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L I V Y 

PART il 

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New Editiou i^.v- ^^--l. i;*- 




\_ AU rights reserved^ 

J N this Edition, hesides alterations in the Notes, a fieiv is 
taketi of the hattles of Trehia and Thrasynienc differe7it from 
ihat sicpp07ied hy Mr. Lee- Warner /// tJie first editio^i- The 
Maps also are 7ie7v : the two first have heen reduced froin the 
Jtalian Ordnance Siq-vey j the tJm-d is copied, hy the Jdnd 
perniissio?! of the Ai/tJior, fvi/i Mr. Strachan-Davidso7is 
' .'^elections fi-o/n PoIyhiusJ 

E. A. 
May, 1889. 


Foundation of Rome ........ b.c. 753 

Regal Government 753-509 

Tribunes of the Plebs and great Latin League .... 493 

Publilian law of Volero, that tribunes should be elected by tribes . 47 1 

Decemvirate ,.......• 415-447 

Valerian and Horatian laws, ' ut quod tributim plebs iussisset popu- 

lum teneret' 44*5 

Canuleian law on intermarriage ...... 445 

Tribuni militares .......•• 444 

Camillus (paid soldiery) ........ 395 

Battle of the AUia 390 

Licinian rogations . • . . • . . . . 37^ 

First Plebeian Consul . 366 

First Samnite War 343-34° 

Great Latin War 340-338 

Publilian law of Philo 339 

Second Samnite War 327-304 

Third Samnite War 298-290 

War with Pyrrhus and South Italy 280-275 

First Punic War and acquisition of Sicily 264-241 

Second Punic War 218-202 


The Thiid Samnite War ended in the year 290 b. c. and resulted in 
the complete occupation of Samnium by Rome. Tlie continued re- 
sistance of the Samnites has been compared by Arnold to the fortitude 
shown by La Vendee in resisting the Republican Convention during 
the French Revolution. Heroic as it was, the resistance of Samnium 
was at last cnished by the death of G. Pontius and the occupation of 
Venusia as a military colony by 20,000 Romans. The final reduction 
of this part of Italy closes the first period of Roman history. If the 
second decade of Livy's history were still extant, the most interesting 
portion •would be the story of Pyrrhus, the adventurer King of Epirus, 
and of his attempt to rival in the West what Alexander the Great had 
done in the East. The story of the aged Appius Claudius going into 
the senate house, escorted by his sons and sons-in-law, to protest against 
the Romans making peace after the battle of Herakleia, might have read 
like the episode in our own annals when Lord Chatham used his dying 
voice to protest against England's yielding to France and America. 
Appius' harangue was successful : the Romans declined to make peace ; 
the battle of Beneventum was fought in 275 B.c. ; and the Carthaginians 
lived to repent that they had taken part with the Romans instead of with 
the Greeks. Had they thrown their forces into the scale of Pyrrhus' 
fortunes, the battle of Beneventum might have had a different result. 

But the Carthaginians had taken a totally different line of policy. In 
the very heat of the war with Pyrrhus a Carthaginian fleet had appeared 
off the coast of Latium and had offered assistance to the Romang. The 
offer was then refused, but their gratitude remained. The two peoples 
had swom eternal friendship, and in the year 275 b.c. no alliance could 
have seemed more likely to last. In spite of this, two events led quite 
surely to the inevitable conflict between Rome and Carthage. The first 
was the subjugation of Tarentum, after it had been held for four years 
by one of Pyrrhus' generals ; the second was the reduction of Rhegium, 
where some rebellious soldiers of the eighth legion had taken refuge. 
By these acts the Romans trenchcd on tbe- sphere of Carthaginian in- 


fluence in Italy. The whole extent of Italy, from the Macra and the 
Rubicon to Rhegium and Brundusium, was now more or less subject to 
Rome. A career of aggrandizement necessarily modifies the nation 
which enters upon it. The overthrow of the Athenian empire changed 
the habits and character of the Spartans. So the conquest of Italy had 
a lasting effect on the aims and institutions of the Romans. The ten 
years preceding the first Punic War (274-264 b.c.) increased the wealth, 
enlarged the ^aews, and changed the whole purpose of the Roman 
republic. Amold says, 'So passes away what may be called the 
springtime of the Roman people. Wealth and power and dominion 
have brought on the ripened summer, with more of vigour indeed but 
less of freshness. Beginning her career of conquest beyond the limits 
of Italy, Rome was now entering upon her appointed work, and that 
work was undoubtedly fraught with good.' 

The cause of the first conflict with Carthage, though inconsiderable 
enough, shews clearly the aims of the Roman people. Sicily had now 
come within the scope of their ambition. The Mamertines of Messana, 
a horde of adventurers, were being punished by the Carthaginians for 
having attempted at Messana what the Romans had just forbidden 
on their side of the strait at Rhegium. To save their independence, 
they appealed, true to their Italian blood, to the Roman senate. The 
Roman senate however, after long debate, refused to interfere. The 
consuls Appius Claudius Caudex and M. Fuhius Flaccus then brov.ght 
the matter before the people. The assembled tribes overruled the 
authority of the senate. Polybius imagines that the people, oppressed 
by debt, were anxious to enrich themselves with the plunder which the 
fertility of Sicily and the riches of Carthage promised. If so they 
reckoned very falsely. The Carthaginians were masters of the sea. 
Rome had not a single ship of war. The generation which declared 
war was sure to suffer severely. But in all probability the Roman equites 
saw that sooner or later they must cross swords with the ' London of 
antiquity,' and they did not wish Messana to pass out of their own hands 

The Carthaginians were a commercial people, like the Eiiglish ; but, 
unlike the English, they were dead to all feelings of honour in political 
life. Their highest offices went to the highest bidder. Added to this 
they were unwarlike and regarded money as a means of dispensing 
with personal military service. They therefore employed mercenaries ; 
but, as their generals were not also magislrates, they were able, unlike 


the Romans, to keep on the same commander for any number of years. 
It is hardly necessary to follow the slages of the first Punic VVar 
(264-241). At first the Carthaginian fleet carried everything before 
it ; till the Romans buiit a fleet, and their general Regulus was even 
able to carry on a campaign in Africa. At last he was taken and his 
army destroyed; the Romans lost two fleets by storms: and the war 
was again confined to Sicily, Roman patriotism determined to build 
a ihird fleet, and with this fleet was at last established the ascendancy 
of Rome on the sea. The final battle of the Aegates Islands was 
fought, Sicily was given up, and became a Roman province. Caithage 
was obliged to pay an enormous fine and could only bide her time, if 
ever she wished to get her revenge. It was after this that the noble 
family of the Barcidae shewed their indomitable patience while they 
established a Carthagiuian empire in Spain. They had two enemies to 
fear, the peace party in Carthage, and the Romans. Hannibal, how- 
ever, with marvellous judgment gradually kindled the war which he knew 
it was his best policy to bring on. When the Roman ambassadors came 
to complain about Hannibars treatment of Saguntum, they vvere met 
with recriminations about Sardinia. Thus war was declared. Hannibal 
was ready : with the utmost rapidity he led his army from the banks 
of the Ebro to the banks of the Rhone, and from thence, in defiance of 
Scipio, across the Little St. Bernard. It is not within the scope of this 
little volume to trace his march, to picture the distress of his troops, 
or to enlarge upon the sufferings of an advance which rival those of the 
retreat of the French from Russia. 

It is hoped that the omission of the intei-vening portion of history vvill 
not lessen the interest of those beginners in Latln for whom it is specially 
intended. The following extracts from Livy do not profess to give more 
than an account of Hannibars four great victories. The mature mind 
seeks to know the causes and occasions of everything, To youth Ihe 
simplicity of ancient history is one of its greatest charms. Our memories, 
by a process of natural selection, retain or reject respectively the more 
or less striking facts of bygone ages. In reading this second Punic 
VVar our sight is not dazzled by the blaze of light, our memorles are not 
burdened by the mass of names which modern correspondents shower 
around the feats of their contemporaries. The consequence is that 
we lose enormously in copiousness of detail. But we gain equally 
in dramatic effect. Such lessons as we learn from Greece or Rome are 
generally obvious ; the chaiacters vvhich vve read of bave oflen helped 


to siipply our langiiage. The sceptic who would try to prove Car- 
thaginians honest has to compete with a belief which is fossilized in the 
words ' Punic faith.' The readerwho takes up a book labelled Hannibal 
knows that he has to read the story of a man who was influenced by 
one great hate, who waged for some years a successful war against the 
one power which was to save Europe's future, and who seemed to fail 
only in arousing his countrymeu to effbrts worthy of themselves in 
their own interests. Even to this day he sncceeds in attracting the 
sympathies of posterity, though we know that his success would have 
been the worst calamity that could have happened to all that we love 

But it is not only the distance of ages which lends this grand 
enchanting simplicity to the second Punic War ; the forces called into 
play, the stage, the number of characters employed in the drama of 
ancient warfare, have an unity about them which of necessity helps to 
concentrate our interest. If Hannibars great effort had been spread 
over Europe like Napoleon's ; if Rome and Carthage had met as rarely 
single-handed on the same element as France and England ; if, besides 
the one great general, we had had to foUow the fortunes of a Massena 
and a Murat, a Lannes and a Desaix, or to estimate the comparative 
shares which a Moltke and a Bismarck had in bringing on the situation ; 
the stoiy of Hannibal would not be what it is. It might have had 
a difFerent sequel, but Hannibal would not stand out as he does. 

In speaking of the invasion of Italy, the parallel between Napoleon 
and Hannibal is too real to be missed. The general resemblance of 
Napoleon's campaign in Lombardy in 1796 or 1800 to that of Hannibal 
in E. c. 216 is capable of being pressed in many ways. And so the 
great Napoleon himself felt. Over and over again in his proclamations, 
in his despatches, he compares himself to, or contrasts himself with, 
Hannibal. The French soldiers of the first Army of Italy must have 
known the names of the second Punic War. Hannibal won his spurs at 
the siege of Saguntum, Napoleon at the siege of Toulon ; neither of 
them seems to have had patience for much siege work afterwards. The 
army of each was trained in Spain. Each pointed out Italy to his 
troops as the reward of all their labours, the latter specially reminding 
his of Virgirs lines : — 

' Videmus Italiam primus conclamat Achates : 
Italiam laeto socii clamore salutant.' 


Ilie victorious march of Napolcon aftcr Montcnolle, ihc passages of the 
Po at Piacenza and of the Adda at Lodi, rcmind us of ihe advance of 
Ilannibal, while ihc wary and astute policy wilh which they were met 
by Wurmser may sccm to bc a repclition of thc useful caulion displaycd 
by Fabiu-i the Delaycr. 

But here ihe parallel stops. The conditions of the attack wcre quite 
difTcrcnt as far as politics were conccmed. Ilannibal was attacking 
a youthful aristocracy, whose only wcakness was ihat ihey put politics 
above military success, so Ihat they had to be frightened into victory, 
Napoleon was attacking a sct of states so diverse that he himself 
believed that both geograpliy and gcncilogy intended them to be 
always apart. 

But Napoleon could afTord to wait ; Hannibal could not. Napoleon 
led an army of enthusiasts, Hannibal an army of mercenaries. Napoleon 
in his earlier years had at his back a government wbich trosted him; 
Ilannibal knew that if he could not organize an insurrection against 
Rome in Italy itself, he must fail. 

As Arnold has well said, the man who struggles against the natioa 
must eventually fail. As soon as Napoleon represented only himself, 
his work fell to pieces. 

The vcry greatness of the barriers which nature had erected for the 
protection of Italy seems to have in^ited invasion.. Hannibal took the 
AIps by storm. Napoleon the Great turned their fiank. Napoleon the 
Third, with more lasting effect, fiooded Italy with troops both through 
the passes and round by sea. 


L.C. 2l8 — 2l6. 

13.C. 218. 

I. B.fore tbe Fight. 

QuuM utrinque ad ceriamen accensi miliium animi essent, 
Romani ponte Ticinum iungunt, tutandique pontis causa 
castellum insuper imponunt ; Poenus, hostibus opere oc- 
cupatis, Maharbalem cum ala Numidanun, equitibus quin- 
gentis, ad depopulandos sociorum populi Romani agros 5 
mittit ; Gallis parci quam maxime iubet, principumque 
animos ad defectionem sollicitari. Ponte perfecto ira- 
ductus Romanus exercitus in agrum Insubrium quinque 
millia passuum ab Ictumulis consedit. 

2. In Haiinibars Camp, 

Ibi Hannibal castra habebat ; revocatoque propere Ma- 10 
harbale atque equitibus, quum instare certamen cerneret, 
nihil unquam satis dictum praemonitiunque ad cohortandos 
miUtes ratus, vocatis ad contionem certa praemia pronun- 
liat, in quorum spem pugnarent : agrum sese daturum esse 
in Italia, Africa, Hispania, ubi quisque velit, immunem 15 
ipsi, qui accepisset. Uberisque ; qui pecuniam quam agrum 
maluisael, ei se argento satisfacturum; qui sociorum civcs 


Carthaginienses ficri vellent, polcsialeni fi\cturum ; qui 
domos redire mallent, daturum se operam, ne cuius suo- 

20 rum popularium niulatam secum forlunam csse vellent. 
Servis quoque dominos proseculis libertatem proponit, 
binaque pro his mancipia dominis se reddiiurum. Eaque 
ut rata scirent fore, agnum laeva manu, dextera silicem 
retinens, si falleret, lovem ceterosque precatus deos, ita se 

25 mactarent, quemadmodum ipse agnum mactasset, secun- 
dum precalionem caput pecudis saxo elisit. Tum vero 
omnes, velut diis auctoribus in spem suam quisque ac- 
ceplis, id morae, quod nondum pugnarent, ad potienda 
sperata rati, proelium uno animo et voce una poscunt. 

3. /;; the Camp 0/ the Komans. 

3° Apud Romanos haudquaquam tanta alacritas erat, super 
cetera recentibus etiam territos prodigiis; nam et lupus 
intraverat castra laniatisque obviis ipse intactus evaserat, 
et examen apum in arbore praetorio imminente consederat. 
Quibus procuratis, Scipio cum equitatu iaculatoribusque 

3? expeditis profectus ad castra hostium cx propinquo co- 
piasque, quantae et cuius generis essent, speculandas obvius 
fit Hannibali et ipsi cum equitibus ad exploranda circa 
loca progresso. 

4. Ihe Engagement. Fligbt of tbe Romans. 

Neutri alteros primo cernebant; densior deinde incessu 
40 tot hominum equorumque oriens pulvis signum propin- 
quantium hostium fuit. Consistit utrumque agmen, et ad 
proelium sese expediebant. Scipio iaculatores et Gallos 
equites in fronte locat, Romanos sociorumque quod roboris 
fuit, in subsidiis. Hannibal frenatos equites in medium 
45 accipit, cornua Numidis firmaL Vixdum clamore sublato, 
iaculatores fuirerunt inter subsidia ad secundam aciem. 

To/ace p. 

^cipio 3 camp r 
Liry, Pa->^ 11. 

Sccne of the U.ittle? 

Ojcfordu Vni*-ertUy Fress 

3. Ma^o in ambtish? 


Inde equitum certamen erat aliquamdiu anceps; dein, 
quia turbabant equos pedites intermixti, multis labentibus 
ex equis aut desilientibus, ubi suos premi circumventos 
vidissent, iam magna ex parte ad pedes pugna venerat, 50 
donec Numidae, qui in cornibus erant, circumvecti paulum 
ab tergo se ostenderunt. Is pavor perculit Romanos, 
auxitque pavorem consulis vulnus periculumque intercursu 
tum primum pubescentis filii propulsatum. Hic erit iu- 
venis, penes quem perfecti huiusce belli laus est, Africa- 55 
nus ob egregiam victoriam de Hannibale Poenisque appel- 
latus. Fuga tamen effusa iaculatorum maxime fuit, quos 
primos Numidae invaserunt ; alius confertus equitatus con- 
sulem in medium acceptum, non armis modo, sed etiam 
corporibus suis protegens, in castra nusquam trepide neque 60 
effuse cedendo reduxit. Servati consulis decus Caelius ad 
servum natione Ligurem delegat; malim equidem de filio 
verum esse, quod et plures tradidere auctores et fama 

B.c. 218. 

I. The t-wo Consuls unlte. 

Consul alter, compositis Siciliae rebus, decem navibus 65 
oram Italiae legens Ariminum pervenit. Inde cum exer- 
citu suo profectus ad Trebiam flumen coUegae coniungitur. 
lam ambo consules et quicquid Romanarum virium erat, 
Hannibali oppositum, aut illis copiis defendi posse Ro- 
manum imperium aut spem nuUam aliam esse, satis de- 70 
clarabat. Tamen consul alter, equestri proelio uno et 
vulnere suo minutus, trahi rem malebat ; recentis animi 
alter eoque ferocior nullam dilationem patiebatur. 


4 hannibaVs campaign in italy. 

2. Senipromus anxlous to engage. 

Collega cunctante, equitatum suum, mille peditum iacu- 

75 latoribus ferme admixtis, ad defendendum Gallicum agrum 
trans Trebiam mittit. Sparsos et incompositos, ad hoc 
graves praeda plerosque quum inopinato invasissent, in- 
gentem terrorem caedemque ac fugam usque ad castra 
stationesque hostium fecere ; unde multitudine effusa pulsi 

8o rursus subsidio suorum proelium restituere. Varia inde 
pugna sequentes cedentesque quum ad extremum aequas- 
sent certamen, maior tamen hostium caedes, penes Romanos 
fama victoriae fuit. Ceterum nemini omnium maior iustior- 
que quam ipsi consuli videri ; gaudio efferri, qua parte 

85 copiarum alter consul victus foret, ea se vicisse : restitutos 
ac refectos militibus animos, nec quemquam esse praeter 
collegam, qui dilatam dimicationem vellet; eum, animo 
magis quam corpore aegrum, memoria vulneris aciem ac 
tela horrere. Sed non esse cum aegro senescendum. 

90 Quid enim ultra differri aut teri tempus ? quem tertium 
consulem, quem alium exercitum exspectari ? Castra Car- 
thaginiensium in Italia ac prope in conspectu urbis esse. 
Non Siciliam ac Sardiniam, victis ademptas, nec cis Hibe- 
rum Hispaniam peti, sed solo patrio terraque, in qua genili 

95 forent, pelli Romanos. ' Quantum ingemiscant ' inquit 
' patres nostri, circa moenia Carthaginis bellare soliti, si 
videant nos, progeniem suam, duos consuies consularesque 
exercitus, in media Italia paventes intra castra, Poenum, 
quod inter Alpes Appenninumque agri sit, suae dicionis 
loo fecisse ?' 

3. The Amhuscade. 

Erat in medio rivus praealtis utrinque clausus ripis et 
circa obsitus palustribus herbis et, quibus inculta ferme 



vestiuntur, virgultis vepribusque. Quem ubi equites quo- 
que tegendo satis latebrosum locum circumvectus ipse 
oculis perlustravit, *Hic erit locus' Magoni fratri ait, 105 
'quem teneas. Delige centenos viros ex omni pedite 
atque equite, cum quibus ad me vigilia prima venias; 
nunc corpora curare tempus est.' Ita praetorium missum. 
Mox cum delectis Mago aderat. 'Robora virorum cerno' 
inquit Hannibal; ' sed uti numero etiam, non animis modo no 
valeatis, singulis vobis novenos ex turmis manipulisque 
vestri similes eligite. Mago locum monstrabit, quem in- 
sideatis ; hostem caecum ad has belli artes habetis.' Ita 
mille equitibus Magoni, mille peditibus dimissis, Hanni- 
bal prima luce Numidas equites transgressos Trebiam 115 
flumen obequitare iubet hostium portis, iaculandoque in 
stationes elicere ad pugnam hostem, iniecto deinde certa- 
mine, cedendo sensim citra flumen pertrahere. Haec 
mandata Numidis ; ceteris ducibus peditum equitumque 
praeceptum, ut prandere omnes iuberent, armatos deinde 120 
instratisque equis signum exspectare. 

4. Sempronius* Men. 

Sempronius ad tumultum Numidarum primum omnem 
equitatum, ferox ea parte virium, deinde sex millia peditum, 
postremo omnes copias, a destinato iam ante consilio 
avidus certaminis, eduxit. Erat forte brumae tempus et 125 
nivalis dies in locis Alpibus Appenninoque interiectis, 
propinquitate etiam fluminum ac paludum praegelidis. Ad 
hoc raptim eductis hominibus atque equis, non capto ante 
cibo, non ope ulla ad arcendum frigus adhibita, nihil 
caloris inerat, et quicquid aurae fluminis appropinquabant, 130 
afflabat acrior frigoris vis. Ut vero refugientes Numidas 
insequentes aquam ingressi sunt (et erat pectoribus tenus 
aucta nocturno imbri), tum utique egressis rigere omnibus 

6 hannibal's campaign in italy. 

corpora, ut vix armorum tenendorum potentia essent, et 
135 simul lassitudine et, procedente iam die, fame etiam deficere. 

5. HannlbaPs Men. 

Hannibalis interim miles, ignibus ante tentoria factis 
oleoque per manipulos, ut mollirent artus, misso et cibo 
per otium capto, ubi transgressos flumen hostes nuntiatum 
est, alacer animis corporibusque arma capit atque in aciem 
140 procedit. Baliares locat ante signa, levem armaturam, 
octo ferme millia hominum, dein graviorem armis peditem, 
quod virium, quod roboris erat ; in cornibus circumfudit 
decem millia equitum, et ab cornibus in utramque partem 
divisos elephantos statuit. 

6. Ihe Fight. 

145 Consul eff"use sequentes equites, quum ab resistentibus 
subito Numidis incauti exciperentur, signo receptui dato 
revocatos circumdedit peditibus. Duodeviginti millia Ro- 
mana erant, socium nominis Latini viginti, auxilia prae- 
terea Cenomanorum ; ea sola in fide manserat Gallica 

150 gens. lis copiis concursum est. Proelium a Baliaribus 
ortum est ; quibus quum maiore robore legiones obsisterent, 
diducta propere in cornua levis armatura est, quae res 
effecit, ut equitatus Romanus extemplo urgeretur. Nam 
quum vix iam per se resisterent decem miUibus equitum 

155 quattuor millia, et fessi integris plerisque, obruti sunt 
insuper velut nube iaculorum a Baliaribus coniecta. Ad 
hoc elephanti eminentes ab extremis cornibus, equis maxi- 
me non visu modo, sed odore insolito territis, fugam late 
faciebant. Pedestris pugna par animis magis quam viri- 

160 bus erat, quas recentes Poenus, paulo ante curatis cor- 
poribus, in proelium attulerat; contra ieiuna fessaque 
corpora Romanis et rigentia gelu torpebant. Restitissent 
tamen animis, si cum pedite solum foret pugnatum; sed 


et Baliares, pulso equite, iaculabantur in latera, et ele- 
phanti iam in mediam peditum aciem sese tulerant, et 165 
Mago Numidaeque, simul latebras eorum improvida prae- 
terlata acies est, exorti ab tergo ingentem tumultum ac 
terrorem fecere. Tamen in tot circumstantibus malis 
mansit aliquamdiu immota acies, maxime praeter spem 
omnium adversus elephantos. Eos velites ad id ipsum 170 
locati verutis coniectis et avertere et insecuti aversos sub 
caudis, qua maxime molli cute vulnera accipiunt, fodie- 


7. The Flight. 

Trepidantesque et prope iam in suos consternatos e 
media acie in extremam ad sinistrum cornu adversus 175 
Gallos auxiliares agi iussit Hannibal. Ibi extemplo haud 
dubiam fecere fugam novusque additus terror Romanis, 
ut fusa auxilia sua viderunt. Itaque quum iam in orbem 
pugnarent, decem millia ferme hominum, quum alia eva- 
dere nequissent, media Afrorum acie, qua Gallicis auxiliis 180 
firmata erat, cum ingenti caede hostium perrupere, et, 
quum neque in castra reditus esset flumine interclusis, 
neque prae imbri satis decernere possent, qua suis opem 
ferrent, Placentiam recto itinere perrexere. Plures deinde 
in omnes partes eruptiones factae; et qui flumen petiere, 185 
aut gurgitibus absumpti sunt aut inter cunctationem in- 
grediendi ab hostibus oppressi; qui passim per agros 
fuga sparsi erant, vestigia cedentis sequentes agminis 
Placentiam contendere ; aliis timor hostium audaciam in- 
grediendi flumen fecit, transgressique in castra pervenerunt. 190 
Imber nive mixtus et intoleranda vis frigoris et homines 
multos et iumenta et elephantos prope omnes absumpsit. 
Finis insequendi hostis Poenis flumen Trebia fuit, et ita 
torpentes gelu in castra rediere, ut vix laetitiam victoriae 
sentirent. '95 



B.C. 217. 

I. The gods ivarn Flamintus in vain. 

Flaminius, qui ne quieto quidem hoste ipse quieturus 
erat, tum vero, postquam res sociorum ante oculos prope 
suos ferri agique vidit, suum id dedecus ratus, per mediam 
iam Italiam vagari Poenum atque obsistente nullo ad ipsa 

200 Romana moenia ire oppugnanda, ceteris omnibus in con- 
silio salutaria magis quam speciosa suadentibus, collegam 
exspectandum, ut coniunctis exercitibus, communi animo 
consilioque rem gererent, interim equitatu auxiliisque le- 
vium armorum ab effusa praedandi licentia hostem cohi- 

205 bendum, iratus se ex consilio proripuit, signumque simul 
itineris pugnaeque quum proposuisset, ' Immo Arretii ante 
moenia sedeamus' inquit; 'hic enim patria et penates 
sunt. Hannibal emissus e manibus perpopuletur Italiam 
vastandoque et urendo omnia ad Romana moenia per- 

2ioveniat, nec ante nos hinc moverimus, quam, sicut olim 
Camillum ab Veiis, C. Flaminium ab Arretio patres acci- 
verint.' Haec simul increpans quum ocius signa convelli 
iuberet et ipse in equum insiluisset, equus repente corruit 
consulemque lapsum super caput effudit. Territis omni- 

215 bus, qui circa erant, velut foedo omine incipiendae rei, 
insuper nuntiatur, signum omni vi moliente signifero con- 
velli nequire. Conversus ad nuntium 'Num litteras quoque' 
inquit ' ab senatu affers, quae me rem gerere vetent ? 
Abi, nuntia, effodiant signum, si ad convellendum manus 

220 prae metu obtorpuerunt.' 


2. Ihe Defile. 
Hannibal, quod agri est inter Cortonam urbem Tra- 
sumennumque lacum, omni clade belli pervastat, quo magis 
iram hosti ad vindicandas sociorum iniurias acuat; et iam 
pervenerant ad loca nata insidiis, ubi maxime montes 
Cortonenses Trasumennus subit. Via tantum interest 225 
perangusta, velut ad id ipsum de industria relicto spatio ; 
deinde paulo latior patescit campus; inde colles insurgunt. 
Ibi castra in aperto locat, ubi ipse cum Afris modo 
Hispanisque consideret ; Baliares ceteramque levem ar- 
maturam post montes circumducit; equites ad ipsas fauces 230 
saltus, tumulis apte tegentibus, locat, ut, ubi intrassent 
Romani, obiecto equitatu clausa omnia lacu ac montibus 

3. The Surprise. 

Flaminius quum pridie solis occasu ad lacum pervenisset, 
inexplorato postero die vixdum satis certa luce angustiis 235 
'superatis, postquam in patentiorem campum pandi agmen 
coepit, id tantimi hostium, quod ex adverso erat, con- 
spexit; ab tergo ac super caput decepere insidiae. 
Poenus ubi, id quod petierat, clausum lacu ac montibus 
et circumfusum suis copiis habuit hostem, signum omni- 240 
bus dat simul invadendi. Qui ubi, qua cuique proximum 
fuit, decucurrerunt, eo magis Romanis subita atque im- 
provisa res fuit, quod orta ex lacu nebula campo quam 
montibus densior sederat, agminaque hostium ex pluribus 
collibus ipsa inter se satis conspecta eoque magis pariter 245 
decucurrerant. Romanus clamore prius undique orto, quam 
satis cerneret, se circumventum esse sensit, et ante in 
frontem lateraque pugnari coeptum est, quam satis in- 
strueretur acies aut expediri arma stringique gladii possent. 

lo hannibaVs campaign in italy. 

4. The gods help those ivho help ihemselvej, 

250 Consul, perculsis omnibus, ipse satis, ut in re trepida, 
impavidus turbatos ordines, vertente se quoque ad dissonos 
clamores, instruit, ut tempus locusque patitur, et quacunque 
adire audirique potest, adhortatur ac stare ac pugnare 
iubet : nec enim inde votis aut imploratione deum, sed vi 

255 ac virtute evadendum esse ; per medias acies ferro viam 
fieri et, quo timoris minus sit, eo minus ferme periculi 
esse. Ceterum prae strepitu ac tumultu nec consilium 
nec imperium accipi poterat, tantumque aberat, ut sua 
signa atque ordines et locum noscerent, ut vix ad arma 

260 capienda aptandaque pugnae competeret animus, opprime- 
renturque quidam onerati magis his quam tecti. Et erat 
in tanta caligine maior usus aurium quam oculorum. 

5. Every man a Captain. 

Ad gemitus vulnerum ictusque corporum aut armorum 
et mixtos strepentium paventiumque clamores circumfere- 

265 bant ora oculosque. AHi fugientes pugnantium globo 
illati haerebant ; alios redeuntes in pugnam avertebat fu- 
gientium agmen. Deinde, ubi in omnes partes nequic- 
quam impetus capti, et ab lateribus montes ac lacus, a 
frontje et ab tergo hostium acies claudebat, apparuitque, 

«70 nullam nisi in dextera ferroque salutis spem esse, tum 
sibi quisque dux adhortatorque factus ad rem gerendam, 
et nova de integro exorta pugna est, non illa ordinata 
per principes hastatosque ac triarios, nec ut pro signis 
antesignani, post signa alia pugnaret acies, nec ut in sua 

275 legione miles aut cohorte aut manipulo esset; fors con- 
globabat et animus suus cuique ante aut post pugnandi 
ordinem dabat, tantusque fuit ardor animorum, adeo 
intentus pugnae animus, ut eum motum terrae, qui mul- 


tarum urbium Italiae magnas partes prostravit avertitque 
cursu rapidos amnes, mare fluminibus invexit, montes 280 
lapsu ingenti proruit, nemo pugnantium senserit. 

6. The Constil sacrificed to the ghosts of the Gauls. 

Tres ferme horas pugnatum est et ubique atrociter ; 
circa consulem tamen acrior infestiorque pugna est. Eum 
et robora virorum sequebantur, et ipse, quacunque in 
parte premi ac laborare senserat suos, impigre ferebat 2S5 
opem, insignemque armis et hostes summa vi petebant 
et tuebantur cives, donec Insuber eques (Ducario nomen 
erat) facie quoque noscitans consulem, ' En' inquit ' hic 
est' popularibus suis, 'qui legiones nostras cecidit agros- 
que et urbem est depopulatus ; iam ego hanc victimam 290 
manibus peremptorum foede civium dabo.' Subditisque 
calcaribus equo per confertissimam hostium turbam im- 
petum facit, obtruncatoque prius armigero, qui se infesto 
venienti obviam obiecerat, consulem lancea transfixit; spo- 
liare cupientem triarii obiectis scutis arcuere. 295 

7. The FUght through the Mist. 

Magnae partis fuga inde primum coepit; et iam nec 
lacus nec montes pavori obstabant ; per omnia arta prae- 
ruptaque velut caeci evadunt, armaque et viri super alium 
alii praecipitantur. Pars magna, ubi locus fugae deest, 
per prima vada paludis in aquam progressi, quoad capiti- 300 
bus humeris^//^ exstare possunt, sese immergunt ; fuere, 
quos inconsuitus pavor nando etiam capessere fugam 
impulerit; quae ubi immensa ac sine spe erat, aut de- 
ficientibus animis hauriebantur gurgitibus aut nequicquam 
fessi vada retro aegerrime repetebant, atque ibi ab ingres- 305 
sis aquam hostium equitibus passim trucidabantur. Sex 
millia ferme primi agminis, per adversos hostes eruptione 

12 haknibal's campaign in italy. 

impigre facta, ignari omnium, quae post se agerentur, ex 
saltu evasere, et quum in tumulo quodam constitissent^ 

310 clamorem modo ac sonum armorum audientes, quae for- 
tuna pugnae esset, neque scire nec perspicere prae caligine 
poterant. Inclinata denique re, quum incalescente sole 
dispulsa nebula aperuisset diem, tum liquida iam luce 
montes campique perditas res stratamque ostendere foede 

315 Romanam aciem. Itaque ne in conspectos procul im- 
mitteretur eques, sublatis raptim signis, quam citatissimo 
poterant agmine, sese abripuerunt. Postero die, quum 
super cetera extrema fames etiam instaret, fidem dante 
Maharbale, qui cum omnibus equestribus copiis nocte 

320 consecutus erat, si arma tradidissent, abire cum singulis 
vestimentis passurum, sese dediderunt ; quae Punica re- 
ligione servata fides ab Hannibale est, atque in vincula 
omnes coniecit. 


B.C. 216. 

I. Whicb to imttate, Flaminius or Fabius? 

Consules, satis exploratis itineribus, sequentes Poenum, 

3'5 ut ventum ad Cannas est et in conspectu Poenum habe- 

bant, bina castra communiunt, eodem ferme intervallo, quo 

ad Gereonium, sicut ante, copiis divisis. Aufidus amnis, 

utrisque castris affluens, aditum aquatoribus ex sua cuius- 

que opportunitate haud sine certamine dabat; ex minoribus 

330 tamen castris, quae posita trans Aufidum erant, liberius 

aquabantur Romani, quia ripa ulterior nullum habebat 

hostium praesidium. Hannibal spem nanctus, locis natis 

ad equestrem pugnam, qua parte virium invictus erat, 

facturos copiam pugnandi consules, dirigit aciem lacessit- 

335 que Numidarum procursatione hostes. Inde rursus sol- 


Hcitari seditione militari ac discordia consulum Romana 
castra, quum Paulus Semproniique et Flaminii temeritatem 
Varroni, Varro speciosum timidis ac segnibus ducibus 
exemplum Fabium obiiceret, testareturque deos homines- 
que hic, nuUam penes se culpam esse, quod Hannibal iam 340 
velut usu cepisset Italiam ; se constrictum a coUega teneri ; 
ferrum atque arma iratis et pugnare cupientibus adimi 
militibus ; ille, si quid proiectis ac proditis ad inconsultam 
atque improvidam pugnam legionibus accideret, se omnis 
culpae exsortem, omnis eventus participem fore diceret ; 34: 
videret, ut, quibus hngua tam prompta ac temeraria, aeque 
in pugna vigerent manus. 

2. Farro gii-es the sign for Battle. 

Dum altercationibus magis quam consiliis tempus teritur, 
Hannibal ex acie, quam ad multum diei tenuerat instruc- 
tam, quum in castra ceteras reciperet copias, Numidas ad 35° 
invadendos ex minoribus castris Romanorum aquatores 
trans flumen mittit. Quam inconditam turbam quum vix- 
dum in ripam egressi clamore ac tumultu fugassent, m 
stationem quoque pro vallo locatam atque ipsas prope 
portas evecti sunt. Id vero indignum visum, ab tumul- 355 
tuario auxiho iam etiam castra Romana terreri, ut ea modo 
una causa, ne extemplo transirent flumen dirigerentque 
aciem, tenuerit Romanos, quod summa imperii eo die 
penes Paulum fuerit. Itaque postero die Varro, cui sors 
eius diei imperii erat, nihil consulto collega signimi pro- 360 
posuit instructasque copias flumen traduxit, sequente Paulo, 
quia magis non probare quam non adiuvare consiUum 

3. The Order of Battle. 

Transgressi flumen eas quoque, quas in castris minoribus 
habuerant, copias suis adiungunt atque ita instruunt aciem: 365 

14 hannidal's campaign in italv. 

in dextro cornu (id erat flumini propius) Romanos equites 
locant, deinde pedites ; laevum cornu extremi equites so- 
ciorum, intra pedites, ad medium iuncti legionibus Romanis, 
tenuerunt; iaculatores cum ceteris levium armorum auxiliis 

370 prima acies facta. Consules cornua tenuerunt, Terentius 
laevum, Aemilius dextrum ; Gemino Servilio media pugna 
tuenda data. Hannibal luce prima, Baliaribus levique alia 
armatura praemissa, transgressus flumen, ut quosque tra- 
duxerat, ita in acie locabat, Gallos Hispanosque equites 

375 prope ripam laevo in cornu adversus Romanum equita- 
tum ; dextrum cornu Numidis equitibus datum, media acie 
peditibus firmata, ita ut Afrorum utraque cornua essent, 
interponerentur his medii Galli atque Hispani. Afros 
Romanam magna ex parte crederes aciem; ita armati 

380 erant armis et ad Trebiam, ceterum magna ex parte ad 
Trasumennum captis. Gallis Hispanisque scuta eiusdem 
formae fere erant, dispares ac dissimiles gladii, Gallis 
praelongi ac sine mucronibus, Hispano, punctim magis 
quam caesim assueto petere hostem, brevitate habiles et 

385 cum mucronibus. Ante alios habitus gentium harum quum 
magnitudine corporum, tum specie terribilis erat : Galli 
super umbilicum erant nudi; Hispani linteis praetextis 
purpura tunicis, candore miro fulgentibus, constiterant. 
Numerus omnium peditum, qui tum steterunt in acie, 

390 millium fuit quadraginta, decem equitum. Duces corni- 
bus praeerant, sinistro Hasdrubal, dextro Maharbal; me- 
diam aciem Hannibal ipse cum fratre Magone tenuit. 
Sol seu de industria ita locatis, seu quod forte ita stetere, 
peropportune utrique parti obliquus erat, Romanis in 

395 meridiem, Poenis in septentrionem versis ; ventus (Vultur- 
num regionis incolae vocant) adversus Romanis coortus 
multo pulvere in ipsa ora volvendo prospectum ademit. 


4, Tbe Romans victorious over the Eitropeans. 

Clamore sublato, procursum ab auxiliis et pugna levibus 
primum armis commissa; deinde equitum Gallorum 
Hispanorumque laevum cornu cum dextro Romano con- 400 
currit, minime equestris more pugnae; frontibus enim 
adversis concurrendum erat, quia, nullo circa ad evagandum 
relicto spatio, hinc amnis, hinc peditum acies claudebant, 
in directum utrinque nitentes. Stantibus ac confertis 
postremo turba equis, vir virum amplexus detrahebat 405 
equo. Pedestre magna iam ex parte certamen factum 
erat; acrius tamen quam diutius pugnatum est, pulsique 
Romani equites terga vertunt. Sub equestris finem cer- 
taminis coorta est peditum pugna, primo et viribus et 
animis par, dum constabant ordines Gallis Hispanisque; 410 
tandem Romani, diu ac saepe connisi, obhqua fronte 
acieque densa impulere hostium cuneum nimis tenuem 
eoque parum vahdum, a cetera prominentem acie. Impulsis 
^deinde ac trepide referentibus pedem institere, ac tenore 
uno per praeceps pavore fugientium agmen in mediam 415 
primum aciem illati, postremo nuho resistente ad subsidia 
Afrorum pervenerunt, qui utrinque reductis ahs constite- 
rant, media, qua Gahi Hispanique steterant, ahquantum 
prominente acie. Qui cuneus ut pulsus aequavit frontem 
primum, dein cedendo etiam sinum in medio dedit, Afri 420 
circa iam cornua fecerant, irruentibusque incaute in medium 
Romanis circumdedere alas ; mox cornua extendendo 
clausere et ab tergo hostes. Hinc Romani, defuncti 
nequicquam proeho uno, omissis Gahis Hispanisque, 
quorum terga ceciderant, adversus Afros pugnam ineunt, 425 
non tantum eo iniquam, quod inclusi adversus circumfusos, 
sed etiam quod fessi cum recentibus ac vegetis pugnabant. 


5. 'J/r Africans 'victorious o^ver the Romans, 

lam et sinistro cornu Romano, ubi sociorum equites 
adversus Numidas steterant, consertum proelium erat, segne 

430 primo et a Punica coeptum fraude. Quingenti ferme 
Numidae, praeter solita arma telaque gladios occultos 
sub loricis habentes, specie transfugarum quum ab suis, 
parmas post terga habentes, adequitassent, repente ex 
equis desiliunt, parmisque et iaculis ante pedes hostium 

435 proiectis, in mediam aciem accepti ductique ad ultimos 
considere ab tergo iubentur. Ac dum proelium ab omni 
parte conseritur, quieti manserunt; postquam omniura 
animos oculosque occupaverat certamen, tum arreptis 
scutis, quae passim inter acervos caesorum corporum strata 

440 erant, aversam adoriuntur Romanam aciem, tergaque feri- 
entes ac poplites caedentes stragem ingentem ac maiorem 
aliquanto pavorem ac tumultum fecerunt. Quum alibi terror 
ac fuga, alibi pertinax in mala iam spe proelium esset, Has- 
drubal, qui ea parte praeerat, subductos ex media acie 

445 Numidas, quia segnis eorum cum adversis pugna erat, ad 
persequendos passim fugientes mittit, Hispanos et Gallos 
equites Afris prope iam fessis caede magis quam pugna 

6. ' Prodigus aniniae Pauhs^ 

Parte altera pugnae Paulus, quanquam primo statim 
450 proelio funda graviter ictus fuerat, tamen et occurrit saepe 
cum confertis Hannibali et aliquot locis proelium restituit, 
protegentibus eum equitibus Romanis, omissis postremo 
equis, quia consulem et ad regendum equum vires deficie- 
bant. Tum renuntianti cuidam, iussisse consulem ad pedes 
456 descendere equites, dixisse Hannibalem ferunt: * Quam 
mallem, vinctos mihi traderet.' Equitum pedestre proelium, 


quale iam haud dubia hostium victoria, fuit, quum victi 
mori in vestigio mallent quam fugere, victores morantibus 
victoriam irati trucidarent, quos pellere non poterant, 
Pepulerunt tamen iam paucos superantes et labore ac 460 
vuhieribus fessos. Inde dissipati omnes sunt, equosque 
ad fugam, qui poterant, repetebant. Cn. Lentulus tribunus 
militum quum praetervehens equo sedentem in saxo cruore 
oppletum consulem vidisset, 'L. Aemili' inquit, ' quem unum 
insontem culpae cladis hodiernae dei respicere debent, cape 465 
hunc equum, dum et tibi virium aliquid superest et comes ego 
te tollere possum ac protegere. Ne funestam hanc pugnam 
morte consulis feceris; etiam sine hoc lacrimarum satis 
luctusque est.' Ad ea consul: ' Tu quidem, Cn. Corneli, 
macte virtute esto; sed cave, frustra miserando exiguum 47° 
tempus e manibus hostium evadendi absumas. Abi, nuntia 
publice patribus, urbem Romanam muniant ac, priusquam 
hostis victor advenit, praesidiis firment ; privatim Q. Fabio, 
L. Aemilium praeceptorum eius memorem et vixisse adhuc 
et mori. Me in hac strage militum meorum patere ex- "^^^ 
spirare, ne aut reus iterum e consulatu sim aut accusator 
collegae exsistam, ut alieno crimine innocentiam meam 

7. Farro reserves himselj- 

Haec eos agentes prius turba fugientium civium, deinde 
hostes oppressere; consulem ignorantes, quis esset, obrue- 480 
runt telis, Lentulum inter tumultum abripuit equus. Tum 
undique effuse fugiunt. Septem millia hominum in minora 
castra, decem in maiora, duo ferme in vicum ipsum Cannas 
perfugerunt, qui extemplo a Carthalone atque equitibus, 
nuUo munimento tegente vicum, circumventi sunt. Consul 485 
alter seu forte seu consilio, nulli fugientium insertus agmini, 



cum quinquaginta fere equitibus Venusiam perfugit. Quad- 
raginta quinque millia quingenti pedites, duo millia septin- 
genti equites, et tanta prope civium sociorumque pars, 

490 caesi dicuntur; in his arabo consulum quaestores, L. 
Atilius et L. Furius Bibaculus, et undetriginta tribuni 
militum, consulares quidam praetoriique et aedilicii (inter 
eos Cn. Servilium Geminum et M. Minucium numerant, 
qui magister equitum priore anno, aliquot annis ante 

495 consul fuerat), octoginta praeterea aut senatores aut qui 
eos magistratus gessissent, unde in senatum legi deberent, 
quum sua voluntate milites in legionibus facti essent. 
Capta eo proelio tria millia peditum et equites mille et 
quingenti dicuntur. 


B.C. 218-216. 


At last the Romans and Carthaginians are in sight of one another. 
P. Comelius Scipio, the son of Lxicius Scipio, and grandson of L. Scipio 
Barbatus, whose services in the Samnite War are recorded on the famous 
sarcophagus, after letting Hannibal slip through the Pyrenees, had also 
allowed him to cross the Rhone. He had then sent on his consular 
army under command of his brother Gn. Scipio to Spain, and had re- 
tumed himself to Pisa to take command of the forces in the North of 
Italy under the two praetors Manlius and Atilius. Meanwhile Hannibal, 
after crossing the Alps, had descended into the plains of Lombardy, and 
was advancing through the territory of the Insubrians, in the direction of 
Placentia. Scipio, on arriving in Northern Italy, crossed the Po at 
Placentia, ' and was ascending the left (or northem) bank of the river in 
order to prevent a general rising of the Gauls by his presence, Hanni- 
bal, for the opposite reason, was equally anxious to meet him, being 
well aware that the Gauls were only restrained from revolting to the 
Carthaginians by fear, and that on his first success in the field they would 
hasten to join him.' — Arnold, History of Rome, vol. iii. pp. 92-93. 

• On the first news of Hannibars arrival in Italy, the senate had sent 
orders to the other consul, Ti. Sempronius, to retum immediately (from 
Sicily) to reinforce his colleague. He accordingly left part of his fleet 
with the praetor in Sicily, and part he committed to Sex. Pomponius, 
his lieutenant, for the protection of the coasts of Lucania and Cam- 
pania ; while, from a dread of the dangers and delays of the winter 
navigation of the Adriatic, his army was to march from Lilybaeum to 

C 2 


Messana, and after crossing the strait to go by land through the whole 
length of Italy, the soldiers being bound by oath to appear on a certain 
day at Ariminum'— a march which they accomplished in forty days. — 
Amold, l.c. p. 94. 

Polybius (iii. 65) gives the following account of the battle of Ticlnus. 
' On the next day (after Scipio had crossed the Ticinus) both armies were 
marching along the river (the Padus), on the bank which is nearest the 
Alps (i.e. the northern bank), the Romans with the stream on their left 
(i.e. marching west), the Carthaginians with the stream on their right (i. e. 
marching east). On the next day, discovering from their foragers that they 
were near each other, they went into camp on the spot and there remained. 
On the morrow each side called out all the horse — and Scipio in addi- 
tion the javelin men of his infantry — and advanced through the plain, 
each anxious to spy out the forces of the other. As soon as they 
approached each other, and saw the dust rising, they at once drew out 
for battle. Scipio put his javelin men in front, and the Gaulish cavalry 
who were with them ; the rest of his force he ranged in line ; and in 
this order advanced slowly forward. Hannibal drew up his bridled 
horse and heavy cavalry opposite the enemy and advanced against him, 
while he aixanged the Numidian horse on either wing in order to sur- 
round the Romans. As both the generals and the cavalry on each side 
were eager for battle, the first shock was so severe that the javelin men 
had hardly thrown their first weapons ere they retired and fled into 
cover of their own horse, through the insterslices between the troops, 
scared at the onset, and afraid lest they should be trampled down by 
the charging cavalry. But the cavalry in the front who had met in the 
charge fought an equal battle for a long time. And the conflict was at 
once an engagement on horse and on foot, owing to the great number of 
men who dismounted in the course of the struggle. But when the Numi- 
dians carae round and charged the Romans in the rear, the javelin men 
who had at first escaped the shock of the horse, were trampled down by 
the multitude of the charging Numidians. Those who had fought from the 
first in the front with the Carthaginians, after losing many of their own 
men, and slaying yet more of the Carthaginians, when the Numidians 
set upon them in the rear, were put to flight ; some left the field as they 
could, others in a compact body round their general.' 

Comparing this with our text, we see that the Roman historian has 
spoiled the simple and intelligible narrative of Polybius, (i) by speaking 
of the charge of Maharbal ; (2) by the speech of Hannibal on the retum 
of Maharbal ; (3) by the mention of the prodigies of the Roman camp. 
On the other hand, Polybius does not mention the fact that Scipio was 


wounded, though he speaks of the wound in a subsequent chapter, and 
tells us in a later book (x. c. 3) that Scipio Africanus saved his father. 


The order of the Battle was as follows :— 


Second iine. 

Romani (equites) sociorumque quod roboris fuit. 

First line. 

Jaculatores (on foot) et Galli equites. 

..X X 

Numidians. Frenati equites (heavy cavalry). Numidians. 

The following movements took place : — 

(1) The jaculatores having discharged their weapons at once retired 
to gain the shelter of the cavalry. 

(2) The two opposing lines of heavy horse, Roman and Carthagi- 
nian (for the Romans now formed but one line), fought an equal battle 
for some time ; a great many of the riders dismounting and fighting on 

(3) The Numidians on Hannibars wings close round and take the 
Roman cavalry in the rear. 

(4) The jaculatores (who are now in the rear) are first trampled 
down; the Roman horse are put to flight : but a considerable body 
retreat in good order to the camp, protecting Scipio, who is wounded. 

Line I. utrinque, 'on either side respectively.' ' Uterque ' means 
'each,' not 'both.' 'Ambo' regards the two as two halves of one 
whole, whereas ' uterque ' always regards them as two separate unities. 
Hence ' uterque ' may have either a singular or plural verb, but ' ambo ' 
always takes the plural. 

1. 2. Ticinum. The Ticino, one of the northern tributaries of thePo, 
runs through Lake Maggiore. The engagement must have taken place 
in the plain between the Sesia and the Ticino, not far from Vercelli. 

iunffunt, ' span.' Cp. Statius, ' fossas saltu iungere,' ' to leap over 
the ditches.' 

1. 3. insuper imponunt, ' erect a fort thereupon besides.' 

occupatis, 'engrossed in the work.' Cicero uses ' occupatus ' 
absoUuely in opposition to 'otiosus.' 


1. 4. Maliarbalem. Arnold calls Maharbal the best cavalry officer of 
the best cavalry service in the world. It was he who after the battle of 
Cannae urged Hannibal to march on Rome, and when Hannibal refused, 
Maharbal made the famous remark, ' Vincere scis, victoria uti nescis.' 
Livy, 21. 12. -On the present occasion he seems to have been making 
a reconnaissance in force, with the double object of concealing his gene- 
raFs advance and of making friends among the Gauls. Scipio, how- 
ever, by his advance, compels Hannibal to withdraw Maharbal at 

ala (Cic. Orat. c. 45. § 153) for ' axilla.' So 'bruma' for 
' brevima ' (the shortest day), ' carcer ' from ' coarceo,' ' imus ' for 
* infimus,' ' mala ' for ' maxilla,' ' paullus ' for ' pauxillus,' ' velum ' for 
'vexillum,' and many others, infr. II, 13. 33. These clipt forms are 
emphatically the langnage of practical and busy men, who hurry through 
their talking. The ' ala' was generally 500, sometimes 1000, strong. 

1. 5. depopulandos. N.B, The gerundive attraction is almost in- 
variable after a preposition, and quite invariable after the accusative 
with a preposition. Thus, such an expression as 'in laudando victorem,' 
must be avoided, and ' ad placandum deos ' is impossible. In English 
the seeming participle present is really a corruption of the Anglo-Saxon 
infinitive. In Latin the idea of the verb becomes so closely limited to thp 
object mentioned, that a combination is effected by making the object 
take the case of the gerund and the gerund the gender and number of 
the object. Thus, 'equites tegendo' would become ' equitibus tegendis,' 
unless the writer wished to keep the two ideas somewhat apart. ' This 
is a good place for a horse-show,' would be undoubtedly 'aptus est 
locus equis monstrandis,' but ' this is a good place for showing off a 
gladiator ' might be, ' gladiatorem monstrando.' 

1. 7, ponte perfecto. In translation break up the participial style of 
Livy, 'The bridge was nov/ finished ; the army was led across into the 
territoiy of the Insubres, and encamped five miles from Ictumulae,' &c. 
See Potts' ' Hints,' p. 68. 

1, 10. revocato, not ' revocatis.' The order was given to Maharbal, 
' Sent speedily for Maharbal back again, and the horsemen.' 

1. II. instare, ' since he saw that a battle was imminent.' 

1.13. contionem. ' Contio ' = ' conventio,' shortened form of ' coven- 
tio,' as ' nundinae ' of ' novemdinae,' ' nuntius ' possibly of ' noviventius.' 
As we say ' Covent Garden,' for ' convent,' ' Coblentz ' for ' confluentes,' 
so here the 'n' drops out before ' v.' Translate, ' He called them 
together to an audience, where he promised openly to them definite 
rewards, in the hope of which they might figlit.' 


in, with accusative, represents the aim, the object of effort, ' towards 
the hope.' In English we say * in hope.' 

1. 14. esse. Note the omission of the yerb on which this depends. 
We must supply ' saying.' 

1. 15, veUt, for 'vellet.' The leading verb is ' pronuntiat.' In oratio 
obliqua the historic present may be treated as an actual present or 
as a past. Sometimes, as here, both constructions are intermixed. 
Compare Caesar, B. G. i. 7, ' Helvetii legatos mittunt, qui dicerent sibi 
in animo esse iter facere ; rogare ut liceat.' This is, however, not to 
be imitated. 

immunem, 'as a freehold, without serv-ice, for himself and for his 
heirs for ever.' 

1. 16. ipse, unlike 'idem,' which is equally derived from 'is,' is 
declined in the second syllable. The ' -pse' is originally an mdeclinable 
affix, like -woTe, assimilated from ' -pte ' (' ispte '). 

1. 17. maluisset, 'if any one chose to have money rather than land, 
him he would satisfy with coin.' Note how entirely 'pecunia' has 
here lost its original meaning of ' property in stock.' For the form 
' maluisset' compare note on ' ala,' line 4. The Roman rapidity of pro- 
nunciation is applied to compound as well as simple words. Thus 
' non volo ' becomes ' nolo,' ' scire licet ' is made into ' scilicet.' 

sociorum, ' such of the allies as might wish to become citizens of 
Carthage, he would give them the opportunity.' So ' facio mei potesta- 
tem," means, ' I allow others to have access to me.' Hannibal here is 
taking upon himself what no Roman general in those days would have 
dared to promise. But the citizen of Carthage had a very slight amount 
of practical influence. He had a right to vote or rather to sell his vote 
in the elections to the Gerusia, or twenty-eight elders ; he could vote 
' aye ' on questions which the Gerusia had decided ; bnt the idea of free 
' comitia ' was unknown. 

1. 21. qnoque, ' further, to the slaves who had attended their masters 
he cffers freedom, and promises, in lieu of every slave so liberated, to 
give the master two slaves from the captives taken in war.' 

mancipium, a purchased slave, as opposed to one reared on the 
estate, ' Manu capere ' was the symbol of accepting a sale. In this 
case Hannibal would have sold the captives into slavery, but he offers 
to present them to the masters whose slaves he had freed. 

1. 22. reddo, here, as often, not of restoring, but of giving what is 
due. So ' reddere votum.' 

1. 23. rata. ' Ratus,' the participle of ' reor,' is used both passively 
and deponently. Here it means ' realized.' 


1. 24. falleret, ' if he were swearing falsely.' The fuU form was, ' Si 
sciens fallo, tum me Diespiter,' &c. 

1. 25. mactasset. The Romans never sacrificed a beast withont first 
sprinkling it with wine, incense, and bruised corn mixed with salt, between 
the horns, and saying, ' macte hoc vino et ture esto.' So, to avoid the 
use of the word ' caedere,' they used ' mactare.' 

secuudum, ' after.' ' Secundus ' is merely a lengthened form of 
the present participle of 'sequor,' as the gerundive is of the present 
participle generally. 

1. 27. velut, ' each thinking that the gods would support his hope, 
and supposing that the only bar of the enjoyment of what they 
prayed for was that they were not already fighting, all with one heart 
and one voice demand battle.' 

auctor means ' a proposer of the iaw,' ' a trustee,' ' a witness of a 
marriage contract,' generally 'a backer,' 'supporter.' 

1. 30. alacritas, from 'alacer,' 'eager,' ' spirited,' opp. ' languidus.' 

1. 31. territos, ' dismayed.' 

1. 32. otoviis, ' after tearing in pieces those that came in his way, had 
himself escaped unhurt.' 

1. 33. exameu. ' Exagimen,' * a swarm of bees.' Primarily of a mass 
issuing forth. Compare Virg. Aen. 7. 67 : — 

' Examen subitum ramo frondente pependit.' 
We hear in the year 223 B.c. of similar alarms created in the minds of 
the Romans by a vulture seen in the Forum, and three moons in the 
sky. On that occasion Flaminius, a plebeian free-thinker, had made 
the gods testify against their interpreters by gaining a complete victory 
over the Gauls. 

1. 34. procuratis, ' when expiation had been made for these portents.' 
In some cases it was possible for the augurs not to take up an omen, 
as referring to the State ; in which case they were said ' non suscipere,' 
but on this occasion the omen could only refer to the army. 

1. 36. speculandas, ' to reconnoitre their forces from near at hand, 
and to see how many and of what sort they were.' 

1. 37. et ipsi, ' who had also in person gone forward.' 

1. 39. ueutri (N.B. plural), ' neither party.' 
primo, ' at the first.' 

densior, comparative, * exceptionally thick.' 'The unusual thick- 
ness of the rising dust, as so many men and horses marched up, was 
a sure sign of an approaching foe.' 

1. 41. consistit, sing. expedietoant, plur, ' The army on each side 
made a stand, and the men proceeded to prepare for action.' 


1. 42. Gallos. These were evidently placed in the front to prevent their 

1. 43. roTjoris, * the strength of the allies.' So \ve have ' senatus 
robur/ ' the flower of the senate.' 

1. 44. snbsidiis. Livy uses this word generally of the ' triarii ' or 
third line of battle, the first two being the ' hastati ' and ' principes,' 
and making up the 'frons prima.' Thus in 6. 13, he says, 'Impulsa 
frons prima et trepidatio subsidiis inlata.' Here, however, the word 
means no more than the main body of cavalry. 

frenatos, ' set his bridled horsemen in the centre of his line, and 
strengthened his wings with Numidian horsemen.' The Numidian 
cavalry ' rode without saddle or bridle, as if the rider and his horse were 
one creature, and scoured over the cotmtry with a speed and impetuosity 
defying escape or resistance.' 

1. 45. vixdtim, 'scarce was the battle cry raised, when,' &c. 

1. 46. secunda acies is no more than ' the rear,' for there was no 
' secunda acies ' distinct from the subsidia. 

1. 47. inde, ' then followed an engagement of the cavalry which for 
some time was undecided.' 

1. 48. niultis, ' then the horses were thrown into confusion by the in- 
termixture of men on foot because many fell from their horses, others 
alighted to go where they saw their friends surrounded, and the fight had 
in great measure become a fight on foot.' 

1. 51. circiunvecti, ' wheeling round slightly.' 
, 1. 53. periculum, 'a danger averted by the interference of his son, 
then a mere stripling.' 

1. 54. erit. Past when Livy wrote, but future in his story. 

1. 55. penes, ' who has the honour of having finished this very war.' 

\. 56. de, i. e. 'reportatam.' 

1. 57. effusa, ' scattered,' ' disordered.' 

1. 58. alius, ' the rest, however, being cavalry, closed their ranks and 
received the consul into their midst, and so,' &c. 

equitatus here is in apposition to 'alius,' both referring to the 
same idea ; those who were not ' iaculatores.' So too the Greek aWos. 

\. 62. natione, 'by birth.' Cicero generally uses the word specially 
of barbarous nations. 

malim. This story of young Africanus is supported by Polyb. x. 
3, who had it on the authority of Laelius. 

1. 63. fama, ablative case, ' has held its ground in general report.' 
Compare ' pro vero antea obtinebat regna Fortunam dono dare,' for this 
use of ' obtineo.' ' Fama ' might also be nominative. 

a6 NOTEs ON hannibalIs campaign. 


After the engagement near Ictumulae Scipio broke up his camp, 
retiied over the Ticinus through the plain to the bridge over the Po, and 
crossed the river with all speed. He recognized the superiority of Han- 
nibars cavalry, for vvhich the country was admirably adapted, being 
a wide plain ; he had also received a severe wound in the engagement. 
It was necessary to place his forces in a secure position ; and with this 
object he proceeded along the south bank of the Po to Placentia, a 
Roman colony (Polyb. iii. 66). 

Meanwhile Hannibal remained for a short time in his posltion expect- 
ing that Scipio would attack him with his infantry, but when he found 
that the Romans had abandoned their camp he advanced to the Ticinus. 
Here he seized the bridge, by which Scipio had crossed, in time to save 
it from destruction, and also cut off 600 men who had been left to 
defend it. But on hearing that the rest of the Roman force were far in 
advance, he changed the direction of his march, and having reached the 
Po, marched up the north bank of the stream in the hope of finding 
a place where the river could be crossed. On the second day (after 
leaving his camp) he halted, and having thrown a bridge of boats 
across the stream, left Hasdrubal to superintend the passage of the main 
body of the army, at once crossed the river, and entered into negotiations 
with envoys from the neighbouring places who, after this success, were 
ready to join him. When the army had accomplished the passage he 
joined it, and led it dowi. the river on the south bank, seeking an en- 
gagement with the enemy. On the next day he found himself in the 
neighbourhood of Scipio at Placentia ; and on the third day he drevv out 
his forces in sight of the Romans, but as no one came out to meet him, 
he went into camp about fifty stades (six miles) from the Romans. 
(Polyb. iii. 66. Unfortunately Polybius has not stated whether Hannibal 
did or did not cross the Trebia. Placentia was on the east bank of the 
river, so we should suppose that Scipio would not put the river betwecn 
himself and the town when seeking the shelter of it. But if Scipio is on 
the east bank ofthe Trcbia, Hannibal is so also.) 

In the following night the Gauls who were in the Roman camp 
attacked the Romans who were nearest to them, and having killed a con- 
siderable number, cut off their heads, and went over to Hannibal (2000 
infantry and nearly 200 horse). This alarmed Scipio, who reflected 
that the Gauls in the neighbourhood would now inevitably take the 


part of Hannibal. Under cover of the night he advanced to the Trebia 
and the adjacent hills, where he would be in a strong position and sur- 
rounded by allies of Rome (Polyb. iii. 67). Hannibal hearing of the 
movement at once sent his Numidian horse, and thea his heavy cavalry, 
in pursuit ; afterwards he followed with his army. The Numidians, 
finding the camp deserted, burnt it. This delay saved the Romans ; 
had the Numidians pressed on at once they would have caught the 
Romans in the plain, and cut them down. As it was the bulk crossed 
the Trebia in safety; only the rear was overtaken. Once across the 
river, Scipio fortified a camp on the adjacent hills, waiting for his col- 
league Sempronius. Hannibal now brought his camp within five miles 
of the Romans, the Gauls snpplying him liberally with provisions 
(Polyb. /.f. 68). 

Sempronius now arrives from Ariminum (p. 20), and joins Scipio. Han- 
nibal meanwhile gains Clastidium, a town considerably to the west of 
Placentia, by treachery, and is enabled to draw supplies from it. Then 
helayswaste, with hisNumidians, the territory of some Gauls, inhabitants 
of the regions between the Trebia and the Po, who after joining him had 
thought to save themselves by sending an embassy to Scipio. The 
Gauls fly to the Romans for refuge. Sempronius, who is eager to bring 
on an engagement, sent a large body of cavalry and some javelin men on 
foot across the river, and drove the Numidians back to their camp, 
But Hannibal was not yet fully prepared, and would not risk a general 
engagement. The Romans returned to their camp. 
' In the next night Hannibal sent Mago to form an ambuscade in the 
bed of a stream, between his camp and the Trebia, and on the next day 
he sent his Numidians to draw the Romans across the Trebia into a 

That Livy regarded the battle as taking place on the Placentia 
(eastem) bank of the Trebia is clear (see 11. 182-184), and there is 
nothing in Polybius which compels us to contradict this. But the view 
is not without difficulties. For (i) Sempronius marches to join Scipio 
from the east, i. e. across the front of HannibaPs position ; (2) Hannibal 
draws his supplies from the west (Clastidium) ; (3) the Gauls whom he 
harries, who are on the opposite side of the river from the Roman camp, 
dwell between the Trebia and tlie Po, an expression which is thought to 
suit the westem side of the river better than the eastern, for the river 
runs N.E. (but see map, p. 3). This would indicate that the (second) 
camp of the Romans was on the eastern bank, and the battle certainly 
took place on the side opposite to the camp. Nevertheless, it is impos- 
sible to suppose that Livy did not know on which side of the river 


Placentia was,and he makes the Romans march straight from the battle- 
field to the town. The battle was probably fought near Gossolengo. 


Order of Battle. 


Infantry 20,000. 

Cavalry 5,000. Spaniards. Gauls. Africans. Cavalry 5,000. 

Elephants (?). Light-armed. Elephants (?). 

X X 

Cavalry 2,000. Infantry 38,000 Cavalry 2,000. 

(drawn up in the usual way). 


Movements of the battle {according to Polybius) : — 
(i) It opened with skirmishes of the light-armed. 

(2) These retire through the heavy armed Carthaginians, and the two 
main lines meet. 

(3) The Roman cavalry driven in on the wings, leaving the flanks 

(4) The Carthaginian light-armed advance from the rear, and with 
the Numidians attack the flanks ; but the Roman heavy armed hold 
their ground on the centre, till 

(5) Mago comes upon the rear from his ambuscade. 

(6) The two wings of Sempronius' heavy-afmed infantry are de- 
feated (a) by the elephants ; {b) by the light-armed attacking in flank, 
and driven into the river, but 

(7) The Roman centre keeps together, and fights its way through the 
Carthaginian line to Placentia, where it is joined by a number of 

(8) The Carthaginians pursue the defeated army to the river. 

Livy diffcrs fyom Polybius in regard to the position of the elephants 
and the part which they took in the battle, representing them as coming 
in from the extreme wings upon the centre, and then recalled by Hanni- 
bal to the left wing, and also crowds the details of the battle together. 

1. 65. cousul alter. Ti. Sempronius Longus. He had sent his troops 
round by the Adriatic to Ariminum, as Livy says, or, as others say, had 
disbanded them in the south of Italy after taking their oaths to muster 
at Ariminum in forty da_\s. All writers agree, however, that they did 


muster at Ariminum, and that, however they managed to evade Hanni- 
bal on the plains round Placentia, they did join Scipio's troops. 

Siciliae rebus. Sicily had been Sempronius' oiiginal provlnce. 
The senate had intended him even to attack Carthage from there. 

1. 66. leg^ens, ' coasting.' The dangers of winter navigation in the 
Adriatic are often alhided to by Horace. Cf. Od. 3. 3. 5. 
' Dux inquieti turbidus Hadriae.' 

I. 70. declarabat, singular. Translate, 'Now were both consuls 
and the whole present force of the Romans opposed to Hannibal, so 
as to make it quite clear that either with that power the empire of 
Rome could be defended, or that all hope was gone.' For the use of 
the neuter, compare ' Romani regem regnumque Macedoniae sua futura 
sciunt.' The singular is here used as for one idea. Here the subject to 
' declarabat ' is the idea of matching. For a similar use of the participle, 
compare ' Angebant virum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissae,' ' the loss of 
Sicily and Sardinia grieved the hero.' 'Pudor non lati anxilii patres 
cepit,' ' the fathers were ashamed of their refusal to help.' The Latin 
language therefore avoids verbal substantives so far as possible. 
' Abstract words are of a scientific nature and presuppose education 
in the reader. Oratory (and all Latin language is oratorical in its 
character) appeals to the public, and consequently employs simple 
phrases.' — Potts. 

1. 72. minutns, 'brought low,' ' disheartened.' So in Greek \iiivv- 
Odf. The opposite word is 'augeo,' e.g. ' tanta laetitia auctus sum, ut 
pil constet.' Madvig suggests ' admonitus,' on the ground that it is 
not Latin ' minuere hominem,' but 'animum.' 

recentis animi, ' with his spirits quite fresh, and so feeling more 

1. 73. patiebatur, 'would brook no delay.* 

L 74. suum, ' his own ' cavalry. Sempronius was proud of the fact 
that his cavahy had not suffered the defeat of the Ticinus. 

1. 76. sparsos, ' coming suddenly on some of their detachments and 
charging them at unawares, as they were straggling and out of order, 
and most of them too laden with spoil.' 
ad lioc, ' besides.' 

1. 77. Madvig reads inopinato for ' inopinatos,' which he maintains 
can never be used for ' inopinantes.' 

1. 79. stationes, ' sentries.' 

unde, ' beaten back from thence by the mere numbers of those 
that swarmed forth, they waited for new succours and soon renewed the 


1. 80. varia, ablative vvith ' sequentes cedentesque.* Tr. ' the fight 
after this was variable, and although, at one time pursuing, at another 
yielding, they had at the last made the contest pretty even, yet the 
slaughler of the enemy was the greater, and so the tide of victory re- 
mained with the Romans.' 

1, 83. maior iustiorque, ' no man, however, reckoned it as greater or 
more natural than the consul himself.' 

1. 84. gaudio, ' he was elated with joy that he had come off better 
in that very arm of the service in which his colleague had come off 
worse ; ' i. e. on the Ticinus, when the cavalry was worsted. 

1. 85. N. B. foret, in the sense of ' esset.' Generally ' forem' is only 
used for ' essem ' in conditional or final language. Sallust, Livy, and 
the poets, however, use it in the componnd tenses exactly like ' essem.' 
As a rule, ' forem ' should never be used in Latin Prose except to mean 
' would be,' or after 'ut,' 'ne,' or 'qui,' expressive of a purpose. 
restitutos ac refectos, ' comforted and refreshed.' 

1. 87. dilatam; we should rather expect ' differri,' but the perfect 
passive often expresses a will that something should be done ; e. g. 
'sociis maxime lex consultum esse vult.' 

evim, ' he, more sick in spirit than in body, with the memory of 
his wound still fresh, quaked to hear of a battle and arms.' 

1. 89. sed, ' but they must not lose their vigour like a wounded man.' 

1. 90. differri, impersonal, ' for why was there further delay or more 
time wasted ? ' A question in a long indirect speech is put in the infini- 
tive, if the first or third person is employed in the direct, in the sub- 
junctive, if the second. So the Romans say after the battle, ' Duobus 
consulibus, duobus consularibus exercitibus victis, quos alios duces, quas 
legiones esse, quae arcessantur ? ' 

1. 95. forent. See note on 1. 85. 

1. 98. paventes, ' cowering ' (participle after ' videant '). Nos object 
to 'videant.' Poenum subject to ' fecisse' (infinitive after 'videant'). 

1. 99. dicionis, possessive genitive, (cf. ' Ego totus Pompeii siim'), 
' had brought under his own power.' 

1. loi. erat. Hannibal, aware of his opponenfs eagerness, and 
aware too that the days of his consulship were numbered, determines to 
fcring on an engagement. The Gauls, who served in both camps, were 
equally ready to oblige either side with information. 

rivus does not refer to the watercourse of the Trebia itself, but to 
some tributary ; of course the Trebia and its feeders would be much 
more swollen in the spring, and, being a short stream, it would be sub- 
ject to very sudden rises, which would make waste places on either 


bank. These would soon be ' overgro^vn with weeds, and briars, and 
brushwood, with which, for the most part, such uncultivated spots are 
clad.' Polybius talks of piiOpov re, «X'"' cxppiiv, km 51 ravTr]^ aKav9as 
Koi 0a.Tovs avvex^^^ eniiTe^pvKoTas. He adds that the Romans were 
the more taken off their guard because there was no wood near, and 
so they did not expect an ambnsh, whilst, on the other hand, it was 
easier for Mago to see over reeds than it would have been through a wood. 

1. 103. quem, 'and when Hannibal had ridden round this place, and 
perceived that it afforded cover enough even for hiding men on horse- 
back,' &c. 

1. 104. teg^eudo, not * tegendis,* for Livy, unlike Cicero and Caesar, 
seems to prefer the gerund to the gerundive attraction. See note on 1. 5. 

1. 106. ceuteuos, 'a hundred picked men of each.' 

1. 108. corpora cnrare, ' to refresh ourselves.' The realistic cha- 
racter of Latin expression, says Potts, in his ' Hints,' is shown by the 
introduction of words like ' corpora ' and ' animos.' Cf. ' Ille morte 
proposita facile dolorem corporis patitur.' So, too, where we say ' ear,' 
they say ' ears,' ' eyes.' 

ita, ' on this understanding.' 
praetorium, ' council of war.' 

1. 109. roliora. ' strength,' ' flower.' .So Cicero, ' Illa robora populi 

1. iio. uumero, 'in order to be as overpowering in numbers as in 
courage, choose you each his nine from the squadrons and companies, 
.such as yourselves.' 

1. 1 1 1 . turma was the lenth part of an ' ala,' about thirty men, infr. 273. 

mauipulus, a company. ' The Hastati Principes and Triarii were 

each divided into ten manipuli, and each manipulus into two centuriae, 

so that every legion contained thirty manipuli, and sixty centuriae.' 

Ramsay, Rom. Ant. p. 384. 

1. 114. SCagoni, general dative of reference, ' for Mago's use or con- 

1. 116. obequitare, ' ride up to.' 

1. 117. iuiecto, ' when once the engagement was brought on.' So 
Cicero, ' Inicere tumultum civitati.' 

1. 121. iustratis, 'saddled.' The Numidae were a corps apart, arid 
rode without saddles. See note on 1. • t. 

1. 122. tumultum, 'a rising,' then ' an alarm,' ' impetuous fight : ' 
specially used of the border warfare of the Gauls, or civil war. 

1. 123. ferox, • baving special reliance on that branch of the service.' 
See 1. 84. 


1. 124. destinato, 'being eager for fight, in accoidance with his long 
settled purpose.' 

1. 126. nivalis, 'the day was threatening sleet or snow.' The time 
being about mid-winter, and the day snowy and exceedingly cold. 
Polyb. iii. 72, 3. 

1. 127. ad lioc, ' moreover.' See note on 1. 76. 

1. 129. nihil, 'there was no warmth left in them.' 

1. 130. q.tiicci.uid, ' the more they approached the moist air of the 
river.' Here ' quicquid ' = ' quanto magis.' So, too, Livy says, at the 
beginning of Book 31, after finishing the Second Punic War in his his- 
tory, * lam provideo animo, velut qui proximis litori vadis inducti mare 
pedibus ingrediuntur, quicquid progredior, in vastiorem me altitudinem 
ac velut profundum invehi.' In both 'progredior' and ' appropinqua- 
bant ' there is a distinctly comparative sense. But in Catullus we have, 

' Ride, quicquid amas, Cato, Catullum,' 
where ' quicquid ' = ' as much as,' \vithout any idea of an increasing 
scale ; aurae, dative after ' appropinquabant.' 

1. 133. aucta, ' and by reason of the rain which fell in the night it 
had been swoUen breast high.' 

utique, ' be it as it may,' ' in any case,' restrictive and confirming. 
' They were cold enough to start with, but when they were clean out of 
the river, then most certainly, if not before, they were so numbed.' It 
is to be taken closely with the word preceding. Compare ' Velim Var- 
ronis et Lollii mittas laudationes, LoUii utique ' (' in any case Lollius's '). 

1. 134. For corpora, compare 1. 108, n. potentia, adj., from 'potens.' 
airmorum. Here Livyuses the gerundive attraction. The expres- 
sion 'armorum potentes' would be quile sufficient by itself. See note 
on 1. 5. 

1. 138. per otium, 'at leisure.' 

1. 142. quod virium, ' the very strength and manhood of his forces.' 

1. 143. ab cornibus may mean simply ' on the wings ; ' here, however, 
it seems ' away from the wings,' i. e. on the outer edge of the wings, so 
that the elephants were to the left of the cavalry on the left, and to the 
right of the cavalry on the right (in utramque partem). See 1. 157. 
[Polybius describes their position thus, iii. 72. 9, ra dripia /xe/xVaj wpo 
Tcyi' KfpaTuv Si' a^^poripojv TrpoePaKtTo, where St' dfi^ftoTfpoou seems to 
mean ' between the infantry and cavalry.'] 

1. 145. consul. In translation be careful to break up this sentence. 
' The cavalry were pursuing in disorder, when the Numidian horse 
suddenly turned upon them. The Consul then gave the signal for 
retreat, and, as they returned, posted them on the flanks of his infantry.' 


1. 146. incauti, 'charged at unawares,' 'taken at a disadvantage.' 

1. 147. peditibns is here the dative case. 

1. 14S. socium nominis Latini. Either, like ' Patres conscripli,' 
' Fathers and conscripts,' 'allies atid Latin name,' in which case the 
allies would mean Italians not in the Lalin name, or simply, ' allies of 
the Latin name.' In the former case we should have here a case of 
asyndeton, in the latter the genitive would be simply a genitive of 
quality. The Latin name, as opposed to the Etrascan or Sabellian 
and Campanian allies, denoted not only the members of the old 
Latin union, like Tibur and Praeneste, but also those colonies which 
were distributed through Italy with Latin rights, e. g. Circeii and 
Ardea, Cora and Xorba, Fregellae and Interamna, Sutrium and Xepete, 
Cales, Suessa, and Saticula, Alba, Aesernia and Beneventum, Namia 
and Spoletum, Luceria and Venusia, Hadria and Firmum, and finally 
Bnmdusium in the South and Ariminum in the North. AU these 
States had two privileges, — (i) that every Latin who left a son behiud 
him to keep up his family might go to Rome and possess the fran- 
chise ; (2) that every Latin magistrate might at once be a Roman 

1. 150. At the Battle of Cannae there were eighty thousand eugaged 
on the side of the Romans, half burghers and half allies. 

1. 151. obsisterent, 'the legions resisted, owing to their greater 

1. 152. diducta, ' drawn off so as to reinforce the two wings.' In 
other words, the sliiigers and light-armed troops left off fighting with 
the legions and joined their cavalry on the wings, confining their atten- 
tions to the Roman cavalry. These, already outnumbered, were soon 
utterly ovenvhelmed. 

1. 157. eminentes, ' standing out clear,' i. e. to left and right of the 

1. 160. curatis. See note on I. 108. 

1. 161. contra, ' on the contrary, the Romans were fasting and weary, 
and stiff and numbed with cold.' 

1. 163. animis, ' still their courage would have helped them to with- 
stand to the end if they had only had to fight with the foot.' 

1. 168. in, ' in the midst, however, of such a stress of misfortune on 
all sides, the line remained for some time unbroken.' 

1. 170. velites, ' skirmishers,' who fought in scattered parties wherc 
required. They were armed with a buckler and a javelin, the iron ol 
which was formed with a fine point, in order that it might be bent ou 
the first discharge, and thus rendered useless to the enemy. 



1. 171. veru, 'ajavelin.' So ' Volscosque verutos,' ' armed with jave- 
lins,' Verg. Georg. 2. 168. 

avertere, ' forced them to turn, and as soon as they turned, fol- 
lowed close up and stabbed them under the tail, where the tenderness 
of their skin specially admits of wounds.' 

1. 174. consteruatos in, lit. ' excited against.' Translate, * When 
Hannibal saw them thus affrighted, and rushing wildly against their own 
side, he ordered them to be driven from the cenlre to the flanks to the left 
wingupon our Gallic auxiliary forces." Note the position of the subject 
' Hannibal,' which is rendered necessary by the prominence given to the 
object, which has to come as near as possible to the previous sentence. 

1. 1 76. extemplo, adverb formed from preposition and case. So too 
' coram,' ' illico,' ' cominus,' &c. 

1. 178. in orbeni, ' on every side,' in front, in the rear, on both flanks,' 
' an all-round fight.' 

1. 179. alia, ablative case. 

1. 180. nequissent, not 'nequirent,' 'being unable, after trial made.' 
qua. So Madvig for ' quae.' We have already seen that the ' media 
Afrorum acies' was made up of Spaniards and Gauls as well as Africans ; 
so here he says, ' They broke through in the centre of the African line, 
just where it was strengthened by Gauls.' If we had ' quae,' we should 
expect 'mediam aciem,' not the local ablative. The Gauls appear to 
have suffered the most in both armies. In fact, they hardly knew on 
which side to fight. 

h 1S3. prae, ' nor could they see for the storm, in which direction to 
help their friends.' 

1. 1 84. recto itinere, ' went straight off to Placentia.' 

1. 187. oppressi, 'overtaken and slain.' 

1. 189. aliis. 'Some few, for fear of the enemy, were the more bold 
to take to the river, and being once over, recovered their camp.' 

1. 192. prope omnes. Polybius tells us ' all but one.' He omits, 
however, to tell us what happened to the two consuls, and passes on to 
the next year's appointment without mention of Scipio's removal of his 
camp, or of Sempronius' holding the election. This is just the kind of 
accuracy which Livy is able to supply. In military details it is better to 
trust the friend of the Scipio family. Hence we must decline to believe 
that Hannibal made any attempt this winter to cross the Apennines. If 
he did, it is probably true that the winds and the rains protected Italy 
from further invasion, where the consuls did not. He had quite enough 
to do to organize the insurrection of the Gauls in Lombardy. The 
passage of the AIps and one succes?ful batlle thus put Ilannilal in 


possession of North Italy, just as the turning of the flank of the Alps and 
the battles of Montenotte and Dego put Napoleon in the year 1796. 
In the words which foUow the text in Livy, we are told that the Romans 
who had been left in charge of the camp, and the wounded, crossed the 
Trebia on rafts, the Carthaginians being too weary to attack them, 
' quietisque Poenis tacito agmine ab Scipione consule exercitus Placentiam 
est perductus.' 


I. 196. After the defeat on the Trebia Scipio retreated to Ariminum, 
Sempronius to Etruria. Hannibal remained in Gaul, against his will, 
for the Gauls were impatient of supporting his army. In the next year, 
217 B.C., C. Flaminius and Cn. Servilius Geminus were chosen con- 
suls. Flaminius, the people's friend, had already been victorious 
in Lombardy. He at once joined Sempronius' army in Etruria. Ser- 
vilius took Scipio's place at Ariminum. ' The harvests of Arretium ' 
were again in danger. Hannibal had crossed the Apennines suddenly, 
and was on his way, not to Lucca by the sea-road, but towards the 
upper valleys of the Arno, between Florence and the mountains. Whilst 
Flaminius was still waiting at the terminus of the Via Cassia at Arezzo, 
Hannibal encamped at Fiesole, after a march of four days, over ground 
so wet that the troops had to rest by night on the field baggage and 
dead mules. Meanwhile Servilius remained on the terminus of the Via 
Flaminia, recently made, at Ariminum. (Cf. ' The Second Punic War,' 
Arnold, 1886, pp. 39-45 and Note E.) 

II. 196 f. The translator must be careful to break up this sentence 
in English. Flaminius was not the man to keep still, even had his 
enemy remained inactive. 'AU the more now, when, &c., did he take 
the disgrace on himself, that, &c. In vain did all his counsellors, &c. 
They reminded him, &c. He flung himself out of,' &c. 

1. 197. tum vero, ' all the more now when,' &c. 

1. 198. ferri agique, 'plundered and harried ; ' where 'ferre,' like 
0«'pe(i', applies to portable things ; 'agere,' like dydv, to cattle and men. 
mediam. Hannibal had passed Fiesole (Faesulae) and Cortona, 
and was on his way to Perugia. 

1. 201. salutaria, ' when all the rest were in favour of safe rather 
than brilliant tactics.' 

1. 206. Arretii. He means, ' We might just as well make up our 
minds to settle at Arezzo and give up Rome;' an allusion to the idea 

D 2 


of settling at Veii after the Gallic invasion. Tliis had been checked by 
a speech from Camillus, and an omen from the gods, — when the officer 
of a regiment was passing through the forum at the moment of the debate, 
— was heard to say, ' Signifer, statue signum ; hic manebimus optime.' 

1. 2IO. moverimxis, perfect used prohibitively, as generally in the 
second person, 'nor let us once stir from hence, till,' &c. 

1. 211. Veiis; really from Ardea. His army was at Veii. 

1. 312. convelli, 'to be plucked up from the ground,' as decamping. 

1. 213. ecLuus, ' the horse stumbled and fell, threw his rider over his 
head, and there lay the consul of Rome on the ground.' 

1. 218. senatn. See note on 1. 289. So often had augury been 
used by the senate to oppose Flaminius, that he had come to despise it 
altogether. He therefore, the late censor, at once assigns a rationalistic 
cause for the standard's being immovable, and starts off to fight. One 
can hardly help comparing his conduct with that of Fabius, who, with 
equal disbelief, used current beliefs to help on his victory. Flaminius 
' put his sickle to the corn before it was ripe, and reaped only mischief 
lo himself and no fruit for the world.' But the picture which Livy 
gi ves of him is such as the aristocrats naturally drew of the plebeian consul . 

1. 222. quo, 'in order the more to whet the edge of the consurs 
anger and stir him to avenge the wrongs done to the allies.' 

1. 224. nata, ' made by nature for ambuscade.' 

ubi maxime, ' at the exact point where the lake nestles close under 
the hills.' 

1. 226. de industria, 'purposely ;' ' as if there had been left room 
only for that purpose and nothing else.' 

1. 228. in aperto, 'on the clear space,' 'on the open ground.' 

1. 231. locat, the historic present, here takes the past subjunctive. 

1. 232. obiecto ; *he might put forth his horsemen to occupy the 
neck of the glade, and all might thus be enclosed within the lake and the 
mountains.' In other words, he barred the outlet with his infantry; 
the entrance of the pass was to be closed by the cavalry, who advanced 
behind the heights as soon as the Romans were well in. 

1. 233. essent, imperfect subjunctive. 

1. 235. inezplorato, adverb, ' the morrow after, before it was fuU 
daylight, without any reconnoitering, he made his way through the 
pass, and as soon as his columns began to open out into the wider 
ground, he saw only those enemies who were in front of him , whilst the 
ambushes behind and above him were concealed from his notice.' 

1. 238. So most editors for deceptae, which is in the MSS. Madvig, 
however, argues that we never find ' decipio ' in prose in the sense of 


\avBaviiv (a very broad assertion of a negative), and that 'deceptae,' 
could never have crept in for 'decepere.' He proposes ' acceptae,' 
' taken to himself,' implying that Flaminius had actually courted his 

1. 239. id. Break up the sentence in translation : * The Carthaginian 
had now exactly what he had wished. The enemy was in his power, 
shut in by the lake and the mountains, and surrounded by his own 
troops. He at once gave,' &c. 

clansnm. The lake was on their right ; the mountains on their 
left ; the consul himself, at the head of his forces, was facing the flower 
of Hannibars infantry ; and the Numidian cavalry had closed the inlet. 
The precise site of the battle has been much discussed. The evidence is 
given very completely in W, Arnold's edition of Dr. AmoWs Second 
Punic War, Note E. It seems pretty clear that the open plain between 
Tuoro and the Lake is the ' paullo latior campus ' of Livy. The yan 
of the Roman army may have been allowed to march towards Passig- 
nana, but the fighting took place in the open space. The army was cut 
off at Borghetto in the rear, and at Passignana in the van. When Poly- 
bius speaks of riaminius leading his troops ' along the lake into the 
adjacent glen ' (irapd t^c Xi/xvriv ds rov v-rroKiiixivov avXwva) we must 
suppose that he aUudes to the march past Borghetto into the ' pauUo 
latior campus.' 

1. 242. decncurrerunt, ' they charging each man the nearest enemy 
he could ; ' i.e. not forming in any order, but in a kind of guerilla fight, 
for which the Spaniards would be specially fit. 

1. 244. agmina, ' the companies of the enemy, running from several 
hills, were seen well enough of one another, and so were the more able 
to combine in their attack.' 

L 246. prinsqnam, with the subjunctive, implies an action which 
could not possibly have commenced, and was intended not to have 
commenced. ' Before they could possibly use their eyes sufiiciently.' 

1. 247. satis cerneret, used absolutely. Comp. ' Si satis cemo, is 
herclest,' Ter. Ad. 

1. 248. instmeretnr is also subjunctive, to imply the design of the 

1. 250. percnlsis, 'when all were thus at their wits' end, the consul 
alone kept his composure tolerably, considering how imminent was ihe 

1. 251. tnrbatos, ' marshalled his ranks when disordered, as each kept 
tuming at the varied noises.' ' Quoque ' abl. of ' quisque.' 

1. 254. nec enim, ' for, he assured them, they could not hope to 


escape thence by vows and entreaties to the gods, but by proving 
their might and manhood.' 

1. 256. fieri. N.B. not 'faciendam esse.' *It is with the sword that 
men force iheir way through the centre of a host.' 

quo, 'the less men fear, the less danger commonly betides them.' 

1. 257. ceterum, 'for the rest,' like aWa. ' Howbeit, by reason of 
the noise, neither word of advice nor word of command could reach 

1. 258. tantum, ' so far were the soldiers from recognizing their own 
standards, that scarce had they spirit enough to taice up arms, and 
some were surprised and slain, finding them more of a burden than a 

1. 259. ut noscerent is a substantive sentence subject to 'aberat.' 
Hence, we do not find this construction with any other person of 
'absum,' the subject in each case being the substantival ' ut ' clause. 
' I am so far from assisting those wretches that I can hardly help 
hating them,' ' Ego vero istos tantum abest ut ornem ut effici non possit 
quin eos oderim.' 

1. 260. ut competeret is an adverbial sentence defining 'tantum.' 
'Competo,' literally = ' to correspond,' ' to be adequate.' 

1. 264. strepentium; more often used of things than persons. Here 
it might refer to the noise of the blow resounding on the rattling armour. 
But it is better to refer to the ' bawling ' of the victors. 

1. 266. avertebat, ' were swept away by the stream of those in 

1. 269. claudebat. Note the change of tense in translation. *In 
vain had they tried sallies in all directions. Still the mountains and the 
lake on either flank, the enemy before and behind, hemmed them in. It 
was quite clear,' &c. 

1. 272. de integro, 'afresh, not in due order by the Principes, 
Hastati, and Triarii, nor according to the accustomed manner, that the 
vanguard should fight before the main battle and the standards, and 
behind them the rearguard, and that the soldier should keep each his 
own legion, his own cohort, and his own company.' 
illa = ' that well-knoAvn.' 

1. 273. hastatos. The whole infantry of the legion was drawn up in 
three lines. In the first were the ' hastati,' or pikemen. These were the 
youngest of the soldiers. The second line was formed of the 'principes,' 
men of mature age, who in older times were in the front. In the third 
were the ' triarii,' so called from their position, who carried two long 
'pila' or javelins. The usual depth of each line was ten men. The 


diWslons of the second line, equal in extent to a ' manipTilus,' were in 
general placed opposite the intervals of the first. The cavalry were 
divided into ten ' turmae ' of thirty men. A ' cohors ' comprised three 
'manipuli,' and was the tenth part of a legion, See note on 1. iii. 

1. 280. mare, ' forced the sea up the streams,' i. e. against the current. 

1. 281. senserit. 'None felt, not for a moment.' Stronger than 

1. 283. infestior, 'more openly hurtful.' 'Infensus' seems used to 
express hostile disposition, ' infestus ' hostile attack. Cp. ' In ipsum 
infestus consulem dirigit equum, adeoque infensis animis concurrerunt 
ut duabus haerentes hastis moribundi ex equis lapsi sint.' 

1. 284. rotoora. See note on line 43. 

1. 286. insignem, ' and being as he was specially noticeable in his 
rich armour, he was assailed most furiously by the enemy, and defended 
as furiously by his fellow-citizens.' 

1. 287. Insuber. This tribe occupied what is now called Lombardy. 

1. 288. q-aoque, as well as by his arms already mentioned. 

1.289. cecidit. Flaminius hadbeen consulin 223 B.C., andwasalready 
in the field when the senate's scruples were aroused by prodigies. They 
at once sent orders to recall him. He took the despatches, put them in 
his pocket imread, and went to the battle. Having gained a complete 
victorj- over the Insubres, he declared, when he did read the despatches, 
that the gods themselves had solved the senate'3 scruples, and that it 
was needless to retum. 

1. 291. manibus. Dative of 'manes.' 

1. 293. infesto, (see note on line 283^, 'in form of attack.' 

1. 294. spoliare, 'when he tried, however, to take his spoils, the 
triarii stept over the corpse with their targets and kept him off.' 

1. 296. et iam, 'and soon neither the lake nor the monntains could 
check their rout,' 

1. 297. per omnia, 'were the defile never so narrow, were the crags 
never so steep, they marched blindly on, only to be dashed down, arms 
and men together, one upon the other.' 

1. 300. prima, ' entering at the edge of the pool where it was 

1. 301. fuere, ' some there were whom the heedlessness of fear urged 
to take to flight by swimming.' For this poetic inhnitive after ' impello,' 
compare Virg. Aen. i. 9, 10 : — 

' Quidve dolens regina deum tot volvere casus 
Insignem pietate virum, tot adire labores 
Impulerit ? ' 


1. 302. capessere, ' take to,' inchoative. So 'facesso/ 'I set aboiit,' 
'laceiso,' 'I provoke,' ' arcesso,' 'I send for.' 

1. 303. immensa, ' endless.' 

1. 304. necquicquam, ' after tiring themselves to no purpose.' 

1. 307. primi, ' vanguard.' 

1. 311. nec, 'nor yet.' ' They could not know (by hearing) nor yet, 
so dark was it, make out by sight.' 

1. 312. re. Mr. Potts, in his excellent 'Hints towards Latin Prose 
Composition,' (page 30), illustrates the simplicity of the Roman style 
by the use of the word ' res,' which he likens to a blank cheque to be 
filled up from the context to the requisite amount of meaning. Here 
translate, 'At last as the scale began to sink.' For a long time ' res 
aequatae fuere,' 'at last one side kicked the beam.' 

1. 313. nebula, ' the mist, dispelled by the gradually-increasingheal of 
the sun, discovered the day.' Properly speaking, the mist hides the day, 
but the Romans recognized the claims of the negative agent as much as 
of the positive. Compare Virg. Ecl. 2. 26 : — 

' Quum placidum ventis staret mare.' 
liquida, ' as the light cleared.' 

1. 314. perditas res, ' utter havoc and foul discomfiture of the Roman 

1. 316. citatissimo, 'get themselves away with all the manner of 
haste they could.' So 'citato equo,' 'at full gallop.' 

1. 318. For super cetera, compare 1. 30. extrema goes with ' fames.' 

1. 321. Funica. The writer of the history of the Caudine Forks 
ought to be more careful before bringing a charge of bad faith in the 
matter of capitulation. It is obvious that the Romans could not help 
themselves. Probably Maharbal had overstepped his powers in offering 
the terms he did. It would have been easy for them to send to Han- 
nibal who was close by. And Hannibal was acting on a settled line 
of policy in his treatment of Roman prisoners as opposed to Italian. 

1. 323. coniecit. Note the abrupt change ot subject, and how awk- 
ward it niakes the sentence. Livy is generally more careful. 

L 324. consules. The death of Flaminius at Thrasymenus had 
lieen followed by the defeat of part of Servilius' army, and the people 
had, in their first alarm, elected a dictator for the defence of the city 
itself, on which every one expected Hannibal woukl march at once. 
'JMieir choice had fallen on Q. Fabius Maximus, a moderate aristocrat, 
and on M. Miiuicius Rufus (Livy, 22. 8, 6), for on this occasion 


the iisual nile was departed from, by which the consiil named the 
dictator, and the dictator the master of horse, and both were elected 
by the people ('quod nunquam antea factum,' Livy, l.c). Mean- 
while on swept the torrent of Hannibars invading army, over the 
rich plains of Spoletum, over the rich pastures where fed the oxen of the 
Clitumnus, ' dear to the herdsman,' along the left bank of the Tiber, on 
the road towards the Allia, replete with such glorious memories to 
the Gauls, swelling into a mighty flood, and threatening to submerge 
the little rock on which were gathered the traditions of Rome. But 
Hannibal knew better; his was not a mind which could become 
intoxicated with success : he knew that no mere army could conquer 
Rome, and waited till he could effect some political combination. 
Meantime he would march to the South, where Rome had hardly yet 
had time to weld her difierent subjects into Roman unity. Striking, 
therefore, across the Apennines, he marched towards the Adriatic, 
and, when foUowed by Fabius, endeavoured to provoke that cautious 
old soldier to battle by devastating the Samnite and Apulian territory. 
And so the year wore to a close, Fabius withstanding, with equal .firm- 
ness, the attacks of his political enemies at home, who called him 
Hannibars lackey, and the provoking sallies of Hannibars cavalry, and 
justifying the title (Virg. Aen. 6. 846) : — 

' Unus qui nobis cunctando restituit rem,' 
which he has kept in all history. The next year found the reins of 
govemment in the hands of two very different men, Lucius Aemilius 
Paulus, the hero of Illyria, and M. Terentius Varro. These consuls, 
as usual, being elected for the year, felt they must do something. 
The city was in very much the same position as Athens during the 
first years of the Peloponnesian War, with this aggravation, that all 
the Romans whom Hannibal seized were instantly put to death. The 
yeomen of the Roman territory no doubt blamed the mercantile party 
for having provoked such an implacable enemy by their greed. But 
of this we have no record ; the struggle between the aristocrats and 
popular party for the distribution of the Ager Publicus throws all olher 
divisions into the shade, till even this disappears for some time under the 
slern determination of all parties to combine to preserve the unity of Italy. 

1. 325. Caniias. Hannibal had seized the magazines at this place, 
and conscquently the Romans were obliged either to rctreat nearer their 
supplies or to offer battle. Their army amounted to 80,000. Cannae was 
on the Aufidus, the only river which, rising on the wesl of the Apennines, 
runs into the sea on tlie east. 

1. .^26. \Vhen a substantive is used only in the plural, nr has a 


different sense in the plural from what it has in the singular, the dis- 
tributive 'bini' is used with it instead of *duo,' to mean two. Thus 
* bina castra ' = ' two sets of castrums ' = ' two camps.' So ' binae literae,' 
' binae hostium copiae.' But ' binos scyphos' means 'a pair of similar 
goblets.' Polybius says, rois fiev Sva\ /xepiffi KaTf(TrpaToir45ev<re irapa 
Thv A.(j(pi5ov, Tijj §6 TpiTCf) TTepav TTphs Tos avaTo\as, k.t.\. 

1.328. aditum, ' allowed the watermen access to water, as each 
could seize a lucky moment.' ' Sua' is reflexive to ' cuiusque.' 

1- 330. trans Aufidtim, i.e. east of the Aufidus. The course of the 
river is from S.W. to N.E., but the ancient writers speak of the eastem 
and western banks of the river for the right and left banks, as if the 
course lay from south to norlh. 

1. 331. Paulus had wished to draw Hannibal on to the higher ground 
before fighling ; but Varro was determined to fight ; so he plants him- 
self between the enemy and the sea. Whereupon Paulus, when his 
day of command came, unable any longer to withdraw his forces, 
formed two camps, a larger one on the western and a smaller one on 
the eastern bank of the river. At this time Hannibal was encamped on 
the eastern or right bank, close to Cannae, but on the same day that 
Paulus pitched his camps, he moved his camp to the left bank, so as 
to bring it opposite to the Romans. 

1. 334. facturos, ' that the consuls would give him a chance of a 
pitched battle on ground naturally fitted for a cavalry engagement.' 
dirigit, ' sets in battle array.' 
lacessit. See line 302, n. 

!• 335- sollicitari, ' disquieted.' The historic infinitive expresses 
rapid succession. 

1. 339. obiiceret, ' twit him with the example of Fabius, who gave 
so goodly a pretence and show to lazy and cowardiy leaders.' 

1. 340. Mc, Varro. 

1. 341. velut, 'as if by prescription.' He had used it so much that 
it had almost become his. A man who had used a field for two years, 
without being objected to, might claim it as his own. 
coustrictum, ' he was kept tied by his colleague.' 

1. 342. adimi, 'his soldiers, though their blood was up and they were 
all eager to fight, had their weapons taken from them.' 
proiectis, ' offered wilfully, nay, even betrayed.' 

1. 343. ille, Paulus. 

1. 344. omnis, ' though entirely free from blame, he would share in 
the event whatever it was.' 

1. 346. videret, ut, ' let his colleague look to it, and see that those 


who were so ready to speak and hasty of their tongiie, might be as 
nimble with their hands when the time came.' Compare Cicero, 
* Navem idoneam ut habeas, diligenter videbis.' 

1. 348. altercationibus, ' wranglings.' 

1. 349. instractam, ' which he had kept in battle array for a great 
part of the day, whilst he was strengthening his camp with other 

1. 353. egressi, ' they had scarce crossed the river to the other bank 
before they put to flight this disorderly rabble by their mere shout and 
rush, and so they rode further, even to the guard-house in front of the 
rampart, and to the very gate of the camp. The ' castra minora ' of the 
Romans were on the other or right bank of the Aufidus. The Numi- 
dians had therefore to cross the river to get at them. 

1. 355. tumultuario, ' brought hastily together, detached on any 
service as occasion arose.' Translate, ' That Romans should actually 
be bearded even in their camp by a mere irregular force of reserves.' 

1. 359. Paulum. Paulus' hope evidently was that Hannibal, being 
unable to forage near the sea, would fall back on the hills, where his 
cavalry would not have ground so favourable. Meanwhile his smaller 
camp was distressed for water, imless reinforced from the other bank 
of the river. 

1. 362. quia, 'disallowing indeed and misliking his plan, yet unable 
to choose but second him.' 

1. 366. The Bomans are facing south up the stream of the Aufidus. 
They are drawn up thus : — 

Right. ' Left. 

Roman Cavalry. Infantry. Allied Cavalry. 

Jaculatores and light-armed. 
To these Hannibal opposes : — 

Baleares and light-anned. 
Cavalry. Infantry. Cavalry. 

Gauls and Spaniards. Gauls, Spaniards, Numidian. 

Afri. Afri. 

The Gauls and Spaniards were advanced before the rest in a crescent 
or wedge (infr. 379, 417). See map, p. 12. 

1. 373. praemissa. He sends them forward to cover his advance. 
ut q.uosque, ' even as he brought each across he drew them up 
in line.' 

1. 376. media, ' the centre of his line being held strong by his in- 
fantry, so arranged that the Africans might flank the Gauls and 


Spaniards, who were placed in the midst.' He could not trust the 
Gauls, who had given way in all his battles hitherto. 

1. 379. crederes, ' anyone who had seen the Africans might have 
taken them for a Roman line, so armed were they with Roman armour, 
taken some at the Trebia, but the greater part at lake Thrasymene.' 
Polybius' account is almost word for word the same here. He adds, 
however, that Hannibal led forward the Spaniards and the Gauls in 
front of the rest, so as to make his centre in the form of a crescent, 
fj.rjfoftSes iroiwv ro KvpTojfia. Thus the native Africans would give con- 
fidence to the weaker Europeans, and also prevent their desertion. 
Besides, Hannibal could least spare Africans, and the first shower of 
darts might as well fall on the least valuable of his forces. 

1. 382. dlspares ac dissimiles, ' differing both in size and fashion.' 
Compare Livy 45. 43, ' Similia omnia magis visa hominibus quam 
paria,' 'The likeness of show was there, but the substance did not 
countervail much.' 

1. 384. assueto, ' accustomed more to stab than to slash.' 

liabiles, ' shorter so as to be more easily liandled, and pointed.' 

1. 387. umTjilicum, ' waist.' 

linteis, 'in linen tunics, glittering wondrous bright, embroidered 
with scarlet.' 

1. 391. Hasdrubal, not Hannibars brother, but the manager of his 

1. 392. Mago. The Rupert of the invaders, who had led the ambush 
at the Trebia. 

1. 394. peropportune, ' obliged both sides by shining only on their 
f5anks, either because they had so placed themselves on purpose, or had 
first taken their stand at adventure.' The Carthaginians faced the 
North : so the early sun would shine on their right flank. 

1. 396. adversus, ' blowing full upon their faces.' Blowing from the 
mountain, now called Voltore, celebrated by Horace, it would be a 
South-East-by-one-third-South wind. 

1. 401. minime . . . pugnare, ' by no means in the stj'le of a cavalry 

frontibus, 'they had to charge front to front, because, as there was 
no room left about them to make evolutions, they were flanked and 
liemmed in, on the one side by the river, on the other by the array of 
foot, each stretching in straight lines directly parallel on either side of 

1. 404. Madvig takes nitentes with ' viros' understood from 'virum ' 
in tlie next sentence, but utrinque seems to make better sense, if 


•nitentes' is made to agree with 'amnis' and 'acies.' In this lalter 
case ' nitentes ' would be used by a kind of zeugma with ' amnis ' as 
well as ' acies.' In Madvig's reading, however, there is a full stop after 
' claudebant,' and the sense proceeds, ' As the equites were stniggling 
on straightforwards from both Roman and Carthaginian lines, when 
the horses at last came to a halt,' &c. Compare the sham-fight in 
Virg. Aen. 5. Polybius says ov yap ?)v Kara vofiovs «f duaaTpofrjs Kal 
fiiTa0n\T]s 6 KivSvvos. 

stantibus, ' at last, when their horses were bronght to a stand- 
still and wedged together by the niass, every man began to clasp his 
enemy and drag him from his horse.' 

1. 405. The cavalry of the Romans on the right are thus defeated by 
the Gauls and Spaniards under Hasdrabal. 

1. 407. acrius, ' the conflict was rather sharp than long.' A com- 
parison of two qualities found in the same action in vmequal degrees is 
denoted either by the positive with ' magis,' or by two comparatives, 
as ' Triumphus Camilli clarior erat quam gratior.' 

1. 408. suto, ' immediately following.' 

1.410. par, dniu. So Madvig reads for 'parum,' which is simply 
nonsense. Translate, ' At first even enough both in strength and spirit, 
so long as the ranks of the Gauls and Spaniards kept together.' 

1. 4I1. counisi, obliqua. Here again Madvig has come to the 
rescne, and harving ' consilioque ' in the text, suggests, instead of ' aequa,' 
which Gronovius read, and which would be a queer way of breaking up 
a crescent, ' connisi obliqua.' Translate, ' After long and repeated efforts 
they formed themselves into a sloping wedge and packed closer their 
lines of attack, and so drove the crescent of the enemy, which was 
ranged very thin and so the weaker, and somewhat advanced from the 
rest of the battle.' Dr. Amold compares the Roman advance to that 
of the English at Fontenoy. They had acted as if the Gauls and 
Spaniards were the whole centre, and by packing their columns of 
advance too close had allowed themselves to be overlapped on either 
side by the Africans. They were therefore doomed to victory and 
failure, much in the same way as the Greeks at Cunaxa. The Persians 
at Marathon were defeated in a similar manner. They broke the Greek 
centre, but their wings were repulsed by the Greeks, who then closed 
upon the centre. Livy in saying nimis tenuem hardly gives Hannibal 
as much credit for foresight as he deserves. 

1.414. institere. So Madvig, for ' insistere.' The historic infinitive 
camiot be used between two finite verbs in close connection. 
tenore uno, ' without a break.' 

46 NOTES ON hannibal!s campaign. 

1. 417. alis, * had been placed on the wings on either side, whicb 
were thrown back from the centre.' 

1. 418. media. Polybius calls this line the crescent (nr]viaKos), aud 
says that the crescent had its Hvprwixa towards the Romans. 

1. 419. aequavit, 'rnade itself even with the whole line.' 

1. 420. siuum, 'gave way so as to leave an opening for them to 
pass in the midst.' 

1. 422. circumdedere, ' wheeled round and closed in upon them.' 

1. 424. omissis, * had to leave the Gauls, whom they had put to 

1. 427. receutibus, 'newly come into action.' 

vegetis, ' fresh in body.' The gallantry of the Roman legions in 
sustaining the conflict at all needs no praise. They were in a worse 
position than they were at Lake Thrasymene, simply from being out- 
generalled. The Roman centre, infantry, at first apparently victorious, 
is novv utterly defeated. 

1. 430. coeptum, ' at first cold and faint, and originating in truly 
Carthaginian treachery.' This story is only told by Livy, who is the 
main purveyor of stories about Punic faith. There is no reason to 
doubt that Polybius would have told it if he thought it true. What he 
says is, that the Numidians simply detained the Romans till Hannibal 
was ready to attack them. 

1. 436. considere, ' to take post.' 

dum, expressing time simply with no idea of aim, ' until.' Com- 
pai^e ' Tu hic nos, dum eximus, interea opperibere.' 

1. 440. aversam, ' from behind.' 

terg^a, 'what with wounding their backs and cutting their ham- 

1. 442. The left wing (cavalry) of the Romans is defeated. 

l. 443. pertiuaz, * fighting was continued with the obstinacy now 
given by despair.' 

1. 444. The Numidians are sent in pursuit of the foe ; the Spaniards 
and Gauls assist the infantry in slaughtering the enemy. 

1. 445. segnis, ' without decisive result.' The Numidians in fact 
had been only employed to divert the attention of the cavalry on the 
left Roman wing, whilst Hasdnibal destroyed the Roman right, who 
were crushed in between their own centre and the river. As soon as he 
has destroyed the Roman right, he passes behind the centre of the 
battle and crushes the left wing under Varro. Then a third time he 
forms his victorious squadrons, and sending the Numidians ('subductos 
ex niedia acie") in pursuit of the fugitives, takes their place ic attacking 


the Roman centre. This last charge is decisive. The cavalry in fact 
beat the legions. 

1. 449. parte altera. Paulus had been in command of the Roman right. 
1. 451. confertis, ' keeping his men in close array.' 
1. 453. et, ' even for sitting his horse.' 

1. 455. qnam mallem, ' he might as well have handed them over 
to me ready bound ; ' it is very good of him to have done what he 
has, but I had rather he had gone a little way further and bound 
them ready. 

1. 457. quale, like Greek 0X0%, used with its own verb omitted, ' in 
fact the fight on foot of the horsemen was such as you would expect 
where victory was no longer to be hoped, for the conquered chose 
rather to die where they stood than to fly, and the conquerors, angered 
with those who thus delayed their victory, butchered where they could 
not put to flight.' 

1. 460. superantes, ' howbeit they did force a few survivors to re- 
treat.' Dr. Amold says, ' Then followed a butchery such as has no re- 
corded equal, except the slaughter of the Persians m their camp, when 
the Greeks forced it after the battle of Plataea.' 

1. 463. tribunus militum. There were six in each legion, whose 
duties were to keep order in the camp and generally superintend the 
soldiers. They commanded in tum as colonels of the legion. 

praetervehens. ' Pratervehor,' from constant use in the passive 
of a rider, had come to be regarded as a deponent. Hence the present 
, participle is here used in the sense of riding, though ' veho ' means ' to 

1. 464. oppletum, ' covered ; ' lit. filled up. 

1. 465. respicere, ' remember in your favour that you aione are 
guiltless,' &c. This verb is rarely used in a bad sense. 

1. 467. protegere, here, as before, used in its special sense of ' to 

funestam, 'do not make this battle a day of mouming by the 
death of a consul.' ' Funestus ' implies a day when the State had a 
personal loss. 

1, 468. feceris. In good Latin the second person o{\h& present con- 
junctive is only found in prohibitions, which are directed to an assiuned 
subject, e. g. 'quum absit, ne requiras ; ' Gallice, on tie doit pas. 

1. 470. macte . . . esto, 'go on and prosper in your courage.' 
* Mactus ' only occurs in the vocative, or in the nominative used as the 
vocative : macte or mactus esto. The vocative is perhaps to be 
explained by attraclion, as in Peisiiis, 3. 27 : — 


'Stemmate quod Tusco ramum millesime ducis, 
Censorem fatuum vel quod Irabeate salutas;' 
and in a less degree, Virg. Aen. 9. 485 : — 

'Heu, terra ignota, canibus date praeda Latinis 
Alitibusque iaccs ! ' 

1. 474. praeceptorum, i. e. not to fight. Aemilius Paulus' martyr- 
dom certainly had its reward, The Fabian policy was adopted after his 

1. 476. reiis, 'lest I have a second time to stand on my defence on 
vacating my consulship.' In 219 B. c. Paulus and M. Livius had tinished 
the Illyrian War, and had been charged afterwards with misappro- 
priation of the spoils. Livius was fined, and retired into private life, 
till he consented to come forvvard again and share vvith Claudius Nero 
the glory of the battle of the Metaurns. Aemilius had been acquitted. 

1. 477. crimine, ' by bringing a charge against another.' 

1. 479. eos. The MSS. have ' exigentes,' which would mean 'accu- 
rately examining.' But, as this is not what they were doing, Madvig 
reads ' eos.' 

Thus ended the battle of Cannae ; 80,000 men were lost for Rome that 
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aristocracy, on the next their inborn spirit revived ; and their resolute 
will, striving beyond its present power, crealed, as is the law of oui 
nalure, the power which it required.' 


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