over their
safety, and are, besides, surrounded by uncertainty, doubt,
and dismay; still, are they denied the application of
those very acknowledged principles, in which Spain, had
so lately, gloried ; still, are they not allowed to consult
their own security, and still, are they commanded to en-
dure all, without repining.

, In order to form a correct idea of the critical situation
of the Spanish American provinces, at the period here al-
luded to, it is particularly requisite, to remember well,
the debased regimen under which they were governed,
and the great privations under which they laboured.
The immediate instruments of this debased regimen,
were the Viceroys and Captain-Generals, who, besides,
being, with few exceptions, corrupt, immoral, and ar-

118

bitrary, also, held in theffd^ bands, a po^A'er, in such
moments as these, neither consistent with the security
of the country, under their chnrge, nor compatible
with the welfare of the people govenied. Possessed of
the resources of all the districts under their jurisdiction,
commanding the armed force, and being, at the same
time, the direct and immediate channel of every thing
that arrived from, or was conveyed to Europe; they
had not only the fate and lives of the inhabitants in their
hands, but they had it, likewise, within their power, to
deliver them 6ver to the French, if they thought fit, or
it was at their option, to leaVe them at the mercy of any
other foreign power. In addition to the ramifications of
offices 3ind' trusts^ which they immediately cofttroled, the
European residents were ever ready to second and sup-
port the measures of their constituted chiefs, as well
from a spirit of party and direct opposition to the Cre-
oles, as in order to secure an adhesion to the Peninsula,
for they, like the Israelites of old, hankered after the
flesh-pots of Egypt. Always bending to the nod of
their chiefs in power, and always assembled round him,
in consequence ot their extensive influence and connec-
tions, they, at all times, became a formidable plalanx;
the more to be dreaded, from the greater union that ex-
isted amongst them, and from the great facility, with
which they might be misled, in any thing that related to
the transactions of the parent state.

§ This picture of the various occurrences, which pre-
ceded and accompanied the changes of government in
the ultramarine provinces; will be, however, renjlered
itiore perfect and intelligible, if, before I proceed any
further, I -give a particular outline of what occurred in

119

Mexico; as, from the greater importance of this section,
its antiquity, and the precedence ^iven to it, by all the
other sections; it deserves some individual consideration,
in the general details which comprehend the whole of the
Spanish American continent. This little de atched
sketch, will, at the same time, more clearly, explain
the tone of feeling then prevalent in the country, and
will, greatly, elucidate the grounds on which the in-
habitants acted.

On receipt of the news of the deplorable situation of the
Peninsula, of the seizure of the king, and of the invasion
of the French, Viceroy Iturrigaray became diffident of
those powers he had received from Charles IV, through
his corrupt minister Godoy, and which had been, so
recently confirmed by the Duke de Berg, and by the
Spa«ish ministers of the intrusive king. Fearful of the
impossibility of maintaining harmony, amidst such
general despondency, distrust, and the clashing of in-
terests, and considering also, that his limited authority
could,- in no way, replace that of the lost king, he pro-
posed calling together a general assembly, or Junta of
the representatives of all the provinces, in order to re-
solve on the future mode of government, and to esta-
blish, in this critical situation of affairs, an administra-
tive system, in which the people might confide. In
this he was opposed by the audiencia, consisting of old
Spaniards, these were joined by all the European mer-
chants and placemen, who trembling for the ascendency
of the more numerous Creoles, in any plan of govern-
ment founded on popular election, resolved, by open
force, to frustrate any attempt that might give prepon-
derance to the latter. The adoption of the viceroys

120

measure, was supported by the cabildo, which, in
Spanish America, still retained some shadow of popular
representation, and by its official remonstrance (part of
which I have inserted in Appendix C. as highly illustra-
tive of this particular point) it proved, that this was the
only means of consulting the voice of the people, pro-
moting confidence and unanimity, and of producing
security to the whole kingdom, in a manner conform-
able to the injunctions of the law, and the example of
the provinces of the Peninsula. A powerful faction of
Europeans, was formed and armed, the person of the
viceroy was seized, and himself and family,, under ag-
gravated indignities, were sent prisoners to Europe,
Thus, did European despotism, under a new shape,
rear its hydra head in Mexico, and the seat of power
became usurped, whilst the laws of the realm, and the
patriotic wishes of the Creoles, were laughed to scorn.*
The latter, trusted to the justice and equity of the
government at home, but instead of a thorough investi-
gation into this aflair, although Iturrigaray was absolved
of every charge, and his intentions were, thereby, proved
to have been legal, pure, and patriotic; the principal
members of this faction, aud the chief plotters of this fla-
grant insult on the American people; were rewarded
with insignia, offices and distinctions, carried out to
Mexico, by the successive Viceroy Venegas. Such was
the origin and commencement of those disorders and

* The principal occurrences connected with this affair, are detail-
ed, at full length, in the Rovolucton de Mexico, the work before re^
ferred to. The principal object of the author, appears to have been
a defence of the viceroy, and an explanation of the material causes
which produced open enmity on the part of the Creoles in New Spaio,

121

intestine divisions, which first began to spread open en-
mity between the Europeans and Americans in Mexico;
and afterwards, gave rise t© the numerous evils, which,
so fast, spread in that unhappy section of the Spanish
American continent, and so soon filled it, with ravages
and destruction. It was this impolicy and injustice, on
the part of the Europeans there, and the government at
home, which first convinced the Creoles of the insult-
ing extremity of their sufferings, and renewed the irri-
tating sense of their actual and varied oppression. In
this particular, the sentiments and feelings of each sec-
tion, have been alike; though their open display has
been more immediately excited, by ditFerent concurrent
circumstances and local causes. The origin has been
the same, though the features and the results, in some
measure, have varied.

§ The situation of the Peninsula, though more melan-
choly and alarming, was not so perplexed and doubtful,
as that of the various sections of Spanish America. The
distance at which they were placed, created a gloomy
suspence; they knew not the fate which awaited them;
they were ignorant what political changes were reserved
for them ; whether they were to be bartered to a new
master, and thrown into the scale of political compensa-
tion,— whether the transfer and alienation to France,was
to be carried into effect, — whether they had been made
the price of British co-operation, — whether the princess
of the Brazils, was to be their future sovereign, and, in
short, whether they were to be left a prey to the despo-
tism of the popular demagogues at home. In the mean
time, the bosom of the whole country, was torn asunder
by parties and factions \ and discontent, and distrust.

422^

reigned iQ every order of society; The audiencias, were
plotting to supplant the viceregal power, every one was
ambitious of command, and, at the same time, the
people were at the will and mercy, of men, who, besides,
being strangers to the land, were neither possessed of
their choice, nor vested with their respect or confidence.
They were aware, that, in the United States, a wide
plan for their political subjection, had been organized, —
that General Dalmivart, had already penetrated to the
interior provinces of Texas, — that, besides, the nu-
merous orders and confirmations of powers, sent out to
the governors, bishops, &c. by the council of the Indies,
and besides the proclamations filled with venom against
Ferdinand ; they knew that crosses of the legion of honour,
bad also been prepared by the French, for a long list of
worthies, then amongst them. They were informed, that
the Portuguese court, had long had pretensions on that
part of Spanish America, which borders on the Brasils;
and that even in 180S, acrimonious disputes were pending,
"respecting their large innovations on the Spanish territory.
They were not ignorant, that the princess of the Brasils,
a& infanta of Spain, sought to be made regent of the mo-
narchy of her absent brother; that she was corresponding
with various sections of Spanish America, in order to
sound their chiefs and further her views; in short, the
Spanish Americans had reason to expect, overtures and
emissaries from Napoleon, the Duke de Berg, Joseph, the
king of Naples, the princess of the Brazils, and they were
moreover^ uncertain, as to the conduct and views of the
British.

They, also, well remembered, that they had been, long,
under doubt and uncertainty, as to the eituatiou and stabi-

123

fity of the government at home; that when the pro-
visional changes took place in the Peninsula, deputies
from the central Junta of Seville, had been sent amongst
them, urging the supremacy of that body, and demanding
their acknowledgement and remittances. Shortly after,
they remembered that the viceroy had received dispatches
from the Asturian deputies, then in London, demanding
the same pre-eminence, and expecting the same obedience
and supplies; and now they beheld these late idols of the
Spanish people, dashed to the ground, and that it wa&
uncertain, what kind of government was to succeed them.
At home, they were sensible that every- thing was mutual
distrust, discord and misfortune; and th^t ambition, rather
than patriotism, had, hitherto, actuated the conduct of the
principal government of the Peninsula. They had seen the
Central Junta, which owed its existence to a concentra-
tion of the provincial ones, (though effected in an irre*»
gular way;) had plotted the overthrow of those very
same bodies, from whence it derived its supposed origin.
They had beheld, the basest means employed by itsniem-
bers, in order to extend and enlarge their command; and
they had seen them resort to every undue measure, in
order to prolong and consolidate their power, and for the
purpose of securing to themselves, a complete despotism
over their fellow-citizens. The council of Castile, was
known to have been plotting against the Central Junta
of Seville, this against that of Valencia, Asturias, Sec. ;
in short, they had experienced, that no regular, ac*
knQwledged, or legal government, existed in the Pe-
ninsula; and they had seen with their own eyes, that
the chiefs in the American provinces, changed masters,
as fast as the Protean shape of the Peninsular govern-
ment, variedj^

124

In the mean time, a tremendous crisis, impended
over the fate of the Peninsula; the supposed impregna-
ble passes of the Sierra Morena, had been forced ; on
every side the national troops were dispersed, and the
generals, attributed the losses and misfortunes of the
armies, to the ineptitude of the provisional central go-
vernment. No sooner had this been driven from Seville,
and dispersed, than it was accused of despotism, mal-
versation, corruption, inexperience, negligence; and
even, of corresponding and siding with the French.
The battle of Ocana, appeared to have put a seal to the
fate of Spain, 50,000 French, are already spread on the
plains of Andalusia, and dismay was painted in every
countenance. Amidst such general confusion, even the
local and provisional Junta of Seville, creates itself into
a sovereign, circulates orders throughout the whole
kingdom to assemble fresh deputies; and even sends
couriers to Cadiz, to arrest the members of the late Cen-
tral Junta, or to kill them. The president and vice-pre-
sident, were seized in Xeres, and with difficulty escaped
with their lives ; in short, such was the odium attatched
to the members of this government, and such the influ-
ence of the factious, that any one who had undertaken
their defence, would have been held as a traitor to his
country.*

The above is the picture of the state of the Penin-
sular government, about the beginning of January, 1810,
as drawn by a Spaniard, who has publicly taken to him-
self, the character of impartial, and such is the corres-
ponding report of public affairs, at the time above-
mentioned. We will next proceed to examine what

* Estrada, Exameo Imparcial, Part l\

125

kind of a governing system originated out of the wreck
of the Central Junta, in conformity to its decree of 29th
of January, 1810, issued in La Isla de Leon.

** At length, after great dangers and difficulties, the
members of the Central Junta, collect in La Isla; where,
filled with dread, and without energy to determine on
the continuation of their command, during the fews days
which remained till the assembling of the Cortes; in the
midst of obscurity, furtively, and without the requisite
powers, they elect a Regency of five persons; who, how
great so ever might have been their private virtues, were,
doubtlessly, very little fit, to fulfill the duties of the
ministry now confided to them. Without having suffi-
cient courage to cause this Regency to be acknowledged,
they (the central numbers) put it in the full exercise of
its public functions, and all determine to leave that
point, in order to escape the fury of the people.*" Such,
also, is the picture of that same government, the Spa-
nish Americans w^ere called upon, blindly, and submis-
sively, to obey; and such is the origin of that same
Regency, which afterwards declared war against them,
because they did not conceive it conformable to their
political interests, and general safety, to cringe, and bow
their abject heads, to a set of new despots, created out
of the worst and most execrable government, that ever
insulted the rights of a people, or abused the exigencies
of a state.t

* Estrada Id. Id.

+ It is a fact, that the Junta of Cadiz,^shut the port, in order that
the news of this confusion and dilemma in the afikirs of the Peninsula,
raijht not reach to the other side of the Atlantic,

no

After presenting my reader, with this faithful picture
of the respective situations of the Peninsula, at the two
periods of time, before prefixed ; I would now ask him,
in candour, and, in sincerity, whether it Avas, either
reasonable, or just, for the distant provinces of America,
to continue as the servile slaves of these crest fallen de-
qnagogues; or whether it w^as wise, for them to be made
the submissive tools of five individuals, who had sprung
into power, out of the choice and nomination of men, at that
very time, covered with universal execration ? Was it con-
formable to the real interests of European or American
Spain, or, even, of England, for this valuable quarter of the
^world, to remain subservient to the nod of a government,
founded on illiberality, illegal in its essence, now infected
with the contagion of monopoly, and awed by the interest
of the trading port, in which it had just taken refuge?
♦Nay, at the moment of such an eventful period to Euro-
pean Spain, and during such an existing exigence in the
whole world, was it rational, for the rights, liberties, and
security of the Spanish American provinces, to be any
longer, insulted by the governmental forces, that had been,
hitherto, representing in the Peninsula; or was it politic,
that the improveable, but long neglected regions, to which
I allude, should, in such critical circumstances, as those
just described, still remain enslaved, outraged, and ag-
grieved by an ephemeral government, desirous only to
prolong their degradation? I leave it, to the upright and
impartial in every clime, and in every situation, to draw
his own conclusions; fully convinced as I am, in my own
breast, after a patient research through dubious and con.
tradictory authorities, that I have not only been correct
and faithful in my preceding delineations of events and

127

circumstances; but that the main point of the whole
question, now at issue, is, whether the Spanish Ameri'
canSf in such moments of danger, distrust, and despou"
de?icy, did, or did not^ do right, in thus changing (for
the time being J their local government, and placing the
administration of their own affairs, in the hands of men,
possessed of their trust and confidence 9

§ These essential premises being established, it now
remains for me to examine, what was the species of
government which the laws of Spain enact, as well as
the annals of her national history, prescribe, for cala-
mities, like that which had befallen the Spanish mo-
narchy of both hemispheres ; and next, whether it was
such as the Spanish Americans, equally, adopted. I have,
previously, quoted some of the fundamental laws of
Castile, which ordain the assembling of the three estates
of the realm, in all cases of great emergency and national
misfortune. This axiom is, moreover, fully authorized,
by the spirit of the Spanish history, by many precedents,
f?nd, recently, by the conduct of the whole provinces of the
Peninsula. When the functions of the crown, were there
unfortunately suspended, the various provinces, immedi-
ately placed their confidence in Juntas, and vested in
them, the administration of their affairs; with full powers
to call forth the resources of the districts under their ju-
risdiction, and promote their security and defence. Not-
withstanding, however, this measure of prudence, there
existed in each, a captabi-general, and an audiencia, or
other equivalent authorities, constituted by the king;
but still, these were not sufficient, even, for local pur-
poses. For the general guidance and government of
the realm, a concentration of these provincial Juntas,

1^

was esteemed most conducive to the welfare of the states
and if this concentration, had, only, been made, in a due
and consistent manner, (and it was not, as will, here-
after be fully shewn) the hopes of the country, would,
never, have been so much frustrated.

Notwithstanding this new measure, the council of
Castile, nevertheless, existed; as well as of the Indies;
but to neither, was the management of the nation, con-
fided. Yet, in their respective jurisdictions, at home>
they each exercised an authority, infinitely superior to
the viceroys, captain-generals, and audiencias, in Ame^
rica ; for, in fact, they represented the supreme power,
as well as the person of the king. Still, they were
overlooked in the new arrangements, and the people of
the Peninsula, considered that the Council of Castile,
was not adequate, to fill up the void newly created
between them, and the sovereign. And what greater
reasons existed in America, for the inhabitants to trust
their all, in the hands of local viceroys, captain-generals,
and audiencias, under the guidance of the council of the.
Indies at home ? Ler us call for the test of fact and expe-
rience, and thereby ascertain, what fresh proofs of probi-
ty, rectitude, and sincerity, there existed in them, at the
precise period referred to, more than had been evinced by
the governors of the European provinces, or by the
council of Castile, when the form of government was
changed. The general conduct of the transmarine autho-
rities has been, already, pointed out, and as for the Coun-
cil of the Indies, from the time of the Spanish revolu-
tion, in its plans for the well-being of the country, over
which it presided, it had done nothing more, than send
over orders, and full confirmations to the powers of the

129

thiefs and bishops in office there, as the best means, to
insure subservience to Napoleon.

§ In Europe, we have seen both of these councils, under
the necessity of submitting, first to the Central Junta,
then to the Regency, and tifterwards, to the national
Cortes. And in w^hat way was the loss of the king, to be
supplied in America ? In the annals of Castile, no traces
or precedent of a monarch having been, surreptitiously,
taken from amidst his subjects, is to be found ; conse-
quently, such a case as the present, was, in like manner,
novel in the history of Spanish America ; since, from the
time of the conquest, the kings had, always remained in
the bosom of the nation, respected and obeyed by all its
members. Yet, in all cases of emergency, as before es-
tablished, the laws of Castile ordain, that the representa-
tives of the people, be assembled; and, by express sta-
tutes, it is further enacted, that in all cases of minority^
the regents of the realniy and the tutors of the infant heir
to the crown, be named by a general Congress, for that
purpose assembled. And is not the seizure of the royal
person, (by which an interregnum, together with all the
weighty and momentous consequences of an actual mi-
nority, have been produced to the whole nation of both
hemispheres), a case equally arduous, important and ca-
lamitous ? Spanish America, by the fullest and most ex-
press acts of the Spanish legislature, had been annexed
to the crown of Castile, as already proved, whose laws
and statutes, were there equally binding; and the mo-
narchical constitution, had been,likewise, extended there
to. In addition to this, by an express enactment, it is
directed, that the viceroys and governors, provide for and
determine in all general matters, within their jurisdiction

I

130

but, always consult arduous matters, with the Real Acuer-
do,* Consequently, in such cases, the viceroy was not
the sole arbiter, nor, could so monstrous a system of le-
gislation, be imagined, as one tliat left to the direction of
a single individual, the fate of a large and detached sec-
tion of a nation, when the whole was surrounded by im-
minent dangers, and convulsed by a variety of contend-
ing and clashing interests.

A local Junta, in the provinces of Spanish America,
was not a novel occurrence, or one, unauthorised by pre-
cedent. The earliest annals of New Spain, record an
instSLUce of 2in Ai/untamiento J or Junta, being assembled in
an emergent case. Cortes, not trusting to the powers
and nomination of generalissimo, he had received from
Diego Velasquez, captain-general of Cuba, delivered
them up, together with his commission, into the hands
of a Junta, in Villarica, and received from that body, a
fresh confirmation, the legitimacy of which, was never
questioned, either by Velasquez, or Narvaez,although hi*
most deadly enemies. A local Junta, also, governed the
whole kingdom of New Spain, immediately after its con-
quest and pacification ; for the audiencia did not go out
till the year 1529, nor the first viceroy, till 1534, In a
royal cedula, issued in Madrid, 6th June, 1664, it is,
moreover, ordered, that the viceroys consult arduous mat-
ters in a general Junta, this is, therefore, a full acknow-
ledgment of their legality. This mode, of, provisionally,
conducting the affairs of government, is still more ex-
pressly established in another royal cedula, dated Ma-
drid, 24th June, 1766. In the beginning of the last cen-

* Recop. Ley, Ind. ley 45. lit. 5. lil). 3.

131

tury, a Junta was formed in Mexico,* for the purpose of
consulting weighty and important matters relating to the
state ; particularly, respecting a diminution in the price
of quicksilver, which, from being a monopoly of the
crown, was out of the jurisdiction of the viceroy ; and,
even at the period of the governmental changes in the
ultramarine provinces,a superior Junta of finance existed,
independent of the viceroy and audiencia. In short, the
plan of Juntas, is not, only, the most reasonable means of
establishing unanimity and confidence, and providing for
public security in extraordinary cases ; but is, also,, in
strict accord with the laws and usages of the whole na-
tion, and conformable to its most recent precedents.
Had not this been the case, a viceroy, in charge of an
American province, would, scarcely, have recommended
such a measure to his own detriment, and with so much
responsibility on his shoulders; nor could he, when sur-
rounded by all his councils, have committed so egregious
an oversight, in the application of the laws, and usages
of his own nation.

Valencia and Seville, as before noticed,were, equally,
conquests of the crown of Castile; yet they were
allowed to adopt this measure ; and the Junta of the
latter, did more, it undertook to exact obedience from
the entire provinces of both hemispheres. The sections
of America, in altering their local governments, had for
object, to provide for their own safety, and to put an
end to the reign of doubt and uncertainty; and most as-
suredly, the bsst means of answering this end, was by
cetnenting thd fidelity of the people afresh, also by esta-

* Coraenlario de las ordenanzas de raineria, cap. l.fol.25

i2

blishing an union of intentions and wishes; and tPi-aaP
transfusing harmony through each order of society.
These objects, in the Spanish Americans, were a thou-
sand times mor£ prudent and reasonable, than the con-
duct of the governments of European Spain, in over-
turning the fundamental Mws of the entire monarchy, in
divesting the king of his sovereignty, and in waging an
unjust and intemperate war, against half his subjects.
The only material difference, which existed between the
two parts of the monarchy, at the above parallel of time,
was, that one was under an invasion, and the other was
not; but were the American provinces to wait, till ar-
mies were landed on their shores, before they provided
for their security; or were they, in like manner, to be
roused from their slumber, by the very same storm
bursting upon them, which had, already, laid waste the
Peninsula? When the news of the melancholy situation
of Spain, at the beginning of 1810, reached them, they
conceived that the seal had been irrevocably put to her
fate; and that this circumstance, alone, with a small
degree of address on the part of the French, was suffi-
cient to render the Peninsula, a powerful instrument in
their own subjection; and even independent of this cir-
cumstance, which their own chiefs, besides, lead them
to believe as inevitable; if the French squadron, which
about that time, left the port of Rochefort, had reached
its proposed destination, what would have been the
situation of New Spain ?

§ In taking this general review of the situation of Eu-
ropean and American Spain, at the period of these two
remarkable transactions in their political conduct; it is,
at ilie same time, necessary, in order, clearly, to mani-

133

fest the urgent motives which induced the provinces of
■the latter, to change, for the time being, their form of
government, to examine the particular state of the so-
ciety in Spanish America, and also to bear in mind, the
numerous privations under which its inhabitants labour-
tjd. The general system of government practised in the
whole of that country, in consequence of a long accu-
mulation of abuses, was, according to the outline al-
ready given, rather suited to support and procure a de-
gree of sovereignty and dependence, than to promote
the prosperity, improvement, and happiness of the peo-
ple governed. The most galling of all these privations,
was, however, that, by which the Creoles were excluded
from a participation in all offices of trust or dignity, for
they had, certainly, long beheld with irritated feelings,
that foreign Samaritans had come amongst them, ex-
clusively to enjoy the waters of the well of Jacob, and to
whose portion alone, fell the fat of the land. They had,
nevertheless, waited with patience, for two years, yet
no effective relief had been procured them; nay, their
situation had been rendered worse; for besides their old
aggravations, they now beheld their countiy filled with
denunciations, espionage, arrests, prosecutions, banish-
ments, &c. principally levelled at themselves; and which,
not only tended to infuse alarm and disgust into the bo-
soms of the inhabitants, but, also, strongly, to alienate
their minds, from the immediate authors of such scenes.
The distance at which the transatlantic provinces
were, moreover, placed, the many stratagems used to de-
ceive them, by the circulation of incorrect and exagger-
ated accounts, had greatly contributed to fill them with
uncertainty and dilemma; they beheld disasters succeed

134

the first victories gained by the patriotic arms ; they saw
their treasury exhausted, and that the enemy had already
over-ran the best provinces of the Peninsula, and had
shut up the wreck of an impotent government, within
the walls of Cadiz.- The chiefs, who, so lately, had
placed themselves at the head of the nation, were now
dispersed and covered with ignominy; and they heard
that the Central Junta, which, not long ago, had been
pronounced a paternal and beneficent government, had
now all the disasters of the nation laid to its charge; and
yet it was plain, that the succeeding government, was no
ether than a committee of the preceding one, with no
more than the delegated power of its predecessors. They
beheld, on the other hand, that two years had produced
no alteration in their own degraded state; that in conse- .
quence'of intrigue, and the influence of the French over
their own chiefs, they were running the same risks, as
were the inhabitants of the Peninsula, from open force.
Under such circumstances as these, could it be pro-
nounced treason, or rebellion, in the distant provinces,
to choose men of their own confidence ; in order to su-
perintend their local administration, to watch over their
welfare, and to remove, or reform, the most crying of
the privations under which they had so long groaned?
To effect these necessary and reasonable purposes, they
imitate the example of the mother-country; and they
establish a provisional government, during the absence
of the monarch, or till the general government of the
realm, was organized on a new and legal basis.

It had, candidly, been confessed by the new go-
vernments of the Peninsula, on assuming their functions,
that the late defective administration of the Ma drid ca-

135

binet, had opened the gate to the French, and brought
abjection to the whole monarchy. And might not the
same evils in Spanish America, have produced conse-
quences, equally serious. Was it, there, also, as in the
•Peninsula, that reforms were to be delayed, till the re-
medies would be of no avail? Reform, was, then, as
necessary in the one, as it was in the other, even as a
means of prevention; and independent of right and jus-
tice, in such critical moments, to aggravate its denial, by
fresh wrongs, was not only dangerous and impolitic, but,
was, also, unjust and criminal. The European Spaniards,
considered reform as the second grand object for which
they were fighting; this alone, aided by loyalty, render-
ed their country worth defending, and the idea that their
former degradation was to return, would have extingu-
ished the bright and animated flame, which burst forth
on the opening of their glorious cause, and would have
rendered despondence general. Why then were the
transmarine provinces, which doubtlessly required re-
form in a double degree, and which were, at the same
time, contributing their wealth and resources for the
united object of all, alone, to be excluded from an alle-
viation of their wrongs? The fiscal laws, had, there,
reduced the country to the impoverished state at which
it then stood, and had rendered the choicest productions
of nature, of no value; yet, at the very instant, the Spa^
nish Americans were about to receive some alleviation,
by trade being opened to them, the Cadiz Regency or-
dains, that its own decree, should be revoked and pub-
licly burnt;* because it was offensive to the monopo-
lists cf that trading port.

* Vide Regency decree, Cadiz, June 27, 1810, and this impo-
litic measure fully discussed in El Espanol, London, No. 4, page 305.

136

Itwas both the interest and honour of the inhabitants
of the transatlantic provinces, (and as an eye-witness,
and \vith substantial documents in my hand, I can aver
my assertion to be true) to give all the aid and succour
in their power, to the patriotic cause of the Peninsula,as
long as viras consistent with their own safety ; but, in re-
turn, it was, undoubtedly, the duty of the government
of the latter, to throw to the ground, that improvident
and unjust system, by which the former had been so
long governed. The Spanish government, by being
wanting in this essential and primary duty, not only
placed the Spanish Americans, under the necessity of
looking to themselves; but, by declaring a hasty and in-
temperate war against them, also authorised the attitude
in which the latter have placed themselves, in order to
defend their own rights. Consequently, the former, is,
alone, answerable for all the fatal results. The Central
Junta, at a moment when pecuniary succours were
wanted, and fearful that the transmarine provinces,
might be endangered, amidst the general confusion, and
dismay, likely to spread abroad, did, indeed, decree, that
the Spanish American provinces, formed an equal and
integral part of the Spanish monarchy, but this appeai-s,
rather, to have been a messure of expediency or flattery,
than an attempt at redress ; for the decree was never
acted upon, but was left to die away of itself, or to be
disavowed by the opposite conduct of the successive
governments.

This theoretical, rather than practical, step, was
not, however, necessary, to stimulate the Spanish Ame-
ricans, to acts of loyalty and generosity ; for, as before
proved, the first, was the general sentiment that mani-

137

feted itself on the opening of the cause in Europe ; and,
in order, to prove the second, I have only to add, that,
during the administration of the Central Junta, ninety n^il-
lions of dollars, were sent over from all the transmarine
provinces, of which the section of Mexico, alone, fur-
nished fifty-five. A very large proportion of these funds,
were, besides, private donations, or belonged to local es-
tablishments, and, consequently, not the property of the
crown. Were all these effective demonstrations on their
part, therefore, deserving of no consideration at home ?
Empty declarations of nomirnal equality, when opposed
to practice, could be considered as nothing else, than as a
snare ; and, could, of course, by no means, satisfy the
justice, and restore and secure the rights of those, who
had so long suffered. Similar promises and offers, on pa-
per, but, unaccompanied by practice and effect, resemble
the two algebraical terms of plus and minus y which, mu-
tually destroy each other, and leave the result as nothing.
Even if such declarations in intention and in theory, had
been sincere, (and time has proved them to have been the
reverse) the delay of their full and effective execution,
on the iliost frivolous pretexts, too plainly evinces, that
the motives, under which they were made, were ambi-
guous ; and their want of practical realization, proves,
the disdain and unfair manner, in which the Spanish
Americans have been dealt with.

§ The insurrections in Spanish America, have, in this
country, by many, been viewed in an unfavourable light,
from being supposed, in some measure, to be analagous
to the French revolution, whose horrors, both recent and
great, have, deservedly, excited the disgust and resent-
ment of every sober nation. This opinion of the Spa-

138

nish American transactions, is, however, exremely, in-
correct and unfounded ; and has only originated from
gross misconceptions, arising out of the complexity and
obscurity of a subject, hitherto, unexplained to the pub-
Jic. In the revolution of France, we had before us, the
fatal consequences and atrocious effects, of extending
licence beyond what its votaries could bear; but in the
insurrections of Spanish America, we have beheld a sti-
mulus of action, both just and respectable, and the accom-
panying movements, have not been similar. Though
' many scenes of confusion, and some instances of cruelty,
have occurred, the ones, have, nevertheless, not hindered
considerable improvements in the governing system,where
any thing regular has been established ; and the others,
have not been wanton, or when sanguinary, have not been
instigated by any other motive, than retaliation, as will
be more fully understood, when I subjoin my abridged
detail of the horrors apd havoc, which have desolated
the several regions of the unfortunate Spanish Columbia.
If the situation of those sections, where the governmen-
tal changes, have had a fair, though yet partial means of
operating, had not been, thereby, bettered ; many of the
accusations brought forward by the monopolists of Ca-
diz, and which, have, in some measure, produced
amongst us an unwarranted stigma, might have had
their due weight ; but the political and social state of
Buenos Ayres and Chili, the only two sections from which
any limited inference can be drawn, have materially chang-
ed for the better, as will, hereafter, be fully considered,
§ The facts I have, so far, related, respecting the views
and intentions of the Spanish Americans, in their res-
pective governmental changes. I now leave to the un-

;

139

unbiassed conclusions of British minds; ftdly sensi-
ble, that these transactions, will never warrant the
charges of disloyalty, ingratitude, or of sinister, or un-
lawful proceedings. The preceding description of the
relative bearing and position of affairs, sufficiently ma-
nifests the grounds on which the transmarine provinces,
then acted ; and this material point being once establish-
ed, and in exact conformity to the events as they occur-
red, it results, that the original views of the Spanish
Americans, in deposing their own chiefs, and establish-
ing provincial Juntas, were excited by the alarm, spread
amongst them, in consequence of the hopeless-situation
of the Peninsula* They were urged by the immediate,
evident, and general despondence, which every where
reigned, and by distrust in the government at home,
and in the chiefs, who were then in office, amongst them.
These, with a variety of local and more pressing causes,
were the radical and primordial motives, which stimu-
lated their conduct ; but, in addition to all, they felt,
heavily, the fatal effects of their bad plans of govern-
ment, and its galling oppression, which had grown into
a most degrading system, to which they saw there was
no end. They laboured under a total suspension of com-
merce; and the aggravated weight of domestic tyranny,
had, daily, more and more, irritated and roused their
feelings ; for they looked round and beheld other nations,
their neighbours, and even the colonies of European
powers, situated on their own shores, happy, prosperous,
and possessed of civil liberty, whilst they, alone, were
to have their old and abject degradation prolonged. They
pondered on the prospect before them, and scarcely a
bright or cheerful shade, was found in the melancholy
picture, that rose before their troubled sight.

ITHIVliESITt))

140

The great instruments destined to carry on the colo-
lonial system of Spain, were the viceroys and captain-
generals; and consequently, it was natural, that they
should be the first to feel the blow. That the Spanish
Americans, could, no longer, remain cold spectators of
the fate preparing for them, or tamely submit to be made
over to the French, much less, endure the fresh insults
heaped upon them; was the natural result of their long
injured, but not abject, feelings; their resentment was
of course, directed against their rulers, as the persons
intrusted with the machinations of Buonaparte. Their
removal was, thence, resolved upon; but they were di-
vested of their commands, in the most quiet and consti-
tutional manner possible; and Juntas were established
to represent their authority, on exactly the same plans,
as those of Oviedo, Seville, and the other provinces of
the Peninsula. The Juntas of the transmarine provinces,
were, therefore, exact prototypes of those of Spain;
they were created under similar circumstances, and I
can with confidence assert, that had the Cadiz Regency,
at this time, and the Cortes afterwards, when they first
entered on their national functions, and as urged by the
American deputies therein, only, then, confirmed these
same Juntas, as authorities constituted in conformity to
the laws, and the urgency of actual circumstances; nay,
had this local administration, been granted to the Ameri-
cans,' for the time being, and with only a partial redress
of the most galling grievances, the horrors, anarchy, and
bloodshed, which have since followed, might have been
avoided, and cordiality might have been preserved.

§ The Cadiz Regency, that had, by this time, created
itself into a Sovereign power,and though chosen for a tem-

141

porary purpose, sought the prolongation of its command ;
instead of entering into the feelings of the Spanish Ame-
ricans, and weighing, well, the circumstances which had
stimulated their conduct, declares war, and orders mea-
sures of a strict blockade against Caracas ; from whence,
as being the nearest section of America, the news of the
recent governmental changes, had been received. This
declaration of war and of blockade, is dated August 31,
1810 ; and from its being the first link of that long chain
of impolitic and unjust measures, which have, at length,
produced open enmity, I add it in my Appendix D, in
order that my reader may judge for himself. This being,
however, the primary source, and real cause of all the
subsequent calamities, it is necessary to subjoin some ex-
planatory remarks.

The motives of the Spanish American provinces, in
changing their respective governments, have, already been
manifested, literally, as they occurred, and, as explained
in the declarations of each. In Spain, the same motives
had authorised the institution of Juntas,and a murmur was
not heard ; yet the same measure in Spanish America, pro-
duces a declaration of war, on one part of the monarchy
against the other. In what way, can this be reconciled ?
As an exterior form, and, perhaps, as a snare ; but, at the
same time, with substantial grounds, the ultramarine
provinces, by a royal decree, dated 22d Jan. 1809, had
been declared integral and equal parts of the Spanish
monarchy ; this had been confirmed, by a fresh decree of
May 22, same year; and again, by proclamation of the
Central Junta, on January 1, 1810. This was, still, no
more, than a just restitution of sacred, but long invaded
rights, as fully pointed out, in the early stages of this

14a

production. Why, then, is Spanish America, to be pre^
eluded from consulting her own safety, and promot-
ing her own welfare, in a way not only conformable to
the laws and precedents, but also, sanctioned by most
recent example ? The existing Regency, was no more
than a committee of the Central Junta ; this had decreed
Spanish America to be equal, in rights, with the Penin-
sula; and, now, the former, by its decree, again, public-
ly, divests them of this right Whence, then, this pal-
pable contradiction ? The small island of Majorca, was
allowed to assemble a Junta, for its own local administra-
tion, and no complaint was ever uttered. Why, then all
this partiality ? To the fact. The government had now been
removed from Seville to Cadiz, and in their plans and
of reform, the Americans sought to rend asunder their
trammels on trade. The Cadiz merchants, trembled for
their monopolies, and the Regency, by this time, had be-
come the tool of their extravagant pretensions, and the
instrument of their injustice.

As a specious pretext to this public outrage, and in
order to gloss over their arbitrary conduct, the Regents
declare, that the people of Caracas, had made themselves
independent of the mother-country , and created a go-^
verning Junta, to exercise a supposed independent au-
thority ; when, at the same time, nothing of the kind
had either been attempted or manifested. But it was
necessary, to give some plea for so flagrant an act of in-
justice, and such an abuse of power; and the Cadiz mo-
nopolists, and the ravings of a mercenary war faction,
were, not long, in defining the nature of the colouring,
that was to be given to so intemperate a measure. If
the self constituted Regents of Spain, then, charged their

143

distant fellow- subjects, with rebellion, treason, and in-
gratitude, the only motives which could authorize a
war; they ought to have been confronted and heard,
and the illegality of their views, ought to have been
made known, by strong and deliberative evidence. Be-
fore one half of the nation, declared war against the
other, the reasons ought to have been explained, the
circumstances cleared up, and above all, unwise and
dangerous self-delusion, ought never to have been the
motive of so important a rupture. The cold blooded
fury, and the mercenary malice of faction, ought never
to have influenced or guided the actions of a govern-
ment, that pretended, not only, to render the Spanish
monarchy powerful and effective, but, also, to regener-
ate its abject subjects; nor should it ever have been
guilty of an injustice, which involved a direct contra-
diction to the promises made to the suffering inhabitants
of a country, that had given such long, and sin<;ere
proofs of attatchment and recent loyalty. It was that
political power, these Regents, then, arrogated to them-
selves, beyond the limits of their authority, which first
disturbed the just equipoise of the state, and shook that
ancient fraternity, which, by length of time, had grown
into a degree of habitual dependence, between Euro-
pean Spain, and Spanish America.

§ By an unfortunate combinationof circumstances, if
the policy of Spain in this particular, was improvident,
illiberal, and unjust, that of the British government,
also, does not appear to have been, sufficiently, firm,
decided, or enlightened. From the very moment, we
entered into our treaty with European Spain, of which
sincerity was the acknowledged basis, we lost sight of

144

Spanish America, whom we seemed no longer to re-
gard, as soon as we were ea&y on the score of the French*
Mutual sincerity had been pledged, yet the ingredient of
mutual confidence,seemed entirely excluded. We appear
to have been afraid, of convincing Spain, of the error she
was then committing, or of reminding her, of the heavy
consequences, she was about to brhig down,on her own
guilty head. If a rupture, with a large transatlantic po-
pulation, was a case novel in the Spanish historical an-
nals, it was not in our own; was there, then, no advice
that the experienced ministers of an allied nation, could,
at their most important juncture, have given; nay, was
there no good, which England might, not then, have
derived, out of the great and ponderous mass of evils,
thence about to result to Spain? Was this not the most
suitable moment to have stifled an increasing calamity,
which, w^e now see has, for upwards of four years, ger-
minated into a wide growth of public and private mi-
sery, and has spread its poisonous influence over the
whole monarchy ?

What sound policy, would, at that time, have dic-
tated, was plain and easy; for the dispositions of the
Spanish Americans, were avowed and public, and ap-
pearances could not be mistaken. They demanded re-
dress, not as a favour, but as a right to which they were
entitled; and in case of refusal, every thing announced,
that the movements would not be slight or temporary.
The general and animated features of the insurrections,
made it manifest, that palliatives could, no longer, be
employed with success; and the stages and probable
consequences of the events, were too alarming, to be
looked upon with indiflference. If delicacy and prudence

145

made the British government, then, abstain from fo-
menting the insurrections in question; no motive of
policy, whatever, could authorize it, to suffer the Re-
gency of Cadiz, without the wishes of the nation being,
previously, known, to declare war against one half of the
monarchy, equally bound by a solemn treaty, particu-
larly in moments so pressing; nor could the British go-
vernment have been unaware, that it was a war, unjust
in its nature, and fraught with the most fatal conse-
quences to all parties. What renders this circumstance
the more astonishing, is, that this same Regency, avow-
edly, owed its existence, protection, and support, to
the influence of the governmental agents of England.
Both in European and American Spain, the creation of
this ephemeral government, after the dispersion of the
Central Junta, is known under the appellation of hechura
Ingleza (British make) the influencing or counteracting
of its acts, when unjust, was therefore, in a particular
manner, expected from a mutual ally; and beyond
doubt, in those moments, dexterous and energetic re-
monstrance, would have been successful. The triumph
of probity, good sense, and moderation, on this occa-
sion, would have redounded, more to the solid advan-
tage of England, and have produced more real benefits
to the entire Spanish monarchy, than any of the other
military or political transactions, in which we have been
engaged for its welfare.

It was the two undivided halves of the Spanish em-
pire, and constituting the whole nation, who were the
allies of England, and not the Regency of Cadiz, which
had been engendered, amidst the terror and dismay that
succeeded the flight of the Central Junta from Seville;

K

146

and if five persons, illegally constituted, were on the
eve of committing an unjust, and impolitic act, against
one half of the nation whose sovereignty they had
usurped; if they were about to declare an unwarrantaJjle
war against it, and which would deluge it in blood, and
dvy up those resources, that were to give efficacy to the
exertions of the whole; who so well as England, their
mutual ally, and with equally as much at stake, could
with propriety step in between the irritated parties, and
insist on being their umpire ? It is honourable in a na-
tion, as it is in an individual, to be misled by the im-
pulse of expanded philanthropy, but to merit the op-
posite charge, each ought, equally, to avoid. The im-
mense havoc, that has ensued from the unfortunate mea-
sure here alluded to, might, then, have been easily cal-
culated on and foreseen; but it would almost appear, as
if both Spain and England, were envious of the profound
peace enjoyed in all the transmarine provinces; and as if
Spain, in flames by the hand of a deadly enemy, had
likewise hastened, to hurl on the quiet shores of Co-
lumbia, the same conflagration, by which she herself,
was fast consuming.

Had England, then, only used energy, talent, and
address ; had she held out to Spain, the example of dig-
nity, and true wisdom, and had she by sound and firm
reasoning, only silenced the ravings of a boisterous war
faction, according to the united testimony of both Spa-
niards and Americans, she would not, only, have been
successful, and averted this storm from bursting on her
ally, but she would, besides, have derived considerable
advantages to herself. She would, moreover, have,
then, really, maintained the integrity of the entire Spa-

147

nish monarchy, to its unfortunate owner, and would,
likewise have secured to herself, the everlasting grati-
tude of its two component parts. England had claims
upon, and ties over the then existing Regency, which
from a variety of circumstances, she cannot have over
the present Cortes; and the Americans, with founded
motives, blame her for not using them in time, for the
good of all. The firm and decided interposition of the
British government, in order to hinder the decrees of
the Cadiz Regency against Caracas, would have cut the
evil to the root ; would have spared the blood which has
since flowed; would have warded off the general deso-
lation which has ensued; would have kept the nation
united ; and would also, have prevented the war of ex-
termination, now enkindled. By strongly urging the
sincerity of that treaty, which existed ; by a full gua-
rantee of the upright intentions of England; by, thus,
gently, leading the Spanish government by persuasion
and argument ; by enlightening the nation with regard
to its real interests ; and, in short, by convincing it of a
sense of what was right; we should, not only, have
given strength and duration to our alliance, and conso-
lidated it by an union of interests; but, we might, in
that case, have expected to see the entire monarchy of
Spain, rise superior to the adversities by which it was
beset

Instead of a hasty and intemperate war, the Spanish
Americans had every reason to expect a full investiga-
tion, and a fair, impartial, and independent exposure, of
those multiplied sources of wrong and hardship, under
which they had so long laboured. If the urgent state of
the mother country, did not, at that time, admit of formal

k2

148

and tedious deliberations, they i\'ere, at least, entitled to
an immediate and willing redress of those most glaring
privations, by which, they had been so uniformly depress-
ed. If the government of Spain, had, then possessed
sufficient wisdom and energy, to second the manifest
wishes of the transatlantic provinces, in sueing for an es-
sential reform; if gratitude, equity, and good faith, had,
then, triumphed over the enfuriated yells of an inconsi-
derate war faction; if the conduct of Spain, had been
confined within the sober range of rational hope, and had
only laid aside, its deluding intoxication, then, and only
then, might Spain have been made strong, and then might
she have hailed the cheering return of virtue, happiness,
and domestic peace. If the Cadiz Regents, instead of
being misled by intrigue, and stimulated by faction; had,
only been influenced by a mutual spirit of benevolence
and accommodation, under the influence England, these
differences, whilst yet in embryo, would have been adjust-
ed; fresh vigour and resources, would have been added
to Spain, and the career of those, who delight in the an-
nihilation of confidence, would have been checked.

Every government in the Peninsula, that preceded the
Cortes, was illegitimate, in its essence and formation;^
and the sovereign powers by them urrrogated, were, in di-
rect contradiction, to the laws and usages of the realm.
Necessity, and the absence of avowed opposition, on the
part of the people, might have given a limited sanction to
their conduct, in acts relating to the defence, or more
immediate welfare of the nation; but to overturn its fun-
damental laws, and to declare war against one half the
monarchy, before the consent of the other, had been ob-
tained; was not, only, exceeding, the powers whicb"

<• '

149

Charles or Ferdinand themselves possessed, had either
been quietly sitting on the throne of his ancestors; but
it was, moreover, exercising an arbitrary and impoli-
tic despotism, which could not fail of meeting with the
deserved reproach of every member of Spanish society,
as soon as calmer feelings, had succeeded to the general
CH)nfusion of the whole kingdom. From such a system,
nothing, but a perfect disunion of the elements of the
state, could be expected. And if the agents of England,
then looked quietly on, and without a solemn remon-
strance or protest, suffered this great and flagrant act of
injustice, to be carried into execution ; and which, alone,
sufficed to defeat the very object of the sincere treaty,
that formed the basis of her conduct, it is hardly to be
distinguished, whether, the conduct of the five Regents of
Cadiz, or the pusillanimous negligence of the British ca-
binet, was most to be blamed.

From that moment, it was, that, unmindful of the real
and durable interests of the Spanish monarchy at large,
we were awed into silence, by the upstart and self-sufTi-*
cient governments of the Peninsula, who sought power,
more for the gratification of ambitious views ; than for
the well-being of their fellow-subjects. We then became
subservient to the will of creatures, who, by their conduct,
have proved, that they were ready to sacrifice the lives and
rights of their distant brethren, to the smiles of greatness,
and to the undue gains, of one hundred and fifty Ca-
diz monopolists. Even, if we had no other means in our
power, than the press, we might have convinced Spain,
of the injustice and impolicy, and of the tyrannical nature
of this single measure; we might have forewarned
the people, if we could not the government, of the fatal

150

consequences that were about to ensue ; nay, we might
have excited and fixed the impartial judgment of the
nation at large, on this singular and intemperate act of its
rash government. Every one, v^ho knows the peculiar
situation of the Cadiz government, in those moments, and
is aware of the many successful springs that might have
been touched, without implicating the dignity of the na-
tion, or offending our new ally, will candidly confess the
truth of this assertion.

This over delicate conduct on our part, has not cured
the Spaniards of distrust; it has not inspired them with
confidence,* but it has alienated the affections of the Spa-
nish Americans, and has blasted many of our future pros-
pects amongst them. It has produced a civil war, with
all its fatal consequences, and it has, besides, driven
the injured provinces on the other side of the Atlantic,
even to the extreme, of sighing for the aid and protection
of our enemies, and of rejoicing in their success. Our
delicacy and forbearance, must have been intended, as a
remedy to the captious distrust of the Spaniards: but
this remedy, has, rather, aggravated the disorder, and
caused its baneful influence to spread still wider. Would
not, the pacification and union of the transmarine provin-
ces, have been the most powerful tie to the affections and
gratitude of European Spain ; and, if, in either quarter,
it is deduced, that a want of energy, and zeal on the part
of England, and illiberality on that of Spain, has been
the only bar to such desirable results, the unfavour-
able conclusions drawn against us, in the minds and
feelings of the Spanish Americans, are not divested of
grounds.

151

But, what is most to be feared, is, that England, in this
particular, has erred, rather from a want of serious and de-
hberate enquiry, into this important question; or, that she
has been influenced by the acrimony constantly circulated
in the Peninsular prints, and the partiality of the Cadiz go-
vernment. This, could not have been the case, if, as before
fully testified, we had, only, in our very alliance, traced out
aline of conduct for both parts ofthemonarrhy,with whom
we were contracting ; and had fixed the relative duties of
each, before we gave a pledge, both vague and inconsis-
tent in its essence. Had England, then, reflected on the
consequences about to befall all parties; or even as a re»
demption of this first error, had she been, only, sensible,
that, every month, she was delaying efficient remedies to
the evils thence arising, she was, actually, condemning
thousands of the unredressed inhabitants of Spanish Ame-
rica, to death, to dungeons; and was, besides, throwing
millions of useful resources into the general scale of de-
struction ; it scarcely can be thought, that her ministers,
would have delayed, for a moment, some firm and hu-
mane resolution, on this material subject; nor can it be
supposed, that the policy of her deliberative and execu-
tive measures, in this particular, would, then, have been
so remiss. It was a reasonable anticipation, in the Spa-
nish Americans, from plentiful motives already explained ;
to expect that England would sympathize in the repeat*
ed acts of cruelty and injustice committed against them ;
and, when the fatal ^ects of the precipitate and rash con-
duct of the Cadiz Regency, became public and manifest,
they had still more founded hopes, that no time or oppor-
tunity would be lost, in England, resorting to- some sound'
and liberal experiment, in order to stop the eff'usion of

152

blood ; or at least, that under her mediation, a prompt
and cordial means, equally honourable and desirable to
all parties, would be afforded, for discussing and ad-
justing the interests of each. In short, the decree of the
Cadiz Regency, declaring war, and instituting a blockade
against Caracas, under the peculiar circumstances just
explained, stands as an everlasting monument of the injus-
tice and intemperance of that same ephemeral govern-
ment, and, further proves, the want of influence, or ex-
isting coldness, on the part of England.

Some of our statesmen, speaking of our policy, with
regard to European and American Spain, have been
heard to say, that the British government could not inter-
fere, or have any direct, or indirect correspondence, with
the latter; for, what should we think of an ally, who
took part to protect a revolt in Ireland against ourselves,
whilst under a treaty of alliance and mutual co-operation.
How fallacious such reasoning, and how devoid of all
analogy. The government of Cadiz, has, indeed, con-
strued the conduct of the transmarine provinces into
wanton revolt, and into an open rebellion, founded on in-
gratitude; and such is the picture, drawn of it, in the
Peninsular prints. But, is this a fact, or does this in-
ference, equally, belong to England? Has she, in like
manner, been, influenced by partial, or undue motives?
The prejudices and invectives of Spain; have never slept,
since Cadiz became the seat of government; and to
judge from appearances, it would seem, as if they had,
also, formed the basis of the political conduct of Eng-
land, in those points, to which they referred. Yet, when
viewing the subject, dispassionately, it comes to be un-*

153

tlerstood, that the stimulus of this animosity, on the part
of the Cadiz government, has been partiality, motives of
interest, and, partly, rancour ; and, vi^hen it is, at the same
time, remembered, that the Spanish Americans, from the
commencement of their pretensions, have only asked re-
dress, and such governmental reform, as they required,
and were entitled to ; that they have ever been ambitious
of belonging to Spain, as an integral and incorporated
part ; that they have ever acknowledged the same mo-
narch, and that, in short, they have, uniformly, given, the
most unequivocal proofs of fidelity, loyalty, and frater-
nity, it seems impossible, that such conclusions should
have been drawn by Spain, or that they should have
warped the independent and upright councils of Eng-
land,

§ The first fatal effects, produced by this injudicious
declaration of war, on the part of the Cadiz Regency,
against Caracas, was the driving of the inhabitants of
that province, to the extreme of declaring their inde-
pendence ; the first act w hich occurred on the other side
of the Atlantic, to endanger the integrity of the Spanish
monarchy. This being an occurrence, too remarkable to
be omitted, in this general outline, and full explanation of
all the insurrections of Spanish America, I will hereafter,
submit a short detail of its most leading events ; contenting
myself, for the present, with observing, that the people of
Caracas, were urged by open hostilities, by the aggrava-
tions, and repeated insults of the Cadiz government ; and
that if a partial attempt was then made at absolute inde-
pendence, it was not till July 11, 1811, that is, nearly a
year after this same declaration of war, now under consi-

154

deration, had been made. This event, therefore, in Cara-
cas, took place, at a subsequent period, and when the
unjust conduct of the Peninsular government, of which
this same Regency decree is quoted, as the principal ba-
sis, together with the coldness of England, had convinced
the people, that they had nothing to expect from home,
but a continuation of ill-treatment, a prolonged refusal
to the discussion and restitution of their rights ,
and, in short, this measure was resorted to, because,
from the preparations, making on their shores, they
conceived it was time, to seek the means of their own
defence. They judged, under such circumstances, that
it was the same thing, to be in open hostility, as
to endure the grievances of covered enmity ; surround-
ed, as they were, by plots, by arrests, and by every do-
mestic and external horror, that civil discord, and an im-
placable enemy, could hurl amongst them.

§ If, the impolitic declaration of war, made by the Re-
gency against Caracas, and which has, avowedly, been the
cause of all the misfortunes that have since harrassed the
other sections, from its operating as an insulting defiance
to the just claims and pretensions of all, was, at the time
of its promulgation and execution, overlooked by the
British government; nearly a year aft;prwards, that is,
when the injuries and insults of Spanish America, had
become manifest and urgent, and when the integrity of that
same monarchy, we had guaranteed, became endangered;
was it not time to ponder on the state of that injured coun-
try ; was the hour not yet come, to concert remedies for
evils, which had, already, risen to the most alarming
height ; and was it not, yet, evident, what would be the

155

melancholy consequences, of this increasing overflow
of gall, on both sides ? Would it not have, then, been,
more manly, generous, and just, in the British govern-
ment, under the influence, and actuated by the since-
rity of that same treaty, which had constituted us, the
united guardians of the crown of the absent Ferdinand,
when its brightest gem, was, thus, likely to be torn from it;
nay, would it not have been more politic, at once, to have
struck at the root of these disorders, which were about
to prey on the very vitals of the Spanish monarchy of
both hemispheres, and which would, eventually,' defeat
the object, which led to our alliance. This was, only, to
be done, by a mutual approximation and compromise;
these could, only, be produced, by the influence, advice,
or demand, of a third party ; can it, therefore, be doubt-
ful, on whom this essential duty devolved ?

It would not have been impossible, though the task
was, undoubtedly, difficult, for a dexterous and ener-
getic minister near the Cadiz government, to have called
its members, seriously, to the contemplation of the
fatal consequences of this unfortunate rupture; nor
would it have been an arduous undertaking, to have
convinced them, of its being the primary, and most
sacred duty of their public functions, as well as the in-
terest of the nation at large, to restore and cement the
harmony of all parts of the monarchy; to keep down
parties and war factions; to stop the waste of public
treasure; to put an end to the evils which the state suf-
fered j and above all, that it was the imperious dictate
of humanity, to terminate an unjust war between bre-
thren, which for so many reasons, was to be deplored
by all parties, and on which, at a future period, the

156

whole world would sit as judges. England had, then,
the most manifest and crying justice on her side ; and if
the objects of her alliance, were comprehensive ; if she
had in view, the lasting, and not trie temporary welfare
of the Spanish monarchy, and if, more particularly, she
had it in contemplation, to secure to herself, the sin-
cere gratitude of its inhabitants of both hemispheres,
and cause this same gratitude to last beyond the dura-
tion of the present conflict, she ought to have lifted up
her views to higher hopes, and to a bolder policy,
than merely to fight the battles of the deluded Fer-
dinand.

§ It has been, so far, my object, to trace to their very
origin, the present dissentions existing between Euro-
pean and American Spain; and if in pursuit of this pur-
pose, I have been diffuse, it has been owing to my
anxious wish, that every concurrent circumstance, might
be fully understood. I have, also, by this time, brought
my reader, as much, in chronological order, as I was
able, to that stage of the transatlantic occurrences, when
open war began to flame between two sister kingdoms,
who had, for more than three hundred years, remained
united by the strongest possible ties ; and between whom,
till now, no material variance, had occurred. Yet,
though, I flatter myself, with having irrefragably de^
monstrated my position, in general principle, founded
on a series of facts, and illustrated by the most leading
and accompanying circumstances, I am, nevertheless,
scarcely, satisfied, with having fully attained my object.
I am, still, fearful, that some of the premises on which
my deductions rest, may, by the superficial reader, to
whom the subject is novel, appear partial, or devoid of

157

sufficient testimony. I could not, therefore, in this
place, refrain from sanctioning my assertions, respecting
the impolicy and injustice of the war declared, by the
Cadiz Regency, against Caracas, on which, my most ma-
terial arguments are founded, by the opinion of the res-
pectable editor of the El Espahol, whose testimony to a
British mind, must bear the greater weight, from the
sincere and unbiassed manner, in which he has uniformly
discussed the detatched transactions of the Spanish revo-
lution, which, as a periodical writer, have fallen under
his review. From his being, also, an European Spaniard,
one, who was never on the other shores of the Atlantic,
but who has, ever, felt for the welfare, as well as for the
honour of his native soil, I feel the greater confidence in
bringing forward his remarks; which through all his
labours, have not only been distinguished for range of
general reasoning, but in many interesting topics, have
bespoke the patriot and the philosopher, conversant in
human nature, and alive to the multiplied evils, by
which the bosom of his ill-fated country, has been harr
rowed up. The following, are his words.

" An attentive meditation on the actual state of
things, between Spain and America, has excited in me
the following doubt. If a people, or province, belong-
ing to the crown of Spain, were to raise their voice and
to proclaim; — from this moment, we no longer acknow-
ledge Ferdinand VII. as our king — we divest ourselves,
of the obedience we had pledged to him — we declare
war against Spaniards, — and we deliver ourselves up to
Napoleon, — what punishment would be assigned for
such a crime, and what measures' would be taken
against such a people or province? It seems to me

158

that no man of honour in the world, would fail to say,
such a people has committed an indignity ; and so cri-
minal a proceeding, deserves condign punishment. He
would add, government ought to take the most effective
measures, to oppose so absurd an idea; it ought to block-
ade their shores, that they may have no communica-
tion with others; the ships which approach their ports,
of whatsoever nation they may be, ought to be confis-
cated, as those of enemies; and, though it is hard, to go
to extremes against a people, who formerly constituted
one family, and to arm brethren against brethren, it is
nevertheless, necessary, in consequence of their rebellion,
to shut them up and to blockade them, by land and sea;
and their neighbours ought to be commanded, to hinder
the entry of provisions, and the export of the products
of their soil and industry; in short, every exertion ought
to be made, to prevent every communication with their
inhabitants. In case the authors of such a measure, are
apprehended, they ought to be punished, with all the
rigour, authorized by the rights of sovereignty." —

" And, what would the unhappy and benevolent
Ferdinand VII. say, if he knew, that this same rigour
had been decreed against a people, who, enthusiasti-
cally, renewed their obedience to him; who offered
their blood in order to preserve their fidelity and do-
minions to him; who tendered the fruits of their in-
dustry, as a ransom, for him, and his country, whilst in the
possession of enemies; who affectionately hoped at
some period, to have the means of consoling him, for
all his misfortunes; and who, perhaps, only err, in
believing, that their beloved sovereign, is not, at present,
represented in those distant provinces, in a manner.

159

even, conformable to bis own interests? Certainly, I
cannot guess what Ferdinand VII. would say, but I do
not believe, he would use the language of the Regency,
in its decree against Caracas."* — These sentiments,
wer6 penned in September, 1810, that is, a month after
the Regency decree, had been signed- consequently,
long before its fatal consequences had been produced.

Not, sufficiently, satisfied, with the sole testimony
of one Spaniard, however weighty and respectable his
authority, before I take leave of this part of my subject,
I conceive it my duty, to insert the avowed sentiments
of another; who in presenting to his own nation, ** A?t
impartial examination of the dissentions of America y with
Spain,'' uses the following words. " In conformity to
these mistaken principles, the Central Junta, instead of
binding, afresh, the sections of America to the Peninsula,
by authorizing them to name and form provincial Juntas,
composed of their own inhabitants, as the only means,
radically, to destroy the repeated acts of injustice, there,
committed by the governmental authorities; not only
endeavoured to abolish them in the Peninsula, but,
also, never took care to establish them in America. This
measure, alone, would, most assuredly, have filled the
Americans with joy; and by this means, discontented
parties, would have beeen avoided."t Further on, he
adds. " The news of the occurrences in Caracas, was
received by the Regency; but, instead of preventing a
civil war, by acceding to the most just proposals, made
by the members of that Junta, in their letter of May 20,
directed to the Marques de las Hormazas, (hereafter

* Vide El Espanol, London, Sept. 1810.
t Estrada, Part I.

160

quoted) and without attending to the uniform dictates of
justice, and unmindful of the situation of the Peninsula,
it decrees, to reduce them, by force, to submit to the law,
which they (the Regents) thought proper to dictate.
Neglecting all other measures, but those suggested by
an impotent vengeance, the Regency declares the port
of La Guira in a state of blockade, commissions a coun-
sellor, and a parcel of other ministers, with ample fa-
culties, to oblige the people, to enter into what, despotic
governments, usually, call, duties of the subjects; and
for this purpose, it adopts such measures, as a similar
government would only adopt, when able to realize them;
but which, in other cases, it would disregard, if want
of reflection were not added to despotism, &c. Such
measures, which, besides, being unjust, the Regency
had not the faculties to carry into execution, could
answer no other purpose, than to exasperate, still more,
the minds of the discontented, and to give them new
and just motives of complaint, thus, urging them on, to
the prosecution of their enterprize."*

These are the united sentiments of Spaniards, and
of the two principal characters, who have attempted
to discuss the question in view. To them I could add,
the corresponding opinions of others, were I not afraid
to trespass on the patience of my reader. I have pro^
duced them, rather, as a corrobation to my premises,
than as an amplification of my subject; and when the
British government had equity and justice on its side,
when the thinking part of the Spanish community, also,
both openly, and in their hearts, condemned the arbitrary

♦ Estrada, Pari 11.

161

conduct of the trade-leagued Regents, their perusal caif-
not fail to excite surprize, that no effective measure of
prevention was attempted ; and that the ministers of St.
James, in this unguarded moment, should thus, by their
want of energy and foresight^ have blasted the fairest
prospect of giving force and efficacy to our new alliance
with European Spain; and of securing great and lasting
advantages, to our mercantile and political interests, in
Spanish America, The present convulsions in this unhap-
py country^ thus clearly, resulted from the intemperate
and impolitic conduct of the five Regents who succeeded
the Central Junta, overawed, as they were, by the
trading interests of Cadiz. The Regency, in its official
capacity, might have been injured or offended by the
acts of the transmarine provinces, but how could it al-
lege the rights of a sovereignty, of which it did not
possess a single component element; and under the cir-
cumstances in which Spain was at that time, how could
such impotent rigour, redound to the advantage of the
general cause? This offence, however, could scarcely
be resented by the Cadiz Regency, individually, for
the occurrences in Caracas took place, when the dis-
persion of the Central Junta was known, that is, prior
to advices having been received, of the installation of
the Regency.

§ The evident injustice of the Cadiz government, to-
w^ards the ultramarine provinces, and the marked im-
policy of England, in first not preventing, and after-
wards, during more than four years, in not applying ef^
fective remedies to the increasing evils, which, have, al-
ready, bathed the fairest portion of the Spanish America,
in the blood of its inhabitants, are, I presume, sufficiently,

h

163

evinced in this division of my subject, and in the deduc-
tions, thence, regularly, established. From my geneml
statements, it would result, that most has been owing to
the wanton cruelty, and unjust and intemperate conduct
of the Cadiz Regents; who, callous to the sufferings of
their fellow-citizens, and awed by the mercenary clamours
of the monopolists of that trading port, declared war
against their distant brethren, and thereby opened the
floodgates of anarchy and civil discord. It was this
impolitic measure, which first excited a spirit of
indignation and open enmity, in the insulted and
outraged inhabitants of Spanish America, whom we,
lately, beheld glowing with the most enthusiastic senti-
ments of loyalty and patriotism, and pledging their lives
and fortunes in aid of the Peninsula. Amongst the
same, for more than four years, have we, nevertheless,
'witnessed a merciless warfare, such a one, that humanity
shudders to contemplate. As a vengeance on them, we
have seen new racks and tortures invented, even such, as
are unknown to the States of Barbary. We have read
of oceans of carnage, and of the indiscriminate massacre
of the defenceless natives of every section; and still, we
are not weary of the long drama of iniquity, so long re-
presenting in that unfortunate country. We see
17,000,000 of our most faithful and zealous allies, en-
dure all these evils, and we scarcely remember that they
exist. Yet, what has been their crime ? If only re-
dressed and regenerated, Spanish America, was ready
to form a sincere and active part of the entire nation ;
she was willing to contribute with her treasure and her
sons, to fight the common enemy ; and could England or
Spain, require more ? Could either, look for a greatei*

163

proof of loyalty or cooperation? Yet, both never at*-
tempted to improve these valuable sentiments, in proper
time; nor had either, the courage or the energy, to
staunch so many horrors, which issued from this first
neglect. Early remedies, one would have thought ad-
visable, if they had been for no other object, than as a
means of wisely redeeming this first error.

Every measure, in short, hitherto, prescribed and
adopted for American Spain, both by the Cadiz and
London cabinets; seems rather to have been dictated by
the enemies of both, than as emanating from either a
consistency in reasoning, or sound wisdom in political
systems. Hitherto, the promises of the one, have been
as insincere, as the reproaches of their presses, have been
unjust; and every step has helped to plunge European
Spain into fresh difficulties, and fresh wants, by depriving
her of all her Western sources of revenue. And, could
the enemy have desired more ? Was, not this, rendering
her, a more easy prey to his base attempts? The con-
duct of the other, besides, aiding to produce the conse-
quences just stated, has transfused an odium to the
British name, which will become an hereditary feeling
in the descendants of those families, who hav.e suffered
and lost so much; and from whose commercial inter-
<;ourse, present and future, so much private opulence
and public revenue, might have been derived. It is,
also, in consequence of this odium, that our great and
grounded hopes, on the unexplored resources of the
Spanish American continent, will, hereafter, be frustrat-
ed. And, could the enemies of England, have desired
more ?

It was, eariy, evident, from the unjust conduct of the

L2 ^

164

t!adiz government (and I make this distinction, because
the accusation includes not the nation at large) that if
Spain was, ever, to restore her authority in the incensed
sections of Spanish America, if England did not inter-
fere, it could, only, be at the expence of blood, and at
the point of the sword. Victory and terror, in short,
were to precede every step of this subjection. And
from whence were the armies to come, which were to be
made the instruments of these victories and terror? The
annals of our own transactions, and our attacks on the
shores of Spanish America, might have taught us, that
no. effective Spanish force existed there, even to resist
foreign invasion, much less, to stop the spread of popular
commotions. Where the armies of the Peninsula then,
whilst so. requisite at home, to be sent across the At-
lantic, to effect purposes, neither warranted by justice,
or recommended fey policy? The united exertions of
England and Spam, were then engaged in a struggle, the
duration of which, was not fixed, and whose sacrifices,
could not, at that time, be numbered. Was economy,
therefore, no object, in the general scale of consideration?
In politics, as well as in mechanics, it is an unpardonable
error, to raise a high superstructure, where the basis is
.mot sound and well prepared, and where each correspond-
ing and relative part, is not perfectly adjusted and mu-
tually supported. If we rushed into a treaty with an
entire monarchy, without defining or understanding the
relative situation, one half bore to the other, what ex-
pectation could we have, of full and durable effect being
given to that alliance; and if we beheld the most essen-
tial resources of Spain wasted away, without a struggle
to improve, or preserve them, what eventual hopes could

165

we have, of crowning our exertions with success, or of
giving to that superstructure of friendship, sincerity,
and cooperation, on which we had built the hopes of
our alliance, any lastino- and solid consequences?

The world beheld, with astonished wonder, the
courageous and energetic manner, in which the people
of Spain, rose in arms to repel the insidious invasion of
a powerful enemy; and admired the persevering zeal,
with which, they continued their enterprize, even
amidst the most unheard of difficulties and hardships.
Every nation, has, also, seen, the incalculable good that
has been derived from the patriotic display of the ener-
gies of a people, of themselves, neither possessed of
armies or fleets (comparatively speaking) and who, in
short, had little else, than patriotism for their guide
and support. But, how much greater, would not have
been the benefits and effects thence derived, if this
people had only been led on, by a wise, liberal, and
just government; and their energies had been seconded,
by upright and provident councils? What different
effects, would not, then have been produced ? Spain has
operated as a pivot,, on which the great insurrections of
the north of Europe, have, in great measure, turned;
but how, different, would have been the results, par-
ticularly, on her own soil, if all her resources had been
condensed and kept united ; if, anarchy, distrust, and open
enmity, had been prevented; and if her European, as
well as American strength, had been directed, in a
straight line, towards the main object in view? If
Spain, should, unfortunately, fall, it will not have been
from want of energy, and patriotism on the part of the
people, so much, as in consequence of a want of pecu-
niary resources. It will, rather, have been owing to the

166

debility of her government, the increase of disunion
and distrust, and finall}^ because care has not been
taken, to keep together, the most interesting elements
of the state.

§ The more closely we examine the subject matter in view,
the more plain and manifest it appears, that the transma-
rine provinces of Spain, at the period, when the whole
monarchy was deprived of its sovereign, could be viewed
in no other light, by the newly constituted authorities of
Spain, than as forming a people, in every sense, equal
with themselves, and entitled to the right of replacing
the lost authority of the king, ' in the same way as had
been done, in the Peninsula. The only bond of union,
which -existed between the two, was the person of the
king; Spanish America to Spain, had no other legal re-
lation, than that of belonging to the same sovereign, and
forming part of the same nation. Yet, both the Juntas
of Seville and Asturias, pretended a full sovereignty over
the sections of America ; each used every exertion to
obtain it, not as it would appear, to confer happiness,
to give redress, and to act with liberal justice; but, ra-
ther, to monopolize more resources, to obtain the pro-
duce of the mines, and to enjoy a more extended sphere
of command. So great were those exertions made to
ensure control, and so well disposed, and habitually sub-
missive, were the Spanish Americans, that the Central
Junta was, at one time, notwithstanding its manifest ille-
gality, acknowledged by all the viceroys and captain-
generals, tribunals, and cabildos, abroad;* not that this

+ Quito, was llie only section, that opposed alleojiance to the
Central Junta; but this was a temporary occurrence, obedience
being, soon, inforp^ by th.e trpops pf Lima aqd Santa Fe.

167

was an act, in which the people at large were implicated,
for the constituted authorities, did it as a means to pre-
serve their own power, and retain their offices. The ca«
bildos assented from European influence, but possessing,
in themselves, scarcely the smallest shadow of popular
representation, from the seats therein, being more pur-
chasable than^elective, they had, consequently, no right,
of any kind, to transfer the sovereignty of the American
people, to any isolated body of the Peninsula whatever.
How could it, therefore, be expected, that a people, nei-
ther consulted nor represented, would willingly and per-
manently acknowledge acorporation, which, in the Penin-
sula itself, had only a provisional character, and, besides,
being defective in its legal essence, was, also, divested of
every efficient form.

The only fair and just manner, in which it is possible
to interpret the unalienable and imprescriptible rights
of a nation, and such as they are supposed to reside in
every people, is, by fixing, as a basis, that all the divi*
sLpns and members thereof, have an equal right to share
in the national representation ; the only fountain of civil
liberty, and the only means of guarding against, and of
correcting the abuses of that government and admi-
nistration, which all have considered necessary, from a
principle of general good. This principle of mutual be-
nefit, founded on consent, constitutes the really true, and
strong tie, which binds the willing obedience of society.
These are rights, which, therefore, are considered, as
never having been affected or lost, by any possible cir-
cumstances j and, they are of such a nature, th^t no
generation can deprive their posterity of them. Conse-
quently, the rights of the Spanish Americans, could not

168

have been impaired, by the acknowledgment made of
the Central Junta, by the viceroys and captain-generals ;
since it was done without the consent and concurrence
of the people, and, in many places, the acquiescence of
the cabildos or municipalitios, was obtained by threats.
Even some of the audiencias in America, in whom a
respect for legal forms, predominated over Peninsular
prejudices, and who have always been the strongest in-
struments in the subjection of the ultramarine provinces,
were opposed to the absolute control of European Jun-
tas ; not, so much, from this dependence being in con-
tradiction to the principles of liberty, since proclaimed
at home, but in eonsfequence of its militating against the
ancient and less liberal character of the Spanish legisla--
tion. In fact, according to the known laws of the Spa*
nibh monarchy, the pretended absolute sovereignty of the
Central Junta, over the ultramarine provinces, w^s not
only unjustifiable and inconsistent; but, even the man*
ner, in which its authority was, in a temporary manner,
acknowledged by the colonial chiefs, as a means of pro-
longing their respective commands, and on which the go-
vernment of Spain, now grounds a charge of ingratitude,,
and rebellion, when every circumstance is duly consi-
dered, turns out to be, the greatest chimera, by which
the patience and discernment of a people, were ever in-
sulted. To render this allegation more clear and intelli-
gible, I will carry back my reader to a contemplation of
the manner in which the Central Junta was first formed,
as well as of its character, and leading conduct ; as this,
Avill be the most effectual means of enabling him to draw-
bis own conclusions, and of establishing, whether or not,
u legal committee thereof, was afterwards, authorized to
become the despots of Spanish America.

169 ,

The editor of the El Espanol, who. from being an eye-
witness, and well acquainted with the early occurrences
of the Peninsula, is deserving of full credit, after sketch-
ing the spontaneous energy, with which the Spanish peo-
ple rushed to arms, observes, " tl\at the first persons who
offered themselves to the people, then in a tumultuous
state, were chosen to govern the provinces. In Seville,
a popular leader proposed the creation of a Junta, and,
for this purpose, the curate and superiors of the convents,
were assembled. Tilly and his party, having formed a
list of the persons who were to constitute this Junta, he
and his emissaries entered the town house, and propos-
ing each other in a loud voice, they were elected as
members, without waiting for any body's answer. To
these were afterwards added, other persons, who, from
their credit or dignity, were possessed of the confidence
of the people." Such is the picture of the formation of
the Junta of Seville, which "afterwards denominated itself
Supreme and Central ; and, as drawn by an eye-witness
of undoubted credit.* I omit any further details, which
might serve, more fully, to explain the irregular charac-
ter of the principal persons, who contributed to the for-
mation of this Junta ; as they would only tend to make
its origin more degrading, when my object, is, princi-
pally, to insist on its injustice.

In such a government as this, it was, that the
Spanish people, blindly, placed their confidence ; un-
aware, what powers they had, thus, assented to, in these
their new representatives. This government it was, ac-
cording to the above author, " that began its career, by-
consecrating error, and perpetuating ignorance ; and to

* Vide El Espanol, No. I.

170

it, the losses of Sir John Moore, are to be attributed.'*
The Central Junta, after tasting the sweets of power,
was resolved to retain it, and delayed the assembling of
the Cortes, on which the hopes of the nation wefe found-
ed. The narae of Ferdinand VIL which its members
placed at the head of all their official papers ; and the
term o{ Majestyy with which they clothed themsaiveg,
appearedassufficientauthority to exercise a political despo-
tbm, even unknown to the real monarchs; and to render
this farce the more complete, they decreed to themselves,
titles, uniforms, ribbons, guards, &c. at once^creating them-
selves in to Eastern bashaws. Without ever reflecting on the
nature or limits of their power, they instituted in them-
selves the sovereign command ; amused the people ami^
the British, by false and delusive statements; demanded*^
and received copious supplies of funds, from the Euro-
pean and American provinces, which they squandered
away, without rendering in any account. In short, they
insulted the noblest cause that ever animated the bosoni^
of a people; till at last, they were driven from their deft,
by the advance of the French; and the people of the
Peninsula, opening their eyes, were astonished at their
long forbearance.

Apd, if such was the picture of the very government,
which, at that time, exercised its power and liuthoritys
over Spain and the Indies; if such, it is universally ac-
knowledged, to have been, both by Spaniards, and other
eye witnesses ; and if, moreover, its general injustice is
deduced from its own recorded acts, could it be judged
criminal in the Spanish Americans, under so many pecu-
liar circumstances as those already explained, and after
00 millions of their dollars had been received by the
Central Junta, almost without thanke, and squandered

171

away without even the compliment of a public account;
could it be judged criminal in them, I repeat, to refuse
any longer confiding their own security, and the admi-
nistration of their local affairs, to men, who came
amongst them, by the choice, and vested with the au-
thority of this same body of self-created despots ? Or, I
may add, in the eyes of the impartial world, could that

' war be pronounced just or politic, which was declared
by a committee of such a government, against one half
of the monarchy, to whom, even a hearing had not been
granted? To answ^er in the affirmative, would be to com-
mit the greatest possible insult, both to the rights, feel-
ings, and understandings, of mankind at large: and

^•'would at once, establish, the most flagrant and extensive

" principle of injustice, that the annals of history or le-
gislation, ever recorded. Are laws and rights, then,
nothing in the scale of Spanish policy; and does a decla*
ration of war, unjust in itself, and fraught with the most
fatal consequences, amount to nothing, in the great con-
siderations of expediency, which ought to guide the
conduct of her ally? If the first is, really, the case, what
is the character of that nation, and of that government,
whose alliance we yet boast ; and if this want of faith,
equity, and of even humanity, results on the part of
Spain, even to her children and descendants, those who
are united to lier by the ties of blood and of interest,
what is it, we are, eventually, to expect, who are scarcely
linked, by the common tie of gratitude ? If the second
position be, likewise, true, and if the Spanish monarchy
is thus dismembered, and its resources frittered away, by
impolitic, and unjust domestic wars, from which result

. distrust, impoverishment, and, in short, a general dis-
union of every effective element of the state, what

172

^^rounded hopes have we, of crowning our united cause
with success ; and how can we fulfill to the outraged
Ferdinand, our guarantee, of the integrity of his crown?
In what light, soever, we consider the inhabitants of
the new world, whether we view them with the eye of
philosopln^ or found ourselves on the ancient legislation
of Spain; we shall find them in social rank, and in poli-
tical rights, equal with those of the provinces of the
Peninsula ; consequently, the claims of absolute sove-
veignty, over the sections of America, arrogated to them-
selves by the irregular governments of the former, are
equally as absurd, as if the provisional governments of
the latter, had attempted to exercise despotic control,
over the Central Junta, the Regency, or the succeeding
Cortes. Supposing, for a moment, that these were legal
,and constitutional forms of government for the Peninsula,
(and even with regard to the Cortes, in this particular,
my reader shall, hereafter, be enabled to judge for him-
self) they could not be so, for Spanish America; unless
constituted in a regular and correct manner, with the
concurrence of the latter, in compliance with the general
principles and laws of the realm, and in strict accord
with equality, equity, and justice. There is a just and
moral principle, which, equally, belongs to every indivi-
dual member, as well as to every individual province, of
an extended empire. This principle was, then, equall}^
the birthright of American Spaniards; and to divest
them of it, by the acts of an illegal government, and
then to persist in the support of that same injustice; is
not, only, opening the road to discontent, oppression,
and consequent civil war, but it is, also, authorizing them
to seek justice by the extreme means of hostility, as the
only alternative; left within their reach. The law3 and

173

rights of the whole monarchy, ought to have been main-
tained, in undisturbed authority, and equal exercise, in
-American, as well as European Spain; and the political
order of the state, by no departure from its most funda-
mental principles, being suffered, ought, then, in like
manner, to have been preserved. To deviate from this
principle, is to level to the ground, the boundaries
of order and the safeguards of civil freedom ; and, to
authorize the inhabitants of one half of a monarchy, to
tyrannize over those of the other, is to lay the founda-
tions of anarchy, and eventual ruin, to the whole state.

The great mistake of the British government, seems
to have been, that, it considered Spanish America, as
insulated from all the laws and principles of the rest of
the monarchy ; and its natives, as detatched from the Eu-
ropean ranks of the state. Had not this been the case,
how could the ministers of England, have, silently, be-
held a declaration of war, made against 17 millions of
people, bound to her by ancient promises, and now linked
to her interests, by a fresh alliance? Had Spanish Ame-
rica been in the wrong, and had she committed crimes so
great and flagrant, as to deserve the utmost rigour, in the
eye of justice, this criminality ought to have been pre-
viously proved ; and the grounds thereof, ought to have
been, incontrovertibly, established. Before Spain de-
clared an expensive and unjust war, it was her duty to
have discussed the rights of the ultramarine provinces,:
in a fair and adequate manner ; their com, plaints ought
to have been heard ; and if this was omitted, her conduct
has been unwarrantable and arbitrary ; and, when the
narrow policy of the day, is gone by, the British govern-
ment itself will be the first to confess it. But^ then.

174

alas, shall we be in time, to prevent the fatal conse-
quences intailed on ourselves?

That the Central Junta was an unfair and unconstitu-
tional government, is confessed, not only by Spaniards,
but, also, by the whole world. Jovellanos said it was
illegal ; because its powers and representation^ were nei-
ther complete, nor constitutional*. Yet it was this form
of government, which, as before shewn, constituted the
Regency into a Sovereign, by merely transferring and
deputing its own powers : which, if illegal in the whole,
must, consequently, have been so, in part. Arguelles,
confessed the first Regency was not legitimate t, and this
has, also, been the public avowal of the Cortes. How,
then, can a war proclaimed by such a government, be
legal; or how can its improvident conduct, be justified ?
The silence of the people of Spanish America, with re-
gard to the Central Junta, arose out of a hope, that its
acts would promote the welfare and defence of the realm ;
but when its conduct, and that of the succeeding Re-
gency, became manifest, they protested against those of its
enactments which related to themselves, on the very basis
of this flagrant want of legality.

§ In explaining to my reader, these various causes, which
first led to an unfortunate rupture, between European and
American Spain ; my object is, not only, to manifest the
sentiments and peculiar situation of the latter, but, also,
to lay before him, the accompanying sentiments and
pointed charges of the former. For the want of better
reasons, the defenders of Spanish injustice, go so far as
to allege, the vague and indefinite rights, which they

* Dictaraen de Jovellanos, Oct. T, 1805.
f DiscursQ coQtra Lardizabal en las Cortes.

175

suppose to be demed, from the relations, arising out of
a common origin. The denomination of mother country,
which, as a wise writer observes, has produced nume-
rous mistakes and false reasonings, in all questions, re-
lating to European settlements abroad; in the Peninsular
papers, has been an inexhaustible source of bitter invecr
live, against those of the ultramarine provinces, which
have considered the transformation of their local govern-
ments, necessary. Crimes, of a variety of kinds, are
charged against them ; particularly that of ingratitude,
an allegation founded on no other grounds, than this
chimerical filiation. This term, besides, being abused,
has been brought forv/ard, as an imaginary metropolitan
right, and as if it were founded on law, and established
by actual compact. These are denominations, which, if
applicable to the case in question, ought merely to be
confined to the expression of affection, and as referring
to an affinity of mutual origin, existing between the va-
rious members of one entire monarchy, and as exciting
those sentiments of fraternity, natural in two great
families, derived from one common stock. Thence, how-
ever, to deduce a positive ground of dependence and
subordination, were to introduce a new maxim of policy ;
as well as an axiom, not only unknown, but also, extra-
vagant and unjust. Each nation, in that case, would be
obliged to acknowledge the sovereignty of its primitive
stock ; and the rights of the people, would have to be
traced to their tables of genealogy.

The proper manner to have used the strong claims,
and endearing ties of mother-country, would have been,
to have redressed their wrongs, and not to have de-
clared war against tlienl; to have adopted some equit-

176

able plan of conciliation, and not to have insulted their
judgment and feelings by refusing a hearing ; to have
viewed the hardships of their case, impartially, and not
to have proscribed, men and measures, vihich only had
for object, the safety and reform of their country;
and, in a particular manner, not to have declared and
treated those persons as rebels, who stepped forward in
the exercise of their own rights, in order not to be deli-*
■vered over to the French. The tender ties, and sacred
claims of mother country, ought, at least, to have
secured to her offspring, a fair, unbiassed, and funda-
mental discussion of their rights ; and an unprejudiced
hearing of the appeals, in which, they stated their
wrongs. When Charles V., as severe a monarch as ever
lived, was desirous of allaying the disturbances, which
during his reign, took place in Peru ; instead of armies,
threats, and executions, he sent out Licenciado Gasca,
as a pacificator, and with full powers ; under the im-
pression, that if the complaints were just, they ought
to be redressed; but that mildness, conciliation, and
good words, would be more effectual than force, which,
would only add fuel to the flame. These disturbances,
were, nevertheless, of a serious nature; and nearly
threatened the sovereignty of the king, both in Peru and
Mexico. Yet Charles, though the proudest and most
powerful of the Spanish monarchs, instead of applying
insulting stigmas, merely called them dissentions; and
said they must be looked into, and remedied ; because
this was not only just, but, because unwarrantable and
harsh measures, might endanger those his distant king*
doms, then so valuable and so interesting, from being,
the great sources of allhis wealth, which rendered him

i7r

of such consequence in Europe. When more justifiable
occurrences happen, in our own time, the Cadiz govern-
ment pronounces them, rebellions, ingratitude, and
crimes of high treason, and decrees, that they are to be
punished as such. Not, even, content with this, it
rushes into a war of extermination. Such, have been
the hasty and inconsiderate resolves of men, who from
abject obedience, by the most undue means, rose to the
command they then held; whose systems were founded
bn theory, whose arguments were terror, and whose
councils were swayed by monopolists, who from interest,
were opposed to reform, and to every thing that would
curtail their individual profits.

The dread of the ulteriour loss of the ultramarine
provinces, and the fear of being thus cut off from the
receipt of their precious metals, so necessary for the
support of his numerous armies, urged Charles V. to use
plans of redress and reconciliation. In the great enter-
prizes in which he was engaged, the failure of his West-
em resources, would have deprivedhimof the very nerve
of war. And has not the Cadiz government, all this time,
been engaged in a still more arduous enterprize, and
avowedly, possessed of less means ? Consequently, was
it not doubly bound, to husband every part of the public
revenue? Yet, with this precedent on record, one, that
occurred in times, when the Spaniard might, justly,
boast of the glory of his name, still have the present
sovereigns of Spain, been above following such an ex-
ample, and have been too self-sufficient, to borrow
grounds for their conduct, in the most renowned annals
of their own history. Charles was a legal and powerful
monarch, safely seated on his throne, and supported by

M

178

num<;rou8 armies. Yet policy dictated to him, mildness
and a patient hearing; but when the illegal, weak, and
ephemeral governments of Cadiz, come to grasp the seep-
ire of power, unmindful both of their own weakness, and
insensible of their own illegality, they insultingly disre-
gard the wrongs and sufferings of their fellow subjects ;
they turn from the appeals of truth and justice; and
instead of redress, reform, and a just restoration of rights,
they hurl amongst their American brethren, the fire-
brands of destruction, discord, and revenge. Resolved
on the declaration and waging of an impotent war, they
become superiour to the sacrifice of even punctilio; and
spurning every overture to conciliation; they prefer the
weapons of terror and vengeance, to the more safe and
effectual measures of redress and reform. They even do
more. By the most cruel and unheard-of means of war-
fare, they seek to impose and rivet a bloody yoke on the
reluctant necks of their fellow-citizens; rather than see
them bound, by the more rational and lighter bonds of
gratitude, mutual fellowship, and reciprocal intercourse.
§ The more this subject is examined, the more plainly
does it appear, that the Spanish American question, was
the most important of all those, in which the Cadiz go-
vernments have been concerned; and as such, I am confi-
dent it will be confessed, by all those, who are aware,
how much European Spain, depended on the ultramarine
provinces for pecuniary succours. The principal consi-
deration, hitherto, attached by the former to the latter,
has been the mines ; yet, it was evident, that war would
close them; that it would exclude from the circulation
of Europe, the annual coinage of 42 millions of dollars;
that the armies of the Peninsula, as well as those of its

179

Allie?, would be driven to the greatest shifts for the
want of specie ; and that this privation, would produce
calamities to the mercantile interests of both Spain and
England. Nevertheless, all these considerations held no
Weight with the Cadiz cabinet; who, mindful only of a
temporary and delusive advantage, in favour of a small
body of men, and instead of adopting the natural and safe
plan of conciliation and redress, preferred rushing into
an unjust and impotent war, that was to bring ruin in its
train, and defeat the very object for which it was de-
clared. It was the prevention of all these manifest evils,
and the making of all the resources of the entire monar-
chy, strong and effective, in order to answer the great
objects in view, that in this particular moment, required
foresight, coolness, judgment, and impartiality. Then,
was it, essentially, necessary, to consolidate the vacilating
power of Spain, instead of tearing it asunder. Then, was
it, more than ever, requisite, to tighten the bonds which
held the two sister countries together, instead of putting a
fresh bar to their peace and harmony. Then, was the
time, to have healed, instead of afresh tearing open in-
veterate wounds; in short, then, was it necessary to ease
and satisfy the minds of the Spanish Americans, in lieu
of irritating and rousing them, by fresh insults.

Resentment and passion, in so important a case, ought
to have been banished; and above all, vengeance on the
weakest side, ought never to have been wielded against the
strongest. Conciliation and disinterestedness, on the one
hand, and affection and submission on the other, would,
alone, have produced the desired effect; would have
hindered a dispute, which every day, becomes pregnant
with more serious consequences, and on which, the fate

M 9

180

of unborn millions, depends. Certainly, the latter sent>
nients existed on the part of the Spanish Americans; as
will, hereafter, be fully evinced; and, if the irritated
feelings, and disappointed and mercenary passions of the
Cadiz rulers, had not been roused to such a pitch, as to
make them insensible to the real interests of the nation,
■\vhose guidance they had undertaken, the most salutary
results might then, have been produced. If the Cadiz
government, stimulated by fanatical phrenzy, and awed
by mercenary demagogues, was in those moments, in-
capable of drawing just and fair inferences of guilt and
innocence ; at least, England ought to have been more
prudent, and more enlightened; and above all, she
ought never, to have suffered such motives as these, to
have been the basis of an unnatural and merciless war» '
fare, in the fatal consequences of which, she was equally,
interested. Scarcely is there a nation of the continent,
either allied or not, when suffering by the horrors of war,
by epidemical diseases, or by other misfortunes, beyond
human control, that has not received succour and con-
solation, from the exertions and benevolence of the
British government and people. Yet, in the case of
Spanish America, and when we have it in our power to
prevent the worst of all horrors, viz. that of a sanguinary
and revengeful civil war, we are, not only, silent and un.
mindful; but, when other attendant evils, like the forked
lightening from a portentous cloud, burst amidst its in-
habitants, and desolate the whole of their country, with
corresponding ruin ; when earthquakes, ravaged plains,
depopulated towns, and dungeons, crouded with num-
berless victims, rise before our sight, and the cries of
wido\>8 and orphans resound in our ears, still do we

181

look on with cold indifference, and still arfe we deaf to
public appeals, that would read the hardest heart. And
who are all these sufferers? The very people, who,
lately, were the objects of our proffered fjiendship and
support, and now the victims of our own delusions,
though included in a solemn treaty, recently made.

There was a bond of interest, friendship, and rela-
tionship, rendered sacred, by the lapse of time, and
cemented by the fidelity of Spanish America, which,
might have been made a happy basis for our friendly ex-
ertions; and aipowerful means of preventing a precipitate,
act, on the part of a government, on whom we had then
such great claims. A new era, had by this time, broke
upon the Spanish monarchy of both hemispheres; and
though the defence of Spain was an object of the first
political consequence, the regeneration and preservation
of Spanish America, in another light, was also of incalcu-
lable importance. Influenced and impelled by that love
of rational and just freedom, which urged us to support
the cause of Spain, and led us to jejoice in the liberation
of Grermany, Holland, &c. we ought equally, to have
gloried in the same happy results being produced in
Spanish America; as v/ell, consistently, with our old
professions, as, because this was the only means, to ren-
der our alliance effective. If national honour, and the
sincerity which formed the basis of our treaty with the
representatives of Ferdinand, did not suffice ; at least,
motives of expediency, both to ourselves and Spain,
ought to have caused us, as soon as the dissentions ap-
peared with all their aggravated consequences, not, only,
to bring both parties together, in order to discuss their
differenceg; but, also, to establish present harmony, ia

182 ,

such a manner, as to prevent future collisions. This was
both a dut3% and interest, on tlie part of England ; and I
can now aver, and will, at a future time, amply prove,
that we should, always, have found a sincere and cordial
disposition for conciliation, on the part of the Spanish
Americans, which certainly might have been improved,
if the proper and timely means had been employed.

§ It was not a restless desire of change, it was no wish
to break down the mounds of regular establishment, it
was not, in short, any thing opposed to justice, equity,
and the strict letter of the law; which first caused the
Spanish Americans, to depose their European chiefs, and
to place the administration of their affairs, in the hands
of persons of their own choice and confidence. As
before, fully, and substantially explained, the accounts
circulated, even by the agents of government, were dis-
heartening; the entire Peninsula was believed in danger;
and it became evident, that the cause was solely maintain-
ed, by the aid of England ; but, it was, at the same time,
uncertain, how long this cooperation would last. The
intervening ocean, might, with good reason, be considered
as a sufficient barrier against ravages, like those, to which
Spain was, already a victim; but, it could not shield the
ultramarine provinces, from the intrigues and domestic
machinations of the same enemy. Every interiour and
exteriour exertion was making there, in order that they
might equally share the pending fate of the mother coun-.
try ; and the very orders of that Regency, which declared
•war against them, amounted to no less. The doctrine of
all the Spanish chiefs there, as well as of their adherents,
was, that the dynasty which obtained the crown of Spain,
yiras to be acknowledged on the other side of the Atlantic;

183

and every measure both there, and at home, tended to
prepare for this ulteriour object. The strength and in-
fluence of the European part of the community, were in
favour of it; and as before testified, nothing but the
energy of the Creoles, prevented its completion. Yet
both Spain and England, have been forgetful of these
facts; and the one pronounces these testimonies of loy-
alty, as treason and ingratitude; whilst, the other, calmly
beholds them, punished as such.

The very occurrences, which preceded and accom-
panied the governmental changes in Spanish America,
prove, that the adoption of provisional Juntas, was re-
sorted to, in the first place, as an essential means of
safety; and in the second, that reform, was the next
object, to which their attention was directed. Right,
necessity, and example, are on their side; and the de-
claration of war, against acts, which had such motives
for basis, was not only unjust, cruel, and impolitic, o»
the part of Spain; but, on that of England, it was, also,
weak, humiliating, and insincere, silently, to behold such
an excess of outrage, committed against one half of the
monarchy, with whom she was allied, and to whose se-
curity she was pledged. The degraded situation of
Spanish America, was a theme general in every nation ;
of course, it could not be a secret in Spain. If so, what
duty in the new governments, was more urgent and
pressing, than its reform. The restraints and privations
under which the Creoles laboured, had long been a sub-
ject of complaint and remonstrance; and the shelves of
the public offices, were loaded with volumes on this
subject. The destruction of these restraints and priva-
tions, the revival of trade, judicial and financial reform.

184

and particularly, the reduction of despotism and oppres-
sion, were therefore the primary considerations which
ought to have actuated the proceedings of the new rulers;
these ought to have been the object of their earliest de-
liberations. The encouragement of arts and sciences,
as well as the introduction of all the useful discoveries
of Europe, was, besides, a paramount duty on the part
of the Spanish government, as blessings only inferiour
to those of civil peace and personal freedom, with which
they are so closely entwined ; and after the long and dark
night of ignorance, in which Spanish America had been
shrouded, the moral as well as political reformation and
improvement of its inhabitants, became necessary.

Nothing of this kind, however, had taken place; the
colonial system ; such as before described, continued in
full force, and besides, orders were continually going
out, to drain the ultramarine provinces of their last dolJar.
Strict watch was instituted over their inhabitants, to
scrutinize every action and thought; and a full system
of espionage and prosecution was organized, of which
numbers were victims. Even the nomination of viceroys
and captain-generals, sent out to govern abroad, proves
how little, policy and circumspection have guided the
Cadiz governments; and how little, the dignity and cri-
tical situation of the transmarine provinces, have been
consulted. I omit dwelling on the inconsistencies of the
Central Junta, or describing the feelings of one section
of America, on seeing two viceroys come out to govern
it, one named by the Junta of Gallicia, and the other by
that of Asturias. Venegas is sent out viceroy to Mexico,
the same, who, from a Lieutenant-Colonel on half-pay,
was made a General by the Central Junta ; who delivered

185

up an army of 11,000 men in Ucles; who, after desert-
ing his, post, received, from the same government the
command of the army of Andalusia, consisting of 32,000
men, with which he v/as beat by the enemy, in Almo-:
nacid. The same, who declined co-operating in the
battle of Talaveia, and, who, in short, never gave signs
of talent, patriotism, or probity ; but to whom, a large
share of the disasters of the Peninsula, have been attri-
buted. Calleja is named to succeed him, the very same
-who put-14,000 old men, women and children to death
in Guanauato ; who, leveled to the dust, the town of
Zitaquaro; and who has, in short, in bis public dis-
patches, (as will be seen hereafter,) boasted, that he had
put to the sword, many thousand Creoles. Emparan
was sent to Caracas, after swearing allegiance to the
French, in Madrid i and the command of the Peruvian
army, was given to Goyeneche, who a little before, had
been invested with the insignia of Joseph. In the lower
departments of government, numerous similar instances
might be quoted. Such have been the men, the Cadiz
governments have destined to wield the arm of power in
the ultramarine provinces; and in such are their inhabi-
tants invited to place their confidence. In the hands of
such, in short, w^as the fate of Spanish America placed,
till its natives had sufficient energy to withdraw it.

When the force and correctness of the particulars just
stated, have been maturely examined, the motives which
first urged the inhabitants of the provinces of Spanish
America, to prefer the administration of their local con-
cerns, being in the hands of persons attached to their
own soil, and possessed of their own confidence, can
no longer remain dubioust Besides the more recent

186

ilangers, by wnicn they were surrounded, they felt sen-
sibly, the galling weight of that oppressive system, into
which they had been, gradually, dragged, from the time
of the conquest, and which as men, and as possessed of
« larger share of enlightened liberality, than is generally
met with in their European brethren, they could, no
longer, endure. My statements further tend to prove,
that in first asking, and then persisting in the reform
of their political and social situation, and redress of
grievances and restraints, they not only act on the sub-
stantial grounds of justice; but also, in strict accord
with the most sacred and inherent rights, which have
been guaranteed to them, by the respective monarchs
of Spain. In opposing the fair discussion of those rights,
in denying their restitution, and in repelling their ap-
peals, by hostility and vengeance ; it will, moreover ap-
pear, that the governments of Cadiz, have not only acted
with injustice and impolicy; but have, besides, de-
viated from public law, and the spirit of their political
history.

Humboldt observes, that the Spanish ministry, too
often sacrificed the interests of the whole American con-
tinent, to those of a few maritime towns of Spain. The
present government has done more, it has sacrificed the
most sacred and essential interests, to the passions, re-
sentment, and undue gains of the monopolists of Cadiz;
iirritated . and alarmed, at the dread of seeing the loaves
and fishes, they had so long and so exclusively enjoyed,
shared amongst those, for whom they had, always, tes-
tified, hatred and jealousy. The new governments of
Spain, have uniformly reprobated the ancient and corrupt
policy of the court of Madrid ; they have constantly in-

187

veighed against its acts, as the cause of the general de-
gradation, into which the whole nation had been sunk ;
3^et, when their own power is atFianced, and opportuni-
ties of reform and of favourable deviation, offer ; their
egotism urges them to follow the same beaten track, and
they leave untouched, the very vices, which they con-
fessed, had before exhausted the state. Avowedly, the
revolution of Spain, had two material objects; viz. to
recover the independence of the nation, by repelling its
invaders; and next, to reform the abuses, which had so
long prevailed. Both these objects were held out to the
people, by the new authorities; it was these hopes which
made them tacitly consent to endure control, under an
illegal shape ; but in their elevation, phrenzy, or blind-
ness, the new chiefs forget the provinces abroad, till
they, themselves, begin to be uneasy at the manner in
which they are treated, and are roused by the dangers to
which they are exposed.

The governments and people of Spain, have aspired
at every thing that could perfect and secure their own
national independence, personal freedom, and moral im-
provement. For these purposes, the fundamental laws
and most ancient usages of the realm, have been over-
turned and trodden to the ground ; why then were not
these, which Spain considered as the greatest benefits
and blessings, to be denied to Spanish America ? Was it
not also time, for her inhabitants, to receive the most
unequivocal and strong assurances and positive proofs,
that their dearest interests were equally attended to and
secured 5 that civil freedom, for them, was no longer
an empty name; that military despots, were no longer,
to be the instruments of their oppression ; that a sus*

188

picious, and crafty police, should ^no longer be the basis
of their governing system , and in short, that in the
councils of the nation, equity, and justice, belonged to
the one, as well as to the other. Was this to be done, by
the prolongation of that same colonial system, presented
to my reader, in the early pages of this expos^? Weje
these just restitutions to be made, by aggravating, in-
stead of removing those privations and disabilities, under
which the Spanish Americans had so long laboured; or
was it to administer equal and impartial justice, to de-
clare war against one half of the monarch}^ for no other
reason, than, because, it had followed the example of
the other, and sought its own security and reform, iu
the very measures, in which the other, had, so lately,
gloried? And if this conduct was opposed to justice,
was it not equally in contradiction, with policy and ex-
pediency ?^ The colonial regimen, practised by Spain,
in the ultramarine provinces, loudly called for reform;
the Seville and Cadiz governments, therefore, are, in the
first place, answerable for two years negligence; and for
1)0 effective relief to Spanish America, being found on
their records, from the year 1808 to 1810, the period
when the governments of the latter, were transformed.
If this is a fact, and also that the situation of the in-
habitants of the transmarine provinces, required im-
mediate att^vntion, and particularly the revival of trade;
to refuse it by an insulting declaration of war and block-
ade, was not only to commit the most flagrant act of in-
justice in the face of the whole world ; but it was, besides,
to involve the last remnant of Spanish power and in-
fluence in the Western hemisphere; it was to sow the
seeds of fermenting passions, which would soon unnerve

189

tb^ strength of the whole nation, and produce a fatal- re-
laxation in every part of the social body; and a war
that woul-d deluge its fairest portion, in blood and de-
struction; and, eventually, dry up both the resources of
Spain and her ally.

The motives which first urged the various sections
of Spanish America, to resist the control of their vice-
roys and captain-generals, and to entrust the administra-
tion of their local concerns, respectively, into the hands
of provisional Juntas, the only motives which excited
the anger, and called forth the vengeance of the Cadiz
Regency; are^ by this time, sufficiently explained and
proved. The first movements, it consequently, results,
had for object, to escape the shackles of the French, and
afterwards, to commence the grand work of reform. The
first motive, was even respectable to the most illiberal
of Spain, and particularly so to England; and as for the
second, who can step forward and say, it was not ne^
cessary ? The grounds of the first, originated in a merit-
ed distrust in the colonial chiefs; who, as before mani-
fested, had given testimony of their bad faith; and had
proved by their conduct, that they were not to be
trusted. A variety of peculiar circumstances, had added
to this want of confidence ; and at such a distance, the
eventual fate of the Peninsula, was extremely uncertain,.
What hopes could be consistently entertained, when its
then deplorable situation, is considered; or why was
Spanish America to be more sanguine in her hopes>
when, even the rest of Europe^ dispaired? What pros-
pect of reform, did there exist, when two years of apathy,
had gone by; during which time, the ultramarine pro-
vinces, had only been thought of, to contribute supplies>

190

and to add to the sounding dignity and parade, of the
new rulers of Spain and the Indies. The only govern-
ment which had raised itself on the anarchy of the mo-
ment, was now dispersed, and it was'^uncertain, under
what new shape, succeeding despotism would act. How
could confidence subsist in Spanish America, when in
Spain, all was discomfiture and dismay; when division
reigned in the national councils, amongst the military
chiefs; and even the allies ; when the treasury was ex-
hausted; when the national armies were broken; when
th# garrison towns and chief provinces, were in the
bands of the enemy; when the people were tired of the
war; and when in short, the best opportunities of saving
the Peninsula, had been lost ? , All these dilemmas, have,
indeed, since been overcome ; but this, has not been, by
the energies of the Spanish government and people, but,
rather, by the perseverance of England. At the period
to which I allude, and when the governmental changes
took place abroad, nothing but the salvation of Cadiz,
preserved the monarchy; and this was, more owing to the
zeal and activity of the Duked*Albuquerque, than to the
prompt or prudent measures of the government; and
when things had arrived at this low ebb, were the
Spanish Americans, also, to wait, till the eleventh hour,
or till they .had, equally, fallen a prey to a designing
foe?

In strict conformity to the laws of the realm and the
successive grants of the kings of Spain, we have, before,
seen the ultramarine provinces, entitled and authorized
to hold their Cortes, within themselves; yet, when they
erect provisional Juntas for local purposes, and for mo-
tives the most just and respectable, and in exact iniiita-

191

tion of those of European Spain ; they are warred upon
as rebels, and treated as outlaws. War and blockade,
is openly declared against them; and after all their testi-
monies of loyalty, both recent and sincere, after their
copious remittances, and finally, after 300 years of aflfec*
tion and fellowship, which have been proof against all
the instigations of England, they are treated worse, than
the very provinces of the Peninsula, which had already
bent to the allegiance of the French. If the position be
true, that the Spanish Americans were equal in rights
with their brethren of the Peninsula, and this relative
footing is not only analagous to the spirit of their history,
but, also, founded on the most repeated, and express acts
of the Spanish legislature ; and if as before proved, the
person of the king was their sole bond of political union;
I fairly ask my reader, what steps the Spanish Americans
were to take, when this bond was wrenched from them;
when no legal or substantial form of government wts
established, to replace it; and when, in short, they were
equally driven to an emergency, for which, in the sta-
tutes, no adequate provision could be found? If their
conduct then proved any thing, it was attachment and
respect to the parent state. Attachment, by not imme*
diately deposing their chiefs, as soon as the first news of
the French, invasion, and the loss of their rightful mo-
narch, arrived out amongst them; thus preferring to wait
with patience and forbearance, and this for more than
two years, and till their own situation, was not only
desponding, but, also, till they found it was in vain to
look, any longer, for relief, or redress, to a country^
which, in itself, had not even the form of a government^
and, which, they supposed, had, already, become a prey

192

to its Enemies. Respect, by following the very example
of the Peninsula, when plunged into a similar distress.

The Americans from their distance, as well as from
their loss being the greatest, required a temporary and
substituted power ; was, there, therefore, any other than
Juntas, that could be adopted ? Was there any other form
that could adequately supply their wants, or fulfil their
wishes ? The Juntas of Oviedo, Seville, and Valencia, as
independent bodies, could treat with England, and enter
into an alliance, in the name of the w4iole monarchy,
and their right and authority was never doubted. Their
creation was the same as those of Spanish America, with
this difference, that those of the latter, were in form and
in essence, more regular and constitutional ; and the ur-
gent circumstances which gave rise to both, were on a
parallel. Yet, though equal in rights, and actuated by
motives both more honourable and just, the Juntas of Spa-
nish America, are warred upon, because they merely un-
dertake the administration of their own affairs, and con-
sult their own local welfare, without interfering with the
rest of the monarchy. The general object of the sec-
tions of Spanish America, was to assemble local and pro-
visional Juntas, as well for purposes already expressed, as
a kind of preliminary step to the calling of a general
congress, of the representatives of each. This, also, was
the original plan in Spain, hut the Central Junta and Re-
gency, after tasting the sweets of power, were loath to
forego it; and, consequently, struggled to retain it, as
long as they could ; that is, for more than three years. I
mention this intention of the Spanish Americans to call
a general congress, in case the disasters of the nation
continued ; in order to repel the charge of iiulividual

195

ambition in the respective leaders of the people, having
been the basis of their origin. The formation of Juntas,
in Spanish America, particularly in one section, has, in-
deed, opened a tempting and easy path to unprincipled
ambition, but this has been an occurrence, both recent
and partial ; nor could a general principle, be drawn from
so limited an instance.

§ The judicious and attentive reader, who has thus far,
accompanied me in my subject, will, by this time, be at
no loss to judge for himself, of the real origin and
causes, as well as of the most material circumstances, of
the first distentions, which arose between European and
American Spain. It no longer remains dubious, that
they originated in the injudicious and unjust conduct of
the Cadiz government. The basis was a want of libera-
lity, accompanied by jealousy, and an avowed spirit of
monopoly, which soon assumed the shape of hostility,
ill-treatment, and ingratitude. Not that I level these
charges against the whole Spanish nation ; no, I am well
persuaded, that the sensible and impartial part of the
community, has long regretted, that equity, disinterested-
ness, and candour, had not been made the basis of the
Spanish x\merican question ; and that the means of mu^
tual explanation and conciliation, have been neglected.
A large portion of the Spanish people has long lamented,
that the Regency of Cadiz, did not adhere to that sys-
tem of equal political rights, on which the social and re-
lative situation of the Spanish Americans, had been
founded; and, from which, they had been, gradually,
dragged, by the despotism of the successive monarchs.
Unmindful of that great and sound truth, that the real
liberty of the subject, as well as public peace and secu-

194

Vity, can only be preserved, by making the authority and
administration of the laws, equal, pure, and unbiassed,
and, by maintaining the tone and energies of government,
the Cadiz Regency sacrificed the rights and w^elfare of
the whole sections of Spanish America, to the monopo-
lies of the Cadiz merchants, and to their incessant and
unwearied endeavours to retain an unnatural trade.
Having, however, in the course of my observations, re-
fered, in general terms, to this particular point, and as-
serted, that it was from Cadiz, that issued, the first sparks
of that devouring flame, Avhich has, already, overspread
the whole of Spanish America, I conceive it my duty to
add some explanatory remarks.

Much must the liberal mind regret, that since Cadiz
became the seat of government, the influence of the
i^iercantile bodies over its operations, has been not only
great, but, also, exercised in the most undue and unbe-
coming manner. Accustomed to view the commerce
of the ultramarine provinces, as an exclusive right and
monopoly, belonging to them, and, as it were, vested in
them, by charter or compact, every engine was now set
to work, in order to preserve it. This injudicious mo-
nopoly, by which the inhabitants of Spanish America, had
long endured the greatest privations, which had rendered
the choicest gifts, nature had so bountifully bestowed on
their genial soil and climate, of no value ; and which,
during the wars with England, had nearly left them,
without clothing, was the first object, to which the
people of the ultramarine provinces, directed their plans
of reform* Trade with all powers, was declared free,
as soon as ever the new provisional governments, entered
on their functions. The news of tliis resolution, as well

195

as the creation of Juntas, reached Cadiz, at the same
time ; and this attempt to throw down old and habitual
monopolies, was, by those who had so long founded
upon them, their riches, and the means of their eleva-
tion, considered as implicating all the crimes of treason,
rebellion, and ingratitude. Reform, the restitution of
long-invaded rights, and the full establishment of equa-
lity, the objects at which the Spanish Americans aimed,
in their transformations of government, consequently,
found enemies in the commercial bodies of Cadiz, from
being opposed to their interests, and from depriving
them of those exorbitant gains, which time had render-
ed habitual ; and which they considered themselves en-
titled to retain, notwithstanding the other party, was
thereby sacrificed. The influence of the Cadiz merchants
over the members of the Regency, arose out of loans of
money, individually advanced, or raised for the general
service of government, as well as from personal favours.
The tables of the merchants, were surrounded by persons
who had offices and influence ; all which, aided by in-
trigue, mercenary pens, and an active press, soon stifled
the calls of equity, liberality, and justice ; and this most
important of all questions, thence became involved in
virulence, inveterate opposition, and malignant calum-
nies. Gradually, a fund of rancour and open animosity
was engendered, and soon the measures of government,
became identified with the local views and interests of
that trading port. The Cadiz columns, became panders
to the worst passions of the multitude ; and were used
as channels to convey to the public, every species of
factious misrepresentation. The transactions of govern-
ment, from that time, were wrapped up in mystery, and

N 2

its councils, weak in themselves, were surrounded hy
felsehood and deception.

Na sooner were the governmental changes in the
sections of America, known in Cadiz, than a war faction
was immediately formed ; and instead of the merits of
the case, being deliberately examined, open hostility was
proclaimed, and the voice of policy, justice, and huma-
nity, became drowned, amidst the shouts of monopoly,
and the conflicts of party» This same rancour, extended
soon after, to Puerto Rico, Montevideo, Havana, Mexico,
Sec. whose public papers, together with those of Cadiz,
must have often filled their readers, with disgust. The
coarsest invectives, that malignity or wickedness could
invent, feelings of personal malice and revenge, in short,
every thing that could poison or irritate, has constantly-
operated as a bar to hinder the beneficial results that
might then have been produced; whereby, those fatal
enmities, now so justly to be deplored, have been occa-
sioned. The same want of sincerity, the same arrogant
and fulminated threats, and the same misrepresentations
of facts, have often struck the unbiassed in Cadiz; whilst
balm, conciliation, and redress, have been entirely over-
looked. In Cadiz,, it has been held as a crime to sup-
pose, that the Spanish Americans had rights, the same
as other men ; and the Consulado of Mexico, sought
even to divest them of feelings. Their subjection, with-
out being heard, has there been held as an unalienable
right; and the rendering of the productions of their soil,
not worth collecting, has been, also, considered as an
exclusive privilege of that same trading port, as will,
hereafter, be more fully shewn. The possession and
g4j\eriiment of the American provinces,, has been con*

197

sidered as devolving on those temporary governments,
created in the Peninsula for its defence ; and in default
•of the rightful successors of Charles IV. and during the
suspension of the crown functions, the Cadiz merchants
have supposed, that the inhabitants of the form-er, w^ere
bound, blindly, to obey those illegitimate governments,
in vi^hich they had no part, and v^hich were established,
without the concurrence of even the people at home.

§ But, even granted, that the Central Junta, and the
succeeding Regency, had acquired the right of absolute
command, in the Peninsula, and that the want of due
election, had been made up, by the tacit consent of the
people ; their authority must have been founded on some
real or supposed constituent principle. If so, the mem-
bers of such governments, could only carry to their ses-
sions, those same rights and powers, which their con-
stitutents themselves possessed; and these, being no other
than their own individual rights and faculties, such as
are common to all men, they, of course, could confer no
right, title, or power, whatever, to use an imperative
voice, out of their own provinces. It would, therefore,
be as inconsistent in Juntas of the Peninsula, arrogating
to themselves the sovereign and absolute power in the
distant provinces, on the real footing on which they
«tand; as it would for the Junta of Seville, to command
within the jurisdiction of Asturias; or for a concentra-
tion of all the American Juntas, to exact obedience in
the Peninsula. It was a monstruosity in policy, as well
as in legislation, for Juntas of detached provinces of the
Peninsula, and afterwards a concentration thereof, to
exact obedience of, and treat the sections of Spanish .
America, as dependencies; and if it is a fact, that there

198

is an undisturbed and inherent right in every people, to
choose for themselves ; the Juntas of Spain, that is, ail
the governments v^^hich preceded the Cortes, either in-
dividually, or collectively, possessed no legal right of
absolute control over the ultramarine provinces, unless
by their own will and consent.

To judge, correctly, of the acts of a government, it
is necessary to calculate the good which has been pro-
duced, and the evils which have been avoided. The
CentralJunta, left behind it, an exhausted treasury, dis-
persed armies, disunion and distrust, and most of the
provinces, likewise, in the hands of the French. The
Regency, on the basis of injustice and terror, declared an
intemperate war against one half of the monarchy,
which, besides, cutting off the chief resources which
"would have rendered the patriotic cause of the Peninsula,
prosperous, has changed the ultramarine provinces, into a
wide, and extended waste, of ruin and desolation. Had
the integrity of these two ephemeral governments, been
incorruptible; had their views, principles, and actions,
been free from selfish and undue passions; had they not
nourished, and been biassed by the conflicts of party ;
had their ends been always upright, and their means
pure; had wiles been unknown to them, and their pro-
fessions always sincere ; in short, had they attended,
with equal solicitude, to the interests of all parts of the
monarchy, and therein administered justice, impartially,
and without local prejudices or party feelings, then,
might any trivial oversight in their public conduct, have
been overlooked, or attributed to the difficulty of the
times, in which they had charge of government. Had
the ambition which guided their actions, been regulated

by principles, and controled by circumstances; had its
object, been the real welfare of the whole country over
which they presided, rather than personal aggrandize-
ment and the gratifications of intrigue ; they might, in
European Spain, at least, have still deserved the name
of Patriots ; and their actions, and not their intentions,
would have been arraigned by the rest of the world.
Had their descisions, been guided by sound and impar-
tial counsel; or had the great objects of their public ad-
ministration, been steadily pursued; had the high sta-
tions, in which the members of each government, were
placed, been unsought; nay, had patriotism been their
guide, and had, even their conduct, been unassuming
and divested of arrogance, the illegality of their powers,
would, perhaps, never have been made a subject of cen-
sure or reproach ; they never would have been scoffed
at, for their authority being neither founded in law, or
accompanied by the public voice; but, they would,
rather, have acquired glory and renov/n, out of the diffi-
culties with which they had to contend, and the great
perplexities with which they had to struggle. None of
these public virtues and essential qualifications, were,
however, found in the Central Junta, or Cadiz Regency;
and during the long period of their command, England,
in her alliance, was, perhaps, involved, in the greatest of
all possible contradictions; viz* that of fighting in one of
the noblest causes, that ever animated the bosom of a
people ; and, in the furtherance of her views, of having
to support two of the worst, weakest, most illegal, and
degraded governments, that ever usurped power, or ini
suited the rights and liberties of a nation. Thus is it,
that almost every member of these two governments.

200

has sunk into solitude, or is forgotten; and even the
virtuous Jovellanos, from being connected with the
CentralJunta, appeared to have tarnished his political
reputation, and to have obliterated the remembrance of
that honourable cause, for which he suffered, under the
corrupt Godoy.

England, in her treaty with Spain, was thus destined
to contend with the strongest prejudices, which a com-
bination of circumstances, the irritation of passions, and
illiberality could produce; and as time has been added
to our connection, these difficulties have increased. Yet,
this has principally, been owing to a want of early re-
medies, and to a mean subservience, had to the illegal
governments of the Peninsula, rather than to the nation
at large. When Lord Wellesley, was received in his
official capacity of ambassador, by the Central Junta, he
reserved to .himself, the right of remonstrating on any
point, that might interest the respective sovereigns and
nations.* This stipulation, was admitted with apparent
satisfaction; and of course, it could not have been con-
sidered an imprudent interference, in his successor, using
the same privilege. He early discovered and complained
of the " poverty and exhausted state of Spain," to
which he attributed all the hardships and privations of
our armies, and the whole, he says, was aggravated by
the debility of government. f At this time, however,
the Central Junta still continued in command; and the
French had, hitherto, been kept in some degree of
check. But, when the hopes of Spain, became confined
to the tenure of Cadiz; when the best provinces were in

* Vide Papers published by order of Parliament, March 19, 1810.
t Letter to Mr. Canning, Seville, August 15, 1809.

201

possession of the French, and when, at the same time>
nothing but a committee of that execrated government
had been placed at the head of affairs, were not these
evils increased, and did not the necessity of giving
strength and resources to European Spain, become
more urgently manifest? And could this be done, by
an impolitic declaration of war, against that part of the
monarchy, which, besides, being out of the reach of the
enemy, had always been an essential source of revenue,
to the Kings of Spain ?

Lord Wellesley, in the same letter, complains " of
the erroneous policy of a weak government, operating
against the general cause of the Peninsula;" and he
himself, often remonstrated on this subject. He asserts,
that " the promises of the Central Junta, in the most
essential points;" even those which involved the means
of enabling the British army, under Sir A. Wellesley,
to remain within the .Spanish territory, on which the
safety of Spain, then, actually depended, " were only
verbal, were merely matters of form, and never carried
into execution." All was " procrastination — delay," and
at last, he adds, these " proofs of inactivity, served only
to increase the suspicions of ignorance, debility, and a
want of sincerity, already attached to government."
Such was the nature of the government, which, at that
lime, presided over the destinies of Spain and the Indies;
and such was its neglect, under the most imperious cir-
cumstances^ when pressed by an active and powerful
enemy, and when the most vital interests of the nation,
were at stake. The members, thereof, were, neverthe-
less, strongly urged by a British general, and an active
ambassador from the court of St. James ; and though a

202

continuation of their supineness, was about to deprive
them of the co-operation of British forces, and thus
leave them single-handed with the French, disasters,
only, served to rouse them from their apathy and torpor.
And if this was the situation of the Spanish government,
at the period here alluded to, if such was its remissness,
negligence, and even ignorance, in matters of most urgent
moment; could any thing but blunders, impolicy, and a
want of discriminating judgment, be expected with re-
gard to the affairs of Spanish America, situated at sucH
a distance, and crouching, as the members of the Eu-
ropean government supposed, under the most abject sub-
mission and dependence?

The conduct and nature of the governments of Spain,
must have been early known to the British cabinet, since
it was fully pourtrayed by an active and intelligent en-
voy, for their express information. It was evident, they
were not guided by an undeviating sense and principle of
moral right, and fairness of intention, since, in their
public functions, they neglected those means of general
welfare and defence, which alone would stand the test
of time, and bear the scrutiny of the impartial of every
nation. Speaking of the nature of the Central Junta,
Lord Wellesley observes, " Its constitution, is not
founded in any well understood system of union between
the provinces; and much less, in a just^^and wise distri-
bution of the elements and powers of a government. So
far, there does not exist a confederation of the provinces;
the executive power, is divided and debilitated in the
hands of a Junta, too numerous for any unity in deliber-
ation, and promptitude in execution ; and too reduced,
for the purpose of representing the body of the Spanish

203

nation. The Central Junta, is not an adequate represen-
tation, either of the king, the aristocracy, or the people;
nor, has it in itself, any of the useful qualities of an exe-
cutive council, or of a deliberative assembly; at the
same time, that it unites many of those defects, which
interfere with both deliberation and execution."* In the
same letter he adds. " Whether this ill-formed govern-
ment, is sincerely affected, or not, to the cause of Spain
and her allies, is certainly dubious; all the jealousies
which exist, of every nature, against the British govern-
ment or the allies, are principally, found in this body, in
its ministers, or their adherents ; in the people, no traces
of such unworthy thoughts, are to be found. But leav-
ing to one side all examination of the dispositions of the
Junta, it is evident, that it possesses no spirit of energy
and activity; no degree of authority or force; that it is
not supported by the good will and affection of the peo-
ple, whilst, from its strange and extravagant constitution,
it unites within itself, all the most contradictory incon-
veniences of the known forms of government, without
having one of their advantages. It is not an instrument
of sufficient force, to execute the objects for which it
was formed; nor can it ever acquire sufficient force or
influence, to call into action, the resources of the nation,
and the spirit of the people, with that vigour and energy,
which might give efficacy to a foreign alliance, and
repel a powerful invader. This is the true cause, at
least, of the continuation of that state of debility, con-
fusion, and disorder, the consequences of which, the
British army has lately experienced, in the interior ad*

* Lord Wellesley to Mr. Canning, Seville, September 15, 1809-

204

mmistration of Spain, and especially, in that of the mi-
litary department."*

Two material tmths, must have been deduced by
the British government, from this statement of facts;
viz. that the then existing government of Spain, was
unjust in its formation, and inadequate to the wants of
the nation at large; and next, that by rousing it to a
sense of the necessity of acting on the broad principle of
justice, and of meeting the invasion of the French, with
all the force and united courage and resources of the
provinces of both hemispheres, we might have, perhaps,
offended the individual members of an ephemeral go-
vernment, which could only last, till the people ivere
convinced of their own forbearance, but, that we should
thereby eventually, have deserved the gratitude of the
entire monarchy, since as Lord Wellesley says, these
jealousies only existed in the government and its adherents,
but tiot a trace of them, was to be found i?i the people. It
thence results, that all this delicacy and forbearance of the
British cabinet, has had for object, rather to please and
flatter the members of a government, faithfully, though
sparingly, pourtrayed to them by their own minister;
than to consult the real welfare and lasting interests of
the people to whom we were allied, and of that mo-
narchy, whose preservation and integrity, we had
pledged, on behalf of its unfortunate sovereign.

And, on the part of the British government, did
there, then, exist no right, nor no grounds for interfer-
ence; had we no means left us, to procure remedies for
so many evils, either by remonstrance, or by positive

♦ Lord Wellesley to Mr. Caaning, Seville, September 25, 1809.

205

demand? Either the basis of our treaty Tvith SpairTy
was insincere; and a contrary stipulation was tberein?
specified ; or, it was confined to the European provinces,
only. If it wa& sincere, Spain ought to have been grate-'
ful for that advice, which was to keep the monarchy
united; and was to secure a prosperous issue to that
war, against which, there would, otherwise, be so many
founded probabilities. Spain must have considered our
treaty, as extending to all the monarchy over which
Ferdinand had a claim; and the many times which the
Spanish go-vernm^nt has, since, remonstrated with, and
demanded military and naval aid of us, as an ally for the
reconquest of Spanish America; together with the manner
in which the Spanish ambassador in London, solicited of
government, the persons of the first deputies, who ar-
rived here from Caracas, evidently proves, that we were
supposed ta feel an imperious interest in the ultramarine
provinces, and that we were equally bound to their fate.
Why, then, did we hesitate to convince such a govern-
ment of its self-delusion ;^ and why could not this invita-
tion, have been made the basis of more just, equitable^
and honourable measures? If Spain had sufficient right
and confidence in England, to call upon her to fight
battles, of which, the policy and justice^ had never beeiv
proved ; could she not place trust in her as an umpire ;
or would those blessings have been less acceptable,
which had been purchased by conciliation and just
redress, rather than crimsoned witb the blood of brethren,
and extorted at the point of the swoi'd >

Before Spain called upon England, for fresh succours,
it was her duty to prove, that her own resources had
been husbanded, and not wantonly wasted away. Ii^

206

good faith, this was necessary, in order to establish, that
further sacrifices, were both just and unavoidable. It,
therefore, became the legislation of Spain, as it did /le
policy of England, to push the war against France, with
all possible vigour; for, otherwise, it could only ter-
minate in the ruin of the hopes and downfall of the
liberties of the one, and render useless those enormous
sacrifices which the other had been making, for the
whole of Europe, during a period of more than twenty
years. To effect this so great and so desirable a pur-
pose, it was, in the first place, necessary, to bind all
parts of the monarchy together, by stronger and more
indissoluble ties; and secondly, to found the rights of
Spanish America, on a just and renovated equilibrium;
as the only means of giving to the entire nation, unity,
strength, and energy. Spanish America, was a country,
that, from a variety of most interesting motives, was
deserving of our most anxious regard and tender solici-
tude. On it, at that time, opened an era, which the
friends of the happiness and liberty of the human race,
beheld with delight, and had long, and ardently, desired.
Our immediate interests, as well as our remote political
advantages, forcibly pointed to this quarter; whilst a
most peculiar combination of circumstances, such as
may never again return, rendered those moments, we
then lost, the most favourable and propitious. Lord
Wellesley, early informed government, that he had re-
commended to the secretar}'- of the Central Junta, a new
governing system, to be established under an act, that
was ** to contain the principle articles of amendment of
injuries, correction of abuses, and an alleviation of im-
posts, both in Spain and the Indies ; together with the

207

principal points of concession to the colonies, of those
rights, which alone, could secure to them, a just part,
in the representation of the body of the Spanish em-
pire."* The British government, even if no other
means of information, were attainable, was, thereby,
early aware, what was absolutely necessary for the well-
being of Spanish America; and was it by suffering a war
to be declared against her unredressed inhabitants, even
without a hearing, and when they merely took their own
reform into their own hands, because they had been
forgotten at home, that these requisites, pointed out by
Lord Wellesley, were to be obtained ?

No record of the Central Junta, or of the Cadiz Re-
gency, that is, no governmental act, during a period of
ijiore than two years, can be produced to prove, any ef-
fective measure in alleviation of the wrongs of Spanish
America ; or to evince, that the members of either go-
vernment, were actuated by a sincere and zealous desire,
to remove the hideous and galling yoke, that had, so
long, rested on the shoulders of her oppressed inhabi-
tants. Lord Wellesley had sufficient candour to confess
this truth, up to his own time, when he told his govern-
ment, ** that the admission of the colonies, to a partici-
pation in the government, and in the representation of
the mother country, appeared rather to have been sug-
gested, as an expedient to secure to the Junta, a conti-
nuation of its actual authority, and that it had no con-
nection whatever, with any extensive or liberal view of
policy or government." f As I have before asserted, this

* Lord Wellesley to Mr. Canning, Seville, September 25, 1809.
t Ibid

208

measure on the partoftbeCentralJunta,was, consequelif;-*
ly, no more than a lure; since these verbal sentiments of
moderation, were belied by actual conduct* At the same
time that the executive published flattering decrees,
private orders, of a very opposite tenour, vv^ere sent over
to the chiefs in power ; so that its insincere offers, though
fair on paper, when put to the test, were as flimsy as the
texture, on which they were transcribed. Was this, then,
the species of justice, that was to satisfy the wants of a
suffering people; or were they to continue to place their
confidence in a goveniment, which, besides being illegal
and inadequate, was sunk into every error and every cor-
ruption, which, in the course of ages, had crept into the
cabinet of Madrid? Lord Wellesley, in his said letter,
assures his government, that, even in Spain, ** no plan
had been adopted for the eff*ective amendment of inju-
ries, the correction of abuses, the alleviation of exac-
tions, the administration of justice, the regulation of the
revenue, imposts and commerce, the security of persons
and property ; and that all the other branches of govern-
ment, were as defective as that of the war department.**
Yet this is the picture of the very government, Spanish
America was commanded to obey ; this was the nature
of the executive, from which her inhabitants were to ex-
pect relief. Lord Wellesley further adds, ** The Supreme
Junta, continues multiplying precautions to prolong the
duration of its command, in spite of the interests of the
monarchy, and the intentions and wishes of the people;
by which means, all the evils and abuses, which now op-
press the nation, will increase," Sec, The Spanish
Americans were, then, not the only ones, who were sen-
sible of the degraded state of the Peninsular government.

209

since it was public to the whole of Europe, and p^rticu*
larly known to the British government, through the most
respectable channel that possibly could be found. But
what is more. Lord Wellesley, actually, foresaw the effects
which would be produced in the ultramarine provinces,
by the disorders of the Seville government, when as early
as September, 1809, he announces to Mr. Canning, " that
when the true state of the government of the mother
country, is known in the colonies, there will be imminent
danger of a commotion, in this most important part of
the empire,'* The commotions in Spanish America,
were, consequently, foreseen, and must have emanated
from causes, not only of an imperious nature, but, also,
exclusively originating on this side the water. And are
the inhabitants of the transmarine provinces, then, to be
plunged into the horrors of a civil war, on this account,
and treated as rebels, for the adoption of measures,
which were both suggested by prudence, and controled
by motives, arising out of the common order of things?
§ Lord Wellesley, moreover, certified to his govern-
ment, that ** the greatest obstacle to the liberty of Spain,
was the very state of her government; but, for the Spa-
nish Americans to be sensible of this fact, and to act ac*
cordingly, is a crtme of high treason, is pronounced re-
bellion, and their conduct is branded with all the terma
of opprobrium, that malignity, disappointment, and ran-
cour, could invent. Actuated by the pressure of their
own ills, and as we have already seen, urged by the des*
ponding situation of the Peninsula, they elect a provi-
sional government, the most rational and the most con-
stitutional they could i and for this, war is proclaimed
against them. For this, they are, in fact, declared, hors

Q

210

de la lot ; and on this unjust basis, the subjugation of the
ultramarine provinces, becomes a plea for the greatest ex-
cesses of ambition and revenge, of which instances, such
as never before soiled the page of history, will be, here-
after, quoted. The two reasons alleged by all the sec-
tions of Spanish America, for thus varying the forms of
their own local administration, was the hopeless situa-
tion of the Peninsula, and the illegal and degraded state
of its governmenrt; and these sentiments, were fidly con-
veyed both to the Spanish and British cabinets, in the
two documents placed in my Appendix, under the heads
of E and F. The first, in a letter written by the Junta of
Caracas, to the Marques de las Hormazas, as Spanish
minister, under date of 20th May, 1810; m which, the
deplorable situation of that province, (exactly the same
as in the other sections) is faithfully pourtrayed, and the
reasons for preferring local Juntas, fully explained. I
have thought it hest to give it in its entire state, not only
on account of the energetic and plain display of facts,
therein contained ; but, because it serves as a remarka-
ble contrast to the sentiments of a British minister, al-
luding to the conduct of Caracas, of which notice, will
be, hereafter, taken. Document F. is a letter, written by
the said Junta of Caracas, to his Majesty George III, un-
der date of the 1st January, 1810; which I have, also,
inserted at full length, in consequence of its being ex-
tremely explanatory of the views and motives, which
urged the Spanish Americans to vary their forms of go-
vernment. Having, moreover, in the course of this ex-
pos6, strongly urged the neglect of timely interference,
ion the part of the British government; and, besides, ar-
'^ued, that it was not only inconsistent with our true po»

211

iicy, but even with our pledge made as the joint guar-
dians of the Spanish monarchy of both hetiiispheres, to
suffer the ultramarine provinces to be rent asunder by
unjust civil wars, and their resources to be wasted
away ; I conceive it my duty to manifest to my reader,
what was the nature of the appeal, at that time, made to
the feelings and justice of the British nation ; particu-
larly, when I can thereby explain, in a full and official
manner, the grounds on which the Spanish Americans
acted.

The object of this letter, was to announce to the
British government, that the inhabitants of Venezuela,
under the dangers to which they were exposed, and the
pressure of domestic ills, by which they were bent
down, had no longer been able to endure the illegal, un-
fair, and corrupt government of the Peninsula, through
the immediate control of its agents. It was to complain
of the inadequate and tyrannical measures of a govern*
ment, that, up to that period, had concurred in no single
act for the relief of the ultramarine provinces; but, that
seemed resolved, to sustain the edifice of the most op-
pressive tyranny, ever invented for the misery of the hu-
man race. As the mutual ally of the entire monarchy,
it was to inform England, of the prostration of a galling
and political despotism, not only opposed to sound rea-
son and rational freedom, but also in direct contradiction
to the general welfare of the state. It was to complain
of restraints and privations, which Spain prolonged,
from motives of interest and illiberality; and, it was to
condemn a system, that sacrificed a populous continent,
to the gains of one hundred and fifty Cadiz monopolists.
It was, in short, to enumerate aggravated hardships, of

o 3

4m

which England had, before, expressed herself sensible ;
and, at the same time, to implore her protection, not for
an independence of Spain ; not for any thing unwarrant-
ed by law, or opposed to right and justice ; but, only,
that they might not become the victims of an enfuriated
government, actuated and misled, by the ravings of a
war faction, framing in the trading port, in which its
members had lately taken refuge.

Was the disavowal of such a government, and was
the deposition of those authorities constituted by it, a
crime of such great magnitude, as to deserve a cruel and
intemperate war ; or were such sentiments as these, mo-
tives of shame to the British government ? The contents
of this letter, do no more, than correspond with the pic-
ture drawn of this same government, by Lord Wellesley,
and by Spaniards themselves; nor do they constitute any
thing, "beyond a faithful outline of an executive, that so
soon after, received the general execration of every good
citizen of the Peninsula. And was it high treason, in
the Spanish Americans, to discover and complain of
this fact, a few months sooner than their European
brethren ?

This letter constitutes the best epitom^, possible, of
the views and intentions of all the sections of Spanish
America, from its corresponding with the true situation
of each ; yet, it breathes loyalty and fidelity to Ferdi-
nand : it professes a strong adhesion to the name of Spa-
niard ; it burns with equal ardour against the common
enemy ; and merely disowns the authority of a govern-
ment, whose disorders had plunged the European pro-
vinces into the greatest distress, and were entailing the
Barae evils on those of America, The first juriscpiisults

213

and politicians of Spain, have acknowledged the picture
therein drawn of the Central Junta, to be correct and
true ; how, therefore, could the Spanish Americans, act-
ing upon those same avowed premises, be pronounced
traitors and rebels, and how could decrees be issued to
punish them as such ? A near contemplation of the
events as they passed, will unravel this mystery. Cadiz,
as already explained, had now become the seat of govern-
ment, and the new authorities abroad, in consequence of
the impoverished state of the country, after a long war
with England, and in order to increase the public reve-
nue, had judged it necessary, to annul all restraints on
trade. This measure, was resented by the old monopo-
lists thereof, with all the fury of disappointment, and
all the rancour, of which the sordid are capable. Gall
is immediately infused into the public mind, the worst
interpretations are put on views and measures, which
were not only just, but also necessary ; and without pre-
vious deliberation, remonstrance, or hearing, a rash war
is declared. In conformity to their respective avowals,
and in strict accord with every concurrent circumstance,
we see, that the various sections of Spanish America,
conceived, that their political safety, required them to
have local and stable governments amongst themselves; in
order that they might not be dependent on an authority,
placed at an immense distance, and continually changing.
An authority, abject, corrupt, and debased in itself, and
unable to attend even to the concerns of the Peninsula.
And this, was actually, anticipated by a British minister^,
and expected by Spaniards themselves. Yet this mea-
sure of urgent necessity, becomes a crime of the deepest
hue, in the eyes of the Regency ; who, instead of recon-

214

ciliation, redress, and mutual explanation, rushes into a
thoughtless and unnatural war; and attempts, rather to
weaken by disunion, and depress by terror, than to con-
solidate and unite, by a just equilibrium of interests.

This unjust war, which was about to deprive Spain
of resources, such as would have poured fresh vigour
and energy into the state, and redoubled its exertions ;
this war, which would, evidently, drive the injured and
unredressed inhabitants of Spanish America, to the ex-
tremes of despair; which would deluge the fairest por-
tion of the empire, in blood and desolation ; and urge a
forsaken people, to lengths, not only uncongenial, but
also unintended J lengths which might endanger the
safety of the monarchy, whose integrity we had guaran-
teed, was completely overlooked by the British govern-
ment, who, in this most interesting moment, kept aloof;
and after omitting to prevent, afterwards, devised nothing
effective, with a view to promote the consideration and
adjustment of these momentous differences. Yet the
great point with Spain, at that time, was, not why she
was to continue the war, but, how it was to be carried
on. This was the most material consideration for Spain,
and, consequently, for ourselves ; every other was subordi-
nate; or at least, of comparative insignificance. To give
energy and union to that part of the monarchy, which
had to resist the power and influence of France, was an
object of the first consequence; and our attention ought
ptimarily, if not solely, to have been directed to it. And
was this to be attained, by an impolitic and fatal war,
being hastily declared by one part of the monarchy,
against the other ? Most assuredly; no. Where, then,
was England, in such important moments, as these ?

215

Where was the foresight, energy, and sincerity of that ,
government, which had guaranteed the integrity of the
Spanish monarchy, and had taken into its hands, the
rights of the absent Ferdinand in joint trust? Of that
government, whose minister in Cadiz, beheld this dis-
memberment about to ensue, without an effective effort
to maintain union and fraternity; and who was silent,
when thejiwtrder of many thousands, was about to take
place, in countries, which had never thought of deviating
from their allegiance to a monarch, whom they revered
for his virtues, and respected for his misfortunes.

The letter just noticed, from the Junta of Caracas, to
the king of England, was placed in tlie hands of the
British ministry, about the middle of July, 1810, that is,
near the same time that the declaration of war against
Caracas, and dated June 27, 1810, arrived from Cadiz."
The smallest reflection on the contents of each, must
have demonstrated, that one side or the other, was egre-«
giously in the wrong; and that this extreme rigour of
the Regency, if not absolutely unjust and tyrannical, was
at least, premature, and divested of legitimate motives.
If, therefore, we had at heart, the real and lasting wel-
fare of the whole monarchy, and not of a detached part;
were there not here, sufficient grounds for direct or in-
direct interference, either by strong remonstrance, or
positive demand ? In effecting so noble, sojust, andso
humane a purpose, what had we to contend with ? One
hundred and fifty Cadiz monopolists, and their merce*
nary partizans. And were not the entire influence and
sacrifices of England, superiour to such a faction ? The
means this faction used, to neutralize the good wishes of
a large portion of the Spanish community, was, by

216

pHnting the grossest and most malevolent misrepresen-
tations, that ever issued from a slanderous press, or w^ere
invented by malice. And was not our fair use of the press,
a means, even, if no other could avail, of counteracting this
poison, or of correcting opinions, in which often, our
own national honour was implicated? The grounds on
which the Spanish Americans acted, were, then, fully
and officially known to us; and it might be imagined,
from the practical experience of one illustrious member
of the cabinet, one, who had been an eye witness of the
very abuses, disorders, and hardships, of which the ultra-
marine provinces complained, and when the urgency was
so great, that prudence and foresight, might have sug-
gested some timely plan, to guard against so many evils
which were about to befall our allies; and which would,
materially, weaken the state, we were strongly bound to
support. England was, at that time, as a point, destined
to connect and conciliate, these clashing interests be-
tween brethren ; she was the bond of union, alone, ca-
pable of knitting the two halves of the Spanish monarchy
closely together ; and each, had the most substantial motives
to hope, that she w^ould never cast from her shoulders, a
sacred duty, which honour, the welfare of her mutual
allies, and the future interests of her own subjects, had
imposed upon her.

And might not the British nation, at that time, have
been proud, in being instrumental to the happiness of a
virtuous and unoffending people, who had been left no
other choice, between abject and degraded submission,
and all the horrors of a civil war, waged against them,
by an illiberal unenlightened nation? Was not this a
licb, an interesting field, for the display of British jus-

217

tice, and British philanthropy? A feeling interest, a
sincere warmth, and benevolent promptitude, even bor-
dering on a generous indiscretion, have, uniformly, been
the characteristics of the British government, when call-
ed upon to protect right, and to afford a shield for suffer-
ing virtue. This has been the case, when common in-
terests, alone, bound her to the fate of nations; why then
silence, coldness, and indifference to Spanish America,
now, by a recent alliance, as well as by great and willing
sacrifices made against the common enemy, participating
in a communion of interests; and formerly, the object of
our promises and pledges? In other quarters, and in pur-
suit of a less just cause, England has not been content
with sacrifices and perseverance; but the benevolent
magnanimity of her subjects, has also been desirous of
healing wounds, inflicted by the ravages of war, and
even of alleviating the distress of individual sufferers.
Almost every nation of the European continent, even
the Indians of North America, at one time or other,
have experienced the consolations and fatherly aid of
England, and the sympathies of her people. Spanish
America, alone, is overlooked and forgotten. Was this
section, of the globe, alone, undeserving of our anxiety ?
On it, we behold the most dreadful of all calamities,
ready to burst; we see a decree, rash, impolitic, and
destructive, carried into effect, and, already, is European
Spain deprived of her best resources, whilst her Ameri-
can provinces, present a picture of indiscriminate mur-
der, anarchy, and destruction. And, still, from delicacy
we dare not interfere. Yet, we have induced Sicily to
change her constitution, to new model her laws and
customs; and we look for the gratitude of that people in

218

whose regeneration we have, thus, cooperated. We
have dictated in Portugal, and have placed a British
General over the armies of Spain; and we, there, con-
ceive we have been fulfilling the sacred duties of a potent
sind faithful ally; in short, for all our political friends, in
Europe, we have made the greatest sacrifices and exer-
tions; for their welfare, freedom, and well-being, we
have fought and struggled ; yet, after the most solemn'
pledges and promises, are on record; after frequent and
unsought protestations of sincere friendship and regard,
unconditional, and unlimited by time, we hesitate, we
are afraid, nay, we appear ashamed, of hfting up our
hands, to ward off the blow of destruction from the
heads of our transatlantic friends, those who have been
the object of our long and reiterated offers. When,
their unhappy country, has been, for more than four
years, drenched in the blood of their fellow-citizens;
and when murder and desolation, have, there, reared
their ghastly heads, in every quarter, we can no longer
find time, to pour the balm of comfort into the gaping
wounds of these our new allies, as well as our ancient
friends. When the subsequent abreviated detail of
havoc and injustice, which have originated from th6
coldness of England, and the rash and precipitate con^
duct of the Cadiz Regency, meets the eye of a British
minister, or the ear of a benevolent but uninformed pub-
lic, the tear of sympathy cannot be withheld from the
one, nor the glow of indignation from the other.

The cabinet of St. James, did not, however, content
itself with entirely, abstaining from all interference in
behalf of the outraged provinces of Spanish America,^ for
by its public and official conduct, it negatively expressed

21&

ah approval of the conduct of the Regency, rather than
testified a just and dignified interest, for the sufferings
of Spanish America, or sympathy for the desolation that
was about to ensue. Lord Liverpool, on 29th June, 1810,
wrote to General Layard, governor of Curacoa, in the
following terms : " that his Britannic Majesty has the
greater motives for forming these hopes" (viz. that the
inhabitants of Caracas will re-establish their bonds with
Spain, which, as before shewn, were not broken, till a
declaration of war, on the part of the latter, had taken
place) " from the Regency established in Cadiz, having
appeared to have adopted, with regard to the dominions
of America, the same wise and generous principle, be-
fore adopted by the Supreme Junta, of establishing the
relations between all parts of the Spanish monarchy, on
the most liberal footing, by considering the provinces of
America, as integral parts of the empire, and by admit-
ting its inhabitants, to share in the Cortes of the whole
kingdom. This letter, was communicated to the Cadiz
government, and published in the gazette there, as a kind
of confident support to the measures of the Regency.
Governor Layard, was also authorised to make every pub-
lic use thereof, and it was, consequently, transmitted to
Caracas, and there inserted in the public papers.* What
a contrast in the sentiments of this letter, written as a
basis for the political conduct of England, with regard
to American Spain, when compared with the documents
E. and F.on which the preceding remarks have been
made I What a variance between the opinion of Lords

* This letter of Lord Liverpool to Governor Layard- is found,
entire, in El Espanol, No. 6.

220

Wellesley and Liverpool! One says, that promises, delu-
sive, and unaccompanied by works, are all that the Cen-
tral Junta, has done in favour of Spanish America ; and,
the other, as much as tells her inhabitants, that every
thing has been done for them, consistent with justice
and reason. The one gives a faithful picture of the de-
graded situation of the Peninsular government, and the
other, enters into a panegyric on its liberal systems.

Lord Liverpool, when he penned the above dispatch,
must have been unaware of the real situation of the ul-
tramarine provinces; and urged by his anxious solici-
tude to preserve harmony with the Peninsula, and fear-
ful of giving fresh motives of jealousy and distrust, he
laid the blame of disscntions, which he foresaw and
feared, to that quarter, where the primordial causes did
not exist. The Spanish Americans, on the best grounds,
might have asked the Noble Lord, when he thus con-
demned their conduct, what the government of Spain
had done in their behalf; and at the period when he
penned his dispatch, what proof he had to substantiate
his assertion? ? They had been, long, living under a sys-
tem, of which despotism was a fixed and fundamental
principle; had this, then, ceased to exist? Could his
Lordship then prove, that personal freedom, the impar-
tial administration of justice, the increase and advance-
ment of commerce and agriculture, reform in their mode
of national education, in financial and military arrange-
ments, in short, all that tends to perfect and secure na-
tional independence, had been granted to Spanish Ame-
rica? Were unfair restraints, no longer, imposed on the
domestic economy of any orders of the state ; and was
the administration of justice, guided op principles, so as

221

to secure to every man, his personal freedom and proper-
ty ? Did local interests, no longer, palsy the plans of ge-
neral government ; and v^^ere the public laws founded on
the true interests of the nation at large, and not of any
individual class of inhabitants, or of any particular sec-
tion ? For three hundred years, the whole world had be-
held Spanish America, governed by the arbitrary acts of
military despots, from whose mandates there was no ap-
peal; and, was this reign of terror, then, at an end ? The
prisons, had only been emptied of sufferers, where the
energy of the people, had broken their own chains ;
and, were these victims to return to their solitude and
misery, because the Spanish government had made verbal
promises, in which the heart had no share ? In short, if
those restraints, of which the British government itself,
had often complained, were not then removed ; and, if
the ultramarine provinces, had not been freed from all
those vexations, which impede the course of justice,
which oppress and damp genius and industry ;* which
subdue the spirit, which convert free and social beings,
into abject and degraded vassals, and render their condi-
tion, that of dependant slaves; the notification of its
being the wish and policy of England, for the sections
of Spanish America, to re-establish their bonds with the
mother-country, that is, again to invest their ex-viceroys
and ex-captain-generals with their former powers, and to

* Can it be credited, that whilst the Spanish government ordered
the tobacco to be plucked up in the sections of Spanish America, the
k'lag, as tobacconist-general, was paying to Portugal, annually, six
hundred thousand dollars, for what was supplied him from the
Brazils ?

222

rctarn, with full penitence and submission, under the
control of the Cadiz Regency, the object which the lat-
ter exclusively sought, was no less than implicating the
name of England, in the acts of the Spanish government,
and upholding the grounds of its proceedings. If we
had no balm, no consolation, to bestow on an injured and
unoffending people, at least, we might have spared them
the pang of being scoffed at in Cadiz, by this letter being
there produced by the monopolists, as a kind of sanction
to those measures, which they had induced the Regency
to adopt ; and which the liberal mind, could not fail to
disapprove. Certainly, the sound judgment of Lord Liver-
pool, in this particular, must have slumbered ; nor could
these instructions ever have been intended, as a basis for
that line of conduct, afterwards followed by the governor
of Curacoa, in his relations with the unfortunate sufferers
of Caracas, of which, notice will, hereafter, be taken.

§ The silence of the British government on the declara-
tion of war against Caracas, together with other general
traits of negative disapprobation, on its part, as well as
on that of some of its officers ; the disdain, with which
the appeals of the Spanish Americans were treated, and
the indifference, with which the fleets and armies of
Spain, were seen to cross the Atlantic; for the exercise
of revenge, and the spilling of more innocent blood,
amounted, in the minds of a suffering people, to no less,
than a positive approval of the conduct of Spain, and an
actual condemnation of that of the Spanish Americans.
Yet, would it not have been more salutary, for some
mutual explanation to have taken place, under the gua-
rantee of England ; would it not have been better, that
the provinces of Spanish America, had been enabled to

223

found a temporary government, suited to their territorial
and local interests, as well as conformable to their manners
and habits, during, at least the time, whilst the functions
of the crown were suspended? In their acts, they com-
plained, that the produce of their imposts, was devoted to
purposes, entirely foreign to them ; might they not have
been satisfied, that these were moderate, fairly distribut-
ed, and applied to uses, both beneficial and of general
good ? They lamented, that in their own country, they
were treated as aliens, and that every spring of private
and public prosperity, was closed to them, by odious
and onerous monopolies ; and would it not have been
more politic, that their reasonable Welshes should have
been accomplished ? Would it not have been more pru-
dent, and more equitable, in Spain herself, changing
those very chiefs, who had always been the instruments
of the despotism of the court, and of the ministers in
power, from whom they received their nominations ?
Would it not have been more advisable, to have establish-
ed such a system, as would have left both the govern-
ment, and the people governed, without suspicion and
distrust ? Would it not, moreover, have been more ho-
nourable, to have converted the political changes of the
Peninsula, also, into sources of public benefit, in Spanish
America ? Would not this, in short, have been the best
possible security of the social happiness, and consequent-
ly, of the tranquillity of the inhabitants of all American
Spain ?

Had England, in due time, notified to Spain, in a dig-
nified and strenuous manner, that as the joint guardiaa
of the rights of the lamented Ferdinand, she could never
consent to an act, that was about to place them in the

224

greatest danger; and, when the unfortunate conse-
quences of that indiscreet act, had become manifest and
urgent, if she had, strongly, signified, that she was, inse-
parably bent on the restoration of peace ; had she, firmly
and officially, convinced both parties what was consistent
with the object of the general league, in which all were
engaged ; and what was, at the same time, in strict ac-
cordance with the honour and safety of those most im-
mediately concerned ; during the time of the Cadiz Re-
gency, during the visit of Lord Wellington to Cadiz, on
our rupture with the United States, after many of our
brilliant victories, when the hopes of the nation were
high, and, particularly on the removal of the Cortes to
Madrid, as well as on other occasions; the objections to
our mediatory interference, which only lingered in the
bosoms of the illiberal, and were only kept alive by the
conflicts of a desperate war faction, might have been
silenced ; and in that interesting portion of the globe, to
which I allude, the tears, might very long since, have
been, wiped, from the eyes of distress and misery, and the
cheering prospect of repose and prosperity, might again,
have been opened.

In the general avowal of the sentiments of the Spa-
nish Americans, such, for example, as are contained in
documents E. and F. was there nothing that merited the
consideration and gratitude of England, individually;
and was there no disposition, during a period of four
years of bloody war, she could improve, for the general
good, even as the ally of European Spain ? Unfortunate-
ly, the disorder that required an immediate remedy, was
suflered to linger and increase; and its most dangerous
nymptoms, were disregarded, till the case became ex-

225

tremely aggravated. If the sacred tie, which bound us
to the Spanish monarchy, failed to excite in us, a strong
anxiety for the welfare of its best half, amidst the ob-
scure clouds of doubt and fear, by which we were then
surrounded, could we not there discover a bright spot, on
which to rest our future policy and hopes ? It was evident,
that the more communications we opened with Spanish
America, and the more gratitude we infused into the
bosoms of her inhabitants, the more v^^e bound that rising
country, to our interests, and the greater strength we
thereby acquired. England might then, as she yet may,
have produced a confederation between European and
American Spain, on a basis, in unison with the wishes of
the advocates of rational freedom, and even stronger,
than any bond of political union, that before existed.
One, that by casting off the yoke of despotic power, and
establishing, in its place, a paternal, legal, and venerable
government, such a one, that even the benevolent Fer-
dinand, might have approved, would have given reno-
vated strength to the Spanish empire of both hemis-
pheres, and connected its detached parts, still more
closely together. Gratifying, as is the contemplation of
all that has been achieved by England, for the repose
and well being of the world, a dark cloud has long over-
hung the western continent of Spain; and amongst the
numerous wreaths of never fading laurel, with which the
former has crowned the heads of her champions, fight-
ing for the rights and liberties of Europe, has she no
civic wreath in store, for the wise and politic minister,
who, by his exertions, shall dissipate this gloom, who
shall restore peace to Spanish Columbia, and open her
unexplored resources to more general enterprize? Could

220

Eogland require a greater glory, or a more consoling re-
flection, than to pour the balm of comfort, into the
bleeding wounds of seventeen millions of people, and
thus merit their eternal blessings ?

§ Whoever goes back, to the early stages of the dis-
sentions here alluded to, and contemplates the degraded
situation in which the ultramarine provinces stood, will
not hesitate to confess, that the government of Spain,
had many acts of justice to do for the inhabitants of the
former; and that an extensive and radical reform^ conse-
quently became one of its primary duties. Yet, we saw
the whole of the administration of the Central Junta, and
of the Regency, pass by, and not an effective measure of
alleviation to the wrongs of the Spanish Americans, was
carried into effect. The first did, indeed, declare them
equal in rights with their European brethren; yet, the
Kegency immediately afterwards, forbade them a free
trade, more essential to their interests, than any thing
else. Even the new constitution of Spain, makes them
equal, yet in so doing, prohibits them that trade, which
the inhabitants of the Peninsula themselves enjoy; as
will, hereafter, be more, fully, noticed. The Spanish
Americans then, have, hitherto, been living under falla-
cious assurances, without any grounded reliance on the
firm and impartial faith of their lawgivers at home; who,
certainly, ought to have been the steady preservers and
careful and zealous guardians of their civil rights, as
well as of those of the European portion of the commu-
nity. The Spanish Americans were declared equal in
rights, yet, the Juntas of La Paz and Quito, were mur-
dered for the exercise of this equality; the same was
attiempted with that, of Chili, and public war is pro^*

227

claimed against that of Caracas. They are declared
equal in rights, yet, in Caracas and Mexico, every one,
favourable to the formation of a Junta to represent Fer-
dinand, is buried in dungeons. They were declared
equal in rights, yet they are ordered still to endure the
odious clogs, and the mad and unprincipled monopoly of
150 Cadiz merchants. They were, in short, declared
equal in rights, but these were promises, as hollow, as
those of the Central Junta to Mr. Frere. The subse-
quent conduct of the Cortes, as will be shewn in a re-
view of their transactions with regard to Spanish Ame-
rica, has been a punctilio, not to deviate from the mea-
sures of their predecessors the Regents; and the preci-
pitate and summary discussion of this important ques-
tion, like the hasty investigation of the Boston port bill,
during the struggle of our own transatlantic possessions,
has rather been the real and efficient cause of the pro-
longation of so many disasters, than any conviction that
the war was just. This negligence and lukewarmness
on the part of the Cortes, has, also, in a great degree,
been owing to the temporary triumph of the Cadiz mer-
cantile interests, and their influence over the press; and
it is a melancholy reflection, yet, founded on correct
data, that such illiberal principles as these, should have
been the chief barriers, which have obstructed redress
and justice, to those who had so long suffered.

Gratitude and political expediency, alone, as before
fully evinced, might have roused the justice of the new
governments of the Peninsula, if no other more equitable
principle existed ; and the first display of loyalty ac-
companied by copious remittances from the ultramarine
provinces, might have been made the basis of an ex-

p2

228

tensive and liberal system. Yet, one government suc-
ceeded the other, and no reform was thought of; nor
were any of those effective concessions granted, which
Lord Wellesley indicated, as the only means of produc-
ing permanent good. One of the first acts of the Cadiz
Regency, was to annul its own decree of free trade, un-
der aggravations, which must have roused the injured
feelings of the most weak and submissive. Fresh powers
were sent over to the colonial chiefs, for the purposes of
rendering their administration more severe, and conse-
quently more oppressive. A most tyrannical plan of
espionage was set on foot; victims of resentment, every
where, abounded; and in order to cloak and support all
these vexations, the course of public justice, was, actu-
ally, declared suspended. An order was sent out, to im-
pede the circulation of all newspapers, except the gazette
of the Cadiz Regency; and this was only tolerated, when
officially transmitted by the government to its agents.
The situation of Spanish America, was, in fact, rendered
worse, by the new changes in the Peninsula; for fresh and
galling insults, were added to the increased acts of in-
justice on the part of the governmental agents; and on
the degradation of old systems, renewed terrors were
ingrafted. This systematic terror, rose to such a height,
that in Lima, the editor of a public paper, for telling the
inhabitants of Spanish America, that they had a country
(patria) was arrested and sent home a prisoner; and in
other sections, many other despotic acts might be enu-
merated. Yet by Spain, the ultramarine provinces are
told to endure all these hardships, without repining; and
England, by her indifference, tells them, they are to ex-
pect no redress, as long as she is linked lo the parent
state.

229

The rancour of the Cadiz governments, as before de-
monstrated, became analagous to the interests by which
it was first roused; and it was afterwards kept alive, by
every base artifice and design. But, that this blindness,
and this infatuation, should, in like manner, have per-
vaded the acts of the British government, and the con-
duct of its agents, is the most unaccountable of all poli-
tical solecisms; and if it proves no more, it at least
evinces, that the extent and importance of this subject,
did not receive due and timely consideration ; and that
it was treated, rather as an every day incident, than as
one of the great occurrences, which the page of history,
will, at a future period, have to record. In fact, the
whole ot the changes, which have taken place in Spanish
America, within the last four years, have excited less
interest and sensation in England, than would have been
caused, by any alteration in one of the petty States of
Germany, or by a change in the governmental forms, of
the citizens of the Alps. Thus, has it happened, that
every thing was thrown on the chances of a war, not of
common hostility, to establish a right, to fix a boundary,
or to dislodge an intrusive enemy ; but one, accompanied
by bloody persecution, and sharpened by peculiar feel-
ings of revenge. It was the boast of modern times, that
civilization had stripped M'arfare, of nearly all its ancient
ferocity ; but, in Spanish America, we see it, not only-
brought back to the horrors of the dark ages, but, if
possible, rendered more brutal, savage, and deformed.
The British officers who have cooperated in the Peniiv-
sula, have had an opportunity of judging of the nature
of Spanish troops, and we have seen how dangerous it
was, even to let them loose, on the French natives of the

230

Pyrenees. To the feelings of such officers, do I now
appeal, when I ask the question; what fatal conse-
quences, must not be produced, by such troops, being
let loose, on the often defenseless natives of Spanish
America, situated, at a distance, from the arm of power,
and as it were, answerable to no one for their excesses ?
Thence, have the military reports of the European chiefs,
commanding in that ill-fated country, presented little
else, than details of individual murder, and general mas-
sacre; as will,purposely,beshewn, from official sources,
in a detached section of this expos6. Boundless robbery,
indiscriminate seizure, vengeance, horrid impiety, and
atrocious murders, are the evidences, that attest the
conduct of the officers, who have had to subject the insur^
gents \ and a mode of warfare has been established, w^hich
has been made a plea, for the greatest excesses, and a
continual source of rapine and bloodshed, throughout
the ravaged provinces. The feeling mind revolts at such
scenes, but what must be the reflections of the impartial
Briton, who sees the name of his own nation, materially
implicated in these horrors; who sees the instruments of
these butcheries, sent over cloathed and armed with those
resources, England had generously lavished, for the de-
fence of Spain ?

However urgent the dictates of policy, and loud the
calls of humanity, nothing on the part of either Spain or
England, has yet sufficed, to wind up this long drama of
horrors and disasters; and when a wide and extended
civil war, with all its attendant scourges, has deformed
and harrowed up the bosom of Spanish America, for
more than four years, and in which, many hundred thou-
sand souls have been sacrificed, not an effective measure

231

of pacification, has been organized; but, rather, the issue
of all, has been left to a system, founded on mutual ruin,
cemented by blood, and generating vice and misery in
endless succession. As the governments of Spain, have
taken a more regular form, we shall hereafter see, that
the deputies representing the American provinces in the
Cortes, have often complained of these horrors, and have
lamented the unfortunate causes which gave rise to
them.. They have fully and repeatedly manifested their
basis; by urging, unfair monopolies, inequality of repre-
sentation, the vices of the colonial regimen, and the hard-
ships under which the Spanish Americans laboured, as
the grounds of all these disasters; and till such time as
it is proved, that the councils of Spain, have reformed
all these points; that the claims of the inhabitants of the
ultramarine provinces, have received a fair and impartial
discussion, and that they have been restored to their
long invaded rights, the government of Spain, alone, is
answerable for all the crimes and horrors, committing in
the injured provinces of Spanish America; as is England,
for that waste of lives and treasure, which might have
been useful in Europe; for that destruction, which en-^
sues; and for those dangers, to which the Spanish Ame-
ricans are exposed. She is answerable, by giving a
pledge of national faith, to at least, an obscure and
dangerous condition, open to abuse and misrepresenta-
tion—by not stipulating for a trade,'in favour of her own
.subjects, which alone, would have prevented these evils
that have followed— by suffering the Cadiz Regency, to
declare an unjust and impolitic war— by not putting a
timely remedy to calamities which make humanity
shudder— and by suffering those resources sent to Spain,

232

for a prosecution of a just war against the French, to be
employed on the other side of the Atlantic, in the fur-
therance of views, founded on injustice, illiberality, and
the most flagrant of all invasions of right. England, has
also been to blame, for giving to the monopolists of
Cadiz, frequent causes of triumph in the realization of
their views; and particularly, after all her indifference,
in herself celebrating one of the greatest horrors that the
most dreadful visitations of nature, or the fell revenge of
unprincipled power, could bring amongst a detached
portion of the human race, as will be hereafter shewn*

Accustomed as England has been, to balance her own
substantial interests, as well as the future destines of
empires, her pusillanimous silence respecting the horrors
committing in Spanish America, whilst actually her
ally, and when she had so much at stake, appears a
problem, both singular and unaccountable. That the
contagion of Cadiz'party and war faction, should, equally,
have extended to England and her agents, is one of the
greatest sacrifices of policy and discrimination, that ever
warped the measures of a potent ally, from the path of
rectitude and justice. Yet what other conclusions can
be drawn, when we behold one half of the resources of
Spain, rendered useless and abortive; when we see an
unnatural and cruel war prolonged ; when England dis-
regards the continuation of horrors, only found in the
annals of a Nero or a Tiberius ; when no medium of
approximation and friendly intercourse, under stipula-
tions advantageous to all parties, and founded on libera-
lity, reason, and gratitude, is carried into effect ; and
when, under the greatest sacrifices of the British public^
an annual trade of twenty millions sterling, as will

233

hereafter be demonstrated, is neglected and forgotten,
nay, unimproved by no one. From the date of our alli-
ance with the Spanish monarchy, we have been plunged
in a crisis, big with the most important results, and such
as must have filled the mind of every friend of his
country, with anxious solicitude. This has been an in-
terval of alarm, and often of despondency ; whilst the
whole of Europe, has been struggling against the lawless
ambition of one man, who had, at his command, the
united resources of the greatest nation of the globe. The
consequences of these struggles, have been war and
ravages in every quarter of the globe, where French in-
fluence could reach; producing events, more striking
and more momentous, than the ordinary occurrences of
centuries. England has stood preeminent in her glorious
exertions to procure that peace, she has, perhaps, now
attained, but, all this time, has no attempt, by concilia-
tion, been made for Spanish America, to obtain an ob-
ject, that in Europe, has cost so many lives and so much
treasure ? Conquests and dear bought acquisitions, have,
often, constituted the leading features of the parliamen-
tary speeches from the throne; but would it not have
been a more glorious and sober boast, that such a con-
tinent, through the exertions of England, had received a
government, founded in law, and on the basis of equal
representation, instead of one, built upon despotism,
supported by the sword, and unaccompanied by rights,
either sacred or defined ? Would it not have been more
wise and expedient, that such a continent, by means of
political and commercial relations, had been opened to
Britith enterprize, and also made a powerful means of
increasing revenue, even to Spain ?

234

The long injustice of Spain to the ultramarine pro-
vinces, was evident and true, would it not, therefore,
have been more honourable, and more upright, in the
new Peninsular rulers, to have confessed and corrected
errors, rather than to have continued to deceive them-
selves, by fallacious, but plausible palliations and ex-
cuses} Ingratitude, was the hue and cry raised against
the conduct of the Spanish Americans; it resounded in
the Cadiz prints, and in all those where the money of
the monopolists could have access; nay, it often re-
echoed in those of London. This was, however, a
means, rather to cover the disgrace of convicted folly,
and to turn merited odium on those, who from distance,
were unable to make their own defence. Not, that the
Americans, have been altogether free from blame, or
exempt from all censure or reproach. Under such feel-
ings of provocation, they were, often, loud in their com-
plaints, and invective, was too frequently, mixed with
their clamours. But, wherever a contrast is made be-
tween the pieces written in Cadiz, and those produced on
the other side of the Atlantic, the heaviest charge will
be attached to the first. Even granted that the complaints
of the Spanish Americans, were, in some instances, ex-
aggerated, and this is most that can be alleged against
them; even supposing the terms in which they were
conveyed, were angry, disrespectful, and irritating, their
counterpart was to be found in Cadiz j and it was besides
clear, that old degradations, as well as fresh intemper*
ance, had laid their foundation. On the one side, was
a spirit of monopoly, founded on illiberality, stimulated
by self interest, and put in motion by the lever of gain;
on the other, were galling inconveniences, flowing from

235

the unequal footing which existed between the inhabit-
ants of each hemisphere, which could not fail to pro-
duce conflicting interests, mutual disgusts, irritation,
and even alienation, amongst the suffering members of
the empire. It could not fail to rouse the feelings of
the most abject and submissive, to see great national
interests, and the most sacred jOf all rights, wantonly
sacrificed on the altars of state jealousy, illiberality, and
monopoly. Such principles of conduct, could only tend
to perplex, injure, and sour that harmony of measures,
on which general utility depends; and acrimony and
enmity, were inevitably to flow, from a flagrant and
insulting violation of those establishments of justice and
legislation, which are the only solid and just basis, of
the honour and prosperity of nations. The Spanish
Americans, demanded no more, than to stand or fall, by
those very laws, which had been early framed for their go-
vernment; they persisted for no other, than the exercise
of those rights, they had inherited, but of which, suc-
cessive despotism had stripped them. In short, they
sued for no more, than a practical equality with their
European brethren, founded in reason, and in contradic-
tion to no avowed maxim of equity. They struggled,
with unabating zeal, for the exact observance of those
charters and grants, their forefathers had left them, as a
sacred inheritance; and of those sacred pledges of kingly
faith, whose infraction, particularly in moments such as
those, in which Spain stood; was not only forbidden,
by the principles of moral justice, but also, by the dic-
tates of sound policy. If they are blameable for the
means they often employed, they are warranted in the
object to which they aspired*

236

It would be unjust to assert, that no excesses have
been committed by the Creole party; or to deny, that
private interest and individual ambition have, sometimes,
actuated the conduct of their leaders. With regard to
the first charge, partial excesses have indeed occurred,
to the great regret of the well wishers of the cause; but
they have been such, as are common to the tumultuous
assembling of armed men, roused and irritated, and who
have had 300 years of oppression, ill usage, and injustice,
to avenge; but even from the confession of the Spanish
government gazettes, I will afterwards prove, when I
appeal to the humanity of the British nation on this sub-
ject, that they have partaken of none, of that premedi-
tated and systematic plan of terror and vengeance, which
has, uniformly, followed the victories of the Spanish chiefs
abroad. These facts, will now, for the first time, meet the
eye of the British public, and they will be found both
opposed to the laws of humanity, and the legitimate
mode and established usages, of honourable warfare.
Every one, acquainted with the records of history, is
aware of the great difficulties, attending, even a partial
release from the chains of despotism ; and must know,
that even variations, of a trifling nature, in the scheme
of government, have deluged whole countries with blood
and ruin, and involved them in the mo&t aggravated
miseries of civil contention. But, there are traits, that
have accompanied the war in Spanish America, which,
besides, being unheard of, in modern times, constitute a
monument of unknown and unnatural crimes and atroci-
ties. This has been a 'war, carried on by means of ex-
communications, as in the dafk ages, when the engines
of terror and fanaticism, armed Christians against Chris-

23

«

tians, dethroned kings, and bathed their empires in the
blood of their subjects. The author of the Revolucion
de Mexico, speaking of the degraded state in which the
whole of the Spanish monarchy, had been so long held;
and complaining of the civil and religious despotism,
prevalent therein, forciby observes; " that, as the rights
of the Spanish Americans, to join in representing Fer-
dinand VII. and to administer their own local concerns,
were palpable and defined; how could it, otherwise,
have been possible, for Spain to have armed the inhabit-
ants of the transatlantic provinces, one against the other;
and thus hinder their union, which would have enabled
them, easily to have triumphed over such disproportion-
ate numbers. It has been with the aid of this religious
despotism, that Spain has principally fought her battles
on the other side of the Atlantic; for, if there, the true
religion of Jesus Christ, had been known ; had the gos-
pel, there, existed, in its true purity; and had it ceased
to be the tool of civil power, and the instrument of
despotism and terror; how could fanaticism, rushing
from the episcopal palaces, and from the caverns of the
inquisition, have been seen to mix its sable torch with
the flames of civil war; and cause those to be held as
excommunicated heretics, who refused to bend the knee,
before the bloody image of a military despot?'*

It has, therefore, not been to the common modes of
warfare, that the agents of Spain have recurred, in order
to arrest the arm of justice, and to inforce a system, that
would add to the past aggravations, under which the
Spanish Americans had groaned ; nay, would even de-
prive them, of the first consolations of humanity. Every
engine, that malice, vengeance, and fanaticism, could

238

invent, has been set to work ; even the name of England,
has been used, by the votaries of tyranny and usurpa-
tion, as an instrument to wrest from a suffering people,
the most sacred of rights, even those of nature. Besides
the aggravated vengeance of heaven, the terror of Bri-
tish arms, has been denounced against the Spanish in^
habitants of the western shores of the Atlantic ; nor is
there an artifice, which illiberality, could invent, that
has been left unpractised.

§ The further we pursue this enquiiy, into the origin
and causes of the dissentions, which, unfortunately, ex-
ist between European and American Spain; and the
more we lament the horrors by which they have been
accompanied, the more manifest does it result, that
they sprung from two material sources, viz. the rash,
unjust, and intemperate conduct of the Cadiz govern-
ment; and the want of timely interference, on the part
of England. Thes,e two facts, are not only, to be traced
out of the passing circumstances as they occurred, but,
are, also, consonant to the opinions of those, who are
practically acquainted with the events. The new go-
vernments of Spain, in entering on their functions, were
responsible for the greatest trust, ever confided to the
organs of a political society; this was a period of pro-
bation, in which the eyes of the whole world, were cast
upon them. Then, was the moment, to have established
the national character for ever ; then, was Spain to have
given such tone and energy to the government, which
Avas to administer the general interests of both parts of
the empire, as would have enabled it to answer the noble
ends, for which it was instituted. It was, then, in the
hands of the new rulers, to render Spain, as a n^tiop.

239

prosperous and respectable; or, to lay the basis of her
future misery and contempt. This was the moment, to
have testified whether the revolution of Spain, was to
prove a curse or a blessing; not only to the present race,
but, also, to generations yet to come. Under the con-
viction of the importance of the then existing crisis, the
new chiefs, in power, had it within their reach, to pro-
mote and secure those salutary results, which justice,
gratitude, good faith, and honour, imperiously prescrib-
ed, and which ever attend on those virtues and good
qualities, which enoble the acts of a nation, and endear
its memory to the rest of the world. The new govern-
ments of Spain, were, however, unfortunately blotted
with the reverse of all these cardinal and essential vir-
tues; for influenced by local prejudices, they were op-
posed to those mutual concessions which are always ne-
cessary to general prosperity; and in many instances,
that might be quoted, they were not, even, disposed, to
sacrifice their own individual advantages, to the welfare
of the community at large. In short, I may add, that
the most essential points, relating to the well-being, nay,
to the existence of Spain, have been controlled by party
and local prejudices, whilst the voice of sacred justice,
has, scarcely, been heard.

Had not this, unfortunately, been the case, the new
rulers, would never have been so unmindful of those im-
perious obligations of honour and equity; nor, would
they ever have misjudged the real interests of the nation
so much, as to withhold their consent to a measure, on
the part of the Spanish Americans, that was founded on
the most respectable motives, and emanated from the
conviction of circumstances, in which they had no share.

240

Had jealousy and local policy, not mixed too much in
the public councils, of the Peninsula, we should not have
seen the open and insulting violations of those most sa-
cred obligations, which public and private contract could
create ; we should not have beheld the declarations of
equality, founded as they were in right and justice, and
even theoretically decreed by the Central Junta, opposed
in practice, and only made a lure to entrap unwary suf-
ferers. Instead of declaring an unjust war, and making
manifest falsehood its basis, if the government of Spain,
owing to its distance, was unable to discern between
right and wrong, it ought, first, to have sent over com-
missioners of integrity and abilities, exempt from the
suspicions of prejudice, to treat with whatever recognized
organ of piibUc authority, was found on the other side of
the Atlantic ; with whom, explanations ought to have
preceded, sound and liberal ultimatums, ought to have
been mutually exchanged ; and if her influence had di-
minished, she ought to have called in that ally, as me-
diator and umpire, who, from so many cogent reasons,
was able to make justice triumphant. A spirit of rash
persecution, could only irritate and lend to connect the
Spanish Americans more closely together; it was, there-
fore, impolitic, to inflict deeper and wider wounds, afresh,
before the old ones, were healed. And when the alter-
native of peace, had, unfortunately gone by, and when
war, with all its horrors, had become the sole arbiter of
the destinies of each country, its tremendous power
ought, at least, to have been wielded on principles, con-
sonant with reason, and justice, and not in a manner, so
as to outrival the horrors of the most barbarous ages. If
the sufferings of the Spanish Americans were, in some

341

instances, uttered with the angry vehemence of men,
who had long borne galling and unprovoked injuries,
the Spanish nation at large, ought not to have forgotten,
that their grounds were just and true; and that they
were only directed against illegal governments, whose
degradation was manifest and public. Spain, as a na-
tion of brethren, ought ever to have remembered, that
the ultramarine provinces, uniformly, adhered to Fer-
dinand, early lost, but mutually lamented ; and that, in no
way, had they wandered from their general allegiance.
She ought to have borne in mind, that the Spanish
Americans, had never attempted to plunge the parricidal
weapon, into the bosom of the country, from whence
they derived their origin; and that if a detached province
had changed its flag, it was not till after the most ag-
gravated provocations, and even then, the sentiment
was not general. The inhabitants of Spanish America,
have ever revered the land of their forefathers, and the
existence of this affection, is sufficiently proved, by the
abundant and conclusive testimony, adduced in the out*
set of my subject.

The new governments of Spain, ought certainly to
have marked out for their political conduct, a more in-
dulgent course, instead of opening the floodgates to dis-
asters, so deliberate and extensive. If the Spanish
Americans had rights, their fair and unbiassed discus-
sion, ought not to have been prevented; and those, who
constituted themselves their rulers, ought to have been
convinced of the real policy, as well as of the moral
duty, of admmistering impartial justice, to men, w^ho
had so long suffered; and who, for the first time, had
now an opportunity of listening to the voice of truth;

Q

242

who from the greater degree of light and knowledge, by
which they were surrounded, were enabled to examine
the real state of their late degradation ; and who would
not be easily induced, particularly by force, to return to
a system, under which, they would have to forego, all
the great objects, in which the happiness of social
beings, is comprised. The new governments,'' could
never expect to be called paternal, unless they freely
assented to the exercise of those rights, which belonged
to each portion of the monarchy; and every thing was
to end in anarchy and confusion, if partialities stood in
the way, of what was indispensable, for the individual
happiness of all. It was just for the inhabitants of
Spanish America, to participate in the fruits of a revolu-
tion, in which those of the Peninsula, gloried; and they
were equally entitled to enjoy the benefits of civil liberty,
under a form of government, free and uncorrupted, and
of sufficient tone and energy, to guard them against the
return of oppression. This could only be effected, con-
formably to public and private prosperity, and consider-
ing the distance at which the ultramarine provinces,
were placed, but by some great and radical change; nor
could these advantages be procured, in any other way,
than by some limited, but safe, and well guaranteed
system of self-government. Some instrument, was',
therefore, necessarily to be adopted, to administer this
system, so as to render it competent to the great objects
for which it was instituted; and was it reasonable, that
this instrument should be n viceroy, possessed of such
powers, as those described in the early part of this essay?
Had equity and good faith, been the basis of the conduct
of the new Peninsular governments, that ^doubt and un-

243

certainty, that partiality and remissness, in matters of
the most vital importance; that instability and change,
which marked the footsteps of each form, they succes-
sively assumed, would, never, have produced so long a
train of ills at home, and which could not fail of equally
spreading, to the other side of the waters of the Atlantic.
That restraints of a most grievous nature, bent down
the inhabitants of Spanish America, was plain and ma-
nifest; these were only to be removed, by a radical ex-
tirpation, and this was not to be done, by the sacrifice
of the rights of others. The long and unrepining suffer-
ings of the ultramarine provinces, required a compensa-
tion; and the new governments were bound to give it,
as a reward for the blood, cares, toils, and calamities,
occasioned by the misconduct of the old one. Above
all, they were entitled to a patient and unbiassed hear-
ing; the whole of which, if Spain had granted, she
might now have told her tale to the world, with a good
grace, and England might have believed her; but, com-
plaints and invectives, ill become those, who were the
first aggressors.

In Spanish America, at any period of these unfortu-
nate dissentions, there was to be found, a sincere dispo^
8ition to conciliation and adjustment, which certainly
might have been improved, so as to meet any just and
liberal plan, the legislature of Spain, might have urged,
or England have recommended. Ineffectual, also, as
we shall soon shew, all the exertions of the American
deputies in the Cortes, to have been, to obtain redress
for their constituents, on a basis, legal and equitable, it
cannot be denied, that amidst the heat of so cruel a war-
fare, there existed, on the part of the very insurrec-

q2

244

tional chiefs, a readiness, not only to stop the effusion
of blood, but, also, to enter on some definitive and per-
manent arrangement. Hidalgo, chief of the Mexican in-
surrection, on 31st of October, 1810, sent two generals to
Venegas, to treat for peace; the only terms of which
were, to restore the Junta and local authorities of the
capital, and to form a strong cantonment of troops, on
some of the leading positions from Vera Cruz, the des-
cent of the French, being at that time, dreaded. Ray^
on, when at Zacatecas, likewise, solicited Calleja to
agree to the formation of a Junta or Congress, consist-
ing of Europeans and Americans, respectively elected
by the provinces; on which terms, he offered to lay
down his arms. He barely received for answer, that if
he laid them down, he should be comprehended in the
general indult published by government; that is, his life
should be spared. Some time since, a solemn offer was
made by the Mexican deputy in the Cortes, to obtain
money for the Peninsular cause, in loans, by mortgag-
ing the mines as a security; provided Spain would
guarantee the ulterior independence of the ultramarine
provinces, in the only case, of herself being conquered ;
as an assurance of that kind, by convincing them, that
it was not intended to bind them to the car of Napoleon,
would make them cease to be impatient, and the public
mind being thus tranquillized, peace and confidence
would be restored, and suspended agriculture and the
tvorking of the mines, would be continued. This pro-
posal, as all others had been, was not only rejected with
disdain, but, also, treated as revolutionary; and an
offer, liberal and disinterested in itself, and only sug-
gested in consequence of that prevailing anxiety of the

245

inhabitants of Spanish America, to know what was to
be their future fate, in case of a misfortune, which all
thought unavoidable, but which each deplored, became
a fresh motive of persecution, and an additional plea for
further excesses.

The Junta of Sultepec, in March, 1812, sent to the
Viceroy of Mexico, a plan for peace, which was intended
as a basis of reconciliation, and as a means of preventing
further effusion of blood. This was accompanied by a plan
forwar, amounting to a proposed compact between the con-
tending parties, respecting the manner in which the war
was to be carried on; in order, that an end might be put
to so many atrocities, as were continually committing.
Both were rejected with disdain, but, as their contents
are highly illustrative, and tend to corroborate some of
my chief premises, I annex them in my Appendix, under
the head of G, together with their accompanying mani*
fest ; particularly, as they will throw considerable light
on the exertions of the Spanish American deputies in
the Cortes, to bring about some plan of pacification and
mutual adjustment, a subject on which we shall present-
ly enter. On many other occasions, a sincere disposition
to accommodation, was manifested, on the part of the
Creoles, which we shall have occasion to notice in the
progress of this expos^. But, whilst Spain appeared de-
termined, not to submit her controverty with the ultra-
marine provinces, to the mediation of a third power,
England bore with the greatest tameness, every rebuff in
her offers of mediation; which she, apparently, under-
took, rather as a political experiment, than as a measure
of urgent necessity, in which every possible engine was
to be set to work, and every strenuous means of success^

246

employed. Everypacific disposition, was overlooked, and
no rational mode of explanation, was suggested. The
government of Cadiz, preferred war, blockades, threats,
and persecutions, and in vain, did one of the American
deputies, in the Cortes insist, that it was cruel and inhu-
naan, to send out troops to make war upon brethren,
without having previously appropriated an hour, to fix
on some means of conciliation, or even given their rights
and the basis of their conduct, a fair and unbiassed dis-
cussion. Rancour and animosity now flamed high, the
Cadiz merchants formed a Junta out of their war faction,
which contributed by loans to the expence of the equip*
ments, and, thus, resolved to maintain by force, what must,
necessarily have been ceded, if the ultramarine provinceb
had been heard and redressed. Ah ! one moment's re-
flection, on the part of the Cadiz Regency, and timely
exertion on that of England, would have prevented
all these calamities; and in, like manner, one week of
moderation, justice, and impartiality in the Cortes of
Spain, would have done more towards the pacification of
Spanish America, than all the armies, the monopolists
could send over, or all the engines of terror and ven-
geance, they could set to work. Yet, on the precipice
on which Spain, then, stood, it was evident, that every
means ought to have been essayed, in order to prevent
the eff'usion of human blood, and the wider spread of
anarchy and confusion ; nor was it less essential to hus-
band her own troops and resources, when her very exist-
ence, at home, was at stake.

Thus, has Spain by her own illiberality, placed her
American provinces in the greatest danger ; by her rash-
ness, she has been plunged into a war of extermination.

247

imd, during the most momentous period of her struggles
against France, she has been cut off from those resources^,
which would have rendered success more easy and cer-
tain. The united interests of both countries, were how-
ever sacrificed to punctilio, to clashing interests, and to
the most grovelling of all passions. If Spanish America,
laboured under grievances, and the government at home,
was unable to redress them ; it might, at least, have con-
fessed their existence, and acknowledged its own inabili-
ty, then to attend to their removal. But time has not been
wanting, since there has been sufficient to overturn the
fundamental laws of the realm, and to frame a constitu-
tion, on a basis, that could neither bring permanent hap*
piness and tranquillity, to one portion of the monarchy,
or the other. The reform of the colonial system of
Spain, was an object of ckar and unequivocal import-
ance, and in it, the enlightened and virtuous citizen,
could not fail to concur. Its defects were plain and well
known, and a practical declaration of rights, or a com-
prehensive decree, would have sufficed for their extinc-
tion. And was there no time for this ? In granting a free
trade, a disposition to be just, would have been evinced;
but even this was denied, though of its equity and
necessity, no great contrariety of sentiment could prevail.
The wise and thinking part of the community, those,
who unbiassed by 'local ties and prejudices, could trace
the existing evils to their real source, strongly, recom-
mended the incorporation of such principles, into the
political and governing system of Spanish America, as
might correct obvious vices. If Spain had time for no-
thing else, she had at least plenty, to devise some uniform
system in the commercial relations of both parts of the

248

rtionarchy, which besides promoting the mutual interests
of each, would have maintained harmony on the other
side of the Atlantic, and testified her gratitude to En-
gland. When the grounds, on which a trade with Spanish
America was denied to the latter, are made known, a
very just conclusion may be drawn, of the principles and
motives, which have operated as a bar to the extension
of justice, on a larger scale.

Had the commotions in Spanish America, not origi-
nated in real grievances, such as would admit of redress,
so great a share of blame, would not have fallen to the
lot of those, who thus unfiiirly withheld it. But if these
grievances were real, why was the proper remedy delayed,
till the public mind, would bear them, no longer? if
lenient measures had been adopted, and had only tended
to increase the resentment and exasperation of the com-
plaining parties, and to enlarge their demands ; had
equitable proffers been made, and rejected with scorn;
had the conciliatory efforts of the Spanish govermttentj
given edge to their audacity, and had they actually
organized a systematic plan of rebellion, confounding
liberty, with a contempt for legal control, then, the rigour
of the Cadiz Regency, the subsequent apathy of the
other governments, and the coldness of England, might
have had some plausible grounds; and the conduct of the
insurgents, might have equally been lamented and depre-
cated. Had the latter been bent on magnifying positive
evils, and fomenting causeless jealousies and distur-
bances; had they asked any thing opposed to law and
justice; had they thrown off their allegiance to that mo-
narch, whom the entire nation had acknowledged, or
Joined the French, Spain might have been warrantable.

249

in lier declaration of war-^-^and England might have had
some reason*, for all her indifference. But if this was
not the case, ought not all the fatal consequences, of so
many horrors as have been committed, to fall on the
heads of those, who first provoked the contest; and
why should England be ashamed of men, who do no
more, than assert their own rights? Ought not the
oceans of blood, so long flowing in Spanish America, to
rest wholly on the heads of those, whose self-interest,
and indiscreet and arbitrary conduct, first gave rise to
such a long reign of atrocities?

§ The true Spanish patriot, could not fail to regret the
clouds which so early spread' over the brightest morn,
that ever dawned on the monarchy of both hemispheres.
From the period of these dissentions, its political situ-
tion was such, as to excite every feeling of anxiety;
under the existing embarrassments, it was difficult for
the wheels of the public machine, to move on with any
probability of success; the future, in short, presented
little else, than a gloomy obscurity of doubt and fear.
The gathering clouds, became dark and menacing, so as
to threaten a storm big with impending ruin; and besides
an empty treasury, and the pressure of a potent enemy,
complicated and heavy calamities, which flowed from
the inefficacy of the general government, were to be de-
plored; w^iilst nothing but the interference of England,
or a return of equity and liberality to the councils of
Spain, could prevent an accumulation of difficulties,
and ward off some terrible convulsion. Negligence on
the part of the Central Junta, and rashness on that of
the Cadiz Regency, had plunged the whole sections of
Spanish Ameripa, into scenes of desolation, which would

250

be widely felt, and long remembered; and would, be-
sides, close the only secure source of pecuniary supplies.
Yet, a large portion of these horrors, would have been
spared; and at least the national honour might have been
retrieved, if the succeeding Cortes, had been possessed
of an enlarged philanthropy, and if they had followed
the sound dictates of policy, prudence, and justice. Had
they even acted, with the same generous liberality to
the transmarine provinces, as the Em{)eror of Russia^
did, with regard to Poland, and afterv/ards to France;
bad they, like him, assured their American brethren,
that they were ready to cooperate with them, in any
establishment, that might secure their freedom, happi-
ness, and prosperity; had they, instead of impotent wars,
forgotten the past, and offered a sacred and sincere am-
nesty ; had they, like Charles V. used conciliatory men
and measures; and had they, above all, cordially set
about the discussion of their rights, and the full redress
of their wrongs; that immense and valuable portion of
the Spanish empire, might have been preserved tranquil
and entire, its resources might have served as a power-
ful instrument to repel the French, and the European
and American brethren of Spain, might have been bound
together, by the ties of fraternity and fellowship, even
stronger, than those, which before existed. And would
not this have been grateful to the true Spaniard, who
had long, wept in silence, over the misery and degrada-
tion of Spain, as well as of Spanish America? And
would not the contemplation of such results, to England,
have given rise to reflections, not less satisfactory, than
interesting? After the freedom of Spain, was not this^
the next glorious object, to which she could aspire?

251

But the Cortes of Spain, as well from the defects of
their formation, as owing to the prevalence of illiberality,
were not disposed to spread the blessings of peace and
regeneration to the other side of the Atlantic; as will be
shewn in a subsequent section of this expos6. The
American deputies therein, laboured in vain, they were
always outvoted, and it was evident, that the issue of
their exertions, could not fail to increase the mortifica-
tion and resentment of their constituents. The whole
of this passed, under the eyes of the British agents in
Cadiz; and if we had no other than the records of our
mediation debates, and the results of our free trade
solicitations, these would have sufficed to have convinced
us, that illiberality and injustice, were the chief basis of
the conduct of the Cadiz government, And, if England
had before neglected opportunities more favourable, could
she not, when the Cortes first assembled, have recom-
mended and urged, in the most forcible, glowing, and
pathetic terms, which language could atford, or a sense
of justice inspire, what was absolutely necessary and in-
dispensable, for the salvation of the country, and the
avowed honour and interests of the nation at large ? She
ought never to have forgotten, that the Spanish Ameri-
cans were entitled to every consideration; and that if
they were not redressed, and war was proclaimed against
them, for merely insisting on what was their due, it
would result, that the rights they were contending for,
would be rendered doubly strong, by being afresh with-
held. And could any motive, more honourable and
just, have been made the basis of those mediatory ex-
ertions on the part of England, which might have shield-
ed many thousand victims from the vengeance ^f the

252

irritated and illiberal, and have, besides, given renewed
energies to Spain ? When the magnitude of the prize
we were contending for, is considered, as well as the
apparent doubtful issue of the contest, it appears im-
possible, that the 'Biitish government should not have
thought, seriously, on the fatal consequences of closing
to Europe, the only country from which coin could be
obtained, as well as of desolating by anarchy and civil
war, the best section of the world for the relations of
trade. Placed on an extensive continent, comprehend-
ing all the soils and climates of other hemispheres, Eng-
land beheld a people, ready to sacrifice the produce of
their industry, in support of the same cause in whicli
herself and Spain were engaged; and who by calling
their inert resources forth, would have been able to make
*asy, many of those privations, which the inhabitants of
cSfch, were suffering. Was it liberal in Spain, to com-
mand those resources to continue closed, or was it can-
did in England, omitting any means of removing the
causes of such extensive disquiet? She then, more than,
ever, required new channels in which to transfer her
|)«rsuits of trade; and in this, Avas she opposed by ob-
stacles, that discouraged the adequiite attempt?

Conclusive reasons indhce a confident belief, that the
affairs of Spanish America, did not receive that prompt
consideration, which the public exigence demanded, or
the magnitude of the subject required. Yet, England
had before her a plan of conduct, not only consonant to
the plain rules of justice; but, she had it also -in her
power, to effect results, which would have afforded in-
Unite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind. She
tnight have produced a reconciliation, that would have

253

b«8a the parent of future happiness. Her conduct might
have been arraigned by the sordid and the servile, buls
she would have deserved the everlasting gratitude of the
good Spaniard i and she would, in that case, have ful-
filled, completely, her sacred trust to Ferdinand. Spain
might have been induced, to receive the Spanish Ameri- ':
cans again into the bosom of their common country;
even if their conduct, at first, had been hasty and repre-
hensible this would have been, by a just and equitable
reform, by a solid peace, and by such self elected, limit-
ed, and guaranteed governments, which alone could suit
a distant, extensive, and populous country. How to
effect this, was, perhaps, unknown to such new politi-
cians as those who assembled in the first governments of
Spain, nor was the infected atmosphere of Cadiz, perhaps
suited to the growth of ideas so liberal. Yet, would it have
been dishonourable, in England urgently promoting such
desirable ends ? If the occupations of her own ambas-
sador, precluded the pursuit of such an object, could
she not have attached to him, those who from practical
experience, intelligence, and zeal, were likely to aid in
so essential an enterprize? But, the British government
never appears to have endeavoured, earnestly, to find,
out, what were the points in dispute, what each was
disposed to grant and accept, or what could be made a
basis of restored harmony. Maintaining a guarded se-
crecy, and unmoved by horrors, such as would excite
the coldest to pity, the cabinet of St. James, has suffered
these unfortunate disseyitions, year after year, to linger
and rankle, resorting solely to such remedies, as could
only serve to add to the triumph of the unjust and
illiberal.

254

England, in this pari: of her political conduct, seems^
to have considered the views of the Spanish Americans,
as hiconsistent with their relative situation to Spain;
and her interference, it was feared, would clash with her
existing treaty. That is, she adopted the language of
the Cadiz merchants, pronouncing the ultramarine pro-
vinces, as dependent colonies; thus judging the illegal
governments instituted in Spain, to be the legal dictators
of the whole monarchy, to whom blind obedience was^
to be paid. Spain told her, the Spanish Americans
were rebels and traitors, and she appears to have be-
lieved the verdict, and was silent. Had it, however,
been possible, by any combination of circumstances,
that fleets and armies had been sent from Spanish
America, to land on the shores of Spain, to ravage her
provinces, and to deluge them in blood; would England,
in like manner, have been silent? Would she, with'
cold apathy, have, thus, beheld the objects of her
treaty, frustrated; or would she have suffered such
material diversions, to counteract the great ends she had
in view I Would she not have remonstrated, would she
not have interfered, nay, would she not have imperi-
ously demanded, a cessation of such impolitic and un-
natural acts? Yet, the same fatal consequences have
arisen, from Spain sending her armies to the other
shores of the Atlantic; the resources of both countries,
have been equally dried up, and those stigmas have
likewise fallen on Spain, which would in the first case,
been cast on Spanish America. Had we seen such
horrors and such calamities, hurled on Spain, as have
for more than four years, desolated Spanish America, we
should have interfereil, even from principle* of Huma-

255

ftity ; yet, if both parts of the monarchy are equal, is
not the latter, equally entitled to our regard ?

If England, during her treaty with Spain, was too
honourable to contemplate, for a moment, the advantages
which w^ould flow to her, from the erection of tmother
independent empire, on the western shores of the At-
lantic; she might, at least, have been sufficiently just, to
have seen, that the war carried on there, was cruel und
tyrannical ; and she might have been at the same time so
ifirm and humane, as to have peremptorily, demanded its
cessation. She might, at least, have urged a suspension
of hostilities, till some mutual accommodation had been
hegociated by the general legislature; and to this, she
might have conveyed such sentiments, as would have
secured an impartial discussion of so momentous a sub-
ject. Dependent as was Spain upon her, for essential
supplies, there were many springs that might have been
touched with success ; and with full confidence, she might
have prayed, for the effusion of blood to be avoided. Th6
vital necessity, of adopting some measure, to prevent a
separation in the integral parts, of which the Spanish
monarchy was composed, became daily more apparent;
and this could only be effected, by a mutual spirit of
concession and defference, which the urgency of affairs,
as well as the nature of the case, rendered indispensable.
The mass of the people in Spanish America, had long
felt the inconveniences of the existing plan of govern-
ment, but, more especially, its administration; and
they ardently wished for their reform. This could only
be done, by some radical and comprehensive measure,
such, alone, would crown the. work with success; any
thing partial, would, eventually, produce more dicon-

256

tent, and only maintain a short, but turbulent exist-
ence* The very idea that seventeen millions of people,
are to seek justice at the distance of two thousand
leagues, has something in it so monstrous, that one
would suppose such a system had no partizans or abet-,
tors. The monopolies of the mother-country, in them-,
selves, as v^^ell as in the manner in which they had b^en
exercised, were both burdensome and unjust. The
fact, that Spain, should say to the whole of her ultra-
marine provinces, your industry shall not go beyond
those limits we have prescribed for our convenience, in-
terest, or caprice; your productions shall rot on their
trees, if we are unable to fetch them away; and you
shall have no other cloathing, than what we have tripled
in original value, appears the extreme of x\siatic des*
potism.

The pre-eminence of a government, is for it to be
such, as to win the affections and respect of the people;
and the grounds of national policy, ought ever to be
founded on those immutable and pure principles of
sound morality, which have been matured by time, and
sanctioned by the wisdom of ages. In the conduct of
human affairs, there is no truth more thoroughly proved
and established, than that there exists an intimate con-
nection, between an honest and magnanimous policy,
and the solid rewards of public prosperity and national
happiness. The Cortes, therefore, ought to have con-
sidered, in a candid and deliberate manner, the nu-
merous and urgent claims, the people of Spanish America
had on the justice of the general government; and if the
former organs of power, by their illiberality or impo-
tency, had been unable to carry into effect, the dictates

257

of gratitude and equity, bad they been deaf to tbe ap-
peals of sound and temperate reason, it, at least, be-
came tbat government whicb had now assumed a more
substantial and regular form, and from whom the nation
expected so much, to have made the agitated situation
of Spanish America, an invariable object of anxious so-
licitude; and (ommon justice, as well as the clearest
and most urgent principles of political expediency, re-
quired this to have been made the subject of their earli-
est deliberations. Yet, no reform or scheme of govern-
ment, that might conduce to the public happiness of
Spanish America, was proposed; the war still lingered,
and even the grounds on which it had been undertaken,
were not reconsidered. The ^spect of affairs, was, ne-
vertheless, then most alarming ; the monarchy was about
to decline into wretched fragments, bathed in the blood
of brethren; and nothing but prompt and urgent mea-
sures, could extricate Spain from the embarrassments,
in which she was entangled. The blaze of civil commo-
tions, already raged widely, and clashing interests daily
added to the flame. This, was only to be extinguished,
by reason, by convention, or by open force. The Cadiz
press teemed with fresh productions of passion and pre-
judices and the strength gained by the war faction,
during the administration of the Regency, rendered its
partizans more clamorous, under the Cortes. The cold-
ness of the British government, was construed into an
approval of measures, and instead of redress, explana-
tion, or even a hearing, more troops, were prepared.

§ England, in the mean time, neglected to expose to
the Spanish public, the real circumstances of the case;
and to warn them of the dangers which overhung their

R

258

country. No means were adopted, to detect the nu-
merous misrepresentations, which continually went forth;
nor even to arrest and blunt the vital stabs, so frequently,
aimed at the honour of a faithful and active ally. No
exertion was made, to refute those arguments, by which
the sophists railed against England and her mediator^'
offers, on the grounds of ilUberal fallacy; nor did she
attempt to increase her friends, by a full developement
of those honourable principles, by which she was guided.
These, though objects of serious import were not de-
serving the attention of the British government, yet,
they would have added facility to many important mea-
sures. Though, within its reach, they were disregarded.
Thenc^ has it resulted, that with all her influence, Eng-
land has been unable to awe the insolence of contending
faction, into silence; and her indifference, as well with
regard to Spanish America, as on many other essential
points, became a standard, which served as a fresh re-
sort, to the disaffected against her. Yet, could it be
possible, that so much time had been spent, and the
Spanish American question, or the grounds on which the
war was carrying on, were not understood ? Can it be
believed, that after the supplies we had furnished, the
sacrifices we had made, and the blood we had spilt, we
had no influence over the councils of Spain; or that we
bad inspired no confidence or gratitude, into the bosoms
of the people? The timely exertions of England, at
the commencement of these dissentions, as already de-
monstrated, would have allayed every irritated feeling ;
^nd at this late hour, it will not be pronounced impolitic
or unwarrantable, if England as an ally, with the prin-
cipal burden then on her own back, had urged, remon-

259

strated, or made it a sine qua non, that a reform should
be granted, such as would restore harmony amongst all
parties. England, certainly, could not be insensible to
the gratification, of cooperating in the pleasing, though
arduous task, of securing to the inhabitants of Spanish
America, those blessings they had a right to expect,
from a free, efficient, and equal plan of government,
well administered. The anxiety of the Cortes, ought to
have been awakened, by the magnitude of the interests
which brought them together; and enabled, as they
were, to deliberate in tranquillity, under the protection
of British troops, and to fix on those reforms which
were to advance the happiness of all, and secure a per-
manent union between the sister parts of the monarchy,
they ought to have lost no time, in assuaging those bitter
animosities, which had been engendered by the miscon-
duct of the preceding governments; nor ought they to
Lave distrusted in the good dispositions of an ally, who
had been the anchor of their hopes in time of need, and
from whom they had continued to receive, ample and
unequivocal testimonies of regard and friendship.

The proper mode, of conciliating the affections of so
large a portion of the empire, as Spanish America, was a
subject of the most interesting enquiry; and, indeed, the
most essential, on which the Cortes could enter. An
agitation had been produced, so great and so extensive,
as not to be easily calmed ; yet, it had not arisen out of
a licentious and turbulent spirit, bent on disturbing the
harmony and tranquillity of the general state; nor was it
an infection, occasioned by the wide spreading contagion
of the times. The same love of country, still glowed in
the breasts of the Spanish Americans; in Ferdinand

r2

260

the wishes of all parties confided, and in him the in-
terests of all united. The sincerity of these feelings,
rendered the refusal of redress, the more galling; nd^ is
there any truth that can be uttered Avith more confidence,
than, that if paternal affection had only glowed in the
bosom of Spain, the duteous sentiments of filial love, on
this interesting occasion, would have been kept alive, in
her distant offspring. When the first legislature of the
country assembled, under the form of the ancient Cortes,
many matters pressed heavy on the attention of the
members; yet, after the invaded slate of the countr}'',
and the means of repelling a formidable enemy; the
-agitated and convulsed situation of Spanish America,
demanded a serious and deliberate enquiry. The latter
<]uestion, embraced two essential points; viz. harmony
amongst the common members of a state, on which,
national strength, depended; and next, the means of
revenue, without which the French could not be re-
pelled; and without which vital spring, the action of
government could not long continue. It was to the
assembling of the Cortes, that Spanish America, and
the whole world, looked for a remedy to the fatal dis-
sentions, which had so long, desolated the ultramarine
provinces; and it was then, fully, expected, that Eng-
land would, immediately, agitate something, for the
liberties and happiness of her transatlantic ally. That
no private disgusts, or individual irritations, should
occur on the meeting of so heterogeneous a body; or
that certain public measures, should not meet with some
disapprobation, were things, beyond human expecta-
tion; but, under the persuasion, that justice and policy,
demanded that negociations should precede any further

261

hostilities, it was thought, that both Spain and Eng-
land, would promote a candid and fair revision of those
motives, which had given rise to a cruel and unnatural
war, between the two halves of the Spanish monarchy.

England, however, still kept aloof, and appeared in-
sensible of the necessity of using her powerful exertions
in favour of suffering humanity; and though, by this
time, she must have been convinced, that local prejti-
dices, separate views, and party animosities, had, hitherto,
misdirected that comprehensive and equal eye, which
ought to have watched over every part of the monarchy,
thereby producing the most serious evils; still, she dis-
regarded the prolongation of their fatal consequences.
Bound by the most sacred ties, to the welfare of Spanish
America, England could not divest herself of feelings of
lively interest for the unredressed inhabitants thereof,
unless clear and insurmountable conviction, had proved
they were in the wrong. She could not but lament the
horrors, by which their unhappy country was torn to
pieces; to feel other^vise, was to surrender up sound
judgment, to the caprice of party. She must have been
sensible, that it was necessary to remove every cause of
quarrel, by treaty, and by mutual explanation; and the
undistinguishing vengeance with which the war was
carried on, increased the necessity of greater circum-
spection, in those who administered government under
a new shape. These were controversies, of so delicate
a nature, as to require a great degree of moderation and
firmness for their adjustment; but yet, their results
were of that alarming aspect, as to demand an immediate
attention, and they, besides, called for all the imposing
weight of character and influence, which both England
and Spain;, could add to measures of pacification.

262

§ Unfortunately for Spain, as well as for England, as
faer ally, there has not existed in the Peninsula, since
the loss of the rightful monarch, a constitutional, proper,
and legal form of government, as often before inculcated;
and what has existed, has rather been busied in its own
preservation, in forms and ceremonies, in etiquettes,
and in parade, than in seriously attending to the two
most essential points; viz. the driving out of the French,
and conciliating of the ultramarine provifices. I say not
constitutional, because the ancient laws of the Spanish
monarchy, do not admit of any other Cortes, than those
formed out of the nobles, clergy, and procuradores or
representatives of the cities and towns, entitled to vote
therein ; all of which, are specified by law. I say pro^
per and legal, because, he only is correctly entitled to
take his seat and vote in a representative Congress, who
has been formally elected by a majority of votes, fairly
given and duly summed up, in the districts, entitled to
such representation. But this was not the case, with
the new Cortes of Spain. When they entered on their
functions, on the 24th of September, 1810, ninety persons
only, took their seats as duly elected members, or what
were called proprietarios^ To these were added fifty^
three substitutes or suplentes; picked up and placed in
the Cortes, without any other requisite form, than that
of being known to belong to the districts, for which
they sat as representatives.*

Besides this glaring informality, twenty-nine sub-
stitutes were put in for the whole of Spanish America,
to represent seventeen millions; whilst European Spain^

* These calculations, are founded on official statements, cor-
responding with the Court Calendar, published in Cadiz

263

bad one hundred and twenty-five delegates to represent
ten millions of people. All the provinces occupied by
the French, had substitute representatives therein; so
that it remains, at least a dubious question, whether a
congress thus constituted, had sufficient authority to
enact laws which were binding to the whole empire;
and to wage an unnatural and inhuman war, against an
equal, integral, and incorporated part of the monarchy,
v/hose rights had not even been discussed, and whose
illegitimate conduct, had not been proved. Emergency
of circumstances, is indeed, pleaded in favour of this
representative body; the same as was said of the Central
Junta and Cadiz Regency; yet, these were both, after-
wards, declared illegal. But even for this plea to have
had full effect, the consent and concurrence of Spanish
America, as an integral part of the entire nation, was
necessary; and this was formally refused, not only in
consequence of the irregularity which prevailed, but,
also, because redress was withheld. It was that very
Regency, assuming to itself the kingly powers, and
created as before shewn, out of the terror and dismay of
the Central Junta, which called these Cortes together ;
ordering one member to be elected for every 50,000
souls in the Peninsula, but for Spanish America, one
was only allowed for every province, even though its
inhabitants exceeded a million. The Spanish members,
were to be elected by the people of each parish, but the
American ones, were to be chosen by the cabildos or
municipalities, who are generally Europeans, or in-
fluenced by them. There were, besides, eleven de-
puties allowed for the provincial Juntas of Spain, in ad-
dition to the prorata for the population; but in Spanish

264

America, the very existencQ_of those Juntas, was pro-
nounced a crime of high treason. JDelegates, were, also,
sent from the capitals in the Peninsula; so that the dis-
proportion was extremely great. In this statement of
facts, the irregularity of the elections, is overlooked.

Thus, did the Cortes of Spain, enter on their func-
tions, with twenty-nine substitutes for Spanish America,
chosen out of different natives thereof, whom chance or
business had brought to Spain; and like the Cortes of
Bayonne, they have sounded as the general and extra-
ordinary Cortes of the nation. These said substitutes
for America, protested the second day after the installa-
tion of the Cortes ; that is, on the 25th of September,
1810. These protests were made verbally, and in writ-
ing, in presence of the president; all declaring, that in
yielding to the necessity of the moment, they, in no
way, intended to injure the rights of their fellow-citizens
whom they were supposed to represent; or to counteract
the just claims they had to an equal representation,
which they pledged themselves, afterwards, to demand
in the Cortes. Ireland, stands on the same relative foot-
ing to England, as Spamsiv America does to Spain; and
what would our sister island think, of twenty-nine sub-
stitutes being chosen in London, to sit for her in the
Imperial Parliament? Would she consider the acts of a
legislature, thus constituted, to be valid and binding?
Such are, nevertheless, the facts, the installation of the
Spanish Cortes, presents; yet, this body has enacted
laws for the whole monarchy, has divested the king of
his sovereignty, has overturned the ancient legislature of
the state, and has, in short, continued the war against
Spanish America, without even having discussed or
proved that its grounds were just.

265

Other more duly elected members, have since, ar-
rived from the various sections of Spanish America; but,
the former substitutes w^ere continued. The whole of
their joint time therein, has been spent in jarring and
wrangling with their prejudiced opponents, on the situ-
ation of their unfortunate country, the neglected interests
of those they were chosen to represent, and in urging
redress, which was never granted. The first object of
the new Cortes, was to decree the sovereignty of the
nation; and the American substitutes immediately re-
monstrated, that it would be improper, to suffer the news
of such a decree, to reach the other side of the Atlantic,
without some satisfaction for the violated rights of the
ultramarine provinces; or some concession, that might
tranquillize the disturbances, already commenced there.
A project of a decree, was consequently formed; but
after seventeen days of boisterous debate, in which acri-
mony, partiality, and invective, had the greatest share,
the Americans were outvoted.* It would be an un-
pleasant task, in this place, to convey to my reader some
idea of the grounds, on which justice, was on this solemn
occasion, denied to Spanish America; nor would it be
possible, to enumerate the shafts of calumny levelled by
the Spanish members, and the Cadiz prints, which had
early entered into the feelings of the monopolists. The
report of these discussions, resembles, in a singular
manner, the celebrated disputes between the bishop of
Darien and the venerable Las Casas, which took place
in presence of Charles V.; for, if possible, more illibera-

* The project of the decree formed by the American substitutent
may be found m the Cosmopolita, No. I. and II.

266

iity was displayed. Every fierce passion, that rancour
and sordid gain could stimulate and impel, or slander
and malice could inspire, was now unchained ; and nei-
ther the intrinsic merits of the scheme, or its justice and
urgency, could establish those principles of honest
policy and diffusive patriotism, which were so essen-
tial to the return of peace. Spanish America, had to
behold, in the first debates relating to its welfare, one of
the greatest violations of national faith and common jus-
tice, ever before witnessed; and when the edifice of pub-
lic happiness had been laid in ruins, by factions and the
storms of war, those who presided over the fate of the
nation were too unjust, seriously and impartially, to en-
quire, on what basis it was to be rebuilt, and what pro-
portions the structure was to possess in future. In short,
the first debates of the Sanish Cortes, respecting the si-
tuation of Spanish America, evinced, that the majority
lof its members, were not prepared to contend with the
habitual influence and authority of long established cus-
tom, however faithless the grounds on which it had been
founded; and that they were far from being ready to
break to pieces, the old idol of their blind and fatal su-
perstition. Spain, appeared disposed to regenerate with-
in herself, every thing that she was able ; but she seem-
ed jealous of bringing her American brethren into the
light of truth, and into the consoling atmosphere of
civil liberty; nor was she sufficiently liberal, to dissipate
the Egyptian darkness, by which they had been so long
surrounded. She was careless about regaining the es-
teem, which in the eyes of Europe, she had forfeited,
by her degraded conduct to her distant provinces; and
she was forgetful of those humanising principles, which

267

constitute the essence of eivilization, and form the
bond of union, by which nations are held together.

The assembling of the Cortes within the Spanish
realm, was an occurrence of the first consequence; and
from it, much was expected. It indicated, that Spain
was about to return to those days of strength and splen-
dour, w^ith which her annals are filled. The arm of
despotism, had long suspended the reunion of pofWiJar
representatives, but it was thought, that the reign of
liberality, had now commenced. Notwithstanding the
irregularity under which the Cortes assembled, much
good was within their reach ; and that they would im-
prove the precious moments before them, was the
warmest wish of the true patriot. They, indeed, be-
held their country in the most melancholy situation that
can be imagined, for besides an insidious and powerful
invasion which was to be repelled, the distempers of
the state, had grown to such a degree of violence and
malignity, as to mock the efforts of ordinary remedies.
The state of the nation, was such, as to call for all the
energies of zeal and talent; but the deplorable situation
of Spanish America, after the means of resisting the
French, was, certainly, the next grand object, that
demanded their attention. To restore peace and har-
mony to sister provinces, which had suffered so much,
from the degradation of the old government, and were
now plunged into the direst of all misfortunes, by the
rashness of a late self-created power, was a theme not less
splendid than endearing, nor was it possible, one would
have imagined, for the Cortes to have been more sub-
stantially happy, than in being able to congratulate
themselves, on the fair prospect they had before them.

268

of seeing a consistent administration of laws, established
in the transmarine provinces of Spain. This was a sub-
ject that could not fail to inspire feelings of delight into
all, to whom the success of justice and equity, is an
object of desire; and the remissness and subsequent
hostility of the Cortes, were, consequently, beheld with
grief and sorrow.

,§ This was the valuable moment, for the new legis-
lature of Spain, to have healed the wounds which had
been lately inflicted by impolicy and rashness; this was
the momentous occasion, to have spoken to the inha-
bitants of Spanish America, with confidence, but with
paternal kindness, and in strict accord with reason and
justice. In the glowing language of a Burke,* the new
Cortes of Spain, ought thus to have addressed themselves
to the inhabitants of the Spanish American continent.
We find, with infinite concern, that arguments are used,
to irritate you, in order to impair your connection with
your parent country, grounded on a supposition, that a
general principle of alienation and enmity to you, had
pervaded the whole of this kingdom; and that there does
no longer subsist between you and us, any common and
kindred principles, upon which we can possibly unite,
consistently with those ideas of liberty, in which you
have justly placed your whole happiness. If this fact
were true, the inference drawn from it, would be irre-
sistible. But nothing is less founded. We admit, in-
deed, that the most violent proceedings have been in-
stituted against you, by wicked and designing men, in
order by despair and resentment, incurably to poison

♦ Vide Address to the British Colonies ia North America.

269

your minds against the origin of your race; and the il-
legal and unnatural hostilities declared and carried on
against you, seem as if intended to render all cordial re-
conciliation between us, utterly impracticable ?

But, we conjure you by the invaluable pledges,
which have hitherto united, and which we trust will
hereafter lastingly unite us, that you do not suffer your-
selves to be persuaded, or provoked into an opinion,
that you are at war with this nation. Do not think that
the whole, or even the uninfluenced majority of Spaniards,
are enemies to their own blood on the American conti-
nent. Much delusion has been practised, and much
corrupt influence treacherously employed. But still, a
large, and we trust the largest and soundest part of this
kingdom, perseveres in the most perfect unity of senti-
ments, principles, and affections with you. It spreads
out a large and liberal platform of common liberty, upon
which we may all unite for ever; and it has long deplored
and deprecated the degraded system, by which you have
hitherto been governed. It also hails the revolution of
Spain, as a propitious means of future regeneration to
the monarchy of both hemispheres. It abhors the hosti-
lities which have been carried on against you, as much
as you who feel their cruel etfects; and it disclaims the
injustice, by which you have been dispossessed of your
rights.

We particularly deplore the rash and intemperate
acts of the preceding illegal governments of this country,
and the undue manner, in which they have been influ-
euced, by the sordid and the illiberal. But the reign of
terror and of despotism, is at an end, and European, as
well as American Spain, beholds a new era of justice

270

and equity, by the revival of that popular representation,
which constituted the greatest glory of our forefathers;
As members of the new Spanish Cortes, we stand ar-
rayed under the banners of our constitution and laws,
ready to defend your rights, as well as those of the in-
habitants of the Peninsula. You are all equal, and
equal justice awaits you. For ourselves individually,
•we faithfully assure you, that we consider you as rational
creatures, as free agents; as men willing to pursue, and
able to discern your own true interests. We wish to
continue united to you, in order, that a people of one
origin and one character, should be directed to the ra-
tional objects of government, by joint councils, and pro-
tected in them, by a common force. Other subordina-
tion in you, we require none. We shall never press the
argument of general union, to the extinction of your
local, natural, and just privileges. Sensible of what is
due both to the dignity and weakness of man, we shall
never attempt to place over you, any form of govern-
ment over which, in great fundamental points, you
should have no sort of check or control in your own
hands; or which should be repugnant to your situation,
principles, and character. On entering on our public
functions, we are ready to cooperate with you in every
consistent plan for your present regeneration, and future
happiness; and in again declaring you equal in rights,
and in every other sense, with your European brethren,
we stand pledged, that this declaration shall be no longer
a lure, but it shall be carried into cordial effect. Liberty
for you, shall be no longer an empty name. The only
strong request we have to urge, is, that you be sincere
and consistent in your conduct, and reasonable in your
demands.

271

No circumstances of fortune, you may be assured,
will ever induce us to form, or tolerate any other design.
Nay, even if you should resist our sincere intentions,
and the disposition of providence, vv^hich we deprecate,
should even prostrate you at our feet, broken in pow^er,
and in spirit, it would be our duty and inclination to re-
vive, by every practicable means, that free energy of
mind, which a fortune unsuitable to your virtue, had
damped and dejected ; and to put you, voluntarily, in
possession of those privileges, which you had in vain at-*
tempted to assert by arms. For we solemnly declare,
that although we should look upon a separation from
you, as an heavy calamity, yet we had much rather see
you totally independent of this crown and kingdom,
than joined to it, by so unnatural a conjunction, as that
of freedom, with servitude; a conjunction, which, if it
were at all practicable, could not fail, in the end, of
being more mischievious to the peace, prosperity, great*
ness, and power of this nation, than beneficial, by any
enlargement of the bounds of nominal empire.

We are further of opinion, that the system, by which
you have hitherto been governed, is not adequate to your
wants, or capable of promoting your happiness ; we are
therefore, ready to admit whatever proposals for change
and amendment, you may wish to suggest, being perfectly
ready to concur with you, in the promotion of what is
just and equitable. As a pledge of our own sincerity,
we beforehand, declare, that you ought to have the right
of administering your local concerns, under such forms
as the general legislature, may deem most expedient for
all parties; and that you enjoy, within yourselves,
the exclusive right, of applying to the support of your

272

administration, what God has granted as the reward of
your industry. We also reason and feel, as you do, on
the invasion of your charters, because these comprehend
the essential forms, by which you enjoy your liberties.
We, consequently, regard them as most sacred, and
agree, that they ought, by no means, to be taken away,
or altered, without process, examination, and hearing, as
they have lately been ; and, particularly, without the
concurrence of those who live under them. We cannot
look upon men, as delinquents in the mass; much less
are we desirous of lording over our brethren, insulting
their honest pride, and wantonly overturning establish-
insnts^, acknowledged to be just. We cannot approve of
putting the military pcvrer out of the coercion of civil
justice, in the country where it acts; and, we conceive
it monstrous, that you should not have the full means of ,
redress within yourselves.

Born in a civilized country, formed to gentle manners,
trained in a merciful religion, and living in enlightened
and polished times, w^here even foreign hostility is sof-
tened from its original sternness, w^e lament and condemn
the cruel modes of warfare, instituted against you, and
the indiscriminate massacre and destruction, to which
you have been exposed. We regret to find, that the
Dame of the Almighty, has been prostituted in the vilest
acts of bloodshed ; that religion has been'made an instru-
ment in your subjection, and that the threats of fanati-
cism, have been added to the inevitable mischiefs of civil
war, in order to increase discord and domestic enmity
amongst you. We do not condemn you as rebels or traitors ;
nor do we call the vengeance of war upon you. We do
not know how, thus, to qualify millions of our country-

273

men, contending for an admission to privileges, on which
we have always founded our own happiness and honour.
On the contrary, we revere the principles on which you
act, though we lament their fatal effects. Armed as you
are, we embrace you as friends, and as our brethren^
bound to us, by the best and dearest ties of relation.

We view the establishment of such a continent as
yours, on the principles of rational liberty and of just
equality, as the best means to render this kingdom, ve-
nerable to future ages. We, therefore, exhort you, to
cleave to those equitable grounds, which may form a
true bond of union between us, but we do not urge you
to an unconditional submission. The sizeof your country
and population, require a suitable constitution ; we are
happy in being now enabled to form it, and it is to it
alone, we implore your obedience. Let us, instantly, set
about the work on both sides, with the same conciliatory
turn of mind, and we may yet, owe to our mutual mis-
takes, contentions and animosities, tlie lasting concord,
freedom, happiness and glory, of the whole empire of
both hemispheres.

Had such sentiments and assurances as these, similar
to what Mr. Burke sent over to our North American co-
lonists, during the period of their disaffection and dis-
content, been early addressed, by the new Cortes of
Spain, to the inhabitants of Spanish America; had the
language of the new legislature, exhibited a warm ex-
pression, the only genuine offspring of ardent feeling,
had conciliatory measures been used, instead of threats,
and had solemn and sacred offers been employed, in-
stead of terms of recrimination, then, might the world
have expected to see the points of controversy adjusted.

274

and the hostile temper which had been manifested on
both sides, might have been softened into a mutual and
, good understanding. Besides the principle of justice, in
the existing circumstances of Spain, the reconciliation
of the ultramarine provinces, ought, certainly, to have
been the first principle of the new government; and the
means of avoiding further bloodshed, ought to have been
sought, with the most anxious solicitude. This was a
war, unjust and unnatural, and attended with great pub-
lic expence and private calamity, besides being produc-
tive of future consequences of a most fatal nature. Not
to cause it to cease, was to confirm the rash acts of the
preceding illegal governments ; and to behold it, with
indifference, was to carry fresh terror and destruction
into the bosom of their common country. The new
Cortes of Spain, had been called together, in order to
fill the place of the absent monarch, and to organize a
government, possessed of the confidence of every part of
the empire. Its first duty, was to retrieve the national
character, and to wipe away the stains with which it
had been blotted, by the degradation and impotence
into which the home provinces had been plunged, and
by the unjust and impolitic systems, under which those
abroad, had hitherto been governed. To establish a
plan of revenue, commensurate to the urgent wants of the
country, and to revive public credit, were the next ar-
duous and exalted duties^i imposed on the new legisla-
ture, by the distresses of the whole nation.

It, therefore, became the Cortes, guided by every
possible intelligence and virtue, to take up the most
, pressing points with persevering labour; and in examin-
ing the nature of those claims which were the most ur-

275

gent, the melancholy situation of Spanish America,
m'ust have particularly interested their feelings and judg-
ment, and its restored tranquillity, at that time, would,
evidently, have been productive of the greatest benefits.
And, had it been the happy lot of Spain, to behold her
national legislature assemble, uninfluenced by those pas-
sions and prejudices, which grow out of previous divi-
sions, and unnatural restraints, then only, might its acts
have been liberal and enlightened; then local and narrow-
minded policy, would never have disturbed the unani-
mity which ought to have reigned in matters of general
import; and then only, would party spirit and the influ-
€nce of undue monopolies, not have been mixed with its
deliberations. Had due weight been given to the im-
portant consideration, that this was a cruel civil war
waged by brethren, and carried on in that half of the
empire most essential for pecuniary supplies, certainly
such remissness would not have occurred; and the new
Cortes of Spain, like the preceding Regency and Central
Junta, would not have had imputed to them, dispositions
unfriendly to the public happiness, of at least one half of
the monarchy. In discussing a question of this intricate
and interesting a nature, it was not easy for a body of
men, surrounded by illiberality and monopoly, to be en-
tirely divested of irritation ; nor could it be expected,
that no contrariety of sentiment would occur. It was,
however, astonishing, that a majority should not feel the
necessity of some urgent measure relating to Spanish
America, where such alarming evidences of disquiet ex-
isted. The fact is, that twenty-nine American substi-
tutes, had to vote against one hundred and twenty-five
Spanish deputies; and by the result, the ultramarine pro-

s2

276

vinces were convinced of that melancholy truth, which
they so soon afterv/ards found confirmed, that the in-
terests of one half of the monarchy, clashed with those of
the other; and that no real justice awaited them, from
the acts of a congress, so unfairly constituted, so foreign
to their wants, and deliberating at such a distance.

Had true and sincere sentiments of fraternity and fel-
lowship been timely conveyed, by the new Cortes, to
their American brethren, then migh tthe one have felt the
security, which, as a national government, the others were
about to give, and the equal justice they were about to
administer. Then might the Spanish Americans have ex-
pected, that the general interests of all, would be at-
tended to; and thence, would they have learnt, that it,
was their duty, as well as their interest, to place full con-
fidence in the assembly of their new representatives, and
their trust in the hands of those, who were charged with
the general execution of the laws. In the ultramarine
provinces, a sincere disposition never was wanting to
yield to proper explanations, and to comply with just
measures, such as arose out oi a due sense of public benefit,
and a virtuous regard to the general welfare. Could a
more valuable opportunity have been found, of improv-
ing these sentiments, than when the Cortes first assem-
bled in La Isla de Leon ? To consult the wants of every
part of the community, and to lay the foundations of
public administration, on the affections of all the mem-
bers thereof, was the greatest glory to which the new
Cortes of Spain could aspire; and this was not to be
done, by continuing a war, of which the legitimacy had
neither been discussed or proved. As men, anxious
for the welfare and happiness of theij entire nation, it

277

pjlrticularly behoved them, to guard the "equilibrium
established therein by the general laws; and if the
Spanish Americans had been declared equal in rights,
and were also found so in their ancient charters, the
practical and full exercise of that equality, undoubtedly
belonged to them. It was to the Cortes that they looked,
for this act of justice, and to their patriotic exertions;
to promote the essential redress, as a means of pacification,
they trusted with new and undiminished confidence.

Unfortunately, however, for the interests of both
parties, the Cadiz government was not disposed to adopt
liberal and conciliatory measures, nor was it inclined to
redress. Slaves or nothing, appeared to be the motto of
all the new governments ; and the words of the Jesuits,
used to Benedict XIV. when he proposed a reform, in
order to prolong the existence of their society, sint ut
sunt, vil non sint, might be very well applied to them
all. The fact is, the Cadiz mercantile interests had al-
ready taken the alarm, for in consulting the good of their
country, the new governments in America, as before
shewn, had removed the shackles of trade, and this sole
measure, became the real nucleus, on which the whole
odium gathered and accumulated. Instead of being
grateful for the patriotic manner, in which the Spanish
Americans had watched over the safety of their country,
volunteered in donations and succours, pledged them-
selves to Ferdinand, bound themselves to the cause of
Spain, and sworn eternal enmity to the common foe, the
new governments instantly treat them as rebels, and war
is declared against them, in compliment, as it were, to
the chiefs they had just deposed. This war is continued
under the greatest aggravations, mutual enmity is its

278

issue, and universal devastation ensues. The Spanish
Americans appeal to Spain, recur to England, and are
treated with contempt. Chastisement, threats and decrees
of blockade, or at most, insulting proposals of pardon,
-are the answers given to their just and reiterated remon-
strances and claims; all of which might be reduced to
very few points^ viz. equality of representation, Juntas,
free trade, equal eligibility to offices in their own coun-
try, and the abolition of monopolies. And are these de-
mands unjust; are they unreasonable; are they such as
warrant a war, even in the best of times, on the part of
Spain ; or, are they such as to justify England, in leaving
the aggrieved ultramarine provinces, thus neglected and
abandoned, to the fury of their enemies, and compelling
them, as it were, to have called in the French to their aid?
§ Spain, has not, however, acted from ignorance, in the
great Spanish American question, though, it is presuma-
ble, England l>as ; for these said claims were brought be-
fore the Cortes, the day after their installation, as already
noticed, w^ere repeated on the 16th November following^
in eleven propositions; again, on the 31st December;
were discussed in January, and rejected, or definitely de-
ferred, in February, 1811. When the flames of civil war,
began to rage wider and with greater fury, and when it
>f as visible, that the Spanish Americans were indignant
at the treatment they received from the national congress,
the question was again agitated, 'when the famous re-
monstrance of the whole American deputies, was laid
before the house, on the 1st August, 1811. But, even
that clear, strong, and just statement of facts, was reject-
ed with the same contempt, and treated with the usual
disdam ; or, in other words, twenty-nine American sub-

279

stitutes, voted against one hundred and twenty-five Spa-
nish deputies, nearly all filled with prejudice, and tutored
by the monopolists of Cadiz, jealous of their privileges.
This, same remonstrance, was afterwards transmitted,
with seven other public memorials from America, to a
committee, where it was buried in oblivion ; and, in No-
vember following, instead of pacification, redress, and
conciliatory measures, troops w^ere sent to Mexico. And
who was it fitted out these troops, since the poverty of
the government, deprived it of the means ? It was done by
a subscription of the very same merchants, who trembled
for the loss of their monopolies ; the same who influ-
enced the Cortes, as will presently be shewn, by specious
arguments, not to open the trade of the transatlantic pro-
vinces to Englaed ; the same, in short, who were ready
to sacrifice the vital interests of both countries to their
own private ends.

The only material alleviation granted to the Ameri-
cans, has been permission to work their own quicksilver
mines, found in New Spain and Peru ; an article essen-
tially necessary for the amalgamation of the precious
metals, and, consequently to the coining of money, of
which government stood in the greatest need. Thi^
grant became the more urgent, as the mercury from
Trieste and Almaden, could no longer be obtained ; but,
it appears rather to have been a want of funds, that gave
rise to this condescension on the part of the Cortes ; for
the monopoly in favour of the crown, still exists; though
so extremely destructive and cramping to the mining inte-
rests. Generally, every memorial, petition, and remon-
strance of a public nature, presented by the American
deputies, has been passed over to an ultramarine com-

280

mftte^, which, figuratively, has been called a wdl of ob^
livion, Avhere they have been forgotten, and from whence
the strenuous exertions of the parties, have never been
able to call them forth.

The fact is, no cordiality existed, nor is it possible,
that it should exist, as long as the mercantile interests,
hold so much influence, or IJII liberality is made the
basis of the governmental conduct The Spanish go-
rernment may boast of decrees made to better the
situation of America, but what good have they pro-
duced ? Even what reforms w^ere decreed, have not
been executed ; and it is of this default, that more
is complained, than of the letter of the law. Many
parts of the code of laws of the Indies, were in theory,
good, but they were never practiced. The sections of
Spanish America, are still under the same kind of gover-
nors, and the same maxims, and the same routine, pre-
Tail. The same arbitrariness exists in the interpreting
and infringing of the laws, and the same impunity is
practiced to oppressors.

It has not, however, been for the want of means, or
of correct data, on which to found themselves, that the
claims and rights of the Spanish Americans, have not
been, hitherto, fairly discussed, and adequately redressed
by the Cortes of Spain. The wishes of the trans-atlantic
provinces, beside the cases already named, were fully ex-
plained in the remonstrance of the Mexican deputy to
the Cortes, in which he stated, that, according to the ge-
neral opinion of New Spain, it was indispensably neces-
sary to adopt the measure of provincial Juntas, in order
to shield the inhabitants from the persecutions of Spanish
chiefs; which Juntas, by holding, locally, the supreme
power, under the government of the Peninsula, and act-

281

ing as its immediate organ in point of right, might re-
strain and keep in due bounds, the despotic and arbitrary
authority of the viceroys and judicial magistrates, who
would, then, become more the administrators of the law,
than the tyrants of the people, who, if injured, would
not, then, have to come to Europe for redress. That this
local administration and check on the viceroys, even up
to the present day, appears to be the chief object for
which the Spanish Americans are contending, will be
clearly seen from General Rayons letter to the Bishop of
La Puebla, dated September 15, 1811, in which he says,
" We are now arrived, at that precise period, in which
it is not possible to remedy the great confusion the coun-
try at present experiences, unless it is, by adopting the
system of government, intended to be established. The
essential point of this is, that the European give up and
resign the government, which he has held so many years,
into the hands of a congress, or national Junta, to be
composed of representatives of the provinces. That
this congress be not the tool of Spain, but that it have
the care of itself, of the defence of the kingdom, the
conservation of our holy religion, the observance of
just laws, the establishment of those which may be
deemed adequate, and, also, that it watch over the rights
of our acknowledged monarch, Ferdinand VII.'* And is
not this consistent with justice, is it not practised by all
other extensive settlements, does not the same exist in
Ireland, in the British East Indies, in Canada, nay, even
in our West India islands? Had not, also, Ireland her
parliament, prior to the union, and was she not possessed
of the means to withstand the abuse of power, and to
«top the arbitrary acts of guilty ambition ?

38^

S In thus, fundamentally, .discussing the origin and
causes of the unfortunate dissentions, Avhich exist between
European and American Spain, and, in circumstantially
relating the various particulars, as they occurred, I con-
ceive it my duty, before I proceed any further, to give
my reader, in as abridged a shape as possible, an idea
of the nature of the eleven propositions, made by the
American deputies in the Cortes ; as they were supposed
to contain all their constituents demanded,and to amount
to the specific basis, on which the Spanish Americans
were ready to lay down their arms, and again enter into
sincere friendship with their Peninsular brethren. At the
end of each, illustrative observations, are added.

Proposition I. In conformity to the decree of 1 5th
October ulto, the national representation of every part of
Spanish America, and the Spanish West India and Phili-
pine islands, including each individual class of their inha-
bitants, shall be, respectively, the same, in form, manner,
and without distinction, as in the provinces and islands
of European Spain.

Observation. By the decree of the ibth OctCJber,
all the inhabitants of Spanish America, had been in-
distinctly declared equal with those of Spain. Accord-,
jng to the ancient legislature of the latter, as explained in
the early pages of this expose, even the Indians had.
been declared as much subjects of the king, as the na-
tives of Castile. It was this practical equality, particu-
larly in representation, which the American deputies
now insisted on. The population of both countries is,
certainly, mixed hi a great degree, for in Spain, besides
Moorish descendants, there are persons of colour and
gypsies, agaiuet whom no exceptions existed. In the

283

ultrBinarine provinces, some of the most laborious, valu-
able, and, often, rich, part of the population, consists of
coloured persons ; and if, under the ancient laws, they
were even admitted to study in the colleges,* certainly,
they were deserving of being represented, as long as their
state was that of freeddm. Against the Indians, there
could be no reasonable objection, they being blended in
the general population ; nor can any thing be supposed
so ridiculous, as that the chief inhabitants of an immense
continent, are to be subservient to laws, in the formation
of which, they have no part. This point was never car-
ried, and in the new constitution, as will hereafter be
seen, its intention was completely frustrated.

Proposition II. The free natives and inhabitants of
Spanish America, shall be allowed to cultivate and rear
whatever their climate will produce; and to promote
their manufactures, industry, and arts, in all their
extent.

Observation. Granted : but, it is much to be feared,
that thi^, like other concessions niade by the king's mi- -
nisters, when from the evidence of justice, they could
not be denied, will be of little avail. That is, the chiefs
in power, have always been instructed to contravene
them, in a secret manner. Humboldt, in several places,
alludes to this fact, and observes, that even what the
laws permit with regard to manufactures, the policy of
the government frustrates, not only by not encouraging,
but also by hindering them by indirect measures, as has
always been the case, with the manufactures of silk, pa-

* la Lima, «ome mulatoes, under the celebrated Dr. Unanue^
have made singular progress in medicine, and many useful disco-
veries, in the virtue of native plants, are owing to them.

284

per, and glass. In like manner, the Cortes, in order to
contravene the advantages that might result from this
concession, opposed its being published by the execu-
tive, nor were any measures taken for its effective com-
pliance, in the country to which it referred.

Proposition III. That the Spanish American pro-
vinces, shall enjoy ample faculty to export their own
natural productions and manufactures, to the Peninsula,
as well as to allied and neutral nations; and they shall
be allowed the importation of whatever they may want,
either in national or foreign vessels ; in consequence of
which, all their ports are to be opened.

Proposition IV. There shall be a free ^trade between
Spanish America and the Spanish possessions in Asia,
every exclusive privilege opposed to this freedom, being
Abolished.

.. Proposition V. There shall also be established, a free-
dom to trade from all the ports of Spanish America and
the Philipine islands, to other parts of Asia; every other
privilege to the contrary, being annulled.

Observation. These three propositions relating to the
same point, were reserved for discussion, till after the
report of the committee of finance. The Regency at the
instance of Great Britain, in April, 1811, proposed to the
Cortes to grant a free trade, and it was agitated in secret
sessions. The opinion of the Cadiz Board of Trade, was
taken, whose members were all adverse to the measure,
on grounds, which well deserve a separate revision.
Another adverse opinion, was forwarded by the Mexico
Board of Trade, consisting of Europeans, signed on the
16th of July, 1811, extremely injurious to the British,
and in which it is attempted to prove, that a free trade,
is contrary to the peace of Utrecht, and the Christian

285

religion. The Cortes rejected the motion, on the IStU'
of August, 1811, and not till the month of June, was «
coasting trade allowed to nationals, but the order was
never issued, which rendered it useless. Even in Sep-
tember following, the deputy for Vera Cruz, urged by
the European interests, endeavoured to abolish this con-
cession ; and Viceroy Venegas opposed the entry of ves-
sels from the Havanah, even after the substitutes for that
place, advised, that the grant had passed the house. In
1812, England again renewed her overtures for a free
trade, of which mention will be made in another place.
With regard to Asia, anfl the Philipine islands, nothing
was granted. Thus, has nearly the \fhole trade of
Spanish America, laid dormant since the revolution of
the mother-country,

Proposition VI. All estancos or monopolies, shall be
suppressed, but the public treasury shall be indemnified
for the ubility arising therefrom, by fresh duties on the
monopolised articles.

Observation. This question was reserved fqr the
opinion of the committee of finance,where it still remains,
noth withstanding that in Spain, from the time of the Cen-
tral Junta, the monopglies had been abolished, and the
people had burnt the guard houses. The monopoly of
tobacco, has only lately, been thrown down.

Proposition VII. The working of the quicksilver
mines, shall be free in Spanish America, out the adminis-
tration of their produce, shall remain in charge of the
constituted authorities.

Observation. This is the only point, on which the
Cortes ordered the Regency to circulate orders; — the
reasons of this readiness, are already explained.

Proposition^VIII. All Spanish Americans, whether

286

of Spanish or Indian descent, thall be equally eligible
with native Spaniards, to all offices of rank or emolu-
ment, both at court, and in every other part of the mo-
narchy.

Observation, The exclusions in this particular, even
in their own country, are what the Creoles have long
borne with preying chagrin. Many juridical remon-
strances have been laid before the throne, on this subject,
some of which are to be found in Solorzano, as well as in
Dr. Ahumada, an author of more recent date. Of this
particular grievance, considerable mention has been al-
ready made. During the reign of Charles III. an attempt
was made, entirely to deprive the Creoles of all nomina-
tions, which caused the municipality of Mexico, about
the middle of the last century, to send over a celebrated
remonstrance, which, certainly, deserves to be called, an
eloquent demonstration of the rights of the Spanish Ame-
ricans. This proposition was declared to be contained in
the said decree of equality of rights, of the 15th October;
or of promises, as before mentioned, made as a theoretical ex-
periment, but which, never brought any good to the ultra-
marine provinces ; as proof of which I will add, that the
tributes were not taken off the Indians, till April, 1811,
that is, when the revolutionary parties had already an-
nulled them ; nor was the destructive mita thrown down
in Peru, till September, 1812. That this may be better
understood, an explanation of the mita is found in my
appendix, under the head of H. In order that my reader
may have a more complete idea of the grievance, which
the 8th proposition was intended to remove, I would
ask him, what would be the feelings of Ireland, if her
natives were prevented from rising in proportion to their
merits, with our own citizens? Were this the case.

287

would it be expected, that the union could be cordial
and lasting? Natives of our sister island, are even at the
head of our councils and armies, and far from feeling
jealousy or suspicion, they constitute our glory and our
pride.

Proposition IX. Especially Consulting the natural
protection of the respective kingdoms of Spanish America
it shall be declared, that half of the nominations in each,
shall be given to natives thereof.

Observation. In pursuance to the ancient laws, we
have already seen, that the Creoles are entitled to a pre-
ference in their ovvrn country, but that by the successive
despotism of their kings, and the scandalous venality of
the court, this provision was of no avail. Charles IIL
in consequence of the strong remonstrance from Mexico,
above alluded to, had ordered the audiencias and church
preferments to be given, in an equal proportion, toCreoles;
but this was never complied with, nor was it now enac-
ted afresh, though this is the principal point of complaint,
which has caused disturbances in Spanish America, from
the time of its discovery. In Spain, there are 164 Ca-
thedrals and CoUegiates, together with 4103 Prebenda-
ries, of which, it may naturally be imagined, that few
or none, fall to the lot of Creoles ; and in the whole of
Spanish America, there are 47 metropolitan Churches,
and 501 Prebendaries, so that to ask for the half of these,
was not by any means extravagant. The fact is, the
Spaniards had always considered the ultramarine pro»
vinces as a land of promise, exclusively sought and held
for their advantage, and to diminish their prospects of
gain, was to touch them to the quick.

Proposition X. For the exact fulfillment of the above
stipulation, there shall be a consultive Junta, formed in

288

each capital, -who shall propose the persons in turns, who
may be suited to fill each vacancy, &c.

Observation. This certainly would have greatly con-
tributed to establish order and justice, in this particular,
but there were too many hungry mouths to fill, for it to
be carried into effect. And as the case how stands, it is
less likely the Creoles can be satisfied in this their just de-
mand, for they must, necessarily, expect to be over-ruu
with a number of chiefs and dignitaries, who will there
seek a compensation, for what they have lost in the Penin-
sula, unless king Ferdinand enters into a sense of the
hardships of the transatlantic provinces, and acts with
more liberality, than the governments which have repre*
sented him during his absence.

Proposition XL Considering it essential to the pro-
gress of civilization, and the instruction of the Indians,
the order of the Jesuits shall be restored.

Observation. This proposition was not admitted to
discussion. It principally related to the advantage of
Peru, where the Jesuits in former times, had certainly
brought the Indians out of their barbarous habits, into
those of civilization ; and if it proves no more, it at
least evinces, the liberality and enlightened zeal, with
which the American deputies in thfe Cortes, sought to
promote the interests and welfare of their country.

Such were the economical points agitated by the
American deputies, up to the month of February, 1811,
and such were the terms and context of the redress they
sought for their constituents. Having thus presented
the facts as they occurred, and also in the most official
form, I leave my reader to judge of the justice of these
demands, and to conclude, whether a war carried on

289

with their refusal, as a basis, can be just in the eyes of
God or man ; and whether England, with these proofs
before her, ought to be ashamed of the inhabitants of a
continent, to whom she has so often given assurances of
regard and esteem. The objects of the above eleven pro-
positions, together with a new governing system, con-
sisting of provincial Juntas or assemblies, representing
the general government at home, as a check on the vice-
roys and judges, was all the people of Spanish America,
asked through their deputies in the Cortes; and it is to
their refusal, that a continuation of the greatest horrors,
that ever marked ancient or modern annals, is owing;
horrors of such a nature, that the scenes of the primitive
conquest, are thereby renewed. * The new Gortes of
Spain, as before explained, had it in their power, to
place two nations, sprung from the same origin, alike in
manners and in language, and formed to be connected by
the bonds of reciprocal fellowship and mutual interest,
in the situation of sincere friends ; by only securing to
one, a practical equality conformable to reason and law,
and by thus removing the causes of present, as well as
of future dissentions. For them was it reserved, to avert
the continuance of civil storms, which already threatened
to disunite those, whom a just cause and the abhorrence
of a treacherous enemy, had united ; and by fixing the
firm basis of general good, they were then enabled to
restore peace and harmony amongst their fellow-bre-
thren.

These great and desirable ends, might have, un-
doubtedly, been answered, if that spirit of prudence and
moderation, so essential to the management of discordant
interests, had been displayed within the walls of the Cortes;

290

and if personal considerations, had not been mingled
with the general acts of government. It was on the pre-
servation of unanimity, and on the careful continuance
in health and vigour, of that fraternity and fellowship,
which had hitherto prevailed; that the happiness and se-
curity of the country, depended ; and it was by this
means only, both at home and abroad, that the legitimate
executive powers, could be left unimpaired. It was not
the Spanish Americans alone, who were sensible of the
degraded system under which they were governed. The
intendant D°. Gonsalez Montoya, by order of the Cortes
and Regency, drew up a plan, suited to conciliate the
interests of European and American Spain, and as a
basis of a constitution, for the latter. Speaking from
experience, he ingenuously confesses, " that the Euro-
pean chiefs, exercise there, a pure despotism and a con-
tinued tyranny, always committing extravagant acts;
|:hat if they do any good, it is, because, the Creoles teach
them, who, alone, understand their own welfare, and
laws and customs. For this reason, Spain ought to give
up to them, all their own economical government, for,
isince, they do not send over officers to us, he adds, there
is no reason, why we ought to send such over to
them."*

Impressed alike from reason, observation, and feel-
ing, as ought to have been the members of the new
Cortes, with the necessity imposed on the nation, of
making every sacrifice to put an end to evils, whose
symptoms daily became more menacing, the national
government was still remiss and wavering; memorials,

* Tbii fkeUb was printed in Cadiz, ISll.

291

petitions, and remonstrances of the most urgent nalur«,
were treated with neoflect and disdain; and even though
to have kept entire the united revenue of Spanish Ame-!
rica, for the pressing wants of the Peninsula, would have
been a great point gained in the general concerns of the
nation, yet, neither the calls of policy, nor the dictates
of justice, could rouse the new legislature to energy and
exertion. At the end of July, the substitute deputies
for Santa F6, presented to the Cortes, the new constitu-
tion made by that province, acknowledging Ferdinand
VII, though independent of the government of Spaiq;
Arguelles, then rose and exclaimed, ** that since one pro-i
vince after the other, continued to separate, they were
now bound to hear the American deputies;'* who, on
the 1st of August, 1811, were consequently, encouraged
to lay before the house, an energetic remonstrance,
Aligned by thirty-three deputies.

General allusion, has already been made to this do-
cument,* and its contents, certainly constitute a clear
and official demonstration of the causes and origin of the
existing dissentions, and aq enumeration of the points of
controversy. The causes and origin, are stated to have
been a dread of being delivered over to the French; and
their immediate explosion, was occasioned by insults,
ill-treatment, and reproaches. The general and pri-
jnordial basis of discontent, is, however, proved to have
been, the state of servility and oppression, in which the
ultramarine provinces had been kept, by the despotism
pf the old government, which the new ones, neglected

* This memoir was reprinted in London, 1812, and is also foi^q^
ijusertfid ia ]E1 Espaaol, for the 30th of March, 1812^

T 9

292

to remove. As men, tl\e deputies argue, equal with the
Spaniards in rights, their constituents are entitled to an
equal representation, in the present, as well as in the
future Cortes. As fellow-citizens , they plead, that they
ought to have the working of their quicksilver mines,
the cultivation of their lands, the fisheries of their own
seas, and manufactures for their own cloathing, free and
unrestrained. The deputies remind the Cortes, that,
although, these points had been, in some measure,
granted by the house, no orders for their accomplish-
ment, had been issued by the executive ; and they again
insist, on the abolition of monopolies, v^hich remained
untouched. As social beiiigs, they reason, that the
Spanish Americans ought to be remunerated, equally,
and according to their respective merits, by the distri-
bution of offices; that they ought to be allowed a free
trade with nations at peace; and be freed from the despo-
tism of European mandatories, by means of provincial
assemblies, to hold them in check.

Without these points being granted, the deputies add,
" it will not suffice for Spain to destroy the present po-
pulation, and send over new settlers, for their children
cannot fail to love the land on which they are born, and
consequently, they will not be more disposed to live
under the trammels of oppression. It is this alone,
which the present inhabitants, seek to remedy. If they
do not acknowledge the existing government, it is be-
cause they believe it illegitimate; in this, they may be
actuated by a political error, but it is not a rebellion,
since they acknowledge the head of the monarchy; and
they have even organized their Juntas, without with-
holding their representative concurrence, in the Cortes,

293

a« far as allowed, conformably to what they themselves
demonstrate, in their public papers.* For this very
reason, they cannot be accused of sedition; for the
division of two parts of the monarchy, cannot be treated
as such, when both remain united in the same prince, in
like manner, as the division of two brothers, who still
remain under the paternal authority, cannot be termed
an emancipation of either of them; nor is the separation
of two churches who acknowledge the same pontiff,
called a schism, since this was the case for many ages,
with the Greek and Latin churches."

This memoir was read in secret sessions, and pro-
duced a degree of heat and asperity, that nearly brought
on blows ; and, eventually, it followed the fate of all
the others; that is, it slumbers in the hands of the ul-
tramarine committee, from which, neither the thunder
of a Demosthenes, nor the eloquence of a Cicero, could
call it forth. The fact is, that no cordial disposition'
existed in the majority of the Spanish deputies, to grant
to the ultramarine provinces, the practical exercise of
those equal rights, which belonged to them from the
time of their settlement; and which had been so recently
decreed them on paper. It, consequently, became use-
less, for so small a proportion of American deputies, to
bring forward motiops; for they were negatived, not
from any conviction of their inconsistency, but, because,
they were prejudged before being submitted to the house,
and thrown out, merely in consequence of the quarter,
from whence they originated. In a question of this de-
licate nature, it was, nevertheless, evident, that nothing

♦ Caracas Gazette, July 27, 1810.

^94

uUt cDaciliatory measures could be productive of har*
liiony; and it was particularly requisite, that above alU
hatred and resentment should be discouraged. For the
foundation of any just and equitable measures, on the
part of Spain, there had long existed a broad platform
ton the other side of the Atlantic; for, as fully demon*
strated, in the outset of my subject, at no period of time,
had the attachment of the ultramarine provinces to the
mother-countryj been more strong or more general, than
when the invaded state of the latter j was known to them.
Whatever hostilities had beert, hitherto, carried on,
were for defensive purposes, but, the Spanish Americans,
generally, still acknowledged the same monarch, and
only complained of the degraded system by which they
were governed^ which it became necessary to remove,
as a previous step to the restoration of concord. This
desirable end could never be attained, as long as the
members of the national legislature, were not disposed
to divest themselves of prejudice, and till the reign of
terror, was at an end; nor could the Spanish Americans
iconceive themselves satisfied, or happy with their lot, as
long as the government at home, was continually distrust-
ful, and rendered jealous and suspicious by the hardships
of the American people, which it had neither the courage
to remove, or even the liberality, candidly to discuss.

In the mean time, the Cadiz press, was continually
plyed; invective, reproach, and scurrility, were daily
dished up under a variety of seasonings, to please the
palates of the votaries of gain, and galling expressions
of scorn and contempt, were uttered on every possible
occasion; till at last, the pride of the Spaniard was
roused to the continuance of a war, which was supposed

295

just, because it was represented so, by the servile and
the interested. In short, there was no disposition to
render private convenience subservient to public good;
and such was at length, the prevalence of deception,
that the national character was thought at stake, and
bound for its honour, to continue the war, with fresh
vigour. Any thing less than unconditional submission,
was deemed a greater blot, than even bowing to the
French yoke. Thence, were all the exertions of the
American deputies, rendered useless, and the tardy and
slack mediatory offers of England, were treated with
disdain.

§ Had the Spanish government, at that time, only ex-
amined well, the history of the revolutionary war of North
America, what a variety of useful lessons, might it not
have culled out for its future guidance ? It would there
have seen, the fatai consequences of a rash and incon-
siderate act, on the part of a parent state, who, by sub-
sequent concessions proposed, seems heartily to have re-
pented of her intemperance. Had the Cadiz government
further compared the present demands of the Spanish
American provinces, with the original situation of the
various settlements, now called the United States, it
would have found, that the former actually sue for no
more, than what the latter enjoyed, before they asserted
their independence; that is, whilst even colonies of
England, they had local checks over their governors,
and that their governing system was such, as not to
clash with their happiness or prosperity. Another still
■more valuable lesson might have been borrowed, from
which the Cortes would have learnt, that it is never too
late to do an act of justice; nor is it unbecoming, or

296

dishonourable, in a parent state, to endeavour to recon-
cile her distant offspring, as long as the basis offered, is
consistent with reason and justice, and conformable to
the dictates of prudence and humanity. The original
causes which lead to the North American war, are too
recent and too well understood, to require any comment
here, as an explanation to those circumstances, I am
about to subjoin. The high tone, with which His Ma-
jesty's ministers and parliament, spoke to those colonies,
and the sanguine hopes, under which hostilities were
commenced on the part of England, are fresh in the
memories of all. Yet, after the war had been prosecuted
by the crown, for some years, with heavy expence and
great calamity, the cabinet receded from the high ground
it had taken in the beginning, and a plan of pacification
was determined upon, very different to the first preten-
sions insisted on, by the king and ministers.

After several motions had been made by the opposi-
tion, tending to the abandonment of the American war.
Lord North gave notice in the House of Commons, that
he had digested a plan of reconciliation; conformably to
which, he moved to bring in 1st **a bill for removing all
doubts and apprehensions, concerning taxation by the
parliament of Great Britain, in any of the colonies and
plantations of North America.'* 2dly *' A bill to enable
His Majesty, to appoint commissioners, w^ith sufficient
power, to treat, conduct, and agree upon the means of
quieting the disorder, now subsisting in certain of the
colonies of America,"

The first bill, contained a declaration, " that parlia-
ment will impose no tax, or duty, whatever, payable
within any of the colonies of North America, except

297

only sueh duties, as it may be expedient to impose for
the purposes of commerce; the net proceeds of which,
should always be paid and applied to, and for the use of
the colonies, in which the same shall be respectively
levied, in like manner, as other duties collected under
the authority of their respective legislatures, are ordina-
rily paid and applied." It was insistuig on the opposite
of this clause, that, in fact, produced the war; but
England, by fatal experience, had seen her error, and
she was too liberal and too enlightened, to persist in it,
any longer, in the face of justice. And may I not be
allowed to ask, whether it would have been dishonour-
able in England, reminding Spain, as her ally, of these
fatal momentos ; and inspiring into her, sentiments of
equity and just liberality, whilst it was yet time ? Had
the North American colonies, then to lay to the charge
of their parent state, a fiftieth part of the hardships and
restraints, with which Spanish America has now to re-
proach Spain ? Yet, even their conduct had friends and
partizans amongst ourselves, and eventually, England
had to confess, that a great share of blame rested with
herself, in not using timely redress, and plans of con-
ciliation, before it was too late. The great and striking
difference, between the situation of the Spanish, com-
pared with the British Americans, may be well collected
from the first sections of this expose; and the opposite
nature of the pretensions of the first, may be established
from the transactions in the Cortes, of which a full detail
has just been given. Yet, though the parallel of cases is so
different, though the fate of Spanish America, is such, as
to interest the feelings of the most apathized, and though
the justice and nature of the object, is so transcendently

298

greater, not a glow of sympathy, appears, yet, either to
have moved the ministers or people of England; nay, not
even an expression of condolence, has escaped either.

The second bill authorized the appointment of com-
missioners by the crovrn, v^ith power " to treat either
with the constituted authorities, or with individuals in
America, provided that no stipulations which might be
entered into, should have any effect, till approved in
parliament, other than is afterwards mentioned." — ^It
was thereby enacted, " that the commissioners may
have power to proclaim a cessation of hostilities, in any
of the colonies; to suspend the non-intercourse law ; and
further, to suspend, during the continuance of the act,
so much of all, or any of the acts of parliament which
have passed, since the 10th day of February, 1763, as
relates to the colonies." — " To grant pardon to any num-
ber or description of persons, and to appoint a governor
in any colony, in which His Maje&ty had heretofore ex-
ercised the power of making such appointments." —
These two bills, passed both houses of parliament, with-
out any considerable opposition.

Such was the conduct of England, at the momentous
period, when experience had taught her ministers, th€
fatal consequences of a rash act, and the many difficul-
ties of carrying on a war at such a distance. Such were
the proceedings of an enlightened nation, moved by the
calamities that must necessarily follow in the train of a
bloody civil war; the continuance of which, without
these preliminary steps to conciliation had preceded,
would have been most unjust and tyrannical. These
measures were adopted, even though her aggravations
were very different to those of Spain, and when the

299

points of controversy, were perfectly distinct. The
olive branch, here accompanied the sword, and, if possible,
England, considering she was fighting against her owri
blood, was more magnanimous in this act, than if she
had decreed fresh troops to replace those of Burgoyne,
since all they could produce, were fresh horrors and
more calamities. Had Spain now on her national re-
cords, such overtures as these, and had she manifested
a disposition to concord, on a rational basis, then, the
destruction she has caused, might have some excuse;
and then, the existing stigma, had been wiped from her
name. Had she heard the claims of her distant brethren,
had she coolly and deliberately discussed their hardships,
and redressed what was just, and had all her pacific
overtures been treated with contempt, then, and only
then, would her war have been just, and in that case
alone, could England have beheld her conduct, with in-
difference*

In prosecution of their conciliatory plans, the British
commissioners arrived in North America, but it was,
unfortunately, too late, circumstances had materially
changed. General Burgoyne had been defeated, and,
above all, the French and Spaniards had now manifested
a readiness to join in the quarrel, in favour of the colo-
nists. Their efforts to carry through the objects of their
mission, were, consequently^ ineffectual ; the terms were
indeed such, as the colonists would, at one time, joyfully
have accepted; but these terms now required an
union of both countries, under one common sove-
reign, and this was supposed too lowering for the ground,
on which the Colonists then stood. Ail those mutual
affections, which as parts of the same monarchy, they

300

bad been accustomed to feel for their European brethren,
had now been extinguished, by a long and distressing
war; the States, by this time, had discovered their own
strength ; brilliant careers were already opened to most
of their new chiefs ; and their recent treaty with France,
upheld them in their views of absolute independence.
Another material trait, in the election of these commis-
sioners, was well deserving of the imitation of the Spa-
nish government, viz. they were all persons, who had
©penly condemned the violent measures of the adminis-
tration, and had wished a settlement of differences, on
the ground first taken by America, and were conse-
quently, serious friends to a restoration of peace, on just
and reasonable terms. And, were these the qualities
found in a Cortabarria, a Venegas, a Calleja, &c. ? In
her terms of pacification, England authorizes her com-
inissioners to treat with constituted authorities, and even
with individuals; but Spain, has deemed it dishonour-
able, to treat with the Juntas of the ultramarine pro-
vmces, though they were assembled in imitation of her
own, and for the most legal and constitutional motives*

In order, however, to complete my parallel, I con-
ceive it my duty, to add the terms, on which the kinga
commissioners, offered to renew the bonds of former
friendship, and to put an end to the ravages, by which
the several States of North America, were desolated.
They are as follow. ** To consent to a cessation of
hostilities, both by sea and land. — To restore free inter-
course, to revive mutual affection, and renew the com-
mon benefits of naturalization, through the several parts
of the empire. — To extend every freedom of trade, that
the respective interests of Britain and America, could

301

j-equire. — To agree, that no military force should be kept
up in North America, without the consent of the geneml
Congress, or particular assemblies, — To concur in mea-
sures calculated to discharge the debts of America, and
to raise the credit and value of the paper circulation. —
To perpetuate the union, by a reciprocal deputatian of
an agent or agents, who shall have the privilege of a seat
and voice in the parliament of Great Britain; or if sent
from Britain, to have a seat and voice in the assemblies
of the different colonies, to which they may be deputed
respectively, in order to attend to the several interests of
those, by whom they may be deputed. — In short, to
establish the power of the respective legislatures in each
particular colony; to settle its revenue, in civil and mi-
litary establishments, and to exercise a perfect freedom
in legislation and internal government ; so that the Bri-
tish colonies, throughout North America, acting with
Great Britain, in peace and war, under one common
sov€reign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every
privilege, short of a total separation of interests, or con-
sistent with the union of force, on which the safety of
their common religion and liberty depend."

Such were the assurances under which England, as a
powerful nation, sought to reestablish her bonds of rela-
tionship with a country, she herself had settled, in the
light of colonies and plantations, and over which the king,
besides his public capacity as sovereign, had private
prerogatives, which still added to his right of controuL
Thus did England address herself to a people, less than
three millions in number, contained on a comparatively
much smaller tract of country than Spanish America,
which, though inhabited by seventeeii millions, wa»

302

treated by the Cortes, as has already been shewn, like a
handful of dependant vassals. Spanish America, though
equal in rights with European Spain, as well by primitive
charters, as by recent decrees, is warred upon, for the es-
tablishment of Juntas for interiour government, though
such-establishments were, by England, deemed essential
to the happiness and well being of North America, even
prior to her attempts to separate ; and which all enlight-
ened powers, consider indispensable to the common prin-»
ciples of freedom, even in a West India island, that only
contains half a million of souls. A principle of justice,
and an earnest desire to spare the further effusion of
human blood, dictated to the parliament of England the
offer of the preceding terms ; and, for the sake of hu-p
manity, every one was desirous to terminate a calamitous
•war, whilst policy also, strongly urged for the return of
harmony and peace.

England, at the above period of her differences wiih
North America, asked no more than such a bond, as was
necessary to preserve that union of force, in which the
safety and advantage of both consisted ; and she pledged
herself ready and willing, to enter into a fair discussion of
all the circumstances necessary to insure, or even enlarge,
that rational independent state, which, as a continent, she
acknowledged North America ought to possess. How
different were these advances to peace, then made by
Great Britain, when compared with the conduct of the
three governments, which have presided over the desti^
nies of Spain, during the absence of Ferdinand. To the
one, principles of reason and justice, accompanied by-
considerations of mutual interest, were held out as a basis
of adjustment; to the others, threats of blockade, r^»

303

vaging armies, and the denunciations of heaven, are pro-
posed as the means of subjection ; but to discuss their
rights, or to review, impartially, the grounds of the ex-
isting w'dY, is thought beneath the dignity of the Spa--
niard. During the American war, the original ground of
contest, was yielded by England; but in that waged
against the ultramarine provinces of Spain, the Peninsu-
lar government never established any, but merely con-
tinued hostilities, because this was the voice of the town,
in which it had taken up its temporary residence; and
because faction and disappointed gain, vociferated for the
nneasure, without demonstrating any substantial reasons.
At any period of the colonial contest above alluded to,
the prospects of England, certainly wore a brighter aspect
than those of Spain, during the invasion of the French ;
and, most assuredly, the former had many more resources
to wield. Yet policy taught her, that she owed it to her
Qwn honour, to improve every opportunity that offered
for conciliation ; so that, even in the spirit of Christianity,
she was bound to put an end to the calamities of so dis-
tressing a war.

England, sought to make known to the colonists, the
full extent of the beneficial tendency of the terms
offered ; but Spain offers none, and merely seeks to
frighten her ultramarine provinces, by swelling the equip-
ments she is making, and by repeating her threats,
under a new Fhape. The commissioners of the one,
even after their negociations had been refused by the
American Congress, still expressed their readiness to
proceed in their conciliatory endeavours, wherever there
was an opening ; but the others, conceive any advances
to the sanie ends, as derogatory to the national character.

304

which could not stoop to such a degradation, as to treat
with insurgents. The one, offered to treat with deputies
from the colonies, conjointly, or with any provin-
cial assembiy, or convention individually ; but the others,
not only disregard the claims of all Spanish America, as
established by her deputies, within their own legislature,
but decree, that the very existence of an assembly, conven-
tion, or junta, is a crime of high treason. England, through
her Commissioners, addressed herself to the North Ame-
rican inhabitants of every class and condition, ad adjur-
ed them, in the strongest and most pathetic manner pos-
sible, not to lose so favourable an opportunity of secur-
ing their liberties, and their future prosperity and happi-
ness on a permanent foundation; but Spain, demands an
unconditional submission, and only offers fetters, heavier
than those her ancient kings had riveted. The one, pub-
lished a pardon, sincere and binding, for all insurrections
prior to a certain date ; and the other, crouds her dun-
geons with victims, even after a solemn capitulation and
promise of general amnesty. The one, in short, treated
her prisoners as freemen, who at most, were deluded, and
not criminal, thus endeavouring to alleviate the horrors
of necessary warfare ; whereas the other, in numerous
instances, puts them to the sword, in cold blood, and af-
ter surrendry, commits the most wanton devastations, and
tramples on laws, which every civilized nation, has, hi-^
therto, respected.

But, alas, a strange and blind infatuation, had seized
upon the minds of the Spanish heads of government, and
liberality, no longer actuated those, whose weight of po-
litical character, enabled them to guide the public helm.
The claims and clamours of the Cadiz merchants^ were

305

still urgent and loud, and their resentments sustained no di-
minution. Men, indeed, recede, slowly, and with difficulty,
from favourite habits, in which their interests are, besides,
concerned ; and as it were, to court popularity, the go-
vernment listened and condescended. A general remiss-
ness and neglect, moreover, prevailed, and the differences
with Spanish America, were treated as of little moment,
though it was a point that ought to have been investigat-
ed with the greatest labour, and being a principle which
involved the greatest interest to the monarchy at large,
it ought to have been presented to the public, in all the
views of which it was susceptible. No real and sincere dis-
position existed to discuss the various contraverted points,
with cool and unbiassed judgment, or to consider them,
with all the weight and attention the subject deserved,
and the grounds on which the opposing parties acted, [
eminently required. The government seemed determined J
to avoid those full and satisfactory explanations, so essen-
tial, not only to the good understanding of the basis of
the dispute, but also, to the application of a safe and con-
eistent remedy, as a means to restore a connection, so
wantonly broken. Nothing was devised, in order to re-
move those discordant materials, which had been substi-
tuted in the place of that strong cement, which, formerly,
bound each part of the monarchy together ; for the re-in-]
statement of which, horrors of a variety of kinds, had j
been resorted to, instead of the rational and sober means
of adjustment. The lessons of other nations, in vain
Jaid open for the guidance of the Cortes, they were
unheeded, and never produced an useful suggestion.
Had Spain, at the momentous period of her rupture with
h&x sister provinces, only been possessed of such a man

u

306

as the Earl of Chatham, who it is well remembered, en-
deavoured to prevent our own rupture with North A.me-
riCa, and afterwards exerted himself to produce a recon-
ciliation; what blood might not have been spared, and
what horrors might not have been avoided? England
never can forget, the unavailing efforts of that great and
good man, to prevent a dismemberment of the empire ;
but in the Cortes of Spain, scarcely does there exist, a
solitary instance of an European, who has lifted up his
voice in favour of Spanish America, even on the grounds
of humanity.

§ In order, however, to give my reader a more com-
plete idea of those principles which guided the legislature
of Spain, in its general deliberations ; and as a means to
explain how England was affected by thesfe controversies,
I conceive it useful, here to subjoin the particulars and
result of those attempts made by the British minister, to
obtain a free trade with Spanish America, and for Eng-
land to be admitted as mediatrix, between the contending
parties. That no clause had been inserted in our treaty
with Spain, to establish the commercial relations of both
countries, this point being left to a future period, has
been already mentioned ; and those natural and obvious
reflections, which result from the omission of not making
-this the basis of our co-operation^ have already been
added. Such an accession of commerce, as Spanish Ame-
rica presented to the enter prize of England, had long been
an object to which the cabinet of St. James had turned its
attention, and some of the expedients tried to obtain it,
have before been passed in review. Immense sums had,
in vain, been expended to open this new channel for
trade— one that promised unequalled advantages; and

307

when this brilliant prospect opened on the British em-
pire, by an association of propitious circumstances, not
likely to return, it appears unaccountable, that it was
overlooked. Spanish America presented to the world, an
extended and varied tract of country, in which nature
had made such an ample display of her bounties, that the
more it was explored, the more it would rise in estima-
tion, "y et, an illiberal system of government, had kept
the whole closed, even to the industry of its own inha-
bitants, who, in vain, beheld the fertility of their soil,
and the rich productions by which they were surrounded.

To open a trade with such a country, was, conse-
quently, an object of the greatest consequence to England,
not only as a relief to her then suffering subjects, but also,
■as a means to increase the revenue of Spain, and to add
to her effective strength. To give stability to commer-
cial relations with Spanish America, was, therefore, the
primary object of both ; and Spain was doubly bound to
this act of justice, from the further motive of expe-
diency, as tranquillity would thus have been preserved.
As the ally of Spain, and bearing so large a portion of the
warexpences incurred for her salvation, England was en-
titled to this remuneration on the score of gratitude; and
if the former enjoys the commerce of the latter, and we
consume her oils, wines, brandies, fruits, &c. besides her
colonial productions ; and if she is, at the same time,
unable to clothe her transatlantic citizens, and transport
to Europe the produce of her soil, why was a trade to
Spanish America, as an equal and integral part of the
monarchy, to be objected to ?

In conformity to these views, the British minister had
iifeed^omis endeavours to get this trade opfened, soon after

y 2

308

the installation of the Cortes, but it was bluntly refused.
The Regency, however, again pressed the national legis-
lature, and the point was agitated in secret sessions,
about the middle of April, 1811. The manner in which
this demand was made, and the grounds on which it was
substantiated, not having been laid before the Spanish
public, it is not here possible to present them to my
reader. By those who took a favourable part in the dis-
cussion, they were viewed in the light of a favour, which
England asked of Spain, and to which the latter seemed
to have fully corresponded, by putting it to the vote in
her house of delegates. No sooner was this attempt
known in Cadiz, than the public prints were set to work,
mercenaries were employed to write sarcasms, and on
the corners of the walls was announced, in large letters,
Cancelada*s work, called " Ruin to Neto Spain, if trade is
declared free, founded on twelve propositions,^* Such
means had their full weight with the public, and even
within the House, so that the wishes of England were
completely frustrated.

Spain, owing to her want of manufactures, vessels,
and capitals, was, at this time, unable to carry on her
trade with the ultramarine provinces, in such manner as
to supply their wants, and to receive their productions in
return. Indeed, at ^the best of times, this commerce
had been carried on by foreign capitals in Cadiz, prin^
cipally French ; the Spanish merchant doing little more^
than cover the property with his name. To refuse,
therefore, this privilege to her ally, was acting as the
dog in the manger, and was particularly impolitic, it
being the foremost demand of the Americans, to have
their ports opened to England, «fter the long blockade

309

Svhich had just preceded. This was the more necessary,
because enlightened Spaniards themselves confess, and
amonsfst them Estrada, that the Custom House systems,
and the want of free trade, had, in great measure, ruined
the finances of Spain. In fact, these improvident regu-
lations made what little trade there was, contraband ; so
that the crown lost its dues ; and the prohibitory laws
reduced the productions to no value, w^hereby agriculture
was destroyed, and the country was, besides, drained of
its specici Humboldt, as well as other intelligent fo-
reigners, has remarked, that the trade restrictions, wer^
destructive to both the prosperity of the mother country
and the American provinces^ and that their removal would
greatly add to the revenue of the crown.

How a stipulation to open a trade to Spanish America,
was omitted in our treaty with Spain, seems a circum-
istance the most unaccountable, for the latter does not
appear to have thrown into the scale of equivalents, any
advantages to compensate our succours. The English
nation was, at that time, in great want of an extension of
trade ; and one would naturally suppose, that it was the
object of all governmental transactions, to be either of
presenter remote benefit to their respective subjects:
and when England resolved, thus lavishly to open her
treasures, and sacrifice the lives of her soldiers in the
cause of Spain, it certainly must have been with a hope,
that some advantages were to be derived to her people,
on whom the burden rested ; and in those sanguine mo-
tnents, the idea must have been very distant, that Spain
could ever be so illiberal as to deny a trade, she herself
could not carry on, arid which would, besides, double
her own resources, and tend to strengthen the allegiance
of her distant provinces*

310

The British government, apparently sensible of this
oversight, long after the treaty had been carried into
effect, and when the succours had been given and ex-
pended, solicited the Regency to open the Spanish Ame-
rican trade ; and it was formally refused by the Cortes
on the 13th August, 1811 ; after a discussion filled with
illiberality on the part of the Spanish members, but de-
fended by the American ones, as a measure of policy
and necessity. But times had now very much altered,
Spain was no longer an humble supplicant for aid ; and,
from auxiliaries, we had become principals in the war.
The forrner had, moreover, perceived, that w^e were as
much interested in its issue, as herself; and, in the mean
time, that unfortunate spirit of jealousy and distrust had
originated, and had been allowed to spread. Animosity
between the mother country and the American provinces,
had also taken deep root, and plans of conciliation and of
sober trade, had been superceded by threats, war, and
revenge.

If, however, we reflect on the consequences of a want
of trade, in a country that had been so long secluded, the
illiberality of the Spanish government will appear the
more glaring, as will, also, our want of energy and fore-
sight. How a people must suffer for the want of active
trade, whose great resources are in territorial produc-
tions, and whose dependence for supplies, is on European
imports, particularly after the long stagnation occasioned
by the past war with England, can easily be conceived iu
a country like this. The result has been, that in Guaya-
quil, cocoa, at present, is worth no more than three dol-
lars per quintal, or in other words, is left to rot on the
trees; and that, in all the upper provinces of New Spain,
the common people are now clothed in skins. On a free

311

trade, at this particular time, the Spanish Americans
besides conceived, that their present comforts, as well as
their future prosperity, depended. They viewed it as a
means to convey to the markets of the world, the sur-
plus produce of their luxuriant soil, and they beheld their
sanguine hopes, disappointed, with disgust and chagrin.
In the mean time, also, the resources of that great conti-
nent, instead of being called forth and increased, were
declining : every thing was stagnant, and the British
merchant was losing an intercourse, that, besides the sale
of goods, might have been attended with great political
consequences.

From the time the seat of government wis removed
to Cadiz, the influence of the monopolists of trade, as
already shewn, began to be exerted against any measure,
which might deprive them of their accustomed profits ;
and every engine was set to work, to retain the sole pos-
session of the right of shipping to the ultramarine pro-
vinces, and receiving their returns. The public opinion
was gained by sophisms and misrepresentations ; and in
order to add strength to the opposition, and to influence
the approaching discussion in the Cortes, the Consulado
or Board of Trade of Cadiz, under the authority of its
president, prior, consuls, deputies, and other members,
for that purpose convened, on the 24th July, 1811, pub-
lished its manifest, addressed to the delegates of the ge-
neral and extraordinary Cortes, as well as to the public
at large, in which they attempt to prove, " that the grant-
ingofafree trade to England with Spanish America, is a
monstrous and unwarrantable measure, and destructive
to the interests of Spain" In this long and elaborate tissue
of sophisms and invectives, the following arguments are
the most conspicuous. —

312

This manifest attempts to prove, that a free trade
with theifj American provinces, would bring about a c?e-
solation, greater than the one, Spain at present experiences,
— That the report of a free trade, icoidd he a desolating
voice, more terrible than the one heard on the 2d of Mai/,*
and be destructive of the very existence of Spain. — That
those who are desirous of establishing it, are impostors,
and deserving of exemplary punishment, and of eternal
hanishjjient. — That it is a measure, intended to bring
desperation on the minds of the merchants, — That the
destinies of Spain and her political existence, depend on
the solution of this question, — That the names of the
authors of such a disaster, will be preserved, in order to
receive the indignation of future ages. — That it would
produce a scene of most certain horror, — That the Ameri-
cans do not require such a measure, but detest it, as de-
structive of f heir interests, — That nothing but open ene-
mies, could have proposed similar ideas, — That it ivas an
horrible monstruosity, similar to that, committed by one,
who should pierce the heart of his brother, at the moment
he was embracing him* — That Spain would be ruined,
made the tool of foreigners, and that her merchants and
manufacturers, being destroyed, would fall into slavery,
-^And, in short, that it would be subversive of religion,
order, society^ and morality, ^c.

Such are the sentiments and arguments, and such the
official form of the Manifest, published by the board of
Cadiz merchants, to influence and decide the Cortes, to
refuse to England, a fre€ trade with the American pro*
vinces; and this to the subjects of a nation, who were
aiding and cooperating in the Peninsular struggle, at the

* The revolution in Madrid, against the French.

313

isame time, also, that it was the foremost demand of the
Americans. It, unfortunately, had all the effect pro-
posed. And can it be possible, that there was not, at
that time, in Cadiz, an Englishman, sufficiently patri-
otic and enlightened, to have answered such a string of in-
consistencies; to unmask such an assemblage of dark in-
uendoes, and to confound their abettors ? Can it be
supposed, that there was not one to prove, that the pa-
cification of the ultramarine provinces, and the increase
of their revenue, depended on this measure ; of conse-
quence, that on it rested the integrity of the monarchy,
and, indeed, the existence of Spain, as a nation ? Was
there no one, when the British people, as a mercantile
body, stood expectant for such a boon from the grati-
tude of Spain, and from the liberality of the Spanish
Congress, to expostulate, and even to remind them,
that the very manifest which they made the basis of their
conduct, confesses the misery y to which the late wars had
reduced the merchants of Cadiz -y of consequence, that
they were not able themselves, adequately, to carry on
* this trade, being without capitals, vessels, or manufac-
tures ? Was there no one, dared tell this insolent body
of monopolizers, that when they called themselves the
interpreters of the wishes of all the trading bodies of both
hemispheres, and when they asserted, that the voice of the
trade of Cadiz, was that of all America; that it was the
refusal of this very trade, which left the productions to
rot on the trees, which deprived the Americans of cloath-
ing, which produced distress, and that, in short, this
very stagnation and inactivity, constituted the most ma-
terial complaint of the Western provinces, and that the
removal of this odious monopoly, would, of itself, destroy

314

the principal barriers, which impeded a good understand-
ing between the two sister kingdoms ?

Amongst the other strange inconsistencies found in
this celebrated manifest; it boasts of the great advantages,
America enjoys from her connection with Spain, such as
the cojisumption of her productions, mental improvement ^
and religion. Yet this was at a moment, when cocoa in
Cadiz, would not pay the duties, and when in Mexico,
paper was worth 30 dollars per rheam. That the late
conduct of Spainy with regard to her settlements, was an
object luorthy the imitation of all the world — when, her
colonial policy has been an object of execration to every
writer, who has touched on the subject. That the trade
ought to be kept exclusive, as a nursery for seamen^ — but
they forgot to state, where the vessels were to come
from. That a competition with British merckandize^
V>ould ruin their own, — and this, in 1811, when their
own manufactures were destroyed, and the principal pro-
vinces in the hands of the enemy, so that the Americans
were to wait for cloathing, till their works and looms
were rebuilt, and reorganized, and the country freed
from the French. That the trad^ licences, formerly granted
to foreigners, have tended to demoralize the American
provinces; at the same time, that it is universally acknow-
ledged, that they have been of the greatest service, for a
large share of the science, at present, found in Peru, is
owing to the intercourse, that country once had with
the French.*

Such are the arguments, used in the report of the
mercantile interests of Cadiz, to combat the wishes of

* All the sentences in italics, arc literally translated from the
original.

315

England, in a particular point, not only due to her sub-
jects on the score of gratitude, but, also, necessary, as the
only means of adding to the revenue of Spain, and of
tranquillizing the ultramarine provinces. The question
was, however, negatived, and this in August, 1811, when
Spain had, for two years, experienced the sincerity of
England, when the resources of Spanish America, were
nearly suspended, and the claims of her inhabitants were
still unredressed. Similar arguments, and similarly
pointed reflections, were used by the European Consula-
do of Mexico, in support of the monopoly mutually en-
joyed by them, and their Peninsular brethren, but in
which, however, a greater degree of ilUberality was
blended, so much so, that the Cortes themselves, sent
out a spirited reprimand. It was under the general pre-
valence of such impressions, that both the discussion of
the trade, and the mediation affair, were lost; and such
will be the fate of all liberal questions, supported by the
American deputies, and consonant to the good wishes of
England, as long as the latter suffers such wrong and in-
correct opinions to prevail, without seriously attempting
to counteract them, and as long as the poison of such
remarks, is not extracted, by the very same means, as
those by which it had been infused.

And can it be supposed, that the government of
Spain, situated as it was to England, could act with less
justice, and with less liberality, than a former Spanish
ministry had done; for during the war of Succession, the
French enjoyed a free trade to the Spanish settlements,
particularly in the South Seas; and both Feuill^s and
Freziers' voyages, will be found to refer^to many licences
granted, even for Lima, And, as an American orator.

316

(when urging a viceroy in Americaj to open a trade with
the British, as the only means of alleviating the distresses
of the landed interests, and repairing the wants of the
treasury), justly said : Spain ought to he ashamed of de-^
flying to gratitude and to England, what loas, at that
time, through dependence and dread, snatched from her. In
'ivor Icing our own good, added he, let us not be sorry, thai
that nation should share therein, to ivhom we owe so mucht
and loithout whose aid, our intended reform, would not he
possible,*

The above respective quotations, constitute a fair and
correct contrast, between the sentiments of the Spaniards
and Spanish Americans on the subject alluded to ; and it
is particularly deserving of notice, that there is not a
measure, agitated in the Cortes for the interests of Eng*
land, a proposal in which her policy has been implicated,
or a plan of any nature founded on liberality, that has
not met with the aid and concurrence of the American
deputies, and similar also, has been their conduct, in se-
veral questions they have defended in print. When that
of free trade was brought forward, they defended the
measure, as necessary for the welfare of the Western pro-
vinces, which stood in need of supplies, Spain could not
send out, and a sale of those productions she could not
consume. They upheld it in favour of England, alleg-
ing, that Spain was in gratitude, and injustice bound, to
make this sacrifice for a people, who were making so
many for her. When the mediation affair was discuss-
ed they voted for it in a body, and, in like manner, on
the nomination of Lord Wellington. And, does a con-

* Representation for free trade with England, Bnenos AyreSi
1810, by Dr. Mariano Moreno.

317

duct so firm, and so disinterested as this, deserve no re-
ciprocal support from the British government, when it
sees these deputies, in vain struggling to obtain for their
constituents, v^hat numbers and illiberality have alone
withheld ?

The French under their late treaty with Spain, and
when united by no other bond than that of terror, were
allowed the residence of official agents in Spanish Ame-
rican ports; Depons was in Caracas, Humboldt had ac-
cess to the whole continent, and in Cuba and Puerto Rico,
privateer agents resided, who publicly condemned and
sold English and other prizes, in the ports of these
islands. The United States have a Consul at the Ha-
vannah, and we have none ; nor have we, on either the
Atlantic side of Spanish America, or islands, an indivi-
dual to protect trade, the subject,OF to hinder the false
aspersions thrown on the British name. In the month
of March, 1809, the Spanish consul-general Forunda, an-
nounced in the public papers of the United States, that
all the Spanish consuls, were authorised to give clearances
to Anglo-American vessels, desirous to trade to Puerto
Rico, Cuba, Maracaibo, LaGuira.and the Floridas, but no
similar arrangement was made for the English merchant.
In fact, the cream of the trade to Spanish America, up
to the late declaration of war, has been enjoyed by the
United Slates ; and besides the sale, freight, and ship-
ment of goods, we have lost the real and effective means
of creating an influx of precious metals, both for our
■wants at home, and the supply of our armies abroad ; and
this, merely, because we forgot, that such a country as
Spanish America existed, when we rushed into our
alliance with Spain,

31g

Seldom, has more conclusive testimony been collected
of that undue ascendency, which, in the conflicts of
party, prejudice and passion, so often, obtain our reason
and justice, than in the discussion of the point just re-
ferred to. The avaricious spirit of commercial monopoly,
had lost none of its influence; and within the house, as
well as without, a stream of malignant opprobrium was
directed against the views of England. The question was
decided, with that hasty credulity and impelling preju-
dice, which cannot await the sober and deliberate deci-
sions of judgment; and this illiberality of the Cortes,
opened another source of irritation, which added to the
■copious torrent, already overflowing theWestern provinces
of Spain. The refusal of a free trade to England, when,
at the same time, it was so essential to the welfare of
Spanish America, was an evidence of combined ingrati-
tude and injustice; and certainly added another item to
the long catalogue of discontents, which already existed.
The jealousy, which men, so readily, entertain of the
views of those, with whom they are not accustomed to
associate, and whom they have been taught to hold in an
unfavourable light, had spread a degree of suspicion on
every thing we attempted to do in Spain ; and a strong
party, was ever ready to thwart our most sincere endea-
vours^ In all popular governments, (and Spain might, at
that time, be considered as one) the press is the most
ready and effective channel to convey opinions to the
public, and to give them popularity. The Cadiz papers,^
as before noticed, in aff*airs relating to Spanish America,
had early become the vehicles of calumny and invective,
and, on this occasion, their mercenary zeal and acrimony,
were increased. England, during the period of her ca.

319

operation with Spain, has therein constantly been op-
posed, by avowed enemies and insidious friends, and
those numerous wounding suspicions, and irritating
charges which, so frequently, circulated, exhibit ample
evidence of this fact.

§ Whilst it was her earnest wish and fondest hope, to
give every energy to European Spain, in order to make
her equal to the great struggle in which she was engaged,
England, at the same time, sought, by means feeble,
though sincere, to produce harmony and consequent
good to the community at large, by oifering herself to
mediate, between the former and her Aii irican provinces.
On the part of England, a desire had beei: early manifested,
to adjust the subjects of controversy, and proposals for a
mediation, were made by her minister in Cadiz. They
were brought on the floOr of the Cortes, in April 1811,
and were accepted by them on conditions, which nearly
involved all the points in dispute. The Cortes exacted,
that the insurgent provinces, should acknowledge them
as their sovereign, swear obedience to them, and send
their deputies to be incorporated with those of Spain;
which if they did not do, within fifteen months, England
Was to aid the mother-country to subject them by force.
Spain, thus became her own judge, and instead of pub-
lishing a declaration of such rights, as the Spanish Ame-
ricans actually possessed, with a solemn guarantee, that
the same should form the basis of the adjustment, she
tells them at once, to send over their deputies, but not
elected as in the Peninsula, and not as there correspond-
ing to each 50,000 souls. She tells them to obey, with-
out having altered their governing system, without grant-
ing them a free trade, without destroying their galling

320

monopolies, and, in short, without giving them that
practical equality which Spain herself possessed, or re-
moving one of the material causes of complaint.

The Cadiz Regency, consequently, signified its readi-
ness to accept the proffered mediation, but, on examina-
tion, its conditions, as laid down by the Cortes, were
found such, as to be supposed " incompatible with the
principles, on which alone the British government could
consent to interfere. Under all circumstances, however,
it was thought proper to name commissioners, at the
head of whom, Commodore Cockburn was placed. His
Majesty's ministers, trusting that the Cadiz government,
in consideration of the honourable and liberal conduct.
Great Britain had invariably observed, throughout her
existing alliance with Spain, w^ould so ameliorate and
alter the objectionable conditions above alluded to, as
to enable the commissioners to bring about the recon-
ciliation, so devoutly to be wished, on terms, equally
calculated to insure the future happiness and security of
the American subjects, and, at the same time, keep un-
impaired the honour and dignity of the Spanish mo-^
narchy."

From the 10th to llth of July, 1812, this question
was agitated in the Cortes, in secret sessions, and after a
report of a committee, had been heard. The American
deputies, went into all the details, necessary to explain
the origin of these dissentions, and recapitulated the
points in contest. They pleaded in favour of the mea-
sure, on the grounds of humanity and justice, and re-
commended conciliation, as a more honourable and se-
cure means of adjustment, than the terror of arms. To
promote it, they argued, no instrument was so powerful

321

^nd proper as England, who had made so many sacri-
fices, and possessed the confidence of both parties. The
Spanish deputies, without bringing forward any specific
or insurmountable objections, alluded to the interested
motives which induced England to propose this measure,
and the darkest and most pointed stabs, were aimed at
her national honour and faith. Some complained, that
the revolution in Mexico, had increased for the want of
rigour, and others alluded to the difficulty of any thing
effective being done, by foreign commissioners, who did
not understand the points at issue. In short, all that
tended to give influence to England, or open to her any
access to Spanish America, was viewed with jealous dis-
approbation; and it was resolved, that a mediation could
only be applied to Caracas and Buenos Ayres, already
nearly out of the control of Spain, but that it could, by
no means, extend to Mexico, where it was asserted, that
no revolutionary government existed, wherewith to treat,
A national Junta, nevertheless, was, at that very time,
organized in Sultepec, which had long possessed the
confidence of the inhabitants. Indeed, New Spain, has
ever been the most suitable section of Spanish America,
for the adoption of this measure, from it« being more ex-
empt from those extreme democratic and frenchified
principles, which have been manifested in some other
sections, and because it contained a larger degree of ta-
lent and collected influence.

That excess of caution, with which Spain, as Robert-
son, says, has always thrown a veil over her transactions
in America, and the peculiar solicitude, with which she
has concealed them from strangers, were particularly re-
markable, during this and the debate on the question of

322

free trade. The cabinet of St. James, was, perhaps, not
inclined to expose itself to another mark of disrespect,
nevertheless, the most weighty reasons existed, to have
a complete explanation on this subject, and to under-
stand, perfectly, the views and intentions of the Spanish
government. Yet, if we were to content ourselves,
with merely asking a favour; if we were to address our-
selves, in the tone of supplication, and not urge those
strong reasons which actuated our conduct, and if par-
ticularly, we did not fully explain and guarantee the in-
tegrity of our intentions, as a preliminary measure, it is
a pity, England ever exposed herself to a fresh and in-
sulting rebuff, in proposing a mediation, after the fate
of the free trade question, was known. In a measure of
this kind, it was on the good sense and virtue of the
nation at large, that we had to rely; and if the powerful
engine of the press, was daily contributing its influence
to the extension of opinions, calculated to misrepresent
our views, and eventually to deprive us of all confidence;
to neglect an antitode, was only doing the thing by
halves. By such means, extensive animosity against us,
had made its way into the public mind, without there
encountering a justseitse of the great sacrifices w^e wer^
making, or of the humane and honourable motives which
stimulated our conduct. In vain, did we testify the sin-
cerity of our views, to the executive of Spain, if these
testimonies never passed its office doors, whilst the
French, on the one hand, and the illiberal party on the
other, were actively employed in blackening our na-
tional character. Though in the free trade question,
illiberality and invective, had lost us the measure, we,
on this more important occasion, again neglected to

323

(destroy those false and specious grounds, oq which tlie
opposition had taken their stand, and though it was evi-
dent, that the same would have their influence in the
question now alluded to, still we sought not to attach the
wavering, or gain the well-disposed to friendship. We
disregarded that furious and malignant spirit, which had
infused itself into the publications of the day; and though
England could have demanded a free trade and media-
tion, as the reward of services, from which were flowing
great and lasting benefits; though without any departure
from those principles, which were held as fundamental
to her treaty, she might have insisted on them, and con-
vinced the Spanish people of their justice ; the most
effective means were, however, overlooked.

The points in question, were, indeed, delicate iu
their nature, as long as the Cadiz monopolists held so
much sway; yet they could no longer remain untouch-
ed, without hazarding the most serious consequences.
The wanton and unjust horrors committing in Spanish
America, and the manner in which the resources of Spain,
and the supplies of England, were wasted, were circum-
stances, in which the honour of both were implicated.
It was, besides, time to settle the commercial relations
of each, by amicable relations ; points to which the in-
terest and gratitude of Spain, were expected to contri-
bute. However, to render a mediation effective, a great
practical knowledge of the laws, institutions, manners,
and even language of flie countries to which it referred,
were particularly essential. No mission of any kind, to
a foreign country, was more difficult than the one to
whijgh I allude, and though it required a certain weight
of character; it rather stood in need of practical men,

X2

324

who fundamentally understood the relative interests about
to be discussed, and who could on this, as well as on the
other side of the Atlantic, attend to the drudgery of ex-
plaining, conciliating, and gaining on the public mind.
With chagrin and disappointment, did the American
deputies behold a British mediation, unaccompanied by
these requisites ; for it was early evident, to those who
had stood the brunt of so much illiberality, and who
were alive to the injuries their constituents were daily
receiving, that the object could never be attained, unless
by rendering this mediation extremely substantial; by its
government displaying an uncommon degree of energy
and resolution ; and by resorting to every means of sooth-
ing tlie angry passions, and conciliating the jarring dis--
cords of men, who reasoned from interest and prejudice,
and not from equity and moderation. To reconcile piii-
vate convenience with public interest, was the chief
point to be conquered ; and both questions had such an
affinity to each other, that to gain one, was to gain
both.

To attain this, one would naturally have supposed,
that conclusive arguments, as well as sufficient means,
were not wanting, particularly, in the distressed state in
which Spain, at that time stood. When it was agitated
to name Lord Wellington, generalissimo of the Spanish
armies, a measure infinitely more unpopular, and pique-
ing to the pride of the countiy, every engine was set to
work, and the measure was carried, though many more
inveterate prejudices were opposed to it, than to the
two points, to which allusion is here made. Disputants
entered the lists, and agitated the point in the public
prints. Its necessity being proved, the measure was

325

carried. From the united principles of humanity and
policy, England might have urged a mediation, with all
the vehemence of conviction, and with those just princi-
ples of discrimination and mutual confidence, which
ought to exist between nations so nearly allied. In this,
at least, she was superior to the charge of egotism, Mr»
Burke maintained the right, nay even the duty of the al-
lies, to rescue France from anarchy and despotism ; and
did not the same right exist in England, to preserve
Spanish America from the greatest of all horrors, that of
a merciless civil war ? The United States, in soliciting
and accepting the mediation of Russia, did it from the
avowed motive of the rectitude and impartiality of the
Emperor, and as being engaged in a war as the ally of
England. And has the intercourse and sacrifices of Eng-
land, only served to inspire Spain, with sentiments of
distrust ? Russia was invited to concur as a general ally
of England, but the latter was the particular ally of the
whole Spanish monarchy, that is, equally of American
Spain. The mediation of Russia was rejected, not from
any doubt or suspicion in the auspices, under which it
was to be agitated ; but, because it was inconsistent for
the point at issue, to be mixed with the affairs of the
European continent.* Much greater reasons existed^ for
making the dispute between Spain and her American
provinces, a question of exclusive interest and interfe-
rence to Great Britain. Its irritable and violent symp-
toms, had long assumed appearances of increased malig-
nity, and their fatal consequences, every day became
more diffusive. The resistance of the Spanish Americans,

* Vide Lord Castlereagh's letter to the Secretary of the Uaited
Siate»,Nov.4, 1813.

326

wore the appearance of system, and was regularly pro-
gressive. From causes both incessant and active in their
operation, a broad foundation had been laid for those
animosities, whose fury is generally proportioned to the
objects in view. Hitherto, all pacific endeavours on the
part of Spain, that is, the proclamations of her distant
viceroys, and military chiefs, which rather contained
threats and denunciations of vengeance, than substantial
offers of conciliation, had only ended in new and outra-
ging proofs, of persevering hostility; and every social
and domestic tie being broken, it was evident, that no-
thing but the interference of a third power, could again
produce harmony. It was only by some extraordinary
weight of influence, respectable to both parties, that
those intemperate dispositions, could be moderated and
restrained.

And was any power, so proper as England, to give
this weight of influence? Whilst the maxims of good
faith, and of moral and political justice, demanded that she
should then have made the most strenuous endeavours, the
same reasons, at the same time, required, that Spain should
not have been illiberal. For one nation to mediate for
the other, was not a trait, even novel in the Spanish his-
tory ; and in recent times, it was peculiarly common. As
the patron and protector of the Southern Indians, Spain
has often asserted her right of mediating between them,
and the United States ; and during the war between En-
gland and North America, her mediation was offered to
the belligerent powers, and its refusal, then induced the
Madrid cabinet to declare war. Irately, we have seen
England mediate between Denmark and the Allies, and
many other recent examples, might be quoted. In En-

327

gland asking to become the mediatrix between Spain
and her American Provinces, it was not like a foreign
power intruding itself into their domestic and particular
concerns, since the object to be attained, was interesting
to the world at large. Commissioners could be sent by
England, and the other allies, to Copenhagen and Nor-
way, to settle differences relating to the latter; but when
the most flagrant acts of injustice, and innumerable hor-
rors have been long committed in Spanish America, no
one seems to think seriously of the fact, and no one
attempts, manfully, to put an end to the reign of terror.
On England, as the great and good ally of Spain, this task
particularly devolved; but if her government, in forming
its mediation, merely went to ask a favour, and to say,
for the sake of humanity, we beg these horrors may cease,
and from motives of gratitude, we request a free trade
with your colonies, without resorting to the many springs
which might have been touched, it was putting into the
hands of the Spanish government, the means of refusal,
and using only an ineffectual exertion, which could not
fail to add to the triumphs of the illiberal. If the British
government was not disposed to attach to this mediation,
all the appropriate zeal and talent in its power, not only
to give the measure success in Spain, but also, to promote
its execution on the other side of the Atlantic ; if it was
not intended to urge all the strong claims the case offered,
and also, to use every exertion to explain the intentions
of the measure to the Spanish public, it is a pity the
expenses of the mediation were ever incurred, for its
issue might have been foretold, before it left England.
The most trifling infornial attempt to know the senti-
ments of the Spanish government, would have proved,

328

that the means above adopted, would have been insuffi-
cient, if nothing strenuous and urgent was added thereto.
But there was a dread to offend, and there, besides, ap-
peared an apprehension, that a strong interest in the
case, would rather impede than promote beneficial con-
sequences. Yet the most powerful motives urged Eng-
land to run the risk, since it was by her aid and guarantee
only, that social order could be restored to Spanish iVmerica.
Ireland, as the rights of the American provinces will
clearly demonstrate, stands exactly on the same relative
basis to England, as the ultramarine provinces do to Spain ;
and had she, as a sister kingdom, been treated as the
latter have been, for three hundred years, not only the
impartial of our own island, but even those of the whole
world, would respect the ally who interfered to better
her situation ; who, by energetic stipulations, and warm
expostulations, endeavoured to close her wounds, to re-
store her long invaded rights, and to place her inhabitants
on the footing of men ; more especially, if the half of the
force, thus to be obtained, was essentially necessary to give
efficacy to the exertions of the whole alliance. It would
be the extreme of delicac}^, for one pilot, calmly to behold
another, steering a vessel on a hidden rock, without advert-
ing him of his danger, and insisting on a change of course,
if blindness made him persist in his obstinacy. Nations
interfere for one another, to obtain peace, and why could
not we have done the same, in propitious moments, to ob-
tain redress, and to preserve harmony and concord between
our mutual allies ? If such exertions had been rendered
fruitless, if, however, the voice of reason and of justice
iJiad been stifled amidst the cries of monopoly, rancour,
and intemperance, it would then be the duty of that ally

329

to acquaint Ireland, in the strongest and most unequi-
vocal terms, that such exertions had been made, and had
proved abortive. Yet, up to the present moment, the
Spanish American provinces are ignorant, that England
has ever raised her voice in their favour, that she has
ever sighed over their wrongs and misfortunes, or that
she has ever v/ished them an alleviation of those evils,
which, from awe to Spain,- she no longer dared to ac-
knowledge, as existing. Spain, in rushing into an incon-
siderate war with her ultramarine provinces, seems to
have forgot how essential they were to her success, but
that we should have been equally blind and wavering, is
the most unaccountable of all political problems. Spain
might have learnt from our own history and fatal expe-
rience, that it is first necessary to make a people happy
and contented, by the restoration of their rights, before
she could count on their allegiance.

But to carry on the simile- When the affairs and si-
tuation of Ireland, have been agitated and discussed in
the parliaments and councils of England, not only ran-
cour, partiality, and party spirit, have been banished
from the debate, but the natives of the latter, have felt
the most warm and cordial interest in the question, and
in the rights and amelioration of the other, and have been
actuated by a brotherly feeling, divested of jealousy,
animosity, and pique. Had a glaring and open violation
of the rights of the one, been ready to take place, the
others would have felt the wrong as their own, and would
have equally burned with resentment. Very different, are
the facts to be deduced, from an impartial examination
of what has occurred in the American question, and in tho-
debates of the Cortes, in every stage through which it
has gone.

330

§ The Spanish Americans, naturally entertained great
hopes, that in the new constitution of Spain, some ge-
neral ground-work of reform, favourable to them, would
be laid ; but, unfortunately, the basis of rights, on which
there were to stand, not being properly defined and esta-
blished, the new code has rather operated as an injury.
Indeed, as long as the laws and statutes which are to
govern the American provinces, are to be made in an
European congress, particularly in one like that of Cadiz,
situated amongst a powerful body of monopolizers,
whose influence over the acts of government, is both ma-
nifest and undue; where such a disparity of votes is
found, and where opinions and interests so materially
clash, what hopes of strict and impartial justice can the
former expect, more particularly now, since resentment
is let loose, and the passions are wound up to the highest
pitch ?

Confined as I am to the present question, as it relates
to Spanish America, it would be foreign to my subject,
in this place, to analize the-whole of the new constitu-
tion of Spain ; yet I cannot but observe, that from the
general remarks I hav6 been able to make, after an at-
tentive perusal, I, by no means, think it is calculated to
secure the person of the individual, from the grasp of
arbitrary power, since, on the contrary, it leaves him
subject to as much violation as before. I can scarcely
augur that code to be lasting, which confounds the dif-
ferent and opposite classes, which takes away the digni-
ties of the clergy, grandees, and nobles, which divests
them of their national representation, and tends to level
them with the other orders of the community. These
are bodies of extreme influence, in a country, that can
scarcely be considered in any other light than feudal ;

331

where the peasantry depends on them, where no inter-
mediate class of citizens counterpoises their ascendency,
and where, besides, they hold the lands and chief riches
of the state. Spain is ill prepared for a change so great
and so sudden as this ; and if so, it cannot be expected
to prove a basis of permanent quiet, or tend to produce
perfect unanimity. The return of King Ferdinand to
Madrid, will, indeed, try the merits of the constitution,
and the parties already forming, give 'rise to serious ap-
prehensions, that it will not long stand its ground.

The constitution formed by the Cortes of Spain, is
the production of theorists, collected in the warm atmo-
sphere of a popular assembly, and by no means prepared
for such a task. In it, there is no division of powers, and
the necessary equilibrium to maintain the whole fabric,
is wanting. Under it, a king, master of an armed force,
might be a tyrant, and the people would have no remedy.
If, by the constitution of a state, is meant, the body of
those written and unwritten fundamental laws, which
regulate tho most important rights of the higher magis-
trates, and the most essential privileges of the subjects,
such constitution can only be the work of time ; for the
attempt to change by violence the habits of men, and the
established order of society, so as to fit them for an ab-
solute new scheme of government, flows from presump-
tive ignorance, and must be accompanied with fatal
results. How much more so, must not this be the case
in Spain, where mental improvement is so backward,
where innovation is beheld with so much dread, and
where prejudices are yet so deeply-rooted. A free con-
stitution, says the great Shipley, is the growth of time
and of nature, rather than the work of human invention.

332

Such, also, is the opinion of all our other political wri-
ters ; the quick and ready manufacture of all kinds of
constitutions, was the discovery of the Abbe Sieyes.

One of the chief excellencies of the admirable system
of British polity, is, the reciprocity of controul, which
thereby subjects every adopted measure of one branch
'df the legislature, to the investigation and refusal of
'another. By this means, if one body is actuated by pas-
sion, has not been sufficiently deliberate, or not in full
possession of the requisite data ; if it should have judged
liastily, unwisely, or partially, its resolutions are subject
to the review and check of another body, where it is
presumable, that the same motives of erroneous judg-
ment, do not exist. In like manner, the Senate acts a
xheck on the actions of the Congress of the United
States ; and indeed, any other system, is opposed to po-
. litical expediency and the experience of ages. No check
exists over the Cortes of Spain, who have hitherto acted
as an executive as well as legislative body, since the
ministers trembled to do any thing, without their pre-
Tious concurrence. Spain may imagine she has received
as the basis of her future happiness, a constitution
founded on science and experience ; but if we attend to
the economy of providence, we shall discover, that be-
neficial alterations, are not hasty and violent, but gentle
and progressive. The sudden and quick [operations of
nature, generally produce destruction ; while, whatever
is salutary, is mild and gradual. Experience she^vs,
that human affairs proceed on a similar analogy ; valuable
improvements are slow and gradual, but hasty changes
are mischievous, and end in destruction. The present
gorerning system of Spain, has served to introduce highly

333

republican principles, dangerous where so much igno-
rance prevails in the mass of the inhabitants ; and it has
tended greatly to demoralize, by almost setting religion
at naught. Libertinism, and even atheism, w^ere never
so general as now in Spain, for, from the extremes of
superstitious despotism, what with the war, and a rage
to imitate the French, licentiousness has become the
order of the day.

Mankind, by the experience of the last twenty years,
have at last discovered, that the frame and application of a
well-ordered government, must, necessarily, grow out of
the labour of years, and be ripened by sober experience.
Also, that'jt must be interwoven with the usages of the
people, be engrafted on their habits, customs, and man-
ners, and correspond to the wants of the present times.
Spain, though freed from her enemy, has still much to
conquer within herself; great debility and confusion yet
reign there. She presents to the mind, the idea of a
deep and dreary chaos, difficult to reduce to order,
unless the plans of the architect be clear and comprehen-
sive, and his powers equal to the object to which he as-
pires. To draw order and arrangement from this chaotic
confusion, is a work of gigantic nature ; and it remains
to be proved, whether the king, with this constitution in
his hand, one decided in a hasty manner, founded on
many principles of the French revolution, at variance
with the most powerful orders of the state, and uncon*
genial to the habits and prejudices of the people, will
be able to perform so important task. As before ob-
served, the constitution of Britain, was not the work of i
month, or of a year ; it was formed out of the experience
and wisdom of ages, and matured by unremitting care.

334

and by a constant progression of improvement. If any
thing proves its excellence, it is, that the French now
seek to imitate it, and that, throughout the long and
tremendous hurricane, by which we have been threa-
tened, our laws and constitution, have been seen, as
seated on a rock, against which the boisterous billows of
faction have broke their force, and as a superiour being,
shielding us from that storm, which has laid so many
other nations in ruins.

As far as the constitution of Spain relates to Spanish
America, many of its clauses are not only opposed to
common justice,' but are likely to prove the causes of con-
tinual discord aijd dissention. Such are articles 18 and
22, which exclude from the rights of citizenship, and
from even that of being included in a governmental census,
all classes of persons, who may, in the remotest manner,
be derived, or reputed to be derived, from African
blood; so that all the mixtures of whites and Indians
with the former, and many Indians who have passed for
mulattoes, in order to be exempt from tribute, as well as
many coloured families, who have been free for many
generations, constituting the most hardy and industrious
of the lower orders, are divested of this most sacred of
all rights. And let it again be well considered, that this
privation extends to a numerous, rich, and respectable,
class of citizens, for they are all artists, artificers, and
farmers; so that whilst, in Spain, even the gypsies are
granted the full rights of citizens, in Spanish America,
some millions of its most useful population, are stripped
of that right, because a drop of African blood circulates
in their veins, notwithstanding it may have long ago been
absorbed, by successive mixtures with whites and In-

335

(Itans. Were this clause to be carried into effect, m
Spanish America, it would create more confusion and
more animosity, than the most arbitrary imposts forcibly
levied by the crown. The public offices, besides, would
be filled with nothing but tables of genealogy. Little do
the Spaniards of the 18th century recollect, what has
been their own origin, particularly those provinces bor-
dering on the Mediterranean. Little do they reflect,
that the best times of Spain, were those when she was in
the hands of the Moors ; and, that if she has yet any
remains of architecture, tillage, civilization, and even
courage, it is from them that they are derived.

Such is article 23, by which persons of the above
description, by not being citizens, are excluded from tlie
right of voting for members of the municipality. Article
25, which deprives of the rights of citizenship, all la-
bourers receiving wages, by which, not only the casts are
excluded, but also the greatest part of the Indians, who,
having been deprived of their lands by the conquest,
now cultivate them for their dispossessors. Articles 27,
35, and 75, purporting, that citizens only, with the exer-
cise of certain rights, can be electors, and elected as de-
puties for the Gortes. Such is article 92, which besides
requires for each deputy an annual income, proceeding
from fixed property, by which the Indians are excluded,
as the laws deprive them of the means of acquiring any.
Article 91, by which a residence in America of seven
years, confers the right of being elected deputy, by
which the Americans will be eventually excluded, -from
the greater influence of the Europeans who may go over
and settle there. Article 30, by which it is stated, that
the scale of populationy which is to regulate the number

336

of representatives for Spain, is to be established by the
censirs list of 1797, the largest ever made ; and conse-
quently, not including the ravages of the present war';
but with regard to America, the basis is to be a census,
hereafter made. Article 222, which stipulates, two mi- '
nisters for the great continent of America, and six for
Spain. Article 231, which says, that out of forty coun-
sellors of state, twelve only are to be Americans.

"The experience of Venezuela,*' says the editor of
El Espanol, *' practically proves, that this constitution^
which the Spaniards seek to establish by force of arms, may
be liberty in Spain, but it is a mere slavery in America.
With the constitution in his hand, Monteverde has been
able to kill, persecute, imprison, and commit all kinds
of horrors, which have eventually caused a new revolu-
tion in Venezuela ; and with the constitution before his
eyes, Venegas has acted in such a manner, as to receive
the name of Tiberius, in the loyal city of Mexico. It
is consequently evident, that in practice, the constitu-
tion, with all its apparent equality, leaves the American
provinces in a condition very inferiour to those of Spain ;
and it thence results, that a war, which has for object
to enforce this constitution, without any modification
that may constitute it the true support and the defence
of the liberty of that countr}', is a measure, unjust and
tyrannical*.**

I have gone into these few particulars respecting the
constitution of Spain, in order to answer those partizans
of the conduct of the Cortes, who conceive, that in no-
minally admitting the Spanish Americans into a partici-

♦ ^ Espanol, No. 4^, -page 31S.

837

{ pation of its benefits, as much has been done for thein, as
they are entitled to. And is this constitution alone, ca-
pable of securing the happiness of the ultramarine pro-
vinces ? What guarantees have they, that even what
little it stipulates in their favour, will be duly executed ?
Without a local assembly, or some other check over the
acts of despotic viceroys, it is not possible to expect, at
such a distance, impartial justice j for even the constitu-
tion, a general indult, and the liberty of the press, have
been suspended at the will of the Spanish chiefs, on the
most trivial pretexts. And from this, where is the ap-
peal ? At a distance of 2000 leagues, and before a na-
tional legislature, filled with rancour and prejudice. A
viceroy abroad, even with this constitution in his hand,
will be as much a tyrant as before : since the governing
system is the same, since he has the command of the mi-
litary, influences all the inferiour departments, and to no
one, is answerable for his conduct. The constitution pro-
' claims, that the nation is the reunion of all the Spaniards
of both hemispheres, and that all are equal. Yet in so
doing, part of the most interesting population of Spanish
America, is excluded from the right of citizenship, and
the disproportion in the general legislature, is great. Ar-
ticle 27, states, " that the Cortes are a reunion of all the
deputies representing the nation," and can any thing be
more ridiculous, than that one or two hundred deputies,
are to be annually sent over from Spanish America and the
Philipine islands, to meet a body of men in Europe, with
whom their interests materially clash ? What respectable
man, however patriotic, would run the risk of a long voy-
age, and undergo every inconvenience, to serve his con-
stituents; and then, see, that prejudice' and partiality

Y

338

carry every thing before them ? And, besides, the e'k*
fence 1 Tf Spanish America, for example, has 143 depu-
ties in the Cortes, their salary alone, amounts to 1,706,000
dollars. And in case of a war, how are they to come?
Perhaps, nothing was ever dreamt of, more extravagant,
than this manner of governing two parts of one empire,
ivith an immense ocean between. The American deputies-
were sensible of this fact, and they, consequently, pro-
tested on behalf of their constituents.

"Of little," says the editor of £1 Espanol, " has the
experience of the whole world, served in its formation.
The same principles of liberty Wrongly understood,
'Which the Trench made fashionable, but of which, they
"are now ashamed, are what form the free or liberal part
of i\ie Spanish constitution. The same intolerance
which oppressed Europe, four centuries ago, has therein
dictated those articles, in which the enemies of excessive
liberty, now glory. The royal power, is therein encuih*
bered with inconsistent chains ; and there, religious ty-
ranny, still appears with the dagger in its hand. On one
side, the fountain of the laws, is exposed to be troubled
'and soiled, by the multitude by which it is surrounded;
and on the other, the people are deprived of a most
'sacred right — viz. that of a direct influence in the nomi-
nation of their representatives."*

§ Tile late Cortes of Spain, have spent most of their
time, in wandering in pursuit of visionary theories, as did
the revolutionists of France. Instead of correcting abuses,
tiy those safe and cautious steps, which gradually intro-
duce ireform without ruin ; which may fit society for that

* ElBspanoI, No. 46, page 190v

sm

better state of things, and which, by not attempting im-
possibilities, may enlarge the circle of human happiness,
they, equally, formed the mad project of throwing down
every thing at once, trusting to their own judgment and
experience, to replace it. Much, as had the Spanish go-
vernmg system to reform, its defects were more owing to
the despotism of the ancient kings, and a want of a pro-
per definition and security of the rights of the subjects;
and certainly, its reconstruction was a difficult task, dur-
ing a period of war and confusion, when every thing was
in ferment. The greatest abuses, the most galling to the
people and debilitating to the state, were in perfect con-
tradiction to the ancient laws of the realm; and to their
more immediate removal, the efforts of the government,
ought to have been directed. A reform in Spanish Ame-
rica, was the most urgent of all the duties of the Cortes,
for there still existed, whatever the most subtle tyranny
could devise, to torment and oppress an unoffending peo-
ple. Circumstances imperiously demanded, that the new
legislature should review the grounds on which the war
had been commenced, and that on this point, they should
adopt and pursue, with firm sincerity and good faith, a
conduct friendly and impartial. The Spanish Americans,
had a right to demand and receive, a reparation consonant
to the injuries they had so long sustained ; and the fra-
ternal voice of the Cortes, ought to have resounded to the
furthest shores of Columbia, and their accents ought not
to have been equivocal. They ought to have been pure,
sincere, and just, and as emanating from the hearts of un-
biassed patriots. The more they were blended with
feelings of affection and sensibility, the more effect they
Would have produced in the quarter to which they were

340

directed ; and the more interest they would have excited^
in those, who, for the first time, heard the voice of reason
and justice. The situation of Spanish America, and the
outrages there committing, opened a wide and interesting
field for deliberation, as involving some of the choicest
interests of their common country, on which it was im-
possible to decide well, without unprejudiced coolness.
They ought to have left the helm, to the guidance of rea-
son and disinterested philanthropy.

Every people have a right to be well governed, they
have alsoy defined interests as well as rights ; and it is the
sacred duty of the general legislature to whom they be-
long, to attend to these points. The imagination, when
warmed by discontent, often bestows on a good which is
withheld, advantages much greater than the reality would
justify, or reason warrant; but certainly in the preten-
sions of the Spanish Americans, there was nothing that
amounted to more, than the just feelings of human nature.
Their repeated applications to the legislature at home,
for redress and reform, had been treated with neglect and
disdain; till at last, reason and experience forbade them,
to continue their confidence. Long after the invasion of
the French, the American bosom still glowed with ardent
affection; every section was interested for Ferdinand, and
every inhabitant was indignant at the treachery he had
experienced. All, beheld the political birth of Spain,
with sincere gladness ; they thought their own, was
equally at hand. But, still, they beheld their old systems
continue, and their old privations and restraints, were
still the same. They still beheld themselves governed
by an arbitrary chief, whose powers were not only deemed
contrary to the common principles of liberty, but had be-

341

come an engine of oppression, alike galling and vexatious.
They appeal, and are treated with disdain. In the bold
and determined language of freemen, they manifest their
wrongs, and seek that legal and consistent remedy within
their reach, and war is declared against them. The Cortes
of Spain assemble, under professions which revived their
hopes, and again their great and pressing claims, are
treated with contempt. They arm in their own defence,
and are condemned as rebels, and even the animated man-
ner in which they repel aggressions, furnishes additional
motives to Spain, to perpetuate the horrors into which
she had inconsiderately rushed. Influenced by vindictive
passions, the agents of Spain, recur rather to artifice and
force, than to the guidance of reason ; and their hostility
was consequently exerted in a cruel and insidious policy,
w^hich unfeelingly doomed individuals to chains, and in-
volved them in ruin, without having any tendency to ef-
fect any national object. They only sought to indulge a
malignant and unprofitable revenge, till at last, every
remnant of affection, was torn asunder.

The Cortes calmly beheld this storm, which had long
been gathering, burst upon them with a fury which
spread desolation wherever it reached; and they heard of
scenes of the greatest misery and suffering, without being
moved. They looked, with cold composure, on a war,
which took its origin in nothing less than a flagrant vio-
lation of the most sacred rights, and even in an infringe-
ment of national justice. Not once, was a cordial dispo-
sition manifested, to enquire into, or strike at the root of
these evils, or to establish, why they ought to continue.
Error is the portion of humanity, the Spanish Americans
ijaight have erred ; if so, their error ought to have been

Jftids hianifest, before they were Wantonly butchered,
I'he shocking barbarities committed, added motives of
tesehtment and humanity to those of national interest,
^nd were the Cortes alone deaf to these calls } T, again,
leave the impartial of the whole world, to judge of those
iidrrors which must follow the licentiousness of a sol-
diery, spread through a rich and feeble country ; and I
^gain ask them, whether that profusion of blood and
teakure, must not be condemned as idle and useless,
When expended for an object, that could be attained, in a
iiiore safe and humane manner ? It was not a cruel and
destructive war, that could put an end to those political
divisions, which, besides poisoning the source of human
felicity, annihilate those sweet affections which attach
iilembers of one common country to the other ; and
which, bringing debility to the state, plant the most
deadly hate, where nature, and a similarity of language,
origin, and early habits, liad sown the seeds of harmony.
This was not the w^y to revive those natural sympathies,
nor was this a plan, likely to enkindle any latent spark
of attachment, that might linger in the bosoms of those,
:^ho so lately prided themselves on belonging to Spain,

The contest of Spain with her ultramarine provinces,
certainly exhibits one of those singular cases of popular
delusion, which itifecting first the national legislature,
aherwardis spreading through many blasses of the cona*,
munity, and gaining strength by its extravagance, points
put the fatal consequences, which follow a deviation from'
Aibse sure and moral principles of rectitude and mode-
ration, wliich ought to actuate us in our conduct to fel-
low-beings. Influenced by the contagion of party feel-
ing, the war in Spanish Ame rica, took thai colouring at

m

home, which the monopolists of Cadiz sought to give it;
and the asperity which so frequently mixed in the de/
bates of the Cortes, w^as a certain index of the growing
exasperation they felt, on the dread of losing their gains.
In popular governments, the representatives of the peo-
ple, may, generally, be considered as a mirror reflecting
the opinions of their constituents ; but, the Cortes, ra-
ther reflected the passions of the trading interest?,
amongst whom they had takep refuge; and th^ir 4f Ut
berations were decided, by principles, which could nof;
^xist, unless under the dominion of blind infatuation.
Ihe conduct of the Spanish government, relating to the
ultramarine provinces, may, consequently, be considered,
rather as the effort of a party, than the free, regular,
and deliherate act of the nation, who may certainly be
pronounced as perfectly ignorant of the question, of the
jeal grounds on ^hich jthe war has been continued, or
the immediate and chief points of the contest Neither
can Spain, generally, be acquainted with th^ extent of
that rigid and compulsive system, to which the Spanish
Americans have beei^ subjected, or with the horrors to
which they have been exposed. Scarcely masters of
their conduct, the Cortes were, indeed, sometimes, im^
|)eHed by ^ furious multitude ; but it was on so import-
^M3it an occasion as this, that they ought to have -v indicated
their own rights, in order to do justice to a suffering
party, and to evince their sincerity and zeal* But in facjt,
ikhey were not disponed to extend their salutary influence
to Spanish America, or be the means of introducing such
political piinciples and practice, as might tend to the im-
provement and regeneration of her inhabitants, and re-
mote from their jshouidjer?, jyt^e ^allin^ K^^S^ V^4^r

344

which they had long groaned. War was the only nieansj
to which they chose to resort, and Neros were commis-
sioned to enforce unconditional subjection, by burning
the towns of an unoffending people, and pouring desola-
tion over their ravaged plains.

§ With what truth, and with what justice, might not
the Spanish Americans, then, have addressed themselves,
in the following manner, to the government of the Penin-
sula, and to all those who contributed to the horrors by
which they were surrounded. — The first discoverers and
settlers of this vast country, brought with them, and
transmitted to their posterity, all the privileges and im-
munities, that, at any time, have been enj^/ed by the
people of Spain. These were secured to them, on the
faith of kings, and sanctioned by the most solemn legis-
lative acts. Yet we, their descendents, strenuously mani-
fest to you, tkat, gradually, by the despotism of our kings,
as well as by the corruption of their ministers, we had been
divested of the enjoyment of our charters and prerogatives,
till at last, we had been dragged into a system of govern-
ment, that could be compared to nothing else, but a de-
graded state of vassalage. That we have long complained of
our restraints and privations, but they have been aggra-
vated, by pointed contempt and disdain, notwithstanding
which, we have not failed to evince our sincere alle-
giance, and the veneration we had to our rightful and
unfortunate monarch. That, bent down by oppression,
and fatigued by the domestic calamities by which we
were harassed, we conceived, that in moments of peril
and uncertainty, the administration of our own concerns,
was safer in our own hands, than in the grasp of arbitrary
despots ; and that by virtue of our own inherent rights^

345

and in accord with the example of our sister provinces of
the Peninsula, we changed our form of government,
without yar}^ing our allegiance, or ceasing to be liege and
faithful subjects of the same monarch, to whom we
always belonged. That, in so doing, our object was to
promote our own security, and to remove the galling
shackles by which we were bound. That for this, a
cruel and devastating w^ar, was declared against us.

That, whereas, the power, but not the justice, the
vengeance but not the wisdom of Spain, the same which,
of old, nearly stripped this country of its primitive po-
pulation, now pursues their guiltless children and the
other races, who, in the course of time, have been
blended with them. And whereas, this land on which
we now live, was purchased by the toil and treasure, or
acquired by the blood and valour of our venerable proge-
nitors, who in many cases, shared their fortunes with
the daughters of its ancient possessors, to us they be--
queathed the dear-bought inheritance ; to our care and
protection they consigned it, and the most sacred obli-
gations are upon us, to transmit the glorious purchase,
unfettered by undue power, and unclogged by galling
shackles, to our innocent and beloved offspring. From
fatal experience, we begin to know the value of those
precious rights, for which our forefathers lavished their
blood and treasure, which they handed down to their
descendants, but which, our invaded laws, could no longer
secure. The time is now come, when a boundless con-
tinent, inhabited by seventeen millions of people, can no
longer submit, to have their being at the arbitrary will of
a licentious minister, or basely yield to the despotism of
European chiefs, bent only on their own aggrandizement.

346

and our debasement. We ask no more than a form of
government, suited to our circumstances, and congenial
to our wants. We do not seek to cease to be subjects,
but we will, no longer, be the tools of arbitrary power.
We revere the land from whence we derive our origin,
but we cannot, unmoved, behold the sacred inheritance^
we have derived from nature, thus snatched from us.
We have beheld our charters, which ought to have
served as a sacred barrier agamst the encroachments of
tyranny, mutilated and trampled to the ground ; and we
BOW seek to replace tbem, on their ancient basis. We
only demand the right of being governed by our own as-
semblies, in the articles of taxes and internal police—^
right we have never yielded up. We ask no more, tha^
that practical equality, which our ancient laws, reason,
and even recent edicts, give us the authority to claim.
We ask for just and equitable laws, but we assert, that no
man is bound, in conscience, to obey any; in the forma-
tion of which, he has not given his consent, in person or
by representative. We cannot but express our concern,
that in praying for the interposition of the Cortes of
Spain, in favour of our violated rights, and to relieve us
from our galling burdens, we have not met with that at-
tention our situation and services deserved, and we fur-
ther declare, that the rigorous prosecutions by informa-
tion, which we have so often witnessed amongst us, are
insupportable grievances on the people. In short, we so-
lemnly avow, that the war carried on against us, is a war
of aggression, and that the justice of our resistance, con-
sequently, cannot be questioned, as far as self-preserva-
tion and indispensable necessity, can furnish motives to
take up arms. W-e deplore the horrors and ravages, hy

847

which we are surrounded, but they did not originate
with us. As citizen-soldiers, we know, and approve the
cause for which we are fighting. We lament the ca-
lamities, by which the bosom of our common country, h
rent, and the course of barbarity, practised against us.
We appeal to that God, who searcheth the hearts of
men, for the rectitude of our intentions: and, in his holy
presence, we declare, that we are not moved by any hasty
symptoms of anger and revenge ; so, through every change
of fortune, we will adhere to the same determination, of
laying down our arms, as soon as our freedom and hap-
piness are safely secured, and properly guaranteed. —

§ The object of the preceding details, has been to
place the Spanish American question, in a proper point
of view, and to state, from the best attainable data, the
origin and causes of those unfortunate distentions, which
have, so long, desolated the South Columbian continent.
In carrying my reader through the various stages of this
complicated dispute, and after giving him an idea of the
degraded state in which the inhabitants of that country,
had been kept, I have particularly endeavoured to convey
a just conception of the redress sought, and the manner
in which it was denied. I have pointed out the defects
of that constitution, which, from being ill-balanced, cah
Ttever be permanent ; manifesting that, though in its for-
mation, the Spanish Americans have not had an adequate
part, they are, nevertheless, warred upon, because they
refuse to give it, an unmodified admission. 1 have
proved the war carried on against them, to be a war of
aggression, to have orignated in a manifest violation Of
principles of right and equity; and I have stated, that it
is accompanied by horrors, which chill the feelings of

348

humanity. These elucidations were necessary, to a fair
view of the question ; and I will now proceed to prove
the necessity, nay, the bounden duty, in which both Spain
and England stand, of allaying these feuds, by the ra-
tionahneans of mediation, and not by a continuation of
horrors. It will also appear, that from the commanding
attitude of the latter, as well as to enhance the general
triumphs of peace, she is particularly called upon, at the
present moment, to use her most strenuous exertions, to
stop the ravages of civil war in a country, bound to her
by a sacred alliance, and formerly, the object of her re-
peated offers and warm assurances. That it is time to
put an end to devastations, which have already spread
widely in this fair portion of the globe, which have con-
verted the seat of quiet, improvement, and riches, into
scenes of carnage, anarchy, and destruction ; and have,
besides, reduced the inhabitants to the greatest distress,
I shall found my arguments on the grounds of humanity
and justice, and then support them, by collateral consi-
derations of policy and expediency.

It cannot but afford rational and sincere satisfaction
to the benevolent mind, that in Europe, a period has
been put to a long and arduous contest ; that the great
effusion of human blood is stopped, and that a more splen-
did scene opens on the view, which, like another morn-
ing-star, promises the brighter era of a new day. England
had long risked her existence, for the preservation of her
station in the scale of empires, and has, at last, by rescu-
ing millions frqm the hand of oppression, laid the foun-
dation, it is to be hoped, of a great and lasting peace.
Arrived at the close of this anxious struggle for the li-
berties of mankind, she cannot but look around and feel

341)

regret, that in any other quarter of the world, however
distant, the same horrors yet continue ; and having al-
ready extended the olive branch over convulsed Europe,
she must naturally reason, that it will not be less honoura-
ble and less just, to spread the blessings of peace and re-
generation, over Spanish America, There, as lately in
Europe, the ocean has been ruffled by a long arid tremen-
dous hurricane, and it is impossible for the waves to
subside on its agitated expanse, unless the discordant
winds are first lulled into harmony and quiet. Whilst
in this quarter of the globe, all is harmony and peace, in
the West, war yet rages, under the most savage form.
And can England, loaded with the blessings of all Eu-
rope, be unmindful of these horrid scenes, in Spanish
America?

Spain, also, by this time, having gained her object,
and succeeded in freeing her territory from invasion, is
particularly called upon, at the present hour, to feel to-
wards her sister provinces of America, that sympathy for
their distressed condition, with which she lately sought
to inspire England, and the rest of the world. Warned
by a superiour voice, it now becomes her, with calm judg-
ment and impartial feelings, to review the causes of these
unfortunate dissentions, of which, if the grounds are
found on her side, and emanating from a want of liberality
and just redress, it is her duty and her interest, to relin-
quish a war now carrying on for an object, unjust and in-
consistent; and which, even if attained, can only be pre-
served, with great difficulty and expence. Above all, it
is an obligation both sacred and pressing, to exchange the
sword for the olive-branch, and instead of incurring fresh
expenceSj in prosecuting hostilities, both unnatural and

360

ruinous, she is bound to look to her own reform, to orga-
nize her own government, to retrieve her own credit, and
especially, to remove that anarchy and confusion, with
which she is secretly devouring within herself. The
great body of the Spanish people, is fatigued and worn
out by complicated calamities, experienced during their
long and harassing invasion ; and instead of weakening
herself by those fresh equipments her papers already an-
nounce, and the monopolists of Cadiz so intern perately
Mrge, Spain is called upon to use measures of conciliation,
and on a solid and lasting basis, to re-establish those bro-
therly and amicable relations, which reciprocal interests,
and a mutual bond, produce between kindred states, who
by a fair and equal interchange of good offices and sincere
fellowship, seek to promote the happiness, prosperity
and security of each other. The situation of the Spanish
monarchy, and the experience of the past, require, that
the various parts of the empire, should have their respec-
tive interests, so justly defined and appreciated, that jus-
tice may be rendered to all. In ascertaining the varioiw
rights of each, the supreme authority ought to be enabled
to apportion out the respective share of burdens, which
public exigence may require, and that quantum of free
enterprise, whereby the interests of one portion of the
community, may not be sacrificed to those of the other.
Spanish America, standing on an equal footing with the
mother country, is entitled to the fair reward of industry
and personal sacrifice, and to such a governing system, a4
may promote her happiness. This requital, she has a
Tight to demand, and she ou^ht to obtain it, in defiance
of private influence or arbitrary power. The very es-
sence of every political compact, is, the reciprocity cf

351

kSvantage, conferred and received, by each part of the
united body. The advantages Spain receives from her
union w^ith Spanish America, are great and manifold ; the
latter, is conquently, entitled to a full requital. As an
Integral part of the empire, and equal in every sense, the
inhabitants of the ultramarine provinces of Spain, have a
tight to sue for ail those privileges and enjoyments, which
those of the Peninsula can boast, and considering that the
due administration of government, is the strongest cemerit
of all communities, it belongs to them to insist on receiv-
ing such a one, as may raise them from their late abject
condition, promote personal freedom, and invigorate all
the operations of agriculture and commerce. Scattered
on an extensive surface of country, with an intervening
ocean, the inhabitants of Spanish America, are possessed
of the right of having within themselves, the means of
•redress and appeal, and particularly, a check on arbitrary
'power; since from the bad administration of government,
more detriment results of the people governed, than if the
plan was in itself defective. If therefore, the present
cruel and rash hostility of Spain, is intended to preveiit
this reasonable and just restoration of rights, it is an ini-
quitous league against liberty and justice, and the high
minded generosity of the British character, can never ap-
plaud it, or continue to behold it with cold indifference.

It may, perhaps, by some, be thought too late to en-
quire into the justice of the grounds and principles, on
which the war waging against Spanish America, com-
menced; or to take this general review of the subject;
It certainly is, if Spain will no longer listen to reason,
xind if England refuses to embrace the opportunity now
before her, of putting an end to scenes, which the mind
cannot contemplate, without emotion. The ^ar carrying

S52

on by Spain. against her offspring, is like the arbitrary
and imperious interference of a father, attempting to
meddle and dictate in the private affairs of a son, who
has long ago, laid aside the trammels of minority and de-
pendence, and who has already grown to man's estate. —
The people of Spanish America, may at least, rest their
justification in the assurance, that through their deputies
in the Cortes, as well as by the repeated offers of their in-
surrectional chiefs, they have made every effort for some
rational and equitable compromise, and that if these hor-
rors still continue, it is not they who are to blame In
the complication of distress, to which Spanish America
has been reduced, mutual sacrifices must be made on all
sides; a disposition to lay aside jealousy and ill-will,
must be manifested, and a liberal basis of perfect recipro-
city, must be established. This is the moment for the
establishment of just and equal principles, and whilst
England contemplates with satisfaction, the benefits
which the close of a tremendous revolution in Europe,
insures to the world, she cannot, without an impeachment
of her justice and humanity, consent to the prosecution
of an unjust war, accompanied by horrors, equal to those
of the tomahawk and scalping knife, which stained the
contest with North America. If also, peace is not re-
stored between Spain and Spanish America, in an honour-
able and consistent manner, it is much to be feared, that
the rich harvest of success, and the means of national fe-
licity, which the former has obtained through the perse-
verance and exertions of England, will be blasted and
Tendered abortive. And what is the state of warfare,
which does not admit of explanation and adjustment, if
the parties are only cordial ?

After the hostilities which have now been carrying on

353

for more than four years, between European and Ameri-
can Spain; after the numerous examples of cruelty and
revenge, which, during that time, have occurred ; after
all the bitterness of party spirit, has poured itself out
into severe invective, and such a general exasperation has
been excited, it cannot be expected, that Spain by her-
self, will ever be able to tranquillize her injured and irri*-
tated American provinces ; and much less, can it be
thought, that in her present exhausted state, she can re-
duce them by force of arms. It is not to be supposed,
after a war, in which human passions and prejudices,
have been let loose and roused to the highest pitch of
phrenzy ; that the distrust, inveteiacy, and hostile feelings
of individuals, will easily subside ; or that men, who have
so long been goaded with the spur of ingratitude and in-
justice, will soon stifle their resentment, and forget the
"recent wrongs and insults, to which they have been ex-
posed. Alive to the oppression of such a system of po-
licy and of government, as that of which ^n outline has
been already presented ; one, that with regard to the In^
dians, has made the interval that has intervened since
their conquest, little else than a blank and dismal void,—
% series of cruelty, drudgery and hardships; and with re-
gard to the Creoles, was illiberal, cramping and tyranni-
cal, how can it be imagined, that such a people, who
'have been driven to the extreme of asserting their rights,
and arming in their own defence, will again sit down un-
der new aggravations, and suffer their chains to be rivetted
afresh ? How can it be expected, that those who have
seen their loyalty insulted ; who have felt the horrors of
an unjust war waged against them; who have beheld
their most solemn capitulations not only infringed, but

z

354

their violation sanctioned by the organ of government?
and who behold the yet reeking ruins of their burnt towns
and ravaged plains, can place confidence in their oppres-
sors, trust to their offers, or receive terms, unless through
the mediation of a third power? During the crisis of so
great a political spasm, as that which now convulses the
Spanish American people, how can it be expected, that
social order can be restored, by those hands which are so
deeply tinged in blood; or how can this people be made
contented and happy, unless it is, by firm and efficient
laws, being secured and guaranteed to them? And in
the actual posture of affairs, can this be effected by Spain
alone ?

Although, in the course of this expose, general allusion
has been made, to the cruel and inhuman war now prose-
cuted by the agents of Spain, against the inhabitants of
Spanish America, little idea can be, nevertheless, enter-
tained, by the British public, to whom this appeal is made,
of its extent, and of the complicated calamitie/5, with
which that unfortunate country overflows. Under the
plea of reducing insurgents, every species of excess is
<:ommitted; and particularly in New Spain, it nearly
amounts to a war of extermination, one, that in the annals
of history, is unequalled in cruelty and wanton havoc. —
Yet the Spaniards begin to find, that opinions, deep-
rooted as they are in the minds of the people, cannot be
extracted by the sword, or overawed by scaffolds and
persecutions. This is a war of brigandage, worse than
occurred in St. Domingo, atid with the exception of
blood hounds, bears every feature of the cruelties the
French exercised there, against the coloured natives, of
which, they afterwards felt the dreadful retaliation Fire

355

and the sword are alternately, applied ; parents are mur-
dered by their children, and brothers by the hands of bro-
thers. It were, here, possible to paint scenes, at which hu-
man nature would recoil. Alas ! of what crimes is not man
capable, when the torch of civil discord is once lighted up,
and all the endearing and social ties w^hich sweeten life,
are made to yield to phrenzy and political fury ! A re-
spectable letter, dated Mexico, February 18, 1811, ob-
serves, " the unheard of cruelties are such, that posterity
will suppose them fabulous,'*

Great, however as are the horrors, and immense the
surrounding ruin that has been occasioned, their details
seldom or ever meet the eye of the British public, from
our prints containing only partial extracts from those of
Cadiz, in which, for the most part, the occurrences of
Spanish America, are mutilated or misrepresented.—
These horrors, are, nevertheless, confessed in the Mexico
gazettes, in private correspondence from that city, and
frequently, the most horrid butcheries, constitute the
boasts of Spanish chiefs, in their despatches to the vice«
roy. It would not be possible, here, to detail the nume-
rous and extensive cruelties committed by the Spaniards,
since this inhuman war commenced, or to enumerate the
scenes of devastation. But I have conceived it my duty,
to subjoin a variety of facts, that may at least explain the
nature of this warfare, and evince in what manner it is
carrying on. Those relating to Mexico, are taken from
government gazettes, printed in that city, and indeed all
are substantiated by corresponding documents, princi-
pally obtained through Spanish channels.

In examining the grounds on which so many cruelties
have been committed in Mexico, the proclamation of

Z2

356

Viceroy Venegas, deserves the first place. The follow^
ihg are extracted articles :

1st. " All rebels who have resisted the king*s troops,
are criminals, and subject to a military jurisdiction. "

6th. '' All insurgent chiefs, in whatever number they
may be, are to be shot, without allowing them more time,
than to prepare for death in a christian manner. "

loth. " Ecclesiastics taken with arms in their hands, to
be executed in the same manner, **

Article 2, authorises the division or detachment making
prisoners, to execute these orders. The scenes which
this and similar orders have given rise to, in such a
country as the one to which I allude, are such as would
disgrace the annals of a Tiberius.

D° Ignacio Garcia Revollo, in his despatch to the vice*
roy, dated Queretaro, November 23, 1811, recommends
Serjeant Francisco Montes, " as deserving the grade of
an officer, for amongst other gallant actions, he killed one
of his own nephews^ who making himself known to him,
received for answer, that he knew no nephew amongst in-
surgents,'^

Commandant Bustamante, in his despatch to the vice-
roy, dated Zitaquaro, October 23, 1811, recommends
Mariano Ochoa, a dragoon, *' who in pursuing the insur*
gents, had a brother who knelt to him to beg his life, which
lie took, with his own hand.'*

When two such acts as these, become the boast of a
despatch to a viceroy, I leave my reader to judge of
the other atrocities; but of these, history has no pa-
rallel.

General Truxillo, in a similar despatch, boasts, that
he admitted a flag of truce from Hidalgo, composed of

357

various persons, in front of his line that was drawn up,
and having received from them a banner of the Virgin
Mary, " he ordered his soldiers to fire on the bearers, by
which means, he expected not to be troubled any more with
themy The persons composing the flag of truce, were
thus, all murdered. Even the Cadiz papers, cried out
against this atrocity.

General Calleja, informs the viceroy, that in the affair
of Aculco, he had one man killed and two wounded ; but
that he put to the sword, 5000 seduced Indians, and that
their total loss amounted to 10,000. The most of these
were Indians, kneeling for mercy ! The same general
entered Goanaxoato, with fire and sword, where 14,000
old men, women, and children, perished, and this, because
the insurgent army had taken up its quarters there, and,
by a timely retreat, had escaped his fury. In his des-
patch, he adds, " To-morrow and the following days, I
intend to shoot a quantity of the criminals who have been
taken of the insurgent army , of all grades, even up to a
brigadier,^ This measure, was afterwards approved by
the viceroy himself. Calleja soon after, received from
the Cadiz Regency, the gradeof Tzzamca/ de campo, and
the viceroy the cross of Charles III. as remunerations for
this distinguished service.

In the action of Zamora, all the prisoners were, also,
put to the sword.

Feliu, deputy in the Cortes for Lima, speaking there-
in on the proposed mediation of England, observes/' that
in order to prove the tyranny with which the inhabitants
of Mexico, are treated, it would suffice to present some
of the measures, daily taken by the governors in that
country." He adds, " I will here only mention the 2d

' 368

and 11th articles of the proclamation, issued by Brigadier
D° Joze de la Cruz, on the 23d February, 1811. Article 2,
imposes the punishment of death, on all persons of every
class and condition, who within twenty-four hours, do
not deliver up all the arms of which they may be pos-
sessed, including axes and knives. To forbid any one
to carry on their persons, even a small knife, has been
before seen ; but to deprive people of knives for their
domestic use, under the penalty of death, is what even
Murat did not do in Madrid, or has been before heard
of. Article 11, orders, that a tenth of all the inhabitants
shall be shot, of whatever town or city; that may be
kriown to have given provisions to an insurgent, or where
any intercourse has been had with them, even between a
father and his son :'* and, " if thus," subjoins the deputy,
** a faithful father, attempts to bring back a wandering
son, is he, on this account, to die ? Well and good ; but
is it not the extreme of barbarity, that for this same rea-»
son, the tenth of a whole town is to be shot B" These
were the arguments, the American deputies brought for-^
ward to urge a mediation, whilst England, with all her
weight of influence and services, was merely asking a
favour.

Had these been threats only consigned to paper, had
they been the hasty breathings of revenge, but barren in
deeds, they might, perhaps, have been overlooked
by the politician, who considers the highly increased
degree of acrimony, which had been infused into the
dispute, and the general character of the nation from
whom they issued. But when we see the terrible terms
and latitude of such decrees, carried into full and frequent
effect 5 when we see threats, horrid in their wording,

359

still aggravated by the inhuman manner in whicb tbey
are executed, and when we, at the same time, reflect
what this unfortunate people is contending for, the poli-
tician, as well as the moralist, and the philosopher, can-
not but shudder and exclaim, with the venerable Las
Casas, speaking of the first conquerors, ** that these are
not men, but devils in human flesh.'' This threat of Ge-
neral Cruz, was executed in two towns on the Lake of
Chapala, where he shot every tenth inhabitant, and then
burnt their dwellings, for having harboured the insur-
gents, when, possibly, they could not resist.

This same General Cruz, thirsting as it were for blood
and destruction, had already burnt the town of the Ira-
puato, in which the insurgents had resisted his attacks,
and made a public parade of shooting six priests; in
short, wherever he went, indiscriminate murder, fire,
and desolation, followed his footsteps. The prisoners
who are not put to the sword, in cold blood, were sent
to perish in the dungeons of Mexico, or in those of St.
Juan de Ulua.

Captain Blanco, in July, 1811, announces, " that as
soon as he entered Match uala, and the insurgents saw
they were attacked on all sides, and the havoc made
amongst them, they fled into the fields, but his troops
eager for blood (encarnizada) pursued, till they found no
more to pursue.

D^ Caetano Quintero, 29th August, 1811, says,
" that in the attack of Amoladeras, which lasted two
hours, no quarter was given. "

Commandant Villaescusa, 91st December, 1811, ob-
serves, " that the rebels of S" Ignacio, headed by an an-
cient officer, hoisted a flag of truce, and their chief lieute-
nant Hernandez, having expressed a desire to parley with

360

Montaiio, chief of the Opata Indians, a Spanish soldier
named Manuel Ramirez, feigned he was the person,
assuring Hernandez, that if he would advance in front of
the lines, without arms, he would do the same. " On
their meeting, Hernandez was treacherously murdered.

General Cruz, in his letter to Hidalgo, 28th February,
1811, says, " that many thousands of men, tiiken by the
king's troops, were then groaning, in prisons, waiting
their last end." Yet few were taken in the field of bat-»
tie, or otherwise apprehended, they being, in general,
shot or hung on the spot.

General Calleja, from Zitaquaro, which he had just
taken, after a stout resistance, writes the viceroy, that he
will make it disappear from the face of the earth ; and
in conformity to this resolve, he issued a proclamation,
whose articles, in substance, are as follows.

1. That all the property, public or private, belong-*
ing to the inhabitants of this town and jurisdiction, shall
be confiscated to the crown, and the Indians deprived of
their privileges.

2. Likewise the property of all those Spaniards, who
have joined in the insurrection, or were absent when the
king's troops entered,

5. This faithless and criminal town, that three distinct
times, has resisted the arms of the king, being to be
rooted up, burnt and destroyed, the inhabitants of every
age and sex, shall leave it within six days.

6. All the individuals and families who may leave
this town, shall have a certificate, bearing their name,
descent, number of each, and day of their departure,
it being well understood, that whoever may be found
without this certificate, or remain in the town, longer
than the time prefixed, having no weighty impediment

361

'^ to allege therefore, shall be treated as a rebel, and shot,
&c. &c.

The above passages, principally extracted from offi-»
cial despatches and Mexico gazettes, will convey a good
idea of the nature of the warfare, now carrying on in
New Spain. It is not only because such scenes occur,
that the feelings of humanity recoil, but because they
should afterwards constitute the public boast of a com-
mander of a division or detachment. A lieutenant com-
manding twent3^-five men, can shoot his insurgents, and
then pride himself for so doing, in his report to his com-
manding officer. To such a pitch has the phrensy at last
risen, that clergymen, chaplains of regiments, friars, &c.
are now shot and murdered, with no more ceremony,
than laymen, notwithstanding this is not only against the
canons, but also, in direct opposition to the constitution
of the Spanish monarchy. During the revolutionary
struggle of North America, politeness and respect, uni-
formly accompanied the acts of the contending chiefs.
Lord Cornwallis, always addressed General Washington
by the title of Excellency; and humane and personal at-
tentions, were never forgotten. But here, men who have
recurred to the only means left them of asserting rights,
which in the abstract must be deemed just, are murdered
like banditti, and treated as vagrants. It is melancholy
sin the extreme, to behold the deadly animosity that has
thence arisen, and to contemplate such scenes as result,
from indiscriminately putting men to death, whom the
.chance of war has left in the hands of the victor, and
consequently, at his mercy.

It would not be possible, with any degree of accu-
Tacy, to point out the extent to which this havoc of bu^

362

man lives, has been carried, or to convey an exact idea of ^
the general destruction that has been occasioned. The
author of the Revolucion de Mexico, has taken some
pains to add up the results of an irregular file of fifty-
nine daily gazettes of that city, for the years 1811 and
12, principally containing various despatches of com-
manders, acting in different quarters of the viceroyalty.
These few gazettes alone, officially, confess 25,344 in-*
surgents killed, 3556 prisoners, besides 697, shot after
surrendry. And this is in addition to a variety of vague
terms, such as the field of battle loas covered with the
slain — heaps of dead covered the plain y §c. — -to which no
numerical amount could be given. I would here aik my
reader, to figure to himself, what would be the results of
a regular file, complete, from the time the war com-
menced, up to the present day, that is nearly five years ;
since, in the fifty-nine numbers above alluded to, the most
bloody actions are not contained, and many detached
affairs, were never made the subject of a report. With
regard to destruction, scarcely a farm is left standing,
the cattle, beasts of burden, and implements of agricul-
ture, have all disappeared ; and the ravages of two con-
tending armies, have desolated, the hitherto safe and
peaceful dwellings of the Mexican people. Agriculture,
mining, and commerce, are all at a stand.

The following is an extract of a letter written from
Mexico, under a recent date, by a person of whose re-
spectability I can vouch, and it is, also, found in El Es-
panol for last February, No. 45. It gives a very good
idea of the state of New Spain, and it deserves the more
credit, from its author being a person of high station and
repute. — " All the commanders of detachments arrived

363

from Spain, as well as the aids de camp of Venegas, have
become rich. Some of those who arrived a year and a
half ago, are masters of 80 to 100,000 dollars. T. and C.
have had to give considerable securities, before they
could leave the kingdom. The first, in consequence of
an enormous complication of charges; and the latter, for
having robbed a large quantity of money in Guardamino,
besides jewels, cattle and produce, belonging to a farm
through which he passed with his troops. The simple
fact of a merchant being found to be his security, for a
sum larger than 80,000 dollars, proves that he has them;
and if this is the case, where have they come from ? —
But why talk about things of such little consequence,
when others might be mentioned, which rend the heart.
The plague is, at present, desolating this kingdom,
wherever the insurrection has left men to be killed. * A.
has received a letter from Mexico, in which it is said,
that 25,000 persons have been buried without the walls,
besides many who have been buried in private; and it
adds, that on calculations by no means exaggerated, the
loss of the whole kingdom, during the last three years,
amounts to one million of persons. Two years and some
months ago, N. wrote me, that the insurrection was then
supposed to have cost 200,000 persons, and at that time,
the war was no more than a shadow of what it has been
since."

And can the British public, hear of these horrors, and

* The plague in Mexico, originated from the privations inciden-
tal to the war, want of provisions, crowded dungeonjS, &c. ; the same
as did lately at Dantzic, Dresden, Konnigsberg, &c. owing to their
sieges.

o

64

still be unmoved ? Can the British government behold,
with calm indifference, and without an effective effort
on their behalf, this unheard of mass of destruction,
amongst its faithful and unoffending allies! Can England
still look, with obstinate composure, on such a scene ? — >
These accounts to some, may appear magnified, yet they
no more than correspond to the result of the Mexico pa-
pers I can produce; and they will be found confirmed,
through channels which cannot be suspected. When a
general can boast in a public report, that with the loss of
one man and two wounded, he left 5(XX) natives extended
on the field of battle, it cannot be supposed he was fight-
ing against armed men, but that he had fallen on bands
of unarmed Indians, whahad collected round the banners
of their just rights, but who had nothing to present in
their defence, than their naked breasts. Can this be li-
kened to any thing else, than to the entry of Cortes into
Mexico ? Does not this equal the horrors of an Alva, in
the Netherlands?

The editor of El Espanol, in his last number for Aprils
remarks, " that the war between Spain and her ancient
colonies, still continues, under the most shocking symp^
toms. The Spanish people of the other hemisphere, are
still murdering each other, with the greatest fury; and as
it happens, in similar cases, the war is carried on, di-
vested of those laws and rules, which diminish its evils,
amongst civilized nations. The governors and chiefs,
sent out by Spain, are horribly satiating themselves in the
blood of that unhappy people, making a parade of cruel-
ties, which even in the most barbarous nations, would
excite horror. In one of the last despatches from Mexico,
the general, after giving the details of the action, says.

365

with the most terrific indifference,'* — " Two hundred pri^
sorters are now in the act of being shot, by way of ex-
«mjo/e."— Yet this is the confession of a Spaniard, here
on the spot, and with whose liberality and veracity we
are well acquainted.

§ Nor are these scenes, alone, confined to the vice-
royalty of Mexico. Other sections of Spanish America,
present similar ones, which if possible, exceed them in
horror. Those of Caracas, merit a particular review. I
cannot better describe them, than by giving the substance
of General Bolivar's manifest, respecting the conduct of
General Monteverde and the agents of Spain, dated Va-
lencia, September 20, 1813. — The united provinces of Ve-
nezuela, in conformity of their manifest, dated July 30,
1811, containing a full detail of the urgent motives which
drove them to such a measure, that is, after war, undet
every species of aggravations, had been waged against
them, by the Cadiz Regency, declared their independence
of the mother country. They organized a provisional
government, and a desultory war was carried on against
them. On the 12th of March, 1813, Caracas, and several
other cities of the interiour, were visited with a most
dreadful earthquake, which left the former in ruins, and
spread consternation throughout the provinces. The
clergy, irritated at being deprived of their privileges and
immunities, by one of the articles of the new constitution,
(that is, they were made subservient to the civil law,) in
the confessional and in the pulpit, preached, that this ca-
lamity was a signal vengeance from God, for having sepa-
rated from the mother-country. General Monteverde, at
the head of a handful of Spaniards, advanced from Coro,
and encouraged by the distress and consternation, so ge-

366

nerally spread around, and in secret understanding with
many Europeans in the capital, marched forward. Most
of the inhabitants, were then dispersed in the country,
many had fled to the woods for shelter, and all were ter-
rified at the horrors and murders, committed by the
agents of the Spanish chiefs, in the progress of their
march.

Such was the situation of Venezuela, when on the
windward coast, the negroes, both slaves and free, were
revolutionized and set loose on the inhabitants, to spread
through the country, all kinds of violence and plunder.
The towns of Guatiri, Calabozo, and San Juan de los
Moros, thereby witnessed the greatest horrors. Many of
their peaceful inhabitants, were murdered without more
ceremony, than being ordered to kneel down, and others
were whipped in the public squares. Thus, Caracas in
ruins by a most dreadful earthquake ; to the East, alarmed
by the black banditti let loose on its defenseless inhabit-
ants ; and on the West, threatened by an army, whose
numbers had been swelled by fanaticism and seduction,
and seeing the only troops of the confederation com-
manded by a chief who never possessed the public confi-
dence, w^as under the necessity of capitulating, with
General Monteverde, in San Mateo, on 25th July, 1812,

The basis of this ratified convention, was, that the
lives, property, and persons of every citizen, should be
held sacred ; that no one, should be persecuted for the
past; general oblivion and amnesty were, in short,
granted. No sooner was Monteverde in possession of
the town, and the revolutionary troops disarmed, than
he put some inhabitants in dungeons, others in irons,
and public stocks ; parties of dissolute soldiery, were

367

sent out to different parts of the interiour to collect
more; most respectable persons were torn from the arms
of their wives and children ; many, bound to horses' tails,
were led on foot into town, exposed to the scoffs and
mockery of the troops ; and persons were placed over the
victims as keepers, who had been tried during the admi-
nistration of the late provincial government. Property
was seized ; outrages and insults,^ were heaped on many
individuals of both sexes, many were cast inlo hot and
damp dungeons, resembling the black-hole at Calcutta ;
the streets were crowded with unhappy wives, crying
out for their husbands, mothers for their sons, and sisters
for their brothers. Monteverde and his fellow islanders,
the Canarians, feasted on such a spectacle, and rejoiced
in the humiliation of the Creoles. Enfuriated by bloody
fanaticism, and thirsting for plunder, the Spanish troops,
every where forgot the dictates of humanity, and to the
desolation caused by one of the severest visitations of na-
ture, every thing that can be committed by a dissolute
and uncontrolled soldiery, was added. In this manner,
more than 1500 individuals, were thrown into dungeons,
though they had rested their personal security, on the
faith of a solemn capitulation, regularly exchanged and ra-
tified, and which they considered as binding, even
amongst the most uncivilized nations. *

♦ It can scarcely be thought, that the achievement of the above
horrors, was made the subjectof a British bulletin, the following is a
copy. —

" Downing street, Oct, 5, 1812.

** By accounts from Curacoa and St. Thomas, dated the 5th and
^th August, it appears the City of Caracas capitulated to the Royalist

368

The walls of the dungeons, into which these unftjf-
tuiiate victims were indiscriminately huddled, were in
many places, rent with the late earthquake, and those of
La Guira and Puerto Cavello, were a foot deep in watef,
from being situated near the sea* Some persons were
shut up in pontoons and castles, generally without food
and medical aid, and this in the hot season of the year.
Some were manacled* to negroes, to laugh to scorn the
equality the late government had proclaimed; others,
under a burning sun. Were put with their heads in the
stocks, in the public squares ; and in short, eveiy refine-
ment in cruelty, was practised, as vengeance on some,
and to extort money from others. In the night, some
were taken out of their cells, and were no more heard of;
others were found stabbed in the streets, on the high
Toads, aad in their own houses. Nay, European Spa-
niards, were heard to cry out, that all the partizans of the
revolution, were to be exterminated, and the ignorant
and fanatic populace, were led to believe, that the earth-
quakes would not cease, till they were all extinct.

The above statement is extracted from a public docu-
ment, addressed to all the nations of the world, and its
contents, are more than confirmed, by eye-witnesses who
have lately visited London. If my limits permitted me, I
could here add, the reports of a French gentleman and of
two Englishmen who were on the spot; and, certainly.

Array, under General Monteverde, on the 28th July, and thai La
Guira surrendered at discretion on the 21st.

*• General Miranda is closely imprisoned at the latter place. The
greatest distress has been experienced at the CaracaV'

Can this b« called strict neutrality ?

369 /

Ihieir details exceed those just stated, in their strength of
colouring, and in the mention of scenes, which the mind
cannot contemplate without the keenest emotion. Many
appeals, have been made to the British commanders on
the neighbouring stations, to endeavour by indirect means,
to stop these and the successive horrors which have fol-
lowed, but to no effect. They have always answered,
that their instructions, ^^proAziz^, in so pointed a manner,
all interference hettveen the contending parties on the friainf
that they conceive, that no case whatever , can icarrant a de-
parture fro?n them.'* Yet can it be considered just, that
these horrors and atrocities should be carried on, with the
very resources, England has given in trust to Spain, to
use against a legal enemy, and to free her territory from
invasion.^ Several pieces which have been printed, as-
sert, that whilst the strictest care was taken to hinder
any of the revolutionary parties, from getting even a mus-
ket, the governor of Cura^oa supplied General Monteverde
with arms. Yet, when Caracas fell, in the manner just
described, that same island was not allowed to be an asy-
lum to some most respectable individuals, who were fly-
ing from scenes of carnage and desolation. Amongst the
sufferers of Caracas, were eight individuals of great re-
spectability and talents, who were put on board a ship,
in irons, and sent to Cadiz. They w^ere confined in the
holdj during their passage. Amongst them, w^as the ve-
nerable canon of Chili, who by his humane attentions,
had made himself ktiow^n to Lord Camelsford and others,
who accompanied Vancouver, in his voyage to the South
seas. In vain, did these unfortunate victims, plead the
amnesty of a solemn capitulation, it w^as of no avail. —
They implored the humanity of the British minister in Ca-

370

diz, they were unheard. At length on the 10th of A pril, 1813,
the Cortes decreed, that it was derogatory to the majesty and
dignity of the national congress, to validate a capitulation
made with malignant insurgents \ and these sufferers were
thus sent to drag a miserable existence, in the prisons of
.Ceuta. Their friends, indignant at such a breach of na-
tional faith and humanity, used every exertion to aid in
their escape, which they effected to Gibraltar, where they
were delivered up to their persecutors, bound hand and
foot, according to recent accounts, from Madrid. I have
mentioned these particulars, relating to eight respectable
individuals, comprehended in the capitulation made be*
tween Generals Monreverde and Miranda, above alluded
to, in order to introduce the correspondence, which took
place between the governor of Curacoa, and General Boli-
var, in the month of September, 1813, on the subject of
some demonstrations made by the first, in favour of suf-
fering Spaniards. — From the great length of these letters, I
h^ve placed them in my Appendix, under the head of I,
and I now ask the question, whether in cases of this kind,
the Creoles are not equally deserving of the interference
of our officers, as the Spaniards, who are the aggressors?
§ But, of all the scenes of horror ever before heard of,
perhaps the one which has just occurred in Caracas, is
the most shocking. The manner, in which the Creoles of
that country, were treated by the Spaniards, on their en-
try, has been just stated, in language by no means corres-
ponding to the reality. These excesses were so great,
and from them such fatal consequences were anticipated,
that even the audiencia, a court that is composed of Eu-
ropeans, and has always been one of the stoutest pillars of
Spanish tyranny, in America, sent over to the government

371

at home, a strong remonstrancie respecting the conduct of
Monteverde and the impolitic horrors committing in Ca-
racas, which may be found in No. 39, of El Espahol. —
Such proceedings, could not fail lo excite indignation, and
exasperate the minds of an outraged people. The neigh-
bouring section of Santa F^, which had also asserted its
independence, sympathized with the sufferers of Caracas,
and resolved to march a force to their relief; Bolivar, at
the head of a small band, penetrated from Carthagena by
land, a distance of 600 leagues; his numbers increased,
as soon as he reached the confines of Venezuela, and he,
eventually, regained the country, from which he had
lately emigrated, and which had been the tomb of so many
fellow citizens. Monteverde retreated to, and shut him-
self up in Puerto Cavello. He had in his possession, about
three or four hundred Creole prisoners. Bolivar sought to
effect an exchange for those Spaniards he held, and con-
sequently sent several flags of truce, with proposals. The
Spanish commanders of Puerto Cavello, refused to treat
with insurgents, and threw the bearers of the proposals
and flags of truce, into dungeons. iVt last, Bolivar sent
a Spanish officer whom he had taken, but he was again
refused, and the commander of La Guira, brought on the
ramparts of Puerto Cavello, four Creole officers, whom he
had shot in front of the lines of the revolutionary army,
and then sent their names, with a threat to continue the
same scenes, to its commander. Exasperated at such con-
duct, Bolivar ordered all the Spanish prisoners, instantly
to be shot, which was executed ; whereby, upwards of
1300 persons, were murdered in cold blood. — The par-
ticulars of this enormous scene, as well as of the horrors
now committing, by the armed negroes in the province

A A 2

372

of Caracas, will be found in the words of an eye witness,
in my Appendix, under the head of J. I feel the greater
confidence in inserting this document, from the known
abilities and experience of the writer, who has been an
eye witness of what he describes. So interesting was this
statement of facts considered, that it has been sent to one
of our ministers and the Admiralty, by one of the com-
manders of a station in the West Indies, from whence I
have just received it.

However, the most alarming, as well as the most dis-
tressing of all the appendages of this unnatural and bloody
contest, is, the measure lately resorted to by the agents of
Spain, of revolutionizing, freeing, and arming the negroes
in Venezuela. Out of a kind of desperation, some of the
greatest cut-throats, were commissioned to collect a black
banditti, in order to put the whites to the sword, and to
carry plunder and violence through all the provinces. In
the preceding document, marked J, to which allusion has
been just made, a minute account is given, of the manner
in which these slaves have been freed and organized into
a horde of savages, pouring desolation wherever they go.
The full and able manner, in which the fatal consequences
that will, eventually, result to our West India islands,
from rendering these provinces of the main, the theatres
of horror and licentiousness, similar to what has so long
deluged the French part of St. Domingo, preclude the ne-
cessity of any further remarks in this place ; but the present
situation of Caracas, now interests every British planter,
merchant, or creditor connected with the West Indies,
and all are imperiously called upon to arrest this flame of
insurrection, before it reaches their own property. With
these facts before them, can the ministers of England still

373

continue to look on with indifference, and can their
agents still answer, that no case whatever, will warrant
their interference ?

In order the better to explain the nature of the war
carried on by this black banditti, I here present a copy of
one of the commissions given to Captain Joze Rufiiio
Jorralba, by Boves, one of the chiefs charged with freeing
and arming the slaves of the provinces of Caracas. It is
translated from the Caracas Gazette, No. 13, for Novem-
ber ^9, 1813, and was found on the person of the said
Captain Jorralba, when taken a prisoner.—

Don Joze Boves, Commander-in-Chitf of the
Windward Army, &c. &c. &c.

" By these presents, I commission Captain Joze
Rufiho Jorralba, to collect all persons fit for the public
service, and placing himself at their head, that he may
pursue and follow up all traitors, and punish them with
death ; it being well understood, that no more time is to
be granted to them, than is necessary to say a creed, in
order to recommend their souls to their Creator : and di-
recting, at the same time, that all property taken from
jsuch traitors, shall be divided between the soldiers who
defend the just and hjoly cause; and the merit thereby
acquired by each individual, shall be recommended to
the Commander General of the province; and I further
require and charge all commanders of His Majesty's
troops, to aid him in whatever may be necessary."

(Signed) Joze Tomas Boves.
Head Quarters, Gayabal,
Nor. 1, 1813.

374

Could it ever have been thought, that the nineteenth
century would have witnessed such a commission, given
by an individual known only by his crimes, to a captain
placing himself at the head of a band of armed negroes ?
The traitors^ herein alluded to, are the Creoles, the
owners of their country, and the objects of Spanish ven-
geance from the time of its discovery. The holy cause,
is pretty well depicted in the description of Monteverde*s
entry into Caracas, and as may be collected from the con-
tents of the preceding pages. It amounts to a furious
and bloody despotism, trampling on every right, and
sporting with human life. I leave my reader to judge of
the consequences, of a captain commanding a black band,
just freed from slavery, by the incentives of plunder and
licentiousness, being empowered over the lives of indivi-
duals, scattered over a wide and defenceless country, thus
leaving them at his mercy, and their property at his will.
Some of these results, are also depicted in Document I.
But this is not all. As a refinement of cruelty, those who
escape the murdering steel of this black banditti, have
their ears or noses cut off, or are marked with the letter F
(for Ferdinand) on their faces, in the same manner, as they
brand cattle, or as the Dutch brand their slaves at Suri-
nam, on the arm. * What monsters, have not been ge-
nerated, from this unnatural contention !

And does not this remind us of the horrors of the to-
mahawk and scalping-knife, which once covered the
western frontiers of the United States, with so many

* Letter from a respectable commercial house, dated St. Pierre,
Martinique, Jan. 30th, 1814; and confirmed through many other
channels.

375

horrors? Does it not also call to our recollection, the
speech made by the venerable Earl Chatham, when Lord J
Suffolk, then Secretary of State, contended in the House
of Peers, for the employment of Indians in the war.
•* Besides its policy and necessity," his Lordship said,
<• that the measure was, also, allowable on principle, for
that it was perfectly justifiable, to use all the means that
God and nature had put into our hands. "

The indignation of Lord Chatham was moved, and he
suddenly rose and gave full vent to his feelings, in one of
the most extraordinary bursts of eloquence, the pen of
history ever recorded. — " I am astonished," exclaimed
his Lordship, " shocked to hear such principles con-
fessed; to hear them avowed in this hous?, or even iii
this country. My lords, I did not intend to have en-
croached again on your attention, but I cannot repress
my indignation. I feel myself impelled to speak. My
lords, we are called upon, as members of this house, as
men, as Christians, to protest against such horrible bar-
barity. That God and nature had put into our hands /
What ideas of God*s nature, that noble Lord may enter-
tain, I know not ;- but I know, that such detestable prin-
ciples, are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity.
"What, to attribute the sacred sanction of God and nature,
to the massacres of the Indian scalping-knife ! to the can-
nibal savage, torturing, murdering, devouring, drinking
the blood of his mangled victims ! Such notions, shock
every precept of morality, every feeling of humanity,
every sentiment of honour. These abominable princi-
ples, and this more abominable avowal of them, demand
the most decisive indignation. I call upon the right re-
verend, and this most learned bench, to vindicate the re-.

376

ligion of their God, to support the justice of their coun-r
try. I call upon the bishops, to interpose the unsullied
sanctity of their lawn, upon the judges, to interpose the
purity of their ermine, to save us from this pollution. I
call upon the honour of your Lordships, to reverence the
dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain your own. I
call upon the spirit and humanity of my country, to vin-
dicate the national character. I invoke the genius of the
constitution. From the tapestry that adorns these walls,
the immortal ancestor of this noble Lord, frowns with in-
dignation, at the disgrace of his country. In vain, did he
defend the liberty, and establish the religion of Britain
against the tyranny of Rome, if these worse than Popish
cruelties and inquisitorial practices, are endured amongst
us. To send forth the merciless cannibal, thirsting for
blood! — And against whom? Your Protestant brethren j
to lay waste their country ; to desolate their dwellings,
and extirpate their race and name, by the aid and instru*
mentality of these horrible hell-hounds of war ! Spain,
armed herself with blood -hounds, to extirpate the
wretched natives of Mexico, but we, more ruthless, loose
these dogs of war against our countrymen in America,
endeared to us by every tie that should sanctify hu-
manity. My Lords, I solemnly call upon your Lord-
ships, and upon every order of men in the State, to
stamp upon this infamous procedure, the indelible stig*
ma of public abhorrence. More particularly, I call upon
the holy prelates of our religion, to do away this ini-
quity; let them perform a lustration to purify their
country, from this deep and deadly sin. My Lords, I
am old and weak, and at present unable to say more ;
but my feelings and indignation, were too strong, to have

377

said less. I could not have slept this night in my bed,
nor reposed my head upon my pillow, without giving
this vent to my eternal abhorrence of such enormous and
preposterous principles."

And will not the feelings of every Briton, who sees
the recital of these horrors, correspond with the above
words of Lord Chatham ? Nay, will not the true Spa-
niard, equally revolt, on beholding such scenes, and in
listening to the enumeration of horrors, which the pen
refuses to trace? Not horrors, inseperable from a. state
of warfare, but enormities, which nothing but wicked-
ness could invent, or barbarity execute. Enormities, not
only committed, but afterwards boasted of. Spanish
America, even by the confession of Spanish writers, dur-
ing its conquest, was the grand repository of plunder, and
a monument of ever living crimes. Three centuries af-
terwards, their recital makes us shudder, and we scarcely
believe man could be so degraded. Yet, greater enor-
mities are now committing, and we are still silent. I say
greater, because this contest, is between Christians and
fellow-citizens. By the general conventions of mankind,
the afflictions of war are softened and relieved, but, here
they are aggravated by every thing infernal, which the
malice of the heart, can sugjs^est. Alas ! and for what
is not the Spanish government answerable in the con*
duct of its agents ? Do these ever remember, that when
they gain a victory, their banners are crimsoned with the
blood of fellow-citizens ; and that it is the duty of mo*
rality, as well as of religion, to diminish the calamities of
war ? When the prisoners on both sides, are respect-
ively murdered in cold blood, when a war of extermina-
jlion is thus provoked, when the slaves of a country are

378

armed for the murder and plunder of their masters, and
when besides these outrages, the human invention is racked
to find out new and additional torture, what are the con-
sequences that may not be expected ? Can we look for
less, than to behold that country a heap of ruins, which
is still bound to us by a treaty of alliance, and which we
have deluded by our former promises ? And what can
Spain say to these her agents, who have been the
causes of all these horrors^ ravages, and disasters ? Can
she expect, that no dreadfid punishment will follow at
the heels of such offenders ; or can she suppose, that the
tide of war and vengeance, will not be rolled back upon
Ihem, with aggravations, like those of which they have
been the inventors.

§ Mexico and Caracas, however, are not the only sec-
tions of Spanish America, that have witnessed scenes,
such as those, of which an outline has just been given.
The march of Goyeneche into Upper Peru, has been at-
tended with similar instances of cruelty and vengeance,
though on a smaller scale. In Cochabamba, upwards of
a hundred persons were murdered in cold blood, some
with tortures, and one was quartered. La Paz, Potosi, and
Oruro, had to weep over excesses equally great. Their
crime, also, was common with the rest of the inhabit-
ants of the insurgent provinces ; that is, it consisted in a
resolve to seek within themselves, that redress, which
was denied them at home. The stages, through which
the contest in Buenos Ay res and Chili, has gone, being
more generally known amongst us, they are passed over
for the sake of brevity. On the 2d August, 1810, forty
persons of the first families, were destroyed in cold blood
in the prisons of Quito, by the dissolute soldiery of

^79

Lima; and the inhabitants of the same city, were fired
upon, and murdered in the streets, in the same cruel
manner. In November 1812, Governor Montes, entered
the city of Quito, abandoned it to pillage, according to
his own letter of 11th of same month, and detached par-
ties of soldiers, to pursue those w^ho had fled, even the
bishop and nuns. Those who remained, and they w^itli^
out having made any resistance, were placed in lines,
and every fifth person shot, as appears from the pastoral
letter, dated 31 March, 1813, of the Bishop of Epifania,
governor of the bishopric of Chili, himself an European
Spaniard.

Such is the gloomy picture of the horrors now com-
mitting in the various sections of Spanish America, and
at which, human nature has so much reason to shudder.
Horrors, committing against the unfortunate inhabitant*
of that country, not because they have revolted against
their lawful sovereign, not because they have leagued
with the enemies of Spain, but because they have de-
manded those rights, which the laws accord them, and
that amendment, which from imperious circumstances,
they required. In what 1 have here adduced, I have
not been guided by any hearsay and conjecture; all can
be supported by abundance of positive, consistent, and
admissible testimonies. Most of the instances of cruelty
and slaughter, here brought forward, are taken from offi-
cial papers, mostly Spanish gazettes ; and to them I
could add hundreds more, were I to descend to individual
cases. Many of these same facts, have resounded in the
saloon of the Cortes ; some of them are taken from the
speeches of Alcocer and Feliu, on the mediation ques-
tion. Detached cases, however, by no means, warrant

380

general conclusions ; but, in scenes like those, I have
here sketched, all Spanish America, shares.

And is it not, then, time to put an end to such a vast
and fruitless effusion of human blood, and to staunch the
horrors of so destructive and protracted a vv^ar ? Does
HOt the recital of such enormities, committing by fellow-
countrymen, fill the heart of every friend of his own spe-
cies, with terror and alarm, and chill every feeling of hu-
manity ? Have not sufficient victims, been already im-
molated on the altars of vengeance ; have not sufiicient
towns and cities been plundered and destroysd, and have
not sufficient families been ruined ? Prisoners, as we
now see, in Mexico and Caracas, are no longer made,
but butchered on the spot, where they have thrown down
their arms, or mutilated by practices, that would even
disgrace the Algerines. At length, also, in one section,*
the agents of Spain, have resorted to that most dreadful
of all alternatives, that of freeing and arming of slaves
■•gainst their masters, and which, besides bringing local
ruin, will eventually spread destruction to the neighbour-
ing settlements. To let loose hordes, worse than fierce
and irresistible Tartars, on the scattered and defenseless
natives of a feeble country, is renewing the menacing
"horrors of St. Domingo, and turning those regions into
a lair of wild beasts, which providence had destined, to
be the seat of man*s happiness and enjoyment. The pro-

* In addition to what is occurring in Caracas, the Junta of Po-
fayan, in 1811, in a letter addressed to the Junta of Santa Fe, ob-
serves, that the inhabitants had resolved to form a Junta, in conse-
quence of Tacon, governor of that province, oflfering to give free-
dom to the slaves, on condition of their falling on the white Creoles*

381

vinces of Caracas, contain about 60,000 slaves, besides a
large proportion of free persons of colour, and if the
Spanish Americans, roused by the injuries inflicted upon
them, and driven to extremes, should retaliate, and also
arm their servile bands, in defense of freedom, can it be
expected, that an European Spaniard, will be left in the
country ? If we recollect, such a plan during the North
American contest, had its advocates and panegyrists, even
amongst ourselves ; but, we had not, then, before us, the
example of St. Domingo.

In whatever light this inhuman and bloody contest is
viewed, it would seem, as if the agents of Spain, were at-
tempting to secure a new conquest, by the extermination
of the Creoles, in like manner, as they did with the pri-
mitive Indians. The nations of Europe, have often shud-
dered to hear, that the Russians put 30,000 Turks to the
sword, in Ismail ; and that Buonaparte, made away with
his sick in Egypt, and will they not be equally shocked,
at those scenes just depicted ? Will they not shudder at
those enormous details, which so often fill the columns of
the Spanish American prints ; acts, not committed against
enemies, but against neighbours, countrymen, fellow-
brethren and relations ? Even the manner in which they
are announced by their perpetrators, and the boasts by
which they are often accompanied, tends to heighten and
aggravate their reality. The venerable Las Casas, when
he beheld the carnage inflicted by the first conquerors, on
the helpless and innocent Aborigenes, ventured to predict,
that God would some time or other, punish Spain for her
savage cruelty in the new world ; and might not the same
prediction, be now applied to the instruments of those
enormities, committing on the same soil? Can these

382

cruelties ever be forgotten; will they not be remembered,
even to the third and fourth generations, and will not Eng-
land, equally, share in their stigma? When the injured
and unredressed inhabitants of that ill-fated quarter of
the world, enumerate the assurances formerly made them,
by the ministers of England, and when they now see
troops sent against them, armed with British muskets
and accoutrements ; when they behold them equipped in
iBritish cloathing, and that indirect aid is given them on
the other side of the Atlantic ; that British officers insult
their cause, and consequently their sufferings, and at
home, hear that no effective measure is carried in their
behalf, what can be their conclusions? Nay, what are
the impressions, these facts have not already excited ?

The more the grounds, on which the existing dissen-
tions between European and American Spain, are exa-
mined, the more manifest will, they appear, to have ori-
ginated in a wish to impose unnatural chains on the
inhabitants of the latter; and the means to effect this, to
which the agents of Spain have resorted, will be equally
found derogatory to the honour, inconsistent with the in-
terests, and hostile to the liberty of their fellow country-
men. They have been impelled by a blind infatuation,
treating reason as criminal, and stimulated by a rancour,
■which made them forget they were contending with men.
Language will scarcely afford terms of greater outrage,
than that, by which the Spanish Americans have been
addressed ; nor can the imagination figure to itself any
thing more affecting, than the scenes, to which they have
been repeatedly exposed. The horrors of the Wyoming
settlements, as described by Mr. Gordon, in Mexico,
have been often witnessed. And let me ponder here to

383

ask, what Spain has, hitherto, been able to effect by til
her menaces, numerous and ferocious as they have been,
or by all her murders, bloody and unnatural as they have
been experienced? Has the desorder, she sought to re-
medy, in any way, abated ? Mexia told the Cortes, " that
if, instead of 4000, they sent out 40,000 Spaniards, they
might then, perhaps, be able to boast being the second
conquerors; but so small a number, at the same time,
that it evinced the weakness of their resources,servedonly
to embitter the minds of the people against the Europe-
ans, and implicate the honour of the national congress,
who, by this means, sanctioned a war, that, hitherto,
might be considered as a war of the viceroys." " Is it
not," said deputy Alcocer, ** a terrible thing, to send
troops out, which we want so much at home, and when
we even require aa English garrison in Cadiz? To equip
them against brethren, with the very same succours, they
have themselves liberally sent over to us, for our defence
against the French ! To arm them with the very arms
and cloathing, which the British have supplied us with, to
ilght the enemy at home ; and which they would, by no
means give against America, for whom they are now me-
diating "

Such, was the strenuous language, by which the Ame-
rican deputies sought relief for their suffering country;
such were the arguments, on which they founded their
claims. But the order of the day in Cadiz, was war, and
the danger immediately before them, was forgotten for a
distant object. Motives of interest and revenge, urged
them on, even the common soldiers, seemed to join in the
enthusiasm displayed, they anticipated scenes of plunder
and pillage. But, when officers, rusj^^jng through thick

•VO-^ OF THE

384

and thin, have been able to make rapid fortunes, in the
manner of which some examples have been adduced, we
need not wonder, that there was such a readiness to go
over to the scene of action. It was an old principle of ty-
ranny, for an arbitrary monarch, to attempt to beggar his
subjects into submission, but Spain seeks to murder hers
into subjection. She seems to endite a whole people, as if
she would proceed against the criminal conduct of a few
individuals. Are, then, the feelings of millions, thus to
be insulted ? The manner in which Spain has, hitherto,
legislated for Spanish America, more particularly since
her own revolution, has been by sending over an armed
force ; but can there be any thing more inconsistent, or
more unjust, than for the head of a political union of
equal communities, to insist on, and enforce a measure,
the justice and expediency of which, has not been proved
by the representative body of all ? If resisted, and if the
act is proved both illegal and vexatious, can there be any
thing more criminal, than for such presiding power, thus
arrogating to itself, the authority confided solely for the
purposes of general welfare and defence ; instantly to pro-
claim rebellion, beat to arms, and put the offending par-
ties, under the ban? Will they not soon discover, that a
government which treats a claim of liberty and equity, as
an offence of high treason, is a government, to which sub-
mission is equivalent to slavery ? Did the conduct of the
Spanish Americans, in point of law and right, amount to
a criminal rebellion, it would only warrant and authorize
the presiding power, to apprehend and bring the culprits
to condign punishment ; but it would not give its agents,
the right of rushing into indiscriminate murder and deso-
lation, thus confounding innocence with guilt. The pre*

385

«ent coercion of Spain, is a qualified hostility carried on
against 17 millions of people, rather than the punishment
of rebellious subjects. It is rather a war to exterminate,
than to promote the slow solemnities of justice.

§ So extensive, and compared with Spain, so populous
a country a? Spanish America, is not to be treated as a
mean dependant, who may be neglected without damage,
or provoked without danger. It is not a partial, narrow,
and occasional system, that is suited to the governnient of
17 millions of distant people; and if their complaints
against the late exercise of authority, have been founded,
they have a right to be heard, and amply redressed. It
is unjust, in the extreme, thus to sport with so large a
mass of the feelings and interests of the human race. It
is not from theory, or a wanton spirit of innovation, that
the Spanish Americans have complained of the badness
of those principles, by which they were governed. They
fairly judge of them, by actual grievances, against which,
to the despotic monarchs, and to their arbitrary ministers,
they had often remonstrated, in vain. Their ideas of
misgovernment, did not originate in any hasty or wicked
propensity to change ; but, in the badness of the existing
constitution of things, and in fatal experience. They,
forcibly, felt the truth of that established axiom of poli-
tics, that in large bodies, the circulation of power, is al-
ways weakest at the extremities. They experienced the
galling and vexatious hardships, of having no local check
over the acts of despotic chiefs; and the misery and de-
gradation of a people, who have no redress, but a dis-
tance of 2000 leagues. Placed as they were, remote from
the first mover of power, they shared all its defects,
without enjoying any of its advantages. They conceived

B B

386

it unjust to be governed by laws, interpreted at the will
of judges who were estranged to them : and in the for-
mation of which, they had no part. They considered it
illegal to be stripped of their property by the arbitrary
edict of a premier, and still more so, for that property,
to be squandered on a corrupt court, or in prosecuting
wars in which they had no interest, and this without any
account being rendered in to them of its disbursement. —
In short, they judged it inconsistent, not to be allowed to
legislate and administer in their own concerns, since this
has always been held, as the immutable condition and
eternal law, of every extensive and detached empire.

These are the principal grounds of complaint which
Spanish America, urged, and to refuse hier justice and re-
dress, Spain has had to subvert those very principles, on
which she has founded her new constitution ; and to prove
that the inhabitants of her ultramarine provinces, ought
not to be free, she has had to recur to base stratagem
and force ; and even to depreciate those very blessings,
for which she herself has been so long fighting. That they
may not be free and equal, she has had to say, they are
incapable of being so. To shew that these benefits, are
incompatible with the condition of dwellers under the tro-
pics, the votaries of Spanish subjection, have had to laugh
to scorn, the very principles in which Spain now glories,
and to borrow invectives from the works of a Paw. It
was putting the Spanish Americans, under the trammels
of an abject minority, to suppose that their liberty was
more secure, when placed in trust of a distant body, hav-
ing only the shadow of a general Cortes, than when given
in charge to themselves. Were Spain fifty times stronger
than she is, it would only be lawful, to govern a distant

387

but equal part of her empire, in one way ; and that is, ac-
cording to the principles of right reason and justice. For
this, she is answerable to the world at large. This lesson,
also, she might learn from the fundamental precepts of
sound policy. Allegiance is the inseparable companion
of happiness and content. Precipitated as Spain now
stands, into a destructive warfare, if she seeks to conci-
liate, she must previously concede. If she adopts this
plan, she must first ask herself, whether the ultramarine
provinces, in fact, possess a practical equality with those
of the Peninsula ; and whether they enjoy all, the laws
grant, and their happiness and prosperity require. If not,
it is her duty to see that all is fully guaranteed to them;
and whilst every tie of gratitude and interest, lead her
again to cement their connection, she will find this can
only be done, by removing the grounds of difference.—
Peace, implies reconciliation, and where a violent and
acrimonious dispute has preceded, mutual concessions
must be its forerunners. Peace, as Burke said, ought to
be sought in the spirit of peace, and laid in principles,
purely pacific.

A superiour power, may offer peace to an inferiour
one, without implicating its honour, and without losing
in the eyes of the world. Nay, the offer itself, is often
construed into magnanimity ; and at least, it is never dis-
honourable, or too late, to correct an error. If Spain
continues to prosecute this unjust and unnatural war,
without checking that flood of acrimony that has been let
loose, she shews to the world, that she spurns all laws,
both human and divine ; that she is no longer bound by
any of those ties, which link man to his fellow species ;
and, in the future, she can behold nothing, but clouds and

B B 2

388

darkness. If, however, by leaving tnis contest to the
more sober issue of moderate and healing councils, she
approves of conciliation, many days of peace and prosper
rity yet await her. It is not by force alone, that Spain can
preserve her altramarine provinces, in a just and profitable
connection, unless as Burke said, fighting a people, be
the best way of gaining them. She may subdue them,
for the moment; and again enforce the trammels of de-
pendence, but she cannot, in her own weak and divided
state, retain a numerous, scattered and growing people,
in a condition so contrary to the feelings of human nature,
particularly, where they have so many advantages of cli-
mate in their favour. An armament such as Spain can
fit out, is not a victory. After such confident hopes, as
those under which Spain entered on her transatlantic war;
after such wanton boasting, and such great exertions,
when so little effective has been done, it is reasonable to
conclude, the plan must be wrong. The desultory ex-
cursions of the Spaniards from the capital of Mexico, to-
gether with all their horrors, have had no material influ-
ence on the issue of the war, or produced any thing deci-
sive. They have, rather, only tended to protract the at-
tainment of a just and reasonable object, and more
Strongly to irritate the Creole mind, as will be seen by the
public document I shall presently subjoin. In short, no
universal effort, can be made to secure success, for when
the insurgents are defeated in a cold climate, they fly to
a hot one, where it is dangerous for the Spaniards to ad-
vance. The road to Vera Cruz, is still closed, and cannot
be travelled but with an escort of 3000 men. The insur-
gents are in possession of Acapulco and the best mines
and provinces ; the Junta of Sultepec, only forty leaguea^

389

from Mexico, long stood its ground there, then removed
to Zitaquaro, and lastly to Chiltapatzingo, where a
general congress is forming ; and, in short, to that pitch
have things risen in New Spain, that 20,000 stand of arms,
would decide the fate of the Mexican empire, and, for
ever, sever the sceptre of the Spaniards, The situation
of Caracas, has already been explained.

The forces, Spain is able to employ on the other side
the Atlantic^ may perhaps suffice for partial conquest,
or for the tenure of some particular points and districts;
They may produce great ravages and distress, but in a
country so extended^ so mountainous, and so resolved, it
is impossible they can ever effect perfect subjection.
In the invasion of Spain, we have seen the plains and for-
tresses in the hands of the enemy, but the mountains and
roads, were possessed by the guerrillas. Does Spain,
then, seek to organize those contending against her, into
a regular banditti ; yet this is one of the extremes to
which they will fly, sooner than be unconditionally sub-
dued. It is difficulty in New Spain, to make any correct
estimate of the numbers of the insurgents ; but it is a fact,
that there, the Spaniards, when all the troops lately re-
ceived from Spain, are mustered, cannot make up, more
than 24,000 mei). Their antagonists are indeed very nu-
merous, but they are not organized, they fight under
(every disadvantage, many with bows and arrows, clubs,
slings, lances, &c. and only few with muskets, and these
principally taken from their enemies : but, yet they are
resolved to gain their point. New Spain contains about
64,000 gachupines^ or European Spaniards, and can it be
expected, that notwithstanding their influence, the con-
centration of their power, and the successful manner in

390

which they can wield the auath^m^s of heaven, and the
brands of discord, that th&y can turii the opinions of
nearly 7 millions of peo^)ie, penetrated with the justice
of their right ? Or, viewing the subject on a larger scale,
can it be supposed, that 17 millions of people, situated
^t a distance from the arm of power, and this in a weak
and languishing state, with an intervening ocean of 2000
leagues, particularly after the inveteracy which has been
excited, can be held prostrate at the feet of those very
Cortes, who have disdained their claims and appeals ; or
that they will now tamely submit to have their fetters
again rivetted ? Conciliation, might, long ago, have re-
stored tranquillity to the ultramarine provinces, if redress
had preceded ; a mild and temperate conduct, might,
gradually, have allayed those irritated feelings, which
injuries had provoked ; but war, blockades, ravages, and
massacres, can never produce so desirable an event. En-
gland, by an early and energetic display of her influence,
and Spain by the exercisfe of moderation, might have
prevented the many horrors which have been generated;
and it would seem impossible, that the services of the
first, and the injuries of Spanish America, should not
• have been able to rouse all parties to a sense of duty and
humanity, and urge them to put an end to so criminal an
enterprize.

Civil wars, which have had for object, a most just
redress, have, indeed, sometimes ended in a worse des-
potism than that attempted to be removed ; and such,
decidedly, would be the state of subjection brought upon
the Spanish Americans, if they did not now succeed.
But independent of that dread, there is too great a fund
of energy in the country, to submit to an alternative so

391

fatal. Treachery, bigotiy, and inconsistent measures,
did indeed restore Caracas to its old masters ; but, the
cruelty of the Spanish general, the approved violation of
a ratified and solemn capitulation, and the sufferings of
the deluded inhabitants, brought on the heads of the per-
petrators of so many crimes, the punishments they de-
served. This example, also, will serve as a beacon to
the other sections, and teach them, how far, they are to
rely on the plighted f^ith of the agents of a nation, which
has already inundated their country with horrors. Were
the partizans of the cause of redress and reform, less
unanimous in their object, they might, perhaps, get tired
of anarchy and distress ; they might despond, and seek
repose after so many scenes of turbulence and bloodshed,
but in that case, they are sensible they must resign their
rights as men, and even drag chains, more strongly ri-
vetted, than their former ones. But so general is the
persuasion, that their cause is just, that new armies rise
up to replace those in the act of defeat ; and new ener-
gies seem to be inspired by discomfiture. The ardour of
the natives, is unabated, though for want of arms, the
contest is unequal ; and every region of New Spain, by
the confession of Mexico prints, burns with the same
ferment. General Rayon, in his letter to the bishop of
-I^a Puebla, says, *' The Americans, now know their
rights, and they will either die, or establish their own
interiour government in the name of Ferdinand VII, to
whom they have sworn allegiance, and in whose name
the national Junta governs." But, in the mean time,
torrents of blood are flowing, and destruction and deso*"
lation, on every side, rear their ghastly heads.

392

S In order that a more perfect idea, may be en«
tertained, of the pretensions of the Spanish Americans^
as well as of the sentiments excited by the cruel war-
fare waged against them, I have conceived it highly
illustrative, to subjoin, in this place, a translation
of the manifest addressed by the National Junta of Sul-
tepecj^in March, IS 1-2, to the European inhabitants of ^
the American continent. It is as follows;
" Brethren, friends, and fellow citizens,

** The holy religion w hich we profess, sound rea-
son, humanity, affinity, friendship, as well as all the other
respectable bonds, which strongly unite us, in every
manner by which the inhabitants of one common coun-
try, who revere the same monarch, and live under the
«ame laws, can be united ; imperiously call up^n you, to
give an attentive ear to our just complaints and preten-
sions. War, that cruel scourge, that devastator of the
most flourishing kingdoms, and perpetual spring of mis-
fortunes, can produce us no good, let whatever party be
the conqueror ; to whom, when the conflict is over, no-
thing will remain, but the malign complacency of his
victory. But he will have to lament, for many years, ir-
reparable losses and evils, in which, perhaps, may be
comprehended, the dreaded event, of some foreign
power, out of the many ambitious of possessing this pre-
cious portion of the Spanish monarchy, instigated by our-
selves, and availing itself of our disunion, coming to im-
pose the law upon us, at a time when we may be unable
to avoid it ; and whilst we, at the same time, phrenzied
by a blind fury, are butchering one another, refusing to
hear or to examine our reciprocal rights, without know-

1

303

ing x\' hat are our views ; and whilst you, on your part,
are obstinately bent on calumniating us in your judicial
proceedings and public papers, founding yourselves on
sn affected mistake, and absolute unwillingness to un-
understand the grounds of our intentions." ^

" With equal disdain, you have outraged the principal
American nobility, manifesting by your acts and deeds,
that you have declared war against them, and what is
still more sensible, against the venerable clergy. You da-
ringly call yourselves lords, beyond whom there is no ap-
peal, masters of lives and property, judges of the living
and the dead, andj to prove it, you spare neither assassi-
nations, conflagrations, nor excesses of every kind ; even
daring to trouble the ashes of the dead, by digging up the
bodies of those, who have died a natural death, in order
to judge them. You have committed the cowardly base-
ness, to set a price on the lives of men, by hiring secret
assassins, and by offering large sums of money, in procla-
mations, ordered to be published in every part of the
kingdom, to any one, who would murder determined per-
sons. To such a height, did this shameful instance of
criminality rise, one reprobated by every right, and
which will be scarcely credited by posterity. Horrible
enormity, unexampled in the annals of our history 1 as
contrary to the spirit of christian morality, subversive of
good order, and opposed to the majesty, decorum, and
circumspection of our wise laws, as scandalous, even to
the most ignorant people, who know how to respect the
rights of nations and of war. You have had the temerity
to arrogate to yourselves, the supreme power , and, under
the name of our august king, to command, proudly and

394

despotically, over a free people, who know no other so-
vereign than Ferdinand VIL, whom each one of you
pretend to represent, by atrocious acts, which the king,
himself, would never have done, or permitted, even when
the case in question, was opposed to his sovereignty. The
acts, which, in your conscience, you knoAv to refer, sole-
]y, to individuals, you treat with as much severity, as if
they related to the king himself. You pretend to concentre
in your own private persons, the sacred duties of reli-
gion, of the king and country ; dazzling the ignorant by
these names, so often profaned in your mouths, accus-
tomed to falsehood and calumny. You have vilified
yourselves in the eyes of the sensible world, by attempt-
ing to confound this cause, which is purely of the state,
with one of religion. And, for this detestable purpose,
you have impelled many ministers of Jesus Christ, to
prostitute, in all their parts, the functions of their holy
ministry. "

'* How can you combine these iniquitous proceedings,
with the severe precepts of our holy rehgion, and with
the inviolable integrity of our laws ? And to whom, un-
less it is to the sword, can we now recur for justice,
when you who are parties, constitute yourselves into
judges, accusers, and witnesses ; at the same time, that
it is disputed, whether it is we, who constitute the true
American nation ; whether you are legitimate autho-
rities, in the absence of our monarch, or intrusive and ar-
bitrary ones, who seek to appropriate to yourselves, a ju-
risdiction which you have not, and which no one can
confer on you."

"This long list of great enormities, deeply imprinted
on our hearts, would be a terrible incentive to our fury.

395

impelling us to avenge them, even with the last drop of
European blood existing in this country, if our religion,
more pure in our hearts than in yours, our humanity,
and the natural suavity of our character, did not lead us
to incline to reconciliation, rather than to a continuance
of a war, whose issue, whatever it may be, can never
promise us more happiness than peace, considering your
situation and circumstances."

" Likewise, if you impartially enter into account
with yourselves, yuu will find, that you are more Ameri^
cans than Europeai*. Scarcely born in the Peninsula,
and at a tender age, you were transferred to this land ; in
it you have passed the greater part of your lives; you have
adaptedour customs and manners; been naturalized to
the benign tem})<.-ratur^ f f our climate ; contracted bind-
ing connections ; inht rited large fortunes from your
wives, or obtained them by your labour and industry;
having, aiso, chj'dren and tixed property. Few of you,
have any correspondence with your ultramarine relations,
or even know the fate of your fathers, since you left the
mother country — and, did you not, all, form the resolu-
tion not to return there ? What, then, is it, retains you
from feeling an interest for this kingdom, in which you
ought to act the part of natives ? Is it, perchance, the
dread of being injured ? If we have carried on hostilities
against Europeans, it has been by way of reprisal, and,
because they first commenced them. "

" The system of insurrection, was never sanguinary ;
in the beginning, the prisoners were treated kindly, and
with decency and decorum. Many of them, were par-
doned, notwithstanding they were perjured and unfaith-

396

ful to their words of honour; availing themselves of
this our benignity, to bring upon us every evil, being af-
terw^ardsi even our most atrocious enemies. Till you,
yourselves, began to open the door to cruelties, you vv^ere
treated in a manner, very different to that in v^^hich you
acted to us. For your happiness, rather than for our
own, we should be desirous to terminate dissentions,
which are causing scandal to the whole world; and pre^
paring us for misfortunes, which we may experience
from some foreign power, when we cannot avoid them.
Wherefore, in the name of our common fraternity, and
the other sacred bonds, which unite us, we, in the most
tender manner, beseech you to examine with attention,
and wise and christian impartiality, the plans of peace
and war, founded on evident principles of public and nan
tural right, which we now propose to you, on behalf of
humanity ; in order that, by choosing the one that may
suit you most, the advantage of the nation, may always
be consulted. Let the national character be our judge^
and let us be guided by those urgent circumstances,
under which America is now groaning.'* —

The plans of peace and war, which accompanied this
manifest, have already been referred to, and are contain-
ed in my Appendix, under the head of G. And after the
feelings have been roused and irritated, as in the manner
expressed in this document; after such instances of re-
crimination, after the Spaniards on their part, treat every
overture with disdain, and the Creoles behold themselves
inundated with blood and vengeance, how is it possible,
for these parties to come together, so as to adopt some
basis of accommodation, unless it is through themediuni
apd interposing influence of a third power } When the

397

mediation question was agitated, the Spanish deputies
in the Cortes asserted, that in New Spain, no organized
authority existed wherewith to treat, for the insurrection
consisted of nothing, but parties of banditti infesting the
roads. Whereas, the best organized, and the most ge-
nerally acknowledged Junta, had stood its ground from
the beginning, received the obedience of all provinces
divested of a Spanish force, and the manifest I have just
quoted, together with Document G. and others which I
could still bring forward, might prove, that the national
Junta, consisted of men, possessed of talent and ener-
gy, but yet, disposed to relieve suffering humanity, and
ready to enter into arrangements, by which tranquillity
might be restored.

And can the ministers of England, still behold this
universal and all devouring flame of civil war, already
spread to the shores of the Pacific, and feel na
sympathy for a suffering and injured people? Can
the allies of those very victims, can they who till now,
have always felt a sympathy for their degraded condi-
tion, and have been melted at the perusal of their con-
quest, hear of and behold these horrors, and this inhu-
man and unnatural warfare, without feeling a correspond-
ing anxiety for their melancholy fate? Can we any
longer, thus witness, the bloody convulsions and long
suffering of a people, who have appealed to us, and even
implored the common sympathies of mankind at large?
Is humanity, then, no longer, an appendage of the British
people, when not one of their public organs, has ven-
tured to step forward in a case like this ? Spanish Ame-
rica, presents a large and extensive mart for British com-
jiierce, and are the patrons of our mercantile interests,

398

yet, silent? And, where are our philanthropists ? When
the slave question, was agitating in this country, every
body was alive to the discussion; and clubs were enthu-
siastically formed, to patronize the interests of natives of
Africa, who were deprived of their natural liberty. And
what was the motive of all this ? It was a noble, gene-
rous, and laudable principle of humanity, that will ever
do honour to the British character, and cast a consoling
gleam on the labours of the promoters, of the measures
adopted. And are the Indians, and other inhabitants of
Spanish America, less deserving of our regard ? We,
there, interfered for the welfare of a few thousands, con-
demned to labour for the profits of another, but still pos-
sessed of many conveniences to beguile their toil ; but
here, we see many thousands, annually, nay monthly, put
to the sword, butchered, inhumanly tortured and muti-
lated, and not a sigh accompanies their sufferings. And,
in time, what will not the fatal consequences of this ex-
terminating war ; shall we wait without interfering, till
not a White or Creole, is left standing ? The proportion
on an average, of the Indians and casts, to the Whites
and Creoles, is about six to one ; if therefore, the latter
become debilitated and extinct, and the former become
armed and warlike, possessed as they are of the idea, that
their lands and property have been usurped by the Spa-
niards, may they not regain them, by a retaliation,
bloody and extensive? Is it for this, that we are
waiting ?

§ In order that the feelings, which have been excited in
the bosoms of the Spanish American people, may not be
unknown, I hereto annex an extract of a letter, from one
of the first characters in MexicO; dated Feb, 18^ 181l|

399

and to it, I could add several more from the other sec-
tions.— '* It would be impossible, minutely, to explain
to you, the present state of this kingdom, but you may,
perhaps, be able to form some adequate idea of it, when
I say, that it is such, as the most deadly enemy of Spain,
might wish it to be. Destruction in every quarter, and of
every thing, in such manner, that let who may conquer,
both parties will be ruined. However / can never forgive
the British, for remaining cold spectators of a struggle, the
consequences of which y whatever they may he, cannot fail
to prove fatal to them ; nor will they, hereafter, he able to
plead, as an excuse, that they tvere deceived, by the reports
sent over by the Mexican government ; for, in like manner
as Diogenes' merit was seen through the rents of his
cloak, so is it equally manifest, that the Americans are
resolved to have another form of government, adopted in
these dominions, in order to free them from the great in-
equality, with which the hungry place hunters and mer-
chants from Spain* seek to treat them. And if the Bri-
tish (a circumstance here unknown), have not been want-
ing in good will, but that their exertions have been dis-
dained by the Cortes, they ought to be certain, that the
wounded pride and anger of the latter, would only be
momentary, for they would soon be reconciled, on seeing
the arrival of pecuniary succours, which, if the actual
Btate of things continues, never can be the case."

Such sentiments were current and general, in 1811,
even amongst the moderate characters of Spanish Ame-
rica, but they are much more pointed in the mouths of
those, who, to political motives, add prejudice, resent-
ment, and national pique. Such, do they resound in
every section. Will the government of that generous

400

nation, add they, do nothing for us, under circumstances
which are to decide whetlier we are to be men or slaves ;
and do they abandon us in our momentous struggle, wha
so lately told us, in the most official manner, that even
independence would be consonant to their wishes ; and
whose friendship was pledged to us, by the positive and
repeated declarations of their ministers and agents > Do
they kiugh at our misfortunes, whose very assurances
emboldened us to seek redress, on a basis not only con-
formable with their honour, but in strict accord with our
own laws ? Do they behold, without even the cold sen-
timent of pity, our villages and towns, in ruins and in
flames; our slaves armed against us for murder and pil-
lage, our citizens mutilated in the most inhuman man-.
ner, dragged from their homes and wives, and buried in
Moorish dungeons and loathsome pontoons ? They, who
even promised us a shield against similar horrors, if we
would join in rebellion against our lawful sovereign, and
now, we only seek a just and equitable redress ? Are we
not deserving of the common sympathies of humanity,
or of strong remonstrances and firm stipulations, on the
part of that nation, which even lately, when our parent
state was supposed in danger, through its naval com-
manders on these stations, made us the most pointed
overtures of support and protection, if we would only
not follow her impending fate, or listen to the instigations
of the French ? Are we deserving of no acts of kindness
from that nation,whose subjects, on our hospitable shores,
have found the means of acquiring wealth, by trading in
the products of our genial soil, and by supplying our
wants? And are all our testimonies of loyalty, our suc-
cours in the common cause, nay all our privations, de*

401

serving of no return, from the nation which has so long
witnessed them, when we seek nothing derogatory to its
honour or dignity ?. Unfortunately for us, as well as for
the great hopes we might at some future period, realize
on the great continent of Spanish America, such is the
language reechoed, from one extreme to the other of that
desolate country, and great the consequent odium attach-
ing to the British name, in regions, where late it was co-
vered with the sincerest blessings.

On the most powerful grounds of humanity, there-
fore, and under the hopes of stopping the continuation
of so many horrors, does it not behove the British go-
vernment, without loss of time, to turn its attention to
the distressed state of Spanish America, and see to the
relief of that valuable country, before it becomes a heap of
ruins ? After such a long chain of impolitic acts, as those
committed by Spain, in this important business, if we
wish her well, if we are still bound by the tenour of our
treaty, ought we not to seek to inspire into her, sound
and sober councils, to allay the acrimony of both parties,
and above all, to see that the world is no longer scanda-
lized by enormities, vi^hich would stain the annals of the
most barbarous nation ? If the Spanish Americans, stand
as culprits in the eye of the law and of justice, let theii"
crime be established to the whole world, but, if they are
not, let them be treated as men and fellow-beings, for
whom every nation feels an interest. If criminal process
cannot be established against them, if from distance, ob-
stinacy, or from any other reason, justice cannot be en-
forced in a consistent manner, what other safe plan
remains, but conciliation ?

§ Two ways alone, can ever reestablish the authority
c c

403

of Spain on'the other side of the Atlantic, and the time is
now come, for her to make her choice. The one is by
con(Juest, and the other by conciliation. The first, must
leave Spanish America, a heap of ruins, and the tomb of
a great proportion of its inhabitants. This must be by
achievements, similar tq those of a Cortes and a Pizarro,
or by a protraction of such scenes, as are described in the
preceding pages. And of what use can the country,
then, be to Spain, or her allies? The iron sceptre once
again established, and a foreign flag, no longer waves in
the ports of South Columbia, which in the possession of
the drones of Europe, would be closed against general
enterprize. Of what will the revolution of the Penin-
sula have served, if Spanish America returns to its old
df graded state ? And humbled at the feet of Spain, will
not this bethe case ? But even to effect this conquest, does
not Spain recollect, that it is not foreign strength she con-
sumes, but that of her own vitals. And again, has she
armies suflicient , and also fleets to cover her enterprize ?
In short, is her conquest secure ? She ought, also, to be
mindful, that if force fails, conciliation isno longer with-
in her reach ? An impoverished and defeated violence,
and reiterated acts of vengeance, no more can seek for
fraternal feelings ; and, besides, is she not answerable to
every civilized nation of the earth, for the torrents of
blood she thus spills? If this destruction was the
penalty of rebellion, she might be more at ease ; but are
seventeen millions of inhabitants, to be treated as ciiminals,
because a handful of European strangers, armed and pos-
sessed of power, seek to hold them in subjection, and
again labour to impose upon them, a dismal and cold
unifomity of servitude ? What, is Spain no longer tine-

403

tared with humanity? Little has she profited by her own
late adversities, if she is not, now, anxious to soften tlie
miseries, and relieve the crying wrongs of her fellow
brethren* Hitherto Spain has, uniformly, represented the
insurrections of her ultramarine provinces, as the mad at-
tempts of faction, founded on ingratitude, partial, and
headed by the most depraved ; and has always endea-
voured to underate the means and exertions of her
enemy. But, in this, she has only deceived herself. It is
often better for a nation to be wise and ^honest, than.
strong and arrogant. There was a moment, w^hen if Spain
had possessed only cordiality, and a disposition to con-
cede what was just, all these horrors might have been
avoided.— Alas, all sober feelings were stifled by the con-
fidence of victory, and the wild hopes of unconditional
submission. Calamity is but too often, the season of re-
flection, and the pride and arrogance of man, are of that
stiff" and deluding nature, not to suffer reason to have
any scope, till it can be of no further service.

The other mode of restoring harmony, and, conse-
quently, authority, is through the medium of conciliation,
and it is to be hoped, when every thing is well consider-
ed, that Spain will give it the preference. It is to this,
therefore, that her attention ought particularly, to be
turned, as well as the eff*orts of those who wish her well.
In order, however, to establish a sound and substantial
basis, it is necessary to explore, in the most impartial
manner, the real origin of these dissentions, and to start
. with a fall determination to remedy them, if the grounds
have been just, and if the fault is on the part of Spain.
Most of the disputes, which at various periods, took
place between England and her transmarine settlements,

c a2

404

were on the subject of taxing ; but in the one now under
consideration, the material cause, has been a weariness,
and a manifest disposition no longer to endure an arbitra-
ry and despotic power, under a complication of forms.
The Spanish Americans, became restive and untractable,
when they had arrived at a point of degradation, beyond
which they could not go; and when their feelings, were
besides, roused by local insults and aggravations. In the
revolution of Spain, they beheld a propitious moment, to
secure what they had, in vain, sought under their mo-
narchs, but their fresh remonstrances, were again treated
with the usual contempt. Feeling, forcibly, the weight
of the evils, by which they were surrounded, and possi-
bly by comparing their own degraded situation, with that
enjoyed by their more Northern neighbours, they formed
to themselves a point, to secure which they conceived
it their duty to aim, as the basis and criterion of their
future happiness. But, yet, there was nothing criminal in
tlieir calculations, or in the means employed to realize
them. They bad appealed to the liberality of legislative
reason, through those channels which were open to them ;
supposing, that the presiding power, ought to be guided
by the great principles of equity and justice ; and that
its acts ought to be conformable to the general sense of
mankind. They invoked the spirit of their ancient laws
and charters, but they met with nothing, but the narrow-^
minded constructions of subordinate and artificial justice.
Under circumstances, peculiarly pressing and beyond
their control, they seek, within themselves, that remedy,
which had been denied them at home, and they are in-
stantly declared out of the protection of ^ the law, and are
warred upon as rebels, even without being heard.

405

The disposition and demeanour of the Spanish Ame-
rican people, clearly indicated, that they sought a govern-
ment, iSiii ted to their wants, and in which they might find
full means of redress, and an ample check over arbitrary
power. A government, in short, founded on genuine and
practical civil liberty. And were they not the natural,
lawful, and competent judges of what they requir-
ed ? Were they not best acquainted with their own
wants ? What they sought, was a matter of moral pru-
dence, and natural feeling, and they acted from the
impulse of fatal experience, a motive of all others, the
most respectable. Time rolled on, danger stared them
in the face, their dejection daily increased, no relief
came to hand; Civil liberty, nevertheless, is not a thing
so abstruse, as only to be found with difficulty, or so
embarrassing, as not to be easily put in practice. It
is a blessing and a benefit which the Cortes sought to
make the fundamental pillar of their new constitution;
and they now boast, they have effected their purpose. If
so, why could it not be discovered, and equally pat in
practice, in Spanish America ? Her inhabitants sought
no pompous definitions of right, nor dived into ancient
books, tending to confuse, rather than, explain the social
footing on which they were to stand. Their civil liberty,
sighed for and demanded, was only a relief from burdens,
which as men, they could endure no longer ; being con-
tent to leave the perfection of their system, to more happy
times. To this, it was the duty of Spain, to have conformed,
and in all soberness, to have adapted and modelled her
government to the character and circumstances of those,
who composed the extended, but diversified mass of her
empire. Government is a practical thing, and not intended

406

to become the speculative scheme of visionary politicians.
Whilst the Cortes v^^ere making laws, and framing theories
on a general scale, the countries they were intended to
govern, were dismembering, one from the other. Civil
liberty, besides, is not confined to one specific or precise
shape, nor will one form equally suit every where. It
-must be modified, enjoyed in different degrees, and adapt-
ed to the temper and circumstances of every country and
every community. Its form in Spain maybe perfect,when
on the other side of the Atlantic, it may be tyranny, or
too great a relaxation. The laws for one people, must
be different for another; hence the ancient legislators of
Spain, varied their laws of the Indies from those of Cas-
tile, and even kept them under a separate administration.
Civil liberty, also, must always be introduced by cautious
experiment, and by rational and cool endeavours, parti-
cularly when it has to replace the most abject despotism.
Yet being the vital spring of every state ; its elasticity
must not be broken, or its action obstructed. Still it must
be reared gradually, otherwise it degenerates into licen-
tiousness. Whilst it abhors the ruthless hand of arbitra-
ry power, it only flourishes, where society is on a perfect
equipoise.

To determine, however, the case in question, with a
precise and firm judgment, it is necessary for the govern-
ment of Spain, to divest itself of all those irritated feel-
ings, which have so long rankled. To produce a profit-
able reconciliation, and, at the same time, consistent with
the dignity of all parties, much is yet to be done ; but
those in power, ought not to shrink from the path of
duty, because it is thorny and rugged. Hitherto, Spain
has acted with precipitation and rashness, for if this had

407

not been the case, she would never liave forgotten, what
her ultramarine provinces had so long suffered and yet
endured. Had her inipulse been just and equitable, she
would never have spurned at their urgent call for redress,
and she would then have endeavoured to destray the
sting, instead of sharpening and envenoming it still more.
Unfortunately, for her, she however considered liberty
as a negative idea, and that the man born on the other
side the Atlantic, had inherited no rights from his ances-
tors; nor acquired them, from the hand of nature. Still
clinging to those ancient principles of despotism, which
had brought ruin and degradation on her own children,
she conceived that whatever property a transmarine sub-
ject enjoyed, was the alms of his government; and that
even his life, was held at its favour and indulgence. If he
dared to call these principles in question, or doubt the
supremacy of the power which acted conformably to
them, war with all its horrors, was the award of his con-
tumacy.

Alas, the legislative spirit, as well as the honour of
Spain, appeared totally perverted by a spirit of faction,
that in all affairs relating to Spanish Amel-ica, has never
been divested of full influence. Nay, the natural feel-
ings of men, appear to have been distracted and derang-
ed. Every progressive step has been by trampling to the
ground, some main principle of justice, or some chief
maxim of wise government. Forgetful of her own fu-
ture happiness and safety, Spain seemed to be impelled
by no other desire, than to sacrifice her adversaries ; and
whilst she fought for liberty at home, she was struggling
to effect its total eclipse, on the other shores of the Atlan-
tic, Whoever has fully considered the origm and pro-

408

gress of these dissentions, has patiently accompaiied
me through their stages, and has beheld, deliberately, the
grounds on which the Spanish agents have acted, will
readily acknowlege, that they made no established quali-
ty of human action, the rule of their justice; or ever con-
sidered, that nothing is true and permanent security, but
the common interest of all. They never reflected, that
while they were rushing into a headlong course of vio-
lence and oppression, to destroy the liberties of their dis-
tant brethren, it was uncertain, how soon their own might
be undermined : for it was easy to apply the tendency of
those principles, which they sought to enforce in one sec-
tion of the monarchy, as well as in the other. This is al-
ways the case, where blind infatuation becomes the mov-
ing lever, and where faction and party, act as a film, that
renders the object in view, dark and undistinguishable.
Yet, where were those traces of generosity, humanity,
and dignity of mind, of which Spain has been so proud
to boast? Have they, in this case, slumbered, or are
they no longer found in the national character ? Even a
common war, particularly in modern times, suspends the
rules of moral obligations, and even puts them in danger
of being totally abrogated. But the civil discords of
which a review is now made, have struck deep into the
minds of the people, vitiated their natural feelings, cor-
rupted their morals, and perverted every relish for equity
and justice. Nay, of men, they have made savages; in
such manner, that even the names of affection and of^
kindred, have been converted into fresh motives of hatred
and revenge.

When, therefore, the communion of a country, has
been thus dissolved, by the phrensy of civil contention ;

409

and whilst the hostile mind is still in full vigour, and, in-
deed, daily increasing under a worse form ; when mutual
massacres and revenge,are the weapons to which each re-
sort ; and above all, where a deadly distrust has been en-
gendered, can peace be ever restored, by the parties
themselves ? How are these mortal adversaries to come
together, for explanation and adjustment ? Who can in-
spire into each, mutual confidence ? So far, we have be-
held Spain, rushing on in her unnatural career, not satis-
fied with distracting her sister provinces, and filling
them with blood and slaughter, but even endeavouring to
tear up with practical liberty, all the foundations of hu-
man society, even degrading and prostituting religion,
and pulling down the pillars of equity, justice, and
order. And are not these facts, daily, before the eyes of
the other party ; do they not form the basis of those very
remonstrances, I have already quoted ? In an affair of
this complicated and irritated nature, can Spain then^
consistently, become her own judge? Nay, is not this
act, in itself, wrong and odious; is it not an injustice, of
all others, most vexatious and galling? Can any thing
liberal, be expected from a nation, that has, hitherto,
confounded the lamentable occurrences of civil dissen-
tions, springing solely from the hardships of the people,
with the most deadly crimes of high treason ? Can the
Spanish Americans expect justice at the hands of those,
who have overturned their rights and franchises, without
a specific charge or even a hearing. Can they look for
any thing humane and liberal from those, who have been
so often imbrued in their own blood, and who have been
so frequently glutted with the plunder of their defence-
less property ?

410

Likewise, when a^people who have suffered so long
and so much, as those of Spanish America, and have been
insulted and inflamed by such repeated aggravations,
before they lay down their arms, they require some satis-
faction to their feelings, more than a theoretical specula-
tion on law, such as the constitution offered them, but
which could bring them no practical good. They have
a right to expect something more substantial, as their
guarantee, than the word of a Viceroy or Captain-General.
Nay, after fatal experience, will they not look for more,
than the verbal assurance of a restored monarch ? Of
what nature that satisfaction ought to be, it behoves the
government of Spain to consider well, if she aspires to the
conversation of a vast, disconeeted, and infinitely diver-
sified empire, whilst it is, at the same time, distant and
generally convulsed. The existing war, has now lasted
near five years, but the controversy is of an old standing.
It is the same that has caused every commotion in Spanish
America, since its settlement, and will, hereafter, agitate
it, if^ the proper remedy is not now applied. Some of
the partizans of Spanish violence, assure us, that this
enmity now existing, arose from the resistance of the- ul-
tramarine provinces, which have been alienated, by their
own obstinacy. They further argue, that if they could
only be induced to surrender at discretion, all sort of re-
gard and indulgence, w^ould be shewn then). But who,
is to be the guarantee of this ? Under the Cortes, they
have the example of Caracas, and under their ancient
kings, they have that of Tupac-Amaru, and of many
others. ^ And, besides, who is to be answerable to them,
for the future abuse of power, when at the same time, it
is bound by no compacts, nor restrained by any terror ?

411

When they are disarmed, will they not equally become
the victims of their despotic rulers, as they have hitherto
been? And, when the case is more closely examined,
do not these very same people, already, denominate the
present war, with all its afflicting horrors, as a Jenient"
and merciful proceeding; and consider the massacres of
unoffending thousands, as a seasonable chastisement in-,
flicted on rebellious adversaries ? Do they not pronounce
all these exquisite refinements of cruelty, by which the
unhappy natives are tortured and put to death, as war-
rantable practices, authorized by a state of war ?

No, any peace between Spain and Spanish America,
with subjection as its basis, can be nothing but a sullen
pause from arms, or a meditation on fresh revenge. The
history of the country itself, will bear me out in my as-
sertion. It will be like a wound, closed, but not healed,
that will soon fester, with renewed rancour. The state of
the two countries to which I allude, has.no example in
the annals of history ; aud this arises from the charac-
ter of the people, and the peculiar circumstances of the
case. If the inhabitants of Spain, could once be brought
to look impartially at their own interests, as individual
citizens, they might then comprehend the hardships oj
their fellow brethren in America, and urge their govern-
ment to some rational stysem of compromise. But, alas!
we find that at home, they are little more than a blank,
and the deposition of the Cortes by an armed force,
proves the fact. Spain ever was, and particularly now,
may be considered as a military government, in which
eivil power is very subordinate. Such a government is
deeply interested in a continuance of its despotic system
over America, for every inferiour officer there beholds a

412

fat Viceroyship, Captain-Generalship, or some other cora-
mand, with which to reniimerate his services, and in-
crease his fortune. And how many hungry mouths, has
not Spain now to fill, after her past campaigns ? Lett to
herself, Spain will consequently, attempt to affiance her
accustomed power, on the degradation of her American
provinces, in defiance of every principle of right. This,
is in fact, the interest of those who have lately governed,
as well as, of those who are about to govern.

When one community, is in any degree, subordinate
to another, particularly, when this subordination has been
produced by force, and not by consent, the danger most
to be dreaded, is, that the arrogance, extreme pride, in-
terest, or self-complacency of the ascendant, in all mat-
ters of mutual controversy, will decide in its own favour,
whenever an opportunity offers. This is, unfortunately,
the case, even under governments of a more perfect na-
ture than that of Spain ; for power in whatever hands it
ihay be, even in conformity to a corrupt principle in the
nature of man, is rarely so strict, and so delicate, as to put
just limitations on its own extent. Can it then be ex-
pected, that w^hen Spanish America is humbled, either at
the feet of the Cortes, or of Ferdinand, that equitable
jui^tice will be administered to her? Can it he expected,
that those who have preferred interest, and the paltry
views of a mercantile faction, to the substantial good of
their country, will then be more liberal ? If Spain is left
to herself, will not force, either open or disguised, be the
means by 'which she will attempt to re-establish her
power ; and of this, can any thing but degradation be the
consequence? Can it produce one single benefit of a
lasting nature, either to herself, or to the world at large .^

413

Bodies, when connected by so unnatural a bond, as ma-»
tual hatred and distrust, can never expect long to remain
in a good understanding.

Besides, the obstinacy which has hitherto marked the
conduct of the Spanish Government, relating to the af-
fairs of Spanish America, a strange incongruity has also
been noticed. Caracas, Mexico, and Buenos Ayres, have
uniformly been treated as rebellious sections, and that, as
has been fully manifested, for erecting Juntas, under
legitimate motives'; and then persisting in their continu-
ance. The Juntas of Chili and Quito, on the other hand,
though exactly similar, w^ere actually at one time, recog-
nized by the Cadiz government. The Spanish Americans,
have generally been held in the light of rebels, yet Spa-
nish chiefs have capitulated with them ; in the beginning
exchanged their prisoners, and had direct intercourse
with them. And after so much inconsistency and in-
justice, will Spain of herself, Jearn to vary her measures?
Governments, have sometimes been seen to issue such
baneful laws, as to injure a community, but that of Spain
rashly declared a war, that could not fail to dissolve hers.
The timely repeal of an obnoxious tax, and an explana-
tory declaration, respecting the legislative authority of
England over the North American colonies, would at one
time, have produced confidence and restored tranquillity;
and how much the cabinet of St. James's had to regret
this not being done, has. been already shewn. And could
not Spain here adopt a most interesting lesson? To
restore mutual confidence is the first step to be effected,
this alone can remove all difficulties, and reconcile all
those contradictions occuring in the complexity of au,
inveterate and rankled dispute, out of which, in one

414

section, an exterminating death war, has originated, *and
in all the others, a deadly hatred and hostility, of which
DO adequate idea can be given. Little would have
sufficed ip the beginning; it then would have been suf-
ficient to have conceded partially, if it hacL only been
done with sincerity and a good grace. But, after an
accumulation of soreness, jealously, and distrust, and
particularly under such clashing pretensions and irri-
tated passions, as those which now actuate both parties ;
how can it be possible, for any compromise to be affected,
unless through the benign exertions of a mutual friend?
It is not by deciding the suit, but by adjusting the diffe-
rence, that peace can be restored and maintained. The
parental affection, in the bosom of whose authority, the
Spanish Americans were wont to repose their privileges,
and almost every thing else they had dear on earth, has
become estranged- and hostile, and it is not by repeated
and indiscriminate slaughter, made against the universal
sense of justice, that it can again be reconciled. Civil
war in the annals of no nation, ever produced scenes, such
as those Spanish America at this moment presents; and
Spain herself, ought to be ashamed, at the sad spectacle
which her affairs and conduqt, in that quarter, exhibit to
the scorn of both Europe and America, Nothing has
yet been subdued, either by love or terror. The Spanish
forces have indeed some cities, fortresses, and the ground
on which they encamp; but around, is anarchy and con-
fusion. They spread a devastatation of the wprst of

* In Caracas, where as before shewn, the prisoners have been mu-
tually murdered, the war is carried on, a mort, prisoners being no
longer made. The public acts are also signed, Sd year of the RepubliCy
and lit of the death war. (Guerra a muertc)

416

kinds, but they do not enlarge the sphere of authority,
or make its basis the more substantial. Hitherto, Spain
has trusted to arms and the machinations of discord;
but by this time, she ought to have learnt, that at such
a distance, love and affection are the only secure holds, to
w^hich she can resort. She ought also to recollect, that
if defeated, the mass oT her weakness and violence, will
then appear in its full light; and besides her broken
power, she will have the scornful censures of the rest of
Europe. A moral and conscientious man, is cautious
how he deals in blood ; and if so, ought not nations
equally to feel -for the murders of unoffending thou-
sands? Man, also, remembers that he is amenable to
the most dreadful of all tribunals, on the other side the
grave; and though nations cannot be thus judged, theif
leaders ought, nevertheless, to know, that they are equally
answerable for that abuse of power entrusted to them;
and above all, no nation is totally unmindful of the
opinion of the rest of the world.

Can England then who has so long been the upright
^nd envied arbiter of all her neighbours, and who has just
effected so much for the repose of Europe, continue to
behold these disasters, and these enormities, with which
Spanish America is bent down, and not make a strong,
an energetic exertion in behalf of suffering humanity?
Spain has still before her, a road intricate, dark, and full
of perplexed and treacherous mazes, in which, if she has
no helping hand, she will eventually be lost. And can
any one better than England, aid by her advice, or illu-
mine by her councils? It is certainly a delicate thing to
interfere in a domestic quarrel; but yet, as things stand,
there is no remedy, unless we wish to see Spanish Ame-

410

rica become the general tomb of its inhabitants. This
delicacy is increased, by the peculiar character of the na-
tion most interested ; but still we have found, that a tame
subserviency has always increased the evil. Hitherto, in
our affairs with Spain, we have not met with that success
our purity of intentions deserved; this was because we
were thwarted by faction, betrayed by specious friends,
and slandered by avowed enemies. We have had to deal
with a people, who cherished not only the principleSy
but even the prejudices of their ancestors; yet this was
because they conceived them right* There are questions^
of the most objectionable na|;ure, when fairly laid before
the Spanish people, and with their objects sufficiently
guaranteed, to which even the most prejudiced have as-
sented, and afterwards have experienced the benefits*
There are cases, also, of such a plain and manifest nature,
as to admit of so positive a demonstration, that even so the
blindest cannot be mistaken. In this number, most as-
suredly, was the proferred mediation of England, and it
was lost by nothing but the interpretations of the Cadiz
prints. The war with Spanish America, as may be fully
collected in the course of this expose, originated with
the governments of Spain, and not with the people; to
them its grounds were, and still are, as strange as a pro-
blem of Euclid, In them, there is still a great fund of
affection towards their distant brethren; and they cannot,
besides,divest themselves of the common feelings of men.
They have minds, and these are open to conviction. Be-
tween the two countries, there ever existed a cordial fra-
ternity, and one party never can forget the sufferings and
tservices of the other. On the other side of the Atlantic,
the tide of popular regard, had long continued to set to*

417'

Wards the mother country, and it did not take a contrary-
direction, till war was declared by the Cadiz government,
and one unjust and impolitic act, was added to another.
But that government, as well as all the others to which
it gave origin, have been thrown down, and Spain herself
has pronounced their illegality. Would it, then, be dif-
ficult, to cause the corresponding flow of affection from
this side, to enter its accustomed channels ? After the
chequered scenes to which they have been exposed, with-
in these last six years, the Spanish people must be sen-
sible, that to continue a war of this nature, is only ex-
posing their arms to the possibility of disgrace, betraying
their own weakness, and lessening the public confidence.
They must be aware, besides, that this is a long and tedious
means, also uncertaiUj and that it must eventually lead
to the destruction of all parties. To erect a new empire
on the ruin of their fellow brethren, must be opposed to
the honest hopes of a people, however deluded they
might have been; and were they only once sensible of
the real situation and sufferings of the ultramarine
provinces, and fully acquainted with the history of the
past, I am not afraid to affirm, that on a basis well
guaranteed, they would be grateful to any power, that
would extricate them out of the dilemma in which they
now stand*

It is not only to individuals of every class, but also to
nations, that a continuation of so fruitless, hopeless, and
unnatural a civil war, asf that waging between European
and American Spain, must be an object of affliction and
regret. No one can fail to feel deep sensations of grief
and emotion, at its miserable consequences ; and, in his
heart, condemn the unjust grounds on which it com-

D JO

418

menced. Etigland ought also to be proud and happy, in
being now possessed of such a combination of means of
reliefj such as is rarely obtained by the most fortuitous
circumstances, or the most strenuous of human exertions.
And is she not answerable to the whole world, if she
neglects them ? I have endeavoured, in the course of
this expose, to lay before my readers, not only the nature
of this warfare now carrying on, but also the extent of
the havoc it has produced, I have further pointed out,
in what particular stages, the interposition of the British
government would have been effectual, and I will now
ask, if all these ravages and horrors could have been
foreseen, and if they could have been prevented, by
merely giving offence to five illegal Regents, and creating
in the Spanish people a temporary disgust, would the
object not have been worth running the risk? It was a
faction of monopolists we merely had to overcome ; but
would not the Spanish people at large, when they were
fully enlightened on the subject, even have been grateful
for our accomplishing a peace ? As the Mexican letter al-
ready quoted, observes, would not even the Cortes have
been reconciled, on re(;eiving remittances of money and
other aid from Spanish America, which could not be the
case, as long as the war continued ? Would not Ferdi-
; nand,now he is returned, if he is only actuated by those
humane and just principles hitherto attributed to him,
have felt more grateful to^us, on finding his monarchy
in peace and prosperity, than now divided by discord,
and the best half in a state of ruins ? Would he not have
felt more satisfied, that the dictates of justice and equity
had been followed, than that his unworthy agents and
representatives, should now be charged with the murder

4iD

ibf a million and half of his meritorious and unoffending
subjects? And would not England have felt more satis-
faction in saving the lives of these, and in sparing their
country from universal desolation, than in fawning to a
faction, and being subservient to the policy of men, who
were dissolving that very community they were placed
to defend and consolidate? She could effect the nomi-
nation of Lord Wellington, as Generalissimo, as before-
stated, a measure fifty times more objectionable ; and
when interest and humanity pleaded in behalf of the
injured and oppressed, means were no longer within her
reach. Viewing the matter on a smaller scale, the Go-
Venor of Curacoa, as will be seen at the latter end of do-
cument I. was informed by General Bolivari that the
Spanish chief of Puerto Cavello> refused to exchange the
few American prisoners he had, comprehended in a so-
lemn capitulation, for 4000 Spaniards taken in action,
land from the conduct pursuing, it was evident that the
murder of all must soon result. Yet, as an agent of Eng-
land, he could apply to the Americans for the release ot
those Spaniards, who had brought all these calamities on
themselves, but he could not induce the latter to abide
by a sacred capitulation, by which all he sought, would
have been obtained. An active and energetic demonstra-
tion, on the part of the British Commanders in the West
Indies, would have prevented those horrors detailed in
document I. would have saved the lives of several thou-
sand unfortunate victims, sacrificed in cold blood; in
like manner that an early attention to the rising dissen-
tions in Cadiz, would have been a barrier to all the dis-
asters which have been generated therefrom. If so, in-
dividuals ought not to be ashamed, that on this, as well

D D 2

420

^s the other side of the water, they have zealously endea-
voured to anticipate all this to the Ministers at home,
and to their agents abroad. But to wish well to Spanish
America, even consistently with the honour and interest
of both Spain and England, now appears to be a crime,
when lately, large sums were expended on inconsistent
expeditions to that country, and in exploring the foulest
sources of information.

The menial, with equity on his side, when contending
to escape oppression, is an object worthy of the respect
of every one ; and is not an entire nation, with whose
sufferings and degradation we have so long sympathized
whilst struggling against the most despotic and unjust acts,
deserving of the regard of England ? Can she be deaf to
the calls of an interesting people, whilst the unfeeling
arm of a dissolute soldiery, pours out, in torrents, their
innocent blood, and carries fire and desolation amongst
the peaceful dwellings of their unoffending clans? Can
she behold, with unconcern, her ally, resorting only to
measures inevitably tending to prolong a war, which aK
ready makes humanity shudder ? Can she» any longer,
divest herself of an anxious and watchful solicitude, for
the welfare of a people, whom both interest and nature
have made so deserving of her protection? After such
carriage, havoc, and destruction, must not England be
convinced, that the plan, so far, adopted by Spain, is
wrong; and that the means employed to carry it into
execution, are illegal, unwarrantable, ai>d opposed to
every sense of humanity and reason ? Is it not now evi-
dent, that to recriminate, is not the way to reconcile j
and that to rail at rebels, even if the Spanish Americans
ioerited that name, ii not the way to subdue them ? To*

421

carry on all these excesses, are not the most funda-
mental of the Spanish laws themselves, trampled to the
ground ? The most express statutes of the Indies, forbid
the person of an Indian, even when taken in rebellion,
and with arms in his hand, from being hurt, till
brought before a legal authority ; but, here, we see them
wantonly murdered in thousands, even whilst kneeling
for mercy. The distressed situation of Spanish America,
and the horrid aggravations under which it daily in-
creases, at this peculiar moment, presents a subject,
highly deserving of the contemplation of the thinking
part of our community ; and it becomes a question,
which every Briton ought to ask, whether the dawn which
now brightens on the old world, ought not to remove
the gloomy clouds which overhang the new one ? The
conduct of Spain to her ultramarine provinces, has been
equally hostile to the maxims of reason and justice, as
well as opposed to the common rights of mankind ; and
no policy whatever can warrant transactions which are
-flagrantly unjust. It is not only England, but the whole
world, that is interested in the cessation of the horrors
committing in Spanish America, though, as the ally of
Spain, England is the most interested. If, by her treaty,
she is withheld from this act of justice, it is an engage-
ment, made contrary to the common feelings of man-
kind, and obvious policy, and it now operates as a league,
against the most sacred rights of an unoffending people.
But if this treaty was made with the Spanish monarchy,
it is binding to all its parts ; and all are equally deserving
of a participation of the objects for which it was formed.
If so, is not Spanish America entitled to some share of
that sympathy, we have so long lavished on Spain ? Yes,

422

and the impartial mind must be lead to conclude, that
the dictates of humanity, and the imperious calls of jus-
tice, urge us, at this propitious moment, to labour in a
most strenuous manner, to put an end to the bloody and
unnatural warfare, with which, that unfortunate country
U now desolated.

§ In the preceding division of my subject, I appealed
to the good sense, humanity and justice of the British
government, as well as to the generous and sympathetic
feelings of the people of England, by laying before them,
a brief sketch of the nature and extent of the horrors and
enormities committing in Spanish Columbia, urging a
mediatory interference, that might staunch so many
wrongs, and put an end to such an useless and wanton
waste of blood and treasure. It now remains for me, to
bring forward those arguments of policy, which support
pay assumed premises, and to examine the grounds of
expediency, which interest the minister, merchant, and
politician.

In extending our views to the other side of the At-
lantic, the mind is filled with pleasurable wonder and
astonishment, on beholding the situation, extent, and va-»
ried resources of that immense continent, ranging from
the Mississcippi to Cape Horn, and washed by two great
oceans. Gifted with the choicest bounties of nature, if
we examine its numerous and diversified productions, we
shall discover luxuries which deceive the burden of
life, substantial food and drugs, which support and pro-
long it ; and if we refer to our imports, besides coin and
bullion, we shall see we are indebted to it, for most of
those manufacturing materials, which invigorate the
springs qf our national ii^dustry, and extend and animate

423

some of the most interesting branches of our foreign and
domestic commerce. This is not a desert, such as our
North American settlements were, in the time of Charles
the 1st, and where the indigenes retired, to make room
for the white population. This continent, contained
several great and extensive empires, before it was disco-
vered by Europeans; rich, fertile, and highly civilized;
in which, the population became partly blended with the
conquerors and settlers. And certainly possessed of so
many advantages, it bids fair, at some future period of
time, to become an assemblage of powerful states,equally
rich and flourishing with many kingdoms of Europe.
Mexico, in particular, according to the recent and faith-
ful delineations of Humboldt, presents advantages, un-
equalled in any other section of the earth. In ceralia, it
is the richest country under the sun, abundant in legumi-
nous and bulbous plants, and besides, affords, every ar-
ticle of West Indian, Asiatic, and European production.
It possesses the convenience of whale and other fisheries,
on the South seas ; and from its Atlantic ports, grains
and meat may be supplied to the West Indies and Eu-
rope, and hemp and ship^timber, may be had for our
navy»

Nor are these advantages confined to the kingdom of
New Spain, Every other section, in some measure, par-
takes in them. Peru might supply us with cotton, wine,
oils, &c. Chili can present us with wheat, hemp, and flax,
and from the partial intercourse we have had with other
sections, we have already learnt the nature and value of
their exports. This great mass of advantages, has, in-
deed, hitherto, been of little or no benefit to the world at
large, or even to their own possessors; but still they

424

exist, and it only requires a benign combination of cir-
cumstances, to call them forth. Roused from the le-»
thargy of many ages, freed from the shackles which a
false policy had imposed on agriculture and trade, atid
placed under the auspices of a beriificent, enlightened,
and liberal government, Spanish America divided into
two empires, would soon emulate a stage of strength
and grandeur, scarcely surpassed, in ancient or modern
history.

In thus taking a general view of this interesting and
comprehensive subject, so many are the powerful con-
siderations which rush upon the mind, that it would be
impossible, in such confined limits as these, to individu-
alize then,! all. Yet the hopes of the enlightened mer-
chant, and the real interests of the nation, at this propi-
tious moment, demand that they should be maturely
weighed, and deliberately examined. Standing, as we
do, at the happy close of one of the most momentous
struggles that ever occurred in the annals of history, by
which an enormous debt has been accumulated on the
shoulders of our children; it behoves us to lay that solid
groundwork, for present as well as future enterprize, that
may ensure its reduction, and compensate for the heavy
burdens, with which the present generation has been
loaded. Nay, it becomes of the greatest importance to
the whole state, to seek new sources of intercourse and
trade, and especially to improve every opening, which
under all emergencies, we can controul. The com-
mercial prosperity, and consequent strength and great-
ness of England, have long been the envy of the European
continent; and notwithstanding the favourable issue of
the war, who can insure, that it will not again become the

425

same ? Commerce, also, amongst ourselves, has alwayft
been looked upon as the very heart-blood of our national
existence, and the cause and essence of our greatness.
And, where can we look for its increase, or combine its
progressive growth, with such secure prospects, as in a
country, yet in a virgin state, affording the products
of all the zones, besides precious metals, and even al-
ready, opening to us a large consumption of fine and
coarse goods?

I am induced to take this survey of the resources of
the continent of Spanish America, not only for the pur-
pose of supporting the tenour of my arguments, on the
grounds of policy ; but also, to con-ect many prejudices,
which exist in the public mind, with regard to Spanish
American trade in general. No sooner was the British
standard displayed on the shores of La Plata, than Sir
Home Popham, wrote his circular to the principal manu-
facturing towns, to urge the shipment of goods, inducing
them to believe, that full scope was open for their enter-
prize. The grounds, on which these invitations were
made, were extremely fallacious, and produced the fatal
losses, thence experienced. Notwithstanding Buenos
Ay res is the key to Chili, and great part of Peru, as well
from its geographical situation, as from the facility of
travelling the pampas, and the difficulty and delay df
doubling Cape Horn, it, nevertheless, ceased to such, ss
long as the town was held in a hostile manner by the
British ; interiour communication being cut off. Buenos
Ayres and its districts, cannot be reckoned to contain
more than 130,000 souls, and this was the whole then
held under control. Our consumption of goods, was,
therefore, limited to that quantum of population, for tht

4i6

mner provinces, instead of organizing relations of trade,
and sending their mules loaded with dollars, and their
boats with productions, were actually collecting troops
to repel us ; nay, forces were even marching from Lima,
and communication with the points in our possession,
was held treason by the Spanish chiefs. Under impres-
sions very different from these facts, it was, that our mer-
chant* vied with each other in extensive shipments, at
heavy freights and great expences. Their cargoes, were„
moreover, ill assorted for the market, and to such an ex-
cess, that at any other time, they could never have been
consumed^ The entire importations mto Buenos Ayres,
from the mother country, were never rated at more than
five millions of dollars, including many of her own pro-
ductions, and we are calculated, at that time, to have
shipped there, nearly that quantity of pounds sterling in
dry goods and hardware alone; most of which were in
oppos^ition to the taste of the country; and of many ar-
ticles, even the use was not known.* This was the
worst of the sections of Spanish America, for an excess
of dry goods, in consequence of the supplies that come
down from the manufacturing districts of Cochabamba,
where cottons suitable for the Indians and lower orders,
are made. This temporary glut, will, however, be of es*
sential service, by increasing the future consumption of
British articles, for these, by their cheapness, being then

* As an iustance of the want of judgraent, with which cargoes
were lelected. I caa quote the fact of a merchant, who, on seeing
blankets sent out, supposed they must want every thing else used in
a cold climate, and he consequently shipped a large assortment of
warming pans. When seen by the people of Buenos Ayres, they asked
vhetber the British dressed their victuals in them*

427

thrown into the market, were gradually purchased by
the natives, who Avere thus taught new wants, and had
their own manufactures greatly supplanted. These be-
neficial effects are already becoming visible, for encou-
raged by the better systems of the new government,
Buenos Ayres, that formerly imported five millions of
dollars, in foreign articles, last year, exceeded twelve^
and the returns have, also, doubled. Who would have
thought that coals and English fire grates, would become
articles of export to La Plata ; or, that by our inter-i
course, we should have taught the inhabitants the use of
many conveniences and wants, before unknown to them;
and that, in so short a time, we should have contrifiuted
to more than double their imports ? This instance, alone,
tends to shew, how much the resources of that country,
might be improved, and how extremely deserving it is,
both of the attention of government, and of our mercan-
tile interests.

The great avidity, with which the British merchants
pressed forward to reap the rich and tempting harvest,
which they supposed was then open to them, was the
great cause of their misfortunes, and they also suffered,
greatly, from the extravagance and dishonesty of their
agents, many of whom became rich, whilst the owner*
were made bankrupts. But the fault of all this, was not
in the trade of the country, but in the manner in which
those speculators, mistook a large and sudden flood of
untried benefits, which they then supposed would rush
on the world, without considering the actual state of the
country, to which they were sending out their goods. We
then commenced a trade with an isolated point, and in
consequence of our losses, we threw the whole blame ia

428

a sweeping manner, on the whole of South America,
Yet when we come to examine the imports from Europe,
consumed in the various sections, we shall find, that no
other quarter of the globe, presents so favourable a
prospect, or such a field for the enterprize of man.

% Notwithstanding the degraded state in which Spanish
America has so long remained, the want of encourage-
ment, and the extortions and shackles of government,
the total European imports, by Humboldt, are estimated
at 59,200,000 dollars, independent of contraband trade,
as per following scale.

Humboldt's Statement of entire importations into all Spa-f
nish America*

Dollars.

Ca^ptain Generalship of Havana and PucFto Rico.. ..M, 000,00^

Vicei oyalty of New Spain, and Captain Generalship)

/r. , , *^f 22,000,000

of Guatemala:.. ,-...-. -.^--^•.-1^.-..- .....V ' '

t^iceioyalty of New Granada ...«.•.... ...^ .»-^.... 5,700,000

Captain-Generalship of Caracas . .- ^ »^»- ...^. .««.... 5,500,000
Viceroyalty of Peru, and Captain-Generalship of Chili 11,500,000
Viceroyalty of Buenos Ay res 3,500,000

Total annual importation to Spanish America. .59,200^000
59,200,300 dollars, at 4s. 6d.— £13,320,000 sterling.—

And, is this a trade, not worth the attention of the
British government; one, that by the Spanish Custom
House returns, under every disadvantage, independent of
contraband trade, which is known to amount to at
least one half, and at the low proportion at which the sec*
lions are rated by Humboldt, exceeds thirteen millions
sterling? In the preceding scale, Buenos Ayres is only
rated at 3,500,000 dollars, and its regular estimation oq
the spot, exceeds five millious; »o that, when we come

439

to consider the immense smuggling trade, to which
every facility was given by the corruption of the guards;
and which was not only carried on from the different
West India islands, but also in the English and United
States whaling expeditions to the South Seas, and from
the frontiers of the latter, to the inner provinces of
Mexico, it is a very fair estimate to lay down the total
annual consumption of Spanish America, in imported
articles, at eighty millions of dollars, or sixteen millions
pounds sterling, a calculation in strict conformity with
the very best authorities. Still, can I aver, from my own
experience, as well as from official Spanish documents^
that not one-third of the inhabitants of that immense
country, have hitherto be^n in the habits of wearing im-
ported goods. By an official report in my possession,
out of the seven millions of inhabitants contained in New
Spain, it appears, that only one million used foreiga
cloathing, from its being too dear for the poverty of the
iQmainder. Indeed the Indians and casts, are kept in so
degraded a ^state, that they have not the means to make
the purchase, and are obliged to content themselves with
rags, and the coarse homespun cottons and woollens, they
themselves manufacture. It has been calculated, and
with sufficient accuracy, that on an average, each in-
habitant of the United States, consumes, yearly, «£5
worth of British manufactures; yet a trade to a warmer
country, is more profitable, from a larger proportion of
fine goods entering into the consumption. The state of
war in which Spanish America had been long kept, and
the dear rate at which its inhabitants were obliged to
purchase their cloathing, drove the lower orders to the
expedient of manufacturing their c?otton and wool; oa

430

which occasion, a native writer observed, that they were
indebted to England, by the war she carried on against
them, for having taught them to supply considerable
part of their own cloathing.

Thus our own impolicy, added to the monopolies of
the mother-country, principally gave rise to the esta-
blishment of manufactures in Spanish America; and the
cessation of these causes, and the creation of a rivalship
in prices, quality, and imitation, would, consequently,
render their continuation useless, and we might, eventu-
ally, secure the entire consumption of seventeen millions
of people. The natives of Spanish America became
manufacturers, from necessity, for it cannot be supposed,
that a people, possessed of extensive and fertile regions
to cultivate, and a comparatively thin population, would
adopt a sedentary line of life, from choice. No, they
have only done it, because the productions they might
raise, were of no value from the want of trade ; and being
possessed of the raw materials,they recurred to home ma-
nufactures, from not having wherewith to purchase im-
ported goods. These manufactures, are, besides, unaided
by machinery and aft, of course, they will die away,
when better and cheaper goods come into competition ;
and when that period arrives, the consumption of Spanish
America, will exceed one hundred and eighteen millions
of dollars, and rapidly increase as new wants are created.

The United States, have, hitherto, been very great
suppliers of goods in their sister continent, this being a
trade in which the British merchant has had little share*
In the year 1803, twenty millions were exported from
England to North America, alone; and our united ex-
ports, westwards, that year, did not exceed twenty- three

431

millions. Ill 1S08, after the intercourse with the United
States, had been interrupted, five naillions only were ex-
ported to that country, and eighteen millions to the
Spanish main and the West Indies ; from which it ap-
peared, that out of the said twenty millions imported
from this country by North America, thirteen millions
were destined to supply the Spanish shores of the At-
lantic; and, indeed, it isi a fact, that only half our ex-
ports to the North American market, are consumed
there, the remainder being retehipped, and sent to the
Spanish main, to procure valuable returns. In IS09,
seven millions were exported to North America, and
nineteen to the Spanish settlements and West Indies;
and in 1810, our total exports, westwards, reached
twenty-eight millions, from which it may be concluded,
that by proper management, the trade to Spanish Ame-
rica might be made the most valuable of any we have,
might yet be considerably increased, and is, of conse-
quence, deserving of the most serious consideration; for
it might also be rendered the most secure. In the year
1802, Cadiz alone received from all Spanish America,
54,742,033 dollars in precious metals, and 27,096,814
do. in colonial productions.; a sum equal to the total im-
ports of England, in 1790, which did not exceed eighteen
millions sterling*

Such is the import trade and consumption of the
wnited sections of Spanish America; such are the im-
provements of which both are capable; nor are the re-
turns less interesting, being composed of the richest pro-
ductions of nature, besides forty-two millions of dollars
in coin, which might be easily increased. This is there-
fore a connection of the greatest possible importance to

432

the mercantile interests of the British empire, and willy
in future, be of great political consequence in the affairs
of Europe. We have, hitherto, beheld the shutting up
ot one continent against us, as the precursor of ruin ; the
opening, therefore, of another, with such valuable re-*
sources, ought to be an object of national gladness. Our
existence, as a nation, depends on our commerce^ this
requires peace, it, therefore, behoves us to quench the
flames of war, wherever we can promote the pursuits of
agriculture and trade; more, especially, in the regions^
out of the reach of those, who only lately were our com-
mon enemies. The history of commerce, in this country^
records no instance of calamity, so severe and so exten^
sive, as that we have lately experienced, and, on the other
hand, it is universally acknowledged, that we can only
relieve the burdens which have so long rested on the peo-
ple, but when our manufactures and trade increase, in a
corresponding degree. Whoever has viewed Spanish
America, with a careful eye, will readily admits that its
long neglected regions, contain more resources than any
other section of the globe; and besides its great and in-
creasing consumption of goods^ and valuable territorial
productions, it, alone, affords precious metals to the
world. Constant and adequate supplies, will make the
people agricultural; when they have wherewith to go to
market, their wants will increase, and to England might
devolve a large portion of their supplies. If there is a
country, in the world, that by its trade, can ever retrieve
our pecuniary wants, if we ever, in time, hope to wipe
away the enormous debt we are entailing on our poste-
rity, or alleviate the burden already pressing upon us, for
itg support, this is the only region under the sun, where

433

the adequate resources, are in embryo. Yet, whilst we
behold our parliaments and statesmen, busied in regulat-
ing the India trade, that only amounts to six millions
yearly; whilst we see their time and talents, absorbed
in questions of infinitely minor import, this, alone, is
buried in profound silence; this, alone, is supposed un-
deseiTing of notice. A comparative view of the Spanish
ultramarine provinces, v/ith the British possessions in
the East Indies, will further elucidate their importance,
even in their degraded state, and prove, that though the
population is so much smaller, they, nevertheless, afford
more net revenue, than even our choice regions in Asia.

Spanish
America.

Eno-ljsh pos-
sessions in
A sia.

Extent in square leagues of 23
to the equatorial deg^ree

460,000

48,300

Population

17,000.000

32,000,000

Gross revenue in dollars

38,000.000

43,000,000

Net revenue in dollars

8,000,000

3,400,000

As these valuable provinces have hitherto, stood, little
or no trade has been carried on, excepting in partial
ports of the Atlantic ; but the whole of the interiour of
Peru and Mexico, great part of the shores of the Pa-
cific, as well as many other sections, are perfectly in a
Stagnant state ; for besides the ravages of war, what spe-
culations can be expected from local merchants, when
they are not certain, for a month together, to whom they
are to belong; when in their present unsettled state, they

E E

434

are ignorant whether the fate of Poland awaits them,
whether they are to be delivered over to the fury and re-
venge of the Cortes, or of Ferdinand; or whether they
are to become an English colony; and when, at the same
time, they are daily exposed to the ravages of a dissolute
armed force. The trade of Vera Cruz, alone, is esti-
mated at five millions sterling, per annum. For the
three last years, it has been suspended, from the roads
being in possession of the insurgents, and has therefore
been a blank to the enterprize of the world. Under cir-
cumstances so precarious, then, the native merchant can-
not be expected to adventure; and though many of the
above dreads, at first sight, appear imaginary, they, ne-
vertheless exist ; for the ultramarine provinces have in
vain demanded of the Cortes, what was to be their ulte-
riour fate, ia case the Peninsula was lost. England has
also maintained a profound silence, whilst tlie first Re-
gency to whom they appealed, told them, they icere to
belong to the mother country^ even in the icorst event of
fortune*

The actual uncertainty of things, has thus destroyed
all confide, cf nor can it be expected, that men, whose
peculiar ch; acter, is precaution, will put their hidden
treasures v o circulation, when they have the example
of forced loans before them ; extremes to which the vice-
roys of Mexico, and other sections, have long been
driven, and when they are, at the same time, fearful,
that at no distant period, they may be transferred, by
sale or contract, to some European power, who may
have the most to throw into the scale, when a general
pacification comes to be agitated. Thus it is for the
want of confidence, as well as from extensive ravages.

435

that the trade of Spanish America is ruined 5 whilst on
the other hand, all her resources are diying up and de-
stroyed.

The facts I have just stated, are of such a nature, as
not to admit of a contradiction, they are founded on an
intimate acquaintance with the countries to which they
refer, and are confirmed by every intelligent native and
traveller. Humboldt, marks the great improvement of
which these countries are susceptible, but instead of at-
tacking the principles on which they have been governed,
(the falsity and injustice of which, are universally ac-
knowledged) he confines himself to a collection of facts^
and the proving of what commercial importance^ the re-
lations of Europe will become in Spanish America, when-
ever she is freed from the fetters of an odious monopoly,
disadvantageous even to the mother-country. A con-
nection, therefore, with a country like this, is of the ut-
most consequence; for besides its rich and almost virgin
resources, in proportion as it is raised from degradation,
its inhabitants would prosper and be happy, and bound
to us by the tie of gratitude, whatever be the future
convulsions of Europe, we might in them find a com-
munity of steady friends.

In order to render the preceding view of the trade
and resources of Spanish America, more strong and for-
cible, I have annexed an estimate of our imports and ex-
ports to Spain, for a given period of years, which, though
it cannot be taken for a fair and permanent criterion,
will, nevertheless, point out the great transcendency of
the one over the other;

£ Ed

436

An Account of the Official Value of

the Imports and

Exports of Great Britain, from and to Sp

ain and \

the Canaries y in each of the undermentioned Years.

Imported into.

Exported from.

England.

Scotland.

England.

Scotland

dj

!?

td

►n

2.

o
g2.

2.

al

n

Years.

rt a-

II

O SLi

sr S

^5

2:^

= =

Str>

n

5 o
9 o

U9

5

a

• P

o.

E

§-

^

1800

701,307

2,882

3,382

1801

590,832

4,784

454,618

65,421

1,256

543

1802

786,878

21,9.53

1,040 092

349,990

8,932

801

1803

910,055

22,112

579,543

209,158

525

4,1 6^

1804

887,742

11,237

770,936

224,561

3,200

120

1805

891,768

24,401

29,015

81,611

754

1806

710^16

12,666

37,154

36,153

1,754

1807

926,489

6,669

25,862

79,542

1808

560,275

16,828

630,972

240,500

4,435

12,794

1809

896,801

11,619

1,746 788

555,240

109,669

1,631

§ The exports of Spanish America, by the custom-.'
house returns, amount to 69 million dollars, in precious
metals and territorial productions; and certainly, little
would be requisite to double them. The annual coinage of
all the sections, is calculated at 42 millions of dollars; and
beyond doubt, the liberty and security of mercantile re-
lations, would have a prodigious effect on the precious
metals, extracted from the mines, not only from the con-
sequent cheapness of iron and mercury, but also, from
the improvements of the mechanical and chemical parts
of obtaining and preparing the ores. It is a fact well

437

established, that the most expensive, as well as the most
laborious part of mining, is the draining of the mines,
and the bruising and amalgamation of the mineral ; ope-
rations which are now performed by weak and defective
machinery. Consequently, the introduction of the steam
engine and new apparatus, would not only reduce the
€xpence, but would also double the annual produce of
the mines. The hands thus disengaged from an un-
healthy labour, might be turned to the cultivation of the
«oil. The application of the steam engine, to draining
and working the mines in Spanish America, is an object
of infinite consequence to the Spanish government, and
that of England is, also, greatly interested in its promo-
tion. Besides relieving humanity, it is to a commercia
people, highly advantageous to have the coinage of
country doubled, with which we have any relations, ana
the liberal manner in which this point has been attended
to, in a late case, is extremely honourable to the heads of
office. The coinage of Spanish America, by the resto-
ration of peace and the steam engine alone, might be
more than doubled, and from 42 millions it might be
raised to 100 millions. According to the observations
of Humboldt, the prosperity of New Spain, for example,
has increased considerably within few years, notwith-
standing the defects of the colonial regimen; what there-
fore might pot be expected, by a change of system,
and the introduction of the discoveries and improve-
ments of art ? If, according to the same authority, the
precious metals obtained, have tripled in 52 years, and
sextupled in 100; what an immense augmentation, would
not this branch of public industry and revenue receive,
fey liberal plans, and especially, by security in the ma-

438

Titime communications ? According to an official report
in my possession, the following is the state of the mine*
in Peru. —

Gold mines in an active and working state 69

Silver ditto ditto

ditto

784

Quicksilver ditto -r-

ditto

4

Lead ditto ditto

ditto

12

Copper ditto ditto

ditto

4

Total active Mines in Peru, in 1793 673

Gold mines abandoned for sundry reasons 29
Silver ditto ditto ditto 588

Total mines in Peru, exclusive of Quito and

Buenos Ay res, 1490

In the following statement, few gold mines are stated
as abandoned, this is because they are, generally, found
in horizontal layers ; but of the silver mines, nearly al-
ways worked by a perpendicular bore; no less than
588 are left inactive, principally because' they are filled
with water. This scale may convey a good idea of the
number of mines, abandoned in the other sections, from
similar motives; in fact, whenever the elevation of the
mine, has not admitted of a side horizontal bore, for the
purposes of draining, as soon as the water has reached
a certain level, the mine ha,s been abandoned, and the
labour of years, as well as the expenditure, often of
millions, have been swallowed up in one general inunda-
tion. This has been the case with the celebrated mines
of Pasco, in Peru, for the draining of which arrangements
have been made, with a zeal and perseverance, that do the
greatest credit to the abilities of their promotors. It is

439

also, extremely fortunate, that coal has been discovered,
for, otherwise, from the dearth of fuel, the application of
machinery, would have been useless.

The suspension of intercourse vi^itli Europe, has, al
ways, produced in Spanish America, an incredible scar-
city of the most necessary articles of labour, and has
occasionally raised the prices of iron, from four dollars,
to sixty and 100, per quintal ; and of steel, from twenty-
five dollars, as high as three hundred and twenty-five dit-
to. Under such circumstances, mining, and, of course,
agriculture, had to stand still. Quicksilver, an article
of such importance, that New Spain alone, consumed
16,000 quintals, annually, has always been held as a mo-
nopoly of the crown, and the quantity the mines have
produced, has, been in pfoportion to that of mercury
distributed. To render the ultramarine provinces, more
dependent on Spain, it was not lawful to work the quick-
silver mines found in America, as has been before stated ;
a means adopted to secure the allegiance of the country.
But, though America has, hitherto, been a tributary to
Europe, for the supply of this essential article, this can-
not be the case, as soon as more enlightened systems
and liberal regulations are adopted, of which even
Spain would be the gainer, for she would not then have
to expend in a foreign market, an annual sum for a sup-
ply, that is, besides, liable to many contingencies. Peru
contains four quicksilver mines already discovered, of
which the most famous, is Huancavelica ; and Mexico
has several others, whose united produce, whenever they
are put into operation, will supercede the necessity of
importations of mercury from Spain and Carniola. What
a field of industry and enterprize, even in this single

440

branch, opens on the world, but particularly on England,
when these odious restrictions are removed, and the re-
lations of friendship and intercourse are cemented, by
stipulations of a liberal and permanent nature?

§The increase of population, under a regular and sta-
ble government, capable of securing interiour and exte-
riour relations, would, in like manner, increase in rapid
progression, and soon raise the strength of Spanish Ame-
rica, to a respectable height. According to the calcula-
tions of Humboldt, the population of New Spain, ought
to double itself in nineteen years, so that if peace is once
restored to Spanish America, and a paternal government
created, one that may secure it from internal convul-
sions, and favourable to emigration, to what a degree of
splendour and improvement, will not that country rise?
Under the operation of causes less favourable, we have
seen these calculations verified in the United States; which
present both to England and Spain, the results of a grand
experiment, in their power to realize, by the regenera-
tion of Spanish America, In 1774, the exports from the
United States, then British Colonies, were .£3,607,000
sterling; and in 1799, they reached 72,663,332 dollars, or
^15,925,021 sterling. From 2f millions, the popula-
tion, has, also, risen to near 7. The independence of
the United States, in point of trade, has been more pro-
fitable to England than their submission ; for prior to
Mr. Jefferson's plan of destroying the trade of the union.
Great Britain exported more goods of her own growth
and manufacture to that country, than she did to the
whole of Europe. And has not Spain an infinitely
greater scope for advancement, in her immense and di-
versified continent of America ? For this, it is not ne-
cessary to create an absolute independence, she has only

441

to alter her plans, to remove her restrictions and mono-
polies, and to establish a paternal and beneficent go-
vernment, suited to the wants of an extensive, diversified
and distant range of country, abounding in commodities,
for which Europe presents an eager demand.

But this is not all, the free cultivation of the vine and
olive, the growth of the mulberry, the distillation from
sugar, rice, and the grape, the exportation of flour, the
increase of the plantation of sugar, cotton, tobacco, as
well as of many other productions, and the working of
the mercury mines, will, one day, not only add to the
circulation of trade, but will become more inexhaustible
sources of wealth, than the united mines of gold and
silver. Spanish America, appears^ at some future time,
to be destined to supply us with wine, oils, and raw
silk, for which we are so dependent on the continent of
Europe; as well as flax seed, for which Ireland has to
recur to the United States. Ship timber, of the finest
quality, can there be had in any quantity, as well as hemp.
In short, in a progressive manner, will increase the agri-
cultural and metallic productions of a country, that has,
hitherto, been almost as a blank to the rest of the world;
and, consequently, its consumption of merchandize
would be doubled, thus affording to the supplying
channels, a safe and ready market for manufactures,
larger than any single section of the globe, presents.
France is calculated to have taken from us, annually, no
more than 7,600,000 dollars in goods, and the section of
New Spain alone, affords a vent for not less than twenty
millions. But it is not ourselves alone, who would be
benefited, by the opening and amelioration of Spanish
America. Our West India islands, will also, greatly

442

participate in the benefits. During the absence of sup-
plies of flour from the United States, Jamaica has been
supplied, in a precarious manner, with provisions from
Haiti, according to the late report of its assembly. Yet
in the neighbouring sections of New Spain, the finest in
the world for cerealia, this article, has been rotting in the
warehouses.

And, if such is the picture of the resources of Spanish
America, if such the brilliant prospect capable of being
opened on the world, can either the people or ministers
of England, feel indifferent as to its present misfortunes or
future fate ? Do not both interest, policy, and humanity,
strongly urge us to look, with anxious, eye, to the present
state of this ill-fated, but interesting country ? Have its
long sufferings, no hold on the sympathy of a people
like that of England, or have we, entirely, fortjotten the
inhabitants of those distant regions, at the details of
whose conquests, we have so often felt emotion, and over
whose history, we have so frequently shed the tear of
sensibility ? Lord Grenville, in his late admirable speech
on the East India question, thus expressed himself with
regard to Spanish America.

" A free trade with India, a free trade with China ;
with the Eastern islands, the latest acquisition of British
valour; and through them, with the rich kingdoms of
South America; a country hitherto indeed barred against
us, as much by the monopolies of its parent government
as by our own, but now at last by the course of events,
no longer within the controul of man, opened, in every
case I trust infallibly opened, to the commerce of the
world."

443

** What a scene does this present to our imagination!
We are told that when the Spanish discoverers first over-
came, v^^ith labour and peril almost unspeakable, the
mighty range of mountains which divides the Western
:from the Atlantic shores of South America, they stood
fixed in silent admiration, gazing on the vast expanse of
the Southern Ocean, which lay stretched before them in
boundless prospect. They adored, even those hardened
and sanguinary adventurers adored, the gracious Provi-
dence of Heaven, which, after the lapse of so many cen-
turies, had opened to mankind so wonderful a field of
untried and unimagined enlerprize. They anticipated
in prophetic enthusiasm, the glory of their native country^
the future extent of its sovereignty and power, and the
noble prize presented to its ambition. But theirs was
.the glory of conquest, the ambition of war, the prize of
iunjust dominion. As vast as theirs, but infinitely more
honourable, far higher both in purpose and in recom-
pense, are the hopes with which the same prospect now
elevates our hearts. Over countries yet unknown to sci-
ence, and in tracts which British navigation has scarcely
yet explored, we hope to carry the tranquil arts, the so-
cial enjoyments, the friendly and benevolent intercourse
of commerce. By the link of mutual interest, by the
bond of reciprocal good will, we hope to connect together
the remotest regions of the earth; humble, and weak,
but not rejected instruments of that great purpose of our
Creator, by which He has laid, in the reciprocal necessi-
ties both of individuals and of nations, the firmest ground-
work of all human society. Let this be our glory, and
what conqueror will not have reason to envy it?*'

444

The fervid imagination, either examining the resear-
ches of a Humboldt, Molina, or Depons, would, likewise,
there, court scenes, vast and romantic; would admire
the sublime outlines, which nature has bestowed on the
Andes and other places, and worship the powerful hand
of a Creator, in their varied mineral and vegetable produc-
tions. We venerate the remains of Greece and Rome ;
Spanish America, also presents fragments, of an infinite-
ly curious nature. We know all this, as it were, by hear-
say; we have, in those secluded regions, sources unex-
plored, to which our most important interests are allied,
and yet it would seem, as if we scarcely remembered that
they exist. Hitherto, our writers complained, that this
immense and diversified country, was closed to their
researches; yet we have been six years in alliance with
Spain, and our government has not promoted a discovery
of a philosophical or commercial nature. The late
government of France, was eager to avail itself of every
means of obtaining information; and aided and supported
the exertions of travellers, to whom the world is so much
indebted. But the government of England, with infinitely
l)etter opportunities, beholds these pursuits, with an eye
of indifference. Yet, would our expeditions there, have
ended as they did, or our merchants have been so duped,
if we had known any thing of the country ? Would not
a scientific and exploring expedition to Peru, be deserv-
ing of the promotion of the Regent of England ; might
we not be ambitious, that a knowledge of, at least, one
section of that great continent, was due to our
exertions ?

In whatever light we view the great sections of Sp
nish America, sentiments of the deepest interest are ex-

445

cited ; nor can the British heart be divested of sympathy.
We there behold an extensive continent, rich in every
thing that ministers to the wants or luxuries of man, yet
v^Tctched from the time of its settlement, in consequence
of the degraded system, by which it was governed ; and
now, desolated by extensive murder, conflagration, pil-.
lage, and all the scourges of an unnatural war. Though
distant, we are yet bound to its fate, and disengaged from
the great contest in which we were so lately plunged, not a
moment ought to be lost, in affording it relief. Nay,
many of our vital interests are implicated in its future
welfare ; nor do I hesitate to say, that if the great body
of the British people, were sutficientiy enlightened on
this subject, they would, with a firm and decided voice,
pronounce the necessity under which England, at this
moment stands, of causing the blood flowing between
brethren to cease, and the furrows of anarchy and civil
war, to be closed. 7'he affections, also, of seventeen mil-
lions of people, cannot be indifferent to us ; yet with
the prejudices existing against us, and if after giving
peace to Europe, we abandon them, what will not be
their reflections, and what their feelings ? Our former
captures and attacks on their shores, are not forgotten ;
and there may yet be cases, in which the animosity of
Spanish America, may be seriously felt. If the equi-
poise of power, should be ever again broken, let us hope
never to have the inhabitants of that country, as our
enemies.

Our present hold on Spanish America is of a most
fragile nature ; for though we may have effected a par-
tial overthrow of the prejudices which existed in the
Western continent, against our manufactures ; though we

446

have, in some measure, succeeded to rival French andGer**
man goods, this has been attained through necessity, and
not from preference; nor could v^e ever, at the prices to
which our goods have risen, particularly linens, suc-
cessfully support a competition. Our Scotch and Irish
imitations of the above description af goods, are not al-
together devoid of success ; but the practical merchant
must be fully sensible, that they would not long stand
their ground, vv^ere the old continental channels agaia
opened, and supplies congenial to therir wants, would
greatly enter into the political calculations of the Spanish
Americans, if ever they are enabled to fix their own des-
tinies. This is a tie of a much stronger nature, thaa
would at first, be conceived ; and added to the rest,
iTiight be successfully handled to our exclusion, and at
a future moment, might lead us into hostilities with a
country, that, by care, could be converted into a safe and
plentiful harvest.

The only means of severing this bond, would have
been, to have acted with a just and firm dignity, when
called upon by one half of a monarchy, with which we
were equally allied : to have helped m the relaxation of
the oppressive system, of the otner ; to have urged for
redress, where it was due ; to have prevented, by a
timely interposition, the horrors of a cruel and desolating
civil war ; to have listened to the voice of justice ; to
have improved the display of loyalty and fidelity early
evinced ; to have consulted our lasting, instead of our
temporary interests; and, in short, to have thereby added
to this bond, the double one of gratitude. The Spanish
Americans, not only conceive themselves linked to the
continent of Europe, by their old relations, connections.

447

alid supply of suitable goods; but also, by that being the
great mart for their territorial productions, which, it is
not in our power, to consume. But yet, happily for
England, much is still within her reach, if timely and
proper measures, are only adopted. These consist, in
procuring for Spanish America, the peace its inhabl'r-nts
so much require ; and aiding them to establish a govern-
ment suited to their ^.vants, on which they may found
their future welfare and prosperity.

§ Having borne so grt 'u: a portion of that war, which
has secured the throne of Spain to its rightful possessor,
and restored peace to the continent of Europe, it is na-
tural for Great Britain, to seek some remuneration to
compensate for her great sacrifices, and the burdens
which have rested on her people. In the exhausted state
of the Peninsula, no other than opening the trade to Spa-
nish America presents itself; and from the memorials
forwarding from the chief manufacturing and trading
towns, it would appear that this is generally expected.
Hitherto, the Spanish cabinet, has manifested no dispo-
sition to relax the rigour of its pretensions, on this im-
portant subject; nor has it evinced a friendly attachment
to this country, corresponding to the demonstrations
made in its favour. That hostility to us, coeval almost
with the landing of our troops in Spain, may have been
considerably diminished, b}^ the important events just
achieved; but, though diminished, it is not subdued;
and under the present smooth exteriour, there is con-
cealed a mass of enmity, which, though it may not in-
trude on the superficial observer, will, hereafter, be ex-
tremely active in its rancourous workings. But yet for
this, the British government is not to despair, or fail to

448

solicit a boon, due to us in gratitude; essential as a
means of pacification ; within the right of the ultramarine
provinces, as integral parts of the monarchy; and, more-
over, advantageous to Spain herself. On these four
grounds, it is, that England has now to found her claims
of remuneration; and as no trade can be carried on with
a country in a state of warfare, divided by discord, and
divested of ever kind of confidence, conciliation, on a
liberal basis, must be the forerunner. As shewn in the
body of this work, to obtain one, is to obtain the other;
andif ever, it is in the enthusiastic moments of Spain,,
that this is to be effected. Her general conduct, during
the period of our long and sincere co-operation, furnishes
no foundation for a hope, that the remembrance of past
services, will long continue ; much less since the recent
changes which have taken place. The king is not sur-
rounded by our friends, and if faction is allowed to gain
his ear, we shall be frustrated in our views. To the
British government it is of the greatest importance, to
keep the public mind of Spain, in a correct and straight
line; and not to suffer it to be warped by misrepresen-
tations, circulated by our enemies, to cause a wrong im«
pression, and who, if they could, would divest all our
services of merit, because interest and jealousy are the
levers of their conduct. To this party, England has long
acted with tame subserviency, but she has not on that
account, inspired more grateful sentiments. She has
claims of a loud and imperious nature, and both interest
and humanity call upon her, to establish them in a strong
and imposing manner. Instead of bending to the servile
and the depraved, let her promote her interests, with the
people at large.

449

Of the four groimds, on which I have stated, England
may demand a free trade to all Spanish America; the three
first, are sufficiently explained in the general texture of my
preceding arguments. The one asserting^ that this will
be advantageous, even to Spain herself, requires some
further discussion, as being the principal one, on which
England has to rest her claim, and use in order do away
the prejudices, which may still linger in the minds of the
mass of the Spanish people.

If the great sections of Spanish America, are in future
to be kept in the same degraded state as that in which
they have been, since their discovery, the fruits of a revo*
iution, through which Spain has passed, as well for her own
improvement, as to throw off the yoke of an insidious
enemy, would not only be lost, but most of the sacri-
fices made, will have been fruitless. Also, if so great a
continent, as that we owe to the enterprize of Columbus,
were to afford no more benefits to the world, than hi-
therto obtained, mankind would scarcely have to felici^
tate themselves on its discovery. Spain, as it were, built
her happiness on the exclusive possession of a country,
of whose resourses a faint outline has been given j and,
unmindful of that permanent truth, that commerce and
* industry are the best mines of a people, she rather stifled
than promoted, the pursuits of agriculture and enter-
prise. The bond, by which she governed was jealousy ;
this sprung from a sense of weakness she was ashamed
to avow, whilst, if her plans had been liberal, and her
political and economical systems, enlightened, with such
resources, and with such an empire as America, she
might have become the most powerful of the states
of Europe, Ever needy, and always dependent, she waa

450

possessed of resources incalculable, which she trembled
to call forth, least they should excite the envy of her
neighbours, whose attacks she was too weak to repel.
Hence, generated a system of monopoly and exclusion,
which, whilst it rendered her ultramarine provinces de-
based and enslaved, prevented that mutual exchange of
commodities, alone capable of improving the bountiful
gifts of nature, and adding revenue to her own crown.
In short, Spain adopted the erroneous and extravagant
plan of treating a whole continent, more populous and
infinitely larger than herself, as a colony ; and for this
she had not only to sacrifice the most sacred rights of
its inhabitants, but she had even to trample to the ground,
one of the most fundamental laws of nature. On these
principles, she sought to enrich her own government and
its dependants, by impoverishing a distant half of her
monarchy; thus rendering its inhabitants more unhappy
than if they had been born on a sandy desert, for in vain
did they behold precious fruits around them, which it
was unlawful to pluck. Almost the only nation pos-
sessed of precious metals, these were scarcely landed on
her own shores, than they were paid over to foreigners,
to whom she had been even indebted for credit.

This illiberal and dastardly plan, it was, that first
created a clashing between the interests of American ^nd
European Spain; and the oppression necessary to enforce
and sustain it, rendered it still more galling. At one
time, it was not only foreigners who were restricted, but
even Spaniards; and certain trading ports, enjoyed the
monolopy of receiving ships from the other side of the
Atlantic. The great gain centering in the hands of a iew,
sen'cd to prolong this unequal system of trafic, and even*

451

tually organized that strong party, which during all our
late transactions, beheld us as rivals, and also closed
every avenue, by which justice could be had for a suffer-
ing people. At one time, Seville held the monopoly,
then Cadiz, other ports not being privileged, till the time
of Charles III. These parts consequently became the
very focus, where enmity reigned against us, and Spa-
nish America; for early sensible that nothing but a free
trade could relieve her wants, she had adopted this es-
sential measure of cloathing her inhabitants, and giving
value to her territorial productions. A system of mono-
poly so cramping and confined, thus served to enrich a
few, at the expence of many; and means were always
found, to interest the ministers in its support. That
equilibrium, which commerce ought to keep with the
wants and industry of a people, was destroyed ; and ge-
neral prosperity became absorbed in the gains of a few,
and these, also, often foreigners, who retired to their own
country, when their fortunes were made. Flattered with
the brilliant prospects America presented, every one was
anxious to embark in the general adventure; whereby few
capitals were laid outjn tillage at home, and in improving
the many benefits the genial soil of the Peninsula would
afford to industry. Even the government supported the
infatuation, supposing that the contingencies of a distant
but lucrative trade, and the digging of gold and silver
out of the bowels of the earth, were the safest means
of obtaining riches. Thus, a state of war always pro*
duced a general stagnation, and disproportionate for-
tunes, destroyed the equipoise of society. The prices of
every thing lost their level, and extreme and bloated
riches, or squalid poverty, were all Spain presented

F F 2

452

to the eye of the traveller. The government, in the
mean time, was deluded by a fact it never sought to de-
velope, and this was, seeing that the trade to Spanish
A merica was the chief branch of its support, all others
being extremely subordinate, it judged it, alone, deserv-
ing of encouragement.

Insensible of that positive axiom, that trade is always
disadvantageous, when unaccompanied by manufactures
and agriculture, Spain was cherishing a trade, to support
which she was indebted to the industry of others, unaware
that it is the just equilibrium of all these branches, which
render a country rich and peopled. Instead of leaving
the choice of pursuits to the citizen, she left but one
road open, and impolitically closed all the rest. Thus
she sacrificed the rights and views of a whole society, to
give a preference to a detached part. It was by a long
chain of inconsistencies so great, that Spain, surrounded
as it were by light, had become the darkest nation of Eu-
rope; and with the most resources, bad become the
poorest. But what was worst, she was under a different
impression ; she was insensible of this glaring fact. But
it is time, if she wishes to profit by past adversities, for
Spain to become sensible of her late eiTors, and try to
remedy them. From the present era, she ought to
seek a new existence. She ought to vary a system, that
has uniformly brought upon her misery, dependence and
depopulation. Above all, without wandering from my
object in view, she must remove her extravagant and
oppressive system of custom-houses, her trade laws must
be established, equal in Spain and in America v and in
both, the greatest freedom ought to reign. Local and
personal monopolies, ought to be destroyed. Instead of

463

cmbarrassing^ commerce with heaps of old regulations
and laws, disproportionate duties, and clashing prohibi-
tions, would it not be better to relieve it from all its
•hackles, by establishing one general, substantial, and clear
system, founded on permanent, reciprocal, and well
defined grounds. Guided by the principles of justice
and wisdom, the Spanish government would find this due
to the ultramarine provinces in point of right, and the
best means of insuring their tranquillity and consequent
security. Divested of prejudice, and grateful for the
exertions in her cause, Spain would likewise feel this due
to her ally, and moreover, she will be the first to expe-
rience the wonderful benefits of fixing her own national
interests, on a solid basis, subject to no contingency. A
new era must now necessarily break on the Spanish mo-
narchy of both hemispheres, and the rise, if not the inde-
pendence of Spanish America, is one of those inevitable
events, against which, human wisdom would in vain
attempt to provide. As it is for the first of these eases,
that the preceding reflections are adapted, let Spain be
ambitious of inspiring those sentiments of gratitude,
which alone can consolidate her union ; and may England
also, be ever mindful, that there is as much satisfaction
in aiding to regenerate a continent, as in rescuing one
from tyranny*

But to descend to more minute particulars. The en-
lightened age in which we live, has considerably changed
our ideas of the government of distant possessions,
either as integral parts, or dependent colonies. The gro-
velling and jealous plans of the European metropoles, are
now proved, only to have rendered their colonies sub-
servient to individual aggrandizement^ and to fatten a

4U

short-sighted and corrupt government, at the expence of
its subjects. To render them united, it is now seen they
must be prosperous and contented, and so identified must
their feelings be with those of the mother-countr}^ and
incorporated their wishes and wants, that they must con-
sider her sway is to their advantage, and consequently
bear it with sentiments of satisfaction. Spanish America
can never be happy under rebtrictions, which render her
productions of no avail, and Spain can never be rich and
great, till these are adequately called forth. The'opening
of a free trade might, by Spain, be viewed under the fol-
lowing heads. —

1. Those who have hitherto been accustomed to wear
national goods, from routine, will continue to use them,
as long as they are as good and cheap as foreign ones; and
if these outrival them, the capitals employed in home
manufactures, may be then laid out on agriculture, with
more advantage to the state.

2. It promotes not only the exportation of cottons,
and a variety of other raw materials, but it gives an ad-
ditional revenue, to the king, as well as the subject.

3. By this means, productions are raised to equal the
imports, and coin it thus retained.

4. The progress of civilization and the increase of
population, will ever be in a direct ratio, with agricul-
ture and trade.

5. This is the only means of introducing into se-
cluded countries, arts and science, and creating a future
navy.

6. By this means, contraband is destroyed, and the en-
tire dues of the king come into his own coffers, without
e^^orbitant expences.

455

To be convinced of tlie preceding facts, Spain has
only to examine the beneficial results of breaking up
her syj^tem of flotas, and the advantages she has derived
from the reforms of a Galvez. A passive trade, has ever
been considered as the death of a state, and Spanish
America, presents the most melancholy confirmation of
this truth. Her inhabitants, have, hitherto, been the
miners of the whole world, they have been, for three
centuries, digging gold and silver out of the bowels of
the earth, and after all, what better are they for it? No
experiment, could prove the advantages Spain herself
would derive, from throwing open her trade, better,
than what resulted from the removal of some of her re-
strictions in 3 778. The port of Cadiz, was violently op-
posed to this measure, but what was the result? In
that single year, as many ships were fitted out, as had
been in the five preceding ones. In that same year,
Spain shipped to America, in articles of her own growth
and manufacture, 28,236,620 rials; in foreign goods,
46,669,236 ditto, and the duties thereon were equal to
3,770,954 rials. The returns for this amount, were
74,559,256 rials, which paid in America 2,924,884 ditto
in duties. In the 1784, national goods to the amount of
188,049,504 rials, were shipped to America, and in fo-
reign goods 229,365,984 ditto ; an increase equal to five
times, on the last sum; and six on the first. The duties
collected on this amount, were 17,164,880 rials, by which
the revenue gained 13,393,836 ditto. The duties on ex-
ports from America, this same year, reached 50,632,632
rials, shewing an advance of 48^704,768 ditto, equal to
17 times what they were in 1778. Yet this was the
effect of only a partial removal of restrictions, what may

456

not then be expected, when complete freedom is granted,
and when the agriculture of Spanish America, is carried
to the pitch of which it is susceptible ?

In the course of this expose, frequent allusion has
been made, to the jealous manner in which the Cadiz
merchants have, uniformly, opposed all attempts to open
a free trade with Spanish America. It was the same in
1778, and they considered the opening of other ports, as
productive of their destruction. Yet at that period, they
shipped to America, 50,209,960 rials, per annum, in 1784
they exported 86,914,63-2 ditto, and in 179'^, 272,000,000
ditto; nevertheless, this experience has not su diced to
destroy their errors and prejudices.

It would take me too far out of my way, to enter on
details, in order to prove the great advantages, which
both European and American Spain derived from these
8:alutary measures, though of a very confined nature ;
suffice it to say, that from the above period, both re-
ceived a new existence, by the proportionate increase of
their trade, navigation, agriculture, &c. ; and the crown,
in a particular manner, was benefited.

Jn establishing a foreign trade, it is not here attempt-
ed to destroy that of Spain, The Peninsula, produces
many articles which foreigners cannot supply, these
ought not to be interfered with, as long as they are ade^
quate to the deraarjd. Indeed, prejudice will always
give them a preference, By the manner, also, in which
the duties are regulated, such distinctions may be made,
as not to be onerous to either p«arty. But if the Spanish
Americans are equal in rights, they ought to be equally
allowed to navigate to any part of the world, in their
own bottoms, and to death themselves at the same rates.

457

as the natives of Spain. And as long as both countriei
belong to the same sovereign, is it not the same for him
to receive his dues, on one side of the water, as on the
other? Spanish America cannot death herself with the
manufactures of Spain, and has consequently to recur to
foreign channels. Why then are her natives to pay for
their necessaries, four times dearer than those of Spain,
when this is a measure only favourable to a few indivi-
duals ? What would their boasted declarations ef equal-
ity avail, if this were the case? This is a double mono-
poly, for the level of the prices of their productions, is
thereby destroyed.

If, then, a free trade to Spanish America, on a liberal,
Avell defined, and well guaranteed basis, would be a mean*
of tranquillizing that desolated country ; would promote
its conservation; is due to it, as an integral and equal
part of the monarchy, and would even be advantageous
to Spain herself, what objections can she have, to grant it
to England, as a remuneration for past services ? After
the war of Succession, the French were allowed it; and in
consequence of the services rendered to King Philip of
Spain; the assiento trade, and several other valuable
licences, were granted to England. And are the modern
Spaniards less liberal? Spanish America, is, also, stated
to consume about ten millions of dollars, in East India
goods; what an additional field might not be here opened?
If banks were established in Linia, Mexico, and Buenos
Ay res, connected with that of England, what an influx
of precious metals might not be promoted ?

§ A connection with Spanish America, consequently,
is of that interesting nature, that nothing ought to deter
the British government, from embracing every opporlu*

458

mty to secure it* It is, moreover, now fully proved, that
iKrthinsr but the councils and ofuarantee of England, can
give repose to that unfortunate country, an I at a future
period, preserve it. Considerations of the moment, ia-
duced us, as it were, to turn our backs on exertions,
which we could not but respect; and independent ctf
other circumstances, the governments of the various sec-
tions, have been of so fluctuating a nature, as rather to
decrease, than inspire confidence in the ministers of
England. But, this is not the fault of the caus3, in which
Spanish America has embarked. Her inhabitants now
fight in defence of the most just and honest rights, as
well as in the most holy cause, in which the sword was
ever drawn. Though, in some instances, they have been
the dupes of individual ambition, and in others, the tools
of blind fanaticism; this, however, is no stigma on their
general undertaking. It is not, on this account, less vir-
tuous and less honourable, nor has it been from principle
or conviction, that England has been ashamed of the
means employed to carr^'^ it through. It is not because
the powers of Europe, have given them no sympathetic
9.id^ that they have not deserved it. Every nation, that
has, hitherto, sought to throw off the shackles of oppres-
sive dependence, has found support, in one way or ano-
ther. Without it, perhaps, their own attempts would
have been frustrated. We have had before us the exam-
ples of Switzerland, Holland, the United States, &c.
Not that I would urge the government of England to act
towards Spain, as she did to us, during the North Ame-
rican struggle. No, the order of the present day, is
generosity and magnanimity; and instead of separating,
I would aid to connect the uliramarine Brovinces still

459

i:loser to Spain; but I would see, that the bond was ra-
tional and just, and capable of giving to an extensive and
diversified continent, the means of its own happiness and
prosperity. Having said this, my reader, may, perhaps,
wish me to say more. The subject before me, is almost
inexhaustible; and although I have already swelled my
volume to double the limits I at first proposed, I am,
nevertheless, involuntarily impelled to hazard a few
speculations, on what I consider the best means of giving
permanent quiet, happiness, and prosperity to Spanish
Columbia, in a way consistent with the honour and dig-
nity of Spain, and the interests of the rest of the world.

§ All legislators have agreed, that a body of political
laws, to be sound and durable, must, in all countries,
grow out of the character, situation, and habits of a peo-
ple ; they must be adapted to their peculiarities, and in-
corporated with their customs and usages. To establish
a government on any other grounds, were to destroy the
salutary effects it was intended to promote, and to pre-
pare materials for the constant return of anarchy and
confusion. In considering, therefore, what species of
government, is best adapted and most suitable to the
state of society in Spanish America, it is necessary to
examine its component parts, the general stages of men-
tal improvement to which it has arrived, as well as the
climate, and the leading features of the inhabitants.

The Spanish Americans, in general, cannot be said to
have received any other political education, than that
which agrees with the establishment of a monarchy. In
vain, should we there seek for that essential union of
circumstances, which is necessary for the formation of a
Republic. The principles of democracy, implicate many

46u

complex, and some highly refined ideas, neither suited
to the taste, nor within the general coinprehension of a
class of inhabitants, so backward in every species of li-
terature, as are all the lower orders of the continent to
which I allude- Its forms, also, are too simple for a na-
tion, so long accustomed to pomp, pageantry, and show;
of ronsequence. its adoption would be incongruous,
where the habits and customs are so opposed, where
public virtue does not abound, and where, in short, the
political education is not congenial. The Mexicans,
more than any other people of America, are accustomed
to see the chief authority, surrounded by the show and
parade of courts, and would not, easily, be reconciled to
the simplicity and moderation of any opposite form.
Any other species of government, or any other principles,
tvould not therefore, be consonant to their wishes, or
accord with their habits; and it is generally allowed,
that all governmental establishments, to be lasting, re-
quire the support of public opinion, for this has ever
considered as the firmest basis, as well as the strongest'
sanction of moral law.

To effect a revolution in the governing systems of
Spanish America, consequently, can never be completed
with success, unless the laws, and also the manners and
customs of the people, are made congenial to the new
order of things. If the old ones remain, they will con-
tinually clash ; at each moment, they will be remembered
and regretted, and should a favourable opportunity occur,
a restoration would be sought, by those most immedi-
ately interested, and whom the change had most materi-
ally affected. At once to alter the laws, manners, cus-
toms, and habits of the people of that country, firm and

461

deep-rooted as they are, is a work too dangerous and too
gigantic, to be accomplished, but by a series of years,
and by the preparation of a successive generation. A
Republican form of government, would, under the pre-
valence of opinions they could not discard, sit awkwardly
on the shoulders of the Spanish Americans, and they
would, continually, sigh for its removal. The histories of
England ^nd France, afford two striking instances, to
bear me out in the truth of the above assertions. On the
restoration of Charles II., the Republican form of govern-
ment expired, without a groan, and was changed, with-
out a struggle; because the usages, laws, and manners of
the people, had been left untouched, and that interval
had produced a forced and dishabitual state of things.
The instance in France, has been recently before our eyes,
and does not require comment. In countries^ therefore,
where education and principles are so much opposed,
democracy cannot prevail, unless established and sup-
ported by a force, capable of insuring subjection.

One material impediment to the establishment of a
democracy in Mexico, at least, is the great disparity of
fortunes amongst the inhabitants of that kingdom. Hum-
boldt tells us, that besides the advantages of population.
New Spain has still another very important one, which
arises from the enormous mass of capitals in the posses-
sion of the proprietors of mines, and in the hands of per-
sons retired from trade. The absence of a monarch, would
tend to give an undue preponderance to the influence of
this rich class of citizens, and produce a tyrannical aris-
tocracy, the worst of all governments. Besides, if in
the form of government, it should be found necessary to
give any share to the inferiour classes, in order to guard

462

against the inconvenience just stated, it might be feared,
for the want of this third power destined to produce and
to support the political equilibrium, that the struggle
between these two opposite parties, would be attended
by the most fatal consequences, and eventually, end in
anarchy. In New Spain, there are a great number of
persons who hold titles, immunities and distinctions, the
whole of which class, would, consequently, be opposed
to any new order of things, which might tend to level
and confound them with the other classes of the commu-
nity* It is for this reason, that they stand neuter in the
present struggle.

The formidable influence of the clergy over every
part of the population, and especially over the Indians,
who constitute the inferiour class of New Spain (there
being few blacks in the country), has never been so
strongly demonstrated as in the present events and revo-
lutions of Spanish America. It may easily be imagined,
that they would not be favourable to a governmental
structure of a republican form, as it sooner or later,
would reduce* their ascendency to very narrow limits ;
whereas, should they be enabled to withstand encroach-
ments aimed against them, in the reverse of the case, and
in the course of time, the clergy would, themselves, be-
come the administrators of law. For example, suppos-
ing the Indians of New Spain, or of any other section,
are allowed a part in the general body of the representa-
tives, proportioned to their numbers, an act of justice, it
would not be possible to prevent* as they would, conse-
quently, elect ecclesiastics, from their greater influence
and talents, the number of the latter, would, in that
»f!e, form a third or more of the whole body of dele-

463

gates. If to these are added the ecclesiastics who wotiid,
for the same reasons, be deputed by the other classes, ^it
becomes evident, that tliey would soon possess a veiy
disproportioned influence over the operations of govern-
ment. In whatever form of government, therefore, to be
proposed for New Spain, or indeed for any other part of
the Spanish American continent, the ascendant power of
these two bodies, must, in a particular manner, be cal-
culated upon^ for everywhere, their influence is great.
The great cause of no insurrection having yet takei) plfW5e
in Lima, has been, that there, also, are to be found titled
characters and great slave holders, who are fearful of los-
ing their property in the confusion that must necessarily
ensue, in case of insurrection. This inaction in the ca-
pital, has not arisen out of content, or a preference to
the present system of things, for in Upper Peru, where
the same causes do not exist, there has been as muck
movement as in any section of America; and in Lima,
not long ago, notwithstanding the great caution of the
inhabitants, there was a conspiracy, in which eight hun-
dred negroes were implicated. The influence of the cler-
gy in Caracas, has in a most particular manner, been
evinced ; for as soon as they were divested of their pri-
vileges and immunities, by the eighty-fourth article of the
new constitution, they abandoned the cause, and have
been the chief contributors to its late overthrow.

The stages at which the insurrections of Spanish
America now stand, as well as the language which has
been hitherto used by the new governments, by np means
prove, that in the different sections there is a strong or de-
cided disposition in fevour of democracy, notwithstand-
ing many of their features have been of that cast. The

464

chiefs, who have been in general, charged with the ne\y
powers, finding nothing in the old legislation of Spain,
that would apply to the new system of things, have
fought information in French political writers, so that,
gradually, their systems would have become prevalent
amongst the people, without their having an opportunity
of judging of the merits of any other*

By the newly constituted chiefs, also, the position
of Spanish America, was, in many respects, thought
to resemble that of the American provinces in the
North, at the time of their separation from England ;
and without a proper discrimination, they judged that
the same measures would produce the same success. It
is, however, well known, that amongst the higher and
powerful circles, as well as amongst those who consult
more than the momentary good of their country, the ge-
neral opinion is, that a limited and well equipoised mo-
narchy, is the only government suited to their w^ants ;
nay, there even exists a great prevalence of superstitious
opinions, in favor of its establishment. It has been
proved, that this has been the favourite idea of the In-
dians of Peru, that they have uniformly wished it ; and
it was an attempt under Tupac Amaru, to re-establish
the ancient throne of the Incas, that at one time, inun-
dated that great portion of the Spanish dominions
with blood, and filled it with confusion. The Indiana
in general, and the same may be said of all the other in-
feriour classes, have no other idea of a social body, than
that of king, nobles, and commons; indeed king and go-
vernment, are synonymous terms, to at least, four-fifths
of the Spanish American population. Such is the force

465

6f custom, and such the general tincture of prejudices,
which have arisen from the long depressed state in which
these countries have been kept, and the want of a gene-
ral circulation of liberal ideas.

These facts are not only deducible from the situation
6f society in Spanish America, but also tend to prove,
the very great influence which must rest in the hands of
the upper classes, all of whom, as I have before stated,,
both from opinion and interest, are decidedly opposed
to the establishment of democracy. The republican
language of the revolutionary Juntas, consequently^
proves no more, than the particular ideas arid opinions of
individuals, who by their talents, and the public confi-
dence, have been called upon to exercise, for the time
being, the first duties of the magistracy ; and whose li-
braries contained no other than French and Latin works ;
of course, such systems and such ideas as were contained
therein^ were applied to existing circumstances. But
even the facts which may be deduced froiyi these applica-
tions, and the circumstances they have given rise to,
amount to irrefragable proofs,that there was little dispo-
sition on the part of the people^ at large, for so violent a
transition, as that of from despotism to democracy ; and,
as it were, from a state of abject slavery, to the extremes
of freedom. The caution observed in the beginning by
the Junta of Caracas, and the reserve and precautions, still
practised by the governments of Buenos Ayres, fully
evince, that a total and radical overthrow of the ancient
and habitual principles, is tery far from according with
the general state of society in Spanish America. The
overthrow of the government of Caracas, which has been
so wrongly attributed to the Spanish arms, was no other

& Q

466

than the reaction of the people, who by the wild intro-
duction of a system of government, in the extreme de-
mocratical, and of consequence, uncongenial to their
wishes, abondoned a cause, on which they previously
enteredwithcordiaUty, under the hopes of seeking re-
dress, which all were sensible wag wanted. Yet they
despaired, as soon as it was discovered, that their chiefs
were preparing systems beyond their comprehension;
and, against which, they entertained long and inveterate
prejudices. It is the abstaining from the premature esta-
blishment of similar systems, in the other sections, that
helps to consolidate their cause; and it is, as I have be*
fore observed, this dread of democracy, which yet keeps
so many of the upper classes, neutral. There is attach-
ed to the Spanish character, and that of the Spanish
American equally partakes of it, something of grandeur
and n ajestic pomp, that is opposed to the simplicity of
republican manners ; they conceive nothing grand or
dig.iified, to be attached to any other form, than monar-
chy- It would require the evolution of ages, before the
natives of Spanish America, could acquire sentiments
congenial to the Swiss cantons, to the Republics of HoU
land, or of the United States; notwithstanding the chiefs
of the late insurrections, have not been, sufficiently, sen-
sible of this existing fact.

In proposing, therefore, after the present dissentions
are removed, to give permanent comfort and happiness
to so large a portion of the globe, as the great sections of
Spanish America, constitute, it will naturally occur to
the umpires of their fate, that to insure stability by ade-
quate an^ sound establishments, it is, in the first place,
necessary, for the reasons already stated, to examine

467

with the greatest scrutiny, what form of government is
most congenial to tlieir wishes, and suited to their wants.
Applying, therefore, the relative terms of happiness and
misery to human beings, it is first necessary to consider
well, the capacity and disposition, as well as the habits
of thinking and of feeling, prevalent in the majority of
the classes whose benefit we are desirous to promote,
before we lay the basis of a work, which if opposed to
their wishes, and not consonant to their wants, they,
Jthemselves, would be the first to pull down. In con-
formity then, ,to the general principles of human nature,
and in union with the circumstances and sentiments of
the major part of the community in Spanish America, a
Republican form of government, would not only be in-
congruous, but also obnoxious. Nay, I could even sup-
port my argument, by a parallel taken from the recent oc-
currences of Spain.

The objects of all governments, and the purposes of
every legislation, have been well defined, as intended to
shield the weak, from the oppression of the strong, the
peaceable from that of the lawless ; and by securing pri-
vate property and personal freedom^ to promote industry
and establish the collective strength of the national com-
munity. But, if, in the establishment of such govern-
ment, the genius and disposition of the people are not
consulted, eternal clashings will occur in its administra-
tion, and combustibles will accumulate and produce ex-
plosion. A congenial system of government, guaranteed
and upheld by public opinion, converts the selfish, as
well as the social passions of our nature, into the firmest
bands of peaceable and orderly intercourse; changes the
sources of discord, into principles of quiet; it discipline*

G g2

468

the most ungovernable; refines the grossest, and evem
exalts the most sordid propensities. In short, it be-
comes the perpetual fountain of all that strengthens, pre-
serves, and adorns society; it nourishes the individual,
and perpetuates the human race. If I am not mistaken,
a short surv^ey of the history of all ancient and modern re-
volutions, v^^ould strongly elucidate the fact, that those
only have been successful in their issue, which have had
for object, no very considerable transition from the old,
to the new order of things; and in which, by varying
only a small part of the social edifice, its other essentially
component parts, have been left to stand. The example
of the United States, therefore, will not appear appli^
cable to the present situation of the Spanish Americans,
for this most material of all reasons, that the former had
been accustomed to another colonial regimen, had been
educated under other circumstances, had reached a dif-
ferent stage of mental improvement, were composed of a
different race of men, and were, in short, fitted by habits,
customs, and dispositions, to the form of government
they succeeded to establish.

If I were inclined to support my premises with traits
of history, I would look to Ireland, which I have before
guoted as a corresponding parallel to the situation of
Spanish America, Sir John Davis, shews beyond a
doubt, that it was a refusal to grant to the Irish, a com-
munication of those rights we ourselves enjoyed, that
caused their conntry to be five hundred years in subdu-
ing; and after the vain and useless projects of a military
government, it was discovered, that nothing could make,
our sister island English, but a practical participation in'
pur own form* of legislature. Hence, Mr. Burke asserts.

460

that it was not English arms, but the English constitu-'
tion, that conquered Ireland. This it was, that made her
the great and flourishing country she now is, and instead
of a disgrace and a burden, she thus became our principal
strength and most glorious ornament. To produce the
same results in Spanish America, Rowing to distance, and
a variety of other reasons already explained, were im-
possible, unless a monarch, or some other corresponding
power, equally resided there. For the king of Spain, to
have two beings, is, also, alike impossible. But yet
Ferdinand has brothers, and there is likewise his uncle
Don Antonio.* Spanish America, might be divided
into two great empires. New Spain ranging as far as the
isthmus of Panama, and the rest incorporated under one
sceptre, as far as Cape Horn. Let branches of the royal
family of Spain reign there, in a permanent manner, let
them only be attached to the soil. Let their title be
king, or viceking, the name is indifferent, as long as they'
have a congress, or parliament, as a check and support;
the form is nothing, as long as the establishment is last-
ing, Let a new confederation be created between Spain
and these two new empires; such a one, as shall at all
times, be more profitable to the mother-country, than a
state of degradation and dependence; such a one, in
short, as will give her both additional strength and in-
creasing riches. Let the relative footing and duties of
each, be well defined and mutually guaranteed, and let
England be the promoter and protector of this confeder-

* The Infante Don Francisco de Paula, has been excluded from
the succession, by the old Cortes, on the vague report of his being
the son of Godoy. He is, indeed, extremely like him, but the fact
was never established judicially.

470

ation. Would it not be a more noble and more honour-
able boast, than the late one of the Rhine ? What mi-
nister would not consider this, as the fairest title to
glory, and the most deserving of the veneration of poste-
rity ? When the beneficial results of such a confedera-
tion, were experienced, would not this be a means of
binding both European and American Spain, to our in-
terests for ever ? Nay, I will ask, under every circum-
stance, is there any other way of raising the latter from
degradation ; or creating an adequate establishment that
may provide for the comforts and prosperity of an inte-
resting people, consistently with the dignity of the par-
ties most immediately concerned, and the interests of
the rest of the world ?

Self interest, and the safe and sober measures taken
by the individual for his own aggrandizement, constitute
the chief impulse which directs the industry and views
of every branch of the community; and in general, a re-
gular adhesion to these principles and to this guide^
will, most effectually^ promote and secure the advantages
of society at large. The individual, beholds with dread,
the prospect of a great and desirable gain, wrenched
from him; and with equal regret, ought a whole nation
to see the means of its own elevation lost. It ought to
feel an instinctive alarm, at the marring af a bright and
lasting dawn, serenely opening on its most valuable
branches of enterprize. Yet nothing can realize this
prospect, but a restoration of peace; and nothing can
retain it, but systems of a liberal and permanent nature.
After the experience of the past, ^ let us look to the
future. Whilst the daring spirit of the British merchant,
has extended our commercial relations to both cxtremi-

471

ties of the globe, Spanish America is the only country
with which we have no regular connection; let us, at
least, in an honourable and dignified manner, secure this
rich harvest to our posterity, on whom we have entailed
so many burdens. Let us ensure to them and to our-
selves, the good will of a distant continent, on whose
friendship we may, in future, rely. In promoting the
happiness, let us be ambitious of the gratitude of seven-
teen millions of people. We have the means in our
hands, let them be improved. Let us aim at a confe-
deration, to which we are urged, both by interest and
glory.

In our superabundant population, and in the great
decline of the means of subsistence, from the increasing
dearth of provisions, maay families are scarcely able to
maintain themselves, and either from these motives,
urged by the views of speculation, or under the influence
of political or religious opinions, leave their native
country, in order to seek a new sphere for their exer-
tions. Others, again, seek an asylum from misfortune,
and many of the Northern inhabitants of the continent of
Europe, fly from the turbulence of war. The United
States, have hitherto been the receptacle of all these
classes of persons, and it is an undoubted fact, that they
have there greatly helped to the increase of population.
We find it impossible to hinder emigration from Ire-
land, and would it not be better for them to go in search
of homes, to a country, allied to us as would be Spanish
America, under the project I propose, where their de-
scendants may be our friends, instead of our enemies ;
where they may be occupied in the cultivation of those
articles, we require for our manufactures ; where they

472

may aid to their consumption, and where in short, if wcf^
lose them out of our own bosom, we are at least sure,
that they are not gone to augment the number of those,
who at one time or another, may grow to our dread, and
prosper to our disadvantage. This is not a country, that
requires the aid of slaves to till it and make it flourish ;
it asks not the African inured to a scorching sun, but it
possesses regions, suited to the labour of the European
in general. There, the soft and effeminate Italian, may
find a congenial cliipate, as well as the hardy highlander
of Scotland. How easy would it be for England, to
collect and convey there, the sober and industrious over-
flowings of the population of Europe; those, who when
the strength and fury of conflicting passions have been
spent; those who when appalled by surrounding slaughter,
and tired of scenes of horror, may wish to go in search of
the peaceful abodes of industry, .quiet, and repose. Then^,
may they have these regions to receive them, with open
arms; then, may they add to the glory of these new
empires, and whilst war 'wages on the continent, whilst
distress an^ dismay stare its inhabitants in the face, the
ocean and this great portion of the globe, may be de^
Glared inviolable, and enthroned on the watery element,
England may stretch her immortal trident, and there, at
least, bid the tempest be still.

§ If therefore, an over delicacy on the part of Eugv
land, has been the cause of a prolongation of the horrors
already sketched ; if from a want of energy, and by a
tame subserviency to Spain, the calls of humanity, pru*-
dence, and interest, have been unheard ; is it not time, to
ponder on the distressed situation of Spanish America,,
and as a compensation for our past neglect, nay, as a re-

473

iurn for the unprovoked aggravations we ourselves once
brought on the heads of its inhabitants, and also to retrieve
our honour, is it not time to fix the principles and basis,
essential to the restoration of peace ? As before inculca*
ted, Spain is a party, under irritated and partial feelings,"
and consequently, cannot be her own umpire. By her
conduct, and by the hostile, cruel, nay inhuman, instead
of conciliatory measures, pursued, she has hurled the
arrow of defiance at every hope of reconciliation, by her
own means ; and oppression and narrow-minded policy,
have completed that baneful structure, of which politi-
cal hatred, the clashing of interests, and the deadly spirit
of monopoly, first laid the foundation. As before clearly
proved, for Spain to affiance her sway in the manner she
now seeks, it must be on the ruin or degradation of a for-
saken, but unoffending people. Yet still, her object is
not secure. She may, for a while, rivet and prolong the
chains of despotism ; from her fortified places, the illu-
sion may yet be maintained, and harrassing expeditions
may be fitted out to carry discord and havoc amongst
the persevering natives. Spain may, yet, use further
exertions, and send out more troops^ till the whole coun-
try is wrapped in a wider, and still more bloody waste of
anarchy and slaughter; but in all, or either of these
cases, does not the philanthropic mind stand appalled ;
does not human nature shudder at such devastations,
murders, and enormities ; and does not the united voice
of humanity and of policy, call aloud for the cessation
of such multiplied evils ?

The Spanish Americans, also, who have beheld all
their eiforts of redress, treated with disdain; who see the
sacred rights they have inherited from their forefathers.

. 474

trampled to the ground ; and their natah solum, covered
with ruins, and deluged with the blood of its natives;
who behold that very constitution the agents of Spain
have been planting with the bayonets point, now revoked
and held up to public scorn; who have before them,
nothing but the prospect of a worse degradation, than
that they before experienced; and who, in short, see that
they have only to trust to an inconsistent and faithless
people, will consider that the Rubicon is passed, and con-
ceiving that they are authorised by every* law, human
and divine, to persist in their enterprize, will render their
insulted country a tomb to all Europeans; and arming
the colodred natives, and, as in Caracas, declaring a ge-
neral death war, and rushing into dreadful retaliation,
they will render their unfortunate country, a blot in the
works of the creation. Nay, do we not already see, that
the weapons of each are sharpening for mutual slaughter^
and that a general war-yell, resounds through the untilled
valleys and demolished towns of New Spain, Caracas, La
Plata, Santa F6, Chili, Quito, &c. and that it is soon
likely to spread to Peru, Guayaquil, and Guatemala, the
only points, where the Geslers and Verres of Spain, have
been able to insure control.

Gradually, as the spirit of animosity has flamed
wider, and as local wrongs and unheard-of outrages, have
impelled to resistence and firm-set purposes, the Spanish
Americans have taken their stand; and sooner than re-
turn to their old degraded state ; sooner than again suffer
their chains to be put on, by those very hands, which
have torn to pieces their rights and charters ; which have
so long rent the bosom of their country with anarchy and
a mercenary civil war; and are> besides, crimsoned with

475

the blood of so many of their fellow-citizens and rela-
tions, they are resolved to perish in the struggle, and, at
least, transmit to their posterity, the records of those just
endeavours, which ought to have insured them, the re-
spect of even their enemies. Roused, ^j as they are, to a
sense of that degradation on which Spain seeks to found
their subjection, no danger, nor no species of sufferings,
will make them acquiesce to flagrant acts of injustice.
Nay, neither England, nor any other just nation of the
earth, can wish them to change so respectable a resolve;.
They ask but what the laws accord, and what reason
warrants ; and they ought to rest assured, that the
strength of nations, consists far less in masses of men or
rich treasures, than in the impulse given them by pa-
triotism, and the conviction of a just cause.

But, to what fatal consequences, will not such a spirit
of acharnement lead ? Nay, we have to calculate, whe-
ther these consequences will not, equally extend to us?
The Spanish Americans consider, that justice is on their
side, that they have in vain sought redress and offered
equitable terms, and yet nothing but butchery and devas-
tation awaits them. They behold all this, without an ef-
fective exertion on the part of England, with whom they
are, equally allied ; and who lately made them so many
proffers of friendship and protection. It is not to Spain
alone, that the blame of this is wholly laid, England par-
takes therein, till at last, an indiscriminate odium will
confound the names of both.

The experience of the past, ought, particularly, to
make us look to the future. Though the horizon now
before us, is serene, we know not what unfortunate acci-
dent, may tend to ruffle it ; but against such events, we

476

might to be prepared. If ever the transmarine provinces
of Spain, are again subdued, and brought under their
ancient system of oppression, either by force of arms or
by capitulation, no influence or power, whatever would
get them to rise, and again embark on so calamitous an
ocean, as that on which they have been so severely buf-
feted. Very peculiar circumstances, have urged them
to their present measures, but should they not succeed,
they would carefully avoid a renewal of scenes, like those
they have, so often, witnessed ; they would shudder at the
massacres, conspiracies, and counter-revolutions, to
which they have been exposed ; and even deprecate the
blessing to which they now aspire, had they again to
wade through such torrents of blood. An unexpected
combination of events, has, lately given them an im-
pulse of action; but should any unfortunate circum*
stance impede their career, and they become victims to'
the liberticide efforts of Spain, it would never be in the
power of England again to rouse them to a bold under-
taking. Though we have effected peace, there still exists
a continental policy, supposed to be opposite to the in-
terests of islanders possessed of a maritime power; and
should the same ideas, we unfortunately imbibed by the
Spanish Americans, we are preparing a woeful inheri-
tance to our children, if they are ever dragged into strug-
gles like those, out of which we have just emerged.
Should that rich and extensive continent be reared in
deadly hatred against us, its fate becomes linked to tn«
future contingencies of Europe ; whereby the wielding of
its opinion and the guidance of its actions, devolves to
those, who are our natural enemies from interest, loca-
lity and national prejudices.

477

But, ihdependatit of the great motives of policy}
Ivh-ich urge us to secure the gratitude of seventeen mil-»
lions of interesting people, nations, Uke individuals, are
bound to the practice of humanity; and, certainly here^
there is full scope for its benign exercise. It is now
proved to a positive demonstration, that Ferdinand of
himself, cannot conciliate> since he has destroyed thai
same constitution which might at least have served as a
pretext and an illusion; unless degradation is the basis*
If so, on whom does it devolve, but on England, to stop*
the rivers of blood now flowing, and to convert the bran-*
dished sword into the sickle and the sythe? Diffi-'
cult and embarrassing as is the undertaking, every months^
delay renders it more so ; and costs some thousands of
lives. The magnitude of the combined interests is greats
they cannot foil to suggest a remedy. It is only neces-^
sary for both parties to sacrifice something; this alone-
suffices to stop the present effusion of human blood, as
well as the other calamities, which follow in the rear of
this murderous conflict.

The chief object of my present endeavours, as may be^
ijeduced from the tenour of my arguments, has been, to''
prove the necessity of British interference, on the ground*
of humanity, policy, and justice; and to adopt some-
plan of pacification, conformable to the circumstances,
and in strict accord with the relative dignity of each con-
tending party. This is a question of no ordinary policy,
but one that embraces our most lasting welfare, as a com-
mercial people ; and it rests with the British Govern-
ment, to weigh well the various interests which its issue
involves. The pursuits of a large body of mercantile
men, .the improvement and ^ood-will of a whole quarter

478

oftheglabe, and the consumption of one fourth of our
annual amount of manufactures, hinge on the present
fate of Spanish America; and even these elevated con-
siderations of state policy and of state necessity, and to
them I might, also, add those of universal philanthropy,
are exceeded by the paramount calls of national justice,
which imperiously demand our interference. The Spa-
niards, undoubtedly view every thing w^ do relating
to them, with jealousy and distrust; this arises from old
prejudices^ never overcome. The conduct of Spain, in
the particular point alluded to, resembles that of a man
whose house is on fire, but who refuses the engine of his
neighbour to play upon it, because some pique or eti-
quette had before made them enemies. But, impelled as
we are, by so many powerful motives, and with justice
on our side, we ought not to be remiss or over delicate.
A conciliatory temper, must precede and prepare every
plan of adjustment, and to inspire these mutual senti-
ments^ could a more suitable person than Lord Welling-
ton be found ? An object of general love and reverence,
could not fail of having its full weight and influence in
conciliating the minds of all to some liberal measure.
The Spanish government and people, cannot have for-
gotten the various scenes of toil and danger through
which he has conducted them; and in contemplating the
many trying periods of the war, they will equally re-
spect his new exertions, in the cause of justice and hu-
manity, if they are only fully acquainted with their ob-
ject. Such an undertaking as this, would greatly add
to the laurels he has acquired on the field of battle, and
cast a consoling gleam on the many scenes of slaughter,
be has had to witness. The pacificator of Spanish Ame-

479

rica, is not a title less honourable than the liberator of
Spain ; and to a soul like his, it cannot be more glorious
to gain battles, tlian to extend to one of the most inter-
esting portions of the globe, days of gladness, security,
and peace.

And is the glory of such an achievement, a laurel of
so barren a growth, as not to be worthy of the envy of a
British minister; or rather, would no real satisfaction be
derived from an object, attended with so many advan-
tanges? England stands as the only umpire of this
dreadful dispute^ being the mutual ally of both parties;
and could she ask a greater glory, or derive more real sa-
tisfaction, than to participate to Spanish America, the
same blessings she has aided to obtain for Europe? Nay,
could Britain hope for a greater pleasure, or could she
seek a more consoling reflection, than to have been the
instrument of so much good, to have converted anarchy
civil dissentions, as well as all the horrors of a pro-
tracted and unnatural war, into peace, fraternity, and
and firm alliance? Do acts of justice and of humanity,
no longer form the boast of the British Cabinet ? Long
has the fate and forbearance of Spanish America, inter-
ested the whole world, except the nation of which it
formed part; and when an opportunity offers of substan-
tial relief, is England, no longer ambitious of weaving
her name in the peace and regeneration of so valuable a
continent, when she can do it without reproach ? What
association of ideas more rational and more flattering,
than those which arise out of the contemplation of such a
scene ? By stopping the ravages of war, by causing the
voice of justice to be heard, and by contributing to the
future happiness and prosperity of the people of Spanish

480

America, we should engrave our names and embalm our
remembrance, in the memories of their grateful posterity,
and having helped to raise them from 'their old degra-
dation and chains, v^e should lay the foundation of
that grand edifice, they are, by nature and a multipli-
city of circumstances, destined, at some future period, to
rear.

FINIS.

M^m^^^ix^

D 0 CVMENT A.

" By virtue of an official paper, which I, the g'overnor of this
island of Trinidad, have received from the Right Honourable
Henry Dundas, minister of His Britannic Majesty, for Foreign
Affairs, dated April 7, 1797, which I here publish, in obedience
to orders, and for the use which your Excellencies may draw
from its publication, in order that you may communicate its te-
nour, which is literally as follows. — The object which,*at present,
I desire, most particularly to recommend to your attention, is,
the means which might be most adapted to liberate the people of
the continent near to the island of Trinidad, from the oppressive
and tyrannic system, which supports, with so much rigour, the
monopoly of commerce, under the title of exclusive registers,
which their government licences demand ; also to draw the
greatest advantages possible, and which the local situation of
the island presents, by opening a direct and free communication
with the other parts of the world, without prejudice to the com-
merce of the British nation. In order to fulfil this intention
with greater facility, it will be prudent for your Excellency, to
animate the inhabitants of Trinidad, in keeping up the com-
munication which they had with those of Terra Firma, previous
to the reduction of that island, under the assurance, that they
will find there an entrepot, or general magazine of every sort of
goods whatever. To this end, His Britannic Majesty has de-
termined, in council, to grant freedom to the port of Trinidad,
with a direct trade to Great Britain,

II

''With regard to the hopes you entertain of raising the spirits
of those persons, with whom you are in correspondence, towards
animating the inabitants, to resist the oppressive authority/ of their
government, 1 have little more to say, than that they may he
certain, that ivhenever they are in that disposition, they may
receive at your hands, all the succours to he expected from H, B,
Majesty ; he it with forces, or with arms and ammunition to any
extent ; with the assurance, that the views of H, B, Majesty,
go 710 further than to secure to them their independence, witli^
out pretending to any sovereignty over their country, nor even
to interfere in the privileges of the people, nor in their poli"
tical, civil, or religious rights,^' — Puerto de Espaiia, June 20,
^(\^ 1^7, signed Thomas Picton, &c. &c.

Document B,

Copy of the Instructions, given by the Usurper Joseph
Napoleon, ^0 ^Ae Commissary, or principal ^ gent, appoint-
ed 1)1/ him at Baltimore (M. Desmolaiid) and to the
others, who, furnished with his Orders, have gone to Spanish
America, for the purpose of revolutionizing it.

The object, which these agents are to aim at, for the present,
is no other, than that of manifesting to, and persuading the Creoles
of Spanish America, that H. I. and R. M. has solely in view, the
giving liberty to a people, enslaved for so many years, without ex-
pecting any return for so great a boon, other than the friendship^
of the natives, and the commerce with th« harbours of both
Americas; that, to render South America, free and independent
from Europe, His said Majesty offers all the necessary assis-
tance, of troops and warlike stores, having agreed with the United
States of North America, to accommodate him therewith.

:S.

iLveiy commissary, or agent in chief, being acquainted with the
district to which he is deputed, and also with the character of its
inhabitants, will have no difficulty in selecting proper persons, to
give them the needful instructions for persuading the people,
and pointing out to them^ the advantages they will derive from
throwing off the European yoke. He will make them observe,
that large sums will remain and circulate in the American pro-
vinces, by suspending the profuse remittances which are con-
tinually making to Spain ; and that their commerce will be in-
creased, and their ports be open to all foreign nations. He will
dwell upon the advantages to be deiived by them, from the free-
dom of agriculture, and the cultivation of all those objects, at
present prohibited by the Spanish government, for instance,
that of saffron, hemp, flax, olives, vines, &c. — The benefit that
will accrue to them, from the establishment of manufactures of
every sort ; the great satisfaction and advantages of abolishing
the monopolies of tobacco, gunpowder, stamps, &c. To obtain
all which, with facility, the people being for the greatest part
barbarous, the agents ought to be solicitous to render themselves
acceptable to the governors, intendants, curates, and prelates.
They will spare no expence, nor any other means of gaining
their goodwill, especially that of the ecclesiastics, on whom
they are to prevail, to urge and persuade the penitents when
they come to confess, that they stand in need of an independent
government, thftt they must not lose so favourable an opportunity,
as that, which now presents itself, and which the Emperor Na-
poleon affords them, \Vho, they are to make the people believe,
is sent by God, to chastise the piide and tyranny of monarchs,
and that it is a mortal sin, admitting of no pardon, to resist
God's will. They will, on every occasion, c^ll to their minds, the
opposition they experience from Europeans, the vile manner in
which they are treated by them, and the contempt to which
they are exposed. They will also remind the Indians, circum-
stantially, of the cruelties which the Spaniards employed i^

their conquests, and the infamies which they committed towaicf*
their legitimate sovereigns, by dethroning them ; by taking
away their lives or enslaving them. They will depict the acts of
injustice which they daily eJiperience, when applying for places',
which are bestowed by the viceroys and governors, upon those
who are either more submissive or pay better, to the exclusion of
the meritorious. They will direct the people's attention, to the
superior talents of the many neglected Creoles, and people of
merit, contrasted with the European public officers and ecclesi-
astics, which will make apparent the hardships they suffer, and
will enable them to draw a parallel between the talents and merits
of the Creoles, and those of the European officers. They will set
before their eyes, the difference between the United States and
Spanish America, the comforts which those Americans enjoy,
their progress in commerce, agriculture, and navigation, and the
pleasure of living free from the Europeon yoke, and being left
solely to their patriotic and elective government. They will as-
sure them, that America, once disengaged from Spain, will be-
come the legislatrix of Europe. All agents, both principal and
subordinate, are to specify the names of those who declare them-
selves friends and votaries of libeity ; and the subaltern agents,
are to transmit the lists to the principals, who will make their
reports to my envoy in the United States, for my information,
and that I may duly reward every individual. My agents will
refrain from declaiming against the inquisition or the church,
and, in their conversations, rather insist upon the necessity of
that holy tribunal, and on the usefulness of the clergy. Upoa
the insurrectional standards or banners, is to be inscribed the
motto *' Long live the Cathohc, Apostolic, and Roman religion,
and perish the bad government.** They will, moreover, make
the Indians observe, how happy they will be, when thsy become,
once more, masters of their country, and free from the tyrannical
tribute which they pay to a foreign monarch. And lastly, they
will tell the people, that their said monarch does not so much as-

«£ist in his own government, but is in the power of the restorer
of liberty and the universal legislator. Napoleon, In a word,
these agents must, by all possible means, endeavour to shew the
people the utility which will arise to them from the government
in question. The revolution having thus been prepared, and all
the principal members, who are to take a share in it, in every city
and province having been gained, it will be for the chief and sub-
ordinate agents to accelerate the insurrection, and give early
advice to the other subordinate agents, in order that the rising
may take place at the different points agreed upon, on the same
day, and at the same hour, this being a very material point,
which will greatly facilitate the enterprize. The principal agents,
in every province of their department, and the subalterns, in the
points assigned them, will win over the domestics of governors,
intendants, and other persons in power, and by means of them
they will poison [envenenarl those of this class, whom they con-
sider as hostile to the undertaking, an operation (the poisoning)
which is to precede the revolution, in order to remove all ob-
stacles. The first point to be considered, will be, how to stop
the remittances of treasure to the Peninsula, which may be easily-
effected, by having good agents at Vera Cruz, and the other ports
of the American continent, but principally at Vera Cruz, where
all the vessels arriving from Europe will be received, and their
officers and crews immediately confined in the fortresses, until
every thing shall have succeeded, and the revolution be in for-
wardness. The agents, are furtlfer directed to instruct their sub-
agents, to transmit to them frequent giccounts of the progress of
the revolution ; and the chief agents will communicate with the
Envoy in the United States, by the channels that shall be pointed
out to them. For this purpose, it will be proper to keep pre-
pared, land-conveyances to those points of the coast, which may
be deemed suitable, and where, there are always to lie ready,
vessels for any emergency.

(Signed) JOSEPH NAPOLEON,

To my Envoy,

Desmolard.

VI

p. S. To promote a ceitaiu object, of which you have inti-
mation, three other vessels are preparing at Baltimore. There
are now four vessels frequenting the different points of the
American continent, known to the agents, who will thereby con^
tinue giving information of what may occur. The points to
which they more especially resort, are New Santander, Tampico
in the kingdom of Mexico, the coast of Camayagua, Truxillo,
Guatimala, and the harbours of Peru, Cumana, Rio de la Hacha,
Cartagena, Santa F^, Caracas, &c. and the rest of the Costa
Firme, whither also frequently sail two vessels, pretending to be
smugglers from Jamaica. Desmolard, from recent advices he
has received from Mexico, is confident, that the number of
partisans, already engaged, is immense, and those all of the first
rank ; he makes no doubt, that the insurrection will take place
in that realm, that the success of the scheme at Vera Cruz, is"
quite certain ; which will be the principal point of the whole ex-»
pedition; that he, therefore, keeps ready a safe conveyance to
advise those in New Orleans, where all necessary succours are
ready, but that he thinks even these useless, from the promises
of success held out by the party in his interest, as well as from
the supineness of that government, which will not take any vi-
gorous steps when the moment is arrived ; that he has, besides,
secured the powerful co-operation of the Indian governors, of
the Teypares of San Juan and Santiago in Mexico, and those of
the provinces of Tlascala and X^peaca, which are in the strait
road to Vera Cruz, by which means, the remittances of treasure,
and all correspondence with Mexico, will be cut off completely ;
that he has also very encouraging intelligence from Cali-
fornia ; and that those from Lima are not less so. Desmo-
lard, from the accounts he has received, also calculates upon the
principal officers of the army, especially on the garrison of Vera
Cruz, and the detachment of the castle of Porote, which he will
have immediately in his interest, and which is a point that will
afford the means of entirely cutting off the correspondence of the

til

whole kingdom from Vera Cruz ; and finally, that he flatters him-
self with the happy issue of his ulteriour projects.

This copy is taken from the original in the office of the Se-
cretary to the Supreme Junta, preserving the rights of Don Fer-
dinand VII. in Venezuela ; and intending to communicate the
present to H. E, the Admiral of the Barbadoes station, as a
precaution against Napoleon's intrigues, 1 have signed it at th«
Caracas, May 31, 1810.

(Signed) J. G. ROSEIO.

Document C.

Extract oftM Remonstrance, presented hy the MunicU
pality of Mexico^ on the bth of August, 1809, to Viceroy
Iturrigaray , for the Assembly^ of a Junta of the tribunals
und Constituted Authorities in the Capital,

" Juntas of the government, and respectable bodies of the
cities and kingdoms, are no more than in exact conformity to the
law,* which ordains, that all arduous cases, shall be consulted with
the people ; and as in existing circumstajices, in consequence of
the seizure of the king, the sovereignty is vested in the nation,
in order that its interests may.be consulted, the united authorities,
together with the Municipalities, which are the heads of the
people, do exactly the same as would the monarch himself, for
the general welfare."

" Mexico, as was manifested in her first remonstrance, had
in view, the same principles as influenced Seville, Valencia, and

* Recop.de Castilla, ley ii, tit.i. lib. 6. — By the ancient laws of
the monarchy, the king was not authorized to make war, without calling
the representatives of the cities and towns around him.

VUl

^nd the other cities of Spain ; and she was empowered, in like
manner, as the above two faithful capitals, to do what she con-
ceived was advisable in such urgent circumstances ; the difference
alone is, that the one only proposed, and the others carried their
principles into execution."

" These most innocent examples, and besides necessary and
useful to the public cause, point out what ought to be done to
organize a governing junta, composed of the Royal Audencia,
the Archbishop, Municipality, and Deputies from the Tribunals,
Ecclesiastical and Secular bodies, the Nobility, principal Citizens,
and Military, This Junta shall deliberate on the most weighty
matters which surround us, and these shall be determined as most
conformably to our interests.'*

" The Junta is necessaiy, for although we are at present, free
from the urgent danger which threatened us, on the part of France ;
we, nevertheless, ought not, to neglect our means of defence, till
we receive positive advices, which may make us perfectly easy.
It is, at the same time, necessary, to fill up the immense void ex-
isting between the governing authorities a\id the sovereignty, by
procuring to the subjects the means of their felicity, and satisfying
their hearts and wishes ; thus replacing those means of appeal they
before had to the council of the Indies, or to the person of the
king; and finally, many amendments ought to be made in the
nominations for secular and ecclesiastical dignities ; these being
the only means, by which the kingdom, thus united, and possessed
of the high faculties which devolve to it, in consequence of the
absence of the monarch, may overcome all difficulties."

*' This union of authorities, is likewise necessary, as being
the most admirable means to reduce the opinions of all the people
to one vote; which will prevent the fatal consequences which, in
the interiour and exteriour, will arise from disunion, and in such
urgent moments, every one will then be happy, their patriotism
and wishes, will be united by love, enthusiasm and a sense of the
public good."

IX

" The city, particularly, dwells on this means, and calls to
mind, the benefits and triumphs which the monarchs thereby ac-
quired, and by which, it adds, " the nation, animated by unani-
mity in each kingdom, is now attempting the most heroic of deeds.
All nations, convinced, by experience, of its utility, have put it
in practice, and our laws establish it, as the solid barrier to save
the country from dangers."

" The city, consequently thinks that the time is arrived, for
adopting the same means as have been carried into effect, in Spain.
The Junta, which your Excellency is to form, for the present, of
the authorities, and respectable bodies, as above referred, in the
mean time that the representatives of the kingdom, are assembled,
will carefully examine its interests, &c.'*

*' But the two fundamental points on which the Junta is to
act, ought not to be forgotten. The first is, that the authorities
retain the full extent of their faculties, in the same manner, as if
the derangement which we deplore in the monarchy, had not
taken place. That is, that your Excellency still hold the same
power which the laws grant, and that the same be observed with
the other tribunals. The second is, that in order to fill up the
immense void, which exists between the authority of your Excel-
lency and the Sovereignty, it is necessary to recur to the kingdom
represented in the executive, by the authorities and bodies exist-
ing in the capital, in union with the Municipahty as Metropolitan,
The remonstrance proves the grounds of this demand, by the ex-
ample of the guardians of the king, who, when the father dies,
without having named them, are chosen by the kingdom, by virtue
of the sovereignty it exercises; and insisting that all acts ought
to conduce to the keeping of Mexico for Ferdinand VII. it
concludes, that the present moments are not to be disregarded,
because the least injury in existing circumstances, may produce
the most fatal consequences."

Observation. Herein are explained, in the most official form,
(this being the report of the municipality of Mexico,) the motives

And grounds for preferring the authority of a Junta, to the ar^
bitrary power of a viceroy. To this the audiencia was opposed,
with whom the Enropeans all joined ; and the viceroy was con-
iinced of the necessity and legality of a Junta, by the arguments
laid oefoi-e him, but the measure was not carried. This was the
original and principal ground of disaentiou, in this as in the other
sections, and it is melancholy to say, has caused the sacrifice of
more than a million of lives, and the destruction of some hun-
dred millioiis of property, besides that of many cities an4
towns*

Document D,

Rot^al Order of the Council of Regency of Spain and
the Indies,

August 31, 1810.
*• Scarcely had the Council of Regency received the unex*
pected and disagreeable news of the occurrences of Caracas,
whose inhabitants, instigated, no doubt, by some intriguing and
factious persons, have committed the indignity to declare them^
selves independent of the mother-country, and have created a
governing Junta to exercise this supposed independent authority,
when His Majesty determined to take the most active and effica-
cious means to attack this evil in its origin and progress. But,
in order to proceed with that mature deliberation and circum-
spection, which a matter of such importance deserved, His Ma-
jesty conceived it advisable, previously to consult the supreme
Council of Spain and the Indies. This has been done ; and,
Consequently, such measures have been taken, as His Majesty

does not doubt will answer their end ; particularly since, accord-
ing to later accounts, neither the capital or province of Maracaibo
or Coro, nor even the interior of that of Caracas, have taken part
in this criminal proceeding- ;. but have, on the contrary, not only
acknowledged the Council of Regency, but, animated by the best
spirits in favour of the people of ihe mother-counti^, have taken
the most efficacious measures to oppose the absurd idea of Ca-
racas, in declaring itself independent, without being possessed of
the means of maintaining its independence. His Majesty, ne-
vertheless, has considered it indispensable to declare, as he hereby
declares, that the province of Caracas, is in the state of a rigorous
blockade ; at the same time commanding, that no vessel shall be
allowed to enter its ports, under the penalty of being detained by
cruizers and ships of His Majesty ; and forbidding all command-
ers, and civil and military chiefs of all the provinces and domi-
nions ot His Majesty, to authorize any vessel whatever to proceed
to La Guira ; and ordering that they do not, on any pretext, grant
any permits or licences to any vessel bound there, or to any other
port or river of said province ; moreover, commanding, that all
vessels leaving the same, for whatever destination, be captured,
seized, and confiscated , and that this order may have full effect.
His Majesty sends a sufficient naval force, to hinder any vessel
from going in or out of the ports of said province."

" His Majesty further ordains, that all the governors and
chiefs of the provinces contiguous to the one above named, hinder
therein, the introduction of provisions, arms, or warlike imple-
ments ; and also the exportation of the produce of their soil or
industry, and that they endeavour, by every possible means,
to prevent any communicatioi* with the inhabitants of said
province."

" This royal resolution, does not extend to the districts of the
above captain-generalship, which, refusing to follow the perni-
cious example of Caracas, have manifested their constant fidelity,
by renouncing the project of rebellion, which only originates i»

<hc unlimited ambition of some persons, and in the blind credu-
lity of others, who suffer themselves to be dragged away by the
ardent passionsof their citizens. His Majesty has taken the most
secure measures, in order completely to extirpate these evils, and
to punish the authors thereof, with all the rigour which the rights
of sovereignty authorise him to use, unless there is a previous
and voluntary submission ; in which case, His Majesty grants
them a general pardon. His Majesty commands, that this reso-
lution shall circulate in all his dominions, for the purpose of its
being carried into effect, as well also as in foreign countries, in
order that they may there act conformably to the measures taken
for the blockade of said coasts," &c. &c.

Observation. This decree was issued, without any previous
communication with Caracas, as a means to ascertain its views. It
is evident, that the Regency was sorely galled by its sovereignty
not being admitted, yet few months afterwards, Spain herself
declared this same to have been an illegal government. The
object of the blockade, was principally against the British ; and
was not this a ground for some demonstration on the part of a
minister, independent of the unjust and impolitic act, then com-
mitting, which could not fail to bring about a cruel and disas-
trous war ? In order, however, that the basis of the above de*
cree, may be the better understood, I here subjoin an extract of
the motives which induced the people of Caracas to confide their
administration to a Junta, instead of a Viceroy (the great crime they
had committed, and for which war was declared against them),
but the curious on this subject, will do well to read the official
details in No. 4 of El. Espafiol.

The revolution in Caracas, broke out on the 19th April, 1810,
The troops took part with the people, by which means, blood was
avoided. The administration was confided to a Junta, till the
votes were collected for the formation of a more substantial go-
Tcrnment : secretaries, &c. were named. On the 29th, the new
government published a manifest of its proceedings. This dQ"-

XUl

ttiiuent contains a succinct detail of the misfortunes of the Penin*
sula, and describes its situation as most desperate. It declares,
that the object of the revolution, or rather change, is as a shelter^
from the pretensions of the ether nations of Europe; the in-
trigues of the French cabinet, and the designs which the mem-
bers of the dissolved central Junta, might have on that country ;
to maintain political order ; to sustain, as much as possible, the
rightful dynasty of Spain ; to relieve the fate of Ferdinand VII.
in case he should be freed from his captivity ; and to preseive the
glory of the Spanish name, by offering an asylum to the remnants
of that glorious nation.— -The nevt^ government began the exercise
of its functions, by acts in favour of the people. The abolition
of the alcabala, tributes of the Indians, &c. was decreed ; and
agriculture and trade declared free, &c. Virtue and moderation
were invoked and placed as mottos, and fraternity, union, and
generosity, as guides to their conduct. Here rest the grounds of
the Cadiz Regency war decree, which, together with all its ac-
companying horrors, drove the inhabitants of Caracas to the ex-
treme of declaring their absolute independence, on the 5th of July,
1811, as is strongly manifested in the various acts published on
that occasion. This war decree, has also wrapt the rest of Span-
ish America in a state of civil war, and in scenes of universal des-
truction. Causa quoe sit, videris.

Document E.

Answer of the Supreme Junta, preserving the Rights of
Ferdinand VIL in Venezuela ; addressed to His Excels
lency the Marques de las Hormazas, as Minister in
Spain.

Caracas, May 20, 1810.

The private letter of Y. E. of the 15th of Februajy, ult. has
informed us of the measure which the Couucil called the Regency,

has been pleased to take, in order to remedy, as far aS possibk^
the most weighty evils, caused by the scandalous abuse and arbi-i
trariness, with which, during the last reign, as well as for twenty
years back, the offices of European and American Spain hfive been
distributed ; whereby, the door has been shut to persons of talent,
patriotism, and true merit ; at the same time, that it has been
open to a multitude of ignorant, depraved, and immoral persons^
to the manifest injury of the interests of His Majesty and the
public cause.

The Junta, which at present, governs these provinces, in the
name of the King our Lord, Ferdinand VII. cannot but applaud
the philanthropic views of the individuals who compose the said
Council ; but in doing this justice to their intentions, it would,
at the same time, have wished, that the election of the meansj
adopted by their Excellencies to suppress these abuses, and guard
against them in future, had authorized grounds for hopes, less
fallacious than those which have unfortunately hitherto deceived
us. Such, for example, as the hopes we were led to conceive,
from the decree * issued by the Central Junta, in Aranjuez, on
26th Oct, 1810, but which that body afterwards belied, when
transferred to Seville, when it acted, in this particular, as scanda-
lously, if not more so, than the ministry of Charles IV.

Weighed down by internal despotism, more than by the
onerous exactions, which, from the period of their settlement,
these provinces have borne ; rented out, during eighteen years^
in all their branches, to the foreign house of the Welsers f ; con-
tinually outraged by estranged persons, who, by the distance of
the supreme power, were secure in the impunity of their ciimes ,%

» The first decree, declaring that the Spanish American provinces
^ere not colonies, but iheir inhabitants, as free and equal as those of the
Peninsula, yet never practically executed.

+ Charles V. granted this province to the commercial bouse of the
Welsers, as an heriditary fief of the croivn, to answer demands they had
upon him. The ferocity of their agents, is minutely described by Dc-
pons, vol. 1. as Bellas the sufiferings of the iohabitantg.

ill-treated, from the administration of justite, being always cm*
fided to venal persons ; and (to use the same phrase as contained
in the proclamation of their Excellencies) beheld with indif-
ference ; harassed by avarice ; destroyed by ignorance ; and
bent down under a yoke, rendered more heavy, from the greater
distance of the centre of power ; how many times have we not
recurred to the supreme authority, hoping, that at length, our
long sufferings would be recompensed by the extirpation of
abuses, which could not be expected, as long a* the erroneous
and vicious regimen of our court lasted ; and unless it was, by
the punishment of all kinds of wickedness, with which the repre-
sentatives of the crown, have stained themselves in all the pn>»
vinces of America,

Notwithstanding the accusations against the Spanish ma^s-
trates in these dominions, were often repeated, it appeared, as if
the continuance of receiving them, had, by degrees, taken from
them, all kind of force and credit. Under the pretext of preserv-
ing the decorum of the authorities, and to obtain for them, sub-
mission and obedience, the Spanish court, has professed the con-
stant policy of upholding its officers at every risk, thus rejecting
our complaints, and endeavouring to appease them, by ambiguous
measures, or by multiplying the trammels and the costs, in order,
that the warmth of the complainants, might be gradually, re-
duced.

How few magistrates, have we seen, who had a true zeal
for our interest ; who were enlightened and impartial in the ad-
ministration of justice; accessible to the clamours of oppressed
humanity ; moderate and prudent in the exercise of their enor-
mous faculties ; or who have not returned to Europe, bloated
with the substance of the Americans ? And, notwithstanding,
this, when was it, that one of so many monsters, had been seen,
to satisfy the severity of the laws, by receiving the punishments
they deserved, even by their deposition, or by a solemn reproba-
tion? Seldom have they mat with any other chastisement, than

XVI

that of being transferred to better offices, or admonished with pri-
vate orders, which scarcely seiTed for any thing else, than to
point out to them, the enemies of whom thev were to be c!aU-
tious, and against whom, they might in future, level their aims,
with more rancour and dexterity.

This has been the only satisfaction we have obtained, when
the ministers, or supreme tribunals, have deigned to listen to us;
and when time, and the great expences of the application, have
not buried the claims in oblivion, or when they have not obliged
us, patiently to suffer greater iniquities.

Their Excellencies, know well these defects, and appear dis-
posed to remedy them ; let us now see, what are the measures
they fix on, for so important a reform. The first, consists ia
asking of us, deputies for the meeting of the Cortes. We will
not, in this place, pretend to repeat, what we have already mani-
fested to the Council of Regency itself, respecting the dispropor-
tion, existing between these deputies required, and the popula-
tion of America ; and, also, with regard to the defective repre-
sentation with which they will be vested, from being named by the
municipalities, and not by the people ; since the former cannot
confer upon them a public character, they themselves do not
possess ; and, in short, respecting the little confidence which the
people must place in persons, elected under the immediate in-
fluence of their oppressors.

But, for a moment, let us grant to these deputies, all the
qualities necessary to fulfil their weighty charge ; let us suppose,
that they hold in the Cortes, that share in the legislature
which belongs to them, but which they can never exercise,
in consequence of their small number : from this, the most
that would result, is, that our code would be rendered more per-
fect; so that just, wise, and impartial laws, would be esta-
blished. But, where is the guarantee of their observance ?
Who is there to assure us, that the new dispositions of the
national legislature, will be better complied with, than ^ many

XTII

«alQtarj regTiTatioxxs wilb whicb car co^e aboimds, but wMeb.
have, in great meas«re> fallen into disuse > Your Excellency
knows, Tery well, that the national sovereignty is null, and its
representation imaginary, when the organization of the executiTe
Itt-ancb, does not consolidate the rights of the people, by placing
barriers to arbitrariness ; and that if oar interioiir institutions, do
»Qt preserve i^ from the evils we have hitherto experienced, we
should have to lament the inobservance of the best laws, wheaerer
they may be found in contradiction with avarice, pride, and tb«
resentments of those who are sent over to txeeuie them.

Another of the means, of whidi their Excellencies have
availed themselves, appears in the order to which we now giv*
answer, and is to require private information respecting the qua-
lities of all the individuals, who hold in these dominions of the
king, any ecclesiastical, political, military, and fiuancial offices.
It is, but, feebly, to know the corruption which has gangrened
even the heart of the Spanish government, to anticipate good
effects from a measure, that only rests on the word and good
faith of the viceroys and captain-generals. We might truly say,
that the capital of each of these governments, is a complete
sketch of our ancient court »t home, in st\l its intrigues ; that
each of the principal chiefs, is surrounded by a band of satellites,
panting after grants burdensome to the people, and strongly
united to the same chiefs, by the bonds of common interest ; of
whom the greatest part, have placed their confidence in ignorant
and wicked men, incapable of guiding them in a proper mannfrr,
and accustomed to abuse this confidence for their own private
ends. Black, indeed, as is this portrait, which we now lay
before your Excellency, we are, nevertheless, well assured, that
it would perfectly correspond, with the testimony of all the other
people of America. It, therefore, results, that the private order
to which we now return an answer, could not be considered in
any other light, than as most dangerous instrument, in the hands
•f viceroys and captain-generals; since it would only scrrc for

b

XVlll

the advantage of favourites, and for the ruin and discredit of
their rivals, and, in short, to render worse, those very vices, it is
intended to remedy.

What report could your Excellency expect from all those
chiefs, who are unjustly placed in those very offices, to which
the order is directed for compliance? Does your Excellency
believe, they would do it, by beg^inning* with themselves, as
being unworthily elevated to the ranks they hold, by means of
that very same abuse and arbitrariness, to which allusion is
made ? Can it be believed, that none of those from whom in-
formation is demanded, have not themselves risen by this very
means, when the disorder which has uniformly reigned,' has
been frequent and general ? Could the captain-general of Cara-
cas, be exempt from this stigma. When he obtained the command
of these provinces, whilst yet a prisoner of war, comprehended in
the capitulation of Madrid, sworn to the French government,
named by Napoleon for this very office, and confirmed by the in-
trusive monarch of Spain, in the vei-y nomination, he has since
received from the Central Junta ? Would this chief, perchance,
have reported, that none of the three ministers placed in the
audiencia, had been raised but by leaps, being entirely destitute
of the merit belonging to the high dignity of the gown, and
without even having exercised the office of advocate, when, at the
same time, he promoted the deposition of an auditor of war, who
had served from the year 1795; and placed in his stead, an
Ignorant and proud person, without merit or services ? Would-
be have denounced the inability and arbitrary conduct of such
officers, who already knew no other law, than his own caprice,
acting with absolute independence and sovereignty ?

We repeat to your Excellency with the freedom which our
sacred obligations prescribe, that Spanish America, cannot rest
her hopes of amelioration, but in the previous reform of her in^
ternal institutions. Every thing else, is in vain, precarious,
^aimericalj suitable to produce only a momentary illusion, ami

XIX

insB^cient lo fiH the duties ©f the Spanish goveniment. This
adone is capable of making^ ks bear with the privatioQ of so
many adyaQtag:es and so many b&Defits» which can only he
deriTed, from the beDeficenlE iaffueace ©f a degree of liide-
pendenee, sach a one as is declared m the proclamatioia^ 'which
Ihe new gTJTerQmeBt of Cadiz has again sent aat to us; in which,
considering as raised to the di-^nity of free meii, it aimounces,
that in selecting a representative in th« Batioaal congiess, oijr'
destinies are in omr own hands, and no longer depend on
ministers, viceroys, or governors. An independence, obtained
without the necessity of this nominartion, in order to avoid the
ahsnrdity of gianting: to the chiefs, more right and faculty than
to their constitaents.

The best laws will be of no avail, as Jong as a captain-
general can say, with impunity, that in these provinces, he
acknowledges no anthority sapeiionr to his own, that his will is
theIaw;aQ4 whilst, to make him change his tone, it is necessary
to recnr to a snpreme power, at such a distance from ns, and
which is, itself, in some measure, pledged to its own acts, and
the proceedings of its representatives.

Those who have been in the habits, of managing any branch
of the vast dependence of the Indies, cannot fail to ratify, hy
interionr conviction, the truth of onr assertions ; and if it were
allowed, or convenient, they might prove them, by innnmejable
facts. Let one suffice for alii The supreme tribunals, tired with
listening, to the clamours against the royal audiencia of this
capital^ find themselves under the necessity of resorting to an
expedient^ poiated out for similar cases, by the legislation of
the Indies; btit which, had been laid aside^ from being defec-
tive, or from the negligence of the Spanish government.

A visiting judge arrives in this capital^ cloathed with all the
parade generally bestuwed on such ministers, by the apparent
importance of their commissions, and the specious iorms so care-
fully conferred upon them. Hundreds of persons, hasten, to

b2

XX

solicit reparation for their injuries, and as a dread to the magis-
trates, who, from venality, favour, or other motives, had scanda-
lously trampled on justice. But what happened? Did the
injured receive any indemnity ? Was any magistrate deposed ?
This entire body of complainants, was dismissed by the visiting,
judge, with the truly satisfactory answer, that the descisions of
the audiencia, were irrevocable; and before the proceedings
were closed, those very persons who had caused them, were
raised to offices of more importance than they before held. The
treasury had to bear a considerable expence on account of the
visiting judge and his clerks^ he caused many injuries in the ex-
ercise of the Regency, which had been conferred on him during
his commission, and the evils which gave rise to it, remained
without remedy.

We hope that your Excellency, far from attributing the fj ee-
dom of our language, to the motives with which, endeavours have
always been made to blacken American patriotism, will do us the
justice to think, that we would spare this exposition of our in-
juries, and would omit every reflection on the proper means of
guarding against them in future, if we did not consider it useful
and necessaiy to the interests of the Spanish monarchy, whose
integral preservation to its worthy and legitimate sovereign, is the
first of oi^r vows. The language with which we express ourselves,
although it may appear strong, is exactly conformable to facts,
suited to theiioble freedoni with which a people ought to demand
justice, and it cannot appear scandalous, but to the ears of those,
who compare it with the ancient system of terror which they
would wish to prolong. We request your Excellency to be
pleased to inform your government of the whole, and believe ma
animated with the highest consideration to your person, &c. &e,
(Signed) JOSE DE LAS LLAMOSAS, President,

MARTIN TQVAR PONTE, Vice-President,

±X1

Document F,

Letter from the Junta of Caracas, to His Majesty
George III.

Caracas, June 1, 1810.

" America remembers well, that in the first moments, wh«
the irruption of the French troops into Spain, and the captivity
of her monarch, occasioned a dread that the Spanish sections of
the new world, might be incorporated under the French yoke;
jrour Majesty could not remain indifferent to the fate of so large
a portion of the globe; and the representatives of yoiir Majesty
in the Archipelago of the Antilles; iii yoiir royal name, made us
the most generous offers to contribute, by every means in their
power, to the great and sole object consistent with the august
beneficence of the sovereign of Great Britain, and with the honour
of America.'*

** To proclaim the same cause as our brethren in Europe, to
swear an endless odium to France, to invoke the friendship and
protection of England, was the impulse of Caracas, was the lesson
she gave to the other provinces of America ; and such were the
^enriments, unanimously manifested by the loyal inhabitants of
this city ; sentiments, which subsequent events, have only tended
to strengthen and to ratify. In such manner, did Caracas hasten
to testify her feelings of fidelity and patriotism, that even before
^iie knew the resolution of the inhabitants of Spain, to withstand
the wicked arts, and to resist the powerful armie^ of France;
before she was aware of the benevolent and efiicacious disposition
of your Majesty, to save Spain and her distant dominions from
the catastrophe to which they were exposed, by the very last act
of a despotic and venal government ; before even the descision of
the representatives of the Spanish s<^s£xanwut mthese protinces.

0^-^ OP THB

'■[JHI7BRSIT7;

had transpired, {chiefs, so filled with respect for tlie ministenai
forais, so dexterously employed by the usurper, that they seemed
to waver in the fiist moments,) yet, without any antecedent of
the above, Caracas lisiened to no other voice than that of honour^
she was actuated by no other impulse than that ef loyalty, nor
did she proclaim allegiance to any other name, than that of her
unfortunate monarch."

** Caracajs has been unchangeable in these her sentiments^
notwithstanding, like the rest of the nation, she was weighed
down by the disorders of an administration, not less corrupt and
arbitraiy than that of Charles IV.; but which, unfortunately, had
obtained the consent of the provinces of Spain, in hopes, that it
would guide their heroic efforts against the invader. Caracas
was, nevertheless, sensible, that the Central Junta, possessed no
legitimate delegation of the sovereignly, for the authority arro-
gated to themselves by its members, and which they so scanda-
lously abused, had neither been transmitted by tlie acknowledged
sovereign, nor did it emanate from the great community of the
Spaniards of both hemispheres. Both reason and justice demand-
ed, that the loyal inhabitants of Ameiica, if they were really con-
sidered as Spanish citizens, should have in the representation of
the nation, an influence proportioned to their importaace and po-
pulation; but instead of so irrefragable a principle being observed
with regard to them, in the orders given for the election of the
American deputies, called to compleat the Central Jiinta, as well
as in the recent convocation of the Cortes, nothing but an insup-
portable pai tiality was to be found, in favour of the sad remains of
Sfjain, as well as a most painful reserve, in the veiy manner in
which we were invited to participate in that share, which legally
belongs to us, in the exercise of the national sovereignty, and
which, in the actual stGte of things, cannot but be of the greatest
consequence to the safety, as wtU as to the future fate of the in-*
habitants of the new world/*

^. "America, has beheld in most of the measures emanating^
from that irregular deposit of our sovereignty, a plan concerted
for her own subjection; how could she, therefore, any longer
bhndly confide in the justice and liberality of men, whose public,
as well as private conduct, was the object of universal censure and
contempt; and when, notwithstanding, the impartiality and mo-
deratipn of which they boasted, and the vehemence with which
they declaimed agaiust the ministry they supplanted, they them-
selves have not failed to imitate its example, by delapidating the
public revenue, and by equally prostituting employments and
honours* For the truth of this assertion, let us appeal to the
testimony of the provinces of Spain, even to that of some of the
members of the Central Junta themselves, who coiild not behold,
without indignation, or sanction by their silence, the sordid and
ambitious views, by which the plurality was actuated. Let us
appeal to the .testimony of your Majesty's own wise ministers,
and to that of the gallant generals and officers of the British
nation, who have joined in the contest with our European bre-
thren, and who have shared with them the dangers of the
battle, as well as the unheard of privations they had to endure,
from the malversation of the public treasure."

" In the midst of disorders so public and notorious. An erica,
nevertheless, stifled her indignation, and gave to the world, a
subhme lesson of moderation and disinterestedness. She beheld
in that same unity and fraternity to which all her wishes con-
spired, the only shelter that could save Spain from the tempest
bursting upon her; and to this precious unity it was, that she
continued sacrificing her own individul interests. Our hopes
being at length foiled, the Peninsula occupied by the tyrant,
and the very members of the Central Junta, shamefully dispersed
and branded with public detestation, what other safe line of
conduct was left for America, but to vindicate her injured rights,
by disavowing all authority at home, not emanating from the
real suffrage of the nation ? The rights of America, had, na

ifcxiv

security in a representation, incomplete in itself, and besideii
illegalijr constituted; one that originated iii the necessity of the
moaatat, one filled with odions obstacles and divested of ail im-
portance; a representation, in short, in itself illusive, and, which,
instead of hein^ the safeguard of our liberties, might possibly
beconie a passive instninient in favour of ambition and tyranny.
** Under such circnmstances, the inhabitants of CaraciSbs
have conceived, that they could no longer remain insensible to
the danger, to which their silence and that of the other sections of
America, might expose their common intei^ests; nor could they,
any longer, -ronfidc Ihcir security and future fate, to authorities
constituted by a Junta which had incurred the execration of all
l^od Spaniards, and which, wei«, besides, placed, by circum*
stances, in a degree of independence, dangerous to the adminis-
tmtioa of justice* The deposition of such authorities, has been
the unanimous wish of all classes of citizens, and it has been
<;flected with that order and concert, which will, at all times,
proye tlie true motives of our resolution. To direct the attefi*
tion of the Americans to the danger that threatens them ; to
exhort them mutually to tighten the bonds by which nature has
united them, bnt which the policy of the late ministry, ahvayt
endeavoured to relax; to invoke the powerful protection of your
Majesty, in order to disconcert the views of the common enemy;
to perfect a provisional government, which may equally guard
against tyranny and disorder; to await, under the shelter of
good order and an upright administration, the final issue of the
tempests which now rend the globe; bat more especially, to prft*
*erve these dominions entire and untouched, for the sovereign
whom by oath we have acknowledged ; have been the votfrs of
Caracas; such are the duties the governing Junta of this place,
imposes on itself, and such shall invariably be the object of all
its acts and measures. In complying with part of these said
duties j the government of Caracas, has considered it indispen-
sably necessary, to manifejit to your Majesty, its sincere dispo*

!sttioii to concur in ertry measur* for the general good, abiding
by th€ free suffrage of al! lite parts of the Spanish nation, tliat
may escape from the isurpation of France, and to cling to aa
impartial system of fraternity and confederation."

*' Considering the want of a legitimate government in the
Peninsula, as well as the absolute impotence of the one that ex-
ists. Great Britain by her maritime power, by her political in-
fliience, and by the philanthropic views which direct her, is the
cation that appears called upon to complete the grand work of
confederating the scattered sections of America, and to cause
order, concord, and rational liberty, to reign therein ; and we
may Teniure to say, that nothing would be more worthy of iJreat
Biitain, more worthy of the wise government, as well as congenid
to the character and personal virtues of your Majesty; and that
amongst the many transcendent traits which already adorn the
bifitojy of your Majesty's memorable reign, none would render
this era more brilliant in the eyes of posterity, than the 6ne t<^
Iphich we allude."

** We confide, therefore, that your Majesty will deign to
receive, with your accustomed interest, the loyal and generous
diBScision of the inhabitants of this country, unanimously re-
solved to perish, rather than to submit to the odious yoke, with
which they are threatened by the French usurper. The conduct
your Majesty's cabinet has uniformly observed, the efforts and
sacrifices of the government, and of the British nation for th^
fj-eedom of the continent of Europe, are to us the most SUre
guarantee of your Majesty's protection, and the best support of
our hopes. May your Majesty graciously accept the testimony
of our respectful gratitude, the blessings with which we will at
all times pronounce your august name, and the prayers we
dir^t to heaven for your glory and felicity,"

Wivi

Document G.
plan op peace.

'Natural and legal principles, on ichich it isfounded\>

1st. The sovereignty, resides in the mass of the nation. 2d.
Spain and America, are integral parts of the same monarchy,
subject to the same thing, but respectively equal, and without
any dependence and subordination one of the other. 3d. Ame-
rica, in her state of fidelity, has more right to convoke the
Cortes, and call together representatives of the few patriots oi
Spain, already infected with disloyalty, than Spain has to call
over deputies from America, by means of whom, we can nevet
be worthily represented. 4th. During the absence of the king,
the inhabitants of the Peninsula, have no right to appropriate to
themselves the sovereign power, and represent it in these do-
minions. 5th. All the authorities emanating from this origin,
are null. 6th. For the American nation to conspiie against
them, by refusing to submit to an arbitrary power, is no
more than using its own rights. 7th. This, far from being
a crime of high treason, is a service worthy of the king's grati-
tude, and a proof of patriotism, which His Majesty would ap-
prove, if he were on the spot. 8th. After what has occurred in
the Peninsula, as well as in this country, since, the overthrow of
the throne, the American nation, has a right to require a gua-
rantee for its security, and this can be no other, than putting
into execution the right which it has, of keeping these do-
minions for their legitimate sovereign, by itself, and without
the intervention of any European people.

XXV41

From fhese incontrovertible principles, the following jtM
pretensions are deduced,

1st. That the Europeans, resign tbe command and thfe
armed force into the hands of a national congress, independent
of Spain, representing^ Ferdinand Vii., and capable of securing
iiis rights in these dominions, 2d. That the Europeans, remaia
in the class of citizens, living under the protection of the laws,
is'ithout being injured in ilieir persoi^ families, or property:.
-3d. That the Europeans, at present in office, remain with the
honoui-s, distinctions and privileges thereof, and part of theit
revenue, but without exercising them. 4th. That as soon as
this state of independency is declared, ail antecedent injuries
and occurrences, be buried in oblivion; the most effective mea-
sures for this purpose, being taken ; and dl the inhabitants dT
this land, as well Creoles as Europeans, shall indistinctly con-
stitute a nation of American citizens, vassals of Ferdinand VII.,
and bent only on promoting the public felicity, 5th. That ia
such a case, America would then be able to contribute in favour
of the few Spaniards engaged in sustaining the war of Spain,
with those sums the national congress may assign, in testimony
of our fraternity with the Peninsula, and to prove that both
aspire to the same end. 6th. That the Europeans, who may be
desirous of quitting the kingdom, be granted passports for what-
ever place they may wish ; but, in that case, officers shall not be
allowed the portion of their pay, that might have been grjuited
them.

PLAN OF WAR.

Indubitable principles, on which it is founded*

1st. A war between brethren and fellow-citizens, ought not
to be more cruel, than between foreign nations. 2d. The two
contending parties acknowledge Ferdinand VII.; of this the

Xxvm

Americans have g'iven evident proofs, by swearing allegiance to
him, and proclaiming him in every part ; by carrying bis por-
trait as their emblem, invoking his august name in their acts
and proceedings, and stamping it on their coins and money. On
him, the enthusiasm of dl rests, and on these grounds, the in-
surrectional party, has always acted. 3d. The rights of nations
and of war, inviolable even amongst the most infidel and savage
people, ought to be much more so amongst lis, who profess the
same creed, and who are subject to the same sovereign and
laws. 4th. It is opposed to christian morality, to act frclri
hatred, rancour, or personal revenge. 5th. Since the sword is
to decide the dispute, and not the arms of reason and of pru-
dence, by means of agreements and adjustments founded on the
basis of natural equity ; the contest ought to be continued in
«uch a manner, as to be least shocking to humanity; already
too much afflicted, not to nierit our most tender compassion.

Hence are, naturally, deduced, the followhig just preteri'
4ions,

1st. That prisoners, be not treated as criminals gtrilty of
high treason. 2d. That no one be sentenced to death, or ex-
iled for this cause, but that all be kept as hostages, for the pur-
pose of exchange. That they be not molested with irons and
imprisonment, and as this is a mere measure of precaution, let
them be put loose in places, where they cannot injure the views
of th€ paVty by whom they may be detained. 4th. That each
one, be treated according to his class and condition. 5th. That
as the rights of war, do not permit the effusion of blood, but in
the act of the combat, when this is once over, let no on^ he
killed; nor let those be fired upon who fly or throw down their
arms ; but let them be made prisoners by the victor. Cth. That
as it is contrary to the same rights, as well as those of nature, to
enter with fire and sword, in the defenceless towns, or to assign,
by tenths of fifths persons, to be shot, by which the innocent are
•oufounded with the guilty, Iftt fio one be allowed, under the most

severe penalties, to ccmmit such enormities as these, which so
greatly dishonour a christian and well legislated nation. 7th.
That the inhabitants of the defenceless towns, through which the
contending armies may indistinctly pass, be not injured. 8th.
That, as by this time, every one is undeceived with regard to the
true motives of this war, and it being unwarrantable to connect
this contest with the cause of religion, as was attempted at the
beginning, let the ecclesiastical orders, abstain from prostituting
their ministry, by declamations, reproaches, or in any other
manner, within the limits of their jurisdiction; nor ought the
ecclesiastical tribunals to interfere, in an affair purely of the
state, and which does not belong to them : which, if they do not
do, they certainly disgrace their dignity, as experience daily
proves ; and expose their decrees and censures to the scorn, de-
rision, and contempt of the people, who, in the mass, are
anxiously wishing the success of the country. It being well
understood, that in case the clergy are not thus restrained, we
feel no longer answerable for the results that may be occur,
from the enthusiasm of the people; although, on our part, we
protest, now and for ever, our respect and profound veneration
to their character and jurisdiction, in matters relating to their
ministiy. 9th. That, as this is a matter of the greatest im-
portance, and indistinctly concerns all and every inhabitant of
this land, this manifest and its propositions, ought to be pub-
lished by means of the public prints of the capital, in order that
the people, composed of Americans and Europeans, being in-
formed of what interests them, may be enabled to point out their
will, which ought to be the guide of all our operations. 10th.
That in case none of these plans is admitted, reprisals shall be
rigorously observed.

Behold here, brethren and friends, the religious propositions
we present to you, founded on principles of natural equity;
alarmed, as we are, at the evils which afflict the nation. In one
hand, we offer you the olive-branch, and in the other, the sword,

XXX

hint never losing sight of those bonds by which we are niiite<^>,
always bearing in mind, that European blood circulates in oiii,
▼eins, and that the same blood which is now so ^i shedding to
the great detriment of the monarchy, and this for the purpose oi.
maintaining it integral during the absence of the hing^ i& aU
Spanish. And what objection have you to examine oui' preten-
sions? How can you palliate the blind obstinacy of refusing to
hear ns ? Are we, peichance, infcriour to the populace of a
single town of Spain ? And are you of a superiour hierarchy to,
kings? Charles. III., descended from his throne, to listen to a.
plebeian who spoke in th^ nanae of the people of Madrid. To
Charles IV., the tumult of Aranjuez, cost no less than the abdi«
cation of his crown. Is it, then, the Americans alone, wheo
they seek to speak to their brethren, to whom they are inevery
sense equal, and at a time, when the king no longer can be had>
who are to be answered with the fire of muskettry ?

If now, when we address you for the last time, since we have^.
©ften in vain endeavoured to fix your attention, you refuse t(^
admit any of our plans, at least, we shall rest satisfied with,
having proposed them, in compliance with the most sacred,
duties, which the good man cannot behold with indifference. In^
this manner, shall we be justified in the eyes of the world, and
posterity will not have to accuse us of irregular proceedings. But,
in this case, remember there is a supreme and severe judge, to
whom, sooner or later, you will have to give in account of your
operations, and of their results and enormities, of all which,
hence forward, we make you answerable. Remember, that the
late of America, is not decided; that the combat is not always
favourable to you, and that reprisals, are at all times, most
terrible. Brethren, friends, and fellow-citizens, let us embrace,
and be happy, instead of mutually bringing on our heads mis-
fortines."

DoCUMExNT H.

MITA in Peru.

The mita, is a division of the Indians by requisition, to
work in the mines. It was established in the following manner.
Viceroy Toledo, was the first who caused a regular enumeration
-of the Indians to be made, and exclusive of Tucuman, Chili and
Buenos Ay res, he reckoned in the government of Peru alone,
1,097,697 male Indians, from the age of 18 to 50, the ages at
which they begin and cease to be assessible to work in the
mines. He divided them into 514 allotments, or repartimientos,
in order that they might be under the care and training of per-
sons fixed upon, and out of the 17 provinces nearest to Peru, he
assigned a 7th part of the population, that is 4733 Indians to
ihe 132 works which had been established, but under certain
regulations.

According to them, the miiai/os, or assessed Indians, were
to be chosen in presence of and under the direction of thei?
respective caciques, in such manner, that the lot shall fall on
each, once in seven years. In Potosi, the mitayo is only
obliged to work four months. Each labourer has two others to
relieve him, who serve the same space of time, and he thus has
one week of labour and two of rest. In this manner, in the 32
years which intervene between 18 and 50, at which age they are
exempt from this requisition as well as from tribnte, they serve
in the mines 18 months.

From their native provinces, they are conducted by their own
captains, the married Indians accompanied by their wives, and
an exact list is made of all the effects they carry with them. No
variation can be made in their destination, nor can the one to
whose lot it has fallen to work in the mines^ exchange with him

xxxh

who is destined to work at the braising mills. They receive
20 rials (lis. 3d.) per week. Care is taken to see that thejT
provisions arc not overrated, and they are allowed for tiaveiJiug
cxpences, half a rial for every league. The working of the
nines is considered very unhealthy, in consequence of the ar-
senic vaponre which flit in tlje air, and affect the chsst. This
is partly counteracted by the use of the coca^ cbew«d as the:
betel nat in the East Indies. To this labour^ the depopRlation.
of Pern, is partly attributed. This requisitioa, has lately been
abolished by the Cortes.

Document !•

(TRIHSLATED from the SPANISH.)

Corespondence between General Hodgson^ Governor of
Curagoay and General Bolivar of Venezuela^ respecting
certain Spa?nsh prisoners,

GavernmeDt lloose, Curagoat September 4, I8I3.
Sir,

Having been informed that many European Spaniards^
are now confined in the prisons of La Guira and Caracas, in con*
sequence of the part they took in the late unfortunate disturb-
ances of Venezuela, and who possibly may suffer death ; I have
the honour to address you on this subject. Although I am per-
fectly sure, from the well known humanity of your character,
that you will take no measure of that kind, nevertheless, as
there may be persons vested with the authority, in the above
places, who may not be possessed of your generous sentiments^
and who may, perhaps, from erroneous principles, recur to acts

XXXlll

of cruelty, I esteem it a duty of humanity to intercede in their
favour, and request you to grant them passports to leave the pro-
vince. The brave are always merciful. I am, &c.

(Signed) J. HODGSON.

To DON SIMON BOLIVAR, &c. &c. &c.

(ANSWER.)

Head Quarters, Valencia, Octobers, 1813.

Sir,

I have the honour to answer your Excellency's letter,
of the 4ih of September, ultimo, which I have this day received,
delayed, without doubt, by causes of which 1 am ignorant, on
its way from your island to La Guira.

The attention which I ought to pay to a British officer, aud
to the cause of America, place me under the necessity of mani-
festing to your Excellency, the unhappy causes of the conduct,
which in spite of myself, I observe to the Spaniards, who, within
the last year, have wrapt Venezuela in ruins, by committing
crimes which ought to have been thrown into eternal oblivion, if
the necessity of justifying, to the eyes of the world, the death
war which we have adopted, did not oblige us to draw them to
light, from the scaffolds and horrid dungeons, with which they
are covered, and to place them before your Excellency.

A continent^ separated from Spain by immense seas, more
populous and richer than her ; subject, for three centuries, to a
degrading and tyrannical dependence, heaiing, in the year 1810,
of the dissolution of the governments of Spain, by the occupancy
of the French armies, placed itself in motion, to preserve itself
from a similar fate, and to escape the anarchy and confusion
which threatened it. Venezuela, the first, institutes a Junta
preserving the rights of Ferdinand VIL, and in order to wait the
descisive issue of the war. It offere to the Spaniards desirous of
emigrating, a fraternal asylum ; it invests many of them with the

e

' XXX IT

supreme magistracy, and preseiTcs in their offices, all who were
placed in those of the greatest infliience'and importance. Evident
proofs of the views of union, which animated the people of Vene-
zuela : views, to which the Spaniards, deceitfully, corresponded;
most of whom, abused this public contidence by black perfidy.

In fact, Venezuela adopted the above measure, impelled by
irresistible necessity. Under circumstances less critical, provinces
of Spain less important than herself, had erected governing Jun-
tas to save themselves from disorder and tumult. And, was it not
equally the duty of Venezuela, to provide a shelter from so many
calamities and to secure her existence against the rapid vicissi-
tudes of Europe ? Was it not even injurious to the Spaniards of the
Peninsula, to remain exposed to the troubles and confusion, which
were about to succeed to the loss of the acknowledged government;
ought they not even to have been grateful, for our thus obtain-
ing for them a safe asylum ? Could any one have thought, that
a rigorous blockade and cruel hostilities, would have been the
returns of so much generosity ?

Confident, as was Venezuela, that Spain had been com-
pletely subjected, and as was also believed in every other part of
America, she adopted the above measure; which even, before,
she had a right to have done, authorized by the example of the
provinces of the Peninsula, with whom she was declared equal in
rights and in political representation. The Regency afterwards
was formed in a tumultuous manner in Cadiz, the only point
where the French eagles had not penetrated; from whence it
. Culminated its destructive decrees against a free people, who,
without any obligation, had maintained their relations and na-
tional integrity, Nvith a nation, of whom they were naturally in-
dependent.

Such was the generous spirit which animated the first revolu-
tion of America, one effected without blood, odium, or venge-
ance. Might not Venezuela, Buenos Ayres, and New Granada,
have displayed their just resentments for so much injury and

XXXV

violence, by destroying those Viceroys, Governors, and Regents;
all those rulers, executioners of their own species, who gratified
with the destruction of the Americans, made the most illi^trious
and virtuous perish in horrid dungeons ; who spoiled the good
man of the fruit of his labour, and in general, persecuted in-
dustry, the useful arts, and every thing else, that could alleviate
the horrors of our slaveiy ?

For three centuries, did America groan under this tyranny,
the worst that ever afflicted the human race; three centuries, did
she lament her fatal riches which were so attractive to her op-
pressors; and when just providence presented her with the un-
expected opportunity, of breaking her chains, far from thinking
of avenging these outrages, she invites even her own enemies, by
offering to share with them her gifts and asylum.

On now beholding almost eveiy region of the new world,
busied in a cruel and ruinous war ; on seeing discord agitating
with its furies, even the inhabitants of the cabin; sedition fan-
ning the devouring flame of war, even in the remote and solitary-
villages, and the American fields crimsoned with human blood,
it is natural to enquire, the cause of all this strange confusion,
in this lately peaceful continent, whose docile and benevolent
children, had always been an example of mildness and submis-
sion, unknown in the histories of other nations.

The ferocious Spaniard, caitt on the shores of Columbia, to
convert the finest portion of the globe, into a vast and odious
empire of cruelty and rapine, in him may your Excellency be-
hold the fatal author of all the trajic scenes we have now to de-
plore. His entry into the new world, was marked with death
and desolation ; he caused its primitive inhabitants to disappear
from the face of the earth, and when his savage fury found no
more beings to destroy, he turned it against his own children,
whom he had in the land he had usurped.

Your Excellency might behold him, thirsting for blood; con-
temn things the most holy, and sacrilegiously trample on those

c2

XXXVl

engagements which the world venerates, and which have re-
ceived the inviolable sanction of all ages and people. A capitu-
lation, last year, delivered np to the Spaniards, all the indepen-
dent territory of Venezuela ; and an absolute and tranquil sub-
mission OH the part of the inhabitants, convinced them of the
paciiication of the people, and of the total renunciation they had
made, of their late political pretensions. But, at the same time,
that Monteverde swore to the people of Venezuela, the religious
fulfilment of his offered promises, the most barbarous and im-
pious infraction was seen; the towns were sacked, buildings
were burnt; the fair sex outraged; nearly the whole inhabitants
of cities shut up in caverns; the imprisonment of an entire peo-
ple, being for the first time then realized. In fact, none but
those obscure victims, who could escape from the sight of the
tyrant, preserved their miserable liberty, by hiding themselves
in solitary huts, or by living in the woods amidst wild beasts.

How many respectable old men and venerable clerg}% were
bound in stocks and other infamous fetters, confounded with cri-
minals, and exposed to the scorn of a brutal soldiery, as well
as of the vilest of men ? How many expired, bent down
under the weight of insupportable chains, deprived of air, or
starved with hunger and misery ? At the time the Spanish con-
stitution was publishing, as a shield to civil liberty, hundreds of
victims were dragged away, loaded with chains, to deadly and
loathsome vaults, without any cause being assigned for such pro-
ceedings, nay, without even the origin or political opinions of
the victims, being known.

Your Excellency may here see, the not exaggerated, but un-
heard of picture of Spanish tyranny in America; a picture,
which at the same time, excites feelings of indignation against
these executioners, and of the most just and lively sensibility for
the victims. Ne-vertheksSf tve did not then see, any feeling
souls intercede Jbr suffering humanity ^ nor claim the compli-
ance of a compact, which interested the whole tvorld. Your

xxxyii

Excellency at present interposes your respectable mediation, fot
the most ferocious monsters, the authors of all these evils. Your
Excellency may believe me, when the troops of New Granada,
under my command, came to avenge nature and society so much
outraged, neither the instructions of the beneficent government
of that place, nor my designs, were to exercise the right of re-
prisal on the Spaniards, who, under the title of insurgents, were
carrying all the Americans, worthy of that name, to infamous
execution, or to tortures still more cruel and infamous. But
seeing these tygers sport with our noble clemency, and secure in
their impunity, continue, even when conquered, the same san-
guinary fierceness, I then, in order to fulfil the holy commission
confided to my responsability, and to save the threatened lives of
my fellow-countrymen, made an eflTort to divest myself of my
natural sensibility, and to sacrifice the sentiments of a, pernicious
clemency, to the safety of my country.

May your Excellency permit me to recommend to you, the
perusal of the letter of the ferocious Zerveris, the idol of the
Spaniards in Venezuela, to General Monteverde, contained in tliQ
Caracas gazette, No, 3 : you will there discover, the sanguinary
plans which these wicked people intended to effect. Being in-
formed, before hand, of their sacrilegious intentions, which a
cruel experience, immediately afterwards, confirmed, I resolved
to carry on a death war, in order to deprive these tyrants, of
the incomparable advantage which their destructive system,
offered.

On my army opening the campaign in the province of Varinas,
unfortunately, Colonel Antonio Nicolas Briseno, and other officers
of distinction, were taken, whom the barbarous and cowardly
Tiscar had shot, in the number of sixteen. Similar spectacles,
were repeated in Calabozo, Espino, Cumana and other provinces,
accompanied by such circumstances of inhumanity, that I con-
ceive the repetition of such abominable sceneSj unworthy of
your Excellency and of this letter.

XXXVllI

Your Excellency may see a slight sketch of the ferocious acts,
in which Spanish cruelty satiated itself, in the Caracas gazette.
No. 4, The general massacre rigorously committed in the
peaceful town of Aragua, by the most brutal of men, the detest-
able Zuazola, is one of those phrenzied and sanguinary acts of
blindness, which have seldom degraded humanity. There were
seen, men and women, old and young, with their ears cut off,
liome skinned alive, and then cast into venemous lakes, or as-
sassinated by painful and slow means. Nature, was even attacked
in its most innocent origin, and the unborn, were destroyed in
the wombs of their mothers, by blows and stabs of the bayonet,

San Juan de los Moros, an agricultural and innocent town,
presented similar spectacles and equally agreeable to the Spaniards,
committed by the barbarous Antonanzas and the sanguinary Boves.
Still, are there to be seen, in the fields of that unhappy country^
the dead bodies suspended on the trees. The genius of crime,
there appears to hold his empire of death, to whom no one
could approach, without feeling the furies of his implacable
Vengeance.

But it is not Venezuela, alone, that has been the theatre ofv
these horrid butcheries. The opulent Mexico, Buenos Ayres,
^nd Peru, as well as the unhappy Quito, are scarcely to be com*
pared to any thing else, than to so many vast charnel-houses,
where the Spanish government assembles the bones of those,
who have fallen under its murdering steel.

Your Excellency may find in gazette. No. 2, the basis on
which a Spaniard founds the honour of his nation. The letter
bf Father Vicente Marquetich affirms, that the sword of ReguIeS
in the field, and on the scaffold, has immolated 12,000 Americans
in one year, and shews, that the glory of the navy officer Rosendo
Porlier consists in his universal system of not giving (quarter;
even to the saints, wer6 they to appear before him in the dress
of insurgents.

XXXIX

I refrain from shocking the sensibility of your Excellency, by
prolonging the picture of the enormities which Spanish barbarity
has committed against humanity, in order to establish an unjust
and shameful dominion over the unoffending Americans. Would
to God, that an impenetrable veil could hide from the know-
ledge of roan, the excesses of his fellow-beings. Oh ! that a
cruel necessity did not impose upon us, the inviolable duty of
exterminating such treacherous assassins !

'Let your Excellency place yourself, for a moment, in our
situation, and then ask, what kind of conduct ought to be ob-
served towards our oppressors ? Let your Excellency then de-
cide, whether the freedom of America, can ever be secured, as
long as such obstinate enemies breathe. Fatal experience, daily
urges us to the harshest measures; and even I might add, that
humanity itself dictates them. Placed, by my strongest senti-
ments, under the necessity of being clement with many Spaniards,
after having left them amongst us at full liberty, and when their
heads were scarcely free from the avenging knife, they have
stirred up the unfortunate people, and perhaps, the atrocities
recently committed by them, equal the most horrid of the whole.
In the valleys of Tuy and Tacata, and in the towns of the West,
where one would have thought, that civil war could never have
carried its desolating ravages, these wretches have already raised
lamentable monuments of their savage cruelty.* Even women,
young children, the aged, have been found skinned, with their
eyes and entrails torn out ; nay, one would be induced to think,
that the tyrants of America, were not of the human species.

In vain, would you sohcit in favour of those who are now de-
tained in our prisons, passports for your island, or for any other
point out of Venezuela. To the great injury of the public peace.

♦ These circumstances principally allude to the enormities com-
mitted by the armed slaves on their masters, whom till bow the civil
vrar had scarcely disturbed^

we Lave already exprieuced the fatal consequences of this mea-
sure ; for we can assert, that almost all who have obtained pass-
ports, notwithstanding the oaths by which they were bound, have
disembarked on the points in possession of the enemy, in order
again to enlist themselves in the parties of assassins, which dis-
turb these defenceless towns. In their very prisons, they are
plotting subversive projects, undoubtedly more fatal for them-
selves, than for a government, obliged to use its efforts, more to
repress the fury of the zealous patriots against the seditious who
threaten their lives, than to disconcert the black machinations of
the former.

Your Excellency may be able to judge, whether the Americans
ought to suffer themselves to be patiently exterminated, or whether
they are to destroy an iniquitous race, which as long as it breathes,
is incessantly labouring at our destruction.

Your Excellency is not mistaken in supposing in me, senti-
ments of compassion ; the same characterise all my countrymen.
We could compalionate the Caffres of Africa ; but Spanish
tyrants, contrary to the most powerful sentiments of the heart,
impel us to reprisals. American justice, will, nevertheless, at all
times, know how to distinguish the innocent from the guilty ;
and even the latter, shall be treated with all the humanity due
to the Spanish nation.

I have the honour to, &c,
(Signed) SIMON BOLIVAR.

To the Governor of Curacoa, &c. &c. &c.

Another letter from General Bolivar to the same, dated Oct.
9, 1813, slates, that in vain he had proposed to exchange his
Spanish prisoners for Americans, whom, in spite of a sacred ca-
pitulation, the Governor of Puerto Cavello retained in irons and
pontoons, busied in ignominious works, and afflicted with hunger
and all kinds of misery. Bolivar adds, that the result has been
the detention of his emissaries, their inviolable character being no

xli

longer respected, thus basely abusing the good faith, with whieh
they had entered the Spanish lines.

Your Excellency will have seen (he says) by my last printed
inclosures, my fruitless remonstrances to General Monteverde, in
order to effect an exchange, to save the lives of the Spaniards,
whom he had basely abandoned to our discretion. Above all,
your Excellency will be astonished, that when I had even 4000
of them in my power, he (Monteverde) not only refused to admit
the proposition to exchange them for 100 and more Americans,
but even never returned an answer, loading the bearer of my pro-
positions with chains, and putting him to the hardest work.

Notwithstanding these repeated and execrable infractions,
the high intercession of your Excellency, and so respectable in
Venezuela, made me adopt the measure of sending proposals of
exchange for the officers taken in the last actions, offering to ex-
change them for Americans, according to their rank and charac-
ter. Your Excellency may observe, the advantages of this pro-
posal for the enemy, whose prisoners in consequence of an ante-
riour law, dictated as well from necessity as from justice, were to
be beheaded, whilst our people have been buried in dungeons,
though covered with a capitulation which guaranteed their secu-
rity. The American prisoners ought to have been set at liberty,
the Spanish ones ought to have perished. Your Excellency may
judge on which side clemency now rests, and on which there
is a cruel obstinacy. Your Excellency cannot fail to conclude,
that more humane with the Spaniards, than even they with
their own countrymen, we have made every exertion to save
them ; but your Excellency will never believe that they have, even
made themselves the executioners of their own countrymen.

These benificent propositions, were carried by Father Salva-
dor Garcia de Ortigosa, a venerable priest, whose exemplaiy
virtue had infused respect, even into the Spaniards. He entered
as a flag of truce, and his only object was to favour the enemies
prisoners and his countrymen. The audience given to this vir»

xlff

tuous emissary, and the gratitude shewn by the Puerto Cavello
chief, for those belonging to his army, has been, to bury him in
a dungeon, nay, he only saved his life, by tears and entreaties.
I now request your Excellency to point out whatever measures
can be taken with those monsters, who neither respect the rights
of nations, virtue, nor honour ; even self interest does not restrain
their wickedness. I had been desirous of being generous, even
to the injury of the sacred interests which I defend ; but these
barbarians are too obstinately bent on cruelty, even to their own
detriment.

(Signed) SIMON BOLIVAR.

Observation, It was on the above grounds with the addition
©f further aggi avations, that Bolivar ordered all his prisoners to be
shot, as seen in the end of Document J. And let me now ask,
would the name of a British officer, have been degraded, by inter-
ceding for the American sufferers in the first calamities of Ca-
racas, since one can now implore compassion for their very au-
thors ? Humanity is the noblest feeling of the soul, and always
the appendage of a British officer ; but the feelings of humanity
had been spared, if justice only had been obtained. The infrac-
tion of the Caracas capitulation, was the cause of all these evils ;
this was proved to our commanders abroad, and individuals
sought to impress this fact on the ministers at home ; but to no
effect. Yet it is a fact, that a timely and proper interference on
the part of the British government, would have prevented all
these horrors. To whom, then, is not a considerable share of
blame to be attached ? Ample channels of information, have
been open to it, but they have been disregarded.

xliii

Document J.

Remarks on the Disasters of the Provinces of
Caracas J hy an English Gentleman, an Eye-witness,

The extraordinary and melancholy events, which hare
taken place within the short space of six months, in the beau,
tiful province of Venezuela, are, perhaps, without a parallel,
even in this age of revolutions ; and with regard to the conse-
quences that may follow to the rest of South America, and to
the West Indies, from the present state of things in Venezuela,
makes it perhaps, the most serious and delicate subject, that
ever has been laid before the British government.

It is almost impossible to obtain correct information, from
the official documents, published by any of the contending
parties.

The European Spaniards and their chiefs, view the natives
of the country, as a desperate band of rebels, that must be
subdued by coercive measures, no matter how irreconcilable
those measures may be, to the dictates of humanity, and the
usages of civilized nations. They assert, that any measures of
lenity or persuasion to these people, does not comport with the
dignity of the Spanish monarchy, and, in fact, they have re-
duced this barbarous and impolitic theory to practice, by a se-
ries of horrors scarcely credible, but, unfortunately, well au-
thenticated, not by the often exaggerated statements of the na-
tives, but by the unerring testimony of ocular proof, afforded
to many respectable British subjects and other foreigners, who
visited or dwell in the conntry, for commercial purposes.

xliv

The first and most perfidious act of cruelty and perfidy, (and,
indeed, that which gave birth to all the subsequent horrors)
was the Yiolation by General Monteverde. of the capitulation
he had solemnly entered into, with Miranda. The most im-
portant aFticle in that capitulation, was the immunity promised
to all persons who had borne arms against the Spanish monar.
chy, or who had held civil offices under the revolutionary go-
yernment. Scarcely had Monteverde got fixed in the seat of
authority, at the city of Caracas, when he indicated his inten-
tions to set aside the capitulation, and in a short time, publicly
declared it null and void. He began his dreadful system of
infraction and vengeance, by seizing the person of the most
distinguished Creole in the country. Doctor Roscio.— This indi-
vidual had been secretary of state under Miranda, and had ren-
dered himself conspicuous, by the splendour of his talents, in
favour of his native country. Monteverde ordered him to be
loaded with chains, and conducted to the public square, where
he was put into the stocks, and remained there twenty-four
hours, exposed to the insults and derision of the European
Spaniards ; from thence he was conveyed to a dungeon, unlii
an opportunity offered, to send him and some other victims to
Spain,

This outrage on Dr. Roscio, was the prelude to the tragic
scenes, which immediately followed. Monteverde caused to be
arrested, nearly every Creole of rank throughout the country ;
he then had them chained in pairs, and conducted to the dun-
geons of La Guayra and Puerto Cavello, where many of them
perished in a few weeks, by suffocation and disease. The num-
ber of victims, thus immured in the above two places, was, at
least, fifteen hundred, exclusive of those confined in the inte-
riour of the country, and others fled for safety to an im-
mense distance from the capital. While Monterverde, was
thus openly pursuing this system of perfidy and revenge at the
city of Caracas, his agents were busily employed in the same

xlv

weasures, throughout every village and town over the extensive
country. The catalogue of horrors, committed by the said
agents, is of so long and disgusting a nature, that I forbear to
detail ; suffice it to say, that one of the common methods of
punishing those who had been employed under Miranda, or were
suspected of disaffection to the Spanish government, was to
mutilate their persons, by cutting off their ears or nose.

It could not be expected that such scenes of outrage, would
remain long unresisted by a people, who although they had
been used for ages to habitual oppression, had recently, tasted
the enjoyment of some of their natural rights.

Accordingly, symptoms of revolt against Monteverde, be-
gan to exhibit themseWes in the early part of last year,
throughout various parts of the province, which continued
daily to augment, in consequence of the people knowing that
Simon Bolivar (a distinguished native of Caracas) was at the
head of a considerable force from New Granada, and advan-
cing to their relief.

Prior to the arrival of Bolivar, in the province of Caracas,
Monteverde had suffered a signal defeat, at a place called
Maturin, in the province of Curaana, by a handful of men,
commanded by a young man, named Marino. — Monteverde,
alarmed at this defeat, and hearing of the rapid advances of
Bolivar, thought it prudent to retire from the capital, and shut
himself up in Puerto Cavello, and there wait the arrival of
expected succours from Spain. At his departure from Caracas,
he appointed a certain Colonel Fiero (a native of the Canary
Islands^ governor and captain-general, ad interim; but this
individual, with a baseness and pusillanimity beyond any
example on record, formed the diabolical project, not only of
offering a fictitious capitulation to General Bolivar, but to
precipitately fly from Caracas, and abandon at least fifteen
hundred European Spaniards to the rage of a victorious
armyy and to the indignation of those Creoles, who were about

Xlvi

to emerge from the very dungeons and chains, under which they
had been so long groaning. In order to accomplish this plan,
Fiero sent a deputation to meet Bolivar, composed of the most
respectable European Spaniards in the country, who had direc-
tions to capitulate on the best terras they could with General
Bolivar. The latter, not suspecting any treachery, and confiding
in the personal knowledge he had of the characters of the de-
puties, and desirous of giving a proof of magnanimity, gene-
rously acceded to such terms, as the European Spaniards had
little right to expect from a victorious Creole chief. After the
capitulation was signed by Bolivar and the deputies, the latter
transmitted it to Monteverde for his approbation, but whether
from a previous understanding between him and Fiero, from
obstinacy, or from his fears that the Creoles might follow the
fatal example which he had given of had faith, in the execution
of a former capitulation, be it as it may, Monteverde refused
his approbation of the capitulation, declaring, at the same time,
his determination never to treat on any terms, with the insnr.
gents. Before this answer could be communicated to Bolivar,
and while the unsuspecting deputies had been labouring to pro-
cure an amnesty for themselves, their countrymen and property,
the perfidious Fiero, in union with a body of Catalans, Bis«
cayans, &c. determined on flight from Caracas, with all the
treasure, public and private, they could collect, and accordingly
about the last of July, departed for La Guayra, where on their
arrival, Fiero took the necessary measures to embark himself
and his illustrious companions, and departed for Cura^oa,
leaving behind him as before mentioned, more than fifteen
hundred European Spaniards.

Immediately on the departure of Fiero, the dungeons of La
Guayra were thrown open, and gave back to their country and
relations, those who had survived the horrors of a year's con-
finement. No language can describe the affecting scene that
took pUce, at the meeting between these martyrs to tyranny

and their roBpective families, much kss can be depicted, the en-
thusiastic joy, that was manifasted by all orders ©f society, on
their delirerance from their oppressors. Nearly at the same
time, that is, on the 4th of August, Bolivar entered into the city
of Caracas, in a manner which,likewise, no power of description
can pourtray. During these moments of effervescence, it
might have been expected, that every European Spaniard
would have been sacrificed, but the principle of revenge appear,
ed to have been forgotten, or absorbed in the general feeling of
gratitude and satisfaction, which pervaded all orders of society.
Not a single European Spaniard lost bis life, many of them
walked unmolested in the streets ; but in a short time after-
wards, they were arrested and confined in the prisons of Cara-
cas, to serve as hostages for the security of those natives,
whom Monteverde held as prisoners at Puerto Cavello. One
of the first acts of General Bolivar, was to send a flag of truce,
to Monteverde, offering to give up all the European Spa^
niards (who amounted to at \eAstJifteen hundred in number)
in exchange for the Creole prisoners at Puerto Cavello, who at
that time, or since, were not more than three hundred and fifty
persons. Notwithstanding this disproportion of numbers, and
although Monteverde knew that the life of every European
Spaniard in the cities of Caracas, La Guayra, and other places
might be sacrificed ("as will be seen hereafter was the case) in
consequence of this refusal; still, however, he obstinately
persisted in that refusal, on the simple principle, that he would
not treat with insurgents. The fact, however, was, that Mon-
teverde, was then in daily "expectation of a large force from
Spaiii, and flattered himself, that on its arrival, he could ea-
sily subdue Bolivar. About twelve hundred Spanish troops,
did arrive in August, but they have been repeatedly beaten by
Bolivar, and at this time, nearly all killed or taken prisoners.
Monteverde himself, has since been so severely wounded, that
he was obliged to give up the command to a Colonel

xlviii

Salomon, who eame from Spain with the Spanish troops.
Bolivar has offered to the successor of Monteverde, three
different times, the same generous proposals as were be-
fore offered for the exchange of prisoners, but Salomon,
refining on the obstinacy of his piedecessor, has not only re-
fused the exchange, on any of the ordinary usages of war, but
in violation of a principle held sacred even among savages, he
seized the person whom Bolivar despatched to Puerto Cavello
with a flag of truce, on this humane mission, loaded him with
fetters, and confined him in the fortress at Puerto Gavello; and
what gives the highest aggravation to this outrage, is, that the
individual charged with this mission, is an European Spanish
priest, named Salvador Garcia, remarkable for the urbanity of
his manners, and pure character. He was particularly selected
by Bolivar, for the purpose of giving confit4ence and respect to
the mission. — This infamous act, closed all further communica-
tion between the parties on this subject, except reciprocal me-
naces, in case either sacrificed the lives of the prisoners of the
other. — The war, now began to assume a new and more bloody
aspect. — Bolivar gave no quarter in battle, nor expected any
from his enemies.— Puerto Cavello was besieged by land, by
the troops of Bolivar, and his flotilla strictly blockaded it by
sea. — The armies under the standard of Ferdinand VII., were
every where defeated, and there was every probability, that a
few weeks more, would place the natives in an attitude of
great strength and confidence.— At this juncture (November
and December last) the royal chiefs at Puerto Cavello, and
the Spanish governor oj Guayana deliberately formed the
infernal project^ of raising the slaves of Fejieziiela, against
their owners. ---This desperate plan must have originated
under the barbarous idea, that as Venezuela was lost to Spain^
the latter or her agents, were resolved it should likewise
be lost to the natives of the country .—To accomplish thfi*
scheme, various partizans of the Spanish government, were seat

xlix

into the iuteriour, to excite the slaves to insurrection, and to de-
solate the country. — The most conspicuous of these partizans,
are, Boves, Rosette, Puy, an'd Palomo.— The three first are
European Spaniards, the latter a negro, who has been long
proscribed, as an assassin and robber.

Boves and Rosette, received their supplies of arras, ammu-
nition, and money, from the governor of Guayana.— Puy and
Palomo, received their auxiliaries, from Coro and Puerto Ca-
vello — These desperadoes have regularly corresponded with
the other Spanish chiefs at Coro, Maracaybo, Puerto Gavello,
and Guayana.— Some of this correspondence, has been pub-
lished in the Curacoa Gazette, and among the papers and des-
patches which have fallen into Bolivar's hands, the whole abo-
minable plan is fully developed. It will be in vain, in future, for
any of the Spanish chiefs of the places before mentioned, to say,
that this conduct was unauthorized by them, because, without
their direct aid, it never would have commenced, much less con-
tinued.— Were I to detail all the horrid excesses, committed
by Boves and Rosette on their route from the river Oronoquo,
to the valleys of Caracas, it would be scarcely possible to find
a reader, who would believe such'scenes of slaughter and de-
vastation, credible. — Some idea, however, of the melancholy
facts may be conceived, when I assert, that these monsters, in
traversing a space of more than 400 miles, left no human
being alive of any age or sex, except such as joined their
standard.— Freedom to the slaves, and the pillage of LaGuayra
and Caracas, were the incentives that Boves and Rosette, held
out to these deluded wretches.— Wherever they came to a
plantation, and found any hesitation among the negroes, they
compelled them, by force, to join them.— In this manner, they
iaundated the fertile and highly cultivated valleys of Aragua
and Tuy^ destroying the works, and burning the produce of
the courttry, in every direction.

d

With this overwhelming banditti, Boves and Rosette
reached the vicinage of Caracas, in the beginning of February,
The former took possession of Victoria, about 12 leagues from
Caracas, while Rosette occupied the town of Occumare, only
eight leagues distance.-— It is true, that both have since been
defeated by General Rivas (the Governor of Caracas) and
Bolivar, but they have been dear bought victories to the Creole
troops, because the disproportion of numbers was so great,
that k became necessary for Bolivar and Rivas, to sacrifice, at
least, one-third of their respective forces, in order to gain a
battle.

Boves and Rosette's forces, are entirely composed of ca-
valry, and these of the best horses and mules in the province,
because they had their choice of the immense number of these
animals, which abound in the vast plains laying between Ca-
labozo and Caracas.

Boves and Rosette, have, at least, under their orders seven
or eight thousand men ; of these, not more than fifty persons
are whites or European Spaniards, and about 100 freemea
of colour.— The rest are all slaves, negroes, and samboes.—
They are an athletic, hardy, aud desperate horde, which will,
and must inevitably increase, unless speedily and decisively
checked.

Bolivar, may be able, for a long while, to continue on the
defensive, and from the measures he has recently taken, to
fortify the cities of Caracas and La Guayra, I do not appre-
hend there is any immediate risque, of the white inhabitants
being sacrificed, but as experience has fatally demonstrated
the difficulty of stopping the progress of insurrection
among slaves, even under the most energetjc government, is
Yery great; it will, consequently, be rendered much more so,
under a government like that of Venezuela.

If, however, Bolivar and his associates, find it impossible to
resist this alarming evil, and likewise have to prepare for re*

li

distance to any new force that may be sent from Spain ; they
will then adopt the only and dreadful alternative left them, \iz.
To declare the whole of the slaves of Venezuela free^ and to
enjoy the same rights as the whites, ^If ever Boiivar resort
to this measure, not a negro or coloured person wili remaia
under the banners of Ferdinand Vlf, because, in general,
they are attached to their Creole masters, and under tht-ai,
would consider themselves much more secure in their freedom,
than all the proclamations or offers to «he same effect, from the
Spanish government or its agents. — These are important and
serious facts, which demand the immediate attention of those
who are entrusted with the British military and naval com-
mands, in these seas.— It is not, now, a question of interference,
between the royalists and independents on the Spanish main.—
It is, simply, whether we shall passively look on, and see the
death blow given to every colonial possession in the West
Indies, as nothing can be more palpable, than that if the
revolt of the slaves in Venezuela, becomes general ; it will
take but a few years, to decide the fate of these islands, or
whether a prompt interference, at this moment, will not be
the means^ to arrest this system of destruction to British
interests,

f have no hesitation in saying, that a prompt and decided
interference on the part of His Britannic Majesty's military
and naval chiefs, in these seas, would produce the desired
effect, — I am perfectly aware, that the British government,
has expressly prohibited all interference, that is, the sword is
Dot to be unsheathed in favour of either party, but it is not to
be inferred, that a desire to be neutral, is to supercede the ex-
ercise of good ofl&ces in favour of humanity, or to be extended
so far, as to quietly wait, until the flames of discord and in«
surrection, reach our own doors.

Exclusive of imperious political reasons, for the interference
of the British commanders in chief, there are other grounds which

strongly urge it.— There is, at this momeuf, at least half a
niillion of dollars of British property, at Caracas and La
Guayra, and likewise, a considerable number of British subjects,
who went to that country for commercial purposes, with the
knowledge and consent of the British government. They con-
sequently flatter themselves, with its protection to extricat*
themselves and property, from the perilous state they are at
present in, because there is no doubt in my mind, that if
Boves and Rosette were to succeed in getting into Caracas,
or if a local insurrection takes place among the slaves in the
cities of La Guayra and Caracas, not a single white person,
either Creole or stranger, would escape assassination, and every
farthing of property, of course, would be plundered.

If Venezuela becomes a permanent theatre of insurrection,
and a consequent asylum for the Negroes of these islands, the
£rst and almost immediate effects of such a state of things, will
be experienced at Tobago, Trinidad, Grenada, and every island
in the vicinage of the main. It will be likewise spread, with
electric rapidity, down toCartagena and Porto Bello,converting
this beautiful section of the globe, into a wide scene of devasta-
tion and disorder, in place of its continuing, as it has been (and
may hereafter be much more so) a vast and indefinite market for
British trade, and for the consumption of British manufactures.

Another (and surely not the least) serious motive to urge a
prompt interference, is the voice of suffering humanity.

Among the tragic scenes lately committed at Venezuela,
has been the murder, in cold blood, of several hundred Creoles
by the Spanish chiefs at Porto Cabello, and about 1300 Euro-
pean Spaniards, by order, ('tis said) of Bolivar. It is also
equilly unnecessary, as it is painful to enquire who began this
dreadful system of retaliatory vengeance. Both parties, will of
course, endeavour to extenuate the horror of the deed, but no
arguments or spirit of recrimination, can justify the excesses
they have both committed. It will, however, be^een from the

liii

preceding narralive, that Bolivar exerted hiniself in due seasoa,
to prevent a resort to this unheard of method of reprisal, but I
should be doing him injustice to omit stating, the following im-
portant facts. Some time in January last, Bolivar made ano-
ther effort to obtain the release of some Creole officers, who
"Were prisoners at Puerto Cavtllo, and for this purpose, he sent
an European Spanish officer, whom he had made a prisoner some
time before, with a flag of truce to Puerto Cavello. This
officer, advanced from Bolivar's lines to the out posts of Puerto
Cavello, and although he then entreated to be permitted to pro-
ceed, stating that his own life was at stake on the result of his
mission, still he was ordered to halt, until a few minutes after-
wards, brought the decision of the commander of the royal forces,
at Puerto Cavello (a certain Istiiella^ who it appears had taken
the command, in consequence of Colonel Salomon having de-
camped) which was a refusal to admit the flag of truce, and a
most insulting verbal message to Bolivar.

The next day, presented the melancholy spectacle, of four
Creole officers being brought out on the ramparts of Puerto
Cavello, and there, in the view of Bolivar and his army, they
were shot.

The commander of the Royalists, not satisfied with the
deliberate murder of these four officers, officially communicated
their names, assigning their execution to be a measure of retali-
ation, and which he intended to follow up, by the death of
every Creole in his possession.

About the time that Bolivar received this official commu-
nication, he likewise was informed of the advance of Bovcs and
Rosette, at the head as before observed, of 7 to 8000 negroes,
and committing the excesses previously mentioned.

At this time, there were 13 to 1400 European Spaniards in
the prisons of Caracas and La Guayra.

Bolivar ('tis said) adopted the resolution to sacrifice the
whole of these unfortunate individuals, and sent the necessary

liv

* orders to that effect, to Caracas and La Guayjra. These orders
were carried into such literal and prompt execution, that not
more than 25 or 30 European Spaniards were spared, and these
hold a precarious and miserable existence.

The writer of this, unfortunately with many other foreigners,
had occular proof of the slanghter of more than 800 victims at
La Guayra; they were conducted in pairs from the dungeons,
to a little distance from the gates of the town, and there shot,
after which, their bodies were burnt. Many perished by suffo-
cation, as a few days previous to the execution, we saw 40 to
50 dead bodies taken out of the dungeons each day. Thus has
terminated, for the present, in Velie2xiela, this scene of deliberate
reciprocal revenge, because it is to be presumed, that as few or
n ©prisoners remain now on either side, none will be made in
future, as a war of extermination is reciprocally proclaimed on
both sides — it therefore follows from this statement.

1st. That the violation of the treaty between Monteverde
and Miranda, is the origin of all the present disasters of
Venezuela, and as the Cortes and Regency of Spain, have di-
rectly approved the perfidy of Monteverde, by solemnly making
him captain general of the province, after they knew he had so
shamefully violated the treaty in question ; consequently, it is
never to be expected, that the natives will ever again trust their
lives and property to Spanish faith,

2ndly. As the natives are resolved to adopt any alternative^
no matter however dreadful, rather than submit to Spain, it
becomes the duty and certainly the policy of Great Britain, to
prevent such an alternative taking place, as would involve in
general ruin^ (and at no distant period) the whole of the
West Indies.

Sd. Whether the Negroes are incited to insurrection, under the
banners of Ferdinand VII; or are proclaimed free by Bolivar,
the effects will be equally the same to Spain. To her the pro.
TiQce of Venezuela is lost for ever, and if Spain is desirous to

Iv

retain any of ker remainlag possessions in South America, she
ought to feel grateful to Great Britain, if, by any means what-
ever, she can arrest the destructive flame, before it spread so
far, as to render all future attempts impotent and abortive,

4th, and lastly. The commercial and manufacturing interests
of Great Britain, as well as the interests of the civilized world
in general, are deeply involved in the fate of South America,
and whether it shall become the seat of discord and devastation
«r of tranquillity and prosperity, may depend on the measures,
ad interim, adopted by the British and military chiefs in these
seas, and ultimately pursued by the British ministry.

With the same frankness and impartiality, which 1 have en-
deavoured to keep in view in the foregoing detail, I shall con-
clude, by stating such measures as I can conceive would be
effectual, to check the present alarming state of things in Vene-
zuela, and likewise afford time for such future determination, as
the British cabinet may find necessary to resolve on.

Isf, That a person or persons should be immediately dis-
patched to Caracas, by the British commander in chief, to
enquire into the facts I have stated, and if it should be found,
that my conclusions are correct, as to the alarming nature of
the evils I have suggested, then such persons should be au-
thorised to request, and indeed to require of both parties, a
suspension of hostilities, until the determination of the British
and Spanish governments, should l)e ascertained.

2d. Whether the previous point is refused or acceeded to
by the parties, there should, at all events, be a maritime force
sent to La Guayra, with orders to remove the persons and pro-
perty of the British subjects from the country.

I feel persuaded (and I speak from a personal knowledge of
the character and disposition of all the leading natives of the
country) that on the part of the present goverment of Caracas,
and the people in general, they will cheerfully assent to a suspen-
sion of hostilities, and submit their fate to the ulteriour decision

Ivi

of Great Britain, but at the same time, T am decidedly of opinion,
that if this salutary measure is not adopted, or if Bolivar finds
himself incapable of resisting the slaves already in revolt, he will
adopt the only alternative left him, to declare the whole of the
slaves free, in which case, no force from Europe, much less from
Spain, would ever be able to subjugate Venezuela, and the
adjoining empire of Ntw Grenada, whichiwo provinces, contain
four fflillidns of native inhabitants.

W.D.ROBINSON.
Se, Thomas^ March 18. 1814.

FINIS.

GENERAL INDEX

OF THE

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

^:^ The divisUns of the matler, are marked thus §.

Dedicatory Introduction ...... from Page 1 to U

G rounds on which the first discoveries and settlenaent of

Spanish America was made ........ 14 . \Q

Situation of the Indians bettered . 16 . 18

Natives entitled to a preference of ofBces 18 . 20 ,

Social footing on which the Indians and Negroes were

placed 20 . 22

How Spanish America was incorporated to the crown

of Castile . . : ih. . ib.

Why not to be considered as colonies, but kingdoms

entitled to hold Cortes ib. . 24

Governed by a supreme council, &c 24 . e&.

Relative footing established on primitive compacts . i&. . 26
Departure from these compacts. Present race can in--

sist on their re-establishment 26 . 27

King, the only bond of political union 27 . 23

Spanish Americans no more colonial vassals than the

subjects of Spain 28 . 29

Unjust to consider them colonists, from Spanish proper-
ty being employed in the conquest of the country 29 . 31
Spain alone, blameable, for not improving the resources

of Spanish America - ... 31 . 33

Parallel between the colonies 6f other European powers,

and the ultramarine provinces of Spain .... 33 • 37
Fatal eiFects of the viceroys not obeying the king's orders 37 . 42
Picture of the colonial policy of Spain, &c. Hardships

and privations of the Creoles 42 . 60

Creoles have made some former attempts^! redress . . 60 . 62
Former plans of the British government, and its profes-

sions to Spanish America 6:2 . 70 ^^

Projects of Bupnaparte on Spain. Her debased situation 7 ) . 74
British treaty with Spain. Its errors , 74 • 88 >

Iviii

Origin, causes, and prowiinent features of Ihe first insiir"

rections of Spanish America Page 88 to 99

f Originaled in no want of loyalty ........ 100 . JOT

> Not actuated by views of absolute independence . . . 107 .111

Pr<ived by a parallel with Spain Ill . 114

Specicg of government prescribed by the laws for extra-
ordinary cases 114 .118

"f Features of the first insurrections in Mexico . . . .118 .121

-^ Despondency the principal cause 121 . 1^1

Conduct of Spain in a similar dilemma 127 . 129

Local Juntas in Spanish America, authorized by law and

usage 129 . 139

The object of those established, was reform 132 . 13T

These insurrections not founded on principles of the

French revolution 137 . 138

Spanish chiefs removed in a quiet manner 138 . 139

Cadiz Regency declares war against Caracas. Cause of

the other calamities ........... 139 . 142

Impolicy ofEngland in suffering this decree to be executed 142 . 153

Effects of this decree drive Caracas to independence . .154 .156.
Injustice and impolicy of this war, proved by Spanish

testimony 156 . 161

Unwarrantable conduct of the Cadiz government . .161 . Ibti!
New governments of Spain, no legitimate control over

Spanish America 166 . 174

Charge of ingratitude on the part of Spain, unfounded 174 .178
Spain deprived of her resources, by war with Spanish

America 178 . 183

Conduct of the latter arose from substantial grounds . .182 .193

Regency influenced by Cadiz monopolists 193 .197

Degraded stale of the Spanish government, proved by

Lord Wellesley 197 . 209

British government early notified of the causes ofmoye-

ments in Spanish America • • 209 . 222

Its silence principal cause of all the successive disasters 227 . 238
lUiberality on the part of Spain, and coldness on that of

England, gave rise to the most cruel of all wars . 238 . 349
England made no timely exertions with the Cortes, on

this subject 249 . 257

lix

Neglected to lay it before the Spanish public, and other

means within her reach Page 256 to 262

Irregularity, and consequent illegality of the new Cortes 262 . 268
How the Cortes ought to have addressed Spanish'Araerica 268 . 278
Hedress sought by the American deputies in the Cortes 278 . 282
Nature of eleven propositions laid before the House . 282 . 29j
-Lessons Spain might have learnt from our struggle with

North America 295 . 306

Attempts on the part of England, for free trade to Spa-
nish America. How repelled 306 . 319

Attempts to mediate . . . , 319 . 329

Defects of the new constitution of Spain. It cannot be

lasting 330 . 338

Cortes neglect the best opportunities of redressing and

giving peace to Spanish America 338 . 344

How the Spanish Americans might have addressed Spain

and the Cortes 344 . 34T

Peace being restored to Europe, England called upon to
stop the effusion of blood in Spanish America.
Proved on the grounds of humanity and justice 347 . 354
Horrors committed by the Spanish armies in New Spain 354 . 365
Ilorrors committed in the other sections, particularly

Caracas 365 . 370

Dreadful consequences to the British islands from arming
the Negroes in Caracas. Murder of prisoners on

both sides * . . . 370 . 378

Motives for putting an end to these horrors ; , . . 378 . 385
Wants of Spanish America defined, as a basis of con-
ciliation. This not dishonourable to Spain .. . 385 . 392
Sentiments excited in the Mexicans, by the cruel war
waged against them. Their address to the Spa-
niards, inclosing plans of peace and of war . . 392 . 398

Odium accumulating on the British name 398 . Ao\

Conquest or conciliation, the only means of re-establish-
ing the authority of Spain. Both considered. Any ,
peace effected by Spain herself, must be on the ba-
sis of degradation. England the only arbiter . . 401 . 402
Arguments of policy. Great resources of Spanish America.

Remarki on the failure of trade to Buenos Ayres 422 . 428

Import tra<le and. consumption of goods, in all Spanish

America. IIow it will increase compared with Spain 428 • 43fJ

Exports and coinage of Spanish America^ Susceptible of

great improvements 436 . 440

X^eneral improvements of that co'.mtry, by liberal plans 440 . 447 j

England ought to ask a free trade there, as a remunera-
tion. This proved even advantageous to Spain . 447 . 45T
\>^panisii America a most interestii^ connection to England 457 . 459

Why that country is riot suited for ademocratical govern-
ment. How a permanent government ought to be
established 459 . 472

General conclusions, urging the interference of England,
and representing Lord Wellington, as the most pro-
per person to aid in a measure of pacification . .472 . 480

Document A. Governor Picton's address to the inhabitants of the
Spanish main, containing offers of the British government.
vDitto B. Instructions given by Joseph Napoleon to revolutionize
Spanish America in his own favour

Ditto C. Remonstrance of the Cabildo of Mexico, explaining the
reasons of a change of government.

Ditto D. Regency war and blockade decree against Caracas.

Ditto E. Letter from the Junta of Caracas to the Marquez de las
Horraazas, explaining the defects of the Spanish system of go-
vernment, in America.

Ditto F. Letter from the Junta of Caracas to king George III. ex-
plaining the reasons of a change of government.

Ditto G. Plans of* Peace and War, sent by the insurrectional Junta
of New Spain to the viceroy of Mexico.

Ditto H. Description of the Mitain Peru.

Ditto I. Correspondence between the Governor of Curatjoa, and
General Bolivar of Caracas, respecting Spanish prisoners.

Ditto J. An account of the horrors committing in Caracas, and their
fatal consequences to all the West Indies.

JV.B. It hat been thought better to ask the indulgence of the reader ^
for the Itfpographical errors, originating out of the hurry of publica-
tion, than to burden hCm with an errata list.

Lond on; Prluted by W. GLI^DON, Rupert -btrcet, Hay niaiket.

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