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Full text of "Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Hearings before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-seventh Congress, first session .."

FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

1/ '^ i J 

HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTEATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNALISECURITY LAWS 

OP THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 
UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



APRIL 29, MAY 5, OCTOBER 10, 1960 

TOGETHER WITH HEARING HELD 

JANUARY 10, 1961 



I'rinted for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 



\ 



T\ 




U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
■^^^^'^O WASHINGTON : 1961 



\Ar^^ 



A9e4 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, lUinois 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

SAM J. ERVIN, Je., North CaroUna KENNETH B. KEATING, New York 

JOHN A. CARROLL, Colorado NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire 

THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut 
PHILIP A. HART, Michigan 
EDWARD V. LONG, Missouri 
WILLIAM A. BLAKLEY, Texas 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut, Vice Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South CaroUna ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina KENNETH B. KEATING, New York 

NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire 
J. Q. SouRwiNE, Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

n 



CONTENTS 



Testimony of — Page 

Beals, Carleton 1 

Grant, Joanne Alileen 67 

Santos-Buch, Charles A 77 

Taber, Robert 13 

Tynan, Kenneth 53 

m 



Resolution 

Resolved by the Internal Security Subcommittee of the Senate Committee 
on the Judiciary, That the injunction of secrecy be removed from 
testimony given in executive session by Carleton Beals on April 29, 
1960; Robert Taber and Kenneth Tynan on May 5, 1960; and Joanne 
Alileen Grant on October 10, 1960; ^ and be it further 

Resolved, That said testimony be printed and made public. 

James O. Eastland, Chairman. 
Thomas J. Dodd. 
Olin D. Johnston. 
John L. McClellan. 
Sam J. Ervin, Jr. 
Roman L. Hruska. 
Everett McKinley Dirksen. 
Kenneth B. Keating. 
NoRRis Cotton. 
Approved February 27, 1961. 

» Dr. Santos-Buch testified in oublic session. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



FRIDAY, APRIL 29, 1960 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 

of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D.C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 11 a.m., in room 2300, 
New Senate Office Building, Senator Olin D. Johnston presiding. 

Present: Senators Johnston, Thomas J. Dodd and Kenneth B. 
Keating. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, 
director of research and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Johnston. The subcommittee will come to order. 

Will you please raise your right hand and be sworn? 

Do you swear the evidence you will give before this subcommittee 
of the Judiciary Committee to be the |truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God? 

Mr. Beals. That 'is right. 

TESTIMONY OF CARLETON BEALS, KILIINGWORTH, DEEP RIVER, 

CONN. 

Mr. Sourwine. What is your fuU name, sir? 

Mr. Beals. Carleton Beals. 

Mr. Sourwine. And your address? 

Mr. Beals. Fire Tower Road, Killingworth, Deep River, Conn. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you have a telephone there? 

Mr. Beals. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. What is the number? 

Mr. Beals. Montrose 9-7466. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you employed, sir? 

Mr. Beals. Self-employed. 

Mr. Sourwine. What is your business or profession? 

Mr. Beals. Writing, lecturing. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you, Mr. Beals, a member of the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Beals. It is a rather anomalous position. I think I am. 

Mr. Sourwine. Would you describe for the committee the circum- 
stances of your joining the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Beals. I would be happy to, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine, Yes? 

Mr. Beals. I first received a letter from Robert Taber of CBS 
News. I have never met him, but I knew of some of his journalistic 



2 FAIR PLAT FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

exploits which were quite considerable and shortly before that, a 
magazine sent me an article of his and asked my opinion on it and I 
said I disagreed with some of it, but I thought it was a good article. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was that his Nation article on Cuba? 

Mr. Beals. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Proceed. 

Mr. Beals. And then I got a letter from him that he was forming 
this committee; that he felt there had been a lot of misinformation 
and so on, and which has, along with some good information. 

Well, I thought if that was his aim, was to merely bring out the 
facts, that that was a good thing for anybody to do, any American 
citizen to do and I said: "Yes; I would be interested." 

Mr. SouRWiNE. How did you signify that reply? Did you write 
him back? 

Mr. Beals. Yes, yes, I wrote him. 

Senator Johnston. And when did that take place? 

Mr. Beals, Let's see, this is April — that must have been in March, 
early March. 

Senator Johnston. This year? 

Mr. Beals. Yes. 

Senator Johnston. Proceed. 

Mr. Beals. And so he said, "Well, we want to run an ad in the 
New York Times." 

Mr. Sourwine. He said this? You mean he wrote you this? 

Mr. Beals. Yes, he wrote this. 

Mr. Sourwine. That was a second letter? 

Mr. Beals. I wouldn't know whether that was the first letter or 
the second letter. 

Mr. Sourwine. I see. 

Mr. Beals. And that they might try to get out a regular bulletin 
somehow. And so he said he had started this because some contractor 
in Brooklyn had written him about his article and was very much in- 
terested in it and wanted to put up $500 and he was putting up the 
$500. That was for this ad and they were going to see if they could 
raise some more. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did he name the contractor in Brooklyn? 

Mr. Beals. He did. I don't have his name. I could send it to 
you. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you have Mr. Taber's letter? 

Senator Johnston. We would like to have that for the record. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. Do you still have Mr. Taber's letter? 

Mr. Beals. I think so. 

Mr. Sourwine. Would you be wilhng to let the committee have it 
and make a copy of it and return it to you? 

Mr. Beals. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. May the Chair ask that that be done, if you would 
let us have it? 

Senator Johnston. Yes, that will be fine. 

(The letter referred to was ordered marked "Exhibit No. 1" and 
reads as follows:) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 3 

Exhibit No. 1 

CBS News, 
February 9, 1960. 
Mr, Carleton Bealbs, 
Deep River, Conn. 

Dear Mr. Beales: I took the liberty of obtaining your address from Gary 
McWilliams because I was anxious to inform you of a development which I think 
will be of interest to you — in view of your broad knowledge of and long interest 
in Cuba. 

A committee is being formed here in the city, for the express purpose of com- 
bating some of the anti-Cuban (counterrevolutionary is perhaps the more accurate 
expression) propaganda with which we are being deluged. The prime mover is 
a man of whom I know literally nothing, a chap named Alan Sagner who is, I 
understand, a builder in the Livingston, N.J., area. He contacted me after 
reading my recent article in the Nation, and said he wanted to bring along Rev- 
erend Reed, executive secretary of council of churches in Long Branch, N.J., and 
could enlist some other people. His idea: To form a Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee, or some such name, to seek some prominent names in the country at large, 
and to launch a sort of counterpropaganda campaign, perhaps even send a fact- 
finding committee to Cuba, with adequate attendant fanfare, via ads in the Times 
or whatever other means might recommend themselves. 

Clearly all of this is not so simple. It will require a fund-raising effort, a 
letter-writing campaign, etc. I'm not at all sure of how it will go. However, it 
seems to me that the mere existence of such a committee will be of some use or 
benefit, and I would like to make bold to ask your help, in any event your counsel. 
I've had a very good mail response — and not only from Cubans — to the Nation 
article and to various radio broadcasts which I've made of late, and so have good 
reason to believe that the basis of a Fair Play Committee does exist. There is 
a deep skepticism in the public at large, I believe, with regard to the stuff doled out 
by the mass media, and the right kind of countercampaign might well have more 
effect than one would think at first glance. 

Let me make my invitation specific: A few of us (I've invited Waldo Frank) 
are meeting at my apartment this coming Saturday, 118 West 79th Street, 
Manhattan, 2 p.m. to discuss plans. Perhaps you might like to come? In any 
case, I wonder whether I might not ask you to write and tell me what you think 
about the project that I have outlined here, and whether you would care to be 
associated with it, or to lend your name to it. Your help could be very valuable 
indeed, and I'm sure you will agree that the cause is a good one. 
Yours very truly, 

(Signed) Robert Taber. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, go ahead. 

Mr. Beals. He called me up once long distance and then wrote 
and wanted to know whether I would be cochau'man. I said I didn't 
think I wanted to be cochairman. I didn't have the time and energy 
and I didn't want the responsibility. I didn't attend any. They 
held two committees, I think. I don't even know who was on those 
committees and I said I didn't know enough about it and I didn't 
want the responsibility, but I might consider it, and as you see, I 
am an honest man and I don't know whether I should be on as co- 
chairman or not. 

Anyway, I wrote him on April 5. I thought this over some more 
and said I couldn't act as cochairman because I sunply didn't have 
the time and secondly, I would have to have very definite assurances 
that the membership and sponsors, there would be no Communists 
and that no funds should be derived from the Cuban Government. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That letter was quoted in part by Mr. Sokolsky 
in his column, was it not? 

Mr. Beals. That is right. 

I wrote Mr. Sokolsky a letter, correcting some of his statements 
about myself. 



4 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Would you be willing the committee should have 
the full text of this letter, the one that you wrote Mr. Taber on April 5? 

Mr. Beals. Oh, yes, anything I have is at your disposition, gentle- 
men. 

Exhibit No. 2 

Deep River, Conn., April 5, 1960. 
Mr. Robert B. Taber, 
CBS News, New York, N. Y. 

Dear Taber: In my last in reply to your suggestion that I become cochairman 
of the Fair Play to Cuba Committee, I replied that I might do so if you wished, 
but would prefer not to as I had no time to devote to it and did not feel I should 
accept the responsibility. 

I have been hoping for a reply on that, but in any case I feel that I would not 
wish to accept the responsibility. As you know I have attended none of the 
sessions for organizing this committee, and I would have to know more about it 
and just who is on it. 

Two things I would have to be reassured about: (1) That no Communist is 
part of the committee or is asked to become a sponsor. This would blow the 
whole thing out of the water. (2) That funds are from voluntary contributions 
and that no money is derived from the Cuban Government or their representa- 
tives, either directly or indirectly. 

In other words, I would not want to be part of an inspired propaganda organiza- 
tion. It would be as bad, in my eyes, to twist any part of the record in favor of 
the Cuban Government as to falsify the record against Castro and his government. 

Another reason for declining the honor is one which I do not like to mention. 
I do not believe that this cochairman idea is a good one. An organization such 
as this, and probably any organization demands direct responsibility, and in any 
case complete basic harmony. I am a great admirer of Waldo Frank and his 
writings; I think his "Virgin Spain" is a truly fine book, for instance. On the 
other hand, I am sure we do not see eye to eye on a great many things, particu- 
larly in the political field. I think he is a fine chairman, and should have the 
full responsibility. 

Please know that I am as anxious as ever to further fair play to Cuba, which 
has been so sadly lacking in many of our press services. 
Sincerely yours, 

Carleton Beals. 

Could I see your proposed ad, just as it is to be run? 

C. B. 

Senator Johnston. All right, proceed. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What was the telephone conversation about? 

Mr. Beals. Oh, just that he was drawing up the ad and one thing 
or another and then I think the night before the ad came out, he 
called up and said, "Would you be willing to be honorary chairman," 
and I said, "Well, that might be aU right if it didn't entail any respon- 
sibility with the committee," because I don't want to be responsible 
about something I didn't have full knowledge about and 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Go ahead, sir. 

Mr. Beals. And that more or less was our conversation and then 
the ad came out the next morning and my letter had just gone to him. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Is this the ad that you refer to, sir, an ad which 
appeared in the New York Times of Wednesday, April 6, 1960, page 
C33? 

Mr. Beals. Yes, that is the ad. 

Senator Johnston. You want to make that a part of the record? 

Mr. Sour WINE. I thought perhaps you would wish to make it part 
of the record ; whether you want to print it in the record or insert it 
by reference 

Mr. Beals (interposing). I should say also that in rejecting the 
idea of being cochairman in my letter, I said that what I thought was 
that Mr. Waldo Frank was a very brilliant writer and quite competent 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 5 

to head the committee without having a cochairman and it would be 
much better because my pohtical opinions did not fully coincide with 
Mr. Frank's and it would be unfortunate to have a committee in 
which there was 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you want to give us for our record a copy of 
that letter, Mr. Beals? 

Mr. Beals. Which? 

Senator Dodd. Senator, I suggest that we include this ad in the 
record as a whole. I think it is rather informative. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Have the text of it printed? Do you want it 
reproduced as to size and format? 

Senator Dodd. As long as it is legible, I would suggest that. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That can be done. 

Senator Johnston. Let me make this part of the record then. 

(The advertisement referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 3" and 
is reproduced on the following page.) 

Mr. Beals. I would like to correct this. This is an exact copy of 
the letter, so I won't have to send you that. 

Mr. Sokolsky was thrown off a bit. It is incorrect to say that I 
did not see the original ad. 

Mr. Taber sent me the original ad and I don't know what I said 
on that or whether I said anything, but he wrote me that they were 
going to revise it and I asked him to send me the final, revised ad 
which I did not see until it came out in the paper so that there is 
just 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You say this is a correct copy of your letter? 

Mr. Beals. That is correct. 

Senator Johnston. You saw the original ad as prepared, but you 
did not see it in its corrected form until it came out in the newspaper? 

Mr. Beals. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. When you saw the ad as published, did you note 
any changes from the original that you had seen? 

Mr. Beals. I really didn't examine it very closely. I think chiefly 
in the foreword 

Mr. Sourwine. When you talked with Mr. Taber on the telephone 
the day before the ad came out, I think you said 

Mr. Beals. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you and he discuss the fact that you had 
written this letter? 

Mr. Beals. I am not sure whether I mentioned it or not. I didn't 
really want to discuss it on the phone. I want it on the record. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you make to him, over the phone, any request 
such as you made in this letter, for assurance that this ad was not 
being paid for in whole or in part by Cuban money? 

Mr. Beals. I don't think so. I think our talk was very brief 
and I thought it was covered in this letter anyway. 

Mr. Sourwine. He said nothing to you on the telephone about 
that? 

Mr. Beals. No, no. He did, however, write me a letter sajdng 
that so far as he knew, none of the sponsors were Communists and 
making no out-and-out statement that there was no money from the 
Cuban Government but defining — well, what he said is "we have all 
dug down into our jeans." I told him from the start that I couldn't 
dig down into my jeans. 



6 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



THE NEW YORK TIMES. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 6, IMO. 



^t 



HiW^ 



WHAT iS^HAPPENING IN CUBA? 

From Havana come charges of sabotage, economic aggression, 
counter-revolutionary intrigue, air raids on Cuban cane fields, sugar 
mills, homes. Against this background, the great news agencies and 
a powerfijl section of the U. S. press raise a barrage of equally 
grave accusations. What can we believe in the welter of conflicting 
reports? 



"W£ ONtY REPORT THE FACTS," U.S. NEWSMEN ARE ACCUSTOMED TO SAY. IS THIS TRUE? 
COMPARE l^i FOLLOWING "FACTS." 



COMMUK'ISM:"A p'o-Communist I'oie hoi been eitobHiSed in Cooo with iSe (le 
*of . . .'■— 5oliotiliy in th» New York Journal-Ametkon. Tf«« of folw? 



ibieeti'^O of borgmJng w.th Stmet (tuiiio for the r 



James Baldwin 
Simone it Qeauvoir 
Fran^ Londo>i Brown 

Truman Capita 

John Henrfk Clarke 

Pref. Robert 6. Colodny 

Richard Gibson 

Dr. Maurice Green 

Edmonde Haddad 

Rev. Donald Harrington 

John Killcns 

Sidney Lens 

Norman Mailer 

Julian Kayfield 

Elva dePue MaKhews 

Prcf. Eusene Noble 

Rev. John Papandrew 

James Purdy 

Joseph Quintana 

Alan Sagne: 

Jcan Paul Sartrt 

John Singleloii 

Robert Taber 

0. A. Thurston 

Kenneth Tynan 

Dan Wakefield 

Sidney Welnsteln 

Robsrl F. Williams 

Waldo Frank. Chairman 
Cartclen Beah. Cc-Chairmm 
Fitr Phf lor Cuba Ccmmitif 



False. Not a shied of evidence ha$ been produced lo sup- 
port such ollegotions a% the one above, charges consister.ll/ 
used to Creole o smoke screen behind vvhich the sociol objec- 
lives oF the Cuban revolulion con be ottacked and sobo- 
toged. Cuba's recent trade pcd wilh Ihe Soviet Union repre- 
sents on effort to find new markets for Cubon sugar, and to 
obtoin, not arms, but ogncultural implemenls and indus- 
trial mochinery for which credil hos been denied in the 
United Stoics. Mony other American republics trade with 
Ihe Soviets — os Joes the United Stoles ttjelf, Cuba's Com- 
munist Parly i; o tiny minority, with abojt 16,000 members. 
In the 1959 labor elections. Communist candidates won in 
only eight of the 243 locals of Ihe 500,000-member Sugor 
Workers Federolinn, and non<' was elected to The executive 
council of Ihe national labor organiiolion, the CT.C. In. 
inlernationol offairs, Cuba fmds its natural ofTinity with the 



CONFlSCflTIOti: 'I" Cubo. CoiTo ^i H.ol.r.g Ameriton p.operiy wiiK In 

Tolse. Although the word "confiseolion" hos often been 
used by the press in a con'exl which would suggest il- 
tcgol seizure, nothing has been stolen from any A,rnerican 
• — or cny Cubon. The Agronan Reform Law, designed lo 
diversify Cuban agriculture and lo give 100,000 landless 
peasants a stoke in their own r<th argricullurol country, 
conforms in oil respects with international law ond the 
practire of all civiliied countries In some coses, il hos buen 
necessory lo put propeily under the supervision of govern- 
ment representatives 'a p'CCess known os intervenliof^l, 
pending o decision os lo lo'ma', tegol cxprop"ol on 



other smoil, under-developed noHons of Ihe world, fl ii true 
that a profound social and economic revolution is in prog* 
ress ;n Cubo, ond thai the sweeping reforms that o^c being 
inaugurated undoubledty must affect Ihe one-billion-doltcir 
U. 5. investment in the isiond. But 6nly those who equolt 
Communism >A'ith all forces Ihol threolen the slalus quo of 
property interests will find the Cubon Revolution "Commu- 
nistic." Efforts lo drive o wedge between the Romon Catholic 
Church ond the Revolulionory Government, on the Issue of 
Cof-imunism,hove been forcefully repulsed by the Church 
itself. To quo^e the latest of several recent dedorations ort 
the subj-rct, Monsignor Manuel Xodriguez Roios, Bishop of 
Pinar del Rio, soys: "There is perfect harmony between Iht 
Church ond the Stole." "Our Revolution," says Fidel CastrOf 
"is not Communist but humonisf." 



un;ty."-U S. Ne« & Wo-Id Ssport. 

Owners whose properly is to he expropriated (much o* It 
would be ocqwired by condemnolion in the Uniled States, 
to meet ony legiiirr^ale public need) hove been promissd 
compensation in 20-yeor government bonds, bearing in* 
terest oi the rote of 4Vi "o. This comperes fovorobly with, 
for eiomoie, the U S. lond reform program imposed on 
Jnoon bv Generol MocArlhur ofter World Wor H, provid- 
ing for compensoiion in 24-yeor bonds ot 3'/j"'«. Th« 
Cubon bonds hove been ptinted and await only the propCf 
signotures. 



CHAOS: "All Ihot row r 
-NewiweeV. 



>r Coilf© to flive lh« wot), and ihe Te'for, ihe ful«l«ii hunting Jo-n ond ihooling ol f ideli cpponentj, will begirt* 



False. Despite the above prediclion, Nov. 3, 1959, ond 
Ihe incessant references lo "terror," "choos," ond "diclotor- 
ship" in the U. S press, the greot work of revolulionory re- 
form ond reconstruction now in progress in Cubo is go'rtg 
forward in on olmosphere of extroordinaty optimism and 
energy, as or>y tourist con fesltfy. The island is being gov- 
erned by a provisional government under the Constitution 
of 1940, which is notoble in the Hemisphere for its liberolity. 
Cubons— ^nd visitors lo the island — remoin freer in mony 
respects thon do U. S. citizens. For example, no police per- 
mft is required for o public meeting or demonilrotion, os 
in New York City. There is no censorship, not even o libel 
'aw, A foreign ntwsman needs no special visa, os he would 



in the United Sides (o tounst cord vf^\ dol, and no restric- 
tion is placed on his movements. Even Ihe oir raids on 
Hovano — the occosion of t»oI terrf^ and in one instance 
of the death of two Cubans and f>ie wounding of 45 — 
hove foiled to force the government lo loke ony but th* 
most obviously urgent security meoiures. Despite on 
atlempted invasion from SO'-ito Domingo, a widespread 
counter-revolutionory conspiiocy, and numerous small octs 
of sabotage and terrorism on the port of former Balislo 
henchmen, Ihe government has refi'oined from involiing (he 
deoth sentence against convicted counlet-revolulionaries. 
Newsweek nolwitbslonding, not one of these has been shot. 



"WHAT HAVE WC DONE. . .?" asks a new and hopeful generotlon of Cubans, viewed wlih hostility In 



Washington and Woll Street, occused of "impudence"' 
nomrc end diplomotic '■Isolotion" in the Hemisphere. 

Perhaps iheir crime is their youth. (The overoge age 
of the Cubon revolutionary leaders is 29.) Perhaps 
they hove aspired toward loo much, too soon. (Th^ee 
thousond tow-cost housing units built in the first year 
of revolution, more thon 7,000 clossrooms, hundreds 
of miles of new roods, 500 flourishing ogiKulturol co- 
operolives, thousonds of jobs creeled in new industries 
established through ihe voluntory contributions of a 
million Cubon workers.) Perhops the explonolion is 
simply ihal (here ore, in the United States, powerful 
interests ben( on frustrating fhe primory purpose of 
the Revolution: to glva Cuba bock to the Cubans. 



for seeking their independence, threatened with eco- 

It is true thof the young leoders of the Cubon Revolu- 
tion have litllo potience with considerations of profit 
ond loss, in the foco of poverty ond human need. Nor 
have they any sovln^ experience with the cmenltles of 
public reletions, or the Intrigues of dollar diplomacy, 
or the sophistry of journolistic "focts" which distort 
truth. But if so. they ore In the American tradition. 
Ccrtoinly they deserve o heori.ig. This much the 
American Wodiilon owes ihcm. This much we, os 
Americans, owe them. 

Would you like to know more of tht truth 
about revolutionor^ Cubo as it is today? 



ADDRESS YOUR INQUIRIES TO: 

THE FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

BOX T249 TIMES, NEW YORK 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 7 

Mr. Sour WINE. Were you asked to? 

Mr. Beals. No. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you, on the telephone, discuss with him the 
question of whether there were any Communists on the committee? 

Mr. Beals. No, I don't think so. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know all of the people whose names ap- 
pear in the ad as members of the committee? 

Mr. Beals. The only one I ever met in my life was Mr. Waldo 
Frank and that was many, many years ago. 

Mr. Sourwine. When you addressed 

Mr. Beals. Oh, I have had correspondence with Mr, Sidney 
Lens, of Chicago. 

Mr. Sourwine. About this committee? 

Mr. Beals. I think I mentioned the committee was being formed. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is he a member of the committee? 

Mr. Beals. Yes, and you might be interested to find out if he 
wrote to Mr, Taber. 

Mr. Sourwine. You think he wrote to Mr. Taber as a result of 
your contact? 

Mr. Beals. Quite possible. 

Mr. Sourwine. When you wrote your letter to Mr. Taber on the 
date of April 5 did you have any reason to believe that any funds 
for the committee did come from a Cuban or Cuban Embassy source? 

Mr. Beals. No, I had no reason to believe that. I realized from 
Mr. Taber's conversation that he was apparently pretty close to the 
Cuban authorities. That is all I could say on that. 

Senator Keating. May I interrupfi* Is he still with CBS? 

Mr. Beals. So far as I know. 

Senator Keating. What is he, in their news? 

Mr. Beals. The news department. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Beals, during the past years have you written 
books and articles on Mexico and Cuba? 

^Ir. Beals. Oh, I have written books on Mexico and Cuba and 
Peru and this and that. 

In fact, I would say that I was the first writer in this country that 
told about Communist activities in Latin America and this was 
published in Cm-rent History first, and later on in Harpers, Saturday 
Evening Post, and Reader's Digest, in a book, "The Coming Struggle 
for Latin America." I have a very definite chapter called Red Star 
Over Latin America. 

Mr. Sourwine. When was that book written? 

Mr. Beals. 1938. 

Mr. Sourwine. What was your thesis in that chapter with regard 
to the Red star over Latin America? 

Mr. Beals. The thesis was that the Communists were very active. 
Apparently they had money that was beyond their means, that the 
organization, theh- influence in organizing the confederation, Latin 
American Confederation of Labor, and so on. 

Mr. Sourwine. You could see it coming that early? 

Mr. Beals. Yes. 

Senator Johnston. What year was that? 

Mr. Beals. 1938, but I had articles on it before that, a number of 
years before that. 



8 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE, You have been in general, friendly toward the 
Castro regime in Cuba. You are not a Batistaite? 

Mr. Beals. Certainly not a Batistaite. Let us put that on the 
record very firmly. I have written quite a number of articles about 
Castro and Cuba. I think if you check back they were fairly balanced. 
They were friendly but they were also — had their very definite 
political aspect. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. At the time Castro came into power, you were not 
an opponent of Castro or in opposition to him? 

Mr. Beals. I had some very critical things to say at that point 
because I was not sure what path he was going to follow and so on 
and so forth and some of the things in his previous career would seem 
a little suspicious to me. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Your articles about the Castro regime appeared 
in Nation, January 17, January 24, January 31, and May 2 of 1959? 

Mr. Beals. I imagine you have the dates correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. I don't ask that those articles be made a 
part of the record, sir, but the reference will be sufficient to identify 
them. 

Mr. Beals. I also wrote several pieces for the Christian Century. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you want to identify the dates or approximate 
dates in which those pieces appeared? 

Mr. Beals. I think one appeared — several appeared toward the 
end of the Batista period and the last one I am almost certain the 
date is March 9. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now, were you, with Clifford Odets, coauthor of 
a pamphlet entitled "Rightful Rule in Cuba"? 

Mr. Beals. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. That was published by the Provisional Committee 
of Cuba, sponsored by the American Committee To Investigate 
Labor and Social Conditions in Cuba. 

Mr. Beals. Yes, that was way back. It must have been about 
in 1934. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you acquainted with any of the members 
of the American Committee To Investigate Labor and Social Condi- 
tions in Cuba? 

Mr. Beals. Only CHfford Odets. 

Mr. Sourwine. You did not know Frank Gifford, Celeste Strack, 
or Paul Crosbie? 

Mr. Beals. No, I was not a member of that and the only thing 
I did was this with Clifford Odets. 

There was one other person went down I knew. He was a professor 
at Oklahoma and he was at Boston University, I think he is pretty 
much a fellow traveler. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you know that the persons I named, that 
is Crosbie, Gifford, Strack had been candidates for office on the 
Communist Party ticket and members of this American Commission 
To Investigate Labor and Social Conditions in Cuba? 

Mr. Beals. No, I didn't know who was on anything. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you, yourself, ever been associated with 
organizations engaged primarily in the defense of Communist legal 
cases? 

Mr. Beals. That would be hard to say. I think there was one 
that took over general defense of labor cases, one thing or another. 
It may have defended some Communists. I don't know. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 9 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Were you a writer of the pamphlet "Blood on 
the Sugar" for the International Labor Defense? 

Mr. Beals. I may have been, I don't know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You don't remember? 

Mr. Beals. I can't remember. May have picked it up somewhere 
else. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Were you a member of the National Committee 
for the Defense of Political Prisoners? 

Mr. Beals. I was for a time. Then they put out some false 
material about the zinc industry somewhere in the Middle West. 
I wrote them a furious letter and said that I wasn't — couldn't stand 
for false information of that sort. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you a sponsor of the Harry Bridges Victory 
Committee in 1940^1? 

Mr. Beals. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You were a speaker for that conmiittee? 

Mr. Beals. What? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You were also a speaker for that committee? 

Mr. Beals. No, never. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You were a sponsor of it? 

Mr. Beals. I was a sponsor. The final committee I would not go 
on because I became convinced that Communists were involved. 

Originally, Mr. Bridges was acquitted by immigration authorities 
and courts and one thing or another of being a Communist and then 
it was brought up again and I thought that this was — I just felt that 
this was pushing it a little too far. I had a sort of feeling, as an 
American, that double jeopardy and triple jeopardy is not a good 
thing. I think you ought to have your facts and then proceed. But 
that is the only interest in Harry Bridges. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Ever connected with the Prestes Defense Com- 
mittee? 

Mr. Beals. The what? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The defense committee for Luis Prestes. 

Mr. Beals. Never heard of it and never was. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Your name appeared on a cable in behalf of the 
Prestes Defense Committee. Was that with your authority? 

Mr. Beals. Not that I know of. I also might say that I am sup- 
posed to be a member of the Soviet something Friendship Committee. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes? 

Mr. Beals. And I never authorized the use of my name and, as 
soon as I found it out, I protested very vigorously. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You know who Luis Prestes was? 

Mr. Beals. Is that the Brazilian? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The Brazilian Communist. 

Mr. Beals. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know him? 

Mr. Beals. Never met him. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you a member of the National Committee 
for People's Rights in 1938? 

Mr. Beals. Don't recall it. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you a member of the National Committee To 
Secure Justice for Morton Sobell? 

Mr. Beals. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. Your name, if used there, was iised without your 
permission? 



10 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Beals. That is right. 

I might say with regard to Sobell, I got a number of letters from 
his wife which I didn't answer and then she sent me some material 
that was rather interesting and asked my opinion about it. 

I said, "Well, I could not give an opinion unless I could see the 
whole transcript of the trial." Whereupon, I got that. 

I wrote her my frank opinion and if that has been used an3nvhere, 
it has not been used with my knowledge or consent. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Sir, I show you a mailing piece signed for the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee by Marjorie More. It is a printed signa- 
ture. I will ask you first if you have seen this or had a copy of it 
before. 

Mr. Beals. I have never seen it. I don't even know who Marjorie 
More is. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That was the next question I was going to ask you. 
You had then nothing to do with the preparation of this article? 

Mr. Beals. Nothing. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions of this 
witness. It may be that members of the committee will want to ask 
him about something I have overlooked. 

Senator Johnston. Any questions? 

Senator Keating. I have just one question, Mr. Beals. 

Since this ad appeared in the New York Times or at any other 
time, has anything come to your attention to indicate that it was 
inspired or paid for in part, either by the Cuban Government or by 
any Communist sources? 

Mr. Beals. I have no knowledge. 

Senator Keating. You just don't know anything about it? 

Mr. Beals. I don't know anything about it. The only money I 
ever heard mentioned was this contractor in Brooklyn and Mr. Taber 
himself. 

Senator Keating. You don't know whether that contractor ever 
had done business with the Cuban Government or not? 

Mr. Beals. That I wouldn't know. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You are going to furnish the committee with the 
correspondence that you have wdth Mr. Taber which wiU show that, 
the contractor's name and the other letter he wrote you. 

Mr. Beals. I will be delighted to. 

Senator Johnston. Do you know of anyone who paid for the ad? 

Mr. Beals. That is all I know. 

Senator Johnston. You don't know? 

Mr. Beals. I just don't know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, may it be ordered that the material 
that is to be furnished by the witness may be inserted in the record 
at the appropriate place? 

Senator Johnston. All that you send in here we wiU be glad to 
make it a part of the record. 

Mr. Beals. I would like to have it back. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Of course. 

Senator Johnston. Any that you desire to be made a part of the 
record, let's put it that way. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And that this mailing piece may also go into the 
record? 

Senator Johnston. Yes; this will become a part of the record. 



FAIR PLAT FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 11 

(The letter referred to was ordered marked "Exhibit No. 4" and 
because it was delayed in reaching the subcommittee, is printed as 
Appendix IV p. 122.) 

Mr. Beals. May I put a personal request in the record, that I had 
never seen it until you showed it to me? 

Senator JoHNSTOisr. Oh, yes, your statement is in there. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You mean this? 

Mr. Beals. Yes. 

Senator Johnston. We will put that in right along with it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This is put in with what was shown to you. 

Senator Johnston. When you answered the question, we put that 
in the record right there, showing that you had never seen it. 

Mr. Beals. That is right. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I simply want to tell the chairman that I have a 
small amount of additional material to offer for the record, but I 
would prefer to do it after this witness has been excused. 

Senator Johnston. We are certainly glad to have had you. We 
are going into another matter now. 

Senator Keating. Glad to have seen you, Mr. Beals. 

(At this point in the proceedings the witness, Mr. Beals, left the 
hearing room.) 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, the committee subpenaed, as the 
chairman knows, two other witnesses for this morning, Mr. Robert 
Taber and Mr. Kenneth Tynan. 

Mr. Taber and Mr. Tynan apparently have employed the same 
attorney, Leonard Boudin of Boudin, Rabinowitz <fe Boudin of New 
York, and the committee has two practically identical telegrams. 

With the chairman's permission, I shoiild like to read one, one 
relates to Tynan and one refers to Taber. 

The first telegram reads, it is addressed to the Internal Security 
Subcommittee, and I might state for the record, as the chairman 
knows, that Mr. Boudin made a request by telephone of Mr. Schroeder, 
who talked on this end, for an extension of time, a continuance. 

This was taken up with the vice chairman of the subcommittee who 
decided there would be no continuance and Mr. Boudin was instructed 
over the telephone to have his clients here. 

Subsequently, and apparently at 5:44 p.m. last night, these mes- 
sages were filed. The first telegram reads: 

Internal Security Subcommittee, 
Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.: 

Our client, Robert Taber, was served in New York City last night with a sub- 
pena returnable tomorrow morning in Washington, D.C. This notice is too short 
to make it possible for him to consult with counsel to arrange his personal affairs 
and to fill his contractual obligations to the radio news service by which he is em- 
ployed. Your attention is also called to the fact that the subpena is blank in the 
part calling for a committee statement of the subject matter of the investigation 
and that neither subpena fees or traveling expenses between Washington and New 
York have been paid to our client. Since under the circumstances it is impossible 
for him to appear tomorrow we request an adjournment until some time next 
week and an advance committee statement of the legislative purpose of the in- 
vestigation. This statement of purpose is made particularly necessary by your 
Mr. Schroeder's telephonic advice today that he is not authorized to tell us the 
legislative purpose and that Senator Dodd would advise our client of it tomorrow, 
obviously too late to prepare himself for the hearing. We also request advance 
payment of our client's traveling expenses. 

Leonard Boudin. 

Now the other telegram is similar, but it is enough different that 
it migh ^b e well to read it. 

76374 0-61 -2 



12 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Johnston. Proceed. 
Mr. Sour WINE. It reads: 

Internal Security Subcommittee, 
Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.: 

Our client, Kenneth Tynan, was served in New York City last night with a 
subpena, returnable tomorrow morning in Washington, D.C. This notice is too 
short to make it possible for him to consult with counsel to arrange his personal 
affairs and to fulfill his contractual obligations to the weekly magazine by which 
he is employed.. Your attention is also called to the fact that the subpena is 
blank in the part calling for a committee statement in the subject matter of the 
investigation. Since in the first place it is impossible for Mr. Tynan to appear 
tomorrow, we request an adjournment until some time next week and a statement 
of the legislative purpose of the investigation. This statement of purpose is made 
particularly necessary by your Mr. Schroeder's telephonic advice today that he 
was not authorized to tell us the legislative purpose and that the committee would 
advise our client of it tomorrow, obviously too late to prepare himself for the 
hearing. Your attention is called specifically to the fact that Mr. Tynan is a 
British national and is here on a visitor's visa. While Mr. Tynan will, of course, 
appear on any adjourned date, I suggest you may wish to consider the fact that 
under international law, a foreign visitor, while obligated to obey the laws of this 
country, is under no legal obligation to advise the Congress of the necessity for 
legislation. This appears to be the first occasion on which a congressional com- 
mittee has subpenaed a visitor to this country. An adjournment will aflford Mr. 
Tynan an opportunity to discuss the subpena with his Embassy and secure the 
legal advice and instruction of its counselor. 

That is signed by Leonard Boudin of Boudin, Rabinowitz & 
Boudin. 

Senator Keating. What is the weekly magazine Mr. Tynan is 
connected with? 

Mr. Mandel. The New Yorker, dramatic critic. 

Senator Keating. If he is here on a visitor's visa 

Mr. Mandel. He Uves here. 

Senator Keating. How long has he hved here? 

Mr. Mandel. I do not know. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I don't know, I haven't personally checked it. 
On a visitor's visa, I don't beUeve he is allowed to work. 

Senator Johnston. A visitor is not. 

Mr. Sourwine. We received the following telegram which appears 
to have been filed at 7 :48 p.m. New York last night. 

Internal Security Subcommittee, 
Senate Judiciary Committee: 

Further to our telegram in connection with the subpena issued to our client 
Kenneth Tynan, having just seen a newspaper stating communism in Cuba is one of 
the subjects before the committee, Mr. Tynan asked me to state in his behalf that if 
it will be of any assistance to the committee in its deliberations, he is prepared 
to file an aflBdavit to the effect that he is not and never has been a member of the 
Communist Party or any affiliated organization. 

It is signed by Leonard Boudin of Boudin, Rabinowitz & Boudin. 

I respectfully submit this is aU we need for the record. 

Do you have something for the record, Mr. Mandel? 

Mr. Mandel. I thought the Senators might want to know the 
legal firm, what its reputation is. 

Mr. Sourwine. Not for the record. 

The committee might wish to discuss this. 

I respectfully suggest that the record of the hearing be closed. 

Senator Dodd. I think so. 

Senator Johnston. Very well. 

(Whereupon, at 11:45 a.m., the subcommittee recessed, subject to 
the call of the Chair.) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



THURSDAY, MAY 5, 1960 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 

OF the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D.C. 

The subcommittee met, pm-suant to notice, at 10:55 a.m., in room 
2300, New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd presiding. 

Present: Senator Dodd. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, 
director of research; and Frank W, Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Dodd. The subcommittee will come to order. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Taber, will you rise and be sworn? 

Senator Dodd. Raise your right hand. Do you solemnly swear the 
testimony you give before this subcommittee will be the truth, the 
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Taber. I do. 

Senator Dodd. Go ahead, Counsel. 

TESTIMONY OF ROBERT TABER, NEW YORK, N.Y. ; ACCOMPANIED 
BY LEONARD BOUDIN, ESQ., OF BOUDIN, RABINOWITZ & 
BOUDIN, NEW YORK, N.Y. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Taber, would you give the reporter your full 
name? 

Mr. Taber. Robert Taber. 

Mr. Sourwine. And your address, Mr. Taber? 

Mr. Taber. 118 West 79th Street. 

Mr. Sourwine. New York City? 

Mr. Taber. New York 25. 

Mr. Sourwine. Your business or profession, sir? 

Mr. Taber. I am a journahst. 

Mr. Sourwine. Where are you employed? 

Mr. Taber. Columbia Broadcasting System. 

Senator Dodd. How long have you been employed there? 

Mr. Taber. About 10 j^ears, off and on. 

Senator Dodd. Where were you employed previously? 

Mr. Taber. I worked for several newspapers. 

Senator Dodd. Can you name them? 

Mr. Taber. I worked for about 2 years for Newsday, Long Island, 
and prior to that for, oh, shghtly less than 2 years, for the Newhouse 
newspapers in Queens, Long Island — Long Island Press and the Star 
Journal. 

Senator Dodd. Any others? 

13 



14 FAIR PLAY FOR CtTBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Taber. I don't believe so, Senator. I may have spent a week 
or two on this desk or that desk of some newspaper, but no permanent 
thing. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Taber, I want to say to you that, as you may 
know, one of the duties imposed upon this committee in connection 
with its continuing investigation is to investigate propaganda, and the 
committee is interested in determining this morning whether a particu- 
lar advertisement which appeared in the New York Times on Wednes- 
day, April 6, 1960, is propaganda and whether this is in any way 
sponsored by or instigated by a foreign government or foreign national. 

I show you the ad itself. I presume you have seen it before and 
ask you if you recognize this ad. 

Mr. Taber. Before I answer your question I would like to raise 
several questions having to do with my appearance here. 

With all respect, I would like to ask whether this subcommittee 
has a quorum present; whether it has jurisdiction in this particular 
matter, and if so, may I be shown whatever is required so that I may 
know that it does have jurisdiction and that my appearance here can 
be legally compelled by this subcommittee. 

I would also like to request that my counsel be permitted to repre- 
sent me and to make objections and to argue objections if any should 
arise in connection with my testimony here. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you wish me to make a statement? 

Senator Dodd. Go ahead. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The committee's authority stems from two Senate 
resolutions which were named, I believe, in the subpena. If you 
desire to see copies of these resolutions • 

Senator Dodd. I don't think that is necessary. You can tell him. 
Go on with your statement. You can look them up. We will give 
him the citations. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The committee is authorized to conduct a con- 
tinuing investigation into activities adversely affecting, or which 
might adversely affect, the internal security of the United States. 

I am not attempting to quote this language verbatim, including, 
but not limited to the dissemination of propaganda, specificially 
Communist propaganda or propaganda on behalf of any other sub- 
versive interest and it is under that authority that you are called here. 

The existence of the committee, of course, is well known and its 
right to issue subpenas is well known, and I think it is self-evident that 
your counsel would not have produced you here if he didn't think the 
subpena was valid. 

Is there any contention that it is not? 

(No response.) 

Mr. SouRWiNE. With regard to the question of quorum, under the 
rules of the Senate a committee is authorized to designate one member 
for the purpose of conducting hearings and investigations and ad- 
ministering oaths. 

The Judiciary Committee has authorized this and has authorized its 
subcommittees to do it and there is a separate resolution of the internal 
subcommittee authorizing one member to sit for that purpose. 

These resolutions also can be supplied to you within a few minutes 
if it is desired that you see them before you testify. 

Senator Dodd. I don't think that is necessary, and I said that 
earlier. I think we have told him what the authority is. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 15 

I don't think we have to get into an argument, legal argument 
here, about its validity. 

Go on with the rest. That is all I am going to do, is tell him and 
go on with our hearing. 

Mr. Taber. The question of whether my counsel may argue on 
my behalf, on legal questions, on the validity of this hearing and the 
questions which I previously cited. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This is not a ruling of the chairman, of course. 
We will rule, as is customary^as your counsel, I am sure, is aware — 
if counsel does interpose objections, whenever he feels it is desirable 
to do so. 

I am sure he will tell you he has never been treated otherwise than 
courteously by the committee. 

Senator Dodd. Your lawyer is here and has access to you and you 
have to him. No one has denied you this, but if your question has 
been answered, go on to something else. 

Mr. BouDiN. I may say, Mr, Sourwine, we do contest the validity 
of the subpena and we do contest the authority of the subcommittee 
to sit, and we are not satisfied that we have been shown, nor do we 
think that there exists authority to conduct the investigation of the 
subject you have mentioned. 

I am not going to argue the matter. I think it is sufficient. 

Senator Dodd. I don't think you should argue it. State your 
position. 

Mr. BouDiN. We stated our own position. 

Mr. Sourwine. The pending question is whether Mr. Taber rec- 
ognizes this advertisement. 

Mr. Taber. Yes; I do. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is this an advertisement which you placed in the 
New York Times or caused to be placed there? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, that is true. 

Mr. Sourwine. Would you tell us, sir, what part you played in 
the formation of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Taber. I was one of a number of people, a group of friends 
who saw the need for or felt that we — that there was a pressing need 
to present a view of the Cuban situation which would do something 
to rectify the increasingly worsening relation between Cuba and the 
United States and something which we felt stemmed largely from 
miisunderstanding on the part of the American public in this con- 
nection and as we state here, to combat the distortions, the discrep- 
ancies of the American press in this connection and we met — we 
formed a committee and this advertisement was the first public 
result of it. 

Mr. Sourwine. Who is the 'Ve," Mr. Taber? Who met to form 
that committee? You and who else? 

Air. Taber. A number of private individuals of my acquaintance. 
I was named — I don't feel able to tell you at this time. 

Senator Dodd. Do you mean by that you don't remember them? 

Mr. Taber. I remember, I believe I remember them. Senator. It 
is a question of whether — I would like to raise the question of whether 
again the committee has the authority to inquire into 

Senator Dodd. Who else was with you other than that? I believe 
we do. I asked you. Answer the question. 



16 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Taber. I am afraid, with all respect, Senator, I will have to 
decline to answer the question on the grounds that to do so would be 
an infringement of my right to make a public statement on the pubUe 
issue under the first amendment and that it would be an infringement 
of the rights of those people connected with me if I would give their 
names at this time. 

Mr. SouRWiNE, May I speak to this before the Chair rules? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The contention that the name of these persons 
would be an infringement of their right to make a pubUc statement 
must fail because there is here no interference with the making of the 
statement and it is well recognized in law that the right of freedom of 
the press and freedom of speech does not absolve an individual of 
responsibilities of what he has done after the statement has been made 
or the article has been published. 

I ask that notwithstanding the objection, the Chair order or direct 
the witness to answer. 

Mr. BouDiN. May I be heard for a moment? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. BouDiN. The position taken by the witness is essentially that 
if those who had anything to do with the publication of an advertise- 
ment were to find themselves given pubhcity, possibly meet with com- 
mittee subpenas, and so forth, then this would, of course, discourage 
people making public statements on public issues. 

Now I may say that very recently the Supreme Court of the United 
States, by the divided vote, upheld the right of anonymity of people 
issuing public statements. I can't remember the case at the moment, 
but that was a decision made by the Supreme Court and it was 
pointed out in the majority opinion that the important thing is not to 
discourage people from issuing statements in writing, or otherwise. 

It is for that reason and only for that reason, that the witness feels 
that there is a basic first amendment problem involved here. 

Senator Dodd. Anything else? 

(No response.) 

Senator Dodd. On this, I instruct you to answer the question. 

Mr. BouDiN. Excuse me a second whUe I consult the witness. 

Senator Dodd. I think it might be helpful and because you might 
want to think about it as you confer: Besides the jurisdictional 
grounds for this hearing which the Counsel Sourwine has stated, I 
would remind you that the Judiciary Committee is, of course, con- 
cerned about these foreign agents' registrations. 

This is a subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee. 

This is just for yom- information as you confer. 

I think the record should show that the witness and his counsel are 
having a conference. Show the time this started and the time it 
concluded. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel from 11 :10 a.m. to 11 :11 a.m.) 

Mr. Taber. I think we can say. Senator, that since the names of a 
number of sponsors are mentioned in the ad itself that we can candidly 
say that some of these people themselves participated in the organiza- 
tion of the committee and others became sponsors as a result of the 
efforts of these. 

Mr. Sourwine. This is, of course, a natural assumption, but it is 
quite clear, I think, that the presence of a name on this ad was not 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 17 

assurance that the person named was present for the formation of 
the committee. 

Mr. Taber. a number of them were not. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You stated some of them were. Will you tell us 
which ones were? 

Mr. Taber. Those who were, Alan Sagner — the question — in 
certain cases we corresponded with the people and talked to them on 
the telephone. We didn't have meetings as meetings. 

Mr. Sourwine. We will get to the question of telephone in a 
moment. The question at the moment concerns those present at 
the meeting which 3^ou said was held for the formation of this com- 
mittee. 

You have told us that some of the people whose names are on this 
ad were present at that meeting, and you have named one, Alan Sagner. 

Mr, Taber. The two basic organizers were myself and Mr. Sagner. 

There happened to be some other people present who did not have 
and do not have any connection \vdth this committee or with this ad, 
and 1 can't feel free to bring their names into this discussion because 
they don't have anything to do with the subject matter. 

Mr. Sourwine. First, were there any other persons present at the 
meetings whose names were on this ad? 

Mr. Taber. Alan Sagner and myself. 

Mr. Sourwine. There were no others present at this organizational 
meeting whose names were on this ad? 

Mr. Taber, Subsequently, I met with Waldo Frank. 

Mr. Sourwine. We are talking about this organization meeting 
at which j^ou and Mr. Sagner were present. 

Mr, Taber. There were a series of organization meetings, first it 
was one person and then with another. 

Mr. Sourwine, WeU, were there present at any of these organiza- 
tion meetings any of the individuals whose names are on this ad other 
than Mr. Sagner? 

Mr. Taber. Mr. Frank. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Frank was present at one. Were he and Mr, 
Sagner both present at the same meeting at any time? 

Mr. Taber. I honestly can't remember. I believe that Mr. Sagner 
conferred at some time with Mr. Frank, but I am not sure I was there 
at the time. 

Mr. Sourwine. The first meeting was just you and Mr, Sagner, 
is that correct? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now, you have said that other persons were at 
this meeting. What other persons? 

Mr. Taber. The first meeting occurred in a public restaurant, so 
the question of who else was there — it is something that I can't answer 
Avithout mentioning any number of people who may or may not have 
known, but didn't have any particular connection with this matter, 

Mr. Sourwine. Where was this meeting held? 

Mr, Taber. A restaurant on Eighth Avenue, 

Mr. Sourwine. You know the name? 

Mr. Taber. The name of which I don't recall at the moment. 

Mr. Sourwine. Where on Eighth Avenue? 

Mr, Taber, About 51st or 52d, 



18 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. 51st or 52d Street on Eighth Avenue in New York 
City? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You do not recall the name of the restaurant? 

Mr. Taber. I do not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you been back there since the meeting? 

Mr. Taber. I have not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you at a table, you and Mr. Sagner? 

Mr. Taber. I believe that we were. 

Mr. Sourwine. Or did you hold your meeting standing up in the 
restaurant? 

Mr. Taber. I believe that we were at a group of tables in the center 
of the dining room. 

Mr. Sourwine. You mean tables moved together? 

Mr. Taber. Well, they were close enough together. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was there anyone other than you and Mr. Sagner 
sitting at your table? 

Mr. Taber. No, I don't believe so. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was not. Now, when was this meeting held? 

Mr. Taber. To the best of my recollection, it was held sometime 
toward the end of February, middle or end of February. 

Mr. Sourwine. How was this meeting arranged, by you or Mr. 
Sagner, or by some third person? 

Mr. Taber. Mr. Sagner telephoned me and told me that he read 
my article on Cuba in the Nation; that he had read these statements 
of some other people who had written to the New York Times, and 
that had been very much disturbed by the whole tendency which the 
press had taken in representing Cuba; and that he had, although he 
had never been there himself, he felt there were obvious discrepancies, 
and he felt he would like to talk to me about it with the object of 
possibly taking some further action. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was the placement of an advertisement discussed 
at this first meeting? 

Mr. Taber. No, I don»t believe so. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was not. When was the placement of an ad- 
vertisement first discussed? 

Mr. Taber. I believe that we had a subsequent meeting with Mr. 
Frank. 

Mr. Sourwine. You say "we", do you mean you and who else? 

Mr. Taber. Mr. Sagner. 

Mr. Sourwine. At a subsequent meeting with Mr. Frank? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Where was that meeting held? 

Mr. Taber. My home. 

Mr. Sourwine. When was that? 

Mr. Taber. Probably a week or two after the first. 

Mr. Sourwine. After the first meeting? 

Mr. Taber. Correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. And was anyone else present at that meeting in 
your home? 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Taber. My wife was there. I believe that we had several 
friends present in the — not as a meeting — simply some of them hap- 
pened to be there. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 19 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did any of those friends participate in the dis- 
cussion of the affairs of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Air. Taeer. We had a general, what I would describe as a social 
discussion, in which we ranged over a number of things and I dare 
say we discussed the political matter, Cuba, and of course, the com- 
mittee. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And it was at this meeting that it was first discussed 
about the matter of placing an ad? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Who were the other persons who were present? 

Mr. Taber. My wife. I don't believe that I can give you the other 
names. 

Senator Dodd. Why not? You say you cannot give them. 

Mr. Taber. I have to refer to my initial statement that bringing 
names into it which have not been made public in connection with 
the advertisement would be an intrusion into their right of privacy 
and their right to make a public statement of this nature without 
interference. 

Senator Dodd. Do you have anything more? 

Mr. Taber. Under the first amendment. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I ask that notwithstanding the objection, the wit- 
ness be ordered to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Witness, I instruct you to answer the question. 

Mr. Taber. I am sorry. The question was there a 

Mr. BouDiN. I am sorry I interrupted by talking to the witness. 

Senator Dodd. My statement was, as chairman of this hearing, I 
instruct you to answer the question. 

Mr. Taber. The question was? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The question was 

Senator Dodd. Let the reporter read it. 

(The pending question was read by the reporter.) 

Mr. Taber. I must respectfully decline to answer the question 
under the protection of the first amendment on the grounds that the 
question is not pertinent and that this committee lacks authority to 
ask it. • 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Taber, were any of those persons present repre- 
sentatives directly or indirectly, to your knowledge, of any foreign 
government or a foreign national? 

Mr, Taber. No, sir; they were not. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Were any of those persons present, to your knowl- 
edge, members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Taber. No, sir; they were not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Taber, you placed this ad with the New York 
Times. Did you pay for it at the time? 

Mr. Taber. Yes; I did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How did you pay for it? 

Mr. Taber. Again, I paid for it with — a couple of checks, drafts, 
money orders which I had collected for this purpose, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. There were checks and drafts and money orders, 
is that right? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. How many checks? 

Mr. Taber. Excuse me a moment, 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel.) 



20 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. What did you want? 

Mr. Taber. I am trying to check the number of checks in my 
memory. 

Senator Dodd. You want to ask your lawyer how many checks 
you had? You want to consult him as to whether you want to 
answer the question? 

Mr, Taber. I was not consulting him. I was looking at the paper. 

Mr. BouDiN. What happened 1 was looking over to see what he 
was doing. 

Senator Dodd. You just want time to recall, if you can, how many 
checks there were? 

Mr. Taber. I believe that there were three checks and a draft. I 
was mistaken about the money order. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The money order. Three checks and one draft? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Whose checks were they and whose draft was it? 

Mr. Taber. I am very much afraid that again I will have to re- 
spectfully withhold that information on the grounds previously cited. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I ask that the witness, notwithstanding his 
objection, be ordered and directed to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. Yes, I prefer also that you not say "on the grounds 
previously recited." I wish you would, in each instance, tell us 
why with reference to the question, Mr. Witness. I instruct you 
to answer the question. 

Mr. Boudin. May I confer with the witness? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, of course. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Taber. The question was who signed 

Senator Dodd. Would you like the question read back? 

Mr. Taber. Thank you, Senator, I would — I was recalling the 
question was whether, was who paid, who signed the checks that 
were submitted to the New York Times. 

Mr. Sourwine. Who signed the draft. 

Mr. Taber. I must respectfully decline to respond to the question 
on the grounds that it would be a violation of the first amendment in 
discouraging the free expression of political views and the freedom of 
the press; that the committee which makes the inquiry, lacks juris- 
diction and authority in the matter under discussion. 

Mr. Sourwine. Notwithstanding this objection, Mr. Chairman, 
I ask the witness be ordered and directed to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Witness, I instruct you to answer the question. 

Mr. Taber. I must again respectfully dechne to answer on the 
grounds just stated, that to do so would be an infringement on the 
freedom of the press, the freedom of expression of pubHc sentiments on 
public issues; that the committee lacks jurisdiction and authority; 
so that the question is not pertinent to the inquiry and again, on the 
question of whether or not a quorum is present. 

Mr. Boudin. May I make one observation. Senator? 

Senator Dodd. Surely. 

Mr. Boudin. You have noted that there was nothing secretive 
about this payment to the Times, the checks that were actually handed 
into the New York Times and so it was obviously no reason for con- 
cealment of the signatories of the checks. 

A different situation arises where names may be set forth in the 
public hearing when people have contributed — as they have a right 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 21 

to do under the Constitution — to a publication of an ad on a public 
issue may find names publicized. I have been watching the stories 
on this general subject and, in general, Americans resent it when they 
find names pubUcized and may find themselves subpenaed also to 
answer such similar questions, 

I think j'ou do have then a very fundamental freedom of the press 
problem which doesn't exist to the same extent in many of the investi- 
gations that have been conducted by this committee, the subcom- 
mittee, and I think I wiU not argue the matter further and rest on 
that point. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, on the question of pertinency it 
should be stated that this committee, among other things, is attempt- 
ing to determine if this ad was paid for in whole or in part with funds 
from a foreign country or foreign national. 

The question asked is clearly pertinent to that purpose; notwith- 
standing the renewed and augmented objections of the witness and 
the statement of the counsel, I ask the witness be ordered directly to 
answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Witness, I instruct you again to answer the 
question. 

Mr. Taber. I think that I can assure the committee that, to my 
knowledge, none of the money which was paid into this ad came from 
any foreign government or agent of any foreign government. We 
made no secret of the matter at the time. 

One of the checks written was signed by the people who signed them. 
They are a matter of record of the New York Times and I presume 
in banks from which they came. 

I don't feel that it is ray position or place to expose people in the 
glare of publicity and the various other intimidations which arise 
from being exposed to an inquiry of this nature. 

Senator Dodd. What do you suggest, that such a record, as I 
think you said, be located and be found? 

Did you tell me the offices of the New York Times? 

Mr. Taber. I presume the newspapers keep records of their 
transactions. Certainl}'-, their banks do. 

Senator Dodd. Do you think the New York Times might enter 
this under your name as having paid for the ad and not have listed 
the names of those who drew the checks? 

Mr. Taber. It is not a question. I don't know. 

Senator Dodd. I am sure you don't know, but it is quite possible 
this would be the situation and it might appear, therefore, that you 
are the only person who would know, and could help this committee 
to find out. 

Mr. Sourwine. May I respectfully say, Mr. Chairman, that, 
notwithstanding that, the committee is not required to go to an 
alternate source. We have a witness who is here and has the infor- 
mation and we have a right to the information. 

Mr. BouDiN. May I make one more point? 

My client, on the fact that the New York Times was aware of the 
signatories to the checks, was not for the purpose indicated by Mr. 
Sourwine, namely, to indicate in alternative source and to suggest 
that the committee is limited to that source which is, of coiu-se, the 
point you were making but rather to indicate this was open and above- 
board in which there was not effort at concealment, and an ordinary 



22 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

commercial transaction, the signatories to the checks, and therefore 
that the objective of the witness here is really what he says, namely, 
not to subject to the public glare with the effect on the first amend- 
ment, rights of other people as well as hunself, people who were thus 
good enough to apparently risk something in taking a public position 
by placing an ad in the New York Times. 

My remarks are merely intended to show that there was nothing 
secret about it and of course, the witness has already said that the 
money did not come from any foreign government or any foreign agent. 
He has already said that there was no issue of communism involved 
either in his own background or the background of the people he dealt 
with. 

Anyhow, we have stated our position as well as we can. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I ask that notwithstanding the 
additional statement of counsel and the additional objection of the 
witness, the witness be ordered to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. I so instruct the witness to answer the question. 

Mr. Taber. With all respect, I must decline again. I state my 
reasons for declining again if the Chair wishes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Witness, you have stated the checks did not 
come from a foreign source or a foreign national. You mean to state 
categorically that neither dhectly nor indirectly did the checks come 
from either a foreign nation or a foreign national? 

Mr. Taber. I can't answer the question whether they came from 
a foreign national because I am not aware of the nationality of all of 
the people I deal with. 

I don't check into theii' citizenship, but I can say that most cer- 
tainly they did not come from a foreign government or an agent of a 
government — foreign government, to my knowledge. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You know, do you, the individuals who gave you 
these checks? 

Mr. Taber. The checks were — the ones paid to the New York 
Times? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Taber. Yes, I do. 

Mr. Sourwine. The people who signed the checks or the ones who 
gave them to you, respectively? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, that is true. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now, you know of your own knowledge that none 
of those persons was acting for or on behalf of a foreign government or 
a foreign national? 

Mr. Taber. I have reason to believe that that was the case, and I 
have every reason to believe that they were not. 

Mr. Sourwine. I asked you if you know of your own knowledge 
that the persons that signed them or gave to you any one of these 
checks was acting directly or indirectly for a foreign government or a 
foreign national. 

Mr. Taber. I don't understand what you mean by "my own 
knowledge." I have no way of proving this. 

Mr. Sourwine. The best evidence, it would seem, is to determine 
who the individuals were and then we can seek further, from those 
individuals, the source of the money. 

Will you name one of the individuals who gave you one of the three 
checks? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 23 

Mr. Taber. Yes, I can give you the name since we have already 
mentioned it. I beHeve I can give the name of one of them if I may 
do so without jeopardizing my position and I would like to confer 
with counsel on that. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel from 11:32 to 11:33.) 

Mr. Taber. I can say since one of — for several reasons — perhaps — 
I am sorry — I am out of order with my words — since one of the con- 
tributors has been very active in the organization of the committee 
and it is one of fairplay and since I don't wish to go out of my way to 
obstruct an investigation of this kind, certainly I think that I can tell 
you that one of the contributors was Allen Sagncr whom you men- 
tioned before. 

I would like to say at the same time that if I were to go on to name 
the names that I would be compelled by law, to name the names of all 
of the several hundred contributors that we have had [of] small 
amounts, bearing various expenses of the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee and I don't feel that in revealing Mr. Sagner's name that I 
am permitted to any change in the position I have previously taken 
in regard to not exposing these peoples' names who liave specifically 
asked anonymity in an investigation of this sort. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you telling us one of the three checks was a 
check signed by Mr. Sagner? 

Mr. Taber. That is right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What was the amount of that check? 

Mr. Taber. I believe it was $425. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What Was the total of the amount of the three 
checks and the draft, if you remember? 

Mr. Taber. It was $4,725. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you recall the amounts of the other two checks? 

Mr. Taber. May I confer on this? 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel from 11:35 to 11:36.) 

Mr. Taber. I am afraid that I can't answer your question without 
putting myself in a position of pointing in the direction of other 
people and leading them into a situation in which they would be sub- 
penaed and called before this committee and I can't do that. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Without being argumentative, Mr. Taber, this 
question only calls for the amounts of the checks. It doesn't call for 
the names of the individuals. 

You had three checks and a draft which totaled in excess of $4,000 
according to your testimony. You stated one of these checks was 
Mr. Saguer's for approximately $400. We want to know the amounts 
of the other two checks and the amount of the draft. 

Mr. Taber. I must respectfully decline to answer the question. 

Mr. BouDiN. Really, from purely a mathematical point of view, 
you know how many checks are needed and you know what a — how 
many checks there were and what an ad in the New York Times cost. 

It is really quite important, whether the one check is $1,000 or 
$2,500. It has to amount eventually, you agree, mathematically to 
the price of an ad in the New York Times. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I must resist the effort of the counsel to tell the 
committee what is or what is not important. 

I asked that, notwithstanding the objection of the witness and the 
statement of counsel, the witness be ordered and directed to answer 
the question. 



24 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. Yes, Mr. Witness, I instruct you to answer the 
question. 

Mr. Taber. I must respectfully decline to answer the question on 
the grounds that it lacks pertinency in this investigation; that the 
committee lacks authority to ask the question. 

Mr. Sour WINE, Notwithstanding this new objection, I ask the 
witness be ordered and directed to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. I so instruct you, Mr. Witness. I instruct you to 
answer the question asked you by counsel. 

Mr. Taber. I must again, with all due respect, decline to answer 
the question on the grounds stated — lack of pertinency. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Will you teU us if one of these checks was in excess 
of the amount of $3,000? 

Mr. Taber. May I confer? 

Senator Dodd. Let the record show the witness conferring with 
counsel and I would like to have the record show the time involved. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with counsel less than one minute.) 

Mr. Taber. With all due respect I must decline to answer the 
question on the grounds stated, the absence of a quorum. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Explaining the pertinency, this question is an 
attempt to determine a substantial amount or a major amount of 
the total cost of the ad was paid by a single check. 

I ask on the basis of this explanation, and notwithstanding the 
witness' objections in total, the witness be ordered and directed to 
answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Witness, I instruct you to answer the question. 

Mr. Boudin. The witness will decline, sir, and I take it we need 
not repeat the reasons stated before unless you want us to. 

Mr. Sour WINE. The witness is competent to decline for himself. 

Senator Dodd. He can do that himself, sir. 

Mr. Taber. I must respectfully decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Sour WINE. Mr. Taber, you told us earlier that there were other 
organizers of this committee besides those whose names appear on 
the ad. WiU you tell us the names of those other organizers to whom 
you refer? 

Mr. Taber. I am sorry, I am not sure that I did use the word 
"organizers." 

Mr. Sour WINE. WeU, the sense of your testimony as I understood 
it, the record, of course, will speak, was that other persons besides 
those whose names appear on the ad participated in the organization 
of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

It is the names of these other persons for which I am now asking. 

Mr. Taber. If I said that I was quite mistaken because — and I have 
no intention of saying such a thing because I believe, in looking at this 
list, that people who are on it were, not all of them, of course, but some 
of them are people who helped in the organization of this ad. 

Mr. Sour WINE. Are you stating now that there was no person 
involved in the organization of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee 
whose name does not appear on this ad? 

Mr, Taber. If there was, I don't recall it. 

Mr. Sour WINE. Well, which of these individuals whose names 
appeared on the ad were at your home on the occasion of the meeting 
that you told us about which took place there at which Mr. Sagner 
and Mr. Frank were present? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 25 

Mr. Taber. Mr. Sagner, Mr. Frank — offhand, I couldn't say, but 
I would like to say that, as I told you before, we have had a number 
of meetings and I don't recall all of these meetings. 

It seems to me that I have been doing nothing but going to meetings. 
We have had assistance from people on this committee at various 
times, whether in one particular meeting or separately or in what 
situation, I honestly can't tell you. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who are the officers of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee? 

Mr. Taber. We don't actually exist as a corporate entity or as a 
formal committee in any formal sense but, for practical purposes, 
I have been acting as secretary. 

Mr, Frank has been chairman, Mr. Beals' position was actually 
purely nominal because he was not in New York and wasn't able to 
participate except by giving us the names of people whom we might 
contact and that sort of thing. But we haven't functioned as the 
kind of organization which requires officers. We are a very loose 
organization. 

Air. SouRWiNE. Had you secured the names of the persons listed 
on the ad? 

Mr. Taber. I wTote them letters. Mr. Frank wrote them letters. 
And in some cases, Mr. Sagner wi'ote letters or solicited them per- 
sonally. In some cases I myself made telephone caUs. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I think there is a misunderstanding. You are 
answering the question you thought I asked, which was how did you 
get authority to put the names on the ad? 

My real question is how did you get the names of these individuals? 

Mr. BouDiN. You mean what the criteria was? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. No, I do not mean that. I mean how did you 
secure the names of these individuals you proceeded to contact by 
mail or telephone with respect to the formation of this committee 
and the publication of the ad? 

Mr. Taber. I see. In some cases they were kno^vn to Mr. Frank. 
He suggested a list of names we might get in contact with. I believe 
Mr. Sagner suggested some names. I myself have thought of some 
of them. We wTote — we contacted a number of people whose names 
did not appear on the ad because we got negative responses. We 
failed to get responses. 

We chose a list of people whom we thought would have liberal 
information, who would understand what we were trying to do, the 
basic concept of fair play in this particular situation and we contacted 
as many of them as we could. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did anyone other than yoiu-self, Mr. Frank or 
Mr. Sagner suggest names to be contacted in that way? 

Mr. Taber. I believe that Mr. Beals gave me a list of names. 

Mr. Sourwine. Anyone else? 

Mr. Taber. I believe that that's some — that names did come to 
us — occasionally we would write to such a person and he would 
suggest some other person. 

Mr. Sourwine. You recall any other person who suggested names? 

Mr. Taber. Not offhand, no, sir. 

Senator Dodd. You said Mr. Beals did? 

Mr. Taber. Mr. Beals did give me a list of names. 

Senator Dodd. He did give you a list of names? 



26 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Taber. Yes, sir. 

Senator Dodd. Are you sure about that? 

Mr. Taber. I think I have a letter in which he suggested that. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, we will come down to the question which 
you thought I had asked earUer and I will phrase it this way. 

Do you have authorization from each of the persons whose name is 
listed in the ad to include the name in the ad? 

Mr. Taber. Yes; yes, I have. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did each of those persons have an opportunity to 
see the ad before they gave that permission? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, they did. 

Mr. BouDiN. Just out of curiosity, would that be pertinent? You 
would not have a right, the committee to protect the people who 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The question has been asked and answered. Why 
waste time? 

Mr. Taber, does the Fair Play for Cuba Committee have an oflB.ce 
or ofl&ce space in New York City? 

Mr. Taber. No, it does not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Has it had an office or office space in New York 
City since its formation? 

Mr. Taber. Not imless you count my home. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you rent office space from Mrs. Sammes at 
60 East 46th Street in New York City in the name of the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Taber. That is not office space, simply a'mailing address. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You did arrange for a maihng address at 60 East 
46th Street in New York City in the name of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. But you have no office space there? 

Mr. Taber. It is not an office space. It is simply a mailing address. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I say you have no office space. 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You simply have a mailing address. To your 
knowledge, Mr. Taber, and by that I mean so far as you know, are 
any members of the Fair Play for Cuba Conmiittee present or past 
members of the Communist Party, U.S.A.? 

Mr. Taber. To my knowledge, none of them are. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you make any inquiry about this in connection 
with the organization of the committee and the acceptance of the 
members? 

Mr. Taber. I don't honestly beheve that I went into the question 
at all of whether they were or weren't. 

I would like to add that we, that in looking over the prospective 
list we scrupulously avoided names of people that we thought might 
be or who had some contacts with the Communist Party, that sort 
of thing. 

The list that we ultimately came up with we felt no need to make the 
inquiry because we felt reasonably sure that they were not in any 
way connected. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. How long have you known Mr. Frank? 

Mr. Taber. For a few months. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any knowledge that he is or ever was 
a member of the Communist Party, U.S.A.? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 27 

Mr, Taper. I have nothing to indicate that except — no, I have 
no tiling to indicate that. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I show you a photostat of an article from the New 
Masses, September 1932, pages 6 and 7. The heading "How I Came 
to Communism," by Waldo Frank. 

I ask if you ever saw that? 

Mr. Taber. I never saw it. I can tell you without looking at it, 
but I would like to say that I read a reference to it in Mr. Sokolsky's 
column in the Hearst Headline Service in which he mentioned this 
matter and also pointed out that Mr. Frank had been denounced by 
the Communists themselves as a tool of Wall Street, in a number of 
publications and that the Daily Worker in New York was told by 
Mr. Frank himself, that the Daily Worker of New York had conducted 
a long campaign against him for his opposition to their views. 

Mr. Sour WINE. Did Mr. Frank say anything to you with respect 
to the question of whether he ever was a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, he told me that he never was. 

Senator Dodd. That he never was? 

Mr. Taber. Never was. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. May I ask that this article be inserted in the 
appendix of the record, Mr. Chairman? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

(The article referred to was marked/' Exhibit No. 5" and is printed 
as Appendix I at p. 93.) 

Mr. BouDiN. Excuse me one second. May I just look at it? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, it may be inserted. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Taber, what is the present method of financing 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Taber. We have been getting in a number, a great number 
of 

To begin with, following the publication of this ad we received 
a number of unsolicited donations, contributions, mostly in small 
amounts, $5, $10, $20. I think the largest one was $50 or $100. 

More recently, we have pubUshed a handbill stating our purpose, 
which contains an application blank in which we seek to enroll mem- 
bers of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and, in any case, invite 
their donations and weJiave had some response to that. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Are you teUing us that all of the financing for the 
committee has come from voluntary contributions? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Have you, yourself, participated in those contri- 
butions? 

Mr. Taber. Have I given any money to them? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes. 

Mr. Taber. In a formal sense, I have not. But I have spent a 
great deal of money out of my pocket in the process of getting about 
town and going to the printer and that sort of thing, petty cash, sort of. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. None of the three checks that were given to the 
New York Times in payment for this ad was your check, was it? 

Mr. Taber. No. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Was the draft your draft? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, it was. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What was the amount of that draft? 

76374 0-61-3 



28 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Taber. The draft was $400. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And you procured that draft with your own 
money? 

Mr. Taber. It wasn't entirely my own money. Some of it was 
donations from other people. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Donations which had been given to you in cash? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. For the purpose of the ad? 

Mr. Taber. For the purpose of the ad. 

Mr. Sourwine. We have now identified one check and the draft. 

Do you stUl refuse to tell us who furnished the other two checks? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, I am afraid that I must do that. 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you give us the names of the persons who 
gave you the cash which was included in your own draft? 

Mr. Taber. I don't feel at liberty to do that either, for the reasons 
I have declined to give the names of those who gave the checks. 
I take the same position with regard to cash. 

Senator Dodd. That isn't sufficient for the record. I wish you 
would tell us exactly why you refuse to answer this question. 

You have been asked by counsel to tell the names of the people 
who gave you cash toward this $400 which you say was paid, partial 
pajrment to the New York Times for this advertisement. 

We want to know who were the people that gave you cash. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel less than one minute.) 

Mr. Taber. I respectfully decline to answer the question on the 
grounds that it would be a violation of the First Amendment, subject 
people who contributed to the same process which I am undergoing, 
thereby inhibiting the freedom of the press and freedom of free public 
expression ; that the committee has not the authority to ask the ques- 
tion, and again refer to the matter pertinency of the question and the 
question of whether the quorum is present of this committee. 

Mr. Sourwine. Notwithstanding these objections, I ask the 
witness be ordered, for the record, to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Witness, I instruct you to answer the question. 

Mr. Taber. With all respect, Senator, I must decline again to 
answer the question. 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you tell us whether any of the persons who 
gave you cash which you included in that $400 draft were individuals 
whose names appear in the ad? 

Mr. Taber. I must ask my counsel whether that would not imply 
some contradiction of the position. 

Senator Dodd. You may confer any time you want to confer. 
You are right at his side and you can't get much closer. 

I want the record to show that you are under no restriction of any 
kind or character and you have had constant opportunity to confer. 

You may again take time to confer before you answer. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel less than one minute.) 

Mr. Taber. I must say, having conferred with counsel, that in 
order to preserve the consistency of the basic logic of the position 
I have taken in refusing to, declining to, answer questions as to the 
identity of people making such contributions, that I cannot tell you 
any further on the subject. 

Mr. Sourwine. All right. 

Senator Dodd. I think we should have the instruction again. If 
I am correct in my understanding of the status of the record, Mr. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 29 

Witness, I do instruct you to answer the question asked you by 
counsel. 

Mr. Taber. With all respect, I must decline. 

Mr. BouDiN. Excuse me a second. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel less than one minute.) 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, Mr. Taber, the next question 

Mr. BouDiN. I hadn't finished 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The witness finished his answer. 

Senator Dodd. Counsel wants an opportunity to confer with Mr. 
Taber. Go right ahead. 

I am sure you don't object. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel from 11:58 to 11:59.) 

Mr. Taber. I believe my counsel is quite right to say thaf. 

Senator Dodd. Never mind that. Let the counsel speak for him- 
self and you speak for yourself, and let's keep the record straight. 

Mr. Taber. I am sorry. I wish to point out that my reason for 
dechning was not merely to maintain my consistency but for the other 
reason stated. 

I beheve the question of jurisdiction, the question of pertinency, 
the question of whether a quorum — in other words, the legal basis 
of this hearing, and, of course, the basic principle of freedom of the 
press and free expression, and public medium, without undue inter- 
ference or pressure such as I beheve this sort of investigation con- 
stitutes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Notwithstanding these renewed objections, Mr. 
Chairman, I ask the witness again be ordered and directed to answer 
the question. 

Senator Dodd. Yes; I again instruct you to answer the question, 
Mr. Witness. 

Mr. Taber. With all respect, Mr. Chairman, I must decline. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now, Mr. Taber, will you tell us whether the signer 
of either of the two checks, which signers have not yet been identified 
here, was one of the individuals whose name appears on this ad? 

Senator Dodd. Let the record show the witness is conferring with 
his counsel again and it is perfectly all right. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Taber. I respectfully decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Sourwine. Can I ask the witness be ordered and directed to 
answer the question? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, Mr. Witness; I instruct you, order and direct 
you, to answer the question. 

Mr. Taber. I must respectfully dechne to answer the question 
on the grounds which I have stated, the authority, pertinency, quorum, 
and the basic position which I have taken with regard to the first 
amendment covering freedom of the press and free public expression. 

Mr. Sourwine. Notwithstanding these renewed objections, I ask 
the witness again be directed to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. I think the record is clear but again I will instruct 
him to answer. 

Mr. Taber. With all respect, Senator, I must decline. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now, Mr. Taber, without conceding in any way, 
and we do not concede that there is any validity to your contention 
that you have a right to refuse to answer these questions in order to 
protect the first amendment rights, or the alleged first amendment 



30 PAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

rights, of some other person or persons, I want to point out to you 
that those whose names appear on this ad are, by your own testimony, 
individuals who have granted you consent to have their name printed 
in connection with this ad. 

They are, therefore, individuals who are not concealing, or attempt- 
ing to conceal, in any way, their connection with the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee. 

If, therefore, one of those persons is one of the individuals who 
furnished one of these two checks about which we are talking, a 
refusal on your part to identify him as a signer of the check is not 
protecting him from disclosure as a person connected with the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee. 

With that explanation, I will ask you a new question of whether 
there is any individual whose name appears on this ad who provided 
you directly or indirectly with cash, or money in another form, to be 
used in pajdng for the ad? 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Taber. Precisely, I must decline to answer that question 
because, although I do, as you say, have their consent to publish 
their names in support of a position, I don't have their consent to 
give, to indicate, their contribution, or lack of contribution, their 
degree of interest — anything which would impinge their personal 
right of expression. That is a matter for them to state. 

Mr. Sour WINE. I ask that, notwithstanding the objection, the 
witness be ordered and directed to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. Yes, Mr. Witness, I do so instruct you and order 
you and direct you to answer the question. 

Mr. Taber. With all respect, Mr. Chairman, I decline to answer 
the question. 

Mr. Sourwine. I now ask you this question 

Mr. BouDiN. Excuse me. I think the witness ought to state why 
he is declining. 

Senator Dodd. I thought he had. The witness did, in his second 
answer. If not, I am perfectly happy to have him state it again. 

Mr. BouDiN. Thank you. 

Mr. Taber. I respectfully decline to answer on the grounds of the 
first amendment, lack of jurisdiction, quorum, lack of authority to 
make this inquiry as to the contributions, lack of pertinency of 
questions. 

Mr.* Sourwine. Notwithstanding these renewed and expanded ob- 
jections, I ask the witness be ordered and directed to answer the 
question. 

Senator Dodd. Yes, Mr. Witness, you are ordered and directed to 
answer the question. Our reason here is to make this record clear. 
I make it clear that I do again order you, after having heard your 
response or refusal. So you are instructed to answer the question. 

Mr. Taber. I, myself, respectfully decline. 

Mr. Sourwine. I will now ask you this question, Mr. Taber, is it 
true that a substantial portion of the money with which you paid for 
this advertisement came from individuals whose names do not appear 
in the ad itself? 

Mr. Taber. I think that I must take the basic position that I 
cannot discuss the matter of where funds for the publication of the 
ad came from, other than to say that they came from private indi- 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 31 

viduals totally unconnected with any Government, any agency, and 
that they — I must respect their right to remain anonymous where 
they wish to remain anonymous. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This does not, of course, answer the question, 
which is whether any individuals furnished any substantial part of 
it. I will rephrase the question. 

Perhaps it would be better, instead of rephrasing it, to have the 
reporter read the precise question which remains unanswered. 

Senator Dodd. Read the question which was asked by Mr. 
Sourwine. 

(The pending question was read by the reporter.) 

Mr. Taber. I must respectfully decline to answer the question on 
the grounds that it is not pertinent, a lack of pertinency, lack of au- 
thority, and again raise the question of the presence of a quorum, and 
jurisdiction. 

Mr. Sourwine. Notwithstanding these objections, I ask the witness 
to be ordered and directed to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. I instruct you to answer, and order and direct you 
to answer. 

Mr. Taber. Respectfully decline, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Taber, did you write the copy for this ad? 

Mr. Taber. Yes; I laid out the first draft of the ad. I didn't write 
it entirely. I wrote a rough draft and it was submitted to Mr. Frank, 
and Mr. Sagner, I made some changes on their suggestions, basically 
the suggestions of Mr. Frank, who wrote a portion of it himself. We 
ultimately came to the finished product. 

Mr, Sourwine. Was the copy for the ad submitted to any person 
other than Mr. Frank and Mr. Sagner for approval before it was sent 
in to be printed? 

Mr. Taber. Yes; it was sent to Mr. Beals. 

Mr. Sourwine. Anyone else? 

Mr. Taber. Well, I sent it to most of the prospective members on 
the list. 

Mr. Sourwine. Anyone who is not on the list? 

Mr. Taber. No; definitely. 

Senator Dodd. Referring to the publication, you mean the list as 
published in the advertisement that was printed in the New York 
Tunes? 

Mr. Taber. The list published in the New York Times. 

Senator Dodd. Any other list? 

Mr. Taber. No; this is — well, excuse me. I will have to cotrect 
myself on that. 

Before it was published in the New York Times, we had no names 
on it. We had a list of prospective sponsors and we mailed it to all 
of those prospective sponsors. I had forgotten that now. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Taber, the exact amount you paid for the ad 
was $4,725, was it not? 

A^r. Taber. That is con-ect. 

Mr. Sourwine. You took a receipt 

Senator Dodd. How much is that, Mr. Sourwine? 

Mr. Sourwine. $4,725. 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. You took a receipt in the name of the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee? 



32 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you keep a membership list, a list of the 
members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Taber. We keep a hst of all the people that have shown an 
interest in this committee in order — a maihng hst in order to mail 
them any information that we may have on the subject, and among 
those are some people who have expressed a desire to be members of 
the committee and others who have simply asked for information. 

We haven't yet broken these two lists down and separated them and 
decided which are formal members and so on because we haven't 
had the formal corporate structure under which to have such a formal 
list. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You plan to do that later? 

Mr. Taber. We are in the process of doing that now. We are 
putting out apphcations and as we get the applications back they 
check it off — wish to be a member, and we mark on their card 
"Member." 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Your records then which are presently in the 
nature of a mailing hst do include some marking or indication from 
which you can tell which are the members; is that right? 

Mr. Taber. In most cases. 

Mr. BouDiN. Which he can tell? Which want to be members. 

Mr. Taber. The members. 

Senator Dodd. Wait a minute. We can't have this disorder here. 

Mr. BouDiN. I didn't know I was creating disorder. 

Senator Dodd. Don't answer questions for the witness. Just hear 
me for a minute. This is entirely improper. 

I think you are experienced enough to know it. When the witness 
is asked a question, he is to answer it himself. If he wants to confer 
with you, he has every opportunity to do so. 

I instruct you not to answer again when the witness is asked a 
question. 

Mr. BouDiN. Senator, because we are keeping a record here let me 
indicate what I think I did. 

The witness was asked a question and he answered it. The answer 
was then paraphrased by Mr. Soiu'wine, I thought inaccurately. I 
didn't think he was putting a question and I didn't want his statement 
which I felt was an improper paraphrase remaining in the record. 

Of course, I don't want to answer for the witness and I am sorry 
that I seemed to be doing that. 

Senator Dodd. Very well, let's not have any more of it. 

Go on, Mr. Sourwine. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Taber, will you furnish the committee with 
the names of the persons who have assented to being members, or 
who have asked to be members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Taber. I am sorry, but I must respectfully decHne to answer 
that question on the ground it would be an invasion of their right to 
pubMsh such a statement, without their permission, in view of the 
first amendment. 

Mr. Sourwine. I ask that, notwithstanding this objection, the 
witness be ordered and directed to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. I instruct you and order you and direct you, Mr. 
Witness, to answer the question. 



FAIR PLAT FOR CUBA COMMITTEB 33 

Mr. Taber. I must decline, with all respect, to answer the question 
on the g:rounds it would be an invasion and a violation of their rights 
under the first amendment; that the committee lacks authority and 
jurisdiction; the question lacks pertinency and in the absence of a 
quorum, the question of whether there is a"quorum. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Notwithstanding this expanded objection, I ask 
the witness be ordered and directed to answer the question. 

Senator Dodd. I don't know that it is expanded, but if it is he is so 
instructed and directed to answer the question. 

I think it is suflBcient for you to state yom* grounds and after the 
Chair instructs you to answer, you then decline, because it is per- 
fectly clear that you have given your reason to so decline. It isn't 
much sense to repeat it over and over. 

Mr. Taber. I respectfully decline. 

Mr. SouRwiNE, Mr. Taber, in whose name was the application 
made for Box T-249 at the Times, New York? 

Mr. Taber. I believe it was made by myself. 

Mr. Sourwine. And in the name of Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you tell us who is Mr. Sagner? 

Mr. Taber. Mr. Sagner is a businessman who lives in South 
Orange, N.J. 

Mr. Sourwine. He is connected with a Sagner & Son? 

Mr. Taber. I don't know. 

Mr. Sourwine. 200 Fifth Avenue, New York City? 

Mr. Taber. I don't know that. I don't believe so. 

Mr. Sourwine. What business is he in? 

Mr. Taber. He is a buUder, constructor, homebuUder. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you place this ad in the New York Times with 
the knowledge and approval of the Columbia Broadcasting System? 

Mr. Taber. I don't believe that I am required to have any approval 
of the Columbia 

Mr. Sourwine. Of course you are not. I didn't ask if you were 
required. 

Mr. Taber. I am sorry. No, I didn't consult them. 

Mr. Sourwine. The CBS was not connected in any way with the 
financing of this advertisement, was it? 

Mr. Taber. No, it was not, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you teU us how much money was collected? 

Senator Dodd. Can I ask a question at this point, Mr. Counsel? 

Exactly what is your position in CBS? I am sorry if I didn't 
understand you at the beginning. 

Mr. Taber. I am a radio news writer. 

Senator Dodd. A writer? 

Mr. Taber. A writer. 

Senator Dodd. You do any voice broadcasting? 

Mr. Taber. I have in the past, but haven't for several months. 

Senator Dodd. You just write the news for someone else to broad- 
cast, is that it? 

Mr. Taber. Ordinarily, that is the case. 

Senator Dodd. Who is your immediate supervisor in CBS? 

Mr. Taber. It would be Mr. DriscoU. 

Senator Dodd. What is his first name? 

Mr. Taber. David. 



34 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. David. That is all I have. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Taber, how much money was collected as a result of the April 
6, 1960, ad in the New York Times? 

Mr. Taber. Offhand, I should say $500 to $600. Following the 
publication of the ad ; perhaps a little more than that. I am not sure. 

Mr. SouRwiNF. And how much had been contributed to the 
committee or to the work of the committee prior to the appearance 
of the ad? 

Mr. Taber. The record of the committee, the work of the com- 
mittee as separate from the publication of the ad you mean? 

Mr. SouKWiNE. No, including that. 

Mr. Taber. Approximately $600 or $700 on top of the ad, in 
addition to the ad, and something roughly around that. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What is the total amount available at the present 
time for the expenses of the committee, for the future expenses of 
the committee? 

Mr. Taber. What is on hand at the moment? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes. 

Mr. Taber. Approximately $400 or $500. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Will you tell us who Marjorie More is? 

Mr. Taber. Marjorie More is a code name which they find con- 
venient, have found convenient for purposes of avoiding a great deal 
of personal correspondence with people. 

In other words, it is much as though one would put a letter like, 
address box X or something of the sort. It is simply a formality. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I will show you, Mr. Taber, a single sheet letter, it 
appears to have been printed, says, "New York City" and begins 
"Dear Friend." It is concluded, "Again many thanks for your interest 
and support. With all good wishes, from^ Marjorie More for the 
Committee." And I will ask you if this is a mailing piece which you 
caused to be printed and sent out? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, it is. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you write the copy for it? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Sour WINE. In putting the signature "Marjorie More" at the 
end of that, did you intend to convey to the people who received it 
the idea that there was a person called Marjorie More who was 
signing correspondence for the committee? 

Mr. Taber. No, I did not. I intended 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What other 

Mr. Taber. May I answer? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Please finish. 

Mr. Taber. I intended to provide a means by which I could know, 
as mail came in, the difference between the mail which was in response 
to this particular piece of literature and personal mail or mail dealing 
with other matters. It was simply a code. 

Mr. Sourwine. There is no such person as Marjorie More? 

Mr. Taber. There is not. 

Mr. Sourwine. May this go into the record, Mr. Chairman? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, it may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 6" and reads 
as follows:) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 35 

Exhibit No. 5 

New York City. 

Dear Friend: This is to thank you, very sincerely, for your expression of 
interest in the work of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and to inform you 
that you will receive the Committee's weekly news letter — as soon as it comes 
off the presses. 

You will be interested to know that we have had a remarkable amount of mail, 
from all over the country, far more than we had anticipated. In consequence, 
unfortunately, we find it impossible immediately to answer, individually, the 
many specific inquiries that we have received, on matters related to Cuba. To 
meet the emergency, we are sending you a copy of a recent article in The Nation, 
which seems to us to cover most of these questions. The news letter will deal 
with more topical matters — for instance, President Eisenhower's letter to the 
Chilean students, and the position of the Roman Catholic Church in Cuba. 
And, of course, individual inquiries will be answered, as soon as we can muster 
the volunteer clerical help for this considerable task. 

Please note: the Committee will hold its first public meeting on Sunday, April 
24, at 4 p.m., in the Community Church of N.Y., 40 E. 35th St., New York City. 
The meeting will be jointly sponsored by the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and 
the church's own Social Action Committee. The speaker will be Waldo Frank, 
noted author and lecturer. His topic will be "The Cuban Revolution: Crisis in 
the Americas." 

If you live in the New York metropolitan area, or plan to be here April 24th, 
you are cordially invited to attend, and to bring as many friends as you wish. 

Again, many thanks for your interest and support, with all good wishes from 

Marjorie More 
(For the Committee). 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Will you tell us what the printmg and distribution 
of this mailing piece cost? 

Mr. Taber. Offhand, let's see — possibly $50. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I will now show you a four-page printed pamphlet 
or flier headed "Fair Play," volume I, No. 1, Apnl 29, 1960. 

I will ask you if this is the mailing piece which you caused to be 
printed and distributed? 

Mr. Taber. Yes^t is. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you write the copy for this? 

Mr. Taber. With the exception of the letter, which I see on page 3, 
exception of the portion of the letter from Mr. Beals — I don't see any- 
thing here — oh, yes — those are the exceptions, and of course, the 
quotations which are contained in several 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, may this be inserted in the record? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

(The docmnent referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 7" and reads 
as foUows:) 



36 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



Exhibit 7 



JVhat is the Fair Play Committee? Page 4 
IVho is Conte Aguero? Page 2 

Fair Play 



Vol. 1 No. I 



April 29, I960 



Naw York 



15 eontt 



Hatchets Sharpened as Committee Opens Truth Campaign 

The newly formed Fair Play for Cuba Committee 
made its public debut on April 6 (as most of our read- 
ers already know), with an advertisement in The New 
York Times setting forth some of the essential truths 
of revolutionary Cuba as we have been able to deter- 
mine them. 

Our basic appeal was to the spirit of fair mindedness 
on which most Americans seem to pride themselves. 
The spirit did not appear to be noticeably operative 
with regard to the Cuban Revolution Had it been ob- 
served in the editorial columns of the newspapers and 
the reporting of the great wire services which wet nurse 
the newspapers and the radio and television newsrooms 
there would obviously have been no need for such a 
public appeal. 

C Questions on the order of "When will Fidel Castro 
stop shooting his political opponents?" (When will he 
stop beating his wife?) made it evident that people 
were not getting a clear picture of what was happening 
in Cuba. Nevertheless, we suspected that a surfeit of 
propaganda produces its own anti-toxin, and that a 
healthy scepticism Would be found in the body politic 
if we were to scratch the surface. 

The Times advertisement served that purpose. The 
results to date have been encouraging. The Committee 
has received some 1,500 letters. About a dozen of them 
suggest that we go back to Russia where we came from. 
A great many are strongly affirmative in support of the 
idea of Fair Play for Cuba, and many of these begin 
"My wife and I spent a few days in Cuba on vacation 
recently, and we were shocked to discover how misled 
we had been by what we had read about it in the news- 
papers. . . ." 

The rest simply request information, and that seems 
fair enough. It is the Committee's function to try to 
provide it. 



Mystery of the Missing Brothers 

Little is known in the U. S. about Ramon Castro 
Ruz, elder brother of the Cuban prime minister. 
He is a modest planter, not a public figure. One 
must exist in the public eye in order to vanish 
from it. Thus it fell short of sensational to be in- 
formed last week on the Columbia Broadcasting 
System airwaves that Brother Ramon had "dis- 
appeared." 

Sinister significance was nevertheless attached 
to the alleged disappearance. CBS News corres- 
pondent Richard Bate, hustled out of Cuba, per- 
sona non grata, declared that he had been arrested 
only a few hours before he was to have interviewed 
Ramon Castro, whom he described as a mVi of 
known counter-revolutionary views. It was sug- 
gested that Ramon might have fled the country. 

On Thursday Ramon Castro appeared in Ha- 
vana to announce: 

"/ am surprised by the news that I am outside 
ol Cuba, siryce I have been during the past two 
days engaged in the tasks of the National As- 
sembly ol Colonos (independent cane planters), 
as a delegate Irom the Province ol Oriente. . . . 
"I wish to manilest publicly that I find my- 
self in perfect harmony with my brothers . . . 
and I only ask God lor the definitive triumph 
of the Revolution, which is the triumph of the 
people of Cuba." 

Why was Bate booted out? He said he suspected 
that it was because he had been "probing too 
deeply" into counter-revolution. As yet, no official 
Cuban comment on Bate's expulsion. 



Foreign Agents and Hearst Columnists 

The press reaction has been about what had been 
anticipated. United Press International put out a long 
report on April 6th, summarizing the substance of the 
Times' ad. (Readers who have not seen it may obtain 
copies by writing to Fair Play, 60 E. 42nd St., New 
York 17, N.Y.) 

The UPI report was perfectly straight, and had fairly 



wide circulation, to judge by our mail, which comes 
from as far away as Texas and California. The follow- 
ing day, however, the wire service returned to something 
more like its usual form, quoting unidentified "diplo- 
matic sources" and just plain "sources" in connection 
with a rumor (false) that the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee had been established with the aid of Cuban con- 
sular officials. 

The New York Daily Mirror ran an editorial April 7 

(Continue on Pa^ 2) 



PAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



37 



Who i« Lui« Conte Aguero? 



The Self-Styled 'Refugees' of the Cuban Revolution 



A prominent Cuban radio-television newscaster ar- 
rived in the United States on April 6th, and announced 
in New York the following day that he had come to 
stay permanently, to '*write and speak the truth about 
Cuba." 

So far. not much demonstrable truth has been heard. 
Nor does this come as a surprise to the Cubans who 
demonstrated outside of Havana Station CMQ shortly 
before the newscaster's departure, in protest against his 
broadcasts. 

The self-styled refugee is Luis Conte Aguero. Wire 
service reports indicate that he left Havana after "seek- 
ing asylum" in the Argentine Embassy there, and de- 
scribe him as "the exiled commentator." 

Who is Conte Aguero? In answer to an inquiry from 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, the Cuban Ministry 
of Foreign Relations this week sent a written report, 
containing the following: 

'*Luis Conte Aguero left Cuba after promoting 
a misleading campaign in which he reiterated the 
worn-out charge of enemies of Cuba that grave 
Communist infiltration was gaining control of the 
Government His arguments repeated, word for 
word, the assertions of the Rosa Blanca organi- 
zation (a counter-revolutionary group backed by 
Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo and former 
supporters of Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista) 



and other international interests conspiring against 
Cuba. He completed his maneuver by taking asy- 
lum in a foreign embassy, so as to create the 
impression that he was politically persecuted. 

"Conte Aguero was never a revolutionary. He 
tried by all means within his reach to make the 
revolutionary movement fail, by spreadmg discour- 
agement and fatalism among the rebels. He also 
participated in a maneuver designed to force the 
Orthodox Party to take part in the mock elections 
held by dictator Batista. 

"In February, 1958, he sent an open letter to 
Fidel Castro asking him to surrender and "to come 
down from the hills," declaring that the insurrec- 
tion would never be able to win, 

"When his half-brother, Andres Rivero Aguero, 
was nominated for president by the dictatorship, 
Conte became the publicity manager of Batista's 
candidate, and organized an advertising agency 
under the name of "Arti," which arranged for the 
use of radio, press and television space for the 
campaign." 

That is the Cuban version, the side of the story that 
has not been published in the United States. We don't 
give it blanket endorsement We do say that if the U.S. 
press were as objective as it claims to be it would have 
made some effort to find out who Conte Aguero was, 
before lionizing him as a hero of truth and democracy. 



{Continued from Pa^e 1) 

hinting that the Committee might turn out to be a Communist 
front, and warning that the sponsors of the Times' advertisement 
would be "checked for their prior records as political seers." 

That task apparently fell to Hearst columnist George Sokolsky, 
who has be«n raking through the political backgrounds of such 
of the Committee members as may have any political background, 
and has raised the question of whether the sponsors may not be 
"unregistered foreign agents." 

Coupled with this suggestion (April 9) was the warning that 
the Cuban government, being in a position to cut off the drinking 
water supply of the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay, "threat- 
ens the base that is vital to guarding the Parama Canal." 

Perhaps there is a connection. It is difficult to follow such 
complicated mental processes. However, one gains some insight 
into Sokolskian method by citing his column on April 26, in 
which he quotes a portion of a letter from Carleton Beals. The 
quotation is used in such a way as to make it appear that Beats, 
a distinguished writer who had lent his name as co-chairman for 
the purposes of the Committee's appeal in the Times, had been 
kept in the dark as to the activities of the Committee, and had 
not, in fact, so much as seen the text of the Times' ad. 

Letter to a Hearstling 

W© have since received a copy ol a letter written to Sokolsky 



by Beals, April 21, of which the following passages seem F>erti- 

nent: 

"Following your article about me and the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee, I wrote you a letter indicating the dnfair- 
ness and injustice ol your hatchet attack. When you phoned 
me April 13, / presumed that you would correct the matter, 
as you certainly indicated to me that you would do. . , . 

"/ did not tell you over the phone that I had not seen 
the ad, merely that I did not aee the final version in which 
a few cfianges were made. I want to say here and now tfxat 
I fully approve of the ad as finally published in the N. Y. 
Times, and to say that I am in hearty accord with the pro- 
posal to attempt to counteract the falsehoods about Cuba 
appearing in the newspapers and magazines ol this coun- 
try. . . . 

"Your letter today puts me in the embarrassing position 
of seeming to be opposed to The Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mktee, which I am not, though I may no longer be co-chair- 
man; indeed I shall be overjoyed if the Committee manages 
to spread abroad any true information about the island and 
the revolution tftere. 1 shall continue to assist in that to the 
extent of my time, knowledge and ability." 

One cannot call a clever journalist a liar without running afoul 
of the libel law. since most of the damage is done by innuendo, 
and not by plain statement. In future we shall refrain from wasting 
space in defending ourselves, having better work to do. However, 
for the reassurance of our readers, here it is, once for all: we 
have not received any shipments of Moscow gold or Cuban sugar. 
Our opinions are not for hire, but are our own. 



38 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



Viewf of the Amcricon Press — From Adloi Stevenson to Clare Booth Luce 



Debris in the Bubbling Fountain Where Drink the Good and the Wise 



Ali in all, it has been a bad month for the great, self- 
infiated grampus kown to Americans as our tree press. 

Adiai Stevenson gave it a lusty kick. Robert Moses 
bruised the injury. CBS President Frank Stanton found 
that U. S. journalism had strayed into treacherous paths 
and was by way of becoming a mere c;gent of the Gov- 
ernment The nation's top official propaganda service, 
the U. S. Information Agency, complained that the press 
was, in fact, a bad servant. The Assistant Director of 
the USIA in Latin America said that U.S. newspapers 
"are certainly making our task harder." 

Reporter magazine writer Marja Mannes saw tragedy 
in something which Fair Play is inclined to view as a 
healthy development: the decline of public confidence 
in the daily newspapers. She said the newspapers had 
two great advantages over television: 

"They can be used by men as (breakfast) barriers 
against their wives." 

". . . You can't line a garbage pail with a television 
set. Ifs usually the other way around' 

Clare Booth Luce, former U. S. ambassador to Italy 
and wife of the Time-Life-Fortune magnate, blamed 
the journalists themselves for being transmission belts 
for "high-level government and political cant, tripe, and 
public relations," and for being willing to "sell their 
birthright of candor and truth in order to become White 
House pets, party pets, corporation pets, Pentagon or 
State Department or trade union or governor's mansion 
pets." 

The Bubbling Fountain 

Robert Moses was certainly smiling when he said he 
praised the press, "with some noisy exceptions," as "the 
bubbling fountain of pure water at which drink the good 
and wise." But it was the exceptions that he was con- 
cerned with: 

"/ have been on the outskirts, edges, and inside 
ol public hfe for many years, and have never seen 
anything before equal in virulence and irrespon- 
sibility to the sensational yellow press of today, 
representing no doubt only a minority of all news- 
papers, but still an influential part of the whole. 

"I regretfully include in this minority several 
highly respected conservative publications which 
today seek to boost circulation by means which 
would have horrified their founding fathers. 

"Baseless allegations are blown up as facts, 
trivial incidents magnified to giant size, reputations 
years in building ruthlessly attacked, and the de- 
nouement, pay-off, exoneration and correction of 
the canard appears in small type on Page 36 or 



40 opposite the stockyard prices or beside the 
obituaries." 

But after all, why not lay a blasted reputation to reit 
on the obituary page? Where else? 

Stevenson, commenting on his recent Latin-American 
tour: 

"/ took time out somewhere to read a collection 
of American newspapers of the week of February 
15. Khrushchev was in India, Mikoyan was in 
Cuba. The French exploded their atomic bomb. 
The latest Chinese production figures were re- 
leased. An antiquated school building in New York 
collapsed. The Geneva talks on tiomb-testing were 
making some progress. If the generals testifying 
in Washington were right, our country was in sec- 
ond place militarily. Eisenhower said he was puz- 
zled that some people were worried. 

"All these events were important to us and to 
our cftildren. Yet the big news in most of tho.se 
American dailies that week was: when will Jack 
Paar make up his mind? And when that burning 
question was finally resolved. Dr. Finch's murder 
trial took over the front pages." 

Graveyards Where You Find Them 

Why is FAIR PLAY so interested in all this? Obviously 
because it explains, even better than we can do it, our 
reason for publishing a news letter. If it were not true, 
there would probably be no need of a FAIR PLAY FOR 
CUBA COMMITTEE. To quote one of our correspondents: 

"A recent article . . . in the Miami press led me 
to the Miami library where I searched through 
back issues of the new YORK times until I came 
upon the April 6th ad. I cannot tell you how happy 
I was to see tfiis ad and the statements in it. 

"All thinking people know that the American 
press had done a miserable job oi reporting the 
Cuban story and I often think, when I pick up a 
newspaper and see a reference to the 'hate Amer- 
ica' campaign in Cuba, how really upside-down 
the whole tiling is. For as anyone can see, some- 
thing akin to a 'hate Cuba' campaign has been set 
afoot in the newspapers of our own country. 

"Someone must get the truth to the American 
people — " 

—Mrs. L.B.C., Miami, Fla. 

After reviewing the opinions of Adlai Stevenson, Mrs. 
Luce, Robert Moses, et al., and reading a few hundred 
letters much in the vein of the one cited above, it comes 
as something of an anti-climax to pick up one of the 
New York City tabloids and see: "CUBA CALLED 
GRAVEYARD OF INDEPENDENT PRESS." How's 
that again? 



FAIR PLAT FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 39 



Q. What is The Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

A. One of Vance Packard's "hidden persuaders," a Madison Avenue man 
engaged in motivational research, so called, was pretty sure that he knew 
the answer to that one. He wrote advising us to call ourselves The Fair 
Play Committee lor Cuba. Maybe he's right, but it seems to us that the 
shift of emphasis would be misleading. It would imply that the committee 
was for Cuba, and fair play was for anyone who could get it. Our idea was 
to put first things first. We weren't much interested in being a committee. 
But we are very much interested in fair play, for everyone — north or south 
of the border. And in this instance, we're interested in fair play for Cuba. 
Why? Because we feel that six-and-a-half million people down there, still 
struggling to liberate themselves from the oppression and exploitation of 
centuries, have no( been getting a square deal from cur spokesmen, our 
opinion moulders, our press. Hence the Committee. Its members are jour- 
nalists, creative writers, businessmen, ordinary working men and women. 
You can be one if you wish. In fact, we need you. 

Q. Who supports the Committee? 

A. YOU do — or at least, we hope that you will. The Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee has absolutely no connection with any other organization or 
agency. It has no paid employes. It depends on volunteer stamp-lickers 
and envelope addressers, and on the voluntary contributions of private 
persons who are, like us, interested in fair play, and honest reporting. 

Q. What is the purpose of the Committee? 

A To disseminate truth, to combat untruth, to publish the factual informa- 
tion which the U. S. mass media suppress, which the American public has 
the right to know, and in the process to combat the ignorance, the inade- 
quate leadership, the blatantly distorted reporting which we believe to 
constitute not merely a grave injustice to the Cuban people and a serious 
threat to their dream of a better life, but a serious threat, as well, to the 
free traditions of our own people, our nation, our Hemisphere. 

Would you like to help? Fill out the form below. 



To: The Fair Ploy for Cuba CommiHee 

60 East 42nd Street, New York 17, N.Y. 

I wish to join the Committee. Enclosed is my check or money order for $5.00, 
to cover enrollment fee, and mailing costs for the Committee's weekly fact sheet 
"Fair Play." D 

I cannot participate as on active member of the Committee, but enclose 
my contribution to support the cause of Fair Play for Cuba □ 

Please send me more information about the Fair Ploy Committee and 
revolutionary Cuba as it is today [D 



Nome: _ 
Address: 



City: Zone State- 



FAIR PLAY. Published weekly by the Fair Play lor Cuba Commitee, 60 E. 42n<f Sr. New York, 24, N. Y. 



40 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Will you tell us the approximate cost of this mailing 
piece, its printing and distribution? 

Mr. Taber. Approximately $175. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, did you pay for the printing and distribution 
of this mailing piece and the letter signed with the name Marjorie 
More out of funds contributed to the work of the Fair Play For Cuba 
Committee? 

Mr. Taber. That is true. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I show you a reprint of an article from the Nation 
of January 23, 1960, "The Picture In Focus, Castro's Cuba by Robert 
Taber." 

I wiU ask you if that is the article you referred to earHer which had 
been seen by one of the members of the committee and which led to 
the suggestion that you meet and consider the formation of the com- 
mittee? 

Mr. Taber. This is the article which he had referred to, yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. I ask, Mr. Chairman, that the text of this article 
be included in the appendix of the record of this hearing. 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

(The article referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 8" and appears 
as appendix II at p. 97.) 

Mr. Sourwine. Was the text of the letter signed by Marjorie 
More submitted to any person or persons for approval before it was 
printed, Mr. Taber? 

Mr. Taber. I do not beHeve so. As a matter of fact, I had for- 
gotten the contents of that particular letter but it seems to me it was 
just a thank you note. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was the text or the proof of this four-page pamphlet 
or flier submitted to any person or persons for approval before it was 
printed and distributed? 

Mr. Taber. I mailed it to the Community Church because they 
were cosponsoring the meeting which is referred to in that flier and 
of course, they are interested in the form in which we presented it. 

Mr. Sourwine. To whom did you mail it at the Community 
Church? 

Mr. Taber. Either Reverend Harrington or Reverend Papandrew. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you have approval of those gentlemen before 
you printed it or distributed it? 

Mr. Taber. I felt I had tacit approval. I don't recall they 
mentioned it in subsequent correspondence or subsequent meetings. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Taber, have you been in consultation with 
reference to the Fair Play for Cuba Committee or any of its activities 
with any persons known to you to be members of Communist Party, 
U.S.A.? 

Mr. Taber, I have not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you ever conferred on any subject with 
Joseph North? 

Mr. Taber. Joseph North? I don't know the name. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you ever conferred on any subject with 
Benjamin Davis? 

Mr. Taber. I have not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you ever conferred on any subject with 
Eugene Dennis? 

Mr. Taber. No. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 41 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Have you ever conferred on any subject with 
Jack Stachel? 

Mr. Taber. No, I have not. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you assure Mr. Carlton Beals that no Com- 
munists were members or were sponsors of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee? 

Mr. Taber. Were Communists you say? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes, did you assure him? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, I did, to my knowledge. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you assure him that no funds for the com- 
mittee came directly or indirectly from the Cuban Government? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. And this is true? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, that is true. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you personally or in a representative capacity 
received payments of any kind either directly or indirectly from the 
Cuban Government? 

Mr. Taber. No, I have not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you registered as an agent of the Cuban 
Government? 

Mr. Taber. No, I have not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you ever had any dealings with the Cuban 
Embassy? 

Mr. Taber. Cuban Embassy? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Mr. Taber. No, I have not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you ever had any dealings with a person 
known to you to be on the staff of the Cuban Embassy? 

Mr. Taber. I know several of the people on the staff in a personal 
capacity. 

Mr. Sourwine. Who? 

Mr. Taber. Not the Cuban Embassy, but in New York, 

Mr. Sourwine. The Cuban legation, Cuban consulate? 

Mr. Taber. The Cuban mission. 

Mr. Sourwine. Who on the Cuban mission in New York do you 
know? 

Mr. Taber. Well, I know Kaul Roa. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is Mr. Roa in the Cuban mission in New York? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. And who else? 

Mr. Taber. Well, at one time or another I have met, I suppose, 
the Ambassador to the United States from Cuba, various functionaries 
of the Cuban Government. 

I have met them, but in a private capacity. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you ever discuss the affairs of the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee with any of these individuals whom you know 
are connected with the Cuban consulate? 

Mr. Taber. To the extent of having received expressions of pleasure 
or something of that sort, and naturally, in meeting these people, they 
say, "We saw your ad and we are happy about it," or something of 
that sort. 

I have received a great deal of mail from Cubans in general, as well 
as Americans, 



42 FAIR PLAT FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE, Did you, prior to the publication of the ad in the 
New York Times on April 6, discuss the ad or the intention to publish 
such an ad with any of these individuals whom you knew are con- 
nected with the Cuban consulate? 

Mr. Taber. The Cuban consulate, no, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were any of these individuals whom you know 
connected with the Cuban Epibassy? 

Mr. Taber. I may have in a conversational way, not with any 
purpose, certainly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. With whom did you discuss it? 

Mr. Taber. Offhand, I couldn't teU you. It is a matter which 
has come up with my conversations with Cubans and Americans a 
great many times. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you show or discuss the copy or text for the 
ad with any of the persons whom you know who are connected with 
the Cuban Embassy? 

Mr. Taber. No, sir, I don't believe so. I beheve not. 

Senator Dodd. What was yom* answer to that? 

(The last answer of the witness was read by the reporter.) 

Mr. SouRwiNE. With what individuals connected with the Cuban 
Embassy are you acquainted? 

Mr. Taber. I mentioned Mr. Roa. I have met a Mr. Primas. I 
have met the Ambassador to the United Nations. His name is 
Bisbe. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. With which of those individuals do you think you 
might have discussed the ad before it was published in the Times? 

Mr. Taber. That I had discussed? You said I had discussed it? 
It's a question I can't answer because I don't know whether I actually 
discussed it or not discussed it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You said you might have discussed it. 

Mr. Taber, It is a possibility. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. I said with which of these three individuals that 
you named might you have discussed it? 

Mr, Taber. I might have discussed it with any or aU of them had 
I discussed it, I can't confirm it, 

Mr, SouRwiNE. In order to have discussed it, it would have been 
necessary to have talked with them or one of them, would it not? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, that is correct, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, did you talk with them or any one of them 
between the time of your first meeting with Mr, Sagner and the 
publication of the ad on April 6? 

Mr, Taber. Let's see — ^my first meeting with Sagner was in 
February, I certainly saw some of them in the interim. Yes, I 
imagine I have. I have had several opportunities to meet them, 

Mr, SouRWiNE. What were the occasions on which you saw them? 
Did you see them at the Embassy or elsewhere? 

Mr. Taber. I had a meeting. I had a lunch with several of them 
and some newspaper people at the United Nations, various telephone 
conversations in order to check on facts, factual questions having to 
do with Cuban affairs, 

Mr, SouRWiNE. Did they know that you were preparing an ad 
when you were checking these facts? 

Mr. Taber, I beheve that they knew we were preparing a com- 
mittee — whether the question— the ad — had come up, I can't say as 
to that. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 43 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, with whom did you have telephone con- 
versations about that? 

I will limit that question. With whom, I mean, whom in this area 
of persons associated with the Cuban Embassy 

Senator Dodd. Let the record show the witness is conferring with 
his counsel before answering the question. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel from 12:25 p.m. to 12:26 
p.m.) 

Mr. Taber. The question again, please? 

(The pending question was read bj^ the reporter.) 

Mr. Taber. I can't honestly tell you. In a specific instance, 
deahng with an inquiry regarding factual matters having to do with 
Cuba, I can't teU you which of several persons might have responded 
to the telephone, to my call or my conversation. I don't have any 
recollection of it. 

With regard to this ad, I haven't stated clearly that I ever had any 
conference of any kind with any of these people. I say only that it 
is a possibihty that it might have been mentioned in casual con- 
versation. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You placed calls to some individuals to get in- 
formation or to check information and you have stated that these 
people 

Senator Dodd. I would make it clear that according to his testi- 
mony he called several people. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The chairman is correct. 

According to your testimony, you called several persons to check 
information. Now whom did you call? 

Mr. Taber. Well, I called the mission office. 

Mr. Sour WINE. In New York? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Not the Embassy here in Washington? 

Air. Taber. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. You never called the Embassy to check informa- 
tion? 

Mr. Taber. No, I never have. 

Mr. Sourwine. When you called the mission office, whom did you 
ask for? 

Mr. Taber. I can only speculate. Probably Mr. Roa. 

Mr. Sourwine. Raul Roa? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is that the same gentleman who is foreign min- 
ister of Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. That is his son. 

Mr. Sourwine. This is the younger Roa that you are referring to? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is he the only one in the Cuban mission in New 
York who you would know well enough to ask for when you caU 
up there for information? 

Mr. Taber. I wouldn't say that, but I say that in all probabiUty 
he would be the one since he is — speaks EngUsh best of the group 
and is the most famihar with economic developments and this sort 
of thing. 



76374 0-61-4 



44 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I am not concerned with probabilities. You made 
the phone calls. I am asking who did you ask for. Was it Raul 
Roa? 

Mr. Taber. The question is we haven't established a specific 
occasion when I asked for anyone. Hence, I can't say who this 
person was. I normally say in my general recollection, I proba,bly 
made several calls in which I have checked out points of information. 
I don't remember the specific occasions, nor do I remember the persons 
to whom I spoke. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, you told us that you had had a luncheon 
at the United Nations with some of these people connected with 
the Cuban mission and with certain newspapermen. Is that correct? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. When was this luncheon? 

Mr. Taber. The luncheon was sometime during March? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. In March. Who was present? 

Mr. Taber. The Ambassador and the Alternate Ambassador to 
the United Nations; the pubhsher of the Nation and his wife who 
covers affairs in the U.N. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Who is he, the name? 

Mr. Taber. George Kirstein. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And his wife is Mrs. Kirstein? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Goes by that name? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who else was present? 

Mr. Taber. I beheve it was another member of that same delega- 
tion who was present; in fact, several members, but not of my ac- 
quaintance. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What do you mean by "that same delegation"? 

Mr. Taber. I beheve it was another member of that same delega- 
tion present: in fact, several members, but not of my acquaintance. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What do you mean by "that same delegation"? 

Mr. Taber. The Cuban delegation to the U.N. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. They were persons not known to you? 

Mr. Taber. Persons who I don't recall at the moment, not very 
well known to me, if known to me at all. 

Mr. Sourwine. Who arranged this luncheon? 

Mr. Taber. I beheve that the Cuban delegation arranged it. 

Mr. Sourwine. They invited you? 

Mr. Taber. They invited me and they invited Mrs. Ejrstein or 
Mr. Kirstein, one or the other of them. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you have any part in putting them in touch 
with the people from the Nation? 

Mr. Taber. Not to my recollection. 

Mr. Sourwine. You didn't convey the invitation to Mr. and Mrs. 
Kirstein? 

Mr. Taber. I believe not. 

Mr. Sourwine. And the invitation to that luncheon was conveyed 
to you by whom and how? 

Mr. Taber. I don't recall at all. 

Mr. Sourwine. What was the purpose of the luncheon? 

Mr. Taber. To the best of my recollection, Mrs. Kirstein, who 
covers the United Nations as a reporter for the Nation, had expressed 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 45 

some interest in the Cuban question in general and the invitation 
came partly as a result of that and partly as a result of my article 
in the Nation. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. To whom did she express that interest? 

Mr. Taber. To me. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And you conveyed that expression of interest to 
Mr. Roa or to someone else connected with the Cuban mission? 

Mr. Taber. It is possible that is the case. I am not sure. 

Mr. Sour wine. How else would they learn about it? 

Mr. Taber. I may have mentioned it to them. In any case — or 
they may have — may have issued the invitation on the basis of their 
knowledge of my article in the Nation ; the fact that we were mutually 
acquainted and then entirely on their own initiative. I can't recall 
the circumstances of the luncheon. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. But you do know that she had expressed to you 
this interest in Cuban affairs? 

Mr. Taber. We had discussed Cuban affairs a number of times. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And you do not know, is that your testimony, 
whether you conveyed her expression of interest or word of it to 
anyone connected with the Cuban mission? 

Mr. Taber. As I say, it may have come up in casual conversation, 
but I don't recall. It is a possibihty. That is all I recall. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Isn't this what happened: She told you she was 
interested. She would like to meet with them and on that basis they 
arranged it? 

Mr. Taber. I can't confirm that. They — ^it may have been the 
other way around. They may have expressed a desire to meet with 
Mr. Kirstein or both of them, and I may have passed it along. I 
honestly don't recall the circumstances. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did anyone in the Cuban mission express to you 
such a desire? 

Mr. Taber. I don't recall. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. At that luncheon was the formation of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee discussed? 

Mr. Taber. No, I beheve not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was the work of the committee discussed? 

Mr. Taber. I don't think so. I don't think the committee came 
up at all at that luncheon. 

In looking back, I am not sure that we had plans or that the 
committee had even started. As I say, I am vague on the date of 
that particular luncheon. It may have been before. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was the ad, or copy for the ad, discussed at that 
luncheon? 

Mr. Taber. No, I am certain it was not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Taber, on what occasions have you been in 
Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. Well, I made my first visit to Cuba in February of 
1957 as a reporter. Many times since then. 

Mr. Sourwine. You went as a reporter for CBS? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. What was the result of your trip? Did you have 
a program on the air? 

Mr. Taber. The result of the trip was I made contact with some 
of the revolutionaries who were opposing Batista, the Batista dic- 
tatorship, and that actually is all that was accomphshed at that time. 



46 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. vSouRWiNE. What revolutionaries did you make contact with? 

Mr. Taber. You mean specific names? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes. 

Air. Taber. Offhand I couldn't tell you. It has been quite a 
long time ago. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You don't remember any of them? 

Mr. Taber. Mario Llerama is one whose name stays in my mind. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Can you spell it? 

Mr. Taber. L-L-E-R-A-M-A. 

Mr. SouRW^iNE. Did you at that time meet Fidel Castro? 

Mr. Taber. No, I did not. 

Mr. SouRW^NE. Did you meet '*Che" Guevara? 

Mr. Taber. I didn't meet any of the people who were fighting 
in the mountains at that time because I stayed in the cities. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You remember no name among those contacts 
you made with the revolutionaries except those you have given us? 

Mr. Taber. Another one was Filipo Tazos. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Was lie at that time connected with the Bank 
of Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. He was connected with private banking institutions 
at that time. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Anyone else whom you remember? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. BouDiN. May I give this [indicating an envelope] to Mr. 
Tynan? 

Mr. Taber. Mr. Otulaski. 

Mr. SouRwiNE, Your counsel asked us to suspend. 

Mr. Taber, I am sorry. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Taber, while your counsel was out — ^let the 
record show he has now returned to the room — ^you started to give us 
another name of a person among the revolutionaries in Cuba whom 
you had contacted in February of 1957, 

Will you give us that name now? 

Mr. Taber. Enrique Otulaski. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who else? 

Mr. Taber. I don't recall any others at that time. I am sure there 
were some others.- I don't remember the names. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did any news program result from that particular 
trip to Cuba in February of 1957? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, as a result of that trip I subsequently had another 
contact in New York with one of the revolutionaries, Mario Llerana. 
1 returned to Cuba in April and went into the Sierra Madres to do the 
first television-radio interview with Fidel Castro. 

Mr. Sour WINE. April 1957? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourw'ine. How long were you in the Sierra Madres with 
Castro? 

Mr. Taber. Three weeks. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. During that time you met Fidel Castro? 

Mr. Taber. That is right. 

Mr. Sour WINE. Raul Castro? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. "Che" Guevara — -Did you meet Camilo Cienfuegos? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 47 

Mr. SouRwiNE, Carlos Rafael Rodriguez? 
Mr. Taber. No, he wasn't there. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you recall any other leaders you met in the 
Sierra Madres at that time? 

Mr. Taber. Juan Almedia. Most of the original group. At that 
time there were about 80 of them. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, the broadcast there was over CBS, was it 
not, was it filmed or taped? 

Mr. Taber. Filmed and taped. We brought it out. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you thereafter return to Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, I was there in April of 1958. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you again visit the revolutionary leaders? 

Mr. Taber. Not in the Sierra Madres but only in the cities. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. In Oriente Province? 

Mr. Taber. Oriente, also in Havana. 
^ Mr. SouRwiNE. What revolutionary leader did you see at that 
time? 

Mr. Taber. One of them in Havana was Faustino Perez, and a 
lawyer by the name of Mendoza. I don't remember the rest of it. 

Mr. Sourwine. How long were you there at that time? 

Mr. Taber. Several weeks. 

Mr. SouRwrNE. Did you have any program result from that 
visit? 

Mr. Taber. I had a number of radio broadcasts from Santiago for 
Havana. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you thereafter again visit Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, I was there in the summer of 1958. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you again see revolutionary leaders at that 
time? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Where? 

Mr. Taber. In northern Oriente. 

Mr. Sourwine. Who did you see again on that occasion? 

Mr. Taber. Raul Castro. I don't remember very many of the 
names. 

Mr. Sourwine. And again broadcast resulted? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, with some film, that is some film, the tape and 
so on. 

Mr. Sourwine. And thereafter, did you again visit Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. Returned in early January, after the overtiirow of 
Batista. 

Mr. Sourwine. That is January of 1959? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. You went then to Havana? 

Mr. Taber. Went to Havana. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you go elsewhere in Cuba in January 1959? 

Mr. Taber. Went down to Santa Clara, I believe. 

Mr. Sourwine. When you went to Cuba on that occasion, did you 
go as a guest of the new government? 

Mr. Taber. Well, I recall that at that time the airline, commercial 
airline had been suspended and the Cubans were flying refugees, 
exiles back, repatriates, and I flew on one of those planes which took 
ex-repatriated exiles back to Cuba. 

Mr. Sourwine. A Cuban Government airplane? 



48 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Taber. a Cuban airline. I don't know what the status of the 
airline was at that time but in many cases they arranged the flight 
and I went on one of them. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The cost of the trip was not paid by you? 

Mr. Taber. The cost of the trip down was not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. While you were in Havana in January of 1959 
and elsewhere in Cuba, were you treated as a guest of the Govern- 
ment? 

Mr. Taber. No ; I was not. 

Mr. Sourwine. You paid your own expenses? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Or did CBS pay them? 

Mr. Taber. I paid them myself. 

Mr. Sourwine. This was not an official business trip for CBS? 

Mr. Taber. No, it was not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Subsequent to January 1959, did you again visit 
Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. I made two trips in January of 1959. On the second 
occasion I paid my own way. 

I made a subsequent trip. I guess it was in April. I went in 
April on my vacation. 

Mr. Sourwine. Of 1959? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. How long were you there at that time? 

Mr. Taber. About 3 weeks. 

Mr. Sourwine. And on that occasion, were you treated as a guest 
of the Cuban Government? 

Mr. Taber. No, I was not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Paid all your own expenses? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. That was a pleasure trip? 

Mr. Taber. Actually, it was a business trip. As a matter of fact, 
I took one previous one before that in February or somewhere along 
the line when I took a week's leave of absence or so. 

In both cases, I was working on a book, a history of the Cuban 
revolution. So I went down partly for pleasure and partly for 
research. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now, after April of 1959, did you go again to Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. I am trying to remember when. I have been down 
several times since then. 

Senator Dodd. Let the record show the witness is conferring with 
counsel. 

(Mr. Taber conferred with his counsel from 12:25 to 12:26.) 

Mr. Taber. I honestly don't recall the next time, but I believe — I 
am sorry. I have been down several times. I don't recall the precise 
dates. 

Senator Dodd. You mean several times since AprU 1959? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you been to Cuba during 1960? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, I was there over the weekend, as a matter of fact. 

Mr. Sourwine. This past weekend? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Had you been there earlier this year? 

Mr. Taber. There about 3 weeks ago. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 49 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And had you been there earlier than that this year? 

Mr. Taber. I think I have made 3 trips this year. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. When was the first one? 

Mr. Taber. Along about March or so. I was there March or 
April. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was that before or after the luncheon at the 
United Nations about which you testified? 

Mr. Taber. Possibly after. I am not sure. 

Mr. Sourwine. On the occasion of that trip in March, whom did 
you see in Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. I saw Fidel Castro, saw a number of members of the — 
you know, acquaintances from the revolutionary period. Any number 
of other people. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you discuss with anyone in Cuba on that 
occasion the formation of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee or the 
possibility of forming such a committee? 

Mr. Taber. No; I beheve not. 

Mr. Sourwine. On the second occasion this year when you visited 
Cuba, whom did you see? 

Mr. Taber. Well, I went down there to get some information about 
my — with reference to the same book and the one I was trying to see 
was Fidel Castro. I didn't see him. I got tired of waiting and came 
back and that was true of the past trip. 

Mr. Sourwine. On that occasion, did you discuss with anyone in 
Cuba the activities of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Taber. Are you referring to my last visit? 

Mr. Sourwine. The second visit which I think you said was about 
3 weeks ago. 

Mr. Taber. Something like that. Well, I, if it came after the ad 
was out — why, undoubtedly it was — had it mentioned to me by any 
number of people. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was it after the ad was out? 

Mr. Taber. I'd have to consult my records. Honestly, I am not 
sure. It wasn't my preoccupation. I had this book to do. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now, aside from any question of whether the ad 
was out, did you discuss any of the activities of the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee with anyone in Cuba on the occasion of that visit 
about 3 weeks ago? 

Mr. Taber. It is quite possible, but I don't recall the specific 
details of it. 

Mr. Sourwine. Then you were down there again last week? 

Mr. Taber. Down there again last week to attend a writers' 
conference and also to try to get some more — get this book situation 
cleared up. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you see any of the ofiicials of the Government 
of Cuba on the occasion of that most recent trip? 

Mr. Taber. I saw most of them, the President and at the wedding 
of Fidel Castro's sister 

Mr. Sourwine. You were a guest at that wedding? 

Mr. Taber. Beg pardon? 

Mr. Sourwine. You were a guest at that wedding? 

Mr. Taber. A guest at that wedding. Fidel, Raul, most of 

them. 



50 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you, on that occasion, discuss with anyone in 
Cuba the activities of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Taber. No, I did not. 

To tell you the truth, the whole situation was extremely hectic 
and the opportunity didn't arise to discuss much of anything except, 
"How have you been?" 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Who is your usual liaison person with the Cuban 
Government in Havana? 

Mr. Taber. Liaison in what sense? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. When you go to Havana you get in touch with 
somebody. Who do you get in touch with? 

Mr. Taber. Usually with the secretary, secretary of Marcella 
Fernandez who works in the Ministry. 

Mr. Sourwine, The secretary of Marcella Fernandez? Do you 
recall the secretary's name? 

Mr. Taber. No, I don't. 

Senator Dodd. How do you get in touch with her? 

Mr. Taber. I go over there and stop in and talk. There is a girl 
there and I don't know the girl's name. 

Senator Dodd. How do you address her? 

Mr. Taber. Beg your pardon? 

Senator Dodd. How do you speak to her? 

Mr. Taber. My Spanish is not very good and her English is non- 
existent. I say, "Hello, how have you been" and things of that 
nature and I have never learned her name, but 

Senator Dodd. Go ahead, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Sourwine. Had you finished, Mr. Taber? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. On the occasion of any of your trips to Cuba this 
year were you given money by any Cuban? 

Mr. Taber. No, I was not. 

Mr. Sourwine. And you paid your own expenses in connection 
with all of those trips? 

Mr. Taber. With the exception of this last one, this last trip I went 
as a — to attend this writers' conference. 

I was a guest on one of the previous occasions. I went as a guest in 
connection actually, in a business connection having to do with publi- 
cation of my book. 

Mr. Sourwine. A guest of whom, sir? 

Mr. Taber. Of the Government. 

Mr. Sourwine. Oh, yes, and on this last occasion were you also a 
guest of the Government? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. CBS ever pay your expenses for any of these trips 
down there and back? 

Mr. Taber. Not this year. On a previous occasion, yes. 

Senator Dodd. Other years? 

Mr. Taber. On all occasions when I was working as a reporter for 
CBS, a special correspondent for CBS, CBS paid my expenses. 
When I went on my own or as a guest of the Government 

Senator Dodd. As a guest of the Cuban Government? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. The Castro government? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 51 

Mr. SouRWiNE. During the summer of 1958 you spent about 2 
months with Raul Castro watching the guerilla fighting in northern 
Oriente Province, is that correct? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Where did you live during that period of time? 

Mr. Taber. Oh, in a number of small villages. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you bivouacked with the troops at aU? 

Mr. Taber. Part of the time, yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you eat at the Army mess? 

Mr. Taber. They didn't really have an Army mess. You see, 
they lived in homes of farmers, peasants and they ate what came along. 
They didn't have that kind of an organization. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you do the same thing? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you always pay for your quarters? 

Mr. Taber. I never paid for them. 

Mr. Sourwine. Who paid for them? 

Mr. Taber. Occasionally, I gave one of them, some private family, 
something that I wanted. If there was a store — when it came to 
buying something, I bought it. But ordinarily — and all of the 
reporters with me for that matter — were fed by, from the same 
sources that the troops themselves were fed. 

Mr. Sourwine. You mean the Army arranged it? 

Mr. Taber. There wasn't an army at that time, but the guerillas 
living off the countryside were supplied by and lived on the popula- 
tion and were supplied by them and so was I. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know Carlos Rafael Rodriguez? 

Mr. Taber. No, I don't. 

Mr. Sourwine. You never met him while you were in Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. If I did, I don't recall the name. 

Senator Dodd. You don't recall? 

Mr. Taber. I don't recall the name at aU. 

Mr. Sourwine, Mr. Taber, have you, yourself, ever been a member 
of the Communist Party U.S.A.? 

Mr. Taber. No, I never have. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, we have here a letter addressed to 
the research director of this subcommittee from an official of the 
New York Times with regard to the placement and the cost of this ad. 

It confirms what Mr. Taber has told us insofar as it pertains to us 
and I ask it go into the record at this time. 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

(The letter referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 9" and reads as 
follows :) 

Exhibit No. 9 

The New York Times, 
New York, N.Y., April 18, 1960. 
Mr. Benjamin Mandel, 

Research Director, Internal Security Subcommittee, 
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. 

Dear Mr. Mandel: In accordance with the request in your letter dated 
April 6 concerning the advertisement of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 
we submit the following: 

The advertisement was placed by Robert Taber, one of those whose names 
appear as sponsors. It was released to us on Tuesday, April 5, the day prior to 
publication. Mr. Taber delivered the advertisement in person and paid for it 



52 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

at that. time. The proof was okayed by the advertising acceptability department 
of the Times. The cost of the advertisement was $4,725. Mr. Taber presented 
four checks to make up the amount. We do not have a record of those who 
signed the checks. 

Sincerely yours, 

Vincent Redding, 
The New York Times. 

Mr. BouDiN. May I see it? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I have no more questions of this witness, Mr. 
Chairman. 

Senator Dodd. I have a couple of questions I would Uke to ask of 
the witness if I may. 

Do you know Mr. Bates who works for CBS? 

Mr. Taber. I met him several times. 

Senator Dodd. Is he a coworker there? 

Mr. Taber. Not actually, Senator, because he is a correspondent 
and I am only a writer. 

Senator Dodd. I notice in your— hand me those exhibits — in this 
pamphlet — if it is a fair way to describe it — that you have identified, 
that you said you referred to him in this publication, don't you, 
"Fair Play"? 

Mr. Taber. Yes, sir. 

Senator Dodd. Is it fair to say that yom* article about him — you 
say he was hustled out of Cuba as a persona non grata? 

Mr. Taber. He said that. 

Senator Dodd. But he didn't write this article, did he? 

Mr. Taber. No, he did not. 

Senator Dodd. Did you ask him why he left Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. I didn't. I haven't seen him since he returned from 
Cuba. 

I hstened to him, hstened to several broadcasts and what he had 
to say on them. I took what he said. 

Senator Dodd. But you haven't asked him. 

Mr. Taber. I haven't seen him. 

Senator Dodd. But you wrote this article about him nevertheless, 
without ever asking him why he left Cuba. 

Mr. Taber. He had explained himself quite fully on the air several 
times. 

Senator Dodd. But you hadn't seen him. You are a reporter 
yourself and work for the same company, is that right? 

Mr. Taber. We don't work in the same place. 

Senator Dodd. I didn't say you worked in the same place. I said 
you worked for the same company. 

Mr. Taber. That is true. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I have two more questions, if I 
may. They might fiU small gaps. 

Do you know the reason for Mr. Alan Sagner's interest in Cuban 
affairs? 

Mr. Taber. I presume to know from what he has told me that he 
has a great interest in the cause of fairplay and that he feels that 
Cubans have not been getting it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know of any connection he has with Cuba? 

Mr. Taber. I am not aware of any connection he has with Cuba. 

Mr. Sourwine. The final question, Are the funds of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee kept in a bank account? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUSA COMMITTEE 53 

Mr. Taber. Yes, they are. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. In what bank? 

Mr. Taber. The Chase National Bank. 

Mr. Sourwme. In the name of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Taber. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And subject to your order? 

Mr. Taber. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I have no more questions at this time, Mr. Chair- 
man. 

Senator Dodd. Anything else, Mr. Counsel? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I have nothing else. 

There is something which need not be on the record but perhaps 
might just as well be. It is conceivable that the committee might 
want to ask Mr. Taber further questions. 

Can we have an agreement with counsel that if we give counsel 
adequate time 

Senator Dodd. Do you mean today? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. No, no, at another time we give counsel adequate 
notice and we will define that as at least 4 days' notice that he would 
produce Mr. Taber, or would you prefer to leave it on the basis of 
a new subpena? 

Senator Dodd. I would prefer to leave it on the basis of a new 
subpena. 

Mr. BouDiN. It is completely irrelevant, of course. 

Senator Dodd. I don't mean to cast any shadow on your client, 
Mr. Boudin. I think it is better for you and for us that we do it 
formally. 

Mr. Boudin. I prefer formal proceedings. You are absolutely 
right. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. We have another witness, Mr. Chairman. 

Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

TESTIMONY OF KENNETH TYNAN, ACCOMPANIED BY 

LEONARD BOUDIN 

Senator Dodd. Raise your right hand. 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you will give before this 
subcommittee wiU be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but 
the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Tynan. I do swear. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Give the reporter your fuU name, please. 

Mr. Tynan. Kenneth P. Tynan. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Your address? 

Mr. Tynan. 56 East 89th Street, New York City. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And your business or profession? 

Mr. Tynan. I am a drama critic and author. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Presently employed as a drama critic for the New 
Yorker magazine? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you a subject of England? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. You were a native of England? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 



54 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And what is your present immigration status here 
in the United States? 

Mr. Tynan. My present one, entirely due to an oversight on my 
part and my employer's is B-1 and 2. I have been employed on an 
H-1 visa that expired last October without even myself or my 
employers realizing it. 

Senator Dodd. I think it would be better instead of using code 
letters like B-1 and B-2 and H's that if you told us what arrange- 
ments you have here — — - 

Mr. Tynan. I am here on a visa for which my employers applied 
on the grounds that I was performing unique services for them. 
If that answers the question. 

Senator Dodd. Your employers are the New Yorker publishers? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. When did they apply for your unique services? 

Mr. Tynan. They applied in the autumn of 1958. 

Senator Dodd. And you have been performing unique services for 
them ever since, I suppose. 

Mr. Tynan. As unique as I can define. 

Senator Dodd. What is the rest of this B-2? 

Mr. Tynan. No, that is an ordinary — visitors and tourist visa that 
I have held for some years and which expires in April 1962. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is it a fair assumption that you are in the process 
of straightening out j'our immigration status at the present time? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes, we have filed with the Immigration Office — — 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Tynan, have you ever used any name other 
than Kenneth Tynan? 

Mr. Tynan. Once when I wrote an article on Ingrid Bergman I 
used Roger Gorce. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. But you have never lived under another name? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party of Great Britain or the United States? 

Mr. Tynan. No, sir. 

Senator Dodd. Or the Communist Party of any other place. 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you ever been affiliated with any Communist- 
controUed organizations either in Great Britain or the United States? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you a member of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Your name appears in this advertisement which I 
will show you. I will ask you if you have seen that ad before? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. But you do not consider yourself a member of the 
committee? 

Mr. Tynan. No, I was asked to add my name to the ad but not to 
join the committee. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I see. Have you contributed to the committee? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. Who was it that asked you to lend your name to 
the ad? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 55 

Mr. Tynan. Mr. Taber. I actually got a formal letter asking me 
if I would be willing to add my name to it and enclosing the content 
of the ad as it is printed there. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is Mr. Robert B. Taber who testified here 
before you today? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes, then a couple of days later I think he telephoned 
me and asked me if I was willing to add my name and I said I would. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you see the ad or a copy for the ad or a proof 
of the ad before it appeared in the New York Times? 

Mr. Tynan. I saw the content of it but not, I think, the list of the 
other signatories. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And j^ou approved of the content of the ad? 

Mr. Tynan. Well, let me say that my motive in adding my name 
was primarily as a journalist who has tremendous regard for complete 
and accurate reporting on any subject in any country. 

I approved of the attempt to — ^iet us say to expand the American 
press repertory on the Cuban situation. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I wasn't asking for your motives but specifically 
whether you had approved the content of the ad before it was printed. 

Mr. Tynan. Oh, yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now who showed that to 3'ou? 

Mr. Tynan. That was sent to me, together with the letter from 
the committee that I received. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Taber? 

Mr. Tynan. Now I can't remember if he signed it because he — it 
was quite certain he telephoned me but I can't remember whether his 
was the name. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How did you indicate your approval? 

Mr. Tynan. It was done over the telephone. I simply said " Yes." 

Mr. SouRWiNE. To Mr. Taber? 

Mr, Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Tynan, in a statement issued on January 26, 
1960, President Eisenhower charged the Prime Minister of Cuba 
with issuing statements which, to use the President's words, "con- 
tained unwarranted attacks on our Government and on our leading 
officials." That closes his quotation. How did it happen that you 
took the action of signing a statement in support of Castro in defi- 
ance of the views of President Eisenhower? Did this enter into your 
consideration at all? 

Mr. Tynan. I didn't know that President Eisenhower had expressed 
himself in that way. Whether or not it is my business in forming my 
opinions as an American — as an Englishman to take into account 
whether or not I am contradicting the opinions of the President of 
this country, I am not quite sure. 

I am unaware of what Mr. Eisenhower said. I don't see that it 
arises. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Your connection with the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee has had nothing to do at any time with your work for the 
New Yorker, has it? 

Mr. Tynan. Absolutely nothing. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. It is wholly a personal matter? 

Mr. Tynan. Completely. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. And your views in that regard don't pretend to 
reflect the views of the New Yorker magazine at all? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 



56 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know of any of the individuals whose 
names appear with yours on this ad? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes, I do know Mr. Norman Mailer and Mr. Truman 
Capote, an associate. I have heard of Simone de Beauvoir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You don't know any of the others? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Tynan, did you produce a broadcast entitled 
"We Dissent," of the Associated Television, Ltd., the British Televi- 
sion Network, on January 27, 1960? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was this a broadcast which served to bring the 
United States into disrepute? 

Mr. Tynan. Certainly not. 

Senator Dodd. Just a minute. I suggest that you might rephrase 
that question. I think the matter of whether it did or not is an opinion 
and judgment, don't you think so? 

Mr. Sourwine. The Chair, of course, is correct. I will ask this 
question. 

Was this broadcast intended to bring the United States into dis- 
repute? 

Mr. Tynan. By no means. I should say rather the opposite. 

Mr. Sourwine. This was the broadcast produced as a platform 
for Americans who have doubts about the American way of life. 

Mr. Tynan. It was conceived and I think advertised, as a program 
expressing as much as we could in 90 minutes of the enormous — of 
the whole spectrum of nonconformity in this country in the arts and 
philosophy and politics and in any field. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are attempting to cover the entire spectrum? 

Mr. Tynan. That obviously one cannot do in 90 minutes. 

I had hoped it would be a much longer program but I was overruled. 
Its aim, if I may continue, was to correct a distorted image of America 
that I had noticed to my horror in a great many countries in Europe. 

The idea is that America is a country of conformists and organiza- 
tion men. I know this country well enough to say it is untrue. 

I was extremely pleased to be asked by the TV company concerned 
to undertake the organization of the program. 

Senator Dodd. This is the private TV in Great Britain was it not? 

Mr. Tynan. It is one of the independents. 

Senator Dodd. Independent? 

Mr. Tynan. Independent producing companies. 

Mr. Sourwine. I can understand that you could not in a 90-minute 
program put on every body that you might wish to reach, but is it 
fair to say that you put on as many as you could get of the persons you 
wanted? 

Mr. Tynan. Well, originally this was enormous. It was compiled 
in England. A couple of hundred of people were on it and we had an 
extremely limited schedule, extremely limited amount of money at our 
disposal which restricted our filming entirely to San Francisco, Los 
Angeles, and New York. 

Obviously, we could only interview those who were available and 
accessible and interested at that time in those cities. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you include in this broadcast Alger Hiss? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 57 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You knew that he had been cited in sworn testi- 
mony as a member of an underground ring of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Tynan. I had heard that, yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You knew that he had operated in the espionage 
field within the U.S. Government? 

Mr. Tynan. I had heard that too. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You knew he was a convicted perjurer? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you also include in this broadcast Arnold 
Johnson, the legislative director of the Communist Party, U.S.A.? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. How did you get in touch with Mr. Hiss? 

Mr. Tynan. It was discussed, as I say, in England and agreed that 
he should be contacted if available. 

Senator Dodd. When you say it was discussed, tell us who you dis- 
cussed it with. 

Mr, Tynan. Well, employees of ATV which is the name of the 
company. 

Senator Dodd. Don't make them quite so anonymous. Who? 

Mr. Tynan. Well, now, since this intramural affair has come to me 
and I am perfectly willing to tell you, but I think I would have to 
ask the manager of the company, Mr. Val Parnell — I don't know if my 
contract allows me to discuss their intramural affairs here. 

Mr. Sourwine. I respectfully suggest that you consult with counsel 
whether any contract you have in England has any bearing on your 
obligation to answer proper questions here. 

Mr. Tynan. I will answer them, certainly. The director of the 
program in England was a Mr. Michael Redengton, the associate 
editor was a man called Fred P. Ullham, something like that, and the 
program consultant, attached to Associated Television was Mr. 
Robert Heller. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now, the question which still remains a little 
bit unanswered was how did you get in touch with Mr. Hiss? 

Mr. Tynan. I was answering that when the — somebody, I can't 
remember which of these gentlemen, read an item in an English 
newspaper some years ago saying he was working with a firm called 
Feathercombs, I believe, in New York. 

So when I got back to this country in August of last year, after 
these discussions in England, I called up that company and asked to 
speak to Mr. Hiss. 

Mr. Sourwine. I see. Was Mr. Hiss' name suggested by you for 
this broadcast or by someone else? 

Mr. Tynan. I can't remember because there were so many names 
discussed. 

I would say upward of 200 names were discussed and I was in 
favor of including Mr. Hiss for the principal reason that he was the 
only person on our list whose name was known in England and this 
being a commercial television company, we had to provide some 
excitement to the audience and that was the principal reason. 

Senator Dodd. The only one whose name was known in England? 

Mr. Tynan. I would say so, yes. 

Senator Dodd. Ever heard of Norman Thomas over there? 

Mr. Tynan. No, only people who are intimately connected with 
the other social parties. 



58 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Tynan, how did you get in touch with 
Arnold Johnson? 

Mr. Tynan. His name came up because we recalled that he had 
been jailed, I believe, under the Smith Act, was that it? It was in 
violation of the Smith Act. 

Mr. BouDiN. That is it. 

Mr. Tynan. And when I got here I instructed my secretary to 
contact the Communist Party here, find out if he was still attached 
to it and to get his telephone number, which was done. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did anyone connected with the Communist 
Party, U.S.A., make any suggestions respecting individuals to be 
used or interviewed on this broadcast? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you include in this broadcast the Reverend 
Stephen Fritchman? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know at the time he had refused under 
oath to state whether he was a member of the Communist Party, 
U.S.A.? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How did you get in touch with Reverend 
Fritchman? 

Mr. Tynan. I got in touch with him during my^ — -in the course of 
discussing with Mr. Dalton Triunbo who was also on the other 
program, I was explaining to Mr. Trumbo the nature of the program 
and our desire to have on it somebody who stood for religious non- 
conformity, religious dissent, and he said, well, there is a Unitarian 
minister here. You might talk to him. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Didn't you tell us that no person connected with 
the Communist Party, U.S.A., made any suggestions respecting who 
should be interviewed on this program? 

Mr. Tynan. Oh, I thought you meant other Communists. I mean 
one Communist suggesting other Communists. WeU, I don't know 
that Mr. Trumbo is a Communist. 

Is there any evidence on that point? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Tjman, I will ask you this. Don't you know 
he has been identified under oath as a Communist Party member by 
a number of witnesses? 

Mr. Tynan. I did not know that. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You did not know that Mr. Trumbo himself had 
refused to aflSrm or deny Communist membership under oath? 

Mr. Tynan. I knew that he had been cited in contempt and im- 
prisoned for that reason, yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you include in this broadcast Clinton Jencks? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. How did you get in touch with Mr. Jencks? 

Mr. Tynan. His name came up because we were anxious to include 
a representative of strong, nonconformist opinions in the union move- 
ment and again his name was familiar to us from the Jencks case and 
I got his telephone number from the San Francisco telephone directory. 

Mr. Sourwine. How did you get in touch with Dalton Trumbo? 

Mr. Tynan. I got in touch with him by — I obtained his address 
from someone in England. I can't recall wfeo, and I wrote him on 
behalf of Associated TV explaining what the affair was about. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 59 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know that Clinton Jencks was a leader of 
the Communist-controlled International Union of Mine, Mill, and 
Smelter Workers, expelled from our CIO in 1950? 

Mr. Tynan, I knew he was in the union that j^ou mentioned. 

I did not know it was Communist controlled. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know he had been identified under oath 
as a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know he had under oath, refused to answer 
respecting his membership in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Tynan. He told me that, yes, but at the time of contacting 
him I didn't know it. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did he tell you anything about whether he was or 
was not a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you ask him? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. He told you that he had refused under oath to 
answer the question and you didn't ask him whether he was or was 
not? 

Mr. Tynan. He didn't tell me so much as he told the camera that 
was operating, that was part of the statement that he made. 

Mr. Sourwine. I see. Now you included in this broadcast 
Norman Cousins? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now when Norman Cousins expressed his criti- 
cism of this show and demanded the right to organize another program 
entitled, "What's Right With America" what effort was made to grant 
his request? 

Mr. Tynan. Well, none by me certainly, because I did not think 
that the contents of the program justified such an elaborate reply. 

(Mr. Tynan conferred with his counsel from 1:15 to 1:16 p.m.) 

Senator Dodd. I suppose you know what I have had to say about 
the program. 

Mr. Tynan. Yes, somebody sent me a copy of your speech. 

Senator Dodd. You know about my telegram suggesting that there 
be another program? 

Mr. Tynan. I didn't quite hear that. 

Senator Dodd. I said I assume you know that I sent a telegram 
suggesting that another program be organized? 

Mr, Tynan. I didn't know that; no. 

Senator Dodd. That is aU. 

Mr. Boudin. May I just interrupt for a moment? 

We moved so quickly into the examination and you notice that I 
prefer to let Mr. Tynan say whatever he wishes and not obstruct the 
hearing. 

He did have a statement he wanted to make. 

May I, at some point suggest that you let him make it? 

Mr. Sourwine. I have one more suggestion, Mr. Chairman. I 
would like to ask that the chairman's speech on this subject be in- 
serted in the record at this point. 

Senator Dodd. I almost feel that I should object to that myself. 

Mr. BouDiN. I raise no objection. 

Senator Dodd. I don't think it adds anything, really. 

76374 0-61-5 



60 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. It covers the whole background of the broadcast 
and will show what we are talking about. 
Senator Dodd. All right. 
(The speech referred to reads as follows:) 

How Not To Promote Anglo-American Understanding 

Mr. Dodd. Mr. President, within any alliance of free nations there are bound 
to be differences of opinion and tensions. Indeed, within very broad limits, the 
existence of differing viewpoints may be considered a proof of vitaUty. 

It would be naive to assume, however, that the Communists do not exploit our 
differences. The Kremlin has at its disposition the most highly organized, most 
subtle propaganda apparatus in human history. Although black and white proof 
may be difficult to obtain, I am convinced that the Kremlin is using this apparatus 
to foment tensions within the Western alliance, and to aggravate those that al- 
ready exist. I am convinced that they do their utmost to encourage anti-British 
feeling in America, anti-American feeling in Britain, anti-German feeUng in 
Britain, anti-British feeling in Germany — and so on, through every permutation 
of possible hostilities. 

Legitimate differences of opinion cannot be muted. A free press must be free 
to criticize not only its own government, but also governments that happen to be 
allied with it. But when familiar criticism within the Western alliance becomes 
malicious, irresponsible, or even thoughtless, it plays into the hands of the Com- 
munist enemy. In the present crisis through which NATO is now passing, such 
criticism becomes particularly dangerous. 

On January 27, the Associated Television, Ltd. — the independent TV network 
in Britain — broadcast a filmed program entitled "We Dissent." I consider this 
program to be a prime example of the kind of irresponsible criticism that under- 
mines the Western alliance by weakening the fabric of mutual respect. 

I cannot say whether the person or persons responsible for the production of the 
program acted out of tendentiousness or out of ignorance, whether the selection 
of participants was calculated or fortuitous. 

Fortuitous or not, in effect a fraud has been perpetrated on the Associated Tele- 
vision, Ltd., on the British public, through this network, and on a number of 
Americans who participated in the panel discussion, through their separately 
filmed interviews. 

In the interest of decency, fairness, and the public health of the Western alliance, 
I think it might be useful to examine some of the details of that fraud. 

The ostensible purpose of "We Dissent," was to present a spectrum of non- 
conformist views in America. These were the opening words of the commentator: 

"Yet there is another tradition in America: a proud tradition of dissent. The 
Pilgrim Fathers sailed across the Atlantic because they were religious dissenters. 
The Founding Fathers — Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton — created the LFnited 
States because they dissented politically from George III. Have wealth and con- 
formity, gray flannel suits, and ranch homes killed that revolutionary urge, and 
smothered dissent?" 

My answer is, "Of course not — as every honest man knows." 

The commentator went on to explain that the program was intended as "a plat- 
form for Americans who have doubts about the American way of life." He said: 

"We think it important for these varied minority views to be seen in Britain 
as a reminder that the America of the so-called American century is not just 
what it appears on the surface — in fact, it is still a dynamic society with new ideas 
wise and foolish, halfbaked and profound, bubbling up inside it." 

So far, so good. But how did the program go about presenting these "varied 
minority views?" First of all, let us see whom it selected to make this presen- 
tation. 

The first group of participants — and qualitatively the dominant group — con- 
sisted of Communists and party liners — of people, that is, who are sworn enemies 
of Britain, America, and the cause of freedom. 

First of all, there was Arnold Johnson, former legislative director of the Com- 
munist Party, one of the 28 Communists sentenced to prison, under the Smith 
Act, for conspiring to overthrow the U.S. Government by force. 

There was Clinton Jencks, head of the United Mine, Mill, & Smelter Workers 
Union, which was expelled from the CIO in 1950 because of its Communist 
control. Jencks has been identified in sworn testimony as a member of the 
Communist Party, and he has invoked the fifth amendment in refusing to answer 
any questions concerning his association with the party. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 61 

There was the Reverend Stephen Fritchman, of Los Angeles, who has been as 
consistent and as notorious a party liner in this country as the Reverend Hewlitt 
Johnson has been in Britain. Dr. Fritchman has been associated with many 
Communist-front organizations and has played a prominent role in Communist 

gsace congresses. He invoked the fifth amendment when he was asked by the 
ouse Committee on Un-American Activities in 1951: "Are you a member of 
the Communist Party?" 

There was Dalton Trumbo, one of the famous "Hollywood Ten" who were 
sentenced to prison for contempt of Congress because they refused to answer 
questions concerning their membership or activities in the Communist Party. 

Finally, there was Alger Hiss, who, as everyone knows, is a convicted perjurer. 
It is sometimes forgotten, however, that part of the charge on which he was 
convicted was that he lied when he said that he had not handed over secret State 
Department documents to Soviet representatives. 

These so-called dissenters were not merely simple members of the panel. Clinton 
Jencks was presented as the spokesman for noncomformist trade unionism in 
America, the Reverend Stephen Fritchman as the spokesman for nonconformist 
religion in America, Dalton Trumbo as the spokesman for nonconformist Holly- 
wood writers. 

Only one of this group, Arnold Johnson, was formally identified as a Communist 
or Communist sympathizer. 

The second group of participants in "We Dissent" consisted of serious-minded 
liberals like Norman Cousins; Trevor Thomas, of the American Friends Service 
Committee; Norman Thomas; Prof. Kenneth Galbraith, of Harvard; Prof. 
Wright Mills, of Columbia University; and Dr. Robert M. Hutchins. They 
belong to the legitimate spectrum of dissent in our country today, and they speak 
for points of view that are significant. But they would, I believe, be the first to 
admit that by themselves they do not constitute the spectrum of dissent, that the 
views they advocate belong almost exclusively to that segment of the spectrum 
which lies between liberalism and left-liberalism. 

Professor Galbraith and Professor Mills have distinguished themselves as 
critics of the affluent society; Norman Cousins, Norman Thomas, and Trevor 
Thomas have been ardent advocates of total disarmament and the abolition of 
nuclear testing; Dr. Hutchins enjoys a reputation as one of the most eminent 
critics of congressional investigations, as a fundamentalist champion of the fifth 
amendment. 

I happen to agree in part with Professor Galbraith's books. I believe that 
Norman Cousins, Norman Thomas, and Trevor Thomas are great humani- 
tarians, but unrealistic in their approach to disarmament and nuclear testing. 
I have great respect for Dr. Hutchins, although I believe that he has been un- 
realistic in failing to recognize the Communist Party as an alien conspiracy. 

But this is "by the way." Much as I may disagree with some of their views, 
I believe, of course, that there can be no objection to their airing them abroad. 
But I do object to "We Dissent," first, because of the completely one-sided 
nature of the presentation; second, by combining the views of these legitimate 
dissenters on certain limited issues with the views expressed by the members of 
group 1, the program created the false impression that the views of group 1 and 
group 2 are in mutual harmony. Through this invidious association, in my 
opinion, the legitimate dissenters were maligned, while the pro-Communists 
were endowed with a respectability to which they are not entitled. 

I am happy to report that Mr. Norman Cousins and Mr. Norman Thomas 
have issued statements questioning the manner in which their interviews were 
combined with those in group 1. 

Mr. Cousins, in a cabled protest to the Associated Television Network, said 
that he had not been informed his interview would be used in the context of 
"What's Wrong With America," and he vigorously protested the misrepresenta- 
tions that had been made to him at the time he did the recording. He requested 
permission to organize a 90-minute television program on the subject "What's 
Right With America," with the Associated Television Network paying the costs. 
Mr. Norman Thomas said in a letter to me that he does not consider Commu- 
nists and beatniks to be part of "the proud tradition of dissent" in our country, 
and he endorsed my proposal for a counterprogram. 

The third group of participants consisted of miscellaneous eccentrics, ex- 
tremists, and faddists. There was the writer, Alex King, who told his British 
audience that he is "absolutely surrounded by whores." There were the beatnik 
writers, Bob Kaufman, Alan Ginsberg, and Laurence Ferlinghetti. There was 
the beatnik drug addict, Philip Lamantia, who defended the right to take dope. 



62 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

There was the Reverend Maurice McCrackin, of Cincinnati, who had been 
imprisoned after persistent refusal to pay that portion of his income tax which, 
in his opinion, was intended for military purposes. 

There was Norman Mailer, high priest of the "hipsters." What is a "hipster"? 
In Mailer's words, a "hipster" is "a man who has divorced himself from history; 
in a kind of way, a psychopath" who is "first concerned with his own needs" 
and "turns morality inside out." 

Another of group 3 was Harold Call, director of the Mattachine Society, an 
organization "which is endeavoring to educate the general public and the sexu- 
ality in our culture today as well as a number of other problems concerning sex 
deviation and the adjustments thereto." He was on the British television 
program telling about the terrible condition in America. 

With 22 personal interviews, "We Dissent" might indeed have presented to the 
British public a panorama of the "varied minority views" in our country. "The 
proud tradition of dissent" in America was represented on the program, although 
in a limited and completely one-sided manner, by people like Hutchins, Galbraith, 
Cousins, and Thomas. But I challenge the program's contention that "our proud 
tradition of dissent" is in any way represented by most of the other members of 
this tendentious amalgam — by Communists, party liners, and a convicted per- 
jurer, by beatniks, eccentrics, a dope addict, and an expert on sex deviation. 

Not very surprisingly, the picture of America painted by this strange assort- 
ment of dissenters ranged from dark gray to black — with a few insane splotches 
of color added by the beatniks and eccentrics. America was portrayed as a land 
where conformism and fear of nonconformism prevail; where dissenters are perse- 
cuted, deprived of passports, incarcerated, blacklisted; where freedom of speech 
exists only as a formality; where the press and radio are controlled by the capital- 
ists and run by prostitutes; where people are afraid to talk about freedom or 
justice or better housing for fear of being suspected of communism. The general 
impression conveyed by the program was that it is a materialistic land, a fright- 
ened land, in which idealism and higher values are virtually nonexistent. 

To be fair, the picture presented was not all dark gray to black. The legitimate 
dissenters did their painting in gentler hues. But theirs were not the predominant 
colors; it was the gray-to-black that prevailed. And their gentler hues were used 
in a manner which seemed to make them blend with and lend support to the darker 
hues with which the party liners filled most of the canvas. 

Let us examine some of the details of this canvas. 

Prof. Wright Mills said: 

"Freedom of speech exists, of course, in the United States. Nobody locks you 
up. But on the other hand, nobody has to lock you up, because many intellectu- 
als are locking themselves up." 

Alger Hiss said that there has been a tendency to conform over the past 10 
years because of "a sort of nameless fear, a fear of the unknown." 

Arnold Johnson assailed the political persecution of conscientious objectors, 
Puerto Rican nationalists, and Communists, and the curbs on academic freedom 
and civil liberties. 

Dalton Trumbo said that unorthodox opinions are forbidden in Hollywood, 
that if Americans now wish to make a statement favoring better housing, they 
must preface their statement with a declaration of hatred for communism. 

Clinton JeTir>ks described the widespread hunger and the long unemployed lines 
which, he said, still characterize our economy. 

The beatnik writer, Laurence Ferlinghetti, said: 

"And after it became obvious that the Voice of America was really the deaf 
ear of America, and the President was unable to hear the underprivileged natives 
of the world shouting, 'No contamination without representation' — then it was 
that the natives of the Republic began assembling in a driving rain from which 
there was no escape except peace." 

This was how "We Dissent" combined the opinions of legitimate dissenters 
with those of beatniks and pro-Communists to present a completely distorted 
view of America and of the status of dissent in America. 

I am frank to say I do not understand that, but that is what he said. 

No one can tell me that a nationally telecast program like this does not have 
some effect. Such a presentation could only dispose those who feel negative 
about America to feel more negative, and those who are neutral or friendly to 
feel uneasy. 

And who gains from all this? 

I do not mean to suggest that our British friends should be told only good 
things about America or that Americans who appear on British television pro- 
grams should avoid frank criticism of their country. I object to the program in 



FAIR PLAT FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 63 

question because of its outrageously one-sided nature, and because it made 
Communists and partyliners the chief spokesmen for "the proud tradition of 
dissent" in America. 

I should Hke to suggest to the Associated Television network of Britain that 
an effort be made to redress the wrong that has been done by presenting another 
program of equivalent length, Mr. Norman Cousins has urged that the theme 
of such a program should be, "What Is Right With America?" There is a danger, 
however, thai a prograui so completely one-sided in the opposite direction might 
be considered suspect. 

Why not, instead, present our British friends with a sort of townhall discussion 
of America today — a discussion in which the pros and cons, the assenters and 
the dissenters, are equally and fairly represented? I would be prepared to endorse 
the widest latitude in the selection of legitimate dissenters. But in the name of 
sanity let us not have beatniks as representatives of the American tradition and 
let us not have Moscow conformists masquerading as American dissenters. 

Such a 90-minute program, soundly conceived, could present an effective 
panorama of America to the British public— and it would certainly give them a 
much more accurate insight into the vitality of the democratic process in our 
country today. 

In fairness to the British people and the American people, both, I hope that 
such a program can be arranged. I have today sent a letter to the Associated 
Television network formally proposing such a program. 

But above all, I hope that the press and radio of all the NATO countries will 
utilize their great influence to promote mutual understanding and respect; that, 
where they consider it their duty to criticize, their criticisms will be tempered 
and carefully weighed; that they will look upon it as a sacred duty to combat 
divisive influences within the Western alliance and to promote its spiritual unity. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I have no further questions of this witness except 
one which can be deferred for the statement or I can ask it now and 
then let him make the statement. 

Mr. T}Tian, have you ever written for Mainstream? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do 3'ou know this to be a Communist pubUcation? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You say it is not? 

Mr. Tynan. I have no means of knowing that. My contact wdth 
it was entirely limited to this article which, I should like it to be 
recorded, was reprinted from the Observer newspaper in London to 
which I have contributed. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You say this article; you are referring to article 
"Culture in Trouble" which appeared in the March 1960 issue? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And you say this article was first printed in the 
Observer? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is it correct to assume that Mainstream then 
sought the rights to reprint? 

Mr. Tynan. I myself happened to be speaking the very day that 
I was contacted by the magazine. I happened to be speaking over 
the telephone to England, to the assistant editor of the Observer, and 
I said I heard it from a little magazine here, the articles, the Broad- 
way Season, and I was much too lazy to turn out anything new and 
would it be OK if I allowed them to have this one. They said yes, 
of course. 

Mr. Sour WINE. I wUl ask you, sir, do you know Herbert Aptheker? 

Mr. Tynan. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He appears on the front cover of this magazine 
It's called Sociology, U.S.A. Do you know Mr. Aptheker is a spokes- 
man for the Communist Part}^, U.S.A.? 



64 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Tynan. I do not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. BouDiN. Mr. Chairman, could Mr. Tynan make his statement? 

Mr. Tynan. I apologize for the delivery. 

Senator Dodd. You want to read it or want us to put it in? 

Mr. Tynan. If it could just be inserted I would much rather have it. 

Senator Dodd. We will just take a quick look at it and insert it. 

Mr. BouDiN. I just want the chairman to read it. 

Senator Dodd. You have seen it? 

Mr. BouDiN. I wanted you to read it and let him make one request 
further. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, may I ask one more question? 

Senator Dodd. Of course. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Tynan, do you have any knowledge respecting 
the source of any of the funds used to pay the expenses or any of them 
of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Tynan. Absolutely none. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you personally compensated by Mainstream 
for this article? 

Mr. Tynan. No, sir. 

(Mr. Tynan's prepared statement was later ordered into the record 
at this point and reads as follows:) 

As an English journalist, I have paid regular annual visits to the United States 
for the past 9 years. I have spent the past two winters here as guest drama 
critic of the New Yorker; during this period I have also been employed by the 
Observer, a London weekly newspaper. I am a visitor to the United States, not 
an immigrant or a resident alien; nor have I done anything during my stay to 
belie the statement I made when my visa was first granted — namely, that I am not 
and never have been a member of the Communist Party or of any affiliated 
organization. (These may not have been the precise terms of the declaration 
I was asked to make, but that, as I recall, was their import.) It may be worth 
adding that the only organizations to which I pay dues are, I believe, the Royal 
Society of Literature, the Critics' Circle, and the Diners' Club. In answering 
the questions that the committee may put to me, I am perfectly willing to reply 
to any queries about my activities in the United States, and I have no intention 
of invoking any of the amendments to the Constitution. I should Uke, however, to 
express my regret that the committee should have seen fit to employ its authority 
to subpena a visiting journalist. It has not done so before, to the best of my 
knowledge: and I respectfully suggest that there may be better ways of demon- 
strating to the world this country's traditional and splendid regard for freedom 
of speech. Constitutionally, of course, it is within the committee's power to 
subpena whom it chooses; I merely submit that governmental interrogation 
of foreign newspapermen is not a practice that one instinctively associates with 
the workings of Western democracy. It is true that the Soviet Union has frequently 
censured — and sometimes expelled — visiting journalists with whose opinions it 
disagreed; I can think of several American correspondents to whom this has 
happened. I leave it to the committee to decide whether this is a wholly desirable 
precedent. 

As I understand it, the function of a congressional committee is to gather 
information on the basis of which new legislation may be recommended. I cannot 
help finding it anomalous that a foreign visitor should be compelled to contribute 
to the legislative processes of a country not his own. I am profoundly interested in 
the making of English law; but I am modest enough to feel that the making 
of American Federal law is none of my business. 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Sourwine, I think you should read the state- 
ment. 

Mr. Sourwine (after reading prepared statement of Mr. Tynan). 
Does the Chair desire any comment on this statement? 

Senator Dodd. Well, if you have any to make, Mr. Sourwine, I 
shall be happy to hear it. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 65 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I would simply make this comment. The state- 
ment appears to make the point that a foreign visitor should not be 
asked to testify before the committee or any committee of the Con- 
gress. 

I am sure it is not intended to single out this committee so the 
point must be that a congressional committee must not subpena a 
foreign visitor. 

When the committee is seeking information which is in the posses- 
sion of a foreign visitor, I can see no reason why the committee 
shouldn't seek that information from the visitor if he is here and many 
aliens have been questioned by congressional committees and I don't 
think that an aUen's rights or privileges in that regard are any differ- 
ent because he is a journahst than if he was a banker or philanthropist 
or any other line of hving. 

Mr. BouDiN. I think the two positions now are very well stated on 
the record and I will not reply to Mr. Sourwine, however great the 
temptation may be. 

Mr. Tynan does want, Senator, to make a brief statement with 
respect to the radio program or television program concerning which 
you inquired. 

Senator Dodd. All right, I think we ought to insert this in the 
record, of course, before Mr. Sourwine's comments. 

Mr. Sourwine. I thought it had already been in the record. 

Senator Dodd. Let's make it clear and orderly. 

Mr. Tynan. Well, in view of what I have learned from you in this 
hearing, it still seems to me worth pointing out that I can't remember 
how many people appeared on the program — some 26 or so — ^and if 
my count is correct there are 5 who have been alleged or proved to 
have had Communist connections or extremely leftwing connections 
anyway — 5 out of more than 25, 26, in a show expressly intended to 
cover every kind of extreme unorthodoxy. That isn't a dangerous 
proportion nor did it seem so to Prof. Eugene Rostow, of Yale Univer- 
sity, who is in England, was in England at the time of the program 
and I had the TV company contact the American Embassy and ask 
them if they would suggest some American then in England who 
could be in the studio at the time of the program and comment on it 
afterward. 

It was at their suggestion that we contacted Professor Rostow. 

Mr. Sourwine. The Embassy suggested Professor Rostow? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you recall who at the Embassy? 

Mr. Tynan. No, I didn't do the contacting. 

Senator Dodd. I know Gene Rostow very well, to put you at ease 
if you have any fears about that. 

Mr. Boudin. Very fine dean and a very fine law school. 

Senator Dodd. I think so. 

Mr. Tynan. He said immediately when we asked about it, the 
commentator of the program at the end of it, if he thought America 
needed a right to reply to the program and his answer was, and I 
quote from the transcript of the program : 

Oh, not at all, not at all. I don't think this program is unfavorable to America. 
Of course, it doesn't present the whole story, but it didn't purport to do that. 
It presented a very interesting and very significant part of the story of American 
life. 



66 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. You are quoting him directly I take it? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes; it is in the transcript that has been entered into 
the record. 

Senator Dodd. Did he say this? 

Mr. Tynan. Yes, this was broadcast immediately after the program 
which was on film. He was in the studio and when the program, the 
statements in the program, had been screened, he was instantly asked 
this and his answer was 

Senator Dodd. I understand this. 

Mr. Boudin. Only one final suggestion. 

Mr. Tynan has suggested, in view of the fact that he has been 
interrogated concerning a program, that the contents of the program 
which I think are available to the committee, be made a part of this 
record so that we may see the basis for criticism or noncriticisra. 

Senator Dodd. I think we have put in so much of what I had to 
say and what Gene Rostow had to say maybe we better get the pro- 
gram in. 

Mr. Sour WINE. We will include the entire statement. 

Mr. Tynan. Which, if I may answer, includes Mr. Rostow's reply 
to it. 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Will you furnish the committee with that script? 

Mr. Tynan. I thought we had. 

Senator Dodd. I think we have it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, it is being put in at the request of 
the witness. If it is being put in — what he furnishes — we know we 
have the right material. 

Mr. BouDiN. I shall authenticate it. 

Senator Dodd. Very well. 

(The recording referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 10" and is 
printed as app. Ill, at p. 104.) 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That concludes this hearing. I think we have a 
matter to discuss with Mr. Boudin, off the record. 

(Whereupon, at 1 :25 p.m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject to 
the call of the Chair.) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



MONDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1960 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act, 

AND Other Internal Security Laws 
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D.C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 2 p.m., in room 2300, 
New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd presiding. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, Chief Counsel, Benjamin Mandel, 
research director, and Frank Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Dodd. We shall take the testimony of Miss Grant. 

TESTIMONY OF JOANNE ALILEEN GRANT, NEW YORK, N.Y. ; 
ACCOMPANIED BY FRANK J. DONNER, ATTORNEY 

Senator Dodd, Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are 
about to give to the subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, 
and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Miss Grant. I do. 

Senator Dodd. Sit down and give your name and address to the 
reporter. 

What is your name? 

Miss Grant. Joanne Grant. 

Senator Dodd. G-r-a-n-t? 

Miss Grant. Right. 

Senator Dodd. Where do you hve — is it Miss Grant? 

Miss Grant. Miss, yes. 

Senator Dodd. Where do you live? 

Miss Grant. 410 Central Park West. 

Senator Dodd. New York City? 

Miss Grant. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are accompanied by counsel? 

Miss Grant. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Would counsel give his name, please? 

Mr. DoNNER. Frank J. Donner. My office is at 342 Madison Ave- 
nue, New York City. 

Mr. Sourwine. Miss Grant, there seems to be a tendency on the 
part of some persons to misspell your middle name. Is it Alileen or 
Aileen? 

Miss Grant. It is Alileen on my bu'th certificate, but that is really 
incorrect; so it is spelled two ways by various people. 

Mr. Sourwine. A-1-i-l-e-e-n or A-i-1-e-e-n? 

Miss Grant. It doesn't matter to me. 

67 



68 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did vou ever live in an apartment — apartment 13, 
at 27 West 84th Street?" 

Mr. DoNNER. May we have a statement as to the purpose of the 
hearing? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The committee is investigating Communist in- 
filtration of pressure groups and specifically in connection with the 
hearing here today, Communist infiltration of the Committee for a 
Sane Nuclear Policy, and more specifically, the Greater New York 
Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy and its branches. 

The committee is also investigating, in connection with its hearings 
today, and tliis is the reason for calling Miss Grant, the Committee 
for Fair Play for Cuba, or the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

Senator Dodd. I think the record should show that now the com- 
mittee is only concerned, so far as Miss Grant is concerned, with 
the 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is correct. We have other witnesses here to- 
day in connection with the broader aspect of Communist infiltration 
of pressure groups, but the particular pressure group we shall ask Miss 
Grant about is the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

Is this a sufficient statement? 

Mr. DoNNER. Fine. 

Mr. SouRAviNE. Miss Grant, did you ever live in apartment 13, 27 
West 84th Street, New York City? 

Miss Grant. Yes, I did. Actually, I am not sure of the apartment 
number. I do not think that that was it, but it was 27 West 84th 
Street. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I was trying to clear this up. We have an indica- 
tion that this is an alternate address for you. 

Miss Grant. No, it is not an alternate address. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. It is not? 

Miss Grant. I used to live there. 

Mr. Sour WINE. It is a former address? 

Miss Grant. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a native-born American? 

Miss Grant. Yes, I am. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And a U.S. citizen? 

Miss Grant. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And you were born where? 

Miss Grant. I was born in Utica, N.Y. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a graduate of Syracuse University? 

Miss Grant. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. 1951? 

Miss Grant. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have taken graduate studies at New York 
University.? 

Miss Grant. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have been a member of the India delegation 
to the United Nations? 

Miss Grant. I would like to decline to answer that question on 
the following grounds: Lack of legislative purpose, lack of committee 
jurisdiction, lack of pertinency, and on the basis of my rights under 
the first amendment and on the basis of my rights and privileges 
under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Dodd. Well, now, I would order you to answer except that 
you have claimed rights under the fifth amendment and the first 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 69 

amendment. Do you actually feel that if you answered this question 
yes or no, you might incriminate yourself or degrade yourself? 

Miss Grant. I have the same answer. 

Senator Dodd. Well, what is the answer, please? I want it 
specifically to my question. 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on all the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I shall state that the primarj 
purpose of this question was one of identification, since there is 
some question in the mind of counsel as to how a U.S. citizen could 
be a member of the India Delegation to the United Nations. 

However, I shall state that the committee's information was 
received from responsible and reputable sources, and that it is that 
Miss Grant is a member of the India delegation to the United Nations 
and became such in December 1960. 

Do you want to correct that statement in any way, Miss Grant? 

Senator Dodd. If it is not true, we would like to know it. Of 
course, you can do as you want to. But for the life of me, I do not 
see how this is going to incriminate you or degrade you or in any 
way cause you any trouble. If you are a member of that delegation, 
I should think you would consider it a matter of honor. 

Miss Grant, I would like to decline for the reasons stated here- 
tofore. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you. Miss Grant, presently the secretary of 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, as stated in the New York Times 
for July 22, 1960, and in the magazine, Fair Play, published by the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Miss Grant. I would like to decline to answer that question on 
the grounds previously stated. 

Senator Dodd. I would like to ask a question. I am sorry I did 
not ask it back a minute ago. 

Have you ever been in India? 

Miss Grant. I would like to decline to answer that question on 
the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Miss Grant, are you presently a member of the 
Communist Party, U.S.A.? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer that question on the grounds pre- 
viously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Is it not true that you are a member of the Com- 
munist Party, U.S.A., and have been a member of the Communist 
Party, U.S.A., during the entire time you have been connected with 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer for the reasons given. 

Mr. Sourwine, Do you know Robert Taber, national executive 
secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know Richard Gibson, the president of the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know Lyle Stuart, treasurer of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know Waldo Frank, national honorary 
chairman of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 



70 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sour WINE. Do you know any of the individuals I have just 
asked you about as fellow members of the Communist Party, U.S.A.? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer for the reasons previously given. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is it not true that you were elected as secretary of 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, New York chapter, at its meeting 
held at Stein way Hall, 111 West 57th Street, at New York City, as 
announced in the New York Times, July 22, 1960? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer for the reasons previously given. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you a member of the Communist Party faction 
of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously given. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you had contacts with the Cuban Embassy? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously given. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is it not true. Miss Grant, that you have had such 
contacts with the Embassy, or with members of the Embassy staff in 
your capacity as an official of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer for reasons previously given. 

Mr. Sourwine. Miss Grant, were you a member of the Communist 
Party when you attended Syracuse University? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously given. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you a member of the Communist Party, 
U.S.A., or the Commimist Youth Organization, when you attended 
New York University? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously given. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you ever registered with the Department of 
Justice as a foreign agent? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously given. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you ever had any contacts since the fu'st of 
January this year with members of the Communist Party of Cuba? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you ever had any contacts with members of 
the Communist Party of India? 

Miss Grant. I dechne to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you the executive secretary of the U.S. 
Festival Committee located at 246 Fifth Avenue, New York, as stated 
in its letterhead of May 6, 1959? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously given. 

Senator Dodd. Do we have a copy of that letterhead? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Show it to the witness. 

Mr. Sourwine. May I ask that a copy of that letterhead be in- 
serted into the record at this point. 

Senator Dodd. Yes, and I think the witness should be shown a 
copy of it. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you have that, Mr. Mandel? 

Mr. Mandel. I do not think I have it right here. I have a refer- 
ence to it. 

Senator Dodd. I do not want a reference to it. If we do not have 
the letterhead, obviously the witness cannot see it, and I do not think 
it should be put into the record unless she does. 

We had better go on with the questioning. I thought that if we 
had it, she might like to look at it. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMHTEE 71 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Miss Grant, did you ever have any connection with 
the U.S. Festival Committee, which was making arrangements for the 
Communist Youth Festival held in Vienna during the summer of 1959? 

Miss Grant. I dechne to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Are you aware that you have been referred to in the 
New York Times of March 17, 1959, on pages 1 and 3, as the executive 
secretary of the New York group preparing for the Communist- 
dominated World Youth Festival at Vienna? 

Miss Grant. I dechne to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know Waldo Frank, who is honorary chair- 
man of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, as also a sponsor of the 
U.S. Festival Committee as mentioned in the Communist magazine, 
New World Review, for March 9, 1959, on page 25? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Miss Grant, do you know Nicolai Burov, secretary 
of the Soviet United Nations mission? 

Miss Grant. I dechne to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you ever have anything to do in getting the 
Beryozka dancers, the Soviet Beryozka dancers to attend a fund- 
raising event sponsored by the U.S. Festival Committee? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is it not true that you did make arrangements for 
that attendance by the dancers, and that you made contact with 
Nicolai Burov? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you attend the Moscow festival in 1957? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer for reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is it not a fact that you did attend that festival, 
and you went from there to Red China? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Senator Dodd. What year was that? 

Mr. Sourwine. 1957. 

Did you ever pose for a picture with Chou En-lai, Premier of 
Communist China? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer, for reasons previously stated. 

Senator Dodd. Do we have such a picture? 

Mr. Mandel. We have the organ in which it appears. 

Senator Dodd. Let me see it. 

Mr. Mandel. We do not have the actual magazine; we have a date. 

Senator Dodd. Do we have the picture? 

Mr. Mandel. Do we have the magazine? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. Mandel. It is a Moscow magazine, and very difficult to obtain. 
We do not have the magazine. We have the date and the reference. 

Senator Dodd. They do not take pictures in Russian. I cannot see 
how it could be any more difficult to obtain. 

Mr. Sourwine. The committee has a report that this magazine 
contains such a picture. We have been endeavoring to get the 
magazine. We do not have it. I do not offer it as evidence. I asked 
the witness if it were true. This is the best secondary evidence, in the 
absence of the picture itself, which we are trying to get. 

Senator Dodd. The question to ask was that we have been informed 
that such a picture did appear. We have not seen the picture. 

Mr. Sourwine. That is correct. 



72 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. I think it is better to make it clear. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. May we have an order that if we are able to secure 
this picture from a source through which we can identify it, we may 
enter it into the record? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, it is so ordered. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 11" and is re- 
produced below:) 

Exhibit No. 11 




This picture, taken in 1957, shows Joanne Grant (extreme left) serenading Chou 
En-lai, the Red Chinese Premier (third from left, front row), during an un- 
authorized visit of American students to Communist China (picture and 
identification by Associated Press). 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Miss Grant, did you ever have any trouble about 
your passport? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 



PAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 73 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I show you, Miss Grant, what purports to be a 
true statement respecting your passport record, compiled on the 
basis of access to the records of the Passport Division, and I ask you 
if there is anything in this which you desire to correct or comment 
upon? 

Senator Dodd. Do I understand, Mr. Sourwine, that this is from 
an ofl&cial record of the Passport Division? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes, sir, it is a summary statement, prepared 
from the official records of the Passport Division. 

Senator Dodd. This is what the witness is now examining with 
her lawyer? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes, sir. 

Mr. DoNNER. I wonder, Mr. Sourwine, whether you would read 
the last question? 

Mr. Sourwine. I asked the witness if there was anything in this 
statement which she wished to correct or state was wrong, or concern- 
ing which she wished to comment. 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, I ask that the statement as shown 
to the witness be ordered in the record at this point. 

Senator Dodd. Yes. I think it should be made clear that this 
is a summary of the record, is it not? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes, sir. 

Senator Dodd. Who prepared the summary? 

Mr. Sourwine. This was prepared by the committee. 

Senator Dodd. By a member of the committee stajff? 

Mr. Sourwine. No, sir, by an employee of the Passport Division 
of the State Department. 

Senator Dodd. Very well, it may be admitted for the record. 

(The statement referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 12" and 
reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 12 

Joanne Alileen Grant 

Joanne Alileen Grant executed a passport application at the New York Pass- 
port Agency on April 16, 1957, in which she gave the following information: 

She was born on March 30, 1930, at Utica, N.Y., and was living at 27 
West 84th Street, New York 24, N.Y. Her father, John Grant, was born 
about 1901, probably in the United States, but neither the exact place of 
his birth nor his address in 1957 were known to applicant. Her mother, 
Minnie Randall Hubbard, was born on May 9, 1910, at Norwich, N.Y.,and 
was then residing at 24 Delaware Square, Norwich, N.Y. Miss Grant 
stated she was 5 feet 4 inches tall, and had brown hair and brown eyes; 
she stated she was employed as a writer. She indicated that she did not 
plan to travel by organized tour; that she would depart from New York by 
ship in June 1957 for a 3 month vacation and visit the following countries: 
.England, France, Italy, Spain, Israel, Poland, U.S.S.R., Germany, and 
Denmark. 
On April 24, 1957, Miss Grant was issued passport No. 473761. During the 
summer ot 1957 she traveled to Paris, and from there to Moscow where she 
attended the Sixth World Youth Festival. At the close of the festival she, along 
with 41 other American citizens, accepted an invitation by the All China Federa- 
tion of Democratic Youth to tour Communist China in violation of the restrictive 
endorsement contained in her passpvort and in contravention of U.S. foreign 
policy. She admitted that she had surrendered her passport to the Chinese 
authorities for examination in compliance with the Chinese law. 

While in Communist China, Miss Grant participated with other members of 
the group in an interview of Richard George Fecteau, an American citizen who is 
held prisoner in Communist China, and in issuing a report of this interview to the 



74 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

press.' She also participated in an interview of Chou En-lai, Premier of Com- 
munist China, and Janos Kadar, Premier of Hungary. In addition, she wrote 
articles concerning the tour for the Nation magazine and participated in a radio 
broadcast from Peking. 

Miss Grant departed Communist China via Rangoon, Burma. Upon arrival 
in Rangoon her passport was endorsed by an American consular official as valid 
only for return to the United States. In spite of the endorsement in her passport, 
Miss Grant traveled to India where she attended the annual convention of the 
Youth Section of the Congress Party at Lucknow, India, and toured a number of 
Near Eastern and European countries before returning to the United States, 
Upon arrival in New York, she was requested to surrender her passport to the 
Immigration and Naturalization authorities but refused to do so. 

Miss Grant was notified that passport facilities had been tentatively withdrawn 
and that, pursuant to section 51.137 of the passport regulations, she would be 
accorded an informal hearing before the issuance of a final refusal. A hearing 
was held on March 5, 1958, at which Miss Grant appeared with Leonard B. 
Boudin, a New York attorney who represented her. When Miss Grant was 
asked whether she would again travel in violation of the restrictions contained in 
her passport she stated that she would do the same thing again. 

Based on the information of record and Miss Grant's testimony at the hearing, 
the Department concluded that further passport facilities should be refused 
under the provisions of section 51.136(b) of the passport regulations, an ^ so 
advised Miss Grant on December 24, 1958. This decision was affirmed by the 
Board of Passport Appeals and a copy of the decision and findings was sent to 
Miss Grant's attorney on June 15, 1959. 

Since that date Miss Grant has not applied for passport facilities. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Miss Grant, is it true that when you visited Moscow 
in 1957, you marched in the Lenin Stadium with the American Youth 
delegation, led by Jacob Rosen, who dipped the American flag to 
Khrushchev? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. Have you been a member of the Harlem Youth 
section of the Communist Party, U.S. A? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you aware that you have been so identified — • 
that is, as a member of the Harlem Youth section of the Communist 
Party — in sworn testimony by Albert Gaillard, the former president 
of that section? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourv/ine. For the record, Mr. Chairman, the testimony 
of Mr. Gaillard was before the House Un-American Activities Com- 
mittee on February 3, 1960. 

Miss Grant, did you attend meetings of the Communist Party at 
Adelphi Hall, 74 Fifth Avenue, New York City? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know Mr, Gaillard had testified on the 
same occasion I have already mentioned respecting your attendance 
at such meetings? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know Stephen Tyler? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is not Stephen Tyler a man who visited China 
with you as part of the American Youth delegation? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you know that Stephen Tyler had testified 
before the House Un-American Activities Committee on March 2, on 
which occasion he declared, "The only person in the group who met 
Mao Tse-tung, who is normally inaccessible, was Joanne Grant"? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 75 

Mr. SouRwiNE. According to the New York Times of June 19, 
1960, at pages 1 and 16, Dr. Berta Louisa Pla y Badia, cultural 
attach^ at the Cuban consulate in New York City, was expelled 
on the grounds that "She has been active in seeking to undermine 
the United Nations, and lias been known to make arrangements for 
a representative of the Cuban Government to speak before a Com- 
munist front group." Do you know this Dr. Berta. Louisa Pla y 
Badia? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiXE. Have you had any dealings with her? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Senator Dodd. What was she expelled for? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. She was expelled from the United States for mis- 
using her position with the Cuban consulate. 

Senator Dodd. I see. 

Expelled? Is that what you call it? I thought they determined 
such persons to be persona non grata. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That is the way it is handled, I think. 

Mr. DoNNER. I assume this was on the diplomatic level? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes, sir. 

Joseph Reap, a press officer in the U.S. State Department, is quoted 
in the New York Times of June 19, 1960, as justifying the expulsion of 
Carlos Manuel Lazaro Felix Sanchez y Basquet, assistant to the 
Cuban consul of Miami, on the grounds that he was — 

the principal Cuban intelligence agent in the Miami area, known to be operating 
a network of agents in the United States, to whom he has been paying money for 
information to be used against residents of this country. 

I ask you. Miss Grant, are you acquianted with the Carlos Manuel 
Lazaro Felix Sanchez y Basquet who is referred to in that article? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you been in contact with that Senor San- 
chez? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you ever receive money from that Senor 
Sanchez? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer for reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you ever receive money from sources known 
to you to be Cuban for the work or the expenses of the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. I have no more questions of this witness, Mr. 
Chairman, 

Senator Dodd. Do you know Kenneth T3man? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Senator Dodd. Do we have a copy of the advertisement that ap- 
peared in the New York Times? 

Mr. DoNNER. Do you mean the one that appeared today? 

Senator Dodd. Appeared where today? 

Mr. DoNNER. In the New York Times. 

Senator Dodd. I have not seen the Times today. I did not mean 
today's, no. I meant whenever this appeared. I think it was 
back in 



76374 0-6 1-6 



76 FAIR PLAY iX>R CUBA CSOMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You mean the ad of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. I meant the ad that appeared in the New 
York Tunes of Wednesday, April 6, 1960. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I might point out, Mr. Chairman, that that was 
before the date on which Miss Grant was elected secretary of the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

Senator Dodd. I just wanted to ask her if she had seen it. 

I show you this page taken from the New York Times of that date, 
and ask you. Miss Grant, if you are familiar with this ad, if you have 
seen it before? 

Miss Grant. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Senator Dodd. That is, you are refusing to answer on the grounds 
of the fifth amendment, the first amendment, and whatever else it 
was you previously stated? 

Miss Grant. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. I do not think there is any need to insert this ad 
in the record, except as long as it is perfectly clear, as I think it is, 
from the way I have described the ad, just what the witness was shown. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I am not sure that ad is not already in the record. 

Senator Dodd. It may be in. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does the Chair wish to order, if it is not already in 
the record, that it be placed in at this time? 

Senator Dodd. I think it may be more orderly to place it in at some 
other point. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Since Miss Grant cannot identify it, and it pre- 
dates the time when she was secretary. 

Senator Dodd. She did not say she could not identify it, she de- 
clined to answer. So I think there is no point in inserting it here. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I have no more questions of this witness. 

Senator Dodd. All right. 

Mr. DoNNER. Is the witness excused? 

Senator Dodd, Yes, 

(Whereupon, at 2:15 p.m., the committee proceeded to consideration 
of other busiuess.) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



TUESDAY, JANUARY 10, 1961 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 

OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D.C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 11:15 a.m., in room 
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator James O. Eastland, (chair- 
man) presiding. 

Present: Senators Eastland, Dodd, Johnston, Hruska, Keating, 
and Cotton. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; and Benjamin Mandel, 
research director. 

Chairman Eastland. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. Sourwine. Dr. Santos-Buch. 

Chairman Eastland. Doctor, will you hold your hand up? 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give 
is the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God? 

Dr. Santos-Buch, I do. 

TESTIMONY OF CHARLES A. SANTOS-BUCH, M.D., ACCOMPANIED 
BY PAUL E. CONNOLLY, JR., COUNSEL 

Mr. Sourwine. Your full name, please. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I am Dr. Charles A. Santos-Buch. 

Mr. Sourwine. And your address. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. 1315 York Avenue, New York City. 

Mr. Sourwine. Your place of business. 

Dr. S.\NT0S-BucH. I am assistant pathologist at the New York 
Hospital, Cornell Medical Center. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are a doctor of medicine? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. With a degree from Cornell University? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. And where did you have your arts and sciences 
degree? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Harvard College. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are a national of Cuba? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I am a Cuban national. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are admitted to the United States for perma- 
nent residence? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes; I have been. 

77 



78 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE, You are accompanied by counsel? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes; I am. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Will counsel identify himself, please? 

Mr. Connolly. Paul R. Connolly, Jr., Washington, D.C. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Dr. Santos-Buch, are you a member of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, I am, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. When did you join that committee? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Early in 1959. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Were you one of the organizers or founders of that 
comm.ittee? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir; I was. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Who were the other organizers of the committee? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Mr. Alan Sagner, Mr. Robert Taber, myself, 
Mr. Waldo Frank, Mr. Carleton Beals, and Mr. Richard Gibson. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How long have you known Robert Taber? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I have known Robert Taber since the insurrec- 
tion against Batista. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. When and where did you first meet him? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I met him at New York in 1957. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And did you see him in Cuba? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. No, sir; I was not in Cuba at that time. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you or your family have anything to do with 
him in Cuba? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you tell us about that? 

Dr. Santos-Buch, Mr. Taber was a CBS newsman, and he was 
interested in interviewing Fidel Castro when he was in the Sierra 
Maestra. And my family befriended him and used their facilities 
to get him to Castro. 

Mr. Sourwine. You were then associated with the Castro revolu- 
tionary movement? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir; I was. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have testified in executive session before this 
committee, have you not? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir; I have. 

Mr. Sourwine. On two different occasions? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have covered in detail the organization of the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you remember discussing a meeting which 
occurred in a particular restaurant? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. An organizational meeting? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. In a restaurant on Eighth Avenue, at about 51st 
or 52d Street? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Can you identify that restaurant? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. It is a Cuban restaurant. I don't remember 
whether it is the Liborio or El Prado, but it is one or the other. 

Mr. Sourwine. Ldborio or El Prado? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 79 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And that meeting at the restaurant, was that the 
first organizational meeting of the committee? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir, 

Mr. SouRWiNE. At that organizational meeting of the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee, who was present? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Alan Sagner, Robert Taber, and myself, 

Mr, SouRWiNE. The thi-ee of you? 

Dr, Santos-Buch. That is correct, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. When was it first planned to start the publicity of 
the campaign of the Fair Plfi-y for Cuba Committee with a full-page 
ad in the New York Times. 

Dr, Santos-Buch. From the time of the first meeting at that 
restaurant. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You had discussed this at the meeting at the 
restaurant? 

Dr, Santos-Buch. We discussed the possibility of placing an ad. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now what were your plans at that time about 
paying for the ad? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. We had planned at that time on obtaining 
signatures and donations from prominent Americans to pay for the 
ad. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you have anything to do with the drafting 

Chairman Eastland. Wait just a minute until he finishes con- 
ferring with his counsel. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I would like to make a statement. 

From the very beginning we didn't really plan to have a full-page 
ad. The committee grew, and then it was thought later to make it a 
full-page ad. 

Chairman Eastland. I want to ask you a question. 

You are not now and you have never been a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Senator Dodd. You mean "No, sir"? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, I have not been a member of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you have anything to do with the preparation 
of this ad — that is, the ad which appeared in the New York Times 
on April 6, 1960? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I did not draft the ad, but I was consulted 
with respect to it, yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. After the ad had been prepared did you find out 
from the New York Times the cost to have it printed? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Mr. Taber found out the cost. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. How much was it going to cost, $4,700? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What did you do about meeting that cost? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. We drew up letters and copies of the ad, which 
were sent to prominent New York intellectuals with the hope of 
obtaining enough money and signatures to pay for the ad. 

Mr, SouRWiNE, Did you get enough money in that way? 

Dr, Santos-Buch. We got about $1,100. 

Mr. SouRwiNE, Where did you get the rest of the money? 

Dr. Santos-Buch, We obtained it from Raulito Roa, 

Mr. Sourwine. Raulito Roa? 



80 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Right. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Identify him. Who is he? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. He is one of the permanent delegates of the 
Cuban mission in the United Nations. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Is he the son of the Foreign Minister of Cuba? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And you say you obtained the money from him. 
Do you mean his own money, or you obtained the money through him 
from the Cuban Government? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. We obtained it through him from the Cuban 
Government. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. All right. Now who made arrangements with 
Mr. Roa to supply this money, the' financing that was needed to kick 
oflF this propaganda campaign? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Taber and myselr. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you together when you saw Mr. Roa to 
make these arrangements? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. The first time Taber went to see Roa, and 
subsequently 

Chairman Eastland. Just tell the story in your own words, 
please, sir. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I was busy with my duties in the hospital, 
and Mr. Taber had a little more free time, and he was able to see 
Raulito Roa about the money. And it was not until later that I 
met with Raulito Roa and obtained the money from him. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now you and Mr. Taber had discussed getting the 
money from Roa, Jr., or, as you say, Raulito Roa; is that correct? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. Had you planned that you would go together 
to ask him for it? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Then you were tied up at the hospital? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. And Mr. Taber went by himself? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did he then report to you that he had seen Mr. 
Roa? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. And that Mr. Roa was going to provide the 
money? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you thereafter go with Mr. Taber to get the 
money? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Tell us in detail where you met Mr. Taber, 
where you went from there, where you met Mr. Roa, and what 
happened. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Well, I received a phone call on a Tuesday 
from Mr. Taber, and he said we were to meet in the street, which I 
did ; I met him in the street near his place of work. There he informed 
me that the money had arrived, and asked me to accompany him to 
get the money from Raulito Roa. And I agreed to do this. 

The next day. by prearrangement, we met again in the street near 
his place of work, and we drove to Raulito Roa's apartment. There 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 81 

I stayed in the street, in the car, and Taber went up and saw Roa, 
who hiter came down and got in the car. He said he had the money in 
a check and it had to be cashed. 

Mr. SouRWixE. In a check. What kind of a check? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I never saw the check, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know to whom the check was made pay- 
able? 

Dr. Saxtos-Buch. I later found out that it was made pa3^able to 
Prof. Manuel Bisbe, the chief permanent delegate of the Cuban 
mission to the United Nations. 

Mr. SouRWixE. This was a check drafted on a Cuban fund or a 
Cuban bank? 

Dr. SANTTOS-Bucn. I never saw the check, but I presume it was. 

Mr. SouRWixE. What was done about getting that check cashed? 
"iou obvioiisly needed Professor Bisbe's signature, didn't you? 

Dr. SantOvS-Buch. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiivE. Go ahead. What was done? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. We then drove from RauHto's place to Pro- 
fessor Bisbe's house. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You say "we." Rauhto Roa, Mr. Taber, and 
yourself? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Go ahead. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Raulito Roa went into Bisbe's house and there 
he had it endorsed. And then he came back dou^n. 

Chairman Eastland. Wait a minute. What did he say when he 
eame back down? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. He said that Professor Bisb6 was reluctant to 
sign the check, but he was able to convince him to sign the check. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Then where did you go? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. We went from Professor Bisbe's home south on 
Second Avenue, looldng for a bank to cash the check. And we 
stopped at one of these banks, and Rauhto Roa agreed to cash a 
check but was not able to cash a check. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You weren't looking for any particular bank? 
Just for a bank? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Just for a bank. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You had a check for $3,500 and you were going to 
cash it at the first bank you came to? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. All right. Did you cash it? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. No; we were not able to cash it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Then what did you do? Who took it in to cash 
it? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Raulito Roa. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. He came out and said he couldn't cash it? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right, sir. 

Mr. SouRWixNE. Then what did you do? 

Dr. Saxtos-Buch. Raulito Roa suggested that I drive him to the 
United Nations Building because there he could cash the check. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. He was known there? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I guess so. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. All right. Did you do that? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes; I did that. 



82 FAIR PLAY FOE CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did Mr. Taber go along? 

Dr. Santos-Buch, Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sour WINE. When you got to the United Nations Building 
what happened? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Raulito Roa got off the car and went into the 
United Nations Building, and after a few moments he came out with 
an envelope containing the cash. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He got back in the car? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. He got back in the car. 

Mr. Sour WINE. And then what did you do? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. We drove out of the United Nations grounds, 
and Raulito Roa asked to be driven near his place, near his office. And 
we let him off. He gave the envelope with the cash to Taber. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. To Mr. Taber, not to you but to Mr. Taber? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. After he got out what happened to the money? 
You and Taber were then alone in the car, and Taber had the money? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Then what happened? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Taber counted the money. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you see him coimt it? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I heard him counting. He was sitting in the 
back seat. 

Mr. Sourwine. In what form was it, $100 bills? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, it was in $100 bills. 

Mr. Sourwine. He counted the money, and then what did he do? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. He said, "That is right, $3,500." And he gave 
it to me. 

Mr. Sourwine. He gave you the money? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. Doctor, was that in accordance with the pre- 
arranged plan that you and he had in regard to what was to be done 
with the money? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. What was that plan? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. The plan was to — the New York Times required 
a certified check to pay for the ad, and I was to obtain the certified 
check through my bank. 

Mr. Sourwine. Through your bank? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. Why was that? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Well, Mr. Taber was executive secretary, or 
was to be executive secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 
Then we wanted suspicion diverted from him as to where the money 
came from. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you then go to your bank? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. You made a deposit of $3,500? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I did. 

Mr. Sourwine. I show you a photostat of a deposit slip, April 5, 
1960, and ask you if that is the deposit slip with which you made 
that deposit. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right, sir. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 83 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I show you next a photostat of a certification charge 
to your account, a certified check for $3,500, and ask you if the same 
was paid to the New York Times. Do you recognize that as the sHp 
that was OK'd when you got that certified check? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sour WINE. You took that certified check. What did you do 
with it? 

Senator Dodd. Why don't you put those in the record? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I intend to offer them for the record, sir. 

Senator Eastland. They are admitted. 

(The photostats were marked "Exhibits No. 13 and No. 13-A" and 
are reproduced on the following pages.) 

Dr. Santos-Buch. By prearrangement again we met with Taber 
near his place of work, then I gave him the certified check. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You had gone alone to your bank? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And then you met Taber and gave him the check? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know what he did with it after that? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. He told me that he had given it to the New 
York Times. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In payment for the ad? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. In payment for the ad. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, Dr. Santos-Buch, was your name ever used 
in the ad or in connection with any other publicity material for the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. No, sir; it was not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know why not? You were one of the 
organizers of the committee. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. It was the feeling of the committee members 
that no Cubans should be signatory of the ad. 

Mr. Sourwine. And your name was kept out of the publicity and 
off the ad in order to conceal the fact that a Cuban, to wit, you, was 
connected with the committee? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now, did you and Mr. Taber have any understand- 
ing about a story you would tell as to where this $3,500 came from if 
you were forced to explain it? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Chairman Eastland. Wait a minute now. 

What Taber was to tell and what he was to tell. 

Mr. Sourwine. That is what I intended. "You" was meant to 
be plural. 

By a story that you would both tell, did you ever agree on a story 
that either of you would tell if you had to explain this? 

Chairman Eastland. Either one of you, either you or Taber, if 
either one of you was interrogated and had to explain that, state 
whether or not you had an agreement as to what you each would say. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir; we had reached an agreement. 

Mr. Sourwine. What was it? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. The agreement was to — if I was to be ques- 
tioned, I was to say that I had obtained the money from eight of my 
friends in the United States, 



84 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



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FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEB 



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86 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SoURWiNE. And if Mr. Taber was questioned, he was to say 
that you had obtained the money from eight of your friends? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Was he to say that he did not know who the eight 
were? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And you were to say that you had not told him 
who the eight were? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you, in fact, go so far as to make arrangements 
with eight of your friends for the use of their names if you had to 
use that to cover the story? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you given to proper authorities the names 
of the friends of yours who authorized you to use their names in 
that way? 

Mr. Connolly. May we have that question again? 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you given to proper authorities the names 
of friends of yours who authorized you to use their names in that way? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Some of them. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, I don't believe that it is germane 
to this hearing to go into the question of those names. 

Chairman Eastland. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now Mr. Taber was asked to testify before this 
committee in executive session. You know this, do you not? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. He told me he had to. 

Mr. Sourwine. You talked with him after he testified? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir; I did. 

Mr. Sourwine. And, naturally, you were interested in what he 
said, weren't you? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you ask him about whether he had stuck by 
his agreement? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir, 

Mr. Sourwine. What did he tell you? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. He said he didn't have to testify because he took 
the first amendment. 

Mr. Sourwine. That is what he told you? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did he and you then and there discuss what might 
happen if you were called to testify? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. And what did you say about that? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I said that it was a good idea to use the first 
amendment. 

Senator Dodd. Do you know what the first amendment is? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I was told by Mr. Taber. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you and he then and there agree that if your 
first amendment plea didn't work you were to stick to your original 
story about the eight people? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. As a last resort; yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. When you appeared before this committee and 
were questioned last Friday, did you, in fact, stick to that story about 
the eight people? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 87 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes; I did. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You did in part, didn't you, and in part you 
didn't? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You admitted that you had received the money 
from RauUto Roa? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. But you told us at that time that the explanation 
you had given Taber was that you had received it from eight friends 
of yours? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. In doing that you were attempting to protect 
Mr. Tabcr of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee from havmg to 
register as a foreign agent, weren't you? 

I will withdraw the question, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Connolly. He doesn't mind answering it. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I can answer it. 

It was partly so, but for the most part I was fearful of — I am out of 
sympathy with the Castro regime now, and I was fearful that I was 
going to be identified as an anti-Castro sympathizer. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, Doctor, after you testified on Friday, you 
then consulted with your attorney; isn't that correct? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And is it true that he persuaded you to come back 
and tell the committee the whole truth about this matter? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And you did so, and you have told us the whole 
truth now again this morning; is that true? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Senator Dodd. Since he appeared tvNdce, I think it ought to go on 
the record that he testified in an executive session last night. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes, sir. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Mr. Chairman, I would like to correct a state- 
ment that I didn't realize I made. I said that I received a phone call 
on a Tuesday. It was really on a Monday. And I got the money on 
a Tuesday, which was the day before the ad appeared. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You got the money — well, the date shows here. 
You got the money on the same dayjyou made the deposit in the 
bank and drew the certified check, wia ch was April 5, 1960, whatever 
day of the week it was. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is right. 

Chairman Eastland. Isn't it true that at all times Mr. Taber 
desired to use these names in the ad as sponsors, who had desired to 
finance the thing, but it was financed largely by the Castro govern- 
ment in Cuba, and that he was an agent for an alien government? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Senator Dodd. He said he advised you, or he said that he himself 
would have recourse to the first amendment? Did he teU you why 
he was selecting the first amendment? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Well, I understand that it was an infringement 
upon the freedom of expression. 

Senator Dodd. Freedom of speech. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Freedom of speech. And since we both felt 
that the ad was expressing an opinion, we thought it was a good idea. 



88 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. You thought it was a good idea to use the first 
amendment? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. To use the first amendment. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. It wasn't your own idea, was it? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Taber had been ad^sed by his counsel to do 
this, had he not? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know who his counsel was? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Mr. Boudin. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Leonard Boudin? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Leonard Boudin. 

Senator Dodd. I think this should be made clear. 

Do you actually know whether it was Mr. Taber's idea or Mr. 
Boudin's idea? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. No, I do not. 

Senator Dodd. I don't see how you could. Did Mr. Taber tell you 
that he had resorted to the first amendment when he appeared before 
this committee in executive session? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. For your information, he did. But he also made 
some direct statements and denied the facts under oath. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did he tell you whether or not his counsel had 
advised him to take the first amendment? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Ifdo not recall. 

Senator Hruska. Dr. Buch, I will read a portion of the testimony 
of Mr. Taber taken on the occasion, when he discussed the source of 
the money and denied that it was taken from any foreign country or 
any agent for a foreign country. Mr. Taber is answering the question 
of Mr. Sourwine, and he stated : 

I think that I can assure the committee that, to my knowledge, none of the 
money which was paid into this ad came from any foreign government or agent 
of any foreign government. We made no secret of the matter at the time. 

Then in another portion of the testimony Mr. Sourwine asks this 
question : 

Mr. Witness, you have stated the checks did not come from a foreign source 
or a foreign national. You mean to state categorically that neither directly or 
indirectly did the checks come from either a foreign nation or a foreign national? 

And Mr. Taber's answer was : 

I can't answer the question whether they came from a foreign national 
because I am not aware of the nationality of all of the people I deal with, I 
don't check into their citizenship. But I can say that most certainly they did 
not come from a foreign government or an agent of a government, foreign govern- 
ment, to my knowledge. 

Mr. Sourwine. Now you know of your own knowledge that none of these 
persons was acting for or on behalf of a foreign government or a foreign national? 

Mr. Taber's answer: 

I have reason to believe that that was the case, and I have every reason to 
believe that they were not. 

Now, Dr. Buch, did Mr. Taber laiow Mr. Roa to be a foreign 
national? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 



PAIR PLAT FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 89 

Senator Hruska. Would you say, in the light of your knowledge 
of the facts, that these statements which I have read as answers from 
Mr. Taber were correct? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. No, sir. 

Senator Dodd. They were something more than incorrect; they 
were hes. Isn't that so? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. It wasn't true. 

Senator Dodd. You say it wasn't true; I will say it was a lie. 

Senator Hruska. Dr. Buch, Mr. Taber knew Mr. Roa was a del- 
egate to the United Nations representing the Cuban Government, 
did he not? 

Dr. Santob-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Chairman Eastland. And you knew he was? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Senator Cotton. May I ask one question. 

Dr. Buch, you testified that there was an agreement made tnat tne 
check should go through your bank and your account. Who first 
suggested that arrangement, you or Mr. Taber? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. This was mutually agreed about the same time, 
sir. 

Senator Cotton. And how about this story that was concocted, 
that would be told if either or both of you were compelled to answer 
about the donors of this money? Who suggested that story? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. We both discussed the idea of how to cover this 
story. But my idea prevailed of obtaining eight of my friends to back 
me up. 

Senator Cotton. And Mr. Taber discussed it with you, and in the 
discussion it was perfectly clear that he understood completely where 
the money was coming from, and participated in thinking of some 
story to divert suspicion, as you have expressed it? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. There is no doubt about that. 

Senator Cotton. Well, were any other expedients suggested by 
either of you before you agreed on this story of the eight donors? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. No, sir; not to my knowledge. 

Senator Keating. May I ask 

Senator Dodd. Dr. Buch, did you and Taber have a talk — you 
say you did discuss the first amendment. Let me ask you this: 
Do you know that there were several attacks made on this committee 
for inquiring into this matter, on the grounds that this was an attempt 
to invade the right of freedom of speech? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. No, sir. I have tried to disassociate myself 
from this committee since early fall, and I am not aware of that — 
I was not aware of that. 

Chairman Eastland. You mean the Fair Play for Cuba Committee 
when you say "this committee"? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Senator Dodd. There were no conversations about any of these 
complaints — if I may put it that way — about this committee, between 
you and Taber? 

Senator Keating. Meaning this Internal Security Subcommittee? 

Senator Dodd. This Internal Security Subcommittee. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Other than that conversation after his 
testimony, I haven't had any complaints or references. 



90 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Keating. Dr. Santos-Buch, were you subpenaed to appear 
here before this committee? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I should like to read two other state- 
ments that Mr. Taber made in this testimony, and ask Dr. Buch 
about them. 

First, Mr. Taber, in discussing this meeting in the restaurant, 
El Prado or Liborio Restaurant on Eighth Avenue, said his recollection 
was that it was held toward the end of February, the middle or end of 
February. Does that meet with your recollection as to when it was? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now Mr. Taber told us — I asked him: "Was there 
anyone other than you and Mr. Sagner sitting at your table?" And 
he said, "No, I don't believe so." 

Your testimony is that you also were at that table; isn't that the 
case? You told us you and Mr. Taber and Mr. Sagner were at the 
table. 

Dr. Santos-Buch. There were three of us; that is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Taber says he doesn't believe there was anyone 
but he and Mr. Sagner. Do you think it is possible that he has 
forgotten you? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I was there. 

Mr. Sourwine. That was not a facetious question. Do you think 
it is possible that Mr. Taber forgot you? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. No, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. I have one more matter that I want to inquhe 
about. I asked Mr. Taber, "Are you stating now that there was 
no person involved in the organization of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee whose name does not appear on this ad?" referring to the 
ad in the New York Times. And Mr. Taber said, "If there was, I 
don't recall." Do you think it possible that Mr. Taber forgot you at 
that time? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. No, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. I have no more questions. 

Senator Johnston. I will ask one question. 

What was the main object in forming this committee known as the 
Fair Play Committee? Why did you organize this committee? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I had felt that certain segments of the American 
press were not reporting the news from Cuba truthfully. And I 
personally felt that this was a means of getting the truth to the 
American people. This is the reason. 

Chairman Eastland. Mr. Taber made the suggestion; he came to 
you, did he not? Or did you go to him? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Mr. Alan Sagner came to Taber, and Taber 
came to me. 

Senator Dodd. You don't now beUeve, do you, that the truth was 
told in the Fair Play for Cuba ad about the conditions in Cuba? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. As it subsequently turned out; no. 

Chairman Eastland. And you have been to Cuba since that ad 
was published? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 

Chairman Eastland. And you know that the conditions there, as 
described in the ad, were untrue? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 91 

Senator Johnston. In other words, you were misled then in your 
belief, at the time that you published the ad, in the information that 
you put in that ad? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. At the time that the ad was placed I had hopes 
of the success of the original ideals of the revolution. 

Senator Johnston. But you didn't know really the facts that were 
in there; you published something that you didn't know; isn't that true? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. To my best knowledge at that time, I thought 
those facts and quotations were true. 

Senator Johnston. You thought they were true, but you only had 
arrived at those conclusions because of talking to some people that had 
misinformed you; isn't that right? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes. There were also opinions which were my 
own at that time, which are now changed. 

Mr. Sour WINE. Mr. Chairman, maybe it would be helpful at this 
point if we put the ad in the record, or a photostat of the ad, page 33, 
the New York Times, Wednesday, April 6, 1960. 

Chairman Eastland. It is admitted. 

(The advertisement was marked "Exhibit No. 3" and is reproduced 
at p. 6.) 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I won't read you much of it, but it starts off: 

What is really happening in Cuba? 

From Havana come charges of sabotage, economic aggression, counterrevolu- 
tionary intrigue, air raids on Cuban cane fields, sugar mills, homes. Against this 
background, the great news agencies and a powerful section of the U.S. press raise 
a barrage of equally grave accusations. What can we believe in the welter of 
conflicting reports? 

It then quotes: 

A pro-Communist state has been established in Cuba with the clear objective 
of bargaining with Soviet Russia for the munitions of war — 

quoting Sokolsky in the New York Journal-American. 

True or false? 

And it then says: 

False. Not a shred of evidence has been produced to support such allega- 
tions * * * 

Cuba's recent trade pact with the Soviet Union represents an effort to find new 
markets for Cuban sugar, and to obtain not arms but agricultural implements 
and industrial machinery for which credit has been denied in the United States. 

We now know that to be false. 
Dr. Santos-Buch. Yes. 
Mr. SouRWiNE. The ad says: 

Efi"orts to drive a wedge between the Roman Catholic Church and the revolu- 
tionary government on the issue of communism have been forcefully repulsed by 
the church itself * * * 

There is perfect harmony between the church and the state. 

We now know that to be false; isn't it? 
Mr. Santos-Buch. That is correct. 
Mr. SouRWiNE. I won't continue. 

Chairman Eastland. Mr. Taber thought up the ad, didn't he? 
Mr. Santos-Buch. He drafted the answers. 
Chairman Eastland. He drafted the ad. 

Senator Dodd. Do you know whether Taber is a Communist Party 
member or not? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I do not know that. 

76374 0-61-7 



92 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTJJB 

Senator Dodd. You know Taber made frequent trips to Cuba at 
this time when you were talking to him, did he not? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I think so, yes, sir; at least two. 

Senator Dodd. At least two? 

Dr. Santos-Buch, That I know about. 

Chairman Eastland. Any further questions? 

Senator Hruska. Dr. Buch, in an article in Harper's, Kenneth 
Tynan, a witness before this committee on a previous occasion, 
undertook to describe some of the things which he underwent, 
allegedly, in the process of that hearing. I am reading a part of the 
article from Harper's magazine: 

We then moved on to the Cuba advertisement. Hilarity, hereabouts, began 
to displace dread; such was the caliber of the inquisition that astonished amuse- 
ment became the only possible response. Had I received money for signing the 
ad? No. Was it paid for by Cuban gold? No. 

Now do you agree with that statement of Mr. Tynan as made in 
this article, that the ad was not paid for at least in part by Cuban 
gold? 

Dr. Santos-Buch. I don't find it amusing when $3,500 came from 
the Cuban Government. 

Senator Dodd. I might say that the record shows that Mr. Tynan 
was never asked any such question. So he not only told an untruth 
in that article, but he told an untruth about the question he was 
asked. That was pubhshed in Harper's magazine. 

Senator Hruska. The record so shows, and a scrutiny of the 
transcript so indicates. 

Chairman Eastland. Any fm-ther questions? 

If not, we will retire. 

Doctor, we want to thank you for your fine service to this country. 

And I certainly want to thank counsel for the outstanding legal 
services rendered in this case. 

I think it is obvious to everyone that the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee is a Communist operation. 

We will now recess. 

(Whereupon, at 11:55 a.m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject 
to the call of the Chair.) 



APPENDIXES 



rProm New Masses, September 1032, pp. 6 aad 7] 

Appbnpix I 

Exhibit No. 4 

How I Came to Communism: Symposium 

By Waldo Frank 

WHE^E I STAND AND HOW I GOT HERE 

The editors of New Masses write to me of "the marked movement among the 
intellectuals toward the left"; and they ask me for an "intellectual autobiography" 
of how I got that way. What they want to know, of course, is in my books. 
And what they are really asking, is a 2,000 word digest of my books for readers 
who, presumably, are too busy preparing the Revolution to find time to read 
them. Personally, I feel that if a necessarily superficial digest of a man's books 
is worth while it would repay the effort to read the books, themselves. More- 
over, although there may be some critic smart enough to get into so brief a space 
the essence of what I have labored to put into fifteen volumes, I am sure / can 
not do it. 

My "movement toward the left" is a steady, logical evolution in my published 
works. It is not really a "movement" at all in the sense of a displacement — like 
that of a man, for instance, who moves from Brooklyn to the Bronx. It is really 
a clarifying and solidifying and organizing of convictions present in my work 
from its beginning: It is a sharpening and shifting of the focus of my work, due 
to the economic and psychologic shifts of the America I live in. 

I have never been an economist or sociologist. I have always been, first of all, 
an artist — the kind of artist, however, who is interested not only in individuals 
but also in peoples, in cultures, in ideas. Those of my creations that deal with 
imaginary persons or groups of persons are "fiction": those that deal with actual 
historic peoples are harder to classify, but they are as essentially works of art 
as my novels. I am, moreover, a product of the New York upper middle class. 
But by the time I was finished with college, I knew that I did not belong with 
my class, and that I could not go into the money-making racket which went by 
such names as "business" or "the law." A couple of years of newspaper work 
were sufficient to convince me that the capitalistic order was rotten from top to 
bottom: rotten in its churches, in its politics, in its business, in its arts, in its 
intellectual life. But this conviction brought with it no clear idea as to the way 
out. The trouble, it seemed to me, was with human nature. And of course, it 
was — and it is. Men and women, I thought, might individually achieve, against 
great odds, some truth and beauty. It was a desperately slow process; but at 
the time I knew no other. The Marxian idea of a class, potentially representa- 
tive of mankind, and potentially destined to destroy the stratified greed and 
violence that had become Society, was still far beyond me. 

!• Nonetheless, social emotions and social ideas were, from the beginning, con- 
scious factors in my books. And it would be possible, if I had the time, to isolate 
and trace their evolution from one book to the next; although in so doing I should 
necessarily distort the true nature of my works, if I disregarded other vital and 
integral elenaents. 

My first published novel (written before we entered the War) was TTie Unwelcome 
Man. It is the story of a sensitive youth, without unusual talents, in petty 
bourgeois American society. The story arraigns this society for its sordidness, its 
cruelty, its sterility; it depicts the fate of a lad who rebels against it, yet who 
rebels hopelessly, since he is equipped with but ordinary powers, since he is 
alone, ana sinoe-^above all — he possesses no ideology except that of his own class. 

Then the War came to America and it forced me, who had always been most 
at home in the arts and in phUosc^hy, to think for the first time in political terms. 

98 



94 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

I saw soon enough that the War was not what the Nations said it was: that it 
was the result of imperialistic capitalism and, more deeply, of the state of mind 
symbolized by the capitalistic order. Before this, I had condemned capitalism's 
culture, I had also condemned its economic system. But I had gone no further 
than a vague Utopian socialism. I had read Kropotkin, but not Marx. Which 
meant, that I had faith only in individual action. Now, I read Marx. But 
I was still extremely far from applying'his laws to American conditions. 

At the time, I was editing "The Seven Arts" with James Oppenheim and 
Van Wyck Brooks. All three of us called ourselves socialists; but our magazine 
had begun as a purely literary organ for national expression. Our "master" was 
Walt Whitman. Now, hotvever, with the War upon us, we were faced with the 
necessity of action. We opposed America's entry into the War. We supported 
Eugene Debs (although we did not think much of his mind). We published 
John Reed, and the magnificent revolutionary articles of Randolph Bourne. 
Secret service men began to infest our offices; the papers listed us among "enemies 
from within." We went down with flying colors. 

When the draft came, I registered as an objector "not for religious reasons but 
against imperialist war." And while I waited for the military police to send me 
to Leavenworth (they never got to me), I began a novel which only now I am 
really writing; and of which I published a part under the title The Dark Mother. 

My rebellion and my hopes at this time, were expressed in my first critical 
volume Our America, which appeared in 1919. Let me quote from the first 
paragraph : 

"No American can hope to run a journal, win public office, successfully advertise 
a soap or write a popular novel who does not insist upon the idealistic basis 
of his country. A peculiar sort of ethical rapture has earned the term American. 
Woodrow Wilson is only its latest adept : George Washington was by no means its 
first. And the reason is probably at least in part that no land has ever sprung 
so nakedly as ours from a direct and conscious material impulse. The history 
of the colonization of America is the reflex result of economic movements in the 
Mother countries ..." 

And the book's last sentence; 

"* * * In a dying world, creation is revolution." 

Our America, although essentially a poet's portrait of his world, was an attack 
on our capitalistic system, viewed as a culture. It also was an appeal to the 
future — to "revolution." But it did not envisage the way to this future in 
Marxian terms — i.e., in terms of the class war. The masses, whom it called "the 
multitudes in Whitman," must take over and make over America; but the book 
stressed as the dynamic force making for revolution, the spiritual and cultural 
values in America: the Indian, the immigrant, the message of men like Whitman, 
Lincoln, Spinoza, Marx. And its direct appeal was not to a proletarian class 
(with whom I had little contact), but to a small band of gallant writers who were 
to lead the "multitude" — and who, of course, failed to materialize. 

I returned to fiction ; and wrote in the next four years my three most important 
novels: Rahab, City Block, Holiday. These were pure forms of experimental art; 
IjTical and dionysian. But even in them, there is a strong line of social implica- 
tion — which perhaps is one reason why all three of these novels are translated into 
Russian. Holiday is a novel of the South. It really has but two collective 
characters: "white town" and "nigger town" of a Gulf state. It depicts the en- 
counter of these two characters — the economic subjugation of the Negro to the 
white, and the emotional subjugation of the white to the Negro. It draws the 
clash tojits tragic passionate conclusion: the lynching. Perhaps I can best suggest 
the social quality of the book by saying that the Negro press hailed it, and called 
it the "modern Uncle Tom's Cabin" — a compliment which, I fear, did not flatter 
the artist in me. 

Rahab is, in its bare social lines, the story of a Southern girl of the middle clasa, 
ruined by her evangelical Christian husband, driven to New York where, in con- 
tact with the underworld, she finds what must be the essence of true religion: the 
facing of the reality of life. And City Block is a kind of collective novel about 
a New York proletarian street. These books are not "proletarian literature" in 
the sense that their characters consciously call for a Marxian revolution. Neither 
is Wineshurg or Marching Men, although Sherwood Anderson is deeply a proletar- 
ian novelist. But let me point out, that to have made the characters of my 
"city block" call for revolution in 1922 would have been bad art. It would have 
been contrary to the nature of these characters. Only when the proletariat 
itself becomes consciously revolutionary, can a good proletarian novelist so depict 
it. That consciousness is just beginning in the U.S. To demand it of novels 
faithful to the truth as it existd a decade ago, is absurd. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 95 

Now again, the great American problem claimed me: the problem of creating 
a true new world iu our hemisphere. Our America had been but a prelude of this 
theme, which I intended to treat symphonically in a group of books. My purpose 
was not mainly critical: it was to create portraits of the American worlds — of the 
human sources of our energy — which would constructively lead forth into the 
future. One of the results of Our America had been to put me in touch with the 
radical students and writers of South America. And they made me see that 
America did not stop at the Rio Grande: it went all the way down to Argentina. 
Now, you cannot understand the U.S. without knowing England and Europe. 
And similarly you cannot understand America Hispana, without knowing Spain, 
Portugal, North Africa. So I went there. And later on, I went to Mexico and 
South America. 

I 'WTote Virgin Spain and America Hispana — cultural portraits of these peoples, 
I cannot, here, possibly go into even the simplest exposition of what these books 
contain; their ideological content is too complex, and besides, they are primarily 
portraits — works of art. Here, all I can say is, that I felt very strongly the rele- 
vance of both the Catholic and Semitic traditions in Spain, and of the American 
Indian cultures, to the problem of creating a world in which the person, knowing 
his true place in the collective group, should be a true person. The Spaniard has 
a sense of the whole which needs only to be transposed from its false Christian 
symbols to prepare him for a true communism. (I point out the analogy of the 
Russians, who also had a Catholic background, in my recent Dawn in Russia). 
And the great Indian cultures have always had communistic roots; have always 
preserved that sense of the individual as a social integer, which we must achieve 
in North America, before we can think of overcoming the false individualism that 
is the essence of our capitalistic order. 

I WTote these two books primarily for the United States, since I was convinced 
of the usefulness for ourselves of understanding these peoples. But oddly enough, 
the books have been understood chiefly in the Hispanic countries. Here, they 
were shallowly regarded as "travel books." (They are no more travel books, than 
Don Quixote is a travel book). In Spain, in Mexico, in Argentina, they are under- 
stood as revolutionary analyses of the genius of races — attempts to lift up, into 
consciousness and therefore into force, the potential promise of the American 
peoples. 

Well allotted space is running short, and I haven't done much more than mention 
a few of my books. They may be said to represent, socially, an evolution from 
personal revolt against bourgeois society (The Unwelcome Man, Our America) 
to the discovery of dynamic forces and values in our modern epoch, potential for 
the creating of a new revolutionary world (The Rediscovery of America, America 
Hispana). In all my books, however, the stress is on the primary material that 
must be recreated — i.e., mankind; and not on the economic and political method 
that must be the first outward step in the re-creative task. The reason for this is, 
that I am not an economist, not a professional revolutionist; but an artist, a 
psychologist, and cultural historian. 

Where, then, is my "movement to the left?" For it exists. In my books, it 
is not a movement, it is a steady evolution. But in my active life, it has recently 
been something of a "movement." 

I will put down briefly why this is, and why it will continue to be * * *. 

1. I have lost my last vestige of faith in the middle classes, in all middle class 
action, and in the efficacy of intellectual groups who are identified, either openly 
or indirectly, with middle class values. 

2. I do not romanticize or idealize the workers and peasants. I am no follower 
of Rousseau, vaguelj' dreaming of the perfection of "the natural man." But to 
have faith in human life at all, in this epoch of bourgeois decadence, must mean 
henceforth to have faith in the proletarians and farmers who alone as a class have 
not been hopelessly corrupted by the sources and methods of the capitalistic 
order. The artist and thinker, from now on, must choose: either to hope and 
fight with the masses, or to despair and surrender alone. At bottom, Marxism 
is a methodology for creating a human culture — in place of the slave cultures 
which history reveals. In this sense, which underlies his great economic dis- 
coveries, I am better equipped to understand Marx; and I accept him wholly. 
However, Marx did not complete the task of providing a methodology for the 
new culture. He began, but he did not conclude the work. And he knew this. 
To be a good Marxian is to be creative enough to go beyond Marx. 

3. I accept wholly the Marxian law, that a revolutionary proletarian class is 
the chief instrument for creating the communist society. And I agree with Marx, 
wholly, that only this communist society can go forward to the creating of a 
real human culture. 



96 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEB 

4. I believe that the intellectuals of all kinds must definitely and actively 
jcia hands with the revolutionary proletarian class; that they must take a militant 
part, as intellectuals, henceforth, in the class war, and that it is their duty to 
make their position unequivocally clear to all the workers. 

6. The world is in crisis. Men and women are starving; they are being de- 
moralized by unemployment; when they attempt even to protest they are being 
bludgeoned back to slavery by the armed mobs of Business fascism. At such a 
time, I cannot forever remain in my library, although my essential work lies 
there. I must from time to time make clear, in language simpler than the 
language of my books — in the language of physical comradeship — my solidarity 
with the people. 

6. The world is in crisis, and there is no time to lose. The revolutionary tomolTow 
must be prepared today. Otherwise, it may come too late — too late to save 
mankind from the destruction of capitalistic war, and (still worse) from the 
moral siphilis of capitalistic Peace. 

7. However, I shall not lose sight of what has been, and continues to be, my 
share in the work of world-creation. Nor shall I let my emotions in the daily 
crisis swerve me. That would be a deadly sentimentalism. The task of the 
creative artist, the task of the creator of revolutionary cultural values, is important 
today as it has never been before. 

August 14, 1932. 



FAIR PLAT FOB CU19A COMMITTEE 97 

Appendix II 
Exhibit 7 

IVATIOTSr 



JANUARY 23, 1960 



THE PICTURE /JV FOCUS: 



CASTRO'S CUBA . . by Rater, Taber 



As a CBS neusman, Robert Taber was an eyen-itness to the Cuban ReV' 
olution during jour critical periods: in April, 1957, he spent three weeks with 
Castro in the Sierra Maesrra, and uas the jirst newsman to do a radio-TV 
interviezv tvith the revolutionary leader; he was again in Orienle Province 
during the "total war" phase oj the fif;hiing in the spring 0/ 1958: in the 
summer of that year, he spent two months with Fidel's brother, Raul, watch- 
ing the guerrilla lighting in northern Oriente; and a year ago he witnessed 
Fidel's triumphant entry into Mofann. He has since returned to Cuba several 
limes doing research for a forthcoming hook, M-26: Biography of a Revolu- 
tion. The following article is based on material from the book. — Editors. 



IN Our Man in Havana, novelist 
Graham Greene wrote a farce about 
a debt-ridden British vacuum-clean- 
er dealer in Havana, who was re- 
cruited as an intelligence agent for 
bis country. Lacking information of 
the sort required by his employers, 
the dealer began to invent it. In 
due course, he filed a report about 
a mysterious concrete platform being 
constructed, he asserted, in the re- 
mote, rebel-controlled mountains of 
eastern Cuba. Then, when pressed 
by his superiors for more details, he 
was reduced, in desperation, tu draw- 
ing plans of a gigantic "secret weap- 
on," which he said was bemg in- 
stalled on the mysterious platform 
in the mountains. His model and 
source of inspiration: a streamlined 
vacuum-cleaner attachment among 
his wares. 

Greene presented this, of course, 
as gentle satire, spoofing the puerile 
but deadly serious and occasionally 



frightening preoccupation of the 
great powers with the cloak-and- 
dagger f.Tntasics of their "cold war." 
What the novelist did not consider, 
perhaps, was that such fantasies can 
be made credible once they are 
put in the frame of reference of 
propaganda to which people have al- 
ready been conditioned. 

Thus, David Sentner, in the 
Hearst Headline Service newspaper 
column "Washington Window," of 
November 12, 19S9: 

Are Red Russian military techni- 
cians helping the anti-American Cas- 
tro Cuban government to build a 
missile base? 

There is a gigantic concrete "em- 
placement" in Camaguey Province in 
Cuba, nearing completion. It is 
marked "Off Limits" by the Cuban 
authorities and it is heavily guarded 
by Castro soldiery. 

This much our intelligence agents 
know, but no more. 



The Hearst columnist goes on to 
say that there is "evidence" that 
small arms were smuggled ashore 
from Russian submarines during the 
struggle against Batista, adding that 
there is, however, "no corroboration 
to date of the new Cuban regime 
having received any missiles," i.e., 
from the Soviet Union. 

The plain inference is that the 
Cubans have received Soviet mis- 
siles, smuggled ashore from Russian 
submarines, and that this will soon 
be "corroborated." 

Presumably, no one has yet 
plagiarized Our Man in Havana 
to the extent of sending drawings 
of vacuum-cleaner attachments to 
our Central Intelligence Agency in 
Washington. However, much of the 
reportage on the Cuban scene during 
the past year supports the suspicion 
that even this might not be too 
much to anticipate. 

THE FACT is that the "gigantic 
concrete emplacement" mystery of 
the Hearst newspapers differs only 
in degree, certainly not in kind, 
from the great bulk of what has 
been reported in the press and on 
radio and TV in the United States 
concerning the Cuban Revolution 
since Dictator Fulgencio Batista's 



98 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



precipitate flight from Havana on 
New Year's Day, 1959. We have 
witnessed a virulent press campaign, 
concocted of ignorance, half-truths, 
nams calling, connotative misdirec- 
tion and outright fabrication, all 
tending to erode the first bright 
image of the revolution and to dis- 
credit its leadership. 

One must concede at once that 
the Cuban revolutionaries them- 
selves have provided, gratis, a great 
deal of the ammunition which has 
been hurled against them. Fidel 
Castro's off-the-cuff remark that in 
the event of United States military 
intervention in Cuba ". . . twenty 
thousand gringos would die!" was 
scarcely calculated to endear him 
to the North American press or peo- 
ple. He has added a great many 
provocations to this initial one since 
last January. Oratorical intemper- 
ance, a Cuban flair for exaggeration, 
and a failure to take account of 
other people's prejudices, have all 
contributed to damaging misunder- 
standings. 

It is barely possible that a more 
adroit public-relations effort vis-4- 
vis the United States might have 
eased some of the strain. But one 
must instantly add that no amount 
of oil spread on troubled waters 
could have ameliorated the under- 
lying conflict of interests of which 
the surface storm of propaganda is 
merely symptomatic. Nor could 
clever press relations long have con- 
cealed this paramount fact: The 
Cuban Revolution was and is, above 
all, a Cuban declaration oj independ- 
ence from the United States. 

This is what made it certain that 
Fidel Castro's U.S. press notices 
would be mostly unfavorable. They 
could not have been otherwise. 

IN ORDER to understand the na- 
ture of the conflict, one must con- 
sider briefly the status of the island 
before the revolution, and then pro- 
ceed to review the developments of 
tlie past year. 

From Cuba's founding as a repub- 
lic in 1903 until December 31, 1958, 
when the Batista regime abruptly 
collapsed, the country was for every 
practical purpose a United States 
colony, captive both economically 
and politically. Its first constitution 



gave the United States the privilege 
of intervening in Cuban affairs, both 
Internal and external — a privilege 
invoked more than once under the 
detested Piatt Amendment, which 
was not abrogated until 1934. Cuba's 
trade treaties were written in Wash- 
ington and Wall Street. The greater 
part of its resources — sugar, mineral 
rights, public-utility concessions, 
cattle lands — were controlled by 
U.S. capital. In such circumstances, 
it can scarcely be doubted that the 
succession of rapacious professional 
politicos who ruled Cuba during most 
of the half-century or so of its re- 
publican existence were necessarily 
the caretakers of a vast amount of 
American, rather than Cuban, wealth. 
And whatever elsejne may have been, 
the dictator who fled to Santo Do- 
mingo on the first day of 1959 was 
one of these — a discredited, dis- 
possessed custodian of the Yankee 
dollar. 

A SIZABLE part of the Cuban busi- 
ness community — the small mer- 
chants and the economic nationalists 
of finance and industry — had op- 
posed Batista and made common 
cause with Fidel Castro's bearded 
revolutionaries for reasons of their 
own. But to the extent that these 
Cuban businessmen understood the 
radical fidelista program, set forth in 
all its essential details as early as 
1953, they were wary of him. At 
best, they wished him only a limited 
success — that is, they hoped that 
he would serve as a cat's-paw to de- 
stroy the Batista regime, but that 
he would subsequently be forced to 
accept a "liberal" coalition govern- 
ment representing their interests. If 
worst came to worst, they felt, it 
would probably be possible to "do 
business" with Castro, very much as 
business had been done with other 
nominally popular governments in 
the past. 

Fortune magazine, discussing the 
question of agrarian reform under 
the Castro government in its Sep- 
tember, 1959, issue, put the matter 
very well: 

If the rich, powerful and normally 
cynical Cubans began to be disquieted 
by the realization that giving land to 
somebody involved taking it from 
somebody else (i.e., themselves), they 
didn't raise the point. Some promi- 



nent citizens thought that the new 
hero was merely making appropriate 
noble noises, and that when the ex- 
citement subsided, he would give 
them the cordial and cooperative gov- 
ernment they liked. 

That impression certainly prevail- 
ed among the rich, powerful and 
normally cynical Americans with a 
stake in Cuba, and no doubt was 
shared by Washington as well. 

These cynics were soon disap- 
pointed. Even before Fidel had 
reached Havana, the "noble noises" 
of the jidelistas were echoed by the 
crash of revolutionary rifles as the 
first and worst of some 550 war 
criminals, notorious torturers and 
mass murderers of the Batista re- 
gime died before firing squads. 

At the outset, Castro installed a 
politically "equidistant" government 
in the Presidential palace in Havana. 
Only a few of its members were ac- 
tual revolutionaries. However, any 
hope that the conservatives of the 
new Cabinet would soon restore 
"business as usual" was speedily 
dashed by the realization that the 
provisional government was not, in 
fact, governing. The administration 
of state affairs, like the trial and 
execution of the war criminals and 
the reorganization of the armed 
forces, remained in the hands of 
Fidel Castro and his supporters. 

A month after Batista's overthrow, 
Fidel accepted nominal as well as 
actual authority by becoming Prime 
Minister. The Cabinet was reorgan- 
ized, and the long-promised social 
revolution got under way. 

A HORRENDOUS outcry had al- 
ready arisen in the United States 
press in reaction to the war-crimes 
trials, which were seen as a portent 
of the intransigent radicalism of the 
Castro movement. 

The island of Cuba, of slight in- 
terest to the newspaper-reading 
public during seven years of strug- 
gle against the Batista dictatorship, 
was suddenly rediscovered only 
"ninety miles off our shores, site of 
the American naval base that guards 
our southern defenses, anchor of our 
defense of the Panama Canal, and 
key to the future of Latin Amer- 
ica . . ." An army of American jour- 
nalists flocked to Havana, and tor- 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



99 



rmts of sensational, adjective-pack- 
ed prose — more than had been 
written during the two preceding 
years of civil war — began to flow 
back. Members of Congress took up 
the cry. Repubhcan Senator Cape- 
hart of Indiana perceived "the 
spectacle of a bearded monster stalk- 
ing through Cuba." Representative 
Wayne Hays, possibly better in- 
formed about the sugar-beet in- 
dustry of his own Ohio than about 
Cuban affairs, demanded to know 
v\hat the State Department intend- 
ed to do to "calm Castro down, be- 
fore he depopulates Cuba." Time 
magazme informed its readers that 
the jidelistas were taking revenge on 
a conquered foe, and listed among 
"typical victims" the name of Ale- 
jandro Garcia Olayon, a naval of- 
ficer accused of having roasted six 
persons alive, and of having super- 
vised the slaughter of some three 
hundred persons, after an abortive 
uprising in Cienfuegos in 1957. 

I he campaign abated somewhat 
as understanding dawned that the 




It'iliiMiila, Iliivana 
Fidel Caitro 

revolutionary tribunals, although 
following a code of Cuban rather 
than Anglo-Saxon juridical proce- 
dure, were administrating strict 
justice, that there was no slightest 
question as to the guilt of those 
condemned, and that all sectors of 
the Cuban population, as well as the 
Catholic clergy itself, stood amazed 
at the furore of foreign criticism. 
Perhaps it was perceived, too, that 
the revolutionary government did 
not seem to be doing anything so rev- 
olutionary in its first month in of- 



fice that it would seriously jeopar- 
dize the ?850,000,000 of private U.S. 
investment capital in Cuba. 

Fidel's accession to the Premiership 
in February signaled an important 
consolidation of power by the jidel- 
ijta movement. To quote The New 
York Times of February 22: 

The .iction of Fidel Castro in pcr- 
sonnlly taking over the office of the 
Premier of the Republic of Cuba re- 
flects his recognition of the fact that 
the people accept him as their su- 
preme lender. The truth is that they 
regard him as not only Premier In the 
Government of Dr. Manuel Urrutia, 
whom he proclaimed President, but 
as the very Government itself. 

Precisely so. It does not follow, 
however, that opposition to the rev- 
olutionary process had ended, as we 
shall see. 

In mid-April, the Cuban Premier 
made a visit to the United States 
that seemed, briefly, to promise im- 
proved relations with Washington. 
But friendly gestures were no sub- 
stitute for deeds; basic conflicts of 
interest, both economic and political, 
proved irreconcilable, and the rap- 
prnchemcnt failed to "take." Cuba 
had embarked on a revolutionary 
course from which there has Been, 
to date, no turning. 

On the political plane, Castro 
made it clear that his government 
had no intention of following, in 
blind submission, Washington's lead 
in the cold war. He said that al- 
though his revolutionary movement 
was "not Red, but olive green" (a 
reference to the color of the revolu- 
tionary uniform), it did not intend 
to persecute the Cuban Communists 
of the Parlido Socialista Popular. 
With regard to the island's foreign 
policy, he said that Cuba would 
choose its own path, both |>olitical- 
ly and in its commercial relations 
with other countries. United States 
interference in matters related to 
Cuban defense — specifically the 
question of some British aircraft 
which Cuba sought to buy and the 
State Department persuaded Britain 
not to sell — subsequently produced 
the statement that if the island could 
not satisfy its needs in the West, 
it would do so "elsewhere," i.e., in 
the Communist countries, if need be. 

In the United Nations, where 
Batista's representative, Nunez Por- 



tuondo, had been considered the 
bellwether of the United States' 
"solid Latin American bloc," Cuba 
broke the united front for the first 
time by abstaining from voting on 
a U.S. proposal to postpone debate 
for another year on the question of 
seating Communist China. 

A mere glance at the bare bones cf 
the fidelista economic program is 
sufficient to disclose the reasons for 
the attraction that it originally ex- 
erted on the economic nationalists 
in Cuban business and banking 
circles. The same facts and figures 
reveal as well, however, the basis of 
future opposition to the movement 
on the part of other, larger and 
more powerful, economic interests in 
Cuba and in the United States. 

The promised diversification of 
agriculture meant that Cuba could 
hope to stop spending $20 million 
annually on Texas and Louisiana 
rice, and even greater sums on U.S. 
canned food products and bottled 
beverages, and produce its own. Pro- 
tective tariffs and government aid 
to fledgling native industries prom- 
ised to create both higher employ- 
ment and an expansion of domestic 
markets, based on the increased pur- 
chasing power of a more productive 
labor force. Agrarian reform, to turn 
half a million squatters and itinerant 
agricultural workers into prosperous 
small farmers, held out the same 
hope of greater general prosperity 
and a better distribution of the na- 
tion's wealth. 

And all of these measures, as well 
as others in prospect, signified some- 
thing else of great importance: an 
end to the flight of capital, principal- 
ly in the form of sugar profits, that 
had been flowing from Cuba by the 
hundreds of millions of dollars over 
the years, never to return. 

IF IT seems paradoxical to say that 
sugar was the island's principal 
source of income and at the same 
time an incubus on the Cuban peo- 
ple, it is because a simple fact has 
not been considered: fully 40 per 
cent of the nation's sugar produc- 
tion, with an annual value of more 
than $600 million, was firmly in the 
hands of U.S. corporations in 1958. 
(In the past, the percentage had 
risen a) high as 70.) An additional 



lOOj 



9aM l^^f fX^ (TC^^ C&MMTt^XM 



10 to 20 per cent wai; eoWtrofted by 
Canadian, Spanish ahd Other foreign 
interests. Thus less than half of a 
product accouttting for hearty tw6- 
thirds of Cuba's national income, and 
fully- 80 per cent bf her eicpdrt, i*as 
actually controlled by Cubans. Artd 
even the profits accruing to thfe 
Cuban sugar barons did not rcrn^in 
in Cuba! most oT tfie r«iHti *a* 
banked of invested abroad. 

The s4me tortdikioVis applied with 
respect to tlif great rattle finches, 
to the nation's mineral wealth (90 
per cent in American hands), to its 
oil (owned entirtty by British and 
American corporations), to its pub- 
lic utilities (80 per cent Americafi- 
owned). 

The importance of such facts tan- 
not be exaggerated. *rhey art the es- 
sence of economic Colonialism, which 
requires neither a Colonial Office 
nor a colonial army to maintain it- 
self when native politicians gladly 
serve as overseers at lower wages. 

At bottom, economic colonialism 
has its basis in the same circumstance 
as feudalism: the monopoly control 
of a nation's wealth, in the one in- 
stance by foreigners, in the other 
by an oligarchy of one's own wealthy 
and powerful countrymen. 

CUBA suffered from the two af- 
flictions at once. Until the agrarian 
reform, fewer than 8 per cent of the 
property holdings in Cuba accounted 
for nearly 75 per cent of, all cultivat- 
ed land. That is to say, three- 
quarters of the agricultural resourxres 
of an agricultural country the size 
of England, and with a population 
half again that of Ireland, was in the 
hands of a few dozen wealthy Cuban 
families and giant U.S.-owned sugar 
and cattle corporations. 

The social consequences of sucli 
a maldistribution of wealth are obvi- 
ous enough. Cuba's illiteracy rate was 
one of the highest in the hemlsjjhert^ 
33.5 per ceht. A million ClAan wo- 
men and children had never W6fh 
shoes. Half a million campesinos had 
never tasted milk, or meat. More 
than a million had never had even 
tbe most rudimtntary mTfd'ical care. 
Thousands of guajirtij in tlie Siefra 
Maestra were as isolated from the 
rest of the nation ^s thbuj^h they 
lived on an island in the Pacrfrc, 
Without roads, comWluniiiSrtitms, «f 



^hy ebntict Witb tbe Outside *ofld. 

NVheVe was the sound economy, 
the proSpthJuS nation, of which Ba- 
tista'* American public-relations 
agents ifeed to boast? The sugar 
totporatloni' were prosperous. The 
l^reat cattle ranchers -were prosper- 
ous. But who was paying the bill.' 

Felipe Pazos, one of the prominent 
bankers of the anti-Batista move- 
ment, has said that graft on public 
Works alone during seven years of 
the Barl,-.!,! a<lniinislration came 
close to J500 n>illion on a total pub- 
lic-works budget of less than $800 
million. Cost estimates were custom- 
arily doubled, and the rake-off ap- 
portioned among the thieves. Such 
practices extended into every aspect 
of the nation's economic life. A re- 
port written by Robert Alden in 
Tke New York Times of January 5, 
1958, described "the agent of the 
government, the man with the out- 
stretched palm who is the key figure 
in the large-scale corruption in 
Cuba": 

Tlie owner of a small food store 

. says: "I pay $2 to the 'collector' 

every time I pull the shutter of my 

shop in the morning. I pay $2 when 

I pull it down pt night." 

The taxicab driver pays the "col- 
lector" $\ for the right to stay at his 
taxi stand for three hours, and, de- 
pending on their volume of business, 
a precise scale of payment is exacted 
from each of 'thousands of street 
vendors. 

In February, 1958, it was estimat- 
ed that nearly 27,(XX) Cubans lived 
on the proceeds of gambling; 11,500 
lived by or on prostitution; 5,000 
lived by begging ( Report of the 
Cuban National Council of Econ- 
omy, -1958). The "collector" ex- 
tfacted tribute from them all. 

The money lost on the HSvana 
gaming tables by Atnerican toirrists 
lined Batista's podcets 4nd those tjf 
Annerican gangsters in Las Vegas, 
Cleveland and New Yorlc. Cdrpora- 
tion taxes were loW, for the benefit 
of foreign invfcstots, and the Cuban 
lati^uHdi'stds paid mot* in bribes 
tban in taxes. The tax on an annual 
income of $1,(XX),000 never exceeded 
10 ptr ifent, and even this Was Sel- 
dom paid. But the middle classes 
gtoaned under taxation, and th^ 
Vvorking classes sweated to pay for 
TiWptoi^ rice, beans ami tantred 



goods; the United States enjoyed a 
trade with Cuba which ran to more 
than $10 million a month in its own 
favor. 

Of the total Cuban labor force of 
2.204,000, some 361.000 persons were 
Wholly unemployed throughout 
1957; V50,(XX) were employed only 
part of the time; 154,000 were en- 
gaged in luiremunerated labor — 
e.g., as domestic servants, working 
for their meals and lodgings. Of 
1,539,000 Cubans gainfully em- 
ployed, 954,(X)0 earned less than $75 
^ month in a nation where the peso 
was on a par with the dollar and 
had even less purchasing power in 
Havana than in New York. 

TTie nation's free gold and dollar 
reserves, depleted by assaults on the 
Treasury and an unfavorable trade 
balance with the United States, were 
down to $110,000 by the end of De- 
cember, 1958. The incoming govem- 




tt^ratodtB. BstMs 



TJJR PLAT FOB CUBA OOIiOirrTBB 



101 



ment wis faced with a current def- 
icit-of mnre than $S0 million and a 
national indebtedness of close to 
i,\.S billion. 

The revolutionary Provisional 
Government, coming to power in 
January, abolished the worst of the 
abuses of the Batista regime at a 
single stroke: 

IJThousands of government sine- 
cures were eliminated, along with 
the subsidies which had been paid, 
for political reasons, to most Cuban 
newspapers and to many Cuban 
journalists. 

IJA ministry for the recovery of 
stolen property set to work to re- 
cover millions of dollars in cash and 
more millions in property illegally 
acquired under past regimes. Scores 
of contractors who had accepted 
"kickbacks" on public-works con- 
tracts were forced to disgorge their 
illicit gains, and the estates of for- 
mer government officials, acquired 
dishonestly, were confiscated by the 
stare. 

HHome and apartment rentals 
were reduced 30 to SO per cent, 
bringing dwelling rentals to what 
were considered more reasonable 
levels and at the same time inject- 
ing a considerable amount of fresh 
capital into the economy at the con- 
sumer level. The effect was much the 
same for Cuban wage earners as 
though they had received a sizable 
increase in pay, and the benefits 
were immediately feit, also, by thou- 
sands of retail merchants. 

^Mortgage rates were reduced in 
order to provide relief for the smal- 
ler landlords. 

TlUnder a Cabinet decree, owners 
of Idle property in urban areas 
were compelled to build on their 
vacant lots, or to put them up for 
sale to builders, in an effort to create 
employment, to end real estate spec- 
ulation and to provide desperately 
needed urban space for industrial 
development. 

ITax laws were revised to reduce 
the number of different taxes by 
about two-thirds and to provide a 
more equitable distribution of the 
tax load. Collections were rigorous- 
ly enforced, and thousands of tax- 
dodgert now foilnd themselves pay- 
ing not only current but past taxes, 
which they had thought to evade. 



(Uf 30,000 members of Havana's 
twelve most exclusive clubs, it was 
found that only 6,000 had ever even 
filed tax returns.) 

Although there was some grum- 
bling, principally among landlords 
whose rentals were reduced, the re- 
action to the first reforms of the 
new government was generally fa- 
vorable. The business classes had 
asked for honest government, and 
they discovered that they were get- 
ting it "for almost the first time," 
said The New York Times corres- 
pondent Herbert Matthews, "since 
Columbus discovered the island." 

It quickly became evident, how- 
ever, that the provisional govern- 
ment had no intention of stopping 
at this point. 

The big U.S.-owned utility com- 
panies were next to feel the effects 
of reform. Government interventors 
were installed to oversee the affairs 
of the Compafiia Cubana de Elec- 
tricidad, a $300,000,000 subsidiary 
of the American & Foreign Power 
Corporation, supplying 90 per cent 
of Cuba's electrical power. After an 
inspection of the books, the com- 
pany was ordered to extend its rural 
service and to reduce its rates by 
30 per cent. 

The books of the Cuban Telephone 
Company, a subsidiary of Interna- 
tional Telephone & Telegraph, rep- 
resenting a $115,000,000 investment, 
were also examined. Rate increases 
which had been granted by the Ba- 
tista government wera abolished, 
and the company was ordered to 
improve its notoriously inadequate 
and inefficient service. 

The government had already 
armed itself with authority to im- 
pose controls on currency and im- 
ports, to halt the flight of Cuban 
capital and to restore a lopsided bal- 
ance of payments. Within the first 
few months of the new administra- 
tion, imports were reduced by more 
than 30 per cent, the curbs being 
applied primarily te non-essential 
goods — e.g., bottled alcoholic bever- 
ages and television sets. Since Cuba 
had been the world's sixth greatest 
market for U.S. manufactured and 
agricultural products, it is not sur- 
prising .that there should have been 
repercussions. TT»e worst' fears of 
U.S. investors w«re confirmed in 



June, with the piromulgation of the 
Agrarian Reform Law. 

THE distribution of idle govern- 
ment land holdings to landless can- 
perinoi had already begun. CtM- 
jiroj in the Sierra Maestra who had 
lived for generations on land nomi- 
nally owned by absentee landlords 
under ancient Spanish grants had 
also been assured of title to their 
plots. The next step — under the 
Agrarian Reform Law — was to in- 
voke the provisions of the Cuban 
Constitution of 1940 which, although 
never enforced, had strictly forbid- 
den the holding of Uilijundinj, i.e., 
more than a thousand acres In a 
single property. 

Exceptions were permitted in the 
new law to allow maximum hold- 
ings of 3,316 acres in rice and cattle 
lands — where it could be demon- 
strated that such holdings would be 
in the interest of more efficient pro- 
duction. 

Holdings beyond the legal maxi- 
mums were subject to expropriation, 
the land so acquired by the state 
to b<j distributed among Cuba's 
700,000 landless peasants, with pref- 
erence to be given to the sharecrop- 
pers or squatters actually living on 
the expropriated property. Each fam- 
ily was assured of two cabaJUrias 
(66'/! acres) gratis, and the privi- 
lege of purchasing three additional 
caballenas. 

The law forbade the ownership of 
sugar-cane holdings by mill owners, 
the purpose being to break up the 
large monopolies in the interest of 
the peasants and small cane-growers. 
Ownership of Cuban land by for- 
eigners, whether acquired by pur- 
chise or inheritance, was forbidden, 
and likewise the ownership of land 
by stock companies in which for- 
eigners might hold shares. 

THE owners were shocked by the 
compensation offered for the prop- 
erty to be expropriated: twenty- 
year government bonds bearing 414 
per cent interest. Although they 
had for many years enjoyed extreme- 
ly low taxation as the result of 
minimal assessments, they were now 
dismayed to learn that expropria- 
tion payments wo^ld be based on 
these same evaluations. 



102 



PAIR PLAT FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



TTie American press was prompt 
to denounce the agrarian reform as 
confiscatory. The complaints of the 
sugar cartel were translated into the 
language most familiar to the Amer- 
ican newspaper-reading public: the 
land-reform program was a Kremlin- 
inspired plot to destroy free enter- 
prise. In Washington, there was 
talk of reducing the Cuban suear 
quota, an idea particularly appeal- 
ing to the sugar Senators of Louisi- 
ana and to those legislators with an 
interest in Hawaiian and Puerto 
Rican cane sugar or U.S. beet sugar. 
(The question comes up for action 
in the current session of Congress.) 
Altogether, nearly two million 
acres of cane-land owned or control? 
led by United States interests was 
marked for expropriation, final ac- 
tion being deferred until after the 
1959-1960 zafra, or winter harvest, 
so as not to interfere with sugar 
production. The first of the big 
American-owned cattle ranches to 
be expropriated, the 33,SOO-acre 
King ranch in Camaguey, was for- 
mally seized by the Agrarian Reform 
Institute on November 15. The 
total extent of other American- 
owned ranches and other holdings 
marked for expropriation is thought 
to be about a million acres. 

In Havana, the government 
launched what was viewed as another 
"shaft" aimed at U.S. business in- 
terests: a 5 per cent tax on the value 
of minerals extracted by mining 
companies, and a 25 per cent tax 
on the value of minerals or ores 
exported from Cuba. A subsequent 
measure brought the oil deposits 
of the island under the control of 
the industrial division of the Agra- 
rian Reform Institute. 

When, in November, the Havana 
government suddenly and without 
explanation replaced Dr. Felipe Pa- 
208 as president of the Cuban Na- 
tional Bank with one of the most 
radical of the Cuban revolutionary 
leaders. Dr. Ernesto "Che" Guevara, 
it was felt that the worst had in- 
deed come to the worst. 

IT IS easily possible to trace a 
rough correspondence . between the 
policy decisions and actions of the 
revolutionary government and the 
riae and fall of the decible level of 
the anti-Castro propaganda cam- 



paign in the United States and else- 
where. 

Tlie journalistic image of Fidel 
Castro varied, even during the 
struggle against Batista, in ratio 
to the assessment made of his inten- 
tions and capabilities in financial 
and diplomatic quarters. One saw, 
in succession, the romantic bour- 
geois hero (supported by the "best 
elements" of Cuban society), the 
potentially dangerous fanatic ("Burn 
the cane! After Batista we will have 
a zafra of liberty!"), the bearded 
leader of what Senator F.llender cal- 
led "a bunch of bandits, burning 
sugar plantations." 

By the end of the first month of 
jidelista control, the international 
wire services and their clients m the 
United States were In full cry against 
the new government, and It was dif- 
ficult to distinguish the "liberal" 
journals — which had hitherto viewed 
Castro with cautious sympathy — 
from the most reactionary. The hnr- 
den of the wave of criticism was 
humanitarian concern for the "vic- 
tims" of the revolutionary tribunals, 
but the underlying preoccupation 
was apparent in speculation as to the 
probable economic orientation of the 
new regime. 

As early as January — Fidel's first 
month in power — U.S. News and 
World Report, among other con- 
servative journals, was Inquiring as 
to the possibility of a dictatorship 
taking shape in Cuba, and it may 
be significant that, during the same 
period. Associated Press analyst Wil- 
liam Ryan, for one, perceived the 
clear possibility of U.S. intervention 
to save Cuba from "chaos." 

IN MAY, with the beginning of 
the "Communist beach head" scare, 
initiated on television and echoed 
by the Hearst press, there was re- 
newed talk of intervention, this time 
to save Cuba not from chaos but 
from communism. United Press In- 
ternational's vice president, Lyie C. 
Wilson, speculated that Communists 
probably would "take over" the Cu- 
ban government, and predicted that 
in such a circumstance "the United 
States would promptly apply force 
to prevent the Reds from getting a 
foothold in the island Republic," 
adding: "The United States wouldn't 



tolerate communism in our back 
yard." 

The attempts of the Havana gov- 
ernment to cope with the Increasing- 
ly disruptive conspiracies of counter- 
revoliitlon.iry elements both inside 
and outside of Cuba during the 
summer and fall of 1959 simply 
provided more fuel for the anti- 
Castro press campaign. The techni- 
que employed to discredit the rev- 
olutionary leadership is Illustrated 
in the following excerpt from News- 
week magazine's edition of Novem- 
ber 9: 

The rcvolutioniiry tribunals are 
coming back, .ind so are the firing 
squnds. The mob h.ns shouted Its ap- 
proval of Premier Fidel Castro's plan 
to arm the pe.isants and the workers. 
. . . They are not a bloodthirsty peo- 
ple, these Habanercis who keep cry- 
ing "To the firing squad!" The trouble 
is that they've been so brainwashed 
that whatever C.TStro says they auto- 
matically believe. 

Who is trying to brainwash whom 
— and with what object.' To be 
evaluated properly, the above quota- 
tion should be compared with an- 
other, published about the same 
time, from Hearst columnist David 
Sentner; 

Wmhtnglon: The United States 
must immedl.itely lend a movement 
by the Organization of American 
St.ites and the U.N. for the repbce- 
ment of the Communist-dominated 
Castro regime In Cuba. Otherwise 
within six to eight months, many 
other Latin American nations will 
follow the Castro pattern and con- 
fiscate all American property. 

So predicts Dr. Einlllo Nunez Por- 
tuondo, former U.N. Security Coun- 
cil President and distinguished Cuban 
diplomat. . . . 

Sentner does not trouble to iden- 
tify the "distinguished Cuban dip- 
lomat" as Batista's former United 
Nations representative or as the so- 
called "intellectual leader" of the 
anti-Castro balistianos-\n-e\t\e wiitfe 
headquarters in Ciudad--Trujillo. 
However, he does say that the Cas- 
tro regime has placed "a big death- 
price" on Nunez Portuondo's head, 
and goes on to quote him at length 
concerning an alleged plot, instigated 
by Moscow and Peking, to "com- 
munize" Cuba. 

It is not too difficult to see the 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



103 



relitionship between the Newsioeek 
article and the Hearst columnist's 
interview with Nunez Portuondo. 
The one, painting a lurid picture of 
an evil, tyrannical, menacing regime, 
prepares U.S. public opinion for 
what the other bluntly proposes: an 
overt military attack on that same 
regime in the name of humanity, or 
self-defense, or something equally 
moral. 

Thus it would seem that Fidel 
Castro's apprehensions with regard 
to the possibility of foreign inter- 
vention, dismissed in the American 
press as mere ranting or evidence of 
paranoia, could have some basis. 
And hence the preoccupation in Ha- 
vana with counter-revolutionary 
conspiracies, both at home and 
abroad. The possibility of a suc- 
cessful countei -revolution in Cuba 
at the present time is so remote as 
to be non-existent. On the other 
hand, the existence of a counter-rev- 
olutionary force, small but well fi- 
nanced, with a firm base in Santo 
Domingo, powerful backing in the 
United States and a manpower pool 
of former Batista soldiers, policemen 
and displaced petty officials in Cuba 
itself, does pose a serious threat to 
the revolution. 

It was, after all, the fideliitai 
themselves who demonstrated how 
much confusion could be sown, and 
how much damage done to an econ- 
omy, by a handful of fanatics. 

But this is to discuss the lesser 
evil. The real danger lies in the use 
to which the appearance of a coun- 
ter-revolution could be put — if the 
United States were inclined to in- 

A Chilean View 




TopAE, SaDtlago 
Uncle Sam: "Each Day That Rumba 
Looki More Curious." 



tervene in Cuba. A widespread, last- 
ing campaign of terrorism, endan- 
gering American lives and property, 
would most certainly produce a 
ringing appeal for outside aid, in 
which Cuban conservatives would 
join. And although Washington — 
recalling the world-wide political re- 
percussions of its thinly diiguised 
intervention in Guatemala in 1954 — 
would not be anxious to follow the 
same course again, it is easy to see 
how Nuriez Portuondo's plan might 
be adopted, i.e.. United States mili- 
tary intervention under the aegis of 
the Organization of American States. 

HOW MUCH of the sound and fury 
of the U.S. press campaign, with its 
incessant theme of Communist "in- 
filtration" in the Caribbean, has 
been justified by the actual devel- 
opments of the first year of revolu- 
tionary government in Cuba? 

From the point of view of the 
great Cuban landowners, the import- 
export bankers, the sugar cartel, the 
immediate dollar interests threaten- 
ed, no doubt aU of it is justified. 
From a more liberal, not to say more 
humane, position, very little indeed. 

The picture of a Cuba domi- 
nated by Moscow or Peking is not 
supported by a nose-count of Com- 
munists in its government or in the 
armed forces. Their number is neg- 
ligible, their influence minimal. Nor 
do the results of last year's union 
elections vindicate the notion of sig- 
nificant Communist influence in the 
ranks of organized labor. In the 
500,000 - member Sugar Workers 
Federation, to cite an instance. 
Communist candidates were elected 
in only eight of 243 locals. Not a 
single Communist was elected to the 
executive board of the Confedera- 
tion of Cuban Workers. 

The revival of the revolutionary 
tribunals in October was the Castro 
government's answer to a series of 
counter-revolutionary threats dating 
back to August, when an invasion 
from Santo Domingo was aborted 
with the capture of a planeload of 
arms sent by Dominican dictator 
Rafael Trujillo. The civil courts, 
rubber stamps for the Batista re- 
gime, had not yet been sufficiently 
reorganized to cope with any large 
number of trials or to dispense the 
speedy justice which would serve a* 



a deterrent to further insurrection. 

Further conflicts of ideology and 
interest are inevitable. It would be 
remarkable if a far-reaching social 
and economic revolution could be 
achieved in any country without 
such conflicts. 

Fidel Castro is by no meant above 
criticism. He has leaned far too 
heavily on his own political gifts, 
his personal influence, his oratorical 
skill, to solve the pressing problems 
with which he has been confronted. 
The result has been an appearance 
of demagogy which has alienated 
many of his erstwhile supporters 
and awakened deep concern even in 
the most liberal quarters. 

The question remains whether it 
would have been possible to imple- 
ment the progr.im which has given 
the Cuban m;isses their first glimpse 
of hope, and the island the first 
honest government in its history, 
by less arbitrary, more conventional 
methods. One concludes, however 
reluctantly: no. 

THE history of half a century of 
parliamentary procedure and ballot- 
box representation provides almost 
overwhelming evidence of the simple 
fact that political democracy is 
meaningless without a generous 
measure of economic democracy. 
The introduction of the ballot box 
in Cuba heralded nothing more than 
an exchange of absentee landlords, 
Spanish for American, and the rise 
of a class of scavenging professional 
politicians whose hire was the loot 
of a rampant spoils system and 
whose ultimate effect was to pave 
the way for the ultimate disaster: 
Batista. It is certainly not surpris- 
ing that Fidel Castro considers a 
public-opinion poll or a show of 
hands in the park in front of the 
Presidential palace a relatively sat- 
isfactory substitute for national 
elections. Nor is it surprising that 
the great mass of the people in Cuba 
today show little interest in the 
subject. 

The Cuban conservatives who are 
presently calling for elections are 
precisely those individuals who have 
had the most experience at manipu- 
lating the electoral process for their 
own private ends. It is most im- 
probable that any candidate opposed 
to the jidelista program, or not en- 



IM 



FAIR PLAT FOB CUBA. COMMITTBB 



dorsed by the revolutionary move- 
ment, could win an election in Cuba 
at this time. But there is no doubt, 
either, that an election campaign 
would serve as a sounding board for 
the spokesmen of powerful reaction- 
ary interests, would sow confusion 
and help to revive a counter-revo- 
hitionary effort not yet fully under 
control. It would profoundly dis- 
hearten the Cuban man in the street 
who has learned through half a cen- 
tury to equate the ballot box with 
the pistol, the dishonest peso, and 
the privileged few who have been 
the exponents, practitioners and prin- 
cipal beneficiaries of Cuban elec- 
tions. 

CERTAINLY a great deal is at stake 
for the Cuban people. The organi- 
zation of some SOO agricultural co- 
operatives, the construction of hun- 
dreds of schools, hospitals and low- 
cost housing units, early evidence of 
a new economic independence sig- 
naled by increasing production of 
rice and other staples, all indicate 
how great the stake really is. 

For the United States, too, the 
stake is high, regardless of how such 
questions as the matter of compen- 
sation for expropriated U.S. prop- 
erties are worked out. Cuba is the 
focal point of a manifestation that 
seems certain to spread farther in 
the hemisphere, and the United 
States can hardly afford to be in- 
different. To cite a relevant passage 
by Herbert Matthews in The New 
y'ork Time J : 

About one-quarter of all our ex- 
ports go to Latin America and one- 
third of our imports come from the 
area. United States private invest- 
ments in Latin America now reach 
the amazing total of about $9.5 bil- 
lion. ... At every point it has to 
be said: "If we did not have Latin 
America on our side, our situation 
would be desperate. To be denied the 
products and markets of Latin Amer- 
ica would reduce the United States 
to being a second-rate nation and 
cause a devastating reduction in our 
standard of living. . . . Latin Amer- 
ican raw materials are essential to 
our existence as a world power. A 
friendly Latin America is necessary 
to our military security." 



Apparently this, and not the mere 
dollar investment in Cuba, big as it 
may be, is the heart of the matter. 
The question remaining is — what to 
do about it? 

It was the end of Worid War II 
that marked the close of the colonial 
period and the beginning of a wave 
of profound political, social and eco- 
nomic change throughout the world. 
In every instance, the e.ssential 
drives are the same: for independ- 
ence, self-determination, economic 
emancipation, social justice. 

In the underdeveloped agricultu- 
ral nations — and that defines most, if 
not all, of the American republics — 
the essential first step toward free- 
dom is: agrarian reform. To with- 
hold that is to withhold everything. 
To attempt to defend a dying feud- 
alism is to face not the risk, but the 
certainty, sooner or later, of losing 
— everything. 

"Whether history will record Cu- 
ba's Fidel Castro as an earnest pa- 
triot or a fellow-traveling adven- 
turer," writes our former ambassador 
to India, Chester Bowles, "is any- 
body's guess. But one fact is alrea- 
dy clear. His land-reform program 
... is indubitably in line with Latin 
American sentiment." 

It is perhaps natural that the 
powerful interests threatened by so- 
cial and economic change in Cuba 
and elsewhere should try to stem 
the tide. But it is not well-advised, 
and it would be a pity il their in- 
fluence were to prevail in Washing- 
ton. 

Talk of punishing Cuba by cutting 
the sugar quota is nonsense. Cuba 
is not merely the world's major sugar 
producer, but virtually the only 
sugar-producing country that does 
not consume the bulk of what it 
produces. Cuban sugar supplies the 
need of the entire eastern third of 
the United States, and it is a vital 
supply, price-supported not merely 
because it is in large measure U.S.- 
owned, but because it is indis- 
pensable, as has been demonstrated 
in two world wars. To threaten 
economic sanctions against the Cu- 
ban government is to invite retalia- 
tion; e.g., Cuba could easily double 
its sugar production and dump a 



vast and ruinous surplus on the 
world market in defiance of all ex- 
isting marketing agreements. 



FIDEL CASTRO remains as much 
the symbol of revolution — and of 
hope — in Latin America at large as 
he was for Cuba during the long 
struggle in the mountains of Oriente. 
The same forces that produced the 
Cuban revolution are at play 
throughout the hemisphere; the 
same aspirations that kindled the 
imagination of the guajiros of the 
Sierra M.icstra .nnd the bank clerks 
of Havana in 1957 is stirring in the 
hearts of the cane cutters of Santo 
Domingo and the bank clerks of 
Lima in 1960. There is no doubt 
that the Cuban revolution has ac- 
celerated the revolutionary process 
greatly, and perhaps has given it a 
shape that it never had before. It was 
no coincidence, but a warning, that 
Panamanian rioters storming into 
the Panama Canal Zone in Decem- 
ber should have adopted "Viva Fi- 
del Castro!" as their battle cry. 

Former Ambassador Bowles, urg- 
ing a realistic compromise with the 
inevitable, advises: 

We can adjust ourselves in ad- 
vance to the certainty that reason 
will not always prevail, that injustices 
will almost sttrely occur, and that 
the short-term price p.Tid for long- 
term stability will often appear ex- 
orbitant. 

Above all, let us not lose sight of 
the essential issue. The real choice 
in Latin Ame.'ica, as in Asia and 
Africa, is citizenship or serfdom, hope 
or dcsp.Tir, orderly political grmvth or 
bloody upheaval. Our failure to un- 
derstand this choice, or to support 
the vital new elements which are 
striving to assert leadership, would 
be catastrophic. 

What Bowles has to say is worth 
considering. The Congress, preparing 
to set the new sugar quota, might 
well think it over, and so might the 
State Department, before proceeding 
to implement the "firmer policy" to- 
ward Cuba that was announced only 
last week. 



Appendix III 
Exhibit No. 9 

[Note. — The subcommittee has been furnished two transcripts of Mr. Tynan's 
program. They differ in some respects. The first one was obtained from Asso- 
ciation Television Limited, of London, England, which carried the program; the 
second was furnished bv Mr. Tynan's counsel. It has been decided to print the 
second, but to indicate Dy parentheses any words or phrases which do not appear 
in the first copy, and to insert between brackets such material from the first 
copy as does not appear, or differs from, the second copy. 

[The program was titled "We Dissent" and the transcript gives the transmission 
date as Jan. 27, I960.— Editor.] 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 105 

WILUAM CLARK 

Good evening. This is William Clark and I returned just a few weeks ago from 
several months in the United States, where I have been almost every year since 
I went as a student in 1938. 

Each time America seems more prosperous. Indeed, for 200 years, with a few 
temporary setbacks, that has been so till today Ameiica produces, earns, and 
spends more per person than any other people in the world. Of course there are 
inequalities, but this prosperity is for most of the many not just for the few. 
And most Americans do seem content with these lavish rewards. 

Yet there is another tradition in America: a proud tradition of dissent. The 
Pilgrim Fathers sailed across the Atlantic because they were religious dissenters; 
the Founding Fathers — Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton — created the United 
States because they dissented politically from George III. 

Have wealth and conformity, grey flannel suits and ranch homes killed that 
revolutionary urge, and smothered dissent and discontent? Well — have they? 

(Short statements ending on statement from Trevor Thomas.) 

"You will be hearing more of these people because this is their document — a 
platform for Americans who have doubts about the American way of life. We 
think it important for these varied minority views to be seen in Britain as a 
reminder that the America of the so-called American Century is not just what it 
appears on the surface — in fact, it is still a dynamic society with new ideas, wise 
and foolish, half-baked and profound, bubbling up inside it. 

First of all, let's get clear what Americans mean by conformity and find out 
just how powerful some think dissent is in America today. Let's start in New 
York. 

And get the opinion of Professor Wright Mills, on the campus of Columbia 
University with his students. 

WRIGHT MILLS 

When you ask the question what do you mean by conformity and dissent, you 
assume that all men tend to be political and that they either conform or that 
they dissent. Now neither of those situations is really the case for some people 
at least in the United States today. The situation is a third. Namely, that 
they don't care either way, that they neither accept nor reject. So that the 
problem of conformity versus dissent I should rephrase and say that it has been 
displaced in the U.S. scene as well as elsewhere, as a problem of apathy, of political 
indifference, of just not caring. I suppose this sort of thing is most hkely to 
happen in a society which is doine; very well economically but I don't think that 
is the only cause of it. In the United States today there is no broad base of 
dissent, there is no broad instrumentality that is available for dissent and hence 
the people who are rejecting the current trends of affairs and those in charge of 
them, they tend to be scattered, they tend to be less groups than grouplets, scat- 
tered individuals, and they tend to be, of course, small circulation magazines. 
As far as the American labour movement is concerned, it is, of course, almost 
entirely an adaptive organization. It doesn't act, it's simply acted upon and 
then it reacts and it sees politics simply as a means for strictly economic or bread 
and butter ends; and hence since there is no party which is significantly different 
from any other party, as far as real power is concerned, a struggle for power, 
which is what you mean by politics. I don't see very much dissent what you 
might call dissent at all. I think it is confined to small groups of intellectuals in 
and out of universities and I think even there it tends to dry up very quickly. 

In a world of Thomas Payne, all it took to speak and to speak effectively was 
a printing press. I don't know what it cost, but it certainly didn't cost what six 
issues of a relatively small circulation magazine would cost today. So that the 
capital requirement of these means of communication, not only newspapers (and 
magazines) but radio and television, have now become enormous. And hence, 
when we speak of freedom to speak just in that minimum sense of dissent, with 
any kind of effectiveness, well you have to speak of capitalism in the sense that 
it now owns those instrumentalities. And so perhaps the biggest obstacle to 
intellectuals' dissenting, assuming that they wish to, which I don't think many 
do, would be access to the means of communication. Freedom of speech as a 
formal fact exists, of course, quite fully in the United States. Nobody locks you 
up. But on the other hand, nobody has to lock you up because many intellectuals 
are locking themselves up. 



106 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

CLARK 

From Columbia to Greenwich Village, the Chelsea of New York, and Alex 
King, whose autobiography was a best seller, and whose highly unorthodox 
opinions attracted so much surprised attention in his own one-man American 
television series. We asked him how much nonconformity there is in Ajaerica 
today. 

ALEX KING 

There is very little. There has always been very little. You know, when I 
was a very small boy below my teens, I once asked my mother, "Mother what is a 
prostitute?" And she looked kind of worried, she was a rather outspoken woman 
but I pressed her and I said, "Please tell me." And I had heard something about 
it and I said, "Has it got something to do with sex?" and she said, "Not neces- 
sarily," and finally she said, "You see a prostitute is someone who when you spit 
in their face, they say it is raining." And this is about the size of it. There were 
always a lot of prostitutes in the world and there are just more now. And to be 
nonconformist means that you're not a prostitute yet, not altogether. And I have 
been particularly aware of this because originally I was an artist and I was a book 
illustrator. Later I was a magazine editor and now of course I am mixed up with 
book writing and worst of all with television, you see. And the amount of prosti- 
tution increased in each case. Until now I'm absolutely surrounded by whores. 
There are some who are not; I'm not going to mention their names because they'll 
lose their jobs. But I think that's about the nature of it, you see we're all cor- 
rupted, everyone of us is corrupted, and the tendency of our life is to corrupt us 
more each day. 

You know what interests me about television, so much that when I go to do my 
stint on anybody else's programme or my own, the people backstage, all of them 
are enormously well paid, inordinately well paid, speak to you with a sort of furtive 
smile, like conspirators, like we're all involved in a gargantuan swindle that is 
going to be discovered any minute, and we'll have to give back our Chriscrafts, 
our Jaguars, our expensive wives and children and trade them in for cheaper ones. 
And even actors of some (reputation) [repute] that you meet, in television studios, 
sort of apologize as if to say "I'm here for the money." 

[Now you know perfectly well, just because a man has invented, let us say, an 
inferior, nauseating sandwich spread, does not or should not give him the au- 
thority to decide what sort of entertainment I shall have the next two years. 
Never has any potential art form been so invaded by idiots, by nitwits, and by 
numbskulls.] 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Apathy and super commercialism — so far these seem to be the forces favouring 
conformity, stifling dissent. What are the others? 

We put this question to someone now living in obscurity, his State Department 
career cut short by a famous trial in which he was convicted of perjury: Alger Hiss. 

ALGER HISS 

I think this is a very big question because there are so many. I would think 
certainly one of them in the past ten years has been fear; sort of a nameless fear, 
but a fear of the unknown, of unusual, unexpected things. As a result of that, the 
thing sort of spread. There has been a tendency to conform in the professions, in 
education, and even in cultural matters. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Mr. Hiss had something to say about the legal profession, for which he was 
originally trained. 

ALGER HISS 

Well, this is one of our finest areas of valuable nonconformity, I would say. 
Our greatest jurist-consul would be Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, whom I knew 
briefly for a year when I was his secretary. 

Throughout his career he was noted and famed for his independence of thought, 
his grandeur of thought, and was actually known as the "great dissenter" — -he 
and Justice Brandeis, another person in the same general category, a man who 
thought beautifully for himself. It is interesting that in more recent years what 
used to be Justice Holmes' lonely voice has become much more the majority 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 107 

voice, not through any conformity from outside but because of the validity of 
his o\\ n opinions and judgment, coming somewhat belatedly to be recognized. 
So that to sum it up, 1 would say that our legal tradition is one that recognizes 
and lias benefited tremendously by the power of nonconformist thought. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

(He saw possibilities of change in American politics.) 

ALrEIt HISS 

I [don't] (can't) imagine any dynamic, growing, developing country whose 
political scene wasn't constantly changing, and certainly this wouldn't be ne\y in 
American history, American tradition. We've had dilTcrent parties appearing, 
Teddy Roosevelt's party, the Progressive Party, the Deb-i Party, and more re- 
cently Henry Wallace's party. So I feel confident that it doesn't take much 
clairvoyance to anticipate that any growing developing country will of course 
mould its political institutions to lit its growing needs and developments. I (cer- 
tainly) would think it likely that unless the two existing parties, perhaps by chang- 
ing their own patterns, meet the needs, then they win have to anticipate the de- 
velopment and a growth of a new one. 

CLARK 

You may recognize this as the work of Jules Feiifer, who expresses his dissent 
in cartoons. What does he dissent from in American life? 

JULES FEIFFER 

I think apathy is the prime thing and the apathy has led to withdrawal. I'm 
really less bothered by things like political reaction than I am by the fact that 
there is no countermeasure against political reaction, that people don't get excited, 
people * * * it would be lovely to see a few fanatics around. It would be 
lovely to see somebody screaming, somebody yelling, somebody really getting 
enthusiastic about picketing. 

We have reached the age of ultimate toleration. Awhile ago, we had here in 
New York, a man called George Meteski who was called the Mad Bomber who 
put little bags of bombs in telephone booths in Grand Central Station and he 
could have hurt a lot of people. Everybody loved him. He became a hero, a 
folk hero. I think that there's much more attention paid to the personality 
rather than the intent of people, that a man with an attractive, fetching, person- 
ality can say, "Let's blow up the world tomorrow," and if he's cute, maybe 
boyish looking like John Kennedy, everybody will say, "Isn't that ch irming," 
and nobody listens. I could see a Hitler arising today and screaming his screams 
and people sitting passively by and saying, "Well you have to understand the 
home he came from," and, "He means well." 

And nobody pays attention to the issues. Probably because the (frightening) 
issue today is whether we can bypass next year or not and it's too horrible to 
contemplate. Not just who's going to win this local war or who's not going to 
win this local war, it's what's going to be left and nothing is going to be left. 
Nobody wants to think about that. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

So far conformity seems the bugbear for those we've heard; yet by complaining 
about it they help to keep alive the tradition of nonconformity. One of the oldest 
established dissenters is Norman Thomas, who six times ran for the Presidency 
as candidate of the American Socialist Party. Today, at 75, sitting on a terrace 
overlooking Central Park, he is as salty and tough as ever. 

NORMAN THOMAS 

Two or three years ago, three or four years ago I forget just how many, some- 
body at Princeton University started a discussion on the question of why such 
conformity. And it was rolling along when a young fellow who had just recently 
made the editorial board, appropriately perhaps, named John Milton, wrote 
a statement in which he said, "Why shouldn't we be conformists?" And he 
cited a circular, a pamphlet very widely given to applicants for jobs by one of our 

76374 0-61 -8 



108 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

great oil companies, and in that they had a paragraph entitled "Personal Opinions." 
It followed "Personal Habits" and now it was "Personal Opinions." Your 

gersonal habits, you mustn't be alcoholic. Your personal opinions, you must 
e conservative. They can get you in a lot of trouble, it said. So be sure to 
keep them conservative, and to elaborate the theme. Well, this by way of the 
Princetonian got into the alumni weekly and I was an alumnus of Princeton 
(and I read it) and I was rather horrified. And it happened that I was going to 
speak at a college conference. So that gave me an excuse for calling up the com- 
pany and demanding to know if the story was correct, and what they had to say. 
They sent down rather promptly that the man who wTote it, a very naive public 
relations man, full of ginger, you know, and bounce. And he was so happy to 
think he'd written this. "Why," he said, "we've circulated 400,000 copies of 
this in practically all of the leading universities, at least east of the Mississippi, 
and nobody has ever complained before and I literally couldn't make him under- 
stand why I thought this was irregular. So I appealed to a higher authority 
who did understand, and we brought about a verbal revision that was quite 
satisfactory. But so little interest was there in this whole scheme of things that 
we owe it all to a college boy to discover that this peculiar verbal acknowledg- 
ment of the fact that in order to get ahead, you want to conform, be a man in 
the grey flannel suit, be an organization man. 

Oh, we're still a democracy, an imperfect democracy ; but I'm not decrying it alto- 
gether, but practically we're governed by four bureaucracies. The Civil Govern- 
ment bureaucracy, the Military bureaucracy, the bureaucracy of management in 
big business, and big labor. That balance operates it, it may be shaken by some 
developments in labor legislation, and the steel strike, but it's operated the last 
ten years rather smoothly, in a kind of agreement and it's an agreement to enjoy 
life, to get as many things as we can create. To have the kind of city we look at 
over this terrace. But always under fear, for we know perfectly well that one 
mistake, one accident, one passion, could result in the ruin of it all. And we don't 
much like to think about it, and we don't know very well what to do; we ordinary 
people feel very strongly but we get no distinguished and imaginative leadership 
in our government. And the individual dissenter, nonconformist, has not exactly 
a voice crying in the wilderness; he's a voice crying in a mad world where we know 
that all this pomp and pride and all our comfort could go so easily. And knowing 
it, we don't know what to do, we escape, we evade; we don't argue, we evade. 

We've got some organization, we're beginning to get a little more interest, 
more widely distributed, at least stopping tests and trying to check the nuclear 
armament. But there is no mass surge and no apparent leadership. I have a 
feeling all the time as if it may be just emerging. For I do not think of us as 
hopelessly sunk in the kind of apathy I've been describing. If I didn't believe 
that, I'd find it hard to carry on. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Hard to carry on, perhaps, but Norman Thomas does stiU carry on. If the 
dissenters today lack leaders there is a new generation of individual dissenters 
growing up. In a moment we'U take a look at them. 

NIPSEY RUSSELL 

The summer season was splendid. It was such a thrill to go out to the beach 
in the summer, you know, and you see the girls stretched out on the beaches with 
bronze coloring, the oil, the suntan lotion. They just stretch there in the sun — 
sun baking in that golden color. You can't tell the Mau Mau from the Ku Klux 
Klan, sometimes. I never go to the beach to get brown. I stay brown all year 
round. And all the way down. No bathing suit marks on me. None of this 
two-tone. 

[Looking back on the past year, these months have been remarkable indeed. 
Well, they've settled the integration difficulty in the south, insofar as it pertains 
to transportation. Oh, the southern whites were saying: "I will not sit beside 
a negro." The Negroes were saying: "To hell with it; I'll sit where I please." 
So that settled it. They tore out the seats and now everybody's standing up 
together. Very nice. Well, they never said they wouldn't stand together. 
They just wouldn't sit together.] 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 109 



WILLIAM CLARK 

Nipsey Russell appearing as he does each night at a night olub in Harlem, New 
York's Negro quarter. An individual dissenter who uses humor to reflect (and 
color) the bitterness of his race. 

NIPSEY RUSSELL 

And then integration in the school is progressing, I had occasion to address 
that group of students in Little Rock under the supervision of Miss Daisy Bates. 
I told them, I said: "Children, you're going Into the Central High this year, the 
local law enforcement agency and the Federal Government will stand behind the 
decree of the Supreme Court. So you're going into School. However," I said, 
"in this sociological drama, you will portray a rather poignant role. Do nothing, 
therefore, to disparage our cause. You represent the whole Negro faction. I 
say this because people are inclined to think collectively. Whatever you do will 
reflect upon our whole race. So when you go into that school, don't go around 
slapping people in the face and spitting on each other in the lunch room and all that 
nonsense. Don't go into that school," I begged them, "with switchblades in your 
pocket. This is so stereotyped it would reflect negatively on us. Don't go into 
that school," I told them, "cutting at people with razors. Go into the school 
proud, with your head held high. With a gun and some hand grenades, a dyna- 
mite cap, a flamethrower, some poison gas, artillery pieces. It's a classroom 
ballistic missiles. Let them see we can be civilized too. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Now to turn to a writer, Norman Mailer, whose brilliant crude war novel, 
"The Naked and the Dead," gave him an international reputation which did not 
break his dissenting spirit. Two years ago Mailer moved towards a philosophy of 
total individualism, which he calls hipsterism. What is that? 

NORMAN MAILER 

Well, a hipster is a man who has divorced himself from history; he's a man who 
doesn't give any kind of a God damn about the experience of the past. The 
hipster could be called in a kind of a way a psychopath, a man who lives with 
nothing but an enormously intense sense of the present. His ideas, such as they 
are, are derived very much from the experience of the Negro. The Negro has 
really been the center of the hip in America, because the Negro never really be- 
longed to American life. And so for that reason he had to develop a life of his own, 
a life which had as little to do with the white man's laws as possible. And the 
Negro, in the course of doing this, developed a morality which was sufficient for 
him although it had absolutely nothing to do \\'ith history, institutions, or the 
culture of the past. And of course I oversimplify it enormously, there are at least 
half of the Negroes in America are much more like whites than they are like Ne- 
groes by now. But it does to me seem true that the most adventurous and the 
most lively of the Negroes in America has developed a tradition of living in the 
present which has been almost an underground tradition and has by now given 
the boring, cancerous state of American life this new tradition of the Negro — ^has 
come to have an enormous appeal to Americans because it's a way of staying alive, 
it's a way of finding one's growth. Now it's quite nihilistic, of course, and it's 
quite ruthless in a way, everyone is, if you take it to its end, obviously every 
hipster must be first concerned with his own needs and pay [the minimum of] 
(very little) attention to the needs of others unless they happen to agree with his 
own. But what it does do that makes for a certain interest and vitality in Ameri- 
can life is that it makes one redefine and relive all one's past experience and par- 
ticularly all of one's present experience. And as a novelist, one of the reasons 
I'm quite obsessed with it, is that it turns morality inside out. And one's really 
got to learn how to write all over again which is the, I think, only interesting reason 
to stay a writer because if no one learns how to write, it gets pretty dull. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

And so we see dissent leading to disengagement, to men who express their dis- 
agreement with modern American society by ceasing to be part of it. It is this 
self-willed renunciation which I feel characterizes the widely but often falsely 
publicized Beat Generation. The cradle of the movement is 'way out west in 



110 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

San Francisco, and the place where the cradle really rocks is Grant Avenue, a pre- 
cipitous street full of bars, coffee-houses and hard-core Beats. The movement 
began about 12 years ago, when a handful of poets and painters decided — as they 
put it — to "disaffiliate" themselves from the pressures of American life. At times 
they erupt into parades like this one, held to celebrate the launching of a new 
publishing house in their district. The Procession culminates, like so many Beat 
evenings in a poetry reading. After the meeting we asked Bob Kaufman, who 
had addressed it, to sum up the Beat position, and his first response, reading from 
his own Abomunist Manifesto, was as extravagant and bizarre in its way as the 
night procession: 

BOB KAUFMAN 

The Abomunist Manifesto. Abomunists join nothing but their arms, legs, or 
other senses. Abomunists do not look at pictures painted by presidents and un- 
employed prime ministers. In times of national peril abomunists stand ready to 
drink themselves to death for their country. Abomunists will not feel pain no 
matter how much it hurts. Abomunists will not use the word "square" except 
when talking to squares. Abomunism was founded by Barabbas, inspired by his 
dying words "I wanted to be in the middle, but I went too far out." Abomunism's 
main function is to unite the soul with oatmeal cookies. Abomunists love love, 
hate hate, drink drinks, smoke smokes, live lives, die deaths. Abomunist writers 
write writing or nothing at all. Abomunists demand the reestablishment of the 
government in its rightful home at Disneyland. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

But asked later for a less "inside" explanation of the beat credo, he volunteered 
his. 

BOB KAUFMAN 

The artist in America has been trampled on for the past 30 years. First, by 
imported European ideas from France brought back by the expatriots and the 
authority of Ezra Pound over the poets and in the authorities by the leftists and 
proletarian writers who sort of submerged their individuality, in the Stalinist or 
Marxist ideology and somewhere along the line the individual artist was lost. 
And I think that what we're looking for is a rediscovery of ourselves as artists 
and as people and in America it has become necessary to embrace some form of 
voluntary poverty and some form of voluntary ostracisation from society in 
order to sort of wipe out the dirt off your face and create some decent literature. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

The Beat network, or grapevine, threads its way back and forth across the 
American continent, zigzagging through Denver and Chicago, (Cincinnati,) 
Nevada and Ohio. On the other end of this sawtoothed axis, in Lower Man- 
hattan, is Allen Ginsberg, one of the most internationally famous of the Beat 

poets. 

GINSBERG (AND ORLOVSKY) 

I'U read a poem called "My Sad Self." 

"Somitimes vrhen my eyes are red, I go up on top of the RCA Building and 
gaze at my world, Manhattan, my buildings, streets, my feats in lofts, beds, 
cold water flats; on Fifth Avenue below, which I also bear in mind, its ant cars; 
yellow taxis; men walking, the size of specks of wool; panorama of the bridges; 
sunrise ovei- Brooklyn Machine; sun go down over New Jersey where I was born 
and Paterscn where I played with ants, my later loves of 15th street, my greater 
loves of lower East Side, my once fabulous amours in the Bronx far away. Paths 
crossino; in these hidden streets, my history summed up, my absences and ecstasies 
in Harlem, sun shining down on all I own in one eyeblink to the horizon. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Ginsberg was joined in his regular cafe corner by Peter Orlovsky also a poet 
and sometimes called the "Beat Saint". We asked them to define "Beat" 
poetry's aim. 

GINSBERG AND ORLOVSKY 

To do it, not to define it for one thing. But to do what. Like there is a strange 
beauty in people and in the universe which is almost forgotten and almost sup- 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE HI 

pressed which you can see in the weird eyes of people looking at television cameras 
at times, if they look nakedly enough. It can be gassed out into poetry which 
can be communicated and which can be heard now and in a golden ear in Heaven. 
That's good. That's good, but what I like, I like poetry that smells, that has a 
smell to it. What kind of smellf Well, any kind of smell as long as I can look 
at a page and say "I smell something here". That's what I like. 

Basically, so far, what we have done is attempted to construct a prosody that 
satisfied the rhythm of the American speech as distinguished from English speech. 
Which is to say we have had to invent our own measure of the line of poetry and 
construct a new organic form for the poetry. Basically, I would agree with that. 
But I believe that, and I would say that there is a cherry hanging from the inside 
of the skull of the mind that wants to light up like a red light bulb and flash out 
of the eye. It's that great final state that we're trying to arrive to. 

Are we protesting? No, no, no. The quality of protest is — our quality is 
concerned with beauty and beauty never gets trapped in death. (Protest gets 
trapped in death, beauty never gets trapped in death.) Also let me give me a 
big literary answer — all the English and American criticism has been pretty 
incompetent. It has got hung up with all sorts of social ideas, hung over from 
the 30's, mostly jealous old liberals who have never made it into some area of 
beauty. The poetry is not primarily of protest, it is more an epiphany. It's 
like (a religious) [an] ecstasy has come to us and it is a quest finding a way of 
communicating. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

There is one point at which the Beats have found themselves unable or un- 
willing to disengage, to disaflBliate, not to care. The nuclear problem has in- 
volved their conscience. We see one direct result of its awareness in this poetic 
statement written two years ago, and spoken now by Laurence Ferlinghetti, 
whose San Francisco Beat bookshop is a landmark of the movement. 

FERLINGHETTI 

After it became obvious that the strange rain would never stop. And after it 
became obvious that the President was doing everything in his power to make 
the world safe for nationalism, his brilliant military mind never having realized 
that nationalism itself was the idiotic superstition which would blow up the 
world, and after it became obvious that the president nevertheless still carried 
(no matter where) — ^he went in the strange rain — a little (telegraph key which 
Uke a) can opener could be used instantly to open but not to close the hot box 
of final war. If not to waylay any stray asinine action by any stray asinine 
second lieutenant pressing any stray button anywhere, violet ray over an arctic 
ocean, thus illuminating the world once and for all, God Bless America. And 
after it became obvious that the law of gravity was still in effect, and that what 
blows up must come down on everyone including white citizens. And after it 
became obvious that the Voice of America was really the deaf ear of America, 
and that the President was unable to hear the under-privileged natives of the 
world shouting "No contamination without representation". 

"Then it was that the natives of the Republic began assembling in a driving 
rain from which there was no escape except peace. 

And finally after everyone who was anyone and everyone who was no one had 
arrived, and after every soul was seated and waiting for the symbolic mushroom 
soup to be served and for the keynote speeches to begin, the President himself 
came in, took one look around and said "We resign". 

WILLIAM CLARK 

still in San Francisco, and along Grant Avenue is the Bread and Wine Mission 
House, and her.e another beat poet recites from his own works and then explains 
his way of life. 

PHILIP LAMANTIA 

My name is Philip Lamantia. And I go around with whoever, which means 
an kinds of weird persons I like. Junkies, tricks, dummy poets, mads, hold-up 
men, squares, priests, monks, professional bums, beat Jews, Jew-haters, Spade- 
trumpet players, pot-heads, Zen nuts, [monks] Anti-spades, super gigolos, coke- 
heads, murderers, okie poets, smugglers, hippies, flips and black supremacy, 
white supremacy, and red Indian supremacy — wild ones. My myth is my people — 
"They make grass grow on sky fire and who knows when the ghost of Edgar Allen 



112 FAIR PLAY FOR CTJBA COMMITTEj: 

Poe lumins my nights. I'm high most of the time, the sickest of San Francieco 
all around me. I'm the sickest of San Francisco. 

I want opium. Police confiscate opium. I want police to give me opium. I 
want them to stop busting non-criminals, people who want to recover their 
sense of being, dig. Searching for God, smoking marijuana, eating paodi. And 
because Chinese afraid of us, do not deny not smoke as mandarin, (shoot) [just] 
heroin; for we are all niggers and mandarins now. I'll buy all the (shake) [stock] 
of Chinatown. I'U buy all the junk of Oakland. I'll buy aU. For I'm rich 
with the free gift of (grace) [grass] and the point precisely that if you haven't 
[made it to] (any other way to taste) Heaven, marijuana, cocoa, and opium make 
it for you. For me, when I'm in pain they take the pain away. If you are square, 
o.k., but stop pointing ignorant, stupid, scandal-fingers at me and getting us all 
locked up. If you are hip, you know what I signify. If you are listening you'll 
see me through the scales in my eyeballs, and weigh my words, well. 

I made a few notes this morning about the beat and I have here something 
about avowing poverty and humility and extreme freedom from intellectual 
shackles and a direction by these people toward religions and enlightenment. 

There was this other level to the beat that we all called apocalyptic. And yet, 
it was related to the sense of doom under the atomic age. Some of us became 
aware of (it then) [that] and I remember several people had visions of a great 
sunburst. This level was mostly related, as I say, to visions. Everyone was 
having visions at that time, one kind or another, and there was a vision exchang- 
ing thing that was going on too. In a broad sense, the only thing we did have in 
common and I suppose still have in common, is not having money. And also 
being interested in either Zen Buddhism, or as I personally am, in the mystical 
element of Christianity. And of course praying and generally accepting life as 
it is and (for me) not thinking in terms of any preconceived notions that were 
handed down to me by my teachers or mentors. 

As far as rebellion — this of course brings up all sorts [of notions] of 19th century 
(notions) rebellion and I don't like that label and I don't like, I don't like the 
label "beatnik" which is contemptuous. Or the sinister, ghostly image that the 
mass of media had up until now has produced of us (in the U.S.A.) as a group of 
some sort of really subversive influence. Our visions may be interpretable as 
subversive, that is for you to decide, but we don't really consider ourselves any- 
thing particularly revolutionary — or revolutionary only, in the (old) sense that 
Christ himself was a revolutionary * * *. Leave it there. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

As I said, that was the Bread and Wine Mission. A house of religion. What 
does the Minister of the Mission think of the Beat Movement. 

DB LATTBB 

I think many people will say it's not a movement. But I see an underlying 
movement that is there, primarily centered on the rebellion against conventional 
society. A feeling that conventional society has become predominately pre- 
occupied with the acquisition of material goods and that we have become more 
and more identified with our "props", all the things we have in the world. There's 
also a rebellion against the predominately rationalistic and analytical way of 
approaching life. Life is a problem to be solved, a series of steps carefully planned 
out. The whole enlightenment period which began long ago is reaching its cul- 
mination in a highly organized planned life which is losing its spontaneity. So 
the people here are trying to rediscover the roots of (intuition) [intention] and 
to discover the emotional spontaneous ground which gives vitality to life. 

Our lives are very planned, but very dull and (only) joyless. And I think 
North Beach is an area of great celebration despite the propaganda about its 
deadness. It's an area that celebrates life and it tries to find a beautiful attitude 
towards life. 

Here at the mission what we're trying to do is simply to respond to the creative 
urge in people, to expose people to creative acts, to respond to their rebellion and 
encourage them not to adjust to conventional society, which I think is every bit 
as corrupt as they say it is and which I myself rebel against but try to get them to 
carry their rebellion full course if they can, which means not just creating a 
more grotesque form of the thing they rebel against as many people here do. 
For instance, they rebel against material acquisitiveness and they'll then become 
emotionally acquisitive starting wanting to get their kicks, still wanting to hoard 
their emotions to themselves. 



FAIR PLAY FOE CUBA COMMITTEE 113 



WILLIAM CLABK 

And what as a minister of the Church, does he think of the fairly frequent 
references to the use of drugs. 

DE LATTRE 

Well, many people use narcotics in order to gain insight into what they feel 
is a deeper reality, even to see the face of God, as some of them have put it. 
I personally feel that one cannot arrive at this by dependency or by putting 
oneself in the hands of — passively — in an external agent such as a narcotic but 
I think that the impulse toward the deeper insight and a feeling of being separated 
from the deeper dimension of feeUng and dynamic in life is a very real thing and 
that people are driven to these (extremes) [Extremes] as only a sign of the tremen- 
dous frustration of superficial, materialistic values which they've been living in. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

A few years ago a young Californian named Mort Sahl made a name for himself 
with a new style of comedy based on social and political comment. He appeared 
recently at New York's Copacabana — where comedians appear only when they've 
definitely arrived — 

He had taken a long jump from San Francisco's nursery of ofifbeat performers, 
the famous "hungry i" nightclub. On the morning after his first night in New 
York we asked him how he became a nonconformist. 

MORT SAHL 

By default because the entire [standards of] society kept changing, I mean it's 
flexible to a point of having no standards and you just watch it change and I'm 
not at all that flexible. I'm a Uttle more rigid and I have just learned to reason, 
so I'm kind of hooked on that and I can't change that fast so I have found that 
I'm standing out in bold relief to a group of people who have gone on to another 
point so I guess by definition, I'm a nonconformist. 

I don't want to evade my responsibilities as an individual- — that's the thing. 
I mean as an individual moraUty, that's to say, I appreciate changing the structure 
of society and most people see me as a really troubled member of the community. 
They have a vision of me agitating until the election, and if it comes out not to 
my Uking, I'll go on being a social critic on the stage, or if it comes out to my 
liking, I'm sure they think I'm going to climb on a horse and say "Well, I'll be 
riding on to the next country now." But it isn't like that. I'm really, I do 
realize that you have to relate individually and relate is a psychoanalytic term — 
I'm not in analysis, I want to make that clear — hanging around with too many 
actors — but I think in other words you sort of find that while you were changing 
the world you shouldn't have to come home and suddenly discover that you're 
in bed with an assassin. That's the thing. But I'd like to see a better intellec- 
tual climate and not because I'm an intellectual but because I'm a spectator, and 
(for myself,) I do realise that your fate does not lie in Zen-Buddhism or in 
environmental structure or in psychoanalysis, it lies in relating to one girl. I 
become obsessive about that sometimes. I think about it and it depresses me 
and people don't know why I'm depressed. It's because I have a very high 
ideal of a perfect woman, and if I don't find her I'm very troubled and people 
run up to me with short-term goals and they say "We just got stereophonic 
sound" or "We're going to Europe" and then they don't understand when I say 
to them "It won't help". 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Mort Sahl began his career among the beats and had a few opinions about 
their way of life. 

MORT SAHL 

I'm not in favor of anarchy. I think the world is worth saving and I expect 
that if a guy writes a book on nihilism obviously the fact that he sat down and 
organized the text means he's reasonably positive. I don't believe in disengage- 
ment but I do believe that these guys and I'm talking about Kerouac, Ginsberg 
and some others, I beUeve that they are, well, I'd say that their tempo is right 
for themselves and in that sense they're not only as good as the society, they're 
much better than the society. That's what I think. Their tempo is right for 
them. How many people can say that? 



114 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



WILLIAM CLAKK 



Much better than society. There seem to be very few organized societies 
that accept his attitude. In a moment, we'll see what penalties society — the state 
that is can inflict when it thinks dissent has been carried to extremes. 



WILLIAM CLARK 

So far, we've been dealing with people who criticized the American way of life 
or chose to withdraw from it. Some Americans have gone further — challenged it, 
willing to take the consequences, including gaol. 

First, Arnold Johnson of New York, who was imprisoned on the charge of 
spreading advocacy of the overthrow of the American government by force. 

ARNOLD JOHNSON 

I happen to be just one of the 28 Communists who served time in prison just 
because of my ideas, or almost even more accurately as to what some paid stool 
pigeon said were my ideas (not even my ideas). That was true with all the others. 
At the present time, there are three Communist leaders who are in Federal 
prisons for their ideas. There are others who are also political prisoners, such as 
Puerto Rican nationalists, conscientious objectors, and others. Actually and 
truly all these people should be free and there should be an end to this kind 
of political persecution within America. These attacks that are made tipon us 
finally curb the liberties of others — curb their academic freedom, their willingness 
to discuss questions, make them cautious and all these things. Then in addition 
to this group, there is a grouping of people who were born in other countries, came 
to this country in their early years and in this recent period faced deportation, 
exile, banishment. You know, when I was in prison I took the time to read the 
plays of Shakespeare. I got a copy of the so-called "First Folio." I was impressed 
with one simple thing, time and again Shakespeare, more than 325 years ago, was 
constantly agitating against banishment, in his plays, speaking about it as being 
one of the v.-orst forms of punishment. And to think that that method has been 
revived to the extent it was stressed in the United States, well, that should 
all be changed. America would be far better off if it were to welcome back to its 
shores those whom it banished. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Next, someone who seems to have inherited a fair measure of the inflexible 
attitudes of the Pilgrim Fathers, the Reverend Maurice McCrackin of Cincinnati. 

REV. MAURICE m'cRACKIN 

In 1945, 1 came to Cincinnati and became a cold pastor of the Western Cincinnati 
St. Barnabus Church, working in a very underprivileged area in the West end 
of Cincinnati, and because the children had special needs, the people in the 
churches in the community would send toys for us to distribute. And so I was 
always very careful to take out any toys that were guns, or any other military 
toys and it came to me that this is only a pious gesture when at the same time 
I was giving a large proportion of money each year for the purchase of live guns 
to put in somebody's hands to actually kill somebody. And so in my income 
tax returns for 1948, I indicated that I Avas no longer able to pay the total amount. 
In 1949, I withheld 70% which went to military expenditures. And then following 
years through 1954 I withheld 80%, telling the Government that I would like 
to pay the civilian tax but the other I wanted to use for catises that I believed 
wer3 making for peace. From 1955 I have not filed any income tax. I have 
been asked by the Government on a number of occasions to come in and discuss 
the matter, my nonpayment. I would often write to them and say that I felt 
nothing would be accomplished by it, that my position was clear and that I felt 
that the pressure that they were bringing on me to pay this money was a coercion 
of my conscience and I could not in good faith pay something which I believed 
was wrong, nor could I help them in any way or cooperate with them in the 
collection of this hioney. 

I was arrested on September 12th, just a little over a year ago [by] Judge 
Guthel, the District Federal Judge who through the years has been very hard 
on those who have conscience objective beliefs. First of all he said that I should 
be examined by psychiatrists to see whether I was able to face the trial and was 
competent. He then sent me to jail until I had purged myself of contempt and 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 115 

I had no feeling of guilt and would take no such action, but I was held in the 
county jail on three different occasions and was brought to trial on the charge 
of refusing to obey a summons and to bring information. And I was sentenced 
on December 12th, a year ago, and more now. And I was for a 7)eriod of six 
months [of this year] and [was] sent to [Allenwood] Pennsylvania, which is part 
of the Lewisburg penitentiary system and after serving an extra month because 
I was unwilling to sign a pauper's oath or to pay the fine, I was released on May 
29th. I do not know whether the government will again take custody of my 
body, but God being my helper, the government shall nevei take possession of 
my conscience, nor of my spirit. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Then Dalton Trumbo, who was one of the famous Holly\\^ood Ten who went 
to jail for refusing to recognize the Constitutional right of a Congressignal Com- 
mittee to quiz them about their beliefs or afRliations. 

Mr. Trumbo ^is a screenwriter. Lately he has been working on the script of a 
new spectacular film "Spartacus" starring Kirk Douglas, Charles Laughton, 
Peter Ustinov and Sir Laurence Olivier * * * but it is not yet known whether 
Trumbo's name will appear on the credit titles. (But in the past few days. Otto 
Preminger, one of the best-known Hollywood producers, has defiantly announced 
that come what may, he will use Trumbo as writer in the film version of Uris's 
"Exodus.") 

DALTON TRUMBO 

The problem is that unorthodox opinions are forbidden in Hollywood. The 
motion picture industry for the past 12 years has worked under the curious theory 
that the private lives and thoughts and affiliations and associations of each of its 
emploj^ees is a matter of public concern, of corporate concern and of Congres- 
sional concern. This misapprehension of constitutional virtues in our country 
has resulted in a committee in the Congress called the Un-American Activities 
Committee, asserting unto itself the power to summon all persons in public life 
and particularly the entertainment areas of public life because there lies such a 
rich harvest of publicity for these squalid inquisitors. They summon the person, 
he is asked to answer, and compelled under law to answer questions relating to 
his associations, to his thoughts, to his opinions, to his political affiliations and 
to his writings. For example, one of the charges in my dossier in this committee 
was an ironic line I had written in a wartime script in which Ginger Rogers said, 
"Share and share alike, that's democracy." This I was called upon to explain 
and I declined not only that explanation but all others as involving and con- 
cerning no one but myself. The result if you take this course of action, can well 
be that you are indicted by Federal Grand Jury, arraigned for trial, placed under 
bond, tried, convicted; everybody (gets) [was] convicted; sentenced to jail, spend 
a year in jail, you pay your fine and you come out to discover that you are banned 
in any way from participation in your profession by the motion picture industry 
itself. Some 235 artists in the United States have been under this ban from 12 
to 7 years. Writers occasionally have been able to hide their heretical identity 
by assuming other names. The actors, the actresses and the directors have been 

destroyed. (One of the that has befallen citizens in the country has 

been the cold war and the way it has paralyzed honest Americans — the Americans 
who consider themselves liberals.) 

There is a conservative point of view that always refuses to yield to change 
and seeks to impede it. But there has always been in this country a liberal 
point of view which has welcomed change. The hysteria in this country of the 
cold war and McCarthy, now subsiding, luckily, has not troubled the Republicans 
or the Democrats and the Liberal, the progressives who formerly were the initiators 
of advance in this country. You can call today a Republican a Communist and 
he'll laugh at you. You call a Democrat a Communist ' and he will faint dead 
away. The result is that liberal speech in this country has acquired a preface 
which is mandatory. You arise to speak as a Liberal and you say, "Now mind 
you I'm not a Communist, and mind you I bow to no one in my hatred of the 
Soviet Union, and I loathe all local Communists, but really, we ought to have 
better housing in this country." The thing is not advocated for its virtue, its 
Tightness, for the goodness it may bring to humankind, and even to American 
humankind if one wishes to be exclusive, the thing is advocated for reasons of 
political expediency. 

I Tlie (ollowlngls Inked In at this point: "and heTl tum pale; but call a liberal a Communist." 



116 FAIR PLAT FOR CUBA €X)MMnTEJ3 

[There is only one dissenting force of any consequence at all, and that is the 
Negro people. The seventeen million Negroes in this country have moved. 
What they have achieved has not been given to them. Although again the liberal 
will say we must stop the Soviet Union from pointing a finger at our Negro people 
and their condition. Therefore, as a weapon against communism, let us free 
them, let them live, let our children sit down beside them because it would help 
us in a political war. This has not helped the Negro people. They have been 
helped by their own efforts, by their own organizations, by their own courage, 
by the intelligence of their own leaders.] 

WILLIAM CLARK 

This is Mr. Trumbo summing up the state of dissent in America today. 

DALTON TRUMBO 

(I should like to see labour unfettered by the restrictions that have been placed 
upon it by the Government and employers.) I should like to see a greater partici- 
pation of all people in all of the wealth of the country. I presume you would say 
that ultimately and ideally I should like to see in this country the circumstances 
of socialism — of socialism without jails. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

The Press is of course another medium of organized protest and a fairly active 
one, but big newspapers are close to big business, so that dissenters sometimes 
find themselves moving from the journalistic "big-time" to small papers. 

Here is David Wesley, who gave up a career on a very big national paper to 
help edit the local "Gazette and Daily" of York, Pennsylvania. Here, on one of 
his rare visits to New York, he told us what the Gazette stood for. 

DAVID WESLEY 

Well, we stand for nothing very radical or unusual except what you might call 
old Jeffersonian Democracy, I suppose. But it's perhaps a comment on what's 
happened in our society culturally and socially that this does make us stand out 
and be even liable to be called nonconformists. This is a commercial society. 
It is really no longer a producing society, it's a selling society. We produce so 
easily and so well that the problem for the producers is to sell their product. 
When you sell anything you have to sell it with words. The producers have to 
sell words and this is very much what has been happening * * * . They take a 
word and wrap it up in a very attractive package (and put it on the counter) and 
sell it. But words are not reaUty, words are not things, they stand for things. 
Words merely represent things. But people today are responding to words as if 
they were things and this means that they are living on the symbolic level. And 
people who live on the symbolic level are, by definition, "divorced from reality." 

We're not so much in the business of producing things, our big producers, but 
in making money. Money is not reality. A dollar bill is just a scrap of paper, 
of course, so here again, at the very core of our society, we're living on a symbolic 
level [we alVdo.] ( — just as the mentally ill do). And that's why even though we 
have an affluent society, it perhaps can best be characterized by a vast accumula- 
tion of junk. And this is not only true of the cars we drive, or the houses we live 
in, or the bread we eat, but the plays we see and the movies or television shows we 
watch, and even most of the books we read. And it also explains the really 
stunning tragedy of the society at this particular time. Here in America, why, 
we have freedom of speech and nothing very meaningful to say, and freedom of 
the press and no press worthy of the name — practically all newspapers again are 
motivated by money, not by the responsibilitiesof journalism; freedom of petition 
and assembly and who assembles, who petitions? And freedom from want and 
nothing very worthwhile to buy actually. This is really a considerable human 
retrogression in a period of what should be great human progress and what in 
many ways, is. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Another place where protest can be encouraged, where dissent is tolerated, is 
the Universities. We've already visited Columbia. Now we go to Harvard to 
question the celebrated economist Kenneth Galbraith. You'll have noticed that 
many people so far have challenged the whole direction of the American economy. 
Of course, it is the most productive in the whole world, but * * *. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 117 

KENNETH GALBRAITH 

The question that all of this begs, of course, is production for what? What 
do we use these goods for? And when we begin to examine this question, 
it does seem to me that production, simple expansion of output, does leave 
a lot of important questions unsolved and has left a great many important 
questions unsolved. For example, we see the great contrast between the opulence 
of our private consumption, our automobiles, our houses, our furniture, and so 
forth; and the poverty of our public services, the poverty ot our schools and of 
our street sanitation establishments, our cities are by no means as clean as they 
should be — of the poor quality of our city planning, the problem of urban sprawl. 
All of these other things which side by side with our virtuosity in the production 
Of private goods, are causing us a great difficulty. A person devises a new 
product now that takes for granted that he must also devise the strategy for 
making people want it. So what do we see? We see the process of satisfying 
wants creates the demonstration that causes other people to want it. And it 
also nurtures the want itself. So what do we have? We have a kind of squirrel- 
wheel effect in which, by [our] satisfying wants we create wants, and in the process 
of satisfying those, we create more. Well, as I've said before, and I suppose there 
is a no worse habit for a writer, a scholar, than to plagiarize himself, the squirrel 
wheel is not the best possible model for the good society, is it? 

My own view of the problem of remedy is that in the first instance it requires 
that we recognize that successful capitalism requires a very large public sector, a 
very large role for the service of the state. Private capitalism has been assumed 
by its prophets to flourish when government was small. I think all of the evidence 
shows that private capitalism flourishes and is tolerable only as the role of the 
state is large. 

William cLAKfc 

The Trade Unions of course are powerful organizations in America but you 
may remember Professor Mills at the beginning pointed out that the large 
Unions, big labour, were relatively conservative. But the tradition of economic 
dissent, in spite of American prosperity is sharply reflected in many Of the 
smaller — and as they're sometimes called, lefter — unions. 

Here, Clinton Jencks, in San Francisco, President of the Mine, Mill and 
Smelter Workers, tells something of his past, and his hopes for future action by 
American organized labour. 

CLINT JENCKS 

I was born and raised in the Rocky Mountains in Colorado, in the Western 
part of America. Where the country is one mainly of mining — coal mining and 
metal mining whose traditions are rich in labour history and I remember one of 
my sharpest memories as a boy, was of the struggles of the coal miners. There 
in my atea, where we had a long and bitter strike which ended in a vigilante 
lynching of one of the strike leaders. 

I remember another thing sharply from when I was young, that our great 
wai" time President Franklin Roosevelt said: He said, "I see a third of a nation 
ill housed, ill clothed, and ill fed." And even though, as a result of the war, the 
American worker has become one of the highest paid and most affluent in the 
world, still right down here in this beautiful city of San Francisco there are 
thousands who are living in slums. There are untold thousands who don't 
have enough to eat. When out in our productive, rich valley there is food in the 
fields; we're paying millions of dollars for surplus food storage that's rotting in 
warehouses, when people are hungry. There are long lines at the employment 
office every day and workers who want to work and can find no jobs. I don't 
think this is right, I don't think it is necessary and I think something can be 
done about it. And it's been my continued work and it's now through my union 
and in [part] (the) community to try to see if we can't so organize ourselves that 
these riches can be more fairly shared because there are need for all those brains 
and all those hands. There is [just] (food) enough for everybody, wealth enough 
for everybody. We have to find how to organize ourselves so that we can all 
participate in it. 

Here, I must say, that we can certainly take a page from our brothers in Britain 
because they have a labour party, we have none here. So it is our hope that we 
will become more active p>olitically, that we will have our own political party. 
We found that the other way just doesn't work, it doesn't get the job done. Now, 
there are a lot of people that disagree with that. But I feel strongly that the road 
shown by the trade unions in Britain is one that we definitely have to follow and 



118 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

follow soon if we're to carry out our responsibilities to our own people and the 
responsibilities I think we have (too) as citizens of the world. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

One method of influencing dissent in America is lobbying — a concerted attempt 
to convert legislators and voters to your particular point of view. Dissent has its 
lobbyists too and here is one who works through these channels in both California 
and Washington. Trevor Thomas. 

TREVOR THOMAS 

For the past seven years I have been involved in a kind of political activity 
that has its origin in the religious Society of Friends. Friends, for some 300 
years, has been concerned with the society that they find themselves in and of 
course have always attempted to search for nonviolent means of solving not only 
personal, neighborhood, but international conflicts. 

The whole war and peace matter of course is reflected I think in our political 
life by what one person has called the "bipartisan euphoria." I have in mind, for 
instance, the perennial action by Congress in condemning and of course in proud 
and patriotic terms it's very difficult to disagree with, condemning Communist 
Chinese and saying, never, under any conditions, will we allow recognition by the 
United States or membership in the United Nations. I believe that Communist 
China must be recognised and the group that I work with has attempted to point 
out the advantages of doing this, of bringing Communist China within the United 
Nations. 

[One of the things we have done in this state is to lead a campaign to abolish the 
death penalty as one facet of an overall revision of the penal system. Some of 
the things that were recommended just the last century have stni not yet been 
done, and we're still not tailoring the sentences, the punishment if necessary, to 
the men. The death penalty lies at the bottom of this and we want to get rid of 
it.] 

In this country we have a long history of opposition to universal military 
training, conscription of all young men. And yet under the impact of the cold 
war, these past few years, the protest has been less and less, to the point where 
in the last session of Congress there was virtually no protest to the Bill which 
extended the selected [training] (service) act.^ But I do believe that we're going 
to have to look back to our historical precedents and to understand that the 
fastening of Universal Military Training on the necks of the people is very often 
the prelude to the very Prussian system that many of our ancestors came to this 
country to avoid. 

CLARK 

The dissenting churches which helped to found America have remained strong- 
holds of crusading nonconformism, not only religious but political and social. 

The Reverend Stephen Fritchman is the minister of the First Unitarian Church 
of Los Angeles. We asked whether the church stUl carried out this function 
of dissent. 

THE REV. STEPHEN FRITCHMAN 

(Paragraph omitted.) 

Very much so. We the Unitarian Church where I'm the Minister are working 
in the area not only of domestic problems here in this country, but we feel very 
much that a religion worth its salt at all is concerned with greater chances of 
survival of the human race, we are interested in the stopping of atomic tests, on 
the whole the Uberal churches, the dissenting churches, my own included, are 
dedicated to the end of the war, colonial war, and all wars. And we are equally 
interested in the problems at our own doorstep of juvenile delinquency, of racial 
equality, of the rights of women, of the end of censorship, of real intellectual and 
social and religious freedom for the human spirit. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

What kind of opposition had he encountered. 



'Selective Service Act. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 119 

FBITCHMAN 

The churches in America from the beginning have had a nonconformist role. 
In the days of Roger Williams in Rhode Island and Ann Hutchinson in New 
York, in the days of Tom Paine and Tom Jefferson, the colonists, later the states, 
gave the churches, after a lot of struggle, the role of dissenter and we have taken 
vigorous advantage of it over the years. In theology and in poUtics and in 
economics, as we settled the country, we settled our minds on a lot of matters. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities has subpoenaed me once or twice, 
I have found getting transport, getting a passport diflBcult in years past, though 
I recently returned from a peace congress in Stockholm, and I would say the 
greatest obstacle that my congregation and I have faced was that of having to 
resist a state loyalty oath back in 1954, which we did successfully in four years, 
going through the channels of the courts to Washington, and maintaining that 
tradition that we referred to earlier of absolute and complete separation of church 
and state. The right to preach and pray and act as we please as advocates of 
religious freedom. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Perhaps the commonest expression of dissent in America consists in forming 
a special Umited group of citizens to help educate and persuade others that a 
clear-cut reform is needed somewhere in the community. One such group is 
the Mattachine Society, the aims of which are explained by its director of pub- 
lications, Harold Call. 

HABOLD CALL 

Well, the Mattachine Society is an organization of laymen which is endeavour- 
ing to educate the general public and the homosexual about the problems of 
homosexuality in our culture today as well as a number of other problems con- 
cerning sex deviation and the adjustments thereto. 

Our programme in a nutshell is to advocate a change of law in our 50 states 
which will make it no longer criminal when adults engage in sexual activity in 
private where both partners are willing and where there is no harm or force 
involved. 

There is quite an antisexual attitude in the United States. We're not just 
an antihomosexual country. (In many ways we're an antisexual country.) 
However, on the other hand, we're a very hypocritical country about it because 
for instance almost everything in our advertising in connection with almost any 
product, whether it's food or an automobile or an automatic washing machine or 
a cosmetic or whatever else is designed to make everyone more sexually attractive 
it seems, and more rested, so he is or she is enabled to enjoy the act of sex. Yet 
we come right up to a wall where we say beyond this, when you're ready, we 
must not go. 

Dr. Alfred Kinsey, when he looks at the sexual foibles of a country like ours, 
can see some fun in it perhaps. He said that, at a lecture in San Francisco in 
February 1957, he said "Ladies and Gentlemen, if all the sex laws of the State of 
California were rigidly enforced 95 percent of you wouldn't be here tonight — 
you'd be in jail." Dr. Kinsey was right because the sex laws in this country are 
such that they would touch just about everyone. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Mr. Call had this to say about the future of the society's campaign. 

HAROLD CALL 

I think that because of the attention that's being given (in England) today 
to the recommendations of the Wolfenden Committee that there's a good chance 
there'll be some action of this particular committee's recommendations within 
the next few years and after that I think then the subject will start drawing 
more widespread and serious attention in this country and we do have a chance. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

From private life to global survival, the committee for the sane nuclear policy 
was set up to work for the cause of nuclear disarmament. Its national chair- 
man is Norman Cousins, the Editor of The Saturday Review. Here he tells 
us of his own position vis-a-vis the nuclear problem. 



120 J'AIR riiAY FOR CUBA €OMMITTBE 

NORMAN COUSINS 

I happen to believe a sane nuclear policy begins when we take the flat position 
that we would rather die ourselves than to drop these bombs on human beings. 
Other members of the committee believe that we have to have some basis for 
enforceful agreement. That Unilateralism won't work. But whatever our 
disagreements, we do agree on this: that it becomes the solemn responsibility 
and obligation of all the nations in the world, I'm not mentioning any one nation, 
it becomes the solemn responsibility of aU the nations in the world to recognize 
that human life is now endangered. 

It is endangered not only [through them] because of the threat of war, it is 
endangered by the existence of the steps that we take to achieve security. Be- 
cause even in the act of testing these weapons we jeopardize the peace and the 
future. 

Now some people for example, some scientists, say only a small number of 
people will die as the result of nuclear testing, that there'll be just a fractional 
increase in the leukemia rate. Now, that is true, but it might also be pointed 
out that the people who die are real people. And I suppose that if you were 
to see a parade of 25,000 to 50,000 people who died each year of leukemia or other 
diseases induced by Strontium 90 in their bones and tissue, and if you could see 
aparade of these real people, we would not say that this is just a small fraction. 
We believe in a world under law. We believe in a world under justice. We 
have to begin someplace. The human race cannot long survive on anarchy. 
The beginning of sanity we believe will be marked by the beginning of law on 
earth. 

WnXiIAM CXiARK 

Our last speaker for institutional nonconformity is Robert M. Hutchins, 
president of the Fund for the Republic, a non-profit-making organization sub- 
sidized by the Ford Foundation dedicated to the single educational purpose of 
preserving and defending civil rights in America. 

ROBERT HUTCHINS 

The Fund found in the course of its experience as a Foundation giving away 
money to uphold Civil liberties, civil rights, that it suffered two difficulties. 
One was the McCarthy era then at its height. It made it almost impossible 
for anybody to talk about freedom or justice without being suspected of being 
a Communist and the other was the general confusion in the American society 
about what freedom and justice in the contemporary world could mean. 

The primitive notion about democracy on which we were brought up, is that 
everybody can do something about everything. 

When you find that because your labour union is now bureaucratic, the corpora- 
tion that you work for is bureaucratic, when you find that the industrial machine 
has mechanized everybody, you begin to believe that there is after aU nothing 
you can do about anything. 

Well, as Aristotle once remarked, "Men do not deliberate about things that 
are beyond their power." 

I don't believe that an active nonconformity can bring about anything except 
the most important thing, which is the continuation of the dialogue. The more 
one studies these matters and the more one observes the course of contemporary 
institutions, the more one comes to beUeve that this is the (heart) [height] of the 
matter. If the dialogue can continue, if the dialogue can be reasonably indepen- 
dent, if we can work towards what might be called the (civilization) [evaluation] 
of the dialogue, in which we don't expect to push anybody around but in which 
we expect to Usten and be Ustened to in turn — perhaps this is the kind of civili- 
zation we want. 

Transeript of end discussion of "We Dissent" ' follows:) 

WIIililAM CLARK 

(Following Robert Hutchins, Fund for the RepubUc.) 

"The kind of civilisation we want." Well, clearly, from what we've seen tonight 
ft lot of Americans do not feel they have got the civilisation they want. They 
find it too acquisitive, too materialistic, too commercialized. They complain that 
there is no radical thinking, no real opposition party, no real radical leader, tor. 

* The first transcript received by the saboommlttee did not contain the four paragraphs following the 
eomments by Robert Hutchloa. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 121 

much apathy. We've heard this evening attacks on American conformity, on 
the need to appear like everyone else, the dangers of dissent. Is this all there is 
to be said? Well, it's getting late now, but we intend to continue the dialogue, 
in Bob Hutchins' phrase, in my regular "Right to Reply" spot on Friday. But 
before we do break, I would like to introduce the two participants in that pro- 
gramme, who've been with me here watching in the studio. First of all is Professor 
Eugene Rostow, from Yale University in America, who is over here at Cambridge 
for a year, an American in England, and secondly, Graham Hutton, an English- 
man who spent many years in America and who has been there fairly recently. 
Well, to begin with I'd like to ask you, Rostow, do you think that Americans 
really need a right to reply to a programme like this? 

EUGENE ROSTOW 

Oh, not at all, not at all. I don't think this programme was unfavourable to 
America. Of course it doesn't present the whole story, but it didn't purport to 
do that. It presented a very interesting and very significant part of the story of 
American life, I should say. Part of it is the group of Bohemians, the left bank 
group who were repeating now what has always been done by Bohemians, trying 
in terms of personal experience to symbolize some of the problems everybody faces 
in living. They do it with greater or less success. I don't know whether any of 
them will emerge as new James Joyces or new Ernest Hemingways, but nonethe- 
less that's one important function. The others, many of the other speakers, I 
should class those who were not too far out in extreme positions as participants in 
the dialogue through which we live. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Hutton, what would you say? 

GRAHAM HUTTON 

Well, the thing that struck me most about it all was that this was not just 
dissent from Americanism. There seems to be so much emphasis all the time as 
if it were dissent from Americanism. When Galbraith was talking, for example, 
about the affluent society, goodness gracious, the society of France or Germany 
is affluent compared to that of an underdeveloped country. They'd trade their 
situation for a quarter of what the French have got, and for a fifteenth of what 
the Americans have got, and the Russians have got Beatniks and the Russians 
have got the same problems and no doubt there's a minority there that feels like 
it, but I must say what impressed me most of all was the thought that the United 
States and United Kingdom can do a programme like this and I'd almost give an 
eye tooth, Rostow, to see a ninety-minute programme on the Beatniks of Britain, 
and the minority of Britain, and I could pick a very good list of the cast. I'd 
like to hear instead of Mailer and Hutchins and the people over there, in America, 
I'd hke to hear Alan Taylor and John Osborne and Bessie Braddock and Michael 
Foot and so on and so forth all the way through. It'd make a wonderful pro- 
gramme. But it's a protest and a dissent against something which is common 
to the whole of this way of living. 

WILLIAM CLARK 

Well, I think that you're probably right, Hutton, and Rostow, that this is in 
fact something much deeper than merely an American phenomenon. We are 
facing, in fact, now something which is really at the root of our affluent society, 
the society of the West. We can't go on with that now but on Friday night I 
hope we really can get down to this matter of how far it really is true that there 
is a protest in our society and in American society about this state of affairs. 
Well, till Friday night then. Goodnight. 



Appendix IV 

(The following letter which had been requested by the subcom- 
mittee (p. 11) was found by Mr. Beals after considerable search 



122 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

through his files. It reached the committee, however, too late to be 
incorporated in his testimony:) 

Exhibit No. 4 

April 12. 

Deak Beals: Thanks for your letter and the card, mailed separatelj'. I think 
that I've already covered your questions, in my letter of the 9th. But just to 
reassure you on several points: 

1. UPI's reiiort was based on a misunderstanding. It was not our group, but 
another, which met in the Consulate on April 1st. We had been invited to join. 
I sent my wife and Dick Gibson to make clear our position: Cuban-American 
friendship groups are fine and we're for them. However, w^e don't wish to merge 
with anyone, and we think it best to limit membership in our Committee to 
U.S. citizens, for obvious reasons. The report has been denied— by me, and by 
the Consul (today). 

2. Communism. No one on the Committee has had any political affiliation of 
any kind, to my knowledge. No one of the invited or actual sponsors of the 
Times ad is a Communist. Sartre may have been, at one time. If so, the Daily 
Mirror did not mention it, as they almost certainly would have done. 

To summarize: we are not a lobby for anyone, except to the extent that trying 
to disseminate the truth about a cause which we consider good can be construed 
as lobbying. Certainly we are not paid lobbyists. On the contrary, we are all 
digging into our own pockets, to conduct this campaign. 

I think your reasons for not wishing to be cochairman are all quite valid. 
Certainly your wishes will be respected. As I explained on the telephone last 
week, we were thinking only in terms of an honorary position, for the purposes of 
the Times advertisement, and are very grateful to you for lending the considerable 
prestige of your name and good will for that purpose. Of course it would have 
been good to have you in a more than honorary role, but the problem is very clear. 

For the future, in any event, I do hope that you'll continue to take an interest, 
even if from a distance. And if you know of anyone in your area who'd like to 
take on the task of actively organizing a chapter of the Committee — that would 
be wonderful. As 1 told you, we've been getting a fine response — more than a 
thousand letters to date, quite a few entirely unsolicited contributions, and also 
quite a few offers of voluntary help. Quite encouraging, all in all. Incidentally, 
Alan Sagner, who really got the ball rolling on this thing, has just returned from 
his first visit to Havana, and he's most enthusiastic. Says he's shocked by the 
contrast between actuality and reportage here, even though he had felt aU along 
that the entire picture was not being presented in this country. 

That's all for the time being. Best regards, and again many thanks for your 
help and moral support from 
Yours very truly, 

Bob Taber, 
R. B. T. 

1 18 West 79th St., New York 24, N.Y. 



INDEX 



(Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organization 
in this index. 

A 

Page 

All China Federation of Democratic Youth 73 

Almedia 47 

American Committee to Investigate Labor and Social Conditions in Cuba. 8 

American Socialist Party ^ 107 

American Youth delegation 74 

Aptheker, Herbert 63 

Associated Television Limited, London 56, 57, 104 

ATV. (See Associated Television Limited.) 

B 

Baldwin, James 6 

Bank of Cuba : 46 

Bates, Mr 52 

Batista 45, 78 

Batistaite 8 

Beals, Carleton . . 25, 31, 35, 40, 78 

Testimony of i 1-1 1 

"Biography of a Revolution" (book) 97 

Bisb6, Prof. Manuel (chief permanent delegate of Cuban mission to U.N.). 42, 81 

"Blood on the Sugar" (pamphlet) i 9 

Board of Passport Appeals 74 

Boston University 8 

Boudin, Leonard 11, 13, 88 

Attorney for Robert Taber 13 

Boudin, Rabinowitz & Boudin 11-13 

Braddock , Bessie 121 

Brandeis, Justice 106 

Bridges (Plarry) Victory Committee : 9 

British Television Network 56 

Broadway Season (magazine) 63 

Brooklyn contractor 10 

Brown, Frank London 6 

Burov, Nicolai 71 

C 

Call, Harold 119 

Capote, Truman 6, 56 

"Castro's Cuba," text of article by Robert Taber in The Nation (exhibit 

7) 97-104 

Castro, FideL. 4, 8, 46, 49, 55, 78 

Castro government 50, 87 

Castro, Raul 46, 47, 51 

CBS (Columbia Broadcasting System) 1, 7, 13, 33, 45, 47, 48, 50, 52 

Chase National Bank 53 

China ' 74 

China, Communist 73 

China, Red 71 

Chou En-lai (Premier of Communist China) 71, 72. 74 

Christian Century (publication) * 8 

Cienf uegos, Camilo 46 

Clark, William 105-121 

123 

76374 0-6 1-9 



124 INDEX 

Page 

Clarke, John Henrik 6 

Colodny, Prof. Robert G 6 

Columbia Broadcasting System. (See CBS.) 

Columbia University 105, 106, 116 

"Coming Struggle for Latin America, The" (book) 7 

Communist Party 58 

Communist Party of Great Britain 54 

Communist Party, U.S.A . 26, 40, 51, 54, 57, 58, 63, 69, 70 

Harlem Youth section 74 

Communist Youth Festival 71 

Communist Youth Organization 70 

Community Church 40 

Community Church of N.Y., Social Action Committee of 35 

Congress Party at Lucknovv^, India Youth Section of the 74 

Connolly, Paul R., Jr. (counsel for Santos-Buch) 77, 78 

Cornell Medical Center 77 

Cornell University 77 

Cousins, Norman 59, 61, 119, 120 

Critics' Circle 64 

Crosbie, Paul 8 

Cuban consulate in NYC 75 

Cuban Embassy 7, 41-43, 70 

Cuban Government 4, 5, 10, 47, 50 

Cuban mission to U.N 43, 45, 80, 81 

"Cuban Revolution: Crisis in the Americas, The" lecture topic 35 

"Culture in Trouble" (article) 63 

Current History (publication) '_ 7 

D 

Daily Worker 27 

Davis, Benjamin 40 

de Beauvoir, Simone_ 6, 56 

De Lattre (Minister of "Bread & Wine" Mission) 112, 113 

Dennis, Eugene 40 

Diners' Club 64 

Dodd, Senator Thomas J 1, 13 

Douglas, Kirk 115 

DriscoU, David -, 33, 34 

E 
Eisenhower, President 35 

El Prado (Cuban restaurant) ^ 78, 90 

Exhibit No. 1. Letter to Carleton Beals from Robert Taber, February 

9, 1960 - 3 

Exhibit No. 2. Letter to Robert Taber from Carleton Beals, April 5, 1960_ 4 

Exhibit No. 3. New York Times advertisement re Fair Play for Cuba 

Committee 6 

Exhibit No. 4. Beal's correspondence with Taber 11, 122 

Exhibit No. 5. "How I Came to Communism: Symposium," by Waldo 

Frank 27, 93-96 

Exhibit No. 6. Letter to "Dear Friend" signed Marjorie More re Fair 

Play for Cuba Committee 35 

Exhibit No. 7. Fair Play, volume 1, No. 1, April 29, 1960 36-39 

Exhibit No. 8. "Castro's Cuba," by Robert Taber in the Nation... 40, 97-104 

Exhibit No. 9. Letter from Vincent Redding, New York Times, to Ben- 
jamin Mandel 51-52 

Exhibit No. 10. Transcript of TV program "We Dissent," Associated 

Television Limited, London 66, 104 

Exhibit No. 11. Picture of Joanne Grant and others with Chou En-lai, 

Red China Premier 72 

Exhibit No. 12. Statement on Joanne Grant prepared by Passport Divi- 
sion of State Department 73 

Exhibit No. 13, 13- A. Photostats of checks which paid for advertisement 

in New York Times ____:__ 83-85 

"Exodus" (movie) ... 115 



INDEX 125 

F 

Page 

"Fair Play" (pamphlet) 35, 69 

Fair Play for Cuba Committee 1-121 

Fecteau, Richard George 73 

Feiffer, Jules 107 

Ferlinghetti, Laurence 111 

Fernandez, Marcella . 50 

Fifth amendment 68, 76 

First amendment 16, 20, 28, 29, 68, 76, 86-89 

Foot, Michael 121 

Ford Foundation 120 

Frank, Waldo 3-7, 17, 18, 24-27, 31, 35, 69, 71, 78, 93-96 

Fritchman, Rev. Stephen . . 58, 118, 119 

Fund for the Republic 120 

G 

Gaillard, Albert 74 

Galbraith, Kenneth . 116, 117, 121 

"Gazette and Daily" of York, Pa 116 

Gibson, Richard 6, 69, 78 

Gilford, Frank . 8 

Ginsberg, Allen 110, 111 

Gorce, Roger (nom de plume used by Tynan) 54 

Grant, Joanne Alileen, testimony of 67-76 

Green, Dr. Maurice 6 

Greenwich Village 106 

Guevara, "Che" - 46 

H 

Haddad, Edmonde 6 

Hall, Adelphi . 74 

Harlem Youth section (of Communist Party, U.S.A.) 74 

Harper's (magazine) 7, 92 

Harvard College - 77 

Harvard University 116 

Harrington, Rev. Donald 6, 40 

Hearst Headline Service 27, 97 

Heller, Mr. Robert ^ 57 

Hiss, Alger 56, 57, 106, 107 

Holmes, Oliver Wendell 106 

Hollywood Ten 115 

"How I Came to Communism" by Waldo Frank 27, 93-96 

"How Not To Promote Anglo-American Understanding" (speech by 

Senator Dodd) J- . 60-63 

Hutchins, Robert .- 120, 121 

Hutton, Graham 121 

I 
International Labor Defense 9 

International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers 59 

J 

Jencks case 58 

Jencks, Clinton 58, 59, 117 

Johnson, Arnold 57, 58, 114 

Johnston, Senator Olin D 1 

Justice, Department - 70 

K 

Kadar, Janos 74 

Kaufman, Bob 110 

Keating, Senator Kenneth B 1 

Khrushchev 74 

Killens, John 6 

King, Alex 106 

Kirstein, George 44 

Kirstein, Mrs ^ 44 



126 INDEX 

L 

Page 

Lamantia, Philip 111 

Latin American Confederation of Labor 7 

Lenin Stadium 74 

Lens, Sidney 6, 7 

Liborio 78, 90 

Llerama, Mario 46 

Long Island Press 13 

Los Angeles 56 

M 

McCrackin, Rev. Maurice 114 

Mc Williams, Gary 3 

Madras, Sierra 46, 47 

Mailer, Norman 6, 56, 109, 121 

Mainstream (publication) 63, 64 

Mandel, Benjamin 1, 13 

Mao Tse-tung 74 

Mattachine Society 119 

Matthews, Elva dePue 6 

Mayfield, Julian 6 

Mendoza 47 

Mills, Prof. Wright 105, 117 

More, Marjorie (code name) 10, 34, 40 

N 

Nation (publication) article from 2, 3, 18, 35, 40, 45, 74, 97, 97-104 

National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners 9 

National Committee for People's Rights 9 

National Committee to Secure Justice for Morton Sobell 9 

New Masses 27, 93 

New World Review (magazine) 71 

New York 41, 43, 56, 67 

New York Hospital 77 

New York Journal-American 91 

New York Passport Agency 73 

New York Times 69-71, 75, 76, 78, 82, 83, 91 

Advertisement re Fair Play for Cuba Committee 2, 

4-6, 10, 14, 15, 17, 19-24, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 42, 51, 55 

New York University 68, 70 

New Yorker (magazine) ^ 12, 53, 55, 64 

New Yorker publishers 54 

Newhouse newspapers 13 

Newsday, Long Island J 13 

Noble, Prof. Eugene 6 

North, Joseph 40 

O 

Observer (newspaper) 63 

Oriente Province 47, 51 

Orlovsky, Peter 110, 111 

Osborne, John 121 

Otulaski, Enrique 46 

P 

Papandrew, Rev. John 6, 40 

Parnell, Mr. Val 57 

Passport Division 73 

Perez, Faustino 47 

Picture taken in 1957 showing Joanne Grant, Chou En-lai 72 

Pla y Badia, Dr. Berta Louisa 75 

Pound, Ezra 110 

Preminger, Otto 115 

Prestes (Luis) Defense Committee 9 

Primas, Mr 42 

Princeton University 107 

Provisional Committee of Cuba 8 

Purdy , James 6 



INDKX 127 

Pag* 
Qiiintana, Joseph 6 

R 

Reader's Digest , 7 

Reaj), Joseph '- 75 

Redding, Vincent 52 

Redengton, Mr. Michael 57 

"Red Star Over Latin America" (chapter of book) 7 

Reed, Re\'erend 3 

"Rightful Rule in Cuba" (pamphlet) -- 8 

Roa, Raul 41-45 

Roa, Raulita 79-82, 87-89 

Rodriguez, Carlos Rafael 47, 51 

Rosen, Jacob — 74 

Rostow, Prof Eugene 65, 66, 121 

Roval Society of Literature 64 

Russell, Nipsey --- 108, 109 

S 

Sagner, Alan 3, 6, 17, 23-31, 33, 42, 78, 79, 90 

Sagner & Son 33 

Sahl, Mort -- • — 113 

Sammes, Mrs 26 

San Francisco 56 

Sanchez y Basquet, Carlos Manuel Lazaro Felix 75 

Sane Nuclear Policy, Committee for a 68 

Greater NY Committee for 68 

Santa T!lara 47 

Santiago 47 

Santos-Buch, Charles A., M.D 77-102 

Biograph _l-l_-_ __-_-___l_l---- 77 

Testimony of - 77-102 

Sartre, Jean Paul 6 

Saturday Evening Post 7 

Saturday Review, The (publication) 119 

Schroeder, Frank W 1, 11-13 

Senter, David 1 97 

Sierra Maestra 78 

Singleton, John 6 

Sixth World Youth Festival..- 73 

Smith Act 58 

Sobell, Morton 9, 10 

Sociology, U.S.A. (magazine) 63 

Sokolsky, George 3, 5, 27, 91 

Sourwine, J. G . 1, 13 

Soviet Beryozka dancers 71 

Soviet United Nations mission 71 

Soviet Russia 91 

"Spartacus' ' (movie) : 115 

Stachel, Jack 41 

Star Journal 13 

State Department, Passport Division of 73 

Stein way Hall 70 

Strack, Celeste 8 

Stuart, Lyle 69 

Supreme Court 16 

Syracuse University 68, 70 

T 

Taber, Robert 69, 78-92, 97-104 

Taber, Robert (text of article by) 97-104 

Taylor, Alan 121 

Tazos, Filipo 46 

Telegrams to Internal Security Subcommittee from Leonard Boudin 11, 12 

Thomas, Norman 57, 61, 107 



128 INDEX 

Page 

Thomas, Trevor 118 

Thurston, G. A 6 

Trumbo, Mr. Dalton 58, 115, 116 

Tyler, Stephen 74 

Tynan, Kenneth 6, 11, 12, 92, 104 

Testimony of 53-67; 75 

Statement of 64 

U 

Ullham, Fred P 57 

Unitarian Church 118 

United Nations 42, 44, 49, 68, 75, 89 

United Nations Building . 81, 82 

U.S. Festival Committee 70, 71 

Utica, N.Y 68 

V 

Vienna. 71 

"Virgin Spain" (book) 4 

W 

lA' filcpfiplfi _D9.n o 

"We Dissent" (TV program7LondVnytext'oLV-V/////////////y6', 6^^^ 121 

Weinstein, Sidney 6 

Wesley, David 116 

"What's Right With America" (program) 69 

Williams, Robert F 6 

Wolfenden Committee — 119 

Y 
Yale University _.. 65, 121 

o 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 
UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-SEVENTH CONGKESS 

FIRST SESSION 



PART 2 



APRIL 25, MAY 16, 1961 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
64139 WASHINGTON : 1961 



COMMITTEE OX THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAXD, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIX D. .TOHXSTOX, South Carolma EVERETT McKIXLEY DIRKSEX, Illinois 

JOHN L. McCLELLAX, Arkansas ROMAX L. IIRUSKA, Xebraska 

SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina KEXXETH B. KEATING, New York 

JOHN A. CARROLL, Colorado XORRIS COTTOX, Xew Hampshire 

THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut 

PHILIP A. HART, Michigan 

EDWARD V. LONG, Missouri 

WM. A. BLAKLEY, Texas 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAXD, Mississippi, Chairman 
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut, Mce Chairman 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

JOHN L. McCLELLAX, Arkansas -EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina KENNETH B. KEATING, Xew York 

NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire 

J. G. SouRwiNE, Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COx^IMITTEE 



TUESDAY, APRIL 25, 1961 

U.S. Sexate, 
Subcommittee To Ixn'estigate the 
Admixistratiox of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 

OF the Committee on the Judiciary. 

Washington^ B.C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 2 : 10 p.m., in room 2228, 
XeAT Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Docld (vice chair- 
man) presiding. 

Present: Senators Dodd, Kenneth B. Keating and Xorris Cotton. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel: Benjamin Mandel, re- 
search director; and Frank Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Dodd. The committee will l>e in order. 

Mr. Souravine. Mr. Chairman, I should like to make a brief state- 
ment regarding the purpose of this hearing and the continuing char- 
acter of the committee's investigation. 

The committee meets, as always, with its full authority, and with 
its mandate from the Senate undiminished. 

The special interest today, within the general field of Communist 
activity, is the field of Communist youth activity, and the committee 
will seek information particularly, from the witness today, about the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

Our witness is Richard Gibson. 

Senator Dodd. Raise your right hand. 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you will give before this 
committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Gibson. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF RICHAKD THOMAS GIBSON, NEW YORK, N.Y. 

Senator Dodd. Give your name and address, please. 

Mr. Faulkner. Mr. Chairman, could we have the cameras and lights 
off during the course of the testimony I We do not object to pictures 
being taken before or after, but it is very disturbing. 

Senator Dodd, All right, we shall give them a minute or so. 

Will you give your name and address I 

Mr. Gibson. M3- name is Richard Gibson. ]My address is 788 Co- 
lumbus Avenue, New York. 

Senator Dodd. You are accompanied by counsel ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am. 

Senator Dodd, Would vou identify vour counsel ? 

129 



130 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson. Stanley Faulkner, 9 East 40th Street, New York 16, 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, in the executive session with this 
witness, I, as counsel for the committee, asked a question of Mr. 
Faulkner with regard to Nat Witt, which indicated that he was 
connected with Mr. Witt in the practice of law. I am informed by 
Mr. Faulkner that this is not so and never was so, and I think that 
in justice to him, the record should show this. 

Senator Dodd. Well, the record is clear as to that now. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, you were served with a subpena to 
appear here today. You are here in response to the subpena ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you been given the committee's booklet of in- 
formation for witnesses? 

Mr. Gibson. My attorney has. 

Mr. SotiRwiNE. Have you had an opportunity to see it ? 

Mr. Gibson. Personally, no. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was not a copy handed to you ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, it was not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You could have had access to the copy your counsel 
has had if you had wanted ? 

Mr. Gibson. Well, I was not instructed to look at it. Therefore, T 
did not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, I shall tell you that this booklet, which I see 
lying there on the table before you, contains among other tilings the 
text of the resolution under which this committee has authority and the 
mandate by which we operate. Did you hear the opening statement 
with respect to the purpose of today's hearing ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I did not. 

Mr. Sour WINE. You were present, were you not, at the beginning of 
the testimony of Mr. Romerstein ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I was not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You were not here ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Then I shall tell you that the committee is sitting, 
as always, with all of its jurisdiction and powers, these being insepa- 
rable; that the committee's purpose, in sum, is to leam continuously 
and continuingly all it can about the activities of the Communist con- 
spiracy so that it can discharge its fmiction to the Senate of deciding 
what legislation, if any, can be offered or enacted to meet or counter 
Communist threats to the security of the United States, and to attempt 
to frame such legislation where it is determined that legislation can 
be drawn for that purpose. 

The narrower objective of today's hearing is to gain inforaiation 
with respect to Communist youth activity, and even more particu- 
larly with respect to two organizations, one known as Advance, and 
the other known as the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

The committee has called you because it has information that you 
are the active directing head of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 
and that you have associations and connections with Advance; that 
you have' in your possession information respecting these organiza- 
tions which will be of value to the committee. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 131 

Now, I ask you, at the time 3^011 were subpenaed to appear here 
today, you were m attendance at a mass meeting in Union Square in 
Xew York City, were you not i 

jNlr. Gibson. I must confer with my attorney. 

Yes, I was. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. ^Vliat was the nature of that mass meeting ? 

Mr. Gibson. I shall have to confer with my attorney again. 

Sorry, but I must decline to answer that question for the following 
reasons: I question the jurisdiction of this committee to inquire in 
this area : secondly, I feel that it lacks an}' legislative purpose ; and 
thirdly, I believe it lacks pertinency. 

Senator Keating. Let me make this clear. You do not claim your 
privilege under the fifth amendment of the Constitution, do you? 

Mr. Gibson. I have not been directed to answer this question. 

Senator Dodd. I shall direct you now to inform the committee of 
the rights upon which you stand. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The reason this question is pertinent to the com- 
mittee's inquiry is that the committee has information that this par- 
ticular mass meeting had a connection with the Fair Plav for Cuba 
Committee. 

Xow, will you answer the question as to the nature of the meeting ? 

Mr, Gibson. Since I have been directed to answer this question, I 
must state that, for the reasons previously given and on the basis of 
my rights under the first and fifth amendments, I must decline to 
answer. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Will 3'ou similarly decline to answer regarding your 
address at that meeting and the subject of your address ? 

Mr. Gibson. Have I been asked that question? 

Mr. Sourwine. I shall ask you now. 

i\Ir. Gibson. Are you asking me about what you would ask me ? 

Mr. Sourwine. The intent was to elicit the information if possible. 

Mr. Gibson. I 

Senator Dodd. "\V1iv do we not ask him? Have you made a speech 
there? 

Mr. Gibson. I have prepared a statement, which I believe the chair- 
man, in the executive session, said I would have an opportunity to 
present. 

Senator Dodd. That is not what I meant. I asked you whether or 
not you made a speech at the meeting at which you appeared and were 
served the subpena under which you are appearing now. 

Mr. Gibson. I must confer with my attorney. 

I must decline to answer that question on all of the previously stated 
grounds. 

Senator Keating. Did you see the movie which was shown here? 

Mr. Gibson. Xo, I did not. 

]Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Gibson, I show you an advertisement which ap- 
peared in the Xew York Times on Friday, April 21, 1961, at page 
23-C of that newspaper. Are you familiar with this advertisement ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am afraid I must decline to answer the question on 
all of the grounds previously stated. 



134 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE. It is quite obvious, Mr. Gibson, that you are the 
Gibson referred to in that ad, whether you are willing to admit it on 
the record or not. 

Will you tell us what you had to do with the preparation and 
placement of this ad ? 

Mr. Gibson. For the reasons previously given, and on the basis of 
my rights under the first and the fifth amendments, I must decline 
to answer. 

Mr. SoTjRwiNE. Now there is nothing about the placement of this 
advertisement in the New York Times which can possibly incriminate 
you if the ad is honest, is there ? 

Mr. Gibson. Excuse me, I did not hear that. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I say there is nothing about the placement of tliis 
ad in the New York Times which can possibly incriminate you if the 
ad itself is honest, is there ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must again decline to answer on all of the grounds I 
have previously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I shall state for the information of 
the witness that the committee's information is that this ad was paid 
for by check to the Waterman and Getz Agency, 370 Lexington Ave- 
nue, New York, in the amount of $4.536 ; that this was a certified check ; 
that it was signed with the name, "Richard Gibson." 

I have here a photostat of this check. I want to show it to this 
witness. 

Now, Mr. Gibson, is not that your signature ? 

INIr. Gibson. For the reasons previously stated — all of the reasons — 
I must decline to answer. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. May this check go in the record at this point, ]Mr. 
Chairman ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, the photostat. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The photostat, yes. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 23*' and is 
reproduced on the following page.) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



135 



CI 

c 







136 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Kkvting. ^Nlay I ask one other question ? 

Have you read tliis advertisement in the New York Times ? 

Mr. GiBsox. For all the reasons previously stated, Senator, I must 
again decline to answer. 

Senator Keating. In other words, you think it might incriminate 
you to read the New York Times ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. I am very sorry, but I must decline to answer for all 
of the reasons previously stated. I would like to recall to you, sir, that 
I asked to present a statement and that I was given some assurance by 
the chairman at the executive session that I would be allowed to pre- 
sent this statement. I hope that I will be. 

Senator Dodd. Go ahead, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, this check was certified. The cer- 
tification voucher of which we have a photostat here, was signed by 
one Roach as teller. If the committee should deem it of importance, 
if there is any doubt about the identity of this witness as the man who 
presented the check, we can call Mr. Roach and ask him if this is the 
man who presented the check. 

I would like, in order that it be preserved for the record, that this 
voucher be inserted in the record. 

Senator Dodd. Yes, it may be admitted and inserted in the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 2-i"' and is 
reproduced below:) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



137 



d 

12; 







138 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. I think the committee should make an exhaustive in- 
vestigation of this whole transaction, this acl, the funds used to pay for 
it, and the source of the monej^ and all details. 

Mr. SouRWixE. Mr. Gibson, this check was drawn on the account of 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee of the Institute for Improvement 
of Inter- American Relations, Inc., 799 Broadway. What is the In- 
stitute for the Improvement of Inter- American Relations, Inc. ? 

Mr. GiBsox. For all reasons which I have previously stated, and 
on the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments, I must 
decline to ansAver. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you an official of the Institute for Improvement 
of Inter- American Relations, Inc. ? 

Mr. GiBSox. I must again decline to answer for all of the reasons 
previously stated. 

jMr. SouRWixE. It is of some significance, Mr. Chairman, that the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee, when it was organized, was an organ- 
ization solely in and of itself, and not a committee for anything at all. 
That was just the name for it. It now turns up to be the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee of the Institute for Improvement of Inter- 
American Relations, Inc., which looks as though it had broadened its 
outlook somewhat. 

Senator Dodd. Broadening its operations somewhat. 

Senator Keatixg. It looks like it is lengthening its name. 

Mr. SouRWTXE. ]Mr. Gibson, do you maintain 

Senator Keatixg. May I ask this, Mr. Chairman ? 

Is that all in the corporate name, the Fair Play for Cuba Commit- 
tee of the Institute for the Improvement of Inter- Americaii Relations, 
Inc. ? Is that all one name ? 

]Mr. GiBSox. Was that question directed to me ? 

Senator Keatix'g, To you, yes. 

Mr. GiBSOx'. I must respectfully say that I decline to answer for 
reasons which I stated previously. 

Senator Dodd. I must say I must ask you to answer that question. 
You have identified yourself as Richard Gibson, an official of this 
organization. You are directed by the Chair to answer the question. 

]Mr. GiBsox-. On the basis of my rights under the first and the fifth 
amendments, I must decline to answer. 

Senator Dodd. I want to make perfectly clear to you that I am order- 
ing you to answer this question, notwithstanding your claim. You 
told us that you are an official, and we want this question answered. 

Mr. GiBsox. I shall have to consult with my counsel, then. 

I am very sorry, but on the basis of my rights under the first and 
fifth amendments, I must respectfully decline to answer. 

Senator Dodd. All right, the record is clear. 

IMr. Souravixe. Do you maintain an account at the 14th and Broad- 
way Branch of the Chase jManhattan Bank ? 

Mr. GiBsox. I must decline to answer for the reasons previously 
stated. 

Mr. SouR^\^XE. Does the Fair Play for Cuba Committee have 
accounts in any banks other than Chase Manhattan ? 

Mr. GiBsox. I must decline to answer, for all of the reasons pre- 
viouslv stated. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 139 

Mr. SouRwixE. Do you know a jNIiss Clark at the Waterman and 
Getz Agency in Xew York ? 

Mr. Gibson. I nnist decline to answer, for all the reasons previously 
stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This surprises me, Mr. Chairman, because it is the 
committer's information that Mr. Gibson does not know any Miss 
Clark and did not deal with her in any way. 

Is that not true, Mr. Gibson? 

Mr. GiBSOx. I am afraid I must decline to answer, for the reasons 
which I have previously stated. 

]Mr. SoT'RWixE. The committee's information is, Mr. Chairman, that 
all of the dealings in connection Avith this ad were conducted on the 
l)art of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee by a Miss Green, a Miss 
G-r-e-e-n who used the telephone number, Oregon 4-8295 for her 
calls back and forth with the Waterman and Getz Agency. 

Do you know this Miss Green, ]Mr. Gibson ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. I must state that I must decline to answer for the 
reasons previously given, and on the basis of my rights mider the 
hrst and the fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRWiXE. Will you tell us who are employees of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. GiBSox'. I must decline to answer, for the reasons previously 
stated. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Mr. Chairman 

Senator Dodd. Xow, the Chair Avants you to answer this question, 
notwithstanding your claim. 

Mr. GiBSOx. Excuse me, I must consult with my counsel. 

On the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments, I 
must decline to answer. 

Senator Dodd. You understand that you have told us you are an 
ofHcial of this organization. We are interested in finding out about 
it, and we want to knoAV if it is a violator of the Foreign Agents 
Registi^tion Act. 

I want to tell you again that I want the record perfectly clear that 
the Chair has ordered you to answer this question. 

Mr. GiBSOx. 1 must decline to answer on the basis of my rights 
under the first and the fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRAViNE. I shall preface this series of questions, Mr. Gibson, 
by the st<atement to you that I have not endeavored to open up argu- 
jiient with you. I am asking these questions for the factual content 
of the answers I hope to get. 

Senator Dodd. I just want to impress upon you that it is important, 
and it is the business of the Congress to find out if the Foreign Agents 
Registration Act needs to be amended or strengthened. We already 
have evidence before this committee that your predecessor in office 
in this Fair Play for Cuba Committee received money from a foreign 
government to run an ad in the New York Times, 

Now you have admitted here that you are his successor as an official 
of this organization. There is in evidence before this committee 
another ad in the New York Times. We have asked you to answer 
these questions; I have ordered you to answer them. Now I have 
ordered you as chairman of this subcommittee to answer them, and I 
want it to be perfectly clear in your mind what you have been ordered 



140 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

to do, and that there will be no doubt in your mind and the reasons 
for the order, do you understand ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer on the basis of my rights 
under the first and fifth amendments. 

Senator Keating. May I ask a question ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. If the Chair will permit me — this may be equivo- 
cal — but I would like to ask it of the witness. 

Your refusal to answer, did that comprehend a refusal to answer 
the question as to whether you understood the Chairman ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must consult with my attorney. 

As far as the question is concerned, I can state I did understand. 

Senator Dodd. It appears to me that you are tiying to bait this 
committee and defy it and indicate your contempt. I want the record 
to show that this committee is actually aware of what you are trying 
to accomplish. 

Mr. Gibson. Senator, I came here with a statement which I am 
prepared to make. I believe it was stated that I would have the op- 
portunity to make that statement. I again respectfully request the 
right to do so. 

Senator Kjeating. Mr. Chairman, may I ask a question ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Senator Keating. Mr. Gibson, you have testified that you are the 
acting national executive secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee. How long have you acted in that capacity ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer that question on 
the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

Senator Keating. I ask that the chairman direct him to answer that 
question. 

Senator Dodd. The Chair directs you to answer the question put to 
you by Senator Keating, notwithstandmg the claims you have as- 
serted. 

Mr. Gibson. I must consult. 

Upon advice of coimsel, I may reply to that question that I have 
been the acting national executive secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee for approximately 3 months. 

Senator Keating. You are succeeding Mr. Taber in that capacity ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must consult. 

Yes. 

Senator Keating. What are vour duties as the acting national 
executive secretary? 

Mr. Gibson. For the reasons previously gi\en, and on the basis of 
my rights under the first and fifth amendments, I must respectf idly 
decline to answer. 

Senator Dodd. The Chair orders that you, Mr. "Witness, answer the 
question, notwithstanding the assertion of your rights under the first 
and fifth amendments. 

Mr. Gibson. On the basis of my rights under the first and fifth 
amendments, I again respectfully repeat that I must decline to 
answer. 

Senator Keating. Mr. Chairman, may I ask a further question of 
this witness, premised on the fact that this witness has testified tliat 
he is the acting national executive secretary and that he succeeded Mr. 
Taber in that capacity ? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 141 

T)o you know where Mr. Taber is now ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer that question for 
till the reasons previously stated. 

Senator Keating. How did you succeed him ? Was it by an elec- 
tion or by appointment^ 

Mr. (tibsox. I must respectfully decline to answer on the basis of 
my rights under the first and hf th amendments. 

Senator Keating. I think he has opened the door on that, Mr. 
■Chairman. 

Senator Dodd. Yes, I think there is no doubt about it. 

The chairman of the committee must direct you to answer that 
question. 

Mr. Gibson. I must consult. 

For the reasons previously given, and on the basis of my rights 
under the first and fifth amendments, I must decline to answer. 

Senator Dodd. Very well; the record is clear. The Chair has 
ordered you to answer. 

]Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, having put your name to this ad in the 
New York Times as the functioning head of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Conunittee, will you tell us, do you laiow that the statements in this 
ad are true? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer for all of the 
reasons previously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This ad states that the Fair Play for Cuba Commit- 
tee has more than 6,000 members, with 21 chapters in U.S. cities, and 
4 chapters in Canada. How do you laiow this to be tiTie ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer, for all the reasons previously 
stated. 

Mr. SoTJRwiNE. Will you tell us in what cities the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee has chapters? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer for all the rea- 
sons previously stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This ad states that the Fair Play for Cuba Commit- 
tee has student councils on more than 40 university campuses in the 
United States and Canada. Will you tell us where those 40 councils 
are ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer on all the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Where are the records of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee membership kept? 

Mr. Gibson. On the basis of my rights under the first and fifth 
amendments, I must decline to answer. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, as the acting national executive secretary, you 
have a list of the members, do you not ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer on the basis of mv rights 
under the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You certainly have a list of the chapters ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must again decline to answer, for all the reasons 
previously stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this witness be ordered 
and directed to produce before this committee, on a date which the 
chairman shall fix at his discretion, any lists in his possession showing 
the members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, the locations of 



142 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

the chapters of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and the identity 
and location of the university campuses on which the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee has student councils. 

Senator Dodd. All right. 

The Chair orders you to produce the records as set out by coimsel 
1 week from today at 2 p.m. 

Mr. Faulkner. Mr. Chairman, may I respectfully request that a 
subpena be prepared requesting the specific items ? 

Mr. SoxjRWiNE. We shall furnish you with a certified copy of this 
record, which has all the force of a subpena. There is no magic in 
a subpena. All that is needed is evidence that the committee has 
ordered the production of certain documents. 

Mr. Faulkner. There are certain legal policies, and I think a sub- 
pena is the proper form. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The committee wull be the judge of how it will 
order the production of these documents. If you intend to make a 
point that the order is illegal or invalid because it is not in the form 
of a subpena, that is your privilege. The order has been made by the 
chairman of the committee in open session on the record. We will 
furnish you with a certified copy. 

Senator Dodd. That is 1 week from today, at 2 p.m. 

What is the date? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That will be May 1. That will be May Day. 

Is that a bad day for you, Mr. Gibson ? Would you rather have it 
another day ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am afraid I must decline to answer, for all the 
reasons previously stated. 

Senator Dodd. We can put it over to another day if you are busy 
that day. 

Senator Keating. That is all right, it is the 2d, not the 1st. 

Senator Dodd. Would it help you any if it were on the 3d ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer for all the reasons previously 
stated. 

Senator Dodd. It is for your own convenience. We are trying to 
find out what day will be most convenient for you. This order is 
issued. You are not going to change that. It is just the date which 
is at issue, that is all. 

Mr. Gibson. I am at your command, whatever is convenient for 
you. 

Senator Dodd. Fine. We shall fix it for a week from today, the 
2d day of May, at 2 p.m. 

Mr. Faulkner, If the Chair will permit me, may I, for the con- 
venience of counsel, ask that it be another day ? I have to be in Wash- 
ington here on Monday, and I shall be tied up on a case. I would 
prefer it later in the week so that I can get back to New York and 
come back again. I would ask, if it suits the convenience of the com- 
mittee, to make it later in that week, Thursday or Friday. 

Senator Dodd. The 4th of May ? 

Mr. Faulkner. At what hour ? 

Senator Dodd. At 3 p.m. 

Mr. Faulkner. That is all right Avith me. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 143 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Gibson, this ad in the New York Times describes 
the Fair Phiy for Cnhn Committee as a nonprofit American organ- 
ization. Is this the correct description ? 

Mr. (iiBSON. I must decline to answer for all of the reasons pre- 
viously stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is the Fair Play for Cuba Committee incorporated? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer on the basis of my rights 
under the first and fifth amendments. 

Senator Dodd. The Chair orders you to answer, notwithstanding the 
assertion of your rights under the first and fifth amendments. This 
is clearly a matter we have a right to inquire into. You have identi- 
fied youi-self as an officer of the organization. 

Mr. Gibson. I must confer with counsel. 

I must state, upon advice of counsel, that I am not certain really, 
about the legal status of the structure of the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee. But I shall probably know next Thursday. 

Senator Keating. Did I understand you to say you did not know ? 

Mr. Gibson. I said I am not clear about this, and I shall find out if 
you are interested. 

Senator Keating. Well, when you signed a check with the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee and some other words, "Inc.," you knew 
you did that, did you not ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer on the basis of my rights 
under the first and fifth amendments. 

Senator Dodd. Well, you are ordered to answer that question also. 

Mr. Gibson. On the basis of my rights mider the first and fifth 
amendments, I respectfully decline to answer. 

Mr. Sotjrwine. Mr. Gibson, is the Fair Play for Cuba Committee 
registered anywhere, under State or Federal law, as a nonprofit 
organization ? 

Mr. GmsoN. I must decline to answer for all the reasons previously 
given. 

Senator Dodd. Is it registered under the Foreign Agents Registra- 
tion Act? 

Mr, Gibson. I must decline to answer — no ; it is not. 

Senator Dodd. Are you saying no, it is not, or 

Mr. Gibson. I can state that it is not. 

Senator Dodd. It is not registered under the Foreign Agents Regis- 
tration Act? 

Mr. Gibson. It is not. 

Senator Dodd. All right. 

Go ahead. 

Senator Keating. Let me ask one other question. 

You have stated you are the acting national executive secretary of 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Does the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee pay you a salary as acting national executive secretary ? 

Mr. Gibson. No; it does not. 

Senator Keating, Do you receive a salary for your work for any 
organization ? 

Mr, Gibson, No; I am a CBS fellow at Columbia University Grad- 
uate School in African Studies, 

Senator Dodd, A what kind of fellow ? 

Mr. Gibson. CBS, Columbia Broadcasting System. 

64139 O — 61— pt. 2 2 



144 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Keating. Under a fellowship they have established ? 

Mr. Gibson. Granted by the CBS Foundation for people in elec- 
tronic journalism, or in the field of communications, to study what- 
ever they wish in the graduate school. I have been studying African 
studies for this year. 

Senator Keating. How long have you been studying there ? 

Mr. Gibson. I have been there since September. 

Senator Keating. The fellowship was granted for 1 year ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Keating. And does that pay all of your expenses ? 

Mr. Gibson. It certainly does. 

Senator Keating. How many of those fellowships are there ? 

Mr. Gibson. Eight, nationally. 

Senator Keating. Throughout the country ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Keating. Are you a resident of New York ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am. 

Senator Keating. And you are a U.S. citizen ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; I am. 

Senator Keating. A native-born American ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes; I am an American Negro, and I have lived here 
quite too long, in any case. 

Senator Dodd. Do you know the names of the seven besides your- 
self who received Columbia Broadcasting System fellowships? 

Mr. Gibson. I know the names of some of them. I do not know 
if I could rattle them off at one fell swoop. 

Senator Dodd. You can take your time ; you do not need to rattle. 

Mr. Gibson. I would be glad to provide the names, but I would 
like to give them privately. After all, these people are not involved 
with me in any way, and I shall give them in confidence. 

Senator Dodd. I think that is fair enough. 

Did the CBS know that you were a member or an officer, or had 
any connection with Fair Play for Cuba Committee when you got 
this fellowship ? 

Mr. Gibson. Quite frankly, I do not know. 

Senator Dodd. Did you know Kobert Taber at that time ? He was 
then a CBS official. 

Mr. Gibson. I do not know anything about that. I know that as 
far as I am concerned, I do not know what they knew. 

Senator Dodd. Well, you know Robert Taber? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Well, now, he was an official of the Columbia Broad- 
casting System and the secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee. 

Senator Keating. He was a correspondent, I think, rather than an 
official. 

Mr. Gibson. He was not an official of the Columbia Broadcasting 
System. 

Senator Dodd. All right, we shall not quibble about that. I think 
you know what I mean. He certainly was an employee of the Colum- 
bia Broadcasting System, was he not ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 145 

Senator Dodd. Alx)iit the time you ^ot your fellowship, I ask you 
a^ain, did CBS know you were associated with the Fair I'lay for 
Cuba Coiuniittee? 

Mr. Giiisox. I must repeat, quite frankly, I do not know. 

Senator Dodd. Did you tell them 'i 

Mr. Gibson. I do not believe it was any of their business what I 
was doing. 

Senator Dodd. I did not ask you that. 

Mr. GiBsox. No, I did not. 

Senator Dodd. You did not tell them ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Dodd. They have never asked you since ? 

Mr. Gibson. Later, yes. 

Senator Dodd. They have? 

Mr. Gibson. I imderstood that on the basis of a letter from Senator 
Byrd, of Virginia, who also supposedly had made certain criticisms 
of me because of my involvement with certain Negro causes in the 
South, as well as the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, because of the 
visit of agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, that the 
Cohimbia Broadcasting System felt impelled to ask for my resigna- 
tion. 

Senator Keating. Have you resigned ? 

Mr. Gibson. I resigned, yes. 

Senator Dodd. As what ? 

Mr. Gibson. I resigned as a newswriter. I was an employee. I am 
no longer an employee, I am a holder of a fellowship. 

Senator Dodd. You were also employed by the CBS ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. The fellowships are open only to CBS em- 
ployees, or to persons engaged in teaching electronic journalism, or 
emploj^ees of educational television and radio stations. 

Senator Dodd. I see. You are no longer employed by Columbia 
Broadcasting System, so I take it they asked you to resign ? 

Mr. Gibson. That is correct. 

Senator Dodd. But you still continue with this fellowship at Colum- 
bia University, which is paid for by the Columbia Broadcasting 
System? 

Mr. Gibson. Indirectly it is. It is a foundation which is not directly 
subsidiary to the company. 

Senator Keating. When were your sei-A^ices terminated by CBS ? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe it was in June or July, around that time;' in 
the summer. 

Senator Keating. Of 1960 ? 

Mr. Gibson. The summer of 1960, yes. 

Senator Keating. But you started your work under the fellowship 
in the fall of 1960? 

Mr. Gibson. In September. 

Senator Keating. And had the fellowship been awarded to you 
before your services were terminated? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, it had. 

Senator Dodd. Did you handle news for CBS ? 

Mr. Gibson. I did. 

Senator Dodd. You did ? 



146 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, I was the first Negro newswriter they ever had ; 
I must say rather regretfully. 

Senator Dodd. And Taber also handled news, did he not ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Did you ever handle any news about Cuba and Cas- 
tro? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

I might add that we called on the officials of the company to go over 
any scripts that we wrote to find bias. The offer was declined, but it 
was quoted by the Writers Guild of America East, of which I am a 
member. 

Senator Dodd. I guess it did not go. They certainly discontinued 
your employment ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, they did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, this ad in the New York Times de- 
clares that the only source of income for the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee is the contributions of faimiinded Americans. You know that 
to be an untime statement, do you not ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer on the basis of my rights and 
privileges under the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. fcjouRwiNE. Well, now, Mr. Gibson, do you not know that the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee first came to public notice with an ad 
in the New York Times which was paid for in substantial part by 
funds supplied by Raul Roa, Jr., a Cuban official ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer for all the reasons previously 
stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This ad says, Mr. Gibson, the long list of arrests and 
jailings of Castro followers in Florida, Texas, and other parts of our 
country is a matter of record. 

Will you tell us where this so-called long list is a matter of record? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer on the basis of my rights un- 
der the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have such a list ? 

Mr. Gibson. I again must decline to answer for all the reasons 
previously stated. 

Senator Kjeating. Was your fellowship at CBS backed by Mr. 
Taber? 

Mr. Gibson. No, Mr. Taber had nothing to do with my fellowship. 

Senator Keating. Where were you a correspondent at the time you 
applied for the fellowship ? 

Mr. Gibson. Excuse me, I did not hear. 

Senator Keating. Where were you a correspondent at the time you 
applied for the fellowship ? 

Mr. Gibson. I was not a correspondent, I was a newswriter em- 
ployed by WCBS Radio News in New York City. I also worked oc- 
casionally for WCBS Television. 

Senator Keating. And how was the test conducted? By a sub- 
mission of your background and a paper of some kind ? 

Mr. Gibson. It was on the basis of a program of studies, back- 
ground, personal interviews, number from, I suppose, 20 to 30 candi- 
dates, and 8 were selected from them. 

Senator Keating. Is your only income the income you get from 
the fellowship? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 147 

Mr. Gibson. It is, except for perhaps an occasional sum of money 
that might come from writing on the outside. 

Senator Dodd. Who askedyou to become acting national executive 
secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Gibson. I must confer with my counsel. 

I must decline to answer that question, on the basis of my rights 
under the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, in this ad which you caused to be 
placed in the New York Times, you declare: "Congress has surren- 
dered its functions to conspirators.'' 

If this statement is true, it certainly affects the internal security of 
the United States. Will you tell this committee to what conspirators 
has Coiig.ress surrendered what functions ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer that question on all the 
grounds I have previously stated. 

Senator Keating. May I ask a question ? 

You signed this ad. Did you write the ad ? 

Mr, Gibson. I must decline to answer on the basis of my rights 
under the first and fifth amendments. 

Senator Keating. Did you know of its contents before it was in- 
serted in the paper? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer for all of the reasons pre- 
viously stated. 

Senator Dodd. The Chair will order you to answer that question. 

Mr. Gibson, I again state that I must decline to answer, on the 
basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

Senator Keating. May I ask another question ? 

You have supplemented your income somewhat by writings. In 
what publications have your writings appeared ? 

Mr, Gibson. Not very many ; the Nation magazine. 

Senator Keating. The Nation ? 

Mr, Gibson. The magazine, the Nation, A novel of mine was 
published in Italy, and I believe that was the last income I received 
from independent sources of income ; in other words, from writing. 

Senator Keating, What is the name of the novel ? 

Mr, Gibson. It was published in England under the title of "A 
Mirror for Magistrates," published in 1958 by Anthony Bland, Ltd., in 
Ijondon, It was published in Italy by Bon Viano, 

Senator Keating, Has it been published in the United States? 

Mr, Gibson. No, it has not, I am still looking for a publisher. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Will you tell us, Mr. Gibson, why it is that so many 
oldtime Communists are working so hard for the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer on all of the grounds prev- 
iously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What is the relationship, if any, between the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee and Advance ? 

Mr, Gibson, I must decline to answer that question for all of the 
reasons heretofore given. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What is the relationship between the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee and the Communist Party, USA ? 

Mr, Gibson. None, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. None at all ? 



148 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson. No, and I am not a Communist at all. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That is a good question. Are you a member of the 
Communist Party, USA ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I am not a member. The color of my politics is 
not red, it is black. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You say the Fair Play for Cuba Committee has no 
connection whatsoever with the Communist Party, USA ? 

Mr. Gibson. I state that at least it does not have it through me, and 
I do not know of any other way. 

Senator Dodd. That is not the same thing. Your answer should be 
very carefully put on this record. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Certain of the members of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee are Communists, are they not ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am sorry, we do not inquire into the politics of any- 
one. Quite frankly, I do not know. We do not ask. We do not ask 
anyone's race, religion, or politics; we are only interested in one 
thing. 

Mr. Sourwine. You mean to say you are not aware that there are 
Communist members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. I can state quite frankly that I am not. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are not aware that there were Communists 
among the founders of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am not. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are not aware that there were Communists 
among the organizers of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee ^ 

Mr. Gibson. Not that I have had anything to do with. 

Mr. SotTRWiNE. Are you telling us that you are not aware that old- 
time Communists from one end of this country to another are out 
working for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, helping to organize, 
demonstrate, participate in its activities ? 

Mr. Gibson. If they are, I am not aware of it. 

Senator Dodd. This is very interesting. 

Mr. Gibson. I know one thing ; I am not a Communist. 

Senator Dodd. That is not what you have been asked. 

Mr. Gibson. I do not know the politics of the people involved. I 
have never been engaged in politics in the United States in any way. 

Senator Dodd. That is not what you have been asked about. If you 
would listen to the question, we would like to get the answer. Coun- 
sel has asked you a number of questions, all pointed to an answer as 
to whether or not you know that there are Communists actively en- 
gaged in the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

Mr. Gibson. I said that I did not know, and I have never made any 
inquiries about the political beliefs of people involved in the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee. 

Senator Dodd. My question is. How sure are you that the Com- 
munists are not very active ? 

Mr. Gibson. I did not say I was not sure. I said that I did not 
know, and to the best of my knowledge. 

Senator Dodd. I see. You said you are not sure. 

Mr, Gibson, I did not say I was not sure; I said to the best of my 
knowledge, there were no Communists, I certainly am not in contact 
with Communists that I know of. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 149 



Senator Dodd. You will not tell us how you becnme actiujr uatiouiil 
executive secretary t 

Mr. GiBSOX. I must ajrain state that 1 decline to answer for all the 
reasons previously stated. 

Senator Dodd. Why do you not want to tell us who it was that 
solicited you to become actinij: secretaiy of this organization d 

Mr. (tibsox. I must respectfully decline to answer that question for 
all of the reasons previously ^iven. 

Senator Dodd. We have some information as to how it came about. 

Mr. GiBSOx. Excuse me. 

Senator Dodd. This committee has some information which will be 
developed later as to how you became acting; secretary. I think you 
are entitled to know^ this, because you are being asked some rather 
important questions here today. 

Mr. GiBSox. All right, fine. 

Mr. SouRwix^E. Mr. Gibson, do you know Jake Rosen? 

Mr. GiBSOx\ I must respectfully decline to answer on the basis of 
my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Is not Mr. Rosen connected with the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. GiBsox. On the basis of my rights under the first and fifth 
amendments, I must decline to answer. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Mr. Chairman, I want to state for the record — and 
listen closely, Mr. Witness — this is a question to test the credibility of 
the witness in connection with the flat statement that he did not know 
of any Communists in the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

I put it to you as a fact, Mr. Witness, that you do know Jake Rosen, 
that you do know of his connection with the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee, and that you do know that he is a member of the Communist 
Party, USA. If this is untrue, I ask you to deny it. 

Mr. GiBSox. I must decline to answer that question on the basis of 
my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

Senator Dodd. Pay attention, please. You are directed by the 
Chair specifically to answer this question. It is of great importance 
to this committee. It is entirely germane; it goes to the very heart 
of our business. 

Mr. GiBSOX. I must confer with counsel. 

Senator Dodd. Let me add, and pay attention, you have opened this 
up yourself. You have answered other questions, and this is relating 
to those answers that you have already given. 

The reason I ask you to pay full attention is I want to point out to 
you it is very important to the members of this committee. We are 
trying to get this information for a very valid legislative purpose. 

Mr. GiBSOx. I must confer with counsel. 

On the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments, I 
must respectfully decline to answer that question. 

Mr. SouRWiXE. You understand that you are declining to answer 
after you have been ordered to do so, notwithstanding your assertion 
of your rights under the first and fifth amendments ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am stating that, on the basis of my rights under the 
first and fifth amendments, I must decline to answer. 



150 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Another question, Mr. Chairman, for the same pur- 
pose as the last one, to test the credibility of the witness' statement 
that he does not know of any Communist on the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee. 

I put it to you as a fact, and ask you, if it is untrue, to deny it, if it 
is incorrect or inaccurate, to correct me, that you know^ one Wendy 
Nakashima, that you know that she is a member of the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee, that you know she is a member of the Communist 
Party, USA. 

Mr. Gibson. I have never heard of her. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Why could not you be equally forthright if that 
were the fact with regard to the question about Jake Rosen ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer for all of the reasons I have 
previously stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Waldo Frank, who was one of the 
organizers of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer on all the grounds I have 
previously given. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Gibson, in the ad that you caused to be placed 
in the New York Times, on Friday, April 21, 1961, your name is the 
only one on the ad. 

In the Fair Play for Cuba Committee ad of April 6, 1960, there were 
a number of names. Can you account for the fact that none of those 
names appears on the ad this year ? 

Mr. Gibson. For reasons previously given, and on the basis of my 
rights under the first and fifth amendments, I must respectfully 
decline to answer. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Is it due, in part, to the fact that some of these Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee members have resigned following the pub- 
lication of the testimony before this committee of Dr. Santos-Buch, 
which showed the Cuban source of financing for the committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer, for all the 
reasons previously given. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Donald Harrington, for one, has resigned, has he 
not? 

Mr. Gibson. Who is that ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Donald Harrington. 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer for all the reasons 
previously stated. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. How many times have you been to Cuba, Mr. 
Gibson? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer on the basis of my rights under 
the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have your expenses to or from a point outside the 
United States ever been paid, with your knowledge, by a foreign gov- 
ernment or foreign national ? 

Mr. Gibson. On the basis of my rights under the first and fifth 
amendments, I must decline to answer. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have your expenses in a foreign country ever been 
paid for by or on behalf of the government of another country ? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 151 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer on the basis of my rights under 
the fii"st and fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you ever received money directly or indirectly 
from the Cuban Government, or any representative thereof ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. I must decline to answer on the basis of my rights 
under the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. Sot RWiNE. Does the Fair Play for Cuba (^ommittee have any 
rule barring Communists from meml)ership ? 

Mr. Faulkner. Mr. Sourwine, would you repeat that question? 

Mr. Sourwine. Does the Fair Play for Cuba Committee have any 
rule barring Communists from membership ? 

Mr. Gibson. There is no rule. There are no rules on membership 
that I know of. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Gibson, is it not true that the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee is doing the propaganda job of the Castro govern- 
ment ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must decline to answer that question on the basis of 
my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRv/iNE. Mr. Gibson, I show you several documents clipped 
together. They are, first, a mimeographed letter dated April 7, 1961, 
beginning, "Dear Friend,'' and signed, "Richard Gibson, Acting Exec- 
utive Secretary." Then a copy of the April 1, 1961, issue of Fair 
Play, and then a reproduction of a column with the byline, Joseph 
Barry, from the New York Post of Wednesday, January 25, 1961. 

I want you to look at these and then I have a question to ask you. 

Mr. Gibson. What was the question, Mr. Sourwine ? 

Mr. Sourwine. You have those before you now. So far, I have 
only shown tliem to you. These were all mailed out together. They 
were received in a single envelope. Did you have anything to do with 
these mailings — that is, with the mailing of these three items ? 

Mr. Gibson. On the basis of my rights under the first and fifth 
amendments, I must respectfully decline to answer. 

Mr. Sourwine. I shall put it to you as what is almost a self-evident 
fact, but I shall ask you, if it is incorrect, to correct it ; if it is wrong, 
to deny it ; that you did instruct these mailings to be made, that they 
were made by your order and with your knowledge by the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee as an appeal for funds for that committee. 

Mr. Gibson. What was the question, Mr. Sourwine? 

Mr. Sourwine. Is that not true ? 

Mr. Gibson. For the reasons previously given, and on the basis of 
my rights under the first and fifth amendments, I must decline to 
answer, 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you tell us who paid for these mailings? 

Mr. Gibson. I must again decline to answer for all the reasons pre- 
viously stated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, may these documents wiiich have 
been shown to the witness be admitted at this point ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, sir. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibit 25, 25 A, and 
25B" and read as follows :) 



152 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



Exhibit No. 25 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMIITTEE 

799 Broadvray, New York 3, N.Y. 

■OR 4-8295 

April 7, 1961 

Dear Friend, 

Our committee is in need of financial help ... 

The enclosed copy of the April 1 issue of FAIR PLAY documents 
the plans for a Washington-sponsored invasion of Cuba. These shock- 
ing facts are confirmed by this morning's NS'-/ YORK TIMES ^-ihich bald- 
ly states that the Florida-based invasion forces "are being trained 
by United States experts." It adds: "Since last fall the training 
has been centralized under the direction of a united Cuban polit- 
ical command. This command . . . has enjoyed the tolerance and coop- 
eration of United States officials." 

Last night, CBS's "World Tonight" program reported "unmistakable 
signs" that invasion plans are in their final stage. 

Our committee has the enormous responsibility of rallying pub- 
lic opinion against this criminal effort to overthrow the government 
of Cuba ... the first government in the island's history that has 
enjoyed populer support. 

During its one year of Intensive activity, our committee has 
found that to the extent that we have been able to reach the public 
with the facts about Cuba and U.S. -Cuban relations, a heartening 
number of people have been persuaded of the dangerous folly of Wash- 
ington's anti-Cuban policy. 

NOW IT IS CRUCIAL TO REACH THE WIDEST POSSIBLE NUMBER OF AMERICANS. 

As the first step in this direction ve propose to distribute 
a minimum of 100,000 leaflets, warning of the current danger and 
stating the key facts that have been suppressed or distorted by the 
molders of American public opinion. 

We have decided to carry through this action even though we 
don't have the money on hand to do it. Our activity to date has 
completely drained our meager financial resources. Within the next 
few weeks each of our members and supporters will receive a detailed 
financial report covering the year of our existence. We believe 
the report will show that we have squeezed a maximum of fair play 
mileage from every dollar contributed. 

But we cannot get the urgently needed added mileage unless ev- 
ery supporter of Fair Play for Cuba rushes financial aid. 

Please help. Send the most generous contribution that you 
can ... today. Don't let Cuba become a bloody battleground. 

Sincerely, 

/s/ Richcrd Gibson 

Acting Executive Secretary 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



153 



Exhibit No. 25-A 



ACLU Protests Travel Ban, Page 4 
The CIA Plot Against Cuba, Page 2 

Fair Play 



Vol. 2 No. 13 



April 1, 1961 



New York 



15 cents 



A Moral Disaster for the United States 



The formation of a so-called Provisional Government 
of Cuba in the United States would have been a com- 
plete farce if there were not repeated and undenied 
reports of U. S. support for such an enterprise through 
the Central Intelligence Agency. The discredited politi- 
cal hacks picked to head this "government," by them- 
selves, pose no danger to the Cuban Revolution, but it 
has long been known that counterrevolutionary forces 
financed by the CIA, have been using Florida, Guate- 
mala, Nicaragua and Costa Rica as training areas and 
staging points for attacks against Cuba. There have 
even been reports that these mercenaries are being 
trained by U. S. officers in conjunction with former mem- 
bers of the Batista army. It is also known that merce- 
naries for an invasion of Cuba are being recruited in 
New York and elsewhere in the East and in Los Angeles 
and along the West Coast. Clearly, none of this activity 
could take place without the knowledge or approval of 
the U. S. Government 

Aggression 

The counterrevolutionaries have repeatedly hinted 
that the Kennedy Administration is willing to supply 
them with all the planes and ships they need for a 
landing on the shores of Cuba, and, if necessary, to 
back them up with U. S. troops once they can grab a 
toehold on the island to establish their "Provisional 
Government" Despite a veil of secrecy, the word is out 
that the big invasion attempt will be made in a matter 
of weeks, perhaps even &&y%. Thus, it is no exaggera- 
tion to charge that the United States is preparing an 
overt aggression against Cuba. 

Since its founding a year ago, the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee has urged an investigation of the activities 
of Cuban counterrevolutionaries in this country. And 
we have called on all responsible members of Congress 
to carry out a thorough investigation of the activities of 
the CIA in pushing these puppets on in their criminal 
enterprise. But the CIA has shown nothing but utter 
contempt for the American people and their representa- 
tives in Congress. Even the State Department has 
thrown up its hands in despair, claiming it has no say 
in determining and little knowledge of the manoeuvres 
of the CIA. Reckless and provocative action on the part 
of this agency could lead this country willy-nilly into 
a major war or at least a number of smaller military 
actions that would neither enhance the prestige of the 
United States nor serve the cause of world peace. 

FPCC has repeatedly urged President Kennedy to 
resume negotiations with the Cuban Government There 
can be no doubt that the Cuban people and their gov- 



ernment sincerely want to reestablish normal and 
friendly relations with the United States, but they are 
determined never to abandon their Revolution and re- 
turn to the unhappy position of a U. S. satellite. Fidel 
Castro has declared on a number of occasions that the 
door is still open for negotiations with the United States. 
President Kennedy has yet to indicate that he is willing 
to discuss anything with Cuba. Washington apparently 
has decided upon a final military solution of the Cuban 
problem, regardless of what the rest of the world, or 
the American people, for that matter, will think. 

Repression in the US 

Because FPCC has worked feverishly to alert the 
American people to this danger, because we have never 
given up hope of persuading our leaders to return to 
reason, FPCC itself has come under heavy fire. But 
when the attacks in the press and in Congress from the 
witchhunters failed, when FBI intimidation was proven 
futile, our enemies turned to violence and threats 
of violence. Thugs have sought to break up FPCC meet- 
ings. In Los Angeles last month, Cuban counterrevolu- 
tionaries, aided by "Young Conservatives," started a 
pitched battle at a meeting where FPCC Founding 
Member Robert F. Williams and Vincent Hallinan 
were speaking. Six of the hoodlums were arrested, one 
of them after a gun battle with a Los Angeles detec- 
tive. Later, police discovered an illegal cache of arms. 
In the face of these threats, we asked Attorney General 
Robert Kennedy to reaffirm our constitutional right to 
free speech. We are still awaiting an answer from Mr. 
Kennedy. 

One thing is certain: a military action against Cuba 
will also be the signal for repression here at home. Just 
as the Algerian War has meant the suppression of civil 
liberties in France, so a U. S. colonial war in the Carib- 
bean will mean the further curtailment of freedom here 
in the United States, Your support for the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee at this perilous time is vital to 
the defense of democracy throughout the Americas. 
We need your dollars, indeed your nickels and dimes, 
to continue our work of alerting the American people 
to the danger of a blood bath in the Caribbean. Such 
a blood bath could only be a moral and political dis- 
aster for this nation. It is because we are as much con- 
cerned for our own country as for Cuba that we again 
urge all Americans to call on President Kennedy to halt 
the race towards war before it is too late and to seek 
a just settlement of all differences with the Cuban Gov- 
ernment in a spirit of understanding and on a level 
of equality. 



154 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



Blueprint for Aggression: 



"Regime to fight Castro is being formed here — Inva- 
sion is planned in spring," with this blazing four-column 
headline, New York's Herald Tribune (Mar. 22) an- 
nounced the latest and most ominous Central Intelli- 
gence Agency scheme. From political and economic ag- 
gression, Washington is shifting to the military arena, 
in a desperate attempt to destroy the Cuban revolution. 

The Baltimore Sun reported the details on how New 
Frontiersmen set up a puppet government. Datelined 
Miami ( Mar. 4 ) : "A secret conference of anti-Castro 
Cubans has opened in Washington today . . . the word 
here is that the warring factions were pressured into get- 
ting together by an agency of the U. S. government The 
pressure, it is stated, took the form of a threat to with- 
draw financial support from all the groups. This source 
also says that certain U. S. government officials are tak- 
ing part in the Washington meeting." 

US Dollars 

Time reported (Jan. 27): "The Frente apparently 
gets virtually all the US financial aid to Cuba's under- 
ground, estimated to range from a minimum of $135,000 
mortthly to as high as $500,000 on occasions, and Mr. 
•B' the CIA agent in charge . . ." The CIA has plenty 
more. The NY Post stated (Nov. 12, 1959) : "Authorita- 
tive congressional sources have estimated CIA's annual 
appropriation at between $350,000,000 and $500,000,- 
000." 

The Miami Herald (Mar. 12) reported that counter- 
revolutionary leaders say "once rebel troops in Cuba 
secure a strategic area of land, the provisional govern- 
ment will step in, declare the land a free territory and 
ask anti-Castro governments to come in and help them 
fight Castro." 

Joseph Newman (TVy Herald Tribune, Mar. 30) sug- 
gests the most logical possibility in which an "area 
near the top of the (Escambray) mountains" may be- 
come the site of the CIA-Cuban regime. 

What next? There is solid evidence that the CIA 
may be preparing an invasion of Cuba. 

A diabolical plan for subjugating Cuba was published 
in the July 16, 1960 National Review, — it has proven 
prophetic. The article by Anthony Harrigan called for 
an initial invasion of Cuba by counter-revolutionaries in 
the US, invoking the Monroe Doctrine, halting ship- 
ments of supplies and spare parts to Cuba, an arms em- 
bargo and a sea blockade. 

/. F. Stone's Weekly (Jan. 16) revealed that on Jan. 
4, correspondents "were given a background not-for- 
attribution briefing on our plans to choke off the Castro 
regime with a sea and air blockade." 

Finally, says Harrigan, "a single lightning blow" 
would fall, on the theory that Americans would not ac- 
cept a prolonged "Korea-type" war in Cuba. The single 



lightning blow would be a mass flight of planes over 
Cuba. "Since the US might not wish to use its own 
military planes, manned by its own air personnel, on 
missions against Castro, it would be necessary for free 
Cubans to obtain a tremendous fleet of privately-owned 
light planes. This is not at all far-fetched." 

For areas out of reach of light planes, "US military 
aircraft, operating under secret orders with CIA officers 
in charge, (would) carry out airdrops. .. A provisional 
government of Cuba could call on the US for open 
assistance in the pacification of the country." 

Drew Pearson (Feb. 11, 1960) revealed a secret 
White House conference where former US Ambassador 
"Bonsai told both the President and Secretary of State. 
. . . that any intervention by the USA, whether economic 
through sugar quotas or military regarding the US 
Naval Base at Guantanamo, would only play into Cas- 
tro's hands." The possibility of using Guantanamo's 
naval base to crucify the revolution has apparently been 
under consideration. 

Time (Aug. 8, 1960) recalls that in May 1954 "with 
the United States CIA as a silent partner, a Guatemalan 
colonel named Carlos Castillo Armas launched his 
counter-revolutionary invasion of the Red-dominated 
country. As F-47s swooped down over Guatemala City 
with US pilots at the controls." 

Guatemala Bais 

One of the most chilling revelations appeared in the 
NY Times (Jan. 10) under this headline: "US helps 
train an anti-Castro force at secret Guatemala air- 
ground base." The dispatch from Retalhuleu, Guate- 
mala reports: "There is intensive daily air training here 
from a partly hidden airfield In the Cordillero foothills 
back from the Pacific, commando-like forces are being 
drilled in guerilla warfare tactics by foreign persoimel, 
mostly from the US." 

The secret jet airstrip was completed in an 80-day 
crash program in the late summer of 1960, under the 
worst possible climatic conditions by a North American 
construction company, Thompson-Cornwall. Jet fuel 
storage tanks dot one side of the area. Every approach 
to the airstrip is guarded by armed sentries. The air 
base is big enough to handle jets and military air trans- 
ports. Dr. Ronald Hilton of Stanford University was 
told in Guatemala that the US-CIA had acquired the 
large tract of land, at an outlay in excess of $1,000,000. 

Don Dwiggins, who is aviation editor for the Los 
Angeles Mirror, was told by an anti-Castro gun-runner 
about a "fantastic air-raid operation scheduled for some 
time early in 1961," pilots are being offered $25,000 to 
fly on this mission. "The plan is for them to streak in 
low over the water, boom over the coastline at 4 a.m. 
one morning, and bomb Castro's oil storage tanks." 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



155 



How the CIA Plots Against Cuba 



Dwiggins adds: "Anti-Castro planes actually have pulled 
off such raids, — but with pamphlets, not bombs" {Na- 
tion, Jan. 7). 

The sedate NY Times reported without wincing 
(Mar. 26): "Unmarked planes fly over Cuba daily, 
evidently supporting the oppositionists with arms and 
messages from the Cuban exile community in Florida" 

Photos of armed mercenaries training in Florida are 
appearing in the US press with impunity. An editorial 
titled "Asylum or Staging Ground?" in the Nation (Jan. 
7) asks whether these provocative staging operations 
are "ignored because Washington wants to step up its 
war-of-nerves against the Castro regime?" Despite en- 
couragement by Washington, it is certain that no group 
of petty mercenaries can challenge a united armed 
Cuban people. 

Cuba's Strength 

R Hart Phillips (NY Times, Mar. 26) reports from 
Havana that Cuba is a military fortress with 45,000 
regular troops and 300,000 militia members with the 
best of weapons. "Castro is able to concentrate thou- 
sands of militia and soldiers within a few hours at a 
given point" Castro feels confident "that he is almost 
invunerable. Observers are inclined to agree with him 
except in the case of a trained, experienced army and 
air force equipped to destroy the Castro fighting forces." 
Nothing short of US air and ground forces can be effec- 
tive. 

The Miami Herald (Jan. 11) published a story de- 
tailing the Miami-Guatemala airlift. "So secret are the 
flights that checks with air traffic control centers when 
such planes are known to have left the Opa-Locka 
(Navy) field revealed no flight plans. How many have 
gone from Miami? ... a month ago, the total numbered 
over 4,000 guerillas and more than 100 pilots . . . The 
volunteer discovers he can write home, but his letters 
are censored. His landing in Guatemala is made at Ret- 
alhulea" The training camps are nearby, both are in 
the Cordillera foothills. 

Besides the establishment of a Quisling regime, a jet 
airfield and staging areas, the US is also training its own 
shock troops. The Wall Street Journal (Feb. 27) deli- 
cately discusses the beefing up of US army guerillas at 
Fort Bragg, N.C while hoping for another Guatemala. 

"Such a force poses grave hazards, to be sure. Among 
them: American military men could be put in the sensi- 
tive position of organizing revolutionaries and subver- 
sives against Red governments, even though the US is 
not officially at war. 

"Though the Special Forces are not necessarily in- 
volved, it's no secret that this country is already furnish- 
ing weapons and supplies to anti-Castro forces in cen- 
tral Cuba's Escambray Mountains and training counter- 
revolutionaries in Florida and Guatemala. 



"The training school for American Special Forces 
also provides instruction to what it terms 'civilian em- 
ployes of the government,' presumably intelligence 
agents." 

There's the democratic inspiration of crushing nas- 
cent agrarian reformers, "in at least one instance, the 
US did engineer a revolt — against the left wing govern- 
ment of Guatemala in mid- 1954. An anti-Communist 
force of Guatemalans, trained and financed by Amer- 
ican intelligence agents, gathered in neighboring Hon- 
duras for its attack on the government of Communistic 
President Jacobo Arbenz. After less than a month's 
fighting, the rebels won. Ever since, Guatemala has been 
a fairly strong backer of US policy." 

The article relates that US guerillas "are quite lit- 
erally taking tips" from Mao Tse-Tung and Che Gue- 
vara. According to the NY Times (Mar. 28), Kennedy 
is said to be "profovmdly impressed" by Guevara's study, 
but the Pentagon strikes a note of caution: "In such 
operations it is essential that the people be sympathetic 
and that the army have their confidence." Aye, there's 
the rub. 

Unfortunately for Kennedy and the CIA, Joseph 
Newman, in his NY Herald Tribune series (Mar. 23) 
is forced to admit that "Castro and Guevara are liter- 
ally adored by the large number of poor and humiliated 
Cubans, especially the Negroes. They see these two 
leaders as saintly and honorable men, dedicated to re- 
moving injustices and discrimination." 

The Ubiquitous CIA 

Reckless organizers of the Guatemalan reaction and 
the U2 fiasco are ever present The Miami Herald (Mar. 
13) relates that "foremost exile chiefs" of the counter- 
revolution say that the Democratic Revolutionary Front 
"is sponsored and subsidized by the CIA." A Cuban 
official of the Frente said: "Not one ammunition boat 
leaves for Cuba, not one plane leaves for the training 
camps without a CIA agent aboard. Gun-running boats 
without a CIA agent along are almost always stopped 
by US authorities." 

Time reported in 1953 that the CIA "was from the 
start engaged in a wide range of covert activities." Be- 
sides traditional espionage, agents spread across the 
world with "a few 20th century improvements such as 
plastic explosives." There are now an estimated 40,000 
CIA employees. Gunboat diplomacy in its modem guise 
utilizes secret agents, subversion and sabotage, while 
holding the armed forces in reserve. 

Hanson Baldwin, military analyst for the NY Times, 
in discussing the CIA (Jan. 15, 1956) summed up a 
grave danger: "Uncontrolled intelligence agencies are 
in a position to dominate policy making, and hence gov- 
ernment. Their very secrecy gives them power, there 
are few to accept or reject their findings." 

— by Henry Spira 



156 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



ACLU Protests Travel Ban 



The American Civil Liberties Union has added its 
voice to the chorus of protest against the State Depart- 
ment's unconstitutional ban on travel to Cuba. In a 
letter to Secretary of State Dean Rusk, made public 
on March 22nd, the ACLU restated its belief that the 
right to travel is a constitutionally protected right which 
should be curbed only under extraordinary circum- 
stances "which clearly and presently threaten the con- 
tinued life of our nation." 

The ACLU conceded that freedom of movement is 
not an absolute right, but it rejected "the idea that for- 
eign policy should define and restrict the exercise of con- 
stitutional rights otherwise available." 

While recognizing that a "large breach . . . exists" be- 
tween the United States and Cuba, the ACLU letter 
said "we are not at war. It would seem therefore the 
government's action flows from its desire to make travel 
control an instrument of foreign policy, particularly 
when its announcement is interpreted in the press as 
an effort to curb American citizens who have been 
invited by the Cuban Government to visit that country." 
On January 19 the Department of State added Cuba 
to the list of countries which American citizens cannot 
visit without the government's permission. Exemptions 
may be granted in cases where travel is considered to 
be in the "best interests of the United States"; newsmen 
and businessmen who have previously established inter- 
ests in Cuba can qualify. 

"The State Department asserts that when diplomatic 
relations are broken off (as in the case of Cuba) the 
United States is unable to extend normal protective serv- 
ices to its citizens; and this is sufficient justification to 
restrict travel to specified geographical areas since by 
Congressional statute the President is required to assist 
an American citizen in trouble abroad," the ACLU let- 
ter, signed by its executive director, Patrick Murphy 
Malin, pointed out. 



But, it added, this factor conflicts with an individual's 
right to travel, secured by both the First and Fifth 
Amendment As a solution, the ACLU proposed: "If 
the government believes in good faith that circum- 
stances will prevent it from extending its usual good 
offices to protect its citizens traveling in any particular 
geographical area, it should so notify prospective trav- 
elers. But since this obligation is merely a statutory and 
not a constitutional one, such travelers should be per- 
mitted expressly to waive their right to protection if 
they so choose. Such a waiver does not entirely solve 
the government's problem if a citizen runs into diffi- 
culty, but it relieves the government of responsibility 
to protect American citizens abroad who have not 
sought such protection." 



Fair Play Banquet 



The N.Y. FPCC is organizing a gala fund-raising 
banquet on Friday, April 28th. Carl Braden, field secre- 
tary of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, will 
be one of the main speakers. Also scheduled to speak is 
Rowland Watts, National Legal Director of the Ameri- 
can Civil Liberties Union and Airo-American corre- 
spondent William Worthy. Witty James Higgins, As- 
sistant Editor of the York, Pa. Gazette and Daily, will 
be toastmaster. Other speakers will be announced 
shortly. 

Contribution is $7.50 per plate, which we hope will 
bring in some badly needed dollars for the FPCC treas- 
ury. Remember the date: Friday, April 28th, at 7:30 
p. m. Make reservations now for yourself and your 
friends by calling the N. Y. Chapter at OR 4-8295. 



To: The Fair Play for Cuba Committee 
799 Broadway, New York 3, N.Y. 

I wish to become a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Enclosed is my check or m.o. for $5.00 
covering dues for one year, including subscription to Fair Play □ 

I do not wish to be listed as a member,* but would like to receive Fair Play and other free literature. 
Enclosed is my check or m.o. for $5.00 to cover handling and mailing costs for one year Q 

I would like to hove a more active part in supporting the cause of Fair Play for Cuba. Enclosed is my 
contribution for Q 

Name: 

Address: 

City: 



Zone 



State 



•Membership do^a not, of cxyurae, imply blanket cndoraement ol polidss of the Committee nor of the opinions expressed in PAIR PLAY, nor will 
the name of any member be ua^ in any policy statement without the permission of the member. 

FAIR PLAY. Published by the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 799 Broadway, New York 3, NY. Richard Gibson, Editor. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



157 




Exhibit No. 25-B 
new york post, wednesday. january 25, 1961 

DATELINE: YOUR WORLD 

fj^ Viewpoints 

JOSEPH BARRY 

Paris. 
Dear Allen: 

Congratulations to your roommate on his Carnegie grant. 
When he comes to Paris to study "The Reaction of the French 
intellectual to the Curtailment of Civil Liberties due to the 
Algerian War," 111 be glad to help him. 

Pity his subject isn't a little more sweeping— "The Moral 
Crisis of the French Conscience" or "The French Intellectual 
In Face of an Unjust War." It would include his proposed study 
In the proper context. Fortunately, he will arrive at the be- 
ginning of the end of that war, I think, after the impact of the 
Intellectual revolt has already been felt and has moved de Gaulle, 
France's most powerful intellectual of the momeht, in the direc- 
tion he was lethargically inclined. 

»  * 

As the revolt occurred. I tried to describe It In terms under- 
standable to Americans. Frankly, I'm afraid I failed. How do 
you explain an intellectual's turning to treason — aiding and even 
fighting for the FLN rebels against the French army— to people 
to whom the treason of Patrick Henry is a comfortable quotation 
of 200 years ago rather than a provocation to reexamine the 
meaning of patriotism today? 

I referred to the Mexican War — as unjust a war' as we 
have ever waged — as our  Algerian War, and cifed Thoreau's 
conscientious objection and civil disobedience. By,t it's eeisy to 
leei noble about something a century ago when so noble a man 
Is cited as an example. And— let's be honest— it's easy ta strilfe 
noble attitudes and take stern moral positions on another coun- 
try's unjust and dirty war. 

Finally I chose a farfetched example. Suppose, I wrote, 
that America undertook the reconquest of Cuba in its national 
Interest (always, of course, defined by the interested nation) and 
we were about to enter the seventh year of fighting Isolated 
guerrillas who had other (obviously mistaken) nationalist In- 
terests? What should be the- attitude of an American man of 
conscience? What should he counsel his son about to be drafted? 
What should be his own behavior? 



Suppose, to ccmplitatc the matter realistically. American 
action were "simply " armed support for the anti-Castro majority 
(what else?) that dragged on for years due to the stubbornness 
of the terrorist pro Ca.stro minority? Believe me, most French- 
men, until literally yesterday, were absolutely convinced that the 
FI.N was a terrorist minority in Algeria. The proFXN French 
Intellectual has not been a romantic Byronic figure, any more 
than the "Indian lover " in frontier days or the "Mexican lover" 
during the Mexican War. 

•¥ * * 

Castro, it Is said, has betrayed the Cuban revolution. Does 
this c'bndone our undertaking a counter-revolution? Castro is no 
longer a Robin Hood, it might tw'proved, but a Santa Anna. So 
was Santa Anna a Santa Anna, yet Thoreau found that no justifi- 
cation for an unjust war. Santa Anna, to prove his possible par- 
allel with Castro, declared himself dictator (after being recalled 
to Mexico in the years following her defeat) with the title Serene 
Highness. Siiould we, consequently, have insisted on acquiring 
not only Texas, New Mexico and CajlfornLa, but also Mexico Itself 
lor the sake of the Mexicans? An historical argument can be 
made for it by those who can argue that way. 

I'm tempted to apply to Carnegie myself for a grant. I'd like 
to study in situ "The Reaction of the American Intellectual to 
Reports of Preparations for an American Invasion of Cuba." 

Sounds objective enough, doesn't it? Or should I change 
"reports" to "rumors"? 

Actually, what concerns me Is not so much the accuracy 
of the rumors — though reports of training camps in Guatemala, 
Florida, and the CIA knows where else, sound real enough — 
but the inertness of our Intellectuals. A colleague, for one, ac- 
cepts the report^ as facts, facts of international life; apparently 
American armed interference in Cuba to be part of the new 
liberal reatpoUtik, l>ecause Castro is listing towards communism, 
If not already shipwrecked on Its shores, and also, I'm afraid 
because President Kennedy in his campaign indicated that such 
action would be part of his Cuban program. 
« « ¥ 

l8 the AhMrican Intellectual about to Identify hImseU with 
the Kennedy Administration because of its academic content 
and because of- his own lonely Eisenhower years as an outsider? 
Is he going to become the practical man who wants to get things 
done? Are there to be American Malrauxs and no Pasternaks 
or Jean-Paul Sartres? Is there to be no American separation 
of conscience and state? Are we to win Cuba and not only 
further lose the uncommitted world, but. what is a far greater 
loss, lo*e ourselves? 

As for me, I would rather see Cuba Communist than an 
American colony. If Cuba were invaded, I would aid Castro. 

11 this be treason, may a Carnegie study make the most 
ol It. 

Good luck to us all, and all the best, 

JOE BARRY 

FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 
799 BROADWAY, NEW YORK QTY 3, N.Y. 



158 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, I show you a photostat of a paper en- 
titled, "A Note to Fair Play Readers," bearing the names of Robert 
Taber and Richard Gibson. Are you familiar with that? 

Mr. Gibson. I again respectfully decline to answer on the basis of 
my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This is a mailing piece of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee. It has your name on it. Is that not correct ? 

Mr. Gibson. I again respectfully decline to answer on the basis of 
my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. May this be off the record, Mr. Chairman? 

• Senator Dodd. Yes. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know Marvin Markman ? 

Mr. Gibson. I did not meet Mr. Markman until this morning in 
this very room. 

Mr. Socjrwine. You met him for the first time this morning? 

Mr. Gibson. I met him for the first time this morning. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Gibson, are you concerned in any way with 
the threat to the security of the United States that is posed by the 
establishment of the Communist dictatorship just 90 miles off our 
shores ? 

Mr. Gibson. First of all, I must state that I am very much con- 
cerned for the security of the United States, at least for my own 
security, being in the United States at the moment, and being a 
Negro. But I must frankly state in all sincerity that I do not believe 
that there is a Communist regime 90 miles from the United States. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That answers the question. 

I show you three ads from the National Guardian of March 6, 
1961. One of these refers to a party of the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee to be held in the Bronx. One refers to a Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee rally to "Hear the Truth About Cuba," with speakers 
James Higgins, editor of the York, Pa., Gazette and Daily; Bert 
Wainer, editor, FPCC Student Council Newsletter; and chairman. 
Barrows Dunham, philosopher, author, lecturer. 

The third refers to an address, "Africa's March to Freedom," by 
Richard Gibson of the Liberation Committee for Africa and acting 
executive secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

I ask you, did you have anything to do with the placement of any 
of those three ads ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer that question on 
the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Who paid you for the lecture which is advertised 
there? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer for all of the 
reasons previously stated. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. May these three ads go in the record, Mr. Chair- 
man? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, they may be put in. 

(The advertising referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 26" and 
reads as follows :) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 159 

Exhibit No. 26 

(National Guardian. April 6, 1961, p. 11) 



PARTY, FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMM, 

Hear taped ihterviews with Cuban peo- 
ple. Short eye-witness account by recent 
visitor. SAT., MARCH 4, 8 p.m. at 1804 
Longfellow Ave., Apt. 2 E. WY 1-1367. 
7th or Lex. IRT E. Bronx express to 174 
St. sta. Contribution $1. 

Disc. «fe Refreshments 



(National Guardian, March 6, 1961. p. II) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMM. RALLY 

•'Hear the Truth about Cuba." 
Speakers: James Higgins, editor, York. 
Pa. Gazette & Daily; Bert Wainer. 

editor. FPCC Student Council Newsletter. 
Chairnjan: Barrows Dunham, philoso- 
pher, author, lecturer. 

FRL, MAUCH 10, 8 p.m. at 
PHILA. ETHICAL SOCIETY. 1906 S. 
Rittenhouse Sq. For information contact 
FPCC P.O. Box 7971, Phila. 1. 



(National Guardian, March 6. 1961. p. 6) 



Richard Gibson of the Liberation Com- 
mittee for Africa Sc acting exec, secy of 
the Pair Play for Cuba Conun. will dis- 
cuss, "AFRICA'S MARCH TO FREEDOM" 
FRI., MARCH 3, 8:30 p.m., 116 University 
PI. (off Union Sq. 
Ausp: Militant Labor Porum Don. SOc 



64139 O — 61— pt. 2- 



160 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Finally, I show you, Mr. Gibson, a mailing piece 
of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. It says, "The Cuban Revolu- 
tion Uncensor^d," William Worthy, correspondent for the Baltimore 
Afro- American, former special correspondent for CBS and Time, 
Inc. ; "Cuba and the Fight for Equal Rights," by Robert Williams, 
editor, the Crusader; Southern NAACP leader who won reversal of 
the "Kissing case"; recent visitor to Cuba, Friday, April 14, 1961, 8 
p.m., Centuiy Room, Cosmopolitan Hotel, 18th and Broadway. 

This appears to be an ad flyer or announcement for an organ- 
ization dealing with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee for Denver. 

I ask you if you have seen before now a copy or the original of 
which this is a copy ? 

Mr. Gibson. For the reasons previously given, and on the basis of 
my rights under the first and fifth amendments, I must respectfully 
decline to answer. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Was that organizing meeting for the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee in Denver held in April of this year? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer, for all the 
reasons previously given. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Has the Fair Play for Cuba Committee issued a 
charter for a Denver branch of the committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must again decline to answer for all the reasons I 
have previousl}'^ stated. 

Mr. Sour WINE. May this go into the record at this point? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 27" and 
appears on an adjoining page :) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



161 



Exhibit No. 27 



We the uodcraigDcd citizeDs 
of DeDver aocl BouldeTj have 
followed with interest and 
grave concern the mounting 
crisis between the Knited 
States and Cuba, and, with 
equal concern, the apparent 
manipulation of the facts 
about Cuba on the part of the 
American press. 

Since U. S. policy toward 
Cuba, as heralded by the 
press, is less than peaceful, 
the situation is quite serious, 
and is now cause for close 
scrutiny by all Americans. 
However, the supporters of 
our government's present 
policies, which includes per* 
mitting counterrevolutionary 
troops to train in Florida, 
endeavor to silence and in- 
timidate those who criticise 
those policies. It is natural, 
therefore, that we suspect the 
motives and sincerity of the 
opinion which seeks to limit 
debate and news, and we 
most try to assist those 
whose views are hampered. 

Ve need took no farther than 
the handling by certain pa- 
pers in Denver and Boulder of 
the news that pro - Castro 
opinions were presented to 
a college class. Ve are 
heartened that the Colorado 
University students, who 
were to be protected from 
these opinions, dramatically 
voiced their resentment in 
a petition, containing hun- 
dreds of signatures, denounc- 
ing the incorsioD into aca- 
demic freedom by these 
papers. 

Because of those things, we 
are happy to inform you tbat 
a FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA 
COMMITTEE will be organ- 
ized in Denver, and that the 
Temporary Steering Commit- 
tee for this organization will 
present two speakers of note. 
While we ourselves may or 
may not individually partici- 
pate in this committee, we 
announce it to you, because 
we encourage responsible 
dissent. T^e particulars are 
to the right: 




The Cuban Revolution 
Unconsored 

WILLIAM WORTHY 

Corr«tpond*nt for the Baltimore Afro- 
Americon, former Special Correspondent 
for C.B.S. and Time, Inc. Covered South 
Africo, Panmonjom, China, Cuba. 



u 



Cuba And The Fight 
For Equal Rights 




ROBERT WILLIAMS 

Editor THE CRUSADER: Southern NAACP 
leader virho won reversal of the ''Kissing 
Cose"; recent visitor to Cuba 



Eutimio Duran 

Social Worker 
William N. Fleming 

Writer 
Howard Gniber 

Professor 
Virgeen Hedgecock 

Flousewife 
Lee Jessor 

pBychologiat 
Hichard Jessor 

Professor 
Harold V. Knight 

Writer 
Celia Litman 

Housewife 
Milton Litman 

Lawyer 
Walter B. Lovelace 

Editor 



Tliomas J. Maloaey 

Minister 
Charles S. Milligan 

Professor 
Harry Nier 

Lawyer 
T. E. "Duke" Robertson, Jr. 

Musican 
Willie Segal 

Professor 
Carol Sprague 

Housewife 
Hall T. Sprague 

Education 
R. Fraoklio Terry 

Clergyman 
Forrest Williams 

Professor 



Notional sponsors of 
ttie Fair Ploy for Cuba 
Committee. 

CarletOQ Beals 
W. E. B. DuBois 
Waldo Frank 
Richard Gibson 
Alexander Meiklejoho 
C. Wright Mills 
Harvey O'Connor 
Linus Pauling 
Jean Paul Sarte 
I. F. Stone 
Robert Taber 
ffillardUphaus 
List iDComplete 

Friday, April 14, 1961 
8:00 P.M. 

Century Room, Cosmopolitan Hotol 
18th & Braodwoy 

ADMISSION 90i 

For Tickets call KE 4^923 or TA 5-2779 



B 



Auspices 
FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA, 
STEERING COMMITTEE 



A 



162 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I have no further questions for this witness, but I 
think it is possible we may later recommend that he be recalled be- 
fore the committee after we have inquired into the question of the 
members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee who are Communists. 

Senator Dodd, I think it is quite certain we want you back, and 
you will be notified. We are 100 percent certain, so we shall continue 
the present subpena. You are under subpena to this committee, and 
we shall notify you 

Senator Keating. Mr. Gibson knows about 3 o'clock 



Mr. SouRwiNE. Instead of a subpena, would you prefer to have an 
understanding that if given reasonable notice in time, you will come, 
upon notice to your counsel, or would you rather have us come to you 
with notice ? 

Mr. Faulkner. Mr. Gibson will appear and respond to any sub- 
pena, and it does not have to be personally served upon him. If, 
Mr. Sourwine, you will mail the subpena to me, I shall produce Mr. 
Gibson at the appointed time. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is this agreeable, Mr. Gibson? You will accept 
service of the subpena calling for your appearance if served upon 
your attorney ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. I have a further question I would like to ask. 

When did you first go to. work for CBS ? 

Mr. Gibson. I began working for CBS, I believe, in December of 
1957 — 1958, excuse me. 

Senator Dodd. Did you know Robert Taber at that time ? 

Mr. Gibson. Probably not right away, but I probably met him 
shortly after. 

Senator Dodd. Did you meet him after you were employed by CBS, 
or before ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, some time after, I believe. 

Senator Dodd. To whom did you first talk in CBS when you were 
employed by CBS ? 

Mr. Gibson. That question is not very clear to me. Do you mean 
who employed me in CBS ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, I want to know what the circumstances were of 
your employment in the first instance. 

Mr. Gibson. I was interview^ed by Mr. John Day, who was the di- 
rector of news at CBS. 

Senator Dodd. Did you say John Daly ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, Day. Mr. Daly is at ABC, or was at ABC. 

Well, I was interviewed by him, and on the basis of my experience, 
my qualifications — they had not had any Negro writers in this firm. 
There was considerable pressure upon them to hire a Negro, and they 
had said before that they had never found a qualified Negro. Well, 
I happened to be qualified. 

Senator Dodd. What were your qualifications ? 

Mr. Gibson. I had worked for 3 years in France, the Agence 
France- Presse, and I found, in France, the job that I could not have 
gotten in the United States. I got, therefore, the experience, and so 
I came back to the United States by sheer accident and got a job 
at CBS. I was offered a job. 

Senator Dodd. You were offered one ? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 163 

Mr. GiHsoN. I was told that tliey were under pressure, that they 
were looking for someone, by the ITrban League of Greater New 
York. 

Senator Dodd. Who told you? 

Mr. (iiHsoN. Someone — 1 do not recall now, hut a friend of mine 
or an acquaintance, who was connected with the Urban League. I 
saw their directors. They incpiired into my background and spoke 
with CBS. Then I had my appointment with Mr. Day. 

Following this, after being given an extraordinary number of 
tests, 1 was put on probation for, I think, 3 or 4 days, and required 
to write a number of news shows which, to the best of my knowledge, 
no white applicant had ever been asked to do. Finally I was hired. 

Senator Dodd. Do you remember at just what point you met Taber? 

All'. (jiBSON. No, I do not. 

Senator Dodd. Do you have any recollection at all ? 

Mr. Gibson. It must have been within the first 2 months after my 
employment. 

Senator Dodd. Did you work together? 

Mr. Gibson. Not always. Sometimes we were in the same shop, 
but I never worked with him on anything. 

Senator Dodd. Was your work similar to his ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, we were both writers of shows. Naturally, he 
was doing much more complicated things than I was. 

Senator Dodd. That interests me. What was the difference be- 
tween your duty and his? 

Mr. Gibson. Well, for one thing, he was writing much longer 
newscasts. Being the low man, the new man there, I did the short, 
5-minute newscasts, and so forth. 

Senator Dodd. Did you and Taber, for example, both have the 
same superior? 

Mr. Gibson. Oh, yes. 

Senator Dodd, What was his name? 

Mr. Gibson. John F. Day, originally. 

Senator Dodd. This is the same person you were employed by? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, and later we had another superior. 

Senator Dodd. What was his name ? 

Mr. Gibson. David E. Driscoll. 

Senator Dodd. These were your only superiors in the sense of 
those you dealt with day by day ? 

Mr. Gibson. AYell, in the corporate structure of CBS, it is rather 
difficult to say at any one time who is your superior. There were peo- 
ple below me, editors, and so forth, who read, corrected, and censored 
copy. 

Senator Dodd. Are you going to give us the names of the other seven 
nominees for the fellowship ? 

Mr. Gibson, I shall do that privately. 

Senator Dodd, Will you do that today ? 

Mr, Gibson, Yes, as many of them as I can i-emember, I am not 
altogether certain, because I do not come into contact Avith them 
daily. 

Senator Dodd. Did you know Mr, Worthy when he was employed 
by CBS? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 



164 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. Did you know him since ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Where did you meet him ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am not certain where I met Bill Worthy. It was 
in the United States. It has been some months ago — more than that ; 
a year, I think. I know of him. Every Negro knows Rill Worthy's 
name. 

Senator Dodd. What is his relationship to the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee ? 

Mr, Gibson. None. 

Senator Dodd. None at all ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. He is not a member. To the best of my knowl- 
edge, he is not a member, anyway. 

Mr. SouRWiNE, Well, he is listed on that flyer of the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee as a speaker for the organizing meeting for April 
of this year, is he not ? 

Mr, Gibson. I said to the best of my knowledge, he is not a member, 

Senator Dodd. Maybe I said a member. I think I said do you have 
any relationship with him. 

Mr. Gibson. You asked me if he is a member, and to the best of my 
knowledge, he is not. 

Senator Dodd. I see you are being very technical about your answers. 

Does he have any association with the Fair Play for Cuba Commit- 
tee? 

Mr. Gibson, He has an association with me, a very friendly asso- 
ciation. 

Senator Dodd. I said does he have any association with the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Gibson. He has an association with me, but it is very personal. 
That is the only way I can phrase it. 

Senator Dodd. Is this how you account for his appearing as a 
speaker at the Denver meet ing ? 

Mr. Gibson. I do not arrange anything with Mr, Worthy, and I 
have nothing to do with Mr. Worthy's speaking engagements. I did 
not have anything to do with that. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know who paid him for that appearance, or 
his expenses for his trip to Denver ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I am afraid I do not. I did not have anything to 
with it. 

Senator Dodd, You have told us that you did prepare news broad- 
casts for CBS, I think you also said that some of these had to do 
with Cuba? 

Mr, Gibson. Yes, 

Senator Dodd, Did any of them have to do with Cuba after Castro? 

Mr, Gibson, Since I was employed by CBS in December — the end 
of December — naturally, they did ; December 1958, 

Senator Dodd, Did you and Taber ever talk about the substance 
of these broadcasts concerning Castro Cuba, which you prepared for 
CBS? 

Mr. Gibson. No, we did not. 

I must state at this point that our scripts were read by editors and, 
later, as I mentioned earlier, when CBS asked me to resign, I chal- 
lenged them to examine the scripts. I was backed up by the union, 
the Writers Guild of America East, and they declined to do so. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 165 

Senator Dodd. Why did tliey tell you — did they give you a reason 
for asking for your resignation ( 

Mr. GiBSOX. They did. One of the reasons given was a letter from 
Senator Byrd, which concerned me, but not only that; also because 
I was an associate of Mr. Robert Williams in Monroe, X.(\, who 
was a very valiant Negro leader in a very difficult situation in the 
United States in the South. Senator Byrd did not seem to approve. 

Senator Keatixg. May I inquire, you said that was one of the 
reasons. What were the other reasons given by CBS ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. The other reason was my association with the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee. 

Senator Keatixg. Those were the only reasons ? 

Mr. GiBsox^. And the visits of agents of the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation to various executives of the Columbia Broadcasting 
System. 

Senator Keatixg. Did you receive a letter from them at the time 
that your work with them was terminated i 

Mr. GiBSOx". Xo, I did not. 

Senator Keatixg. This dismissal was oral, was it ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. Yes. Well, I believe I gave them a letter of resigna- 
tion. We reached an agreement in conjunction with the union, and I 
subriiitted a letter of resignation after an agreement had been worked 
out. 

Senator Keatixg. With whom did you negotiate in that connection, 
in CBS? 

Mr. Gibson. I do not recall the name of the person. He was the 
vice president in charge of personnel, but I really did not know him 
before, and I do not recall his name now. 

Senator Dodd. You did not talk to Mr. Day about that ? 

Mr. GiUftox. Mr. Day expressed his regrets that the company felt 
the way it did, but he had nothing to say. 

Senator Dodd. Let me ask you about this. When CBS told you 
that your association with Fair Play for Cuba was one of the reasons 
for asking you for your resignation, did you raise any questions about 
this? Apparently you did. 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, I did. 

Senator Dodd. What was the point of their objection ? 

Mr. Gibson, That I was too controversial and that they could not 
stand to have the FBI agents visiting them as often as they apparently 
were. 

Senator Dodd. I suppose they were familiar with the ads your 
organization ran in the Xew York Times ? 

Mr. Gibson, There was no mention of that. 

Senator Dodd. You knew about that ? 

Mr. GiBSox. There was no mention of it. 

Senator Dodd. I understand that. I say you knew about it? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer that question 
on the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

Senator Dodd. I was going along pretty far on this. You are cer- 
tainly not going to tell us at this point you do not want to admit you 
knew about the ads in the Xew York Times ? You have told us about 
so many other things, I think you will have to acknowledge that you 
opened the door pretty wide now. 



166 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson. I again stick to my denial, my previous denials on the 
basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments. I must de- 
cline to answer that question. 

Also, I wonder if it is the legislative purpose of this committee 
to censor American news. 

Senator Dodd. We know we told you our legislative purpose at the 
very outset, and we are not going to explain it to you on that ground. 
If that was your only ground, the Chair will order you right now 
to answer. You have opened up this door. We have talked to you 
about the fact that you were writing news broadcasts for a very large, 
influential corporation that broadcasts news all over this country, at 
the time you were a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and 
at the time your organization was nnming ads in the New York Times, 
which I think it is completely fair to say were complete lies. 

But my question to you is: Did this come up between you and your 
superiors at the time you were asked to resign ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, it did not. That was not what was put to me. At 
that time, mention was made of a letter from Senator Byrd protesting 
my presence on the staff of CBS News, and not only iDecause of my 
connection with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, but also because 
of my connection with certain activities in the South and because of 
the fact that, as they said, they had grown rather tired of the contro- 
versy and of the visits of FBI agents. 

Senator Keating. In your testimony at one point, you said you had 
never been active politically in the United States. I thought you put 
stress on the words, "in the United States." Have you ever been active 
politically in any other country ? 

Mr. Gibson. I can correct that and say I have not been active 
politically in or outside of the United States. What I meant to say 
is I have never been involved in any kind of organization, political 
or fraternal or anything, until I became connected with the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee. Now, naturally, while living abroad, I have 
come to respect and know Africans who are fighting for their libera- 
tion, Algerians — who are also Africans. I knew these i)eople quite 
well, and I must state again I did not find them to be Communists, 
but simply people like myself who wanted the same things that I 
want. But this was not a political association, really. It was friendly, 
and I never was involved in anything until I became connected with 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

Senator Keating. Do you consider the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee a political committee? 

Mr. Gibson. I do not consider the Fair Play for Cuba Committee 
to be political, no. I consider it to be an organization dedicated to 
presenting a certain viewpoint. You may say it is political, but that 
is your prerogative. 

Senator Keating. I am asking you about it. Do you personally 
stand back of all the statements that were in that ad in the New 
York Times? 

Mr. Gibson. As I have stated previously concerning the ad men- 
tioned, I must decline to answer questions concerning that ad or any 
other ad on the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amend- 
ments. 

Senator Dodd. I think you had a statement you wanted to make. 
Do you still want to make it ? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 167 

Mr. Gibson. I have a statement T would like to read. 

Senator Dodd. Does it have to do with the substance of the hearing? 

Mr. (iiHSON. I believe it does. At least, it has to do with my par- 
ticular position, and that is all that I am really speaking for here. 

Senator Keating. First, will you tell me about how long your 
statement is? 

Mr. Gibson. My statement runs 2 pages, sir; 2i/2 pages. 

It is with pride and a clear conscience that I come before this sub- 
committee, which has tried so hard to stifle free speech in this coun- 
try by every means at its disposal. I am proud of the work of the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee, which is only 1 year old. 

Senator Dodd. Just a minute. I did not hear that. Tried so hard 
to what? 

Mr. Gibson. I said I am proud of the work of the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee, which is only 1 year old. 

Senator Dodd. No, no; go back and start over. 

Mr. Gibson. It is w^ith pride and a clear conscience that I come 
before this subcommittee, which has tried so hard to stifle free speech 
in this country by every means at its disposal. 

I might add that I think that some of your questions today cer- 
tainly bore that out. 

I am proud of the work of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 
W' hich is only 1 year old. ^ 

Senator Dodd. Since you have interrupted yourself, I might add 
that some of your answers leave much to be desired. 

Mr. Gibson. I am proud of the w^ork of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee, which is only 1 year old. It has been successful in alert- 
ing an ever-growing number of Americans to gravity of the criminal 
enterprise carried out by the U.S. Government against the peaceful 
and progressive people of Cuba and their revolutionary government. 
The sordid details of this aggression have been amply reported by 
the U.S. press and are, I am certain, familiar to all of you. 

Senator Keating. You are aware, are you not, that that is exactly 
the line of the Communist Party and of the Soviet Union? 

Mr. Gibson. I am aware also it is the line of Prime Minister Nehru 
of India, the line of the President of Guinea, the line of Kwame Nkru- 
mah of Ghana^ the line of the President of 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How about Lumumba ? 

Mr. Gibson. The U.S. Government 

Senator Dodd. "Wait a minute. We have a right to ask you some 
questions. You have demanded to read the statement. 

Did you use this kind of material in writing your news broadcasts 
for CBS? 

Mr. Gibson. Did I use this? I am afraid the CBS would not have 
passed this. 

Senator Dodd. I know your answer ; did you use this sort of thing ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I did not. 

Senator Keating. Are you spreading this kind of propaganda at 
Columbia University among your colleagues there ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am at Columbia University to learn, not to spread 
propaganda. 

Senator Dodd. You have a lot to learn, all right. I hope you get 
some learning there. 



168 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

You say you did not use this when you wrote news broadcasts for 
CBS. Did you use this kind of material in writing for the Nation 
magazine ? 

Mr. Gibson. To the best of my knowledge, no; I wrote about certain 
specific things. 

Senator Dodd. You know what you have told us is untrue, do you 
not? 

Mr. Gibson. What is untrue? 

Senator Dodd. This that you read here about the peace-loving gov- 
ernment of Cuba? 

Mr. Gibson. I do not know, I do not believe that the Cubans at- 
tacked the United States. 

Senator Dodd. You had better go back to Columbia for some more 
of that learning. 

Mr. Gibson. I think at Columbia, there might be some people who 
feel as I do. But be that as it may. 

The sordid details of this aggression have been amply reported by 
the U.S. press and are, I am certain, familiar to all of you. The U.S. 
Government, through the supersecret Central Intelligence Agency, 
armed, trained, and financed the Cuban counter-revolutionaries and 
other mercenaries who attacked Cuba a little more than a week ago. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This man is testifying under oath, Mr. Chairman. 

What information do you have with respect to any arms furnished 
to any mercenaries who went to Cuba ? 

Mr. Gibson. My information comes entirely from the U.S. press: 
from the New York Times, from Time magazine, from the columns 
of Mr. James Reston. 

Mr. SouRwiNB. You have no information except what you read in 
the paper? 

Mr. Gibson. That is all I have. 

Senator Dodd. This is a kind of a round robin. You help to feed 
some of that stuff, and then you eat it yourself. 

Mr. Gibson. I have never met Mr. Reston. 

On behalf of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and speaking 
personally for myself and for many other American Negroes, I can 
only express delight at the utter and dismal defeat of this act of 
international banditry. 

I am also proud that I, an American Negro who has personally 
known real oppression and racist tyranny here in the United States, 
should have been chosen to head the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 
I am proud that so many of my people have been active in the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you, in fact, chosen to head that committee? 

Mr. Gibson. Apparently I must have been. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have stated that you were. Now, were you ? 

Mr. Gibson. I said I was. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who chose you ? 

Senator Dodd. I declare that you are directed to answer that ques- 
tion. You volunteered it. 

Mr. Gibson. I decline to answer that question on the basis of my 
rights under the first and fifth amendments. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 169 

Senator Dodd. You had better listen. Your interests are really 
involved here. You have stated voluntarily before this committee 
that you were chosen to head up this committee as acting secretary. 
I assure you, and I am sure your counsel will assure you, that you 
must answer the question now that counsel put to you, and I order 
you to do so. 

Mr. Gibson. I must confer with counsel. 

On the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments, 
I must decline to answer. 

Senator Dodd. You fully understand that you were ordered to 
answer the question? 

Mr. Gibson. Acting on the advice of counsel, I must decline to 
answer on the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amend- 
ments. 

Senator Keating. You have told us that you were chosen to head 
the committee, and you are very proud of it, and you decline to tell 
us any of the circumstances under which you were chosen ? 

Mr. Gibson. I have declined to answer that question on the grounds, 
all the grounds, previously stated. 

Senator Dodd. And I ordered him to answer the question. 

Mr. Gibson. I am proud, too, that I am an officer of the Liberation 
Committee for Africa, which was one of the Afro-American organiza- 
tions that planned the demonstration in the United Nations Security 
Council on February 15 in indignation at the murder of Premier 
Patrice Lumumba of the Congo. He suffered the fate that the 
CIA would have wished also for Cuba's valiant Premier Fidel Castro. 

It is appalling how little, white politicians in this country under- 
stand the feelings and resentment of Negro Americans at the con- 
tinuing racist oppression that permeates the life of this Nation. It 
is a disgrace that there are members of this very subcommittee who 
have dared to defend segregation and all the misery that it implies 
for my people. 

Instead of investigating the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 1 
would suggest that you investigate the patently un-American activi- 
ties of the "Wliite Citizens Councils and the Ku Klux Klan. Indeed, 
why not investigate the Central Intelligence Agency, which has done 
so much to bring the world prestige of the United States to its lowest 
point in many years ? 

And why not investigate the Mississippi police who last month 
unleashed savage dogs on Negro students in Jackson, Miss. ? Those 
students were peacefully demonstrating against the violation of their 
rights and privileges, guaranteed by the Constitution of the United 
States. 

No police dogs are used against Negroes in Cuba. As Joseph 
Newman reported in the New York Herald-Tribune on March 23d : 

Castro and Guevara are literally adored by the large number of poor and 
humiliated Cubans, especially the Negroes. They see these two leaders as saintly 
and honorable men, dedicated to removing injustices and discrimination. 



170 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

In today's (April 25) issue of the New York Post, 31 Afro-Amer- 
icans, including myself, have signed the following statement: 

Cuba 

A DEXTLiRATION OF CONSCIENCE BY AFRO-AMEailCANS 

Because we have known oppression, because we have suffered more than 
other Americans, because we are still fighting for our liberation from tyranny, 
we Afro-Americans have the right and the duty to raise our voices in pro- 
test against the forces of oppression that now seek to crush a free people linked 
to us by bonds of blood and a common heritage. 

One-third of Cuba's people are Afro-Cubans, of the same African descent 
as we. Many of our own forefathers passed through Cuba on their way to the 
slave plantations in the United States. Those who remained on the island knew 
the same brutality that their brothers suffered on the mainland. After emanci- 
pation, they too knew disenfranchisement, they too became second-class citizens, 
peons exploited on the huge United States-owned landholdings. 

Today, thanks to a social revolution which they heli>ed make, Afro-Cubans 
are first-class citizens and are taking their rightful place in the life of their 
country where all racial barriers crumbled in a matter of weeks following the 
victory of Fidel Castro. 

Now our brothers are threatened again — this time by a gang of ousted white 
Cuban politicians who find segregated Miami more congenial than integrated 
Havana. We charge that this group of mercenaries who hope to turn back the 
clock in Cuba are armed, trained, and financed by the United States Central In- 
telligence Agency. This criminal aggression against a peaceful and progressive 
people must not be allowed to continue. But if it does, we are determined to 
do all we possibly can to hinder the success of this crime. 

William Worthy, foreign correspondent for the Baltimore Afro-American, 
declared recently : "If Cuba is attacked, I and others who know the facts will 
denounce the attack as an evil and wicked colonial war deserving of opposition 
and resistance by Afro-Americans." Worthy warned that, if such an attack 
took place : "In this country we would see civil rights setbacks from coast to 
coast. Our enemies would be strengthened and emboldened." 

Afro-Americans won't be fooled. The enemies of the Cubans are our enemies, 
the Jim Crow bosses of this land whei'e we are still denied our rights. The 
Cubans are our friends. The Cubans are the enemies of our enemies. 

Now, President Kennedy has declared that it is the policy of the 
U.S. Government to aid all peoples who are fighting against tyranny. 
We heartily approve of this new attitude on the part of the U.S. 
Government. I would like to draw to your attention, and I hope in- 
directly to the President's, the telegram which Cuba's distinguished 
Foreign Minister received and read to the Political Committee of the 
U.N. General Assembly on the night of April 20. The telegram 
read 

Senator Dodd. Is that the distinguished Foreign Minister whose 
son put up the cash for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer that question on 
the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

The telegram read 

Senator Dodd. That is the sworn testimony before this committee 
about the son of "the distinguished Foreign Minister." 

Mr. Gibson. I must respectfully decline to answer that question on 
the basis of my rights under the first and fifth amendments. 

The telegram which Foreign Minister Roa read to the Political 
Committee of the United Nations General Assembly read as follows: 

Please convey to Mr. Adlai Stevenson this message : Now that the United 
States has proclaimed military support for people willing to rebel against op- 
pression, oppressed Negroes in the South urgently request tanks, artillery, 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 171 

bombs, money, use of American airfields and white mercenaries to crush the 
racist tyrants who have betrayed the American Revolution and Civil War. We 
also request prayers for this noble undertaking. 

The telegram was signed by Robert F. Williams, President of 
Union County, N.C., branch of the National Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Colored People. 

Then there is the serious matter of the violation of U.S. neutrality 
laws. These laws are well known to the members of this subcom- 
mittee. 

Senator Dodd. By the way, are you over the two pages ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I am just about to finish. 

They state quite explicitly that no U.S. citizen or foreign resident 
may engage in recruitment for and the planning of an armed action 
against another country. It is bad enough that Batista supporters 
and other Cuban counterrevolutionaries should have been permitted 
to plot on the territory of the United States, but it is completely in- 
tolerable that an agency of the U.S. Government — the Central Intel- 
ligence Agency — should have financed and directed this criminal 
enterprise. This is something that really cries out for investigation 
by responsible Members of Congress. 

There have been many charges coming from this very subcommittee, 
maintaining that the Fair Play for Cuba Committee is a "Communist 
operation." Well, it is not, and I state under oath that I am not and 
never have been a member of the Communist Party. The Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee is a nonprofit organization of fairminded Amer- 
icans who seek to counter the many lies concerning the Cuban revolu- 
tion and its leaders. We are deeply concerned by the hatred of the 
leaders of this Nation for a people and government that has proved 
to the world that it is possible rapidly to wipe out political tyranny, 
economic exploitation, and racial discrimination. It is up to the lead- 
ers of this country to show that they can do as well. 

I thank you. 

Senator Keating. I just want to make this comment. It is, I be- 
lieve, well known that there is no more sincere or dedicated advocate 
of rights for our minority citizens than the junior Senator from New 
York. It always has been so and it is also true of the senior Senator 
from Connecticut, the chairman of this subcommittee. I simply want 
to say that a statement such as this, of a character like this, has set 
back the cause for which we are working. I am very grateful that 
such statements do not speak for the vast number of patriotic, sincere 
Negro Americans in this country. 

Senator Dodd. I could not agree with you more. I am grateful for 
your reference to me. This is the sort of outrage we have to put up 
with at times to live up to our free system. 

Mr. Gibson, we shall see you again. 

We are adjourned, subject to the call of the Chair. 

(Whereupon, at 5 :28 p.m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject to 
the call of the Chair. ) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



TUESDAY, MAY 16, 1961 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To In\t;stigate the Administration 
OF THE Internal Security Act and Other Internal 
Security Laws, of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D.C 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call at 10 :45 a.m., in room 2228, 
New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd presiding. 
Present : Senators Dodd and Keating. 

Also present : J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel ; Benjamin Mandel, 
research director, and Frank Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Keating (presiding). The subcommittee will please come 
to order. 

Mr. Gibson, you will please take the stand. 
Will you stand and raise your right hand? 

Do you solemnly swear that the evidence you will give in this pro- 
ceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God ? 
Mr. Gibson. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF RICHARD THOMAS GIBSON, NEW YORK, N.Y. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Gibson, you are here in response to a subpena 
of the subcommittee? 

Senator Keating. May the record show that he is accompanied by 
counsel, who gave his name and address at the last hearing. 

Mr. Faulkner. Mr. Senator, may I have the privilege at this time 
of interposing certain legal objections for the record? 

Senator Keating. You mean to the subpena ? 

Mr. Faulkner. To the subpena and to the hearing. I shall make 
it very brief. 

Senator Keating. If they are brief, you may do so. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, may we have an answer, first, to the 
pending question as to whether the witness is here in response to the 
committee's subpena? 

Mr. Gibson. "Wliat was the question ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you here in response to a subpena of the sub- 
committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. - 

Senator Keating. Mr. Faulkner, you have some objection to the 
subpena ? 

Mr. Faulkner. Yes, I object to the subpena, which calls for the 
production of certain records. My objection is predicated upon the 

173 



174 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

fact that this subpena was not served upon an organization, it was 
not served upon an individual in his official capacity as an officer of 
an organization. Therefore, I feel that there is no legal compulsion, 
besides any other reason that may be raised by the witness, in the 
event that he does not produce the information or records called for 
by this subpena. That is No. 1. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Keating. I shall hear counsel. My understanding was that 
all that was necessary here, according to the stipulation entered into 
at the last hearing, was to notify you as his counsel. I may be 
mistaken. 

Counsel, will you enlighten us on that ? 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. I want to be sure that we understand this objec- 
tion first. 

Is the objection technical in that the subpena does not state that 
Mr. Gibson is an officer of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, or do 
you object to the fact and contend that he is not an officer of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Faulkner. I do not contend that he is not an officer of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee. He testified before the committee, at the 
last session, that he is an officer. My contention is a legal one, and 
that is that the subpena is not directed to him as an officer, No. 1, and 
No. 2, it is not directed to the organization which has control over 
the records called for by this subpena. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. On this point, Mr. Chairman, as the Chair well 
knows, there is no magic in a subpena. The important thing is the 
order of the committee and its communication to the witness. In 
this case, the witness was under order of the committee, entered in 
open meeting, to produce these documents. There is no question that 
he is the man who is an officer of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 
Witness' counsel asked for a postponement of time. The postponement 
was made. It was evidenced by a subpena which was seized through 
the ofiice of the witness' counsel, Mr. Faulkner, in accordance with 
the agreement which was entered into and will appear on the open 
record. 

It is the contention of counsel for the committee that the commit- 
tee's order is valid, has been properly evidenced, has been com- 
municated to the witness. The fact that he is here and has seen this 
subpena is evidence that it has been communicated to him, and under 
the circumstances, I think he is bound by the committee's order and 
that there is no technicality which may be raised against the subpena 
under these circumstances. 

Senator Keating. Mr. Faulkner, did you, in fact, deliver this sub- 
pena to the witness ? 

Mr. Faulkner. You mean physically deliver it ? 

Senator Keating. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Faulkner. No, it was not necessary. He is here in response 
to an order from the committee. There is no doubt about that. 

Senator Keating. Will counsel read into the record at this point 
the instructions to the witness at the conclusion of the last hearing? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The witness, at the conclusion of the last hearing, 
was instructed to 

Senator Keating. I want the exact words in the record. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 175 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, sir. The witness was instructed : 

bring with you any and all lists in your possession showing (1) the members of 
Play for Cuba Committee, the locations of the chapters of the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee, and the identity and location of the university campuses on 
which the Fair Play for Cuba Committee has student councils. 

The subpena which was issued, in response to which the witness is 
here, directed his appearance on this day and to — 

bring with you any and all lists in your possession showing (1) the members of 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee; (2) the locations of the chapters of the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee; or (3) the identity or location of the university 
campuses on which the Fair Play for Cuba Committee has student councils. 

The subpena showed on its face that it supersedes a similar order 
for appearance May 4, 1961, entered in open hearing on Tuesday, 
April 25, 1961. 

Senator Keating. Mr. Gibson, you heard the direction to you at 
the last hearing in reference to the production of these records ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, sir. 

Senator Keating. The objection is overruled. 

Proceed, Counsel. 

Mr. Faulkner. My second objection is that the direction for the 
issuance of this subpena and the production of certain records does 
not indicate that this was an order and direction for the issuance of 
a subpena by a majority of the subcommittee. 

Senator Keating. Under the rules under which we operate, one 
member of the committee constitutes a quorum. 

Counsel, will you explain that ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, the chairman of the subcommittee 
is conclusively presumed to speak for the committee unless there is a 
showing to the contrary. A subpena signed by the chairman or any 
member of the committee authorized by the chairman to sign the 
subpena is valid. This subpena was signed by the chairman of the 
subcommittee and by the chairman of the full committee. There is 
no question about it. 

Senator Keating. It is a common practice not only of this commit- 
tee but all other committees, am I correct, all other congressional com- 
mittees ? 

Mr. Sourwine. So far as I know, this is true. 

Senator Keating. Was it ever signed by all the members of the 
committee ? 

Mr. Sourwine. No, sir. 

Senator Keating. The chairman normally issues a subpena ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes, sir. In some cases, the chairman of a sub- 
committee or the sitting member. 

Senator Keating. The objection of counsel is overruled. Senator 
Dodd will now preside. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, I do not know if this has pertinency 
to the objection raised by counsel. For the purpose of determining 
that, I would like to ask counsel a question. 

Does your objection in any way, the pending objection, embrace a 
contention that the requirement of the rule with respect to the taking 
of testimony by a quorum of one has not been complied with ? 

Mr. Faulkner. That was going to be my next objection. 

64130 o— 61— pt. 2 1 



176 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE. 

Mr, SouRwiNfi. Then I shall save this for that objection, Senator. 
I have spoken all that need be said with regard to the subpena. 

Mr. Faulkner. Now, if I may be heard on the third objection, now 
that Senator Dodd has entered tlie room 

Senator Dodd (now presiding). I am sorry to have been delayed. 
I have been out of town and just got back. 

Mr. Faulkner. And we have two members of the subcommittee 
sitting, I raise an objection to a quorum of two, unless there is some 
resolution adopted by the subcommittee authorizing and approving 
a subcommittee of two Senators to take testimony in open session. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I liave liere photostatic copies of 
resolutions of this subcommittee pursuant to authority of subsection 
3 of rule XXV, as amended, of the Standing Rules of the Senate, Sen- 
ate Resolution 18, 81st Congress, 2d session, and the resolution of the 
Judiciary Committee thereunder approved January 20, 1955, and 
the resolution of the Internal Security Subcommittee thereunder ap- 
proved, Februaiy 7, 1955. A quorum of one Senator of such subcom- 
mittee is authorized to sit for the purpose of taking sworn testimony of 
any witness in open session. 

I offer this for the record. 

Senator Dodd. Yes, it should be placed in the record, and I shall 
order it placed in the record. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits Nos. 28 and 
28-A" and read as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 28 

March 29, 1955. 
Resolution 

Pursuant to authority of subsection (3) of rule XXV, as amended, of the 
Standing Rules of the Senate ( S. Res. 180, 81st Cong., 2d sess., agreed to Febru- 
ary 1, 1950) and the resolution of the Judiciary Committee thereunder approved 
January 20, 1955, and the resolution of the Internal Security Subcommittee 
thereunder approved February 7, 1955, a quorum of one Senator of such sub- 
committee is authorized to sit for the purpose of tailing the sworn testimony 
of any witness in executive session. 

James O. Eastland. 

Herman Welker. 

William E. Jenner. 

Price Daniel. 

Olin D. Johnston. 

John M. Butler. 



Exhibit No. 2S-A 
Resolution 



April 20, 1955. 



Pursuant to authority of subsection (3) of rule XXV, as amended, of the 
Standing Rules of the Senate (S. Res. 180, 81st Cong., 2d sess., agreed to Febru- 
ary 1, 19.50) and the resolution of the Judiciary Committee thereunder approved 
January 20, 1955, and the resolution of the Internal Security Subcommittee 
thereunder approved February 7, 1955, a quorum of one Senator of such sub- 
committee is authorized to sit for the purpose of taking the sworn testimony 
of any witness in open session. 

James O. Eastland. 

William B. Jenner. 

Herman Wbxker. 

Olin D. Johnston. 

John M. Butler. 

Price Daniel. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 177 

Senator Dodd. Tlie obje<?tion is overruled. 

Mr. Faulkner. Accordinji: to the rules of procedure which I have 
before me, there was a rule adopted March 29, 1955, which appears 
to indicate that a quorum may consist of less than a majority, or 
whatever, two-thirds, provided two-thirds of the subcommittee mem- 
bers concurrently authorize a quorum. 

Now, 1 raise for the record the question as to whether two-thirds 
of the subcommittee have authorized a hearing at which only two 
Senators may act as a subcommittee. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The signatures on this resolution, Mr. Chairman, 
number six. There are nine members of the subcommittee. 

Senator Dodd. All right. 

The objection is overruled, and I suggest to counsel that that is 
the situation. 

Go on. 

Mr. SouR%viNE. Mr. Gibson, have you brought with you such lists 
as you had in your possession at the time of your former appearance 
before this committee showing the members of the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee? 

Mr. GiBSOx. No, I had no list in my possession at the time of my 
previous appearance before this subcommittee. 

Mr. SouRW'iNE. Have you brought with you lists showing the loca- 
tions of the chapters of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you brought with you lists showing the iden- 
tity and locations of the university campvises on which the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee has student councils ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouEwaNE. Will you furnish those two lists now? 

Mr. Gibson. I shall read first the Fair Play chapters 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Will you furnish the list, please? We asked for 
documents, not testimony. 

Mr. Gibson. There are no documents. I have one telegram ; I have 
one list containing nine chapters, which are the only ones we have on 
file. The other has a list of cities. 

Senator Dodd. Let us see the document, whatever it is. You said 
you had one ; let us see it. 

Mr. Faulkner. Mr. Senator, these are personal items. 

Senator Dodd. I do not care what they are. The witness told us 
in answer to a question by counsel that he had brought with him a list 
of chapters on campuses of American colleges. I ask him to supply 
the list. 

Mr. Faulkner. He is prepared to read them into the record. 

Senator Dodd. I do not want them to be read into the record, and I 
rule that they be presented to the subcommittee forthwith. We are 
perfectly capable of putting them in the record. We want the list 
right away. 

You say you have it ; now present it to us. 

Let the record show that the witness is conferring with counsel, and 
let the record show the time he confers. 

(The witness conferred for 3 minutes.) 

Mr. Faulkner. Mr. Senator, the time was taken between counsel 
and the witness, for the record, in order to add up and look at the 
names of the chapters and student councils. 



178 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Counsel, we are perfectly capable of adding and 
reading. 

Mr. Faulkner. We are doing this for our own purposes. We are 
submitting this list showing 23 chapters of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee and 37 student chapters. 

Senator Dodd. Well, let us see it. 

Mr. Faulkner. That was a quick count. 

Senator Dodd. We shall not hold you to the count. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, does this list show all of the chapters 
of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, it does not, but I do not have any other list, nor 
of the other chapters. We have sought to obtain the information 
from various people, but we keep no files. 

Mr. SoLTRWiNE. Are you saying you do not know where these other 
chapters are ? 

Mr. Gibson. I personally do not, no. 

Senator Dodd. Wait a minute. I think you could ask him first if 
he knows whether or not there are other chapters. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I misunderstood. I thought he had testified he 
did know. 

Do you know if there are other chapters ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, I believe there are. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know where they are ? 

Mr. Gibson. They are in the process of being formed. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You mean they do not exist ? 

Mr. Gibson. They may have a temporary committee or something 
like that, but we don't keep any list of chapter, and this list had to 
be constructed out of my own memory. 

Senator Dodd. Let me ask you a couple of questions. 

You say some of them are in the process of being formed? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. How do you know this ? 

Mr. Gibson. Because I've heard from people. 

Senator Dodd. Wliom have you heard from ? 

Mr. Gibson. Many people. 

Senator Dodd. Well, name one. 

Mr, Gibson. I don't know at this point. Where was one? 

Senator Dodd. How do you know you heard it, then ? 

Mr. Gibson. How do I know I heard it ? 

Senator Dodd. Well, can't you help us at all? You say you heard 
it, and I suggested that you tell us from whom you heard it, how you 
heard it. 

Mr. Gibson. Well, I've heard it from persons involved, I suppose. 
But I don't have any file in my mind ; I don't know. 

Senator Dodd. You don't have any what in your mind ? 

Mr. Gibson. File in my mind, nor in my office. 

Senator Dodd. I didn't expect one in your mind. I think you can 
help us if you try, if you refresh your memory. When did you hear? 

Mr. Gibson. I haven't the slightest recollection. 

Senator Dodd. A week ago, a month ago, a year ago ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, some time in the 

Senator Dodd. You say some time. What do you mean? 

Mr. Gibson. I really don't know. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 179 

Senator Dodd. You don't have any idea ? 

Mr. GiBSox, Well, within the last month or so. 

Senator Dodd. How many have you heard about? 

Mr. Gibson. I have no recollection. I haven't kept any track of 
them at any time. 

Senator Dodd. How many have you heard from ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know. 

Senator Dodd. You don't have any knowledge? One or twenty ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't think it was 20. 

Senator Dodd. Was it 10? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know. 

Senator Dodd. Five ? 

Mr. Gibson. I really don't know. 

Senator Dodd. Was it just one? 

Mr. Gibson. You can pull any number out of the hat at all, but 1 
don't know. 

Senator Dodd. Are you sure you heard this from anybody ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, I think so. 

Senator Dodd. How do you know that? You are saying now you 
are sure. How are you sure ? 

Mr. Gibson. Well, we had a banquet which 500 persons attended. 
People told me there. 

Senator Dodd. Where was the banquet ? 

Mr. Gibson. It was in New York. 

Senator Dodd. AVhen was the banquet ? 

Mr. Gibson. I forget the date. 

Senator Dodd. About when ? 

Mr. Gibson. A couple of weeks ago. 

Senator Dodd. ^\^iere was it ? 

Mr. Gibson. At the Brass Rail restaurant. 

Senator Dodd. Who attended ? What took place ? 

Mr. Gibson. 500 persons attended, so I don't know all their names, 
nor very many of them. 

Senator Dodd. Tell us what happened that makes you think you 
heard, something there. 

Mr. Gibson. People spoke to me there. 

Senator Dodd. Wlio spoke to you there ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't recall their names, or even know their names. 
Many i^eople were there I'd never met before. 

Senator Dodd. Was it just to speak ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, people were there. 

Senator Dodd. You don't know who ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Dodd. You're not certain, then, there are any other chap- 
ters? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I don't know. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You mean for all you know, there may be only these 
nine? 

Mr. Gibson. No, if you will notice on the telegram, there are 14 
others listed, but I don't have firsthand knowledge of any of them. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. There are 14 other what listed ? 

Mr. Gibson. Fourteen other chapters. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The telegram lists chapters, does it ? 



180 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Where is the information Avith regard to student 
councils on campuses? 

Mr. Gibson. If you would read the telegram, you'll find it there, 
too. 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Sourwine, why don't you read this in now, so 
it will be known to everybody ? 

Mr. Sourwine. This telegram comes from Berta Green. Who is 
she? 

Mr. Gibson. She is my secretary. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is she employed by the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is she in a position to know what this telegram is 
about ? 

Mr. Gibson. I suppose so. 

Mr. Sourw^ine. Does she have the records of where the chapters 
are? 

Mr. Gibson. No, there are no records. 

Mr. Sourwine. She is just sending this telegram from her recollec- 
tion ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. To refresh your recollection ? 

Mr. Gibson. I guess so, because I don't know. 

Senator Dodd. Who refi-eshes her recollection ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't have the slightest idea — God. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did she send this telegram in response to a request 
from you ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. What did you ask her for ? 

Mr. Gibson. I said I didn't know how many there were and I 
couldn't recall, would she please send me a list. 

Mr. Sourwine. You asked her to send you a list ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. ' . 

Mr. Sourwine. A list of what, Mr. Gibson ? 

Mr. Gibson. Of names of chapters, locations of chapters, and 
student councils. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is that all you asked for ? 

Mr. Gibson. That's all. 

Mr. Sourwine. You asked her to send you a list of the locations of 
the chapters of the' Fair Play for Cuba Committee and the student 
councils of the committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. And you didn't ask her to exclude anything? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. How do you account for the fact that she has named 
a number of adult chapters, but has not named any of the adult chap- 
ters that are on this other list you presented ? 

Mr. Gibson. Because that list was a list that I had which she had 
a copy of. 

Mr. Sourwine. Then you must have asked her to send you chapters 
that were not on the list that you had. 

Mr. Gibson. Well, yes. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 181 

Mr. SouRWixE. You didirt tell us that. 

Mr. GinsoN. Well, have it your way. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. 1 tlon't want it my way, 1 want the record to show 
the facts, whatever they are. 

Mr. Gibson. Well, what are the facts? 

Mr. SormviNE. I'm try in*; to find out from you. 

Mr. Gibson. The facts are that she sent me a list of chapters. I 
have a list of nine chapters; she did not duplicate them. I don't 
believe that I said to her that she should exclude anything. I don't 
recall that. Anyway, that is the list such as we have. 

Mr. SoiKwiNE. This list, typed on white paper, lists nine chapters, 
and it says at the top, "List of Fair Play Chapters, Public Addresses." 

May this go in the record at this time? 

Senator Dodd. I said it should be read in. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Would it be sufficient if we named the cities, Mr. 
Chairman ? 

Senator Dodd. I think I would like it read in. It won't take a 
minute. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Fair Play for Cuba Committee, Post Office Box 
26251, Los Angeles, Calif. ; Fair Play for Cuba Committee, Post 
Office Box 2615, San Francisco, Calif. ; Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 
Post Office Box 13847, Tampa, Fla.; Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 
Post Office Box 7762, Detroit, Mich.; Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 
Post Office Box 4474, Chicago, 111. ; Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 
Post Office Box 7971, Philadelphia, Pa. ; Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee, Post Office Box 7608, Baltimore, Md.; Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee, Post Office Box 1264, Palo Alto, Calif.; Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee, 799 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 

Senator Keating. Let me ask a question, Mr. Chairman, at that 
point. 

All of those are listed as post office boxes except for the one in New 
York City. Do you have a record of the addresses of the headquarters 
of the others ? 

Mr. Gibson. To my knowledge, there are no other addresses, any 
other headquarters. We have the only office that I know. 

Senator Keating. The others don't maintain offices? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Keating. They all operate out of post office boxes? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Keating. Do you have a record of who the officers are of 
the other chapters? 

Mr. Gibson. No, we keep no records. In some cases, we don't 
recollect, but I have no record and I have never met most of them. 

Senator Dodd. I have here in my hand a copy of what I gather to 
be a statement or press release dated Washington, D.C., May 15, Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee, 799 Broadway, New York, N.Y. Are you 
familiar with this? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Well, I notice that my name is in here and I'm 
referred to as Senator Dodd, Republican from Connecticut. I wish 
you would correct that. 

Senator Keating. That is the first kind thing I've heard this wit- 
ness say about the chairman. 



182 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. Well, the last paragraph, however- 



Mr, Faulkner. Is that a serious objection. Senator? 

Senator Dodd. I want to ask about this. The press release says 
that the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, with national headquarters 
at 799 Broadway, is a nonprofit American organization with more 
than 7,000 members. Chapters have been foraied in more than 21 
U.S. cities and 4 Canadian cities, and student councils are in existence 
on more than 40 United States and Canadian college campuses. 

Mr. Gibson. This, by the way. Senator, is an estimate, because we 
have no list. 

Senator Dodd. Thank you. I think it would be helpful to the 
press if you told them that when you put out a release. 

Mr. Gibson. Well, it's an estimate. That's why we say more than 
21, because we really don't know. I believe in that list there is more 
than 21. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. You mean you say more than 21 because you don't 
know how many there are ? 

Mr. Gibson. That's quite correct. 

Senator Dodd. And more than 40 chapters on college campuses ? 

Mr. Gibson. I think so, but again, I really don't know. 

Senator Dodd. If you're no more accurate about the number of chap- 
ters than you are about my political affiliation, that's not surprising. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This is a press release you distributed here this 
morning, isn't it, that the Senator just read ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, it was distributed yesterday, but I had extra 
copies. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The telegram reads : 

PD New York, N.Y. 15 1036 P EDT Richard Gibson, Carroll Arms Hotel, 
First Street at C, NE., Washington, D.C. 

Adult chapters in Washington, D.C, Newark, Boston, New Haven, Denver, 
Cleveland, Seattle, San Diego, Hartford, Lynn, Santa Clara, Brooklyn, Queens, 
Bergen County, N.J. Student chapters at Antioch, University of California, 
C.C.N.Y., Stanford, Columbia, University of Colorado, Brooklyn, Queens, Cor- 
nell, UCLA, Fisk, LACC, University of Chicago, Roosevelt College, University 
of Wisconsin, Carleton College, University of Minnesota, University of In- 
diana, Yale, University of Virginia, Oberlin, Brandeis, Harvard, University 
of Washington, University of Michigan, Wayne, Brown, MIT, St. John's, Boston 
University, University of Ohio, Grinnell,^ Tufts, Bennington, Goddard, Univer- 
sity of Kansas, Reed College. 



1 Subsequent to the hearing the following letter was received by the chairman : 

Gkinnell College, 
Orinnell, Iowa, May 26, 1961. 
Hon. James Eastland, 

Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee, 
U.S. Senate, Senate Office Building, 
Washington, D.C. 

Dear Senator Eastland : An Associated Press dispatch datelined Washington, D.C, 
May 17, reports testimony given your subcommittee by Mr. Richard Gibson, acting execu- 
tive secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

According to the dispatch, Mr. Gibson included Grinnell College in a list of institutions 
at which chapters of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee have been established. 

I respectfully request that the record of the subcommittee be corrected to show that Mr. 
Gibson's testimony with respect to Grinnell College was incorrect. There is not now nor 
has there ever been a chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee on our campus. 

We most vigorously resent Mr. Gibson's Incorrect and unfounded statements pertaining 
to our institution. 

Yours sincerely, . , ^ 

Howard R. Bowen, President. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 183 

May that also be inserted in the record ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, both the telegram and the list may, of course, 
be placed in the record. They have been read in, but they may be 
placed in, besides. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits No. 29 and 29 A" 
having been read in full were placed in the committee file.) 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Gibson, I want to determine on this record 
whether there is any siji:nificance to the words, "public addresses," 
in connection with this list of nine chapters ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, that's the only address that we have. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. They do not have any private addresses? 

Mr. Gibson. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Is there any difference in status or category be- 
tween chapters listed on this typed list of nine and the chapters listed 
in Berta Green's telegram ? 

Mr. Gibson. I'm not certain. I assume that in some cases, she 
either could not remember or did not have any address for the chapters. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. She hasn't given any addresses for any of them ? 

Mr. Gibson. I assume that would be the reason. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I'm trying to find out, do these chapters have 
public addresses, whereas the chapters named in the telegram do not 
have any public addresses? 

Mr. Gibson. They do not have any addresses. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. They don't have any addresses ? 

Mr. Gibson. We don't have it, anyway. Not yet. 

Mr. SouR\^^:NE. You don't know how to get in touch with these 
chapters if you wanted to ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Dodd. How do you get in touch with them ? 

Mr. Gibson. Through the general mailing. 

Senator Dodd. Is that how you address the president or whatever 
he is at Yale ? 

Mr. Gibson. Through the general mailing. I have no idea who 
the chairman is at Yale. 

Senator Dodd. How do you get in touch with them ? 

Mr. Gibson. Through the general mailing. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How would you address your letter ? 

Mr. Gibson. I couldn't send him a letter if I wanted to. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How would you get in touch with him? 

Mr. Gibson. It has never arisen that I had to. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You want this committee to believe that the acting 
general secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee never has 
any occasion to get in touch with the chapters of the committee? 

Mr. Gibson. Very rarely. 

Mr. Sourwine. Very rarely is not never. 

Mr. Gibson. We have no list and in many cases, I could not do it, 
except through a general mailing, to send out a mailing to all mem- 
bers asking them to contact us. 

Mr. Sourwine. What do you mean by a general mailing? 

Mr. Gibson. A mailing that went out to everybody. 



184 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You have a general mailing; list which includes 
members of your Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and also others to 
whom you send your literature ? 

Mr. Gibson. It has anyone on it, anyone who has ever been inter- 
ested, anyone who has been put on the mailing list, who has asked 
for materials or suggestions, gets this. But it does not show any 
membership, or anything. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have a copy of that list ? 

Mr. Gibson. I do not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Where is a copy to be found ? 

Mr. Gibson. At my office. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, may I ask that Mr. Gibson be di- 
rected to furnish the subcommittee a copy of this list? 

Senator Dodd. I so order it, Mr. Gibson. 

Mr. Gibson. Upon receipt of a subpena, a copy will be submitted. 

Senator Dodd. No, the order is all that is necessary. A subpena is 
not necessary, but I'll put it in writing for you if necessary, so you 
can have it in a few minutes. 

Senator Keating. Mr. Chairman, may I ask a question ? 

Do you have, in addition to any mailing list, do you keep any plates 
for the purpose of addressing letters ? 

Mr. Gibson. I will, upon receipt of whatever you wish to send me, 
I'll consider this. 

Senator Keating. My question is a factual one. You can either 
answer it or not. 

Mr. Gibson. I didn't understand your question. 

Senator Keating. My question is, do you maintain, in addition 
to the mailing list, certain plates for the purpose of addressing the 
literature? 

Mr. Gibson. Well, in fact, we have no list at all, we just have 
plates. 

Senator Keating. You just have plates ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, that's all. 

Senator Keating. So I think it is very important, Mr. Chairman, 
that the subpena call for the production of the plates as well as the 
mailing list, because apparently, the testimony of the witness is that 
he doesn't maintain any list, he simply maintains plates. 

Senator Dodd. Well, I think what we can do is send you a certified 
copy of this record. But in any event, we would like to save you the 
inconvenience of turning over your plates. Maybe we can find a 
way to do that. 

For example, how would it suit you if we sent someone from the 
subcommittee staff up to your office and you prepared a list from 
the plates while such a person was there ? Would that be more con- 
venient for you ? 

Mr. Gibson. I would have to consider that, Senator. But I wonder 
what the entire relevancy, really, is to the legislative purpose of this 
committee, the names of these people ? What legislation are you going 
to make involving the individuals ? 

Senator Dodd. I'll tell you what it is. There has been evidence be- 
fore this committee, sworn testimony, that advertisements were placed 
in the newspaper with funds supplied by Castro. 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe Fidel Castro's name is on the list. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 185 

Senator Dodd. Just a minute and I'll tell you. 

If your atrenoy is not registered under the Foreign Agents Registra- 
tion Act, this ronimittee is interested, and we shall suggest to the At- 
torney (leneral that he may be interested. That is why it is pertinent. 

Senator Keating. May I add, Mr. Chairman, with regard to the 
possibility of amendments to the foreign agents registration law, that 
may be necessary. 

Senator Dodd. That is what I mean. We're under the impression 
that this law needs remedial action, and if it does, we want to know 
about it. 

Mr. Gibson. With all due respect to the subcommittee, I do think 
that with all the amendments you might wish to impose, I don't think 
that the names of individuals who, in some cases unsolicited, received 
this literature, would be of any legislative purpose, but would be 
useful in harassment, in reprisal, in causing people to lose jobs, and 
loss of standing in the community. This, I think, is the real intent. 

Senator Dodd. I wish I could estimate how many people you have 
caused great trouble in Cuba and elsewhere in the world through your 
organization and its falsehoods. I'm not able to estimate that. 

Mr. Gibson. Why don't you. bring Mr. Dulles here about the false- 
hoods ? 

Senator Dodd. Go ahead, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, you have said several times, "We keep 
no records." I would like to ask if it is the policy of the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee not to keep records? 

Mr. Gibson. It is. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is that policy adopted to conceal your operations, 
since the Fair Play for Cuba Committee has been shown, by testi- 
mony before this committee, to have been initially financed by Cuban 
funds ? 

Mr. Gibson. The policy was set by Mr. Robert Taber some time ago ; 
I don't know exactly when. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know why he fixed that policy of not keep- 
ing records ? 

Mr. Gibson. On the membership, I do know, to prevent reprisals 
against individuals who may, through no fault of their own, be on 
our mailing list. 

Mr. SoiTRw^iNE. You do not keep records, then, and this was a de- 
liberate practice, and the purpose was to conceal the operations of the 
committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. Not to conceal the operations of the committee, to 
protect the members or subscribers. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is the Fair Play for Cuba Committee an incor- 
porated body or a body registered as a nonprofit educational organiza- 
tion in the State of New York ? 

Mr. Gibson. It is. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do the laws of the State of New York require such 
an organization to keep any minimum records ? 

Mr. Gibson. I do not know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have not advised yourself with regard to that? 

Mr. Gibson. I have not been advised ; I believe there may be some 
records. 



186 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You do not know what is required of your organiza- 
tion under the laws of the State ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I'm not a lawyer. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, the Fair Play for Cuba 

Mr. Faulkner. May I make inquiry as to w^hat this recently added 
electrical equipment is for ? 

Unidentified Person. That is a radio, for a broadcast. 

Mr. Gibson. May I ask that this not be turned on ? 

Senator Dodd. If you object to it. My view and that of Senator 
Keating is that if that is objected to 

Mr. Gibson. Having worked for CBS News, I know what you can 
do with a little bit of sound tape and some scissors. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Would you repeat that, please ? 

Mr. Gibson. Having worked with CBS News, I know what you can 
do with a little bit of sound tape and some scissors. 

Senator Dodd. Did you ever do any yourself ? 

Mr, Gibson. No, I'm not a technician in that line of work, I'm afraid. 

Senator Keating. For the record, I concur with the Senator. I 
think if the witness objects to having his voice heard over the radio, 
his objection should be honored. 

Senator Dodd. Very well, we'll not have the radio microphones 
there. 

I'm greatly interested in your observation about the radio. I would 
like to hear more about that if you care to tell us? 

Mr. Gibson. I'll speak to you privately about it, if you care to find 
out about the mysteries of radio. 

Senator Dodd. Do you qualify as an expert in this ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I wouldn't be an expert on it. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. The Fair Play for Cuba Committee distributes the 
publication Fair Play, of which I hold up a copy, does it not? 

Mr. Gibson. It does. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does this publication have a list of subscribers? 

Mr. Gibson. It has no separate list of subscribers. We have a mail- 
ing list. Everybody on the mailing list gets Fair Play. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Whether they have sent in any money or not ? 

Mr. Gibson. In some cases, yes; I don't know. They all get it, 
everyone on the mailing list. How they got there, I don't know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. On the last page of this issue of Fair Play, dated 
May 10, 1961, is a coupon, obviously intended to be clipped. You're 
familiar with that, are you not ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This coupon says : 

To the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 799 Broadway, New York 3, N.Y. I 
wish to become a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Enclosed is 
my check or money order for $5, including dues for 1 year, for subscription to 
Fair Play. 

There is a little square box to be checked. 

Now, some people do send their coupon in, with a checkmark in 
that box, along with a check for $5, don't they ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. When they do, do you list them as a dues-paid 
member ? 

Mr. Gibson. We do not make a list, but a plate. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 187 

Mr, SouRwiNE. Do you send them a receipt? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. Do you put their names on a list of subscribers to 
Fair Phiy ? 

Mr. Gibson. We have no list of subscribers, we have a mailing list. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. When you don't put their name on a list of sub- 
scribers and you send them a receipt for $5, aren't you defrauding 
them ? 

Mr. Gibson. He gets Fair Play when we mail it out. I don't think 
he is defrauded. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. If you stop mailing it out he won't get it ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't suppose he would. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have no list of subscriptions sent in to Fair 
Play with money to pay for it ? 

Mr. Gibson. I have not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is there any such list maintained by the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee ? 

Senator Dodd. You sent out more than one edition of this Fair 
Play pamphlet or however you describe it. You must have some- 
thing somewhere. 

Mr. Gibson. We have only the plates, Senator. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. So the name goes on a plate ? 

Mr. Gibson. Right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, the next sentence on this coupon reads: 

I do not wish to be listed as a member, but would like to receive Fair Play 
and other free literature. Enclosed is my check or money order for $5 to 
cover handling and mailing costs for 1 year. 

Now, some people do check that box and send money in, don't they ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you segregate those names in any way from the 
names of the people who check the first box ? 

Mr. Gibson. Not at all. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Then you're not playing fair with the people who 
check the second box and believe they don't want to be mixed in with 
the membership, do you ? 

Mr. Gibson. I'm very sorry, but this is the way it is. The others 
get a membership card. That is the only thing they get. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. They get a membership card ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you keep a record ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who issues the cards ? 

Mr. Gibson. I do. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you sign them ? 

Mr, Gibson, Or Robert Taber, 

Mr, SouRwiNE, Are they numbered ? 

Mr. Gibson, They used to be. They are not now, 

Mr, SouRwiNE, They are not signed now ? 

Senator Dodd, Wait a minute, 

Robert Taber? 

Mr, Gibson, Yes, 

Senator Dodd. He's not signing any now ? 



188 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson. Not since the end of January. 

Senator Dodd. That's before he took asylum in Cuba ? 

Mr. Gibson. He didn't take asylum in Cuba. 

Senator Dodd. He is there ? 

Mr. Gibson. He's there, but why should he take asylum ? 

Senator Keating. Have you heard from him since you were here 
last time? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Keating. By letter or telephone ? 

Mr. Gibson. By telephone, probably monitored by every agent in 
the U.S. Government. 

Senator Keating. I hope so. 

Mr. Gibson. Judging by the disastrous results of Mr. Dulles' spade- 
work before, I hope he is getting better. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Has your organization been requested by the Justice 
Department to register under the Alien Registration Act? 

Mr. Gibson. It was. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you register? 

Mr. Gibson. We did not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You refused to register? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; we did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Has the Department proceeded against you? 

Mr. Gibson. No ; it has not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I should like to show the witness this 
issue of "Fair Play" and ask if this is — you can hardly see it from 
up here — if this is the May 10, 1961, issue of "Fair Play" which your 
committee has mailed out to the names on the plates? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; it is. 

Senator Dodd. You'd better look at it. 

Mr. Gibson. I think its the same. Unless you can counterfeit it. 

I hope you sent $5. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. There are two items here which I respectfully offer 
for the record. One is entitled "Eastland Tries Again," and there is 
an explanation from the viewpoint of Mr. Gibson, apparently, of his 
experience with this subcommittee. It is interesting to note that, in 
the penultimate paragraph of this article, it is stated : 

The FPCC national leadership is considering with our counsel all legal 
aspects of his latest demand, but they wish to assure all FPCC members and 
supporters that no matter what the threat, they will not expose a single one 
of them to these vicious inquisitors. 

I ask that this may go into the record at this point. 

Senator Dodd. I haven't seen this. I would like to. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The second item is on the back page and it is headed 
"FPCC During Invasion," and it purports to tell some of the activities 
which the committee says it engaged in. I should like to ask that this 
also be admitted in the record. 

Senator Dodd. This is another one ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This is from the same issue, it is a 4-page document. 

Mr. Faulkner. I think in all fairness the entire issue should be 
offered not a piece of it. 

Senator Dodd. We will put all of it in, don't worry. 

Mr. Faulkner. Thank you. 

^The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 30" and reads 
as follows:) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



189 



Exhibit No. 30 



Fidel Interviews the Prisoners, Page 4 
FPCC During Invasion, Page 8 

Fair Play 



Vol. 2 No. 14 



May 10, 1961 



New York 



15 cant* 



Danger of Aggression Remains 



The invasion of Cuba was carried out by the Central 
Intelligence Agency without the consent of the Amer- 
ican or the Cuban people and in violation of U.S. law 
and international treaties. The Cuban people rallied to 
the defense of their government and smashed this ag- 
gression in less than 72 hours. While the deed are being 
buried, Washington is seeking new ways to overthrow 
the Cuban government by force and violence. 

Having suffered a humiliating defeat by approving 
the CIA's war-of-conquest-by-proxy, Kennedy, in what 
The Nation (May 6) described as "one of the most 
belligerent and reckless speeches ever made by an 
American president," threatened direct armed interven- 
tion against the Cuban people, even if the U.S. stands 
alone. Kennedy concluded: "I am determined upon our 
system's survival and success, regardless of the cost and 
regardless of the peril." (April 20) 

Goliath is facing Cuba which has a population smaller 
than New York City and a total annual income smaller 
than our cosmetics expenditures. As London's respected 
Manchester Guardian commented on April 27, "Hardly 
anyone outside the U.S. can believe that Cuba is a 
threat to American security or that there is any "nation- 
al necessity to crush Dr. Castro. . . . All aggressors have 
always claimed that their transgressions were compelled 
by 'national necessity.' It was 'national necessity' that 
led Hitler into Poland." The editorial concludes with 
Cuba's real challenge — "^ithe last r68ort,nb power on 
earth can withstand the advance of an idea." 

The idea of the Cuban revolution is that the people 
of Latin America have a right to determine their own 
future, to use their resources as they see fit, to support 
a government of their own choice. 

An American sociologist Lowry Nelson, observed in 
1950: "Cuba presents a paradox on a grand order. Na- 
ture is bountiful . . . yet the masses of Cuba's rural 
population are impoverished, ill-housed, ill-fed, and 
poorly clothed. The land is very rich, but the jjeople 
are very poor.'" 

In Greek mythology, Tantalus was tormented in 
Hades by being placed thirsty in a pool of water up to 
his chin. When he tried to drink, the water receded. 
Placed hungry under fruit trees, the wind tossed the 
branches aside when he tried to pick the fruit 

The Cuban revolution smashed the Batista dictator- 
ship as a symbol of the torturer of Tantalus. It is work- 



ing at breakneck speed to utilize the coimtry's resources 
for the benefit of Cuba's long disinherited millions. 

The London Economist, earlier this year, stated that 
the agrarian reform which t*The l*f'l!o^'CW»'s^social 
revolution, 'Ms, to use a most reticent adjective, a splen- 
did piece of work" With increased food production, 
they are eating in Cuba today — and it was rarely so; 
now there is a proud pioneering spirit, the people have 
something to live for: "They build their new houses and 
schools with their own hands, with technical aid and 
materials provided by the state." The revolution is not 
only statistics, it is also in the faces of a people: "Most 
of them also look, it must be said, remarkably unre- 
pressed." 

This does not concern the CIA. Cuba has declared its 
political and economic independence. The revolution 
has decreed that the economy is to be geared towards 
meeting human needs instead of private profit — there- 
fore, as an object lesson to other Latin American na- 
tions, Cuba must be crushed. Economic and poltical 
aggression have been of no avail — only brute force can 
hope to produce a subservient Cuba. 

The Cuban government on April 28 once again rec- 
ommended a policy of friendly relations with the U.S. 
It declared its willingness to negotiate with Washington 
on a 'footing of equality." It was rebuffed the next 

-■.■■— (continued on page 2) 



An Apology to 
FAIR PLAY Readers 

FAIR PLAY apologizes to its readers for the 
long delay in getting out this issue. However, 
we feel that anyone who takes a look at the 
account of our activities during this period of 
crisis (see page 8) will understand why the 
harassed national office was not able to sit and 
calmly edit a newsletter when more urgent mat- 
ters had to be attended to. To make up in part 
for our lengthy silence, this issue is a double 
one of eight pages instead of our usual four. 



190 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



FAIR PLAY, May 10, 1961 



Thieves in the Night 



morning by the State Department's arrogant reply: 
"Communism in this hemisphere is not negotiable." 
Commented the N.Y. Times on April 30: "We have no 
right to tell the Cubans what form of government they 
should support" 

Walter Lippmann (April 27) raises a pertinent ques- 
tion: "I am astonished at the number of responsible 
men who want to use the Marines and the American 
paratroopers all over the world. . . . Have they thought 
what a httle war in Cuba would be like after the 
Marines had captured Havana and a few cities and had 
then to govern a revolutionary peasantry? Our people 
have to fix it in their minds that the world-wide revo- 
lution cannot be stopped and settled by the U.S. 
Marines." 

How would Washington liberate the Cuban people? 
The story of the invasion provides an answer. 

Tad Szulc (TV.y. Times, April 22) reports: "As has 
been an open secret in Florida and in Central America 
for months, the CIA planned, coordinated and directed 
the operations that ended in the defeat on a beachhead 
in southern Cuba." 

When the chips are down, "rebels" can't quite liberate 
themselves from the CIA. The CIA shanghaied the six 
leading members of its own handpicked Cuban Revolu- 
tionary Council and held them incommunicado while 
the invasion got underway. "The Cuban leaders first 
heard of the invasion from radio news bulletins." They 
heard communiques on the April 17 landings put out 
in their name. "The Cuban exiles believe that the CIA's 
treatment of them during the invasion as so many pup- 
pets was a natural outcome of this basically contemptu- 
ous, paternalistic approach." (N.Y. Post, April 25) 

These "liberators" turn out to be mere agents of a 
foreign power. The Miami Herald understated the situ- 
ation on April 20: "American businessmen hoping to 
regain some of the billion dollars of property lost to 
Fidel Castro's government, watched with intense inter- 
est the fighting in Cuba. ... In Boston, a Vice President 
of the United Fruit Co. said: 'If a new and democratic 
government succeeds. United Fruit would hope to play 
a part in the economy*." 

The CIA's Cuban army went on its mission of de- 
struction in "a fleet of invasion ships, painted black and 
equipped with guns and radar in New Orleans . . . the 
attackers went in with artillery, tanks and B-26 air sup- 
port" (Time, April 28) 

The Miami Herald (April 14) revealed that the mer- 
cenaries had weapons "so new in design the GI's in this 
country haven't seen the equipment as yet." Ranged 
against them, were Cuba's armed people, there were no 
MIGs. From Guantanamo Bay, April 22, The Wash- 
ington Post: "No evidence has yet reached this U.S. 
Naval Base in Eastern Cuba that Castro forces used 
Russian-made MIG jet fighters against the invaders." 
On the other hand. Drew Pearson's column of April 24, 
in a paragraph which most papers deleted, said "Amer- 
ican destroyers protected the landings." 



The CIA did not consult with its counter-revolution- 
ary allies and it certainly did not consult the Cuban 
people. George Bryant reporting from Havana in the 
Toronto Daily Star (April 27) says, "not one peasant, 
not one militiaman went over to them," instead they 
fought to defend the revolution's achievements. The 
following day, Bryant wrote: "Certainly it is a land 
where the leader depends on the support of his people. 
Every fimction he attends puts him under the loaded 
guns of scores or hundreds of citizens." 

There were no fortresses to capture — they had been 
turned into schools. The invaders faced an entire people 
ready and willing to use their weapons. Workers, farm- 
ers, students and even members of the symphony or- 
chestra performed their work with loaded arms at their 
side. To conquer the Cuban army, the invaders would 
have to crush 6,000,000 Cubans at war. 

"The invasion and U.S. involvement in it came as a 
surprise to the vast majority of the American public," 
writes David Wise in the N.Y. Herald Tribune (May 
2). "185 years ago, the men who signed the Declaration 
of Independence explained that to secure these rights, 
governments are instituted among men, deriving their 
just powers from the consent of the governed.'. . . the 
invasion of Cuba by forces organized by the U.S. gov- 
ernment was undertaken without the consent of the 
governed." 

The CIA operation which carried with it the risk of 
getting the U.S. involved in war was not debated in 
Congress either. Ted Lewis (N.Y. Daily News, May 1) 
reports: "Most Senate Democrats were hopping mad 
that neither they nor their Republican colleagues were 
given a fill-in in advance of the Cuban invasion. Their 
advice was certainly not sought ahead of time." 

Senator Wayne Morse (D.-Ore.), who opposes inter- 
vention, sent Dean Rusk a telegram saying "in further 
reference to the Constitution, attention is called to the 
fact that under Article 1, section 8, it is still the power 
of Congress to declare a war." (York, Pa. Gazette & 
Daily, April 25) 

William Shannon (N.Y. Post, April 9) revealed that 
in late 1959 Eisenhower decided to apply the "Guate- 
mala solution" to Cuba. Senator Thruston Morton 
(R.-Ky.) expressed the American people's "distaste" for 
the "lack of candor and straightforwardness on the part 
of our government." (N.Y. Times April 28) 

Kennedy disagrees, he believes that people know too 
much already. He has asked the nation's press to "heed 
the duty of self-restraint" and henceforth kill any news 
dispatches which fail to pass this test: "Is this in the 
national interest?" 

The El Cajon Valley News (Calif. April 20) in an 
editorial titled "Why did they lie to us about Cuba?" 
declares its conviction: "There is no evidence in U.S. 
history that deception of the American people is sound 
domestic policy or effective foreign policy." 

— by Henry Spira 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



191 



FAIR PLAY, May 10, 1961 



Eastland Tries Again 



Apparently, Fair Play's efforts to stem the tide of 
U.S. aggression against Cuba are being felt in Washing- 
toa CIA director Allen Dulles is reported to have made 
some harsh remarks about FPCC during an oflf-the- 
record State Department briefing last month for radio 
and television newsmen, expressing the hope that the 
Justice Department would soon see fit to put us out of 
business. Other and more tangible proof of the anxiety 
felt by official Washington came in the form of a sub- 
poena to Acting Executive Secretary Richard Gibson to 
appear before Senator Eastland's Senate Internal Se- 
curity Cubcommittee on April 25th. 

The subpoena was delivered to Gibson on April 21, 
just as he finished addressing some 5,000 persons in 
New York's Union Square at a "Hands Off Cuba" Rally. 

Accompanied by FPCC General Counsel Stanley 
Faulkner, Gibson dutifully went to Washington on the 
25th and spent several hours being grilled in a public 
session by the witchhunters. Conducting the hearing 
were Senators Dodd, Keating and Cotton — Eastland 
himself never appeared. 

All the old charges against FPCC came up again, that 
we were a "Communist operation," financed by "Cuban 
Gold." In his statement to the subcommittee, Gibson 
stated frankly that he is not a Communist nor is FPCC 
a "Communist operation." However, he added the lead- 
ership of FPCC has no intention of inquiring into the 
political or religious beliefs of members. They have no 
intention of witchhunting or cooperating with witch- 
hunters. 

On the subject of "Cuban Gold," while he declined to 
answer any question concerning the financing and the 
structure of Fair Play, Gibson clearly indicated that 
FPCC would be quite able to prove that its funds come 
from bonafide sources — the more than 7,000 members 
of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. But that proof if 
needed, will only be produced in the proper court of 
law and at the appropriate time. However, it became 
evident from the questioning that the witchhunters 
themselves are no longer so sure on that score. 

The Senators then passed on to Gibson's past em- 
ployment as a CBS Newsman. They appeared indignant 
that such a "subversive" character should have ever 
been permitted access to American mass media. But 
they were visibly pleased when Gibson informed them 
that he and his colleague, Robert Taber, had been fired 
by CBS because of their FPCC activities. Gibson also 
recalled a reported letter to CBS from Virginia segrega- 
tionist Senator Harry Byrd, protesting the presence of 
Gibson — the only Negro newsman — on the CBS News 
staff and complaining about his connections with Negro 
freedom fighter Robert F. Williams, President of the 
Union County, N.C., branch of the NAACP and a found- 
ing member of FPCC. 

Gibson told the Senators, in his statement: "The U.S. 
Government, through the super-secret Central Intelli- 
gence Agency, armed, trained and financed the Cuban 
counter-revolutionaries and other mercenaries who at- 



tacked Cuba a little more than a week ago." Senator 
Dodd protested, but quickly quieted down when Gibson 
informed him his source for this charge was the U.S. 
press itself. He added, "On behalf of the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee and speaking personally for myself 
and for many other American Negroes I can only ex- 
press delight at the utter and dismal defeat of this act 
of international banditry." 

He read them the text of the Declaration of Con- 
science on Cuba by 31 Afro-Americans, which appeared 
in the Baltimore Alro-American and N.Y. Post. He also 
read Robert F. Williams' biting telegram which Cuban 
Foreign Minister Raul Roa received and read to the 
Political Committee of the U.N. General Assembly on 
the night of April 20: "Please convey to Mr. Adlai 
Stevenson this message: Now that the United States 
has proclaimed military support for people willing to 
rebel against oppression, oppressed Negroes in the 
South urgently request tanks, artillery, bombs, money, 
use of American airfields and white mercenaries to 
crush the racist tyrants who have betrayed the Amer- 
ican Revolution and Civil War. We also request prayers 
for this noble undertaking." The Senators had no com- 
ment. 

Having failed in all other attacks, the subcommittee 
has become desperate. Gibson is now under subpoena 
again, scheduled to return to Washington on May 16th 
with FPCC records. The FPCC national leadership is 
considering with our counsel all legal aspects of this 
latest demand, but they wish to assure all FPCC mem- 
bers and supporters that, no matter what the threat, 
they will not expose a single one of them to these vi- 
cious inquisitors. There should be no doubt on this 
matter in anyone's mind. 

FPCC still has an important job to do, and, with or 
without the witchhunters, we shall do it Venceremos/ 



A Note on Finances 

FPCCers have long been aware that it is their 
hard-earned dollars and cents and not "Cuban 
gold" that keeps FPCC nmning. The committee 
has been running in the red for a good many 
months now, despite repeated appeals for con- 
tributions. Fortunately, during the crisis, friends 
and supporters turned up at the vital moment 
with the needed funds for such costly items as 
ads in the N.Y. Times, Baltimore Airo-Amer- 
ican, N.Y. Post and San Francisco Chronicle. 
But we still need financial help, and need it 
badly, so again we are calling on you to dig 
down as deeply as you can. 

While we are on the subject of finances, we 
would like to inform members and supporters 
that our books are now being audited, after our 
first year of existence. A complete financial 
statement will be ready in the near future and 
will be sent to FPCC members and subscribers. 



192 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



FAIR PLAY, May 10, 1961 



Fidel Castro Interviews the Prisoners 



Never before in history have prisoners been treated 
with so much humanity as were the counterrevolution- 
aries and other mercenaries captured recently in Cuba 
by the armed people of Cuba, determined to defend 
their country against this latest U.S.-directed aggression. 
The defeated invaders were even given a chance to 
state their case before the Cuban people and the world 
in a spectacular series of interviews with Cuban news- 
men and Fidel Castro before Cuban television cameras. 
Below are some excerpts from these extraordinary in- 
terviews: 

Prisoner: Dr. Castro, I want to explain to you why 
we came. It was our sense of an ideal, that we believed 
was the purest and worthiest ideal conceivable. I, per- 
sonally came to fight against Communism, and so that 
there would be a democratic government, and elections 
in 18 months and the re-establishment of the 1940 Con- 
stitutioa ... If our invasion failed, it was because 
something went wrong in the plan, not because we 
came over here with any false illusions . . . when I left 
Cuba I knew that there were 100,000 militiamen. 

Dr. Castro: Listen, Sir, I don't know if you've been 
listening to the opinions of many of your people. You've 
been giving your interpretation, and maybe others agree 
with you. But I want to ask you, and you know that 
people here, and outside of the country, are listening to 
you, a question. And let's speak honestly. Didn't you 
believe that they (militiamen) would assassinate you? 
* * » 

Prisoner (he had been an agricultural worker; his 
father works on a hennequin cooperative in Matanzas) : 
The last news that I had was that they had gotten 
raises, and were building houses. 

Dr. Castro: Remember the struggles those workers 
had against the company? 

Prisoner: I worked there, Sir. 

Dr. C: Did you have a lot of strikes? 

P: We had very many strikes. 

Dr. C: What were the strikes for? 

P: Well, because there were no raises, and there was 
no work. 

Dr. C: No raises? Why didn't the company want to 
give raises? 

"I Don't Know" 

P: I don't know why it could have been, because 
they had business with the Americans, God knows why 
it was. 

Dr. C: Was that an American company? 

P: No, it wasn't. 

Dr. C: Did it do business (with the Americans)? 

P: I don't know. 

Dr. C: You know that there is a cooperative there 
now? and that the agricultural workers, including your 
father, are owners of that hennequin plantation? 

P: I didn't know that 

Dr. C: You think that's a good thing? 

P: Of course I do. 



Dr. C: That's what the Revolution has done. The 
electric company has been nationalized. . . . Did they 
ever cut off your lights? 

P: No Sir. 

Dr. C: You always paid for the lights? 

P: Yes. Sir. 

Dr. C: Do you know how much that electric com- 
pany made every year? 20 million dollars, 

P: We were going to make a law so that each worker 
in the electric company would get a share of the 
profits. . . . 

Dr. C: We've made a better law than that You said 
a law giving shares in the profits, for example, what 
percentage of the profits? 

P: Let's say 30 or 40 per cent of the profits. 

Dr. C: 40 per cent for all the workers? 

P: Yes, Sir. 

Dr. C: And 60 per cent for whom? For the com- 
pany? For the American company? 

P: For the company. Sir. 

Dr. C: Well, we did something better than that We 
gave 100 per cent to the Cuban people. 

P: But has it been given to the workers, or has it 
been seized by the state? 

Dr. C: . . . Those 20 million pesos are now invested 
in the building of new factories, in the development of 
agriculture; it's invested in schools, highways, in those 
houses on the Cooperative where this gentleman's father 
works. Do you know how much you used to have to 
pay for a two-room apartment here? 

P: Around $80 a month. 

Dr. C: Do you know that you now pay $40 for that 
apartment? 

P: Yes, Sir. 

Dr. C: Are you in agreement with that? 

P: Completely. 

Dr. C. : Besides, do you know that before, a tenant 
was paying for 40 years, and never was the owner of 
the house? 

P: Of course not, he didn't build it 

Dr. C: Who built it? 

P: The individual who paid for it, and made it 

Dr. C: No, Sir, the construction workers the car- 
penters, the masons, built it. The other person was in 
their house. 

P: No, the individuals who went to work on it . . . 

Whose Houses? 

Dr. C: Who built the houses? The gentleman who 
asked for a million-dollar loan from a bank to build an 
apartment house, and then got it back from the tenant? 
How many workers here in Cuba could pay $80 rent? 
Now I ask you: do you really think the housing prob- 
lem could be solved on the basis of private enterprise? 
Let's figure out how much it costs here: $7000 to build 
a two-room apartment, would you agree with that? How 

(continued on page 5) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



193 



FAIR PLAY. M«y 10, 1961 



a 



Who built the houses?^ ^ 



much would you have to pay to amortize that over ten 
years, with interest? How much? Lefs see, someone 
answer. 

P: How much interest? 

Dr. C: 10 per cent, more or less. . . . Then, let's 
imagine a private investor who is going to invest $100,- 
000 in an apartment building to make $70,000 on ten 
apartments. He has to get back his investment in 10 
years, with interest. The tenant has to pay $70. How 
many tenants in Cuba can pay $70? Let's suppose 
about 20%. Who will build houses for the others. . . . 

P: Well, I think this depends on the law of supply 
and demand. If there aren't many houses, they will have 
to be built 

Dr. C: Well, the demand has been very great for 
quite some time. 

P: Well, but it's necessary, also, to build different 
types of houses. 

Dr. C: Well, but where were they? 

P: Well, but don't you also have to pay for the 
workers' houses? 

Dr. C: Yes, we're building bouses for them, because 
the state makes the investment, and it costs the workers 
10% of what they earn. 

• * * 

P: Can I ask you a question Dr. Castro? 

Dr. C: Go ahead. 

P: I believe that this thought is something that all 
of us here are feeling. If Dr. Castro had found himself 
in the U.S. for a period of twenty months away from 
his country and family, if he had been reading the press 
in that country, if he had been a loyal friend of his 
countries freedom, if he had known that a movement 
was underway to liberate his country from a series of 
dangers that the newspapers were saying were threat- 
ening it, how would Dr. Castro have proceeded? Would 
he have joined that expedition or not? 

Fidel in Expedition? 

Dr. C: Well, there are lots of Cubans in the United 
States who have been out of Cuba for more than twen- 
ty months and didn't join the expedition; they paraded 
in front of the United Nations supporting the Cuban 
revolution. . . . They didn't let themselves be poisoned 
by that lying propaganda. . . . What you're thinking is 
that I might possibly have been one of those Cubans. 
But if I had thought a little more, I would have asked 
who was aiding that expedition and why they were aid- 
ing it? I would have asked myself if the United States 
has ever aided any revolution and I would have ana- 
lyzed the fact that the United States has supported the 
most reactionary governments of America, and of the 
world. ... I would have asked myself why they didn't 
aid in the struggle against Batista? Why, when young 
people were being assassinated on street comers here, 
when on one afternoon 47 peasants were assassinated 
why then, instead of giving arms to the revolutionaries 
tbere, did they take away their arms and why . . . did 

(continued on page 6) 



An Appeal 



Two of FPCC's staunchest members and a 
loyal friend recently sent the following personal 
letter to FideL While the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee does not officially endorse such a 
stand on the question of punishment for coun- 
ter-revolutionaries and other mercenaries, we 
believe that a number of FPCCers do^in all 
fairness it should be noted that many members 
take just the opposite view. In any case, we 
thought it worthwhile to bring this letter to the 
attention of FAIR PLAY readers: 

"New York City 
"April 29, 1961 
"Dear Fidel Castro, 

"We salute you for urging clemency for the 
prisoners of the invasion force. 

"As friends of the Revolution, we would like 
to appeal to you to take an even bolder step. 
We are aware that we ask much of you, but we 
believe that you are a man of whom much can 
be asked. Our petition is: Would it not be both 
a noble step and a supremely politic one if you 
were to abolish the death penalty in Cuba once 
and for all, even for those who take up arms 
against the government? 

"We know that some would argue that the 
execution of traitors is necessary to the safety 
of the state, but to them we put these questions: 

"(1) Has the punishment of opposition ever 
in history served to deter further opposition? 
Do these executions in fact help to secure the 
Revolution? 

"(2) In the process of exacting vengeance, is 
not that humane spirit weakened which has 
given the Revolution its special force? Would 
not the abolition of the death penalty safeguard 
what is most precious of all in the new Cuba — 
its humanity? Has not Fidel Castro himself said 
that mass executions 'sully the Revolution'? 

"(3) For those many people outside Cuba 
who have a false image of the Revolution, 
would not the abolition of the death penalty be 
irresistible evidence of its true nature? 

"The new Cuba cannot be preserved by heed- 
ing the cry 'To the Wall!' Its security surely lies 
in its appeal to men's hearts. "Revolucion es 
construir.' 

BARBARA DEMING 
DAVE DELLINGER 
WALDO FRANK" 



194 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



FAIR PLAY, May 10, 1961 



". . . in front of the United Nations, 



99 



they send planes and arms to Batista . . . because Ba- 
tista, instead of lowering the rates and nationalizing the 
electric company, raised the telephone and electric 
rates, defended all the interests of the North American 
monopolies here. Why, on the other hand, did they aid 
a counterrevolutionary movement in its struggle against 
a government which has nationalized the North Amer- 
ican electric company, the telephone company and the 
sugar centrales? Because before, they sent arms to the 



A Voice From Labor 

David Livingston, President of District 65, 
Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union, 
AFL-CIO, representing 30,000 members in the 
New York area, has completely reversed Presi- 
dent Kennedy's call for "self-censorship" on 
Cuba and other vital issues, and Eisenhower's 
"Don't go back and rake over the ashes," by 
terming it a "patriotic duty" for all union mem- 
bers to carry on discussions at all levels con- 
cerning the "tragic setback" in Cuba. 

Livingston also stated that, with the reforms 
under Castro, conceded by the State Depart- 
ment in its White Paper, "no revolt was likely 
to take place for free elections or against Soviet 
help." 

Writing in The 65er, the official voice of Dis- 
trict 65, Livingston, who had been an ardent 
supporter of Kennedy during the campaign, 
stated: "But when the District 65 Convention 
went on record endorsing Senator Kennedy for 
President, we pledged that we would be the 
kind of supporters who would differ when we 
thought he was in the wrong. We should live up 
to that pledge now. 

"Our members should discuss the question 
among ourselves. Our membership meetings, 
shop meetings, and other gatherings of our rank 
and file should come to a consensus of opinion 
and give expression to that consensus. If our 
members favor what has been done, so be it. 
//, as this writer believes, they come to the con- 
clusion that what has been done is wrong, our 
members should not hesitate to say so. In that 
direction lies true patriotism." 

Livingston added: "These were things that 
were clear to many Americans before the Cuban 
disaster. Most of us kept quiet and our country 
suffered. Would we not have been better patri- 
ots to run the risk of some criticism and give 
expression to our views at that time? This writ- 
er believes that it was our patriotic duty then 
to speak out and it is our patriotic duty now to 
give expression to these ideas in the hope that 
they will contribute to a policy that will bring 
credit to our country." 



government who defended those interests — now, they 

hand over arms to combat the government who fulfilled 

the laws that people here wanted for a very long time. 

* * * 

P owned "several small farms and one big one" — of 
900 caballerias. One caballeria equals about 33 acres; 
this prisoner disclosed, later in the questioning, that the 
agrarian reform had left him 30 caballerias of his 900 
caballeria farm; he admitted that it was possible to live 
"decently" on 30 caballerias. The minimum individual 
holding established by the agrarian reform law is two 
caballerias for a family of five. 

Mr. Kuchilan (newspaperman): Did the revolution- 
ary laws affect you in any way? 

P: Well, yes, somewhat 

K: Those motivations of yours to liberate Cuba, 
didn't you have any intentions of making amends for 
the way the agrarian reform affected you? 

P: It could seem that way, but I put my country 
before the economic problem. 

K: From what were you going to liberate the coun- 
try? 

P: Well, now I see from nothing, but according to 
what they told us, there was chaos here, that they were 
waiting for a military force to come so they could join 
it . . . 

K: You came to liberate Cuba, and you say you 
were tricked. Thaf s the sort of thing we're hearing from 
all of you, that you've been fooled. . . . You left here in 
February, 1961. 

A Question of Mentality? 

K: What was your opinion of what the revolution 
was doing? 

P: That there were very constructive things, and 
things that I didn't like. 

K: And between February and March you changed 
your mind, they fooled you between February and 
March? 

P: Over there they could change anybody's mind in 
a month. 

K: Do they brainwash people in the United States? 

P: And over there, if you don't go to a training camp, 
you're almost considered a coward. 

K: Then it's a question of valor? 

P: No, it's not a question of valor but of mentality. 

K: Of mentality. Then, they changed your February 
1961 mentality. 

K: No, not completely. But neither was I an ardent 
fanatic of the revolution. 

K: Did you work before? 

P: Well, I already told you, my family had some 
business with farms and things like that . . . now and 
then I sold cars. 

K: Now and then you sold cars. Cadillacs? 

P: Whatever, depending on the buyer. 

Valdes Vivo, newsman (to same prisoner) : We'd like 
to pinpoint, if possible, what you didn't like about the 

(continued on page 7) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



195 



FAIR PLAY. M*y 10, 19(1 



^\.. great discipline and courtesy' ' 

Revolution, what made you join the expedition. Didn't 
you like the agrarian reform? 

P: I hked it halfway. ... I think you should give 
land to the peasants, and things like that, but I don't 
think you should completely damage anybody. 

V: You'd like an agrarian reform that doesn't divide 
up 900 caballeria farms? 

P: No, I like an agrarian reform that divides up 
farms, because it's a very just thing and gives the own- 
er a decent way of life. 

V: Do you like the fact that the Revolution ended 
racial discrimination? 

P: It's a magnificent idea, a constructive work of the 
Revolution. 

V: Do you like the fact the Revolution ended the 
domination of our country by North American imperi- 
alism? 

P: I think it's a good thing, too, that public services, 
and things like that are nationali2ed. 

V: What do you say about sugar mills? Do you like 
the fact that they're now in the hands of the nation? 

P: I see it as a good thing. 

V: Your family doesn't have any sugar mills? 

P: No, Sir. 

V: Do you like the fact that the Revolution is ending 
illiteracy? 

P: It is one of the best measures of the Revolution. 

V: Does it seem to you a good thing that the Revo- 
lution has given Cuba an independent foreign policy, 
which responds exclusively to the national interests of 
our people? 

P: I see it as a very good and valiant measure. 

V: In the hypothetical case of the expedition taking 
power, what do you think they would have done with 
the land now in cooperatives, state farms and given to 
individual peasants? 

P: Well, over there in Miami, they said it was a 
measure that had to be studied, so as not to affect the 
peasants and be able to give indemnities to the owners. 

Indemnification 

V: Those who had 900 caballerias, were they going 
to be indemnified? 

P: According to what I read, yes. 

V: What were you going to do with the factories now 
belonging to the nation? 

P: Well, I didn't read anything about that, Sir. 

Fidel also spoke with the militiamen who had de- 
feated the invaders. This is what one of them had to 
say: 

Militiaman: Dr. Castro, I want you to know that I, 
as a militiaman, have treated them with the greatest 
courtesy, however, there are prisoners here who were in 
the service of the (Batista) regime. Yesterday there 
was a disturbance with a prisoner, which I managed 
with great discipline and courtesy, as you ordered us to 
do. However, he started insulting me, saying I was an 
assassin and this, that and the other thing. ... I ask 



Vigil on the Potomac 

The home office of the "Cuban Invasion 
Agency" was picketed Sunday, May 2, when 
over 100 protested the recent ill-fated invasions 
by massing in front of the Central Intelligence 
Agency headquarters in Washington, D.C The 
joint action of pacifists and Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee members began a two week fast and 
vigil by representatives of the Non-Violent 
Committee for Cuban Independence. 

Before three days of the vigil had passed, 
seven of the himger strikers were arrested on 
charges of "loitering." All those arrested have 
stated that they intend to continue their fast 
while in jail and will return to their posts when 
released. They are: Dave Dellinger, an editor 
of Liberation, and the organizer of the vigil; 
Robert Steed, of the Catholic Worker; Robert 
Swann; Dick Zink; Bram Luckom; Ron Jump; 
Charles Jackson. Five other fasters are continu- 
ing their vigil 

The groups composing the Non-Violent Com- 
mittee for Cuban Independence are: the Catho- 
lic Worker, the Committee for Non- Violent Ac- 
tion, the Peacemakers and the War Resisters 
League. Appealing to the conscience of America, 
the Committee said it is holding the vigil to 
"protest the threat to world peace and human 
survival posed by America's armed interference 
in Cuba." 

The Fair Play Committee is rallying all its 
chapters to organize local picket lines before 
Federal Buildings throughout the country on 
the two Saturdays, May 6 and 13. A mass dem- 
onstration of all East Coast Fair Play chapters 
will be held May 13 in Washington, as a windup 
to the two-week vigil They will be joined by 
the transcontinental Marchers for Peace, who 
intend to conclude their march at the CIA head- 
quarters the same day. Buses to Washington 
will leave New York on both Saturdays and 
reservations can be made at the Fair Play office, 
OR 4-8295. 



you, Commandante: there are some prisoners whom I 
don't believe can be judged with the others who are 
here. That prisoner was a fugitive from justice. ... I 
want you to find out what his name is and investigate 
him. 

Dr. Castro: That isn't very important, companero. 
Did you treat the prisoner well despite his insulting 
you? 

Militiaman: I treated him with great courtesy. 

Dr. Castro: You did well, companero. 



196 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



FAIR PLAY, May 10, 1961 



FPCC Doriog Invasion 



FPCC's immediate response in New York to the CIA 
invasion was to organize mass demonstrations outside 
the United Nations. The demonstrations started on 
April 17 with 2000 persons and continued through the 
week. On April 21, a mass rally of 5000 in Union 
Square climaxed the daily picketing^! 

An indoor rally on April 20 called by the newly 
formed Brooklyn Chapter of the New York FPCC drew 
an enthusiastic crowd of more than 500 persons. 

In a seven-column ad in the New York Times of 
April 21 titled "An Appeal to Americans", FPCC called 
for united action against the U.S. government's flouting 
its own and international laws in aiding the Cuban in- 
vasion. This ad was refused by the St. Louis Post Dis- 
patch and by all four Chicago dailies. 

Over 500 persons turned out on April 28 for a ban- 
quet celebrating the first anniversary of FPCC. Though 
tickets cost $7.50 each, numerous guests were satisfied 
with SRO accommodations. 

On April 29, an advertisement released by FPCC and 
sighed by twenty-seven prominent Negroes appeared in 
the Baltimore Afro-American, the largest Negro news- 
paper in the United States with a circulation of 160,000. 
The ad declared, "Today, thanks to a social revolution 
which they helped make, Afro-Cubans are first-class 
citizens and are taking their rightful place in the life of 
the country where all racial barriers crumbled in a mat- 
ter of weeks following the victory of Fidel Castra" 

The New York FPCC distributed over 300,000 leaf- 
lets including 100,000 "Stop the Attack" leaflets. 

On April 20 in Boston, 200 pickets paraded on the 
historic Common. One sign they carried asked tongue 
in cheek, "Is the CIA our Peace Corps?" 

Philadelphia was the scene of violence against a 
FPCC picket line by hecklers and plainclothes cops. 
They arrested four pickets in the scuffle, none of the 
attackers. The ACLU is aiding FPCC-retained defense 
lawyers. 



Even in Florida, the focus of counter-revolutionary 
activities of the CIA hirelings, FPCC organized a picket 
line in Tampa of 100 persons to protest the invasioiL 

Detroit's federal building was picketed by 150 FPCC 
supporters on April 20. The demonstration rated back 
page coverage by the "free" press while a counter-dem- 
onstration by 22 anti-Castroites got headline treatment 
on page one. 

Despite inclement weather, a rally in San Francisco's 
civic center on April 22 ended with mass picketing of 
the federal building, a march through the downtown 
area, and picketing at the Hearst Examiner. Longshore- 
men and other imionists, as well as students, joined the 
line. 

In Los Angeles, Pair Play organized a three -day 
demonstration at the federal building beginning April 
17. Pickets greeted news of the setback to United States 
imperialism by the Cuban people with a march through 
the downtown section shouting, "Hands Off Cuba." 

Chicago pickets outside the federal building num- 
bered 300 on April 20, despite heavy rain. On Saturday 
the 22nd, a much longer line carried signs declaring, 
"We Don't Want to Die for United Fruit Co." 

Student chapters of FPCC across the nation were out 
in force, too. Antioch students traveled to Columbus to 
picket the state capitol. At Cornell, over 500 students 
attended a protest meeting. In San Francisco, a Bay 
Students Committee to Oppose U.S. Intervention in 
Cuba, representing at least five college campuses, was 
formed immediately upon news of the invasion. With 
FPCC support, it staged campus demonstrations on 
April 18. On April 20, a Union Square rally drew 2000 
persons. 

Demonstrations and picket lines also took place in 
Cleveland, Seattle, New Haven, Baltimore, Washington, 
Oberlin College, the University of Wisconsin, Ann Ar- 
bor, and Minneapolis, Toronto, Ottawa and Montreal 



To: The Fair Play for Cuba Committee 
799 Broadway, New York 3, N.Y. 

I wish to become a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Enclosed Is my check or m.o. for $5.00 
covering dues for one year. Including subscription fo Foir Play □ 

I do not wish to be listed as a member,* but would like to receive Fair Play and other free literature. 
Enclosed is my check or m.o. for $5.00 to cover handling and mailing costs for one year □ 

I would like to hove a more active part in supporting the cause of Fair Play for Cuba. Enclosed is my 
contribution for Q 



Name: _ 
Address: 
City: 



Zone . 



State 



ot Ihe optnioM etproaaed in FAIR PLAY, not will 

FAIR PLAY. Published by the Fair Play lor Cuba Comznittee, 799 Broadway. New York 3, N.Y. Richard Oibao^ Editor. 



'Memberahip cfoes nor. of coursa, imply blanket endorsem«n( o/ potidma ol the Committer nc 
(fie natna ot any member be uaed in any policy itatatnant without tho p^rtnisaion ot tha mamb«r. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 197 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Next for the record, the next article is "Fidel Castro 
Interviews the Prisoners.'' That article continues to the next pages 
and then on the back page is this "FPCC During Invasion." And I 
will read that. 

FPCC's immediate response in New York to the CIA invasion was to organize 
mass demonstrations outside tlie United Nations. The demonstrations started 
on April 17 with 2,000 persons and continued through the week. On April 21, 
a mass rally of 5,000 in Union Square climaxed the daily picketing. 

Mr. Gibson, how do you organize those mass demonstrations? 

Mr. Gibson. By calling on people, by simply asking them. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Whom did you call ? 

Mr. Gibson. I called my friends, people who work with me 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. How many individuals did you call ? 

Mr. Gibson. Personally? 

Mr. SouR-sviNE. Yes, in order to bring out these 2,000 persons on 
April 17. 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe I called anyone, except my office did. 

Mr. SouRAViNE. Do you know who your office called f 

Mr. Gibson. No, I did not make the calls. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know that Communist Party organizers 
in New York City had been busy on the phone directing members of 
the party to participate in this demonstration ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I did not. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you do anything to bring it about ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I did not. 

Mr. Sourwine. How many people did you call to produce this mass 
rally of 5,000 in Union Square? 

Mr. Gibson. Personally, I don't believe I called any. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. Do you know how many people your office called? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I do not. 

Mr. SouRw^NE. How many persons are in your office ? 

Mr. Gibson. There is Miss Green. 

Mr. Sourwine. Just one ? 

Mr. Gibson. And volunteers, but I don't know. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. How many telephone instruments in your office? 

Mr. Gibson. Two. [After pause.] Well tapped. 

Mr. Sourwine. The article further says : 

An indoor rally on April 20 called by the newly formed Brooklyn Chapter of 
the New York FPCC drew an enthusiastic crowd of more than 500 persons. 

Did you attend that indoor rally ? 

Mr. Gibson. I did. 

Mr. Sourwine. TVliere was it held ? 

Mr. Gibson. Held in Brooklyn, I don't know where. 

Mr. Sourwine. Where in Brooklyn? 

Mr. Gibson. In a hall in Brooklyn. 

Mr. Sourwine. Well, you are an intelligent man, Mr. Gibson. 
Can't you give us a better location ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am a very busy person. I don't recall. I went there 
by cab and I don't any longer have the address. It was downtown 
Brooklyn. 

Mr. Sourwine. Had you been in that hall before ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 



198 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Have you been there since ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This article says : 

Over 500 persons turned out on April 2S for a banquet celebrating the first 
anniversary of FPCC. Though tickets cost $7.50 each, numerous guests were 
satisfied v^ith SRO accommodations. 

Was that the Brass Rail you told us about ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, it was. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You sold standing room only for dinner at the 
Brass Rail? 

Mr. Gibson. I did not write that, sir. I don't know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, I want to know the facts 

Mr. Gibson. I think there were some people standing. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And for this celebration of the first anniversary of 
FPCC, people were satisfied with standing room only accommoda- 
tions ? That is what it says. 

Mr. Gibson. I think that there probably were some people standing. 
It certainly looked like it to me. But I don't see the relevancy of this 
to the legislative purpose of this committee, whether they were stand- 
ing up or sitting down — which one would be more subversive ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I would like Mr. Gibson to know 
that the legislative purpose of this committee is to determine as much 
as it can of the activities of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee 

Mr. Gibson. Whether they are standing up or sitting down 

[Simultaneous discussion.] 

Mr. SouRWiNE. May we have order, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Gibson, will you just be courteous? We will 
appreciate it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE (continuing). because there is evidence before 

this committee that the Fair Play for Cuba Committee is a foreign- 
sponsored propaganda organization. There is also evidence that it is 
supported and encouraged by the Communist Party, U.S.A. We want 
to know as much as we can about its activities for the purpose of deter- 
mining the extent that it threatens the security of this country and 
what, if any, legislative action can be taken to meet that threat. 

Senator Dodd. Such testimony would be in the interest of Congress 
and I think in the interest of the American people. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What became of the money that was collected, this 
$7.50 from those 500 people attending at the Brass Rail? 

Mr. Gibson. It was put in the bank. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In your bank account ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Where? 

Mr. Gibson. The Chase Manhattan Bank. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have more than one account in that bank ? 

Mr. Gibson. Only one account. Actually, we have two accounts; 
one national account, one chapter account. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In which account was this money put? 

Mr. Gibson. I am not certain. I believe it was in the national. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Who can sign checks on that bank account ? 

Mr. Gibson. I can. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Anybody else? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 199 

Mr. Gibson. Robert Taber. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Robert Taber can sign checks ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. Sot^RwiNE. He can still sign checks? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SoLRWiNE. If lie would sign a check, would it draw money 
out of that account today ? 

Mr. Gibson. It certainly could. 

Senator Dodd. What was that answer? 

(The answer was read.) 

Senator Dodd. Is he presently an officer of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. What office ? 

Mr. Gibson. He is executive secretary. I am only the temporary 
officer in his absence. 

Senator Dodd. Do you expect him to come back ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. And that he would relieve you ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. AMien do you expect him ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know right now. He is recuperating from 
the wound. 

Senator Dodd. From what? 

Mr. Gibson. He was wounded in the invasion. 

Senator Dodd. Who was he fighting ? 

Mr. Gibson. He wasn't fighting anybody. He was a war corres- 
pondent. 

Senator Dodd. For whom? 

Mr. Gibson. For Revolucion, Cuban newspaper. 

Senator Dodd. A Castro paper ? 

Mr. Gibson. I suppose — it must be. 

Senator Keating. May I be permitted to ask a question ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Senator Keating. I want to ask whether you and Mr. Taber can 
sign checks on both of these bank accounts, the national account and 
the chapter? 

Mr. Gibson. No. No, the other one can only be signed by me. 

Senator Keating. I see. 

Mr. Gibson. My position is president of the New York chapter and 
every check has to oe signed by me and by the treasurer, secretary- 
treasurer of the New York chapter. 

Senator Keating. And who is that ? 

Mr. Gibson. Miss Berta Green. 

Senator Keating. In other words, when you speak of the chapter 
account, you are talking about the New York chapter account? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. Each chapter maintains its own finances. 

Senator Keating. Both accounts are in the Chase Manhattan ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Keating. x\nd wliich would be the larger, the national or 
the chapter ? Would it be the chapter ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, I would think, of course. 



200 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I want to be sure I understand correctly. The ma- 
jor account, that you say is the national account, is something that 
can be checked out by either you or Mr. Taber ^ 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And would not have to be signed by both? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You can sign or he can sign ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And he can withdraw the entire amount if he should 
want to 

Mr. Gibson. I suppose. 

Mr. SouRwiNE (continuing). and you could do the same? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you think this is proper safeguarding of the 
funds of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Gibson. I think so. 

Mr, SouRWiNE. Are you aware of Mr. Taber's criminal record ? 

Mr. Gibson. Criminal record ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you aware of Mr. Taber's criminal record ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Dodd. What w^as your answer to that question : Just state 
w^hether or not you are aware of it. 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Are you aware that Mr. Taber has pleaded guilty 
and has served sentences of imprisonment for armed robbery, auto 
larceny, and kidnaping? 

Mr. Gibson. I was not aware of it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. Gibson. In fact, I would be very interested to know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I would just like to offer for the record the Depart- 
ment of Justice fingerprint record identifying the individual as the 
same individual in each instance and this shows the complete criminal 
record of Mr. Taber. 

Senator Dodd. I think it may be appropriate to admit it in this 
place for the record at this point. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 31" and is re- 
produced below :) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



201 



Exhibit No. 31 

IMTri) STATF.S Di:iV\UTMI.NT OF JUSTICE 
ki:i)i;k\l hlkk.ai' ok i.nm:stigation 

WAMIINOruN 25. D. C 




Tlir (olUmii.;; l'l!l rnur.!, .M MBIK 1 787 327 



is furnished FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY. 



NAME AND NUMBER 



state Highway 
Patrol Flndlay, 
Ohio 



Robert Bruce 

Tabor # — 



Sheriff's Office Robert Bruce 
Flndlay, Ohio Taber # — 



State Reformatory Robert Taber 
Mansfield, Ohio #38004 



June 21,: robbery armed 
1939 auto larceny 
kidnaping 

June 21, armed robbery 
1939 kidnaping 

operating motor 
vehicle without 
owner ' s consent 

September robbery 
27, 1939 kidnapping 
I i operating motor 
I I vehicle without 
owner ' s consent 



plead guilty 



|10 to 25 years 
plead guilty 5 
to 30 years 1 tc 
20 years con- 
currently parol- 
ed November 2, 
11942; November 
122, 1949 releas- 
ed 



Captain of the 
Port New York, 
New York 



Robert Bruce Identification 
Taber card 

#031-1032853-W May 24. 
1943 



Police Department Robert B. Taber laborer | 
New York, New "aven #10510 February! 

and Hartford 18, 1943 

Railroad Company I (print 



Hew Haven. 
Connecticut 



received) 
August 
20, 1943 



1926, Detroit, Michigan runaway; released. 

19 31 Brooklyn, New York, runaway; release*. 

TA: Id^a^;. nL Jers.y, carrying concealed weapon, 
3 weeks Detention Houee. 



202 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I have a short summary of this rec- 
ord in three paragraphs. 

Senator Dodd. I think it ought to be read in the record. 
Mr. SouRwiNE (reading) : 

Taber, American citizen previously employed as writer by Columbia Broad- 
casting System, played leading role in organization during early 1960 of Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC) pro-Castro propaganda front which has at- 
tracted support of substantial elements among U.S. liberals and which has also 
been heavily infiltrated by Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party and by Commu- 
nist Party (CP) U.S.A. In public testimony before Senate Internal Security 
Subcommittee (SISS) Dr. Charles Santos-Buch has admitted that he and Taber 
accepted $3,500 in cash to pay cost of FPCC advertisement from a Cuban official 
in the United States, Raul Roa, Jr. 

Taber left United States in January 1961 and he has been residing in Cuba 
since that time. It appears he is trying to avoid probability he would be sub- 
penaed to appear before SISS if he returns to this country, especially since SISS 
may contemplate perjury proceedings against him. In this regard, Taber testi- 
fied before SISS in May 1960 at which time he denied any knowledge of Cuban 
Government support of FPCC. 

Taber was arrested by State highway patrol in Findlay, Ohio, June 21, 1939, 
and pleaded guilty to armed robbery charges, auto larceny, and kidnaping. On 
September 27, 1939, he was sentenced to various prison terms ranging up to 
30 years on various counts involved and he was subsequently paroled November 
2, 1942, remaining on parole until November 22, 1949. 

Mr. Gibson. May I know the source of that ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. This is a summary, with regard to the crim- 
inal record, of the Federal Bureau of Investigation report on Robert 
Taber. 

Mr. Gibson. Thank you. 

Mr. Faulkner. Did you say 1939 or 1929 ? What date? 

Senator Dodd. 1939. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. His sentence was September 27, 1939. 

Mr. Faulkner. 1939 ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is correct. 

Senator Keating. Would you just let me ask a question, Mr. Chair- 
man before we leave the Taber question ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Senator Keating. Has Mr. Taber signed anv checks since he left 
the United States? 

Mr. Gibson. Not to my knowledge. 

Senator Keating. Well, you would know, presumably, whether any 
money has been drawn on the bank account, wouldn't you ? 

Mr. Gibson. I feel certain I would. 

Senator Keating. Are you the treasurer also ? 

Mr. Gibson. There is no treasurer. 

Senator Keating. The bank account is under your supervision ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. How long have you known that — and I am asking 
this to complete the record and also to refresh my own memory — how 
long have you known Taber ? 

Mr. Gibson. I met Taber several months — yes, several months or so 
after I was hired in January 1959, or December, the end of the year — 
January 1958. 

Mr. Faulkner. 1958. 

Mr. Gibson. December 1958, and I must have met him earlier. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 203 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you use this bank account to pay bills of the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is that all you use it for ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have never taken any large amounts of cash 
out of this account ? 

Mr. Gibson. Personally? 

Senator Dodd. Do you draw checks for the expenses or do you pay 
cash or 



Mr. Gibson, Oh, we pay cash for expenses 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you ever drawn checks for expenses, payable 
for bills 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know — you cannot take a check to the post 
office to buy stamps 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You don't do that? 

Mr. Gibson. Excuse me ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You don't draw checks, you draw the cash and pay 
with that? 

Mr. Gibson. In many cases, yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you draw large amounts of cash ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe so. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. Did you ever draw $1,000 cash ? 

Mr. Gibson, I don't recall. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. Did you ever draw $5,000 in cash ? 

Mr. Gibson. In cash? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. 

Mr. Gibson. I don't recall. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You cannot say "no'' to that ? You mean you might 
have? 

Mr. Gibson. I mi^ht have. I don't recall. I don't have 

Mr. SouRW^iNE. Did you ever withdraw $10,000 out of this account? 

Mr. GmsoN. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you ever draw $15,000 ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't think there ever was $15,000 in that account. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Can you say no you did not ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't recall. It might have been but I doubt it 
seriously. 

Senator Dodd. If you know, tell us; if you don't know, say you 
don't know. You say "might have been." 

Mr. Gibson. I don't have the financial record. 

Senator Dodd. Are you in the habit of drawing checks for $5,000, 
$10,000, $15,000? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Dodd. How many times in your life have you ever done 
this? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe I have ever. 

Senator Dodd. All right. If you ever did draw a large amount, a 
large check like $5,000 or $10,000 wouldn't you remember it? 

Mr. Gibson. I might ; might not. I don't know. 

Senator Dodd, You want us to believe this is your best answer ? 

Mr, Gibson. I am telling you. You are asking a hypothetical ques- 
tion, I am giving a hypothetical answer. 



204 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Dodd. It is not a very hypothetical question or answer. If 
you want to leave the record that way, well that is up to you. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, didn't you on December 30, 1960 with- 
draw $19,000 in cash from this account? 

Mr. Gibson. I did not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you sign a check payable to cash for $19,000 
on that account ? 

Mr. Gibson. I did not — I don't believe so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I have here a letter from the Chase 
Manhattan Bank regarding the Fair Play for Cuba Cormnittee ac- 
count dated May 11, 1961, and it contains the information that: 

On December 27, 1960, there was withdrawn $8,613 payable to cash. 

On January 17, 1961, there was a check for $18,580.60 drawn to 
Cubana De Aviacion. 

On January 19, 1961, there was a check for $440 to A. Nash, marked 
"Tour Refund." 

On January 25, 1961, there was a check for $600 to Lillian Gruber, 
marked "Tour Refund." 

And on December 30, 1960, there was a cash withdrawal of $19,000 
which the bank has reported to the Federal Reserve as an "unusually 
large transaction." 

Mr. Gibson. I was not the secretary at that time 

Senator Dodd. Wait a minute. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I want to ask you, Mr. Gibson, who can draw 
money out of that account except you ? 

Mr. Gibson. Mr. Taber. Mr. Taber, if that amount of money was 
withdrawn did it, I had no power at that time to withdraw any 
money. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Well, can you tell us right here and now that if this 
$19,000 was withdrawn from the account it was withdrawn on Mr. 
Taber's check ? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe so, because I certainly did not. 

Mr. SotTiwiNE. You are then stating you did not sign a check for 
$19,000? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Then Avho did sign it ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know, but I know that I did not and I assume 
that was the money used by Mr. Taber to pay for the Christmas tour 
which we had to Cuba for 340-some persons, to Cuba for 2 weeks. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. Gibson (interrupting). But I did not handle any financial 
transactions at all. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, this withdrawal was sufficiently in- 
teresting that the bank kept a record of the serial numbers of the bills 
and I ask that, if we can secure it, this list of the serial numbers be 
entered in the record 

Senator Dodd. WHiat were the denominations ? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. One-hundred-dollar bills. 

Senator Dodd. Yes; the record should show the serial numbers on 
those hundred-dollar bills. 

(The list of serial numbers had not been received when this record 
went to press. ) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 205 

Mr. SotTRwiNE, How much do you have on deposit in that account 
now, Mr. Gibson ? 

Mr. Gibson. At the moment ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Is it $8,000 ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. I assume 

Mr. SouRwiNE. $5,000 ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, I assume it is around $3,000. 

Senator Dodd. I am jroinor to ask you what your answer was to the 
previous question, I am not completely clear in my own mind 

Mr. Gibson. Concerning the money withdrawn? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

My question — I will tell you what it is, if you will just wait. Coun- 
sel asked in his previous questioning if you have ever drawn checks 
for, first, $5,000; next, $10,000; next, $15,000? What was your an- 
swer ? Have you ever drawn a check of $5,000 ? 

Mr. Gibson. You asked me about the $19,000 

Senator Dodd. No. No 

Mr. Gibson. I said I did not 

Senator Dodd. No, no, no. I want to be perfectly sure that you do 
understand. 

Mr. Gibson. All right. 

Senator Dodd. Have you ever drawn a check for any purpose at any 
time in your life for $5,000 ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; I think so. 

Senator Dodd. All right. Have you ever drawn one on the bank 
account of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. I imagine so. 

Senator Dodd. You what ? 

Mr. Gibson. I imagine so. 

Senator Dodd. Well now, I want you to answer the question. Have 
you or have you not ? 

Mr. Gibson. $5,000 — I am not certain, really. I don't know if there 
was any check quite that high. 

Senator Dodd. How about $10,000 ; have you ever drawn 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe so. 

Senator Dodd. You don't believe so ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Have you ever drawn a check for $10,000 ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe so. 

Senator Dodd. And you are not sure about the $5,000 ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What is the most you ever deposited at one time 
in this account, Mr. Gibson ? 

Mr. Gibson. Several thousand dollars, I suppose. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What do you mean by "several thousand dollars" ? 

Mr. Gibson. Three, four,*five thousand. 

Mr. SouRwaNE. Three, four, five thousand ; and when you deposited 
that three, four, five thousand where did the money come from ? 

Mr. Gibson. Contributions. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Contributions ? 

Mr. Gibson. Subscriptions; memberships. 



206 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SoTjRWiNE. And what ? 

Mr. Gibson. Memberships. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Memberships. In other words, the money you 
deposited was mainly in checks and small bills ; is that right ? 

Mr. Gibson. Not necessarily. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well now, people won't send large bills in for these 
subscriptions ; would they ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know what sort of bills were sent in. I didn't 
handle the money. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You didn't make the deposits ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Dodd. Who did ? 

Mr. Gibson. My office. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Let me ask you, what was the largest deposit you 
ever made yourself ? 

Mr. Gibson. My office handled it, the secretary handled it, I did not 
go to the bank 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Gibson, you are very responsive when you want 
to be. Now, won't you answer this question ? Will you tell us and 
let us see if we cannot clear the record up ; who made these deposits ? 

Mr. Gibson. You mean, who went to the bank? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Senator Keating. Was it the secretary, Miss Green ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Keating. Always; or did you come into it? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe I went to the bank only once or twice. 

Senator Keating. So she is the one who would know the correct 
answer to counsel's question as to whether they are large bills 

Mr. Gibson. She might. 

Senator Keating. Or what size they were, is that right? 

Mr. Gibson. She might, yes, but I don't know. And, besides, I am 
not in the office that much, anyway. I don't open the mail. 

Senator Dodd. I believe counsel had a question pending. Mr. Sour- 
wine, you had a question pending ? 

Would the reporter read the pending question ? 

(The question was read.) 

Mr. Gibson. Well, I never made any deposit myself. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You never made any deposit yourself ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe so. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You did not make a deposit in April — are you sure 
of that? 

Mr. Gibson. You mean, I went to the bank with money ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe I did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you see the money as it came in ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you see reports of the deposits ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Your secretary does let you see the deposit slip, 
perhaps ? 

Mr. Gibson. They are there, I have never looked at them. I just 
asked : Did any money come in, yes or no. 

Mr. Sourwine. She does not tell you how much ? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 207 

Mr. Gibson. If I ask. 

Mr. Souk WINE. Did you ask? 

Mr. Gibson. Generally it was so depressing that I didn't ask. 

Senator Dodd. Generally what? I can't hear you. 

Mr. Gibson. Generally it was so depressing 1 never asked. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you ever get as much as $5,000 in any one day? 

Mr. Gibson, Probably a couple of days, yes. 

Senator Dodd. That would not be very depressing, would it? 

Mr. Gibson. No; that's not depressing. 

Mr, Souk WINE. This would all be money that came through the 
mail? 

Mr. Gibson. Not necessarily, 

Mr. SouRwiNE, But it would be mostly money which came in the 
mail? 

Mr. Gibson. In most cases ; I think most of the people would send 
it through the mail. 

Senator Keating. Well, let me ask you this. Did anyone ever give 
you large sums of money ? 

Mr. Gibson. Directly tome? 

Senator Keating. Yes. 

Mr, Gibson, No. 

Senator Dodd. Indirectly ? 

Mr. Gibson. To me, no. 

Senator Dodd. Any other way you can think of besides directly or 
indirectly? 

Mr. Gibson. Well, if you could find any other way I would be 
pleased 

Senator Keating. Did anybody give large sums of money to Miss 
Green to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Gibson. Persons have given money to Miss Green, not always 
to my knowledge because I haven't asked. 

Senator Keating. But sometimes 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; I suppose people come in and give money 

Senator Keating. All right, what people have given large sums of 
money to her ? 

Mr. Gibson. You did not say "large" sums of money. 

Senator Keating. I said large sums of money. 

;Mr. Gibson. Well, I don't know of any large sums of money. 

Senator Keating You mean to say that the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee, so far as you know, has never received large sums of 
money ? 

Mr. Gibson. Oh, I think it has received large sums of money. 

Senator Keating. Well, you would know, wouldn't you ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Keating. If you wouldn't know, who would know ? 

Mr. Gibson. Miss Green or the volunteer workers in the office. 

Senator Keating. All right, if large sums of money were received, 
they would advise you, wouldn't they? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; I suppose so 

Senator Keating. You have been so advised ? 

Mr. Gibson, Yes ; but not where they came from. 

Senator Keating, You mean they did not tell you where that came 
from? 

64139 — 61— pt. 2 6 



208 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson-. No. 

Senator Keating. Did you ask where that came from ? 

Mr. Gibson. I make it a rule never to ask. 

Senator Iveating. So that the only one who would know would be 
Miss Green ? 

Mr. Gibson. That is right, and I don't even Iniow that she asks, 
sometimes. 

Senator Dodd. Is this a policy, not to ask; is that one of the regular 
or written rules of the organization ? 

]\rr. Gibson. Well, that is part of it. 

Senator Keating. Have you any idea, Mr. Gibson, how incredible 
your testimony is? 

]VIr. Gibson. It may be incredible. It is incredible that the com- 
mittee continues to exist. 

Senator Keating. Here you are, the sole man in charge, receiving 
large sums of money from certain people or through subsidiaries and 
you profess to have no knowledge whatever 

Mr. Gibson. I said I don't know firsthand, and generally I don't 
know and I am almost inclined to say in all cases I don't know 

Senator Dodd. You make a positive "don't know"' ? 

Mr. Gibson. I make a "positive don't know '' 

Senator Dodd. And you were not interested enough to ask who the 
big donors were ? 

Mr. Gibson. Really — would you repeat that ? 

Senator Dodd. Would you read the question ? 

(The question was read.) 

Mr. Gibson. No. Big donors. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you keep books, IMr. Gibson ? 

]\f r. Gibson. Do I keep books ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. And who would keep the books 

Mr. Gibson. What kind of books ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Rooks showing receipts and expenditures. 

Mr. Gibson. I presume Miss Green. 

Mr. Sourwine. So Miss Green would keep a record of the receipts 
and expenditures? 

Mr. Gibson. She keeps the receipts. 

Mr. Sourwine. Does she keep a record of the expenditures also? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe — I don't know. Maybe she does. 

(Simultaneous discussion.) 

Senator Keating. Does the receipt show from whom these sums 
come? 

Mr. Gibson. No ; it does not. 

Senator Keating. What do you do, just enter "From Mr. X" ? 

Mr. Gibson. She just enters the contribution, subscriptions, what- 
ever it may be — memberships. 

Senator Dodd. You have to keep records to pay tax on the 
funds 

Mr. Gibson. We are a nonprofit organization. 

Senator Dodd. Don't you have to keep a record of your income and 
expenses ? 

Mr. Gibson. We have some records. I have not been advised, I 
really don't know. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 209 

Senator Dodd. You have a special exemption with the U.S. Treasury 
Department 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe. 

Senator Dodd, Well, many org^anizations do. 

Mr. Gibson. Well, I don't think we do. All of this was taken care 
of by Mr, Taber and I don't know very much about it. 

Senator Dodd. Well, Mr. Taber is not taking care of it now. You 
are, I suppose, so it is pertinent to ask you. 

Mr, Gibson, Well, I will tell you as much as I know. 

Senator Keating, It sounds to me like Miss Green does 

Senator Dodd. Is she a salaried employee? 

Mr, Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Are you? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Dodd. You get your expenses ? 

Mr. Gibson. Certain expenses. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How is Miss Green paid ? 

Mr. Gibson. She is paid from the Fair Play national fund. 

IMr. SouRwiNE. Do you draw checks for her? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, I do. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How often ? 

]\Ir. Gibson. Once or twice — once a week or 2 weeks, depending 



on 

Mr. SoTTRWiNE. Does she cash those checks? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe she does. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Would it surprise you to learn that between the 
middle of March of this year and the end of April this year no checks 
drawn to Berta Green cleared through your account? 

Mr. Gibson, I don't know where they are, then. 

Mr, Sour WINE, You signed one every week ? 

Mr, Gibson. I don't know when we started to pay her but I cer- 
tainly believe we have been paying her. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. By check ? 

Mr. GmsoN. Yes. 

Mr, SouRwiNE, Now, did you pay any other employees by check ? 

Mr, Gibson, Yes. 

Mr, SouRwiNE, 'Wlio? 

Mr, Gibson. Edward Shaw. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. What does he do for the committee? 

Mr. Gibson. He is midwestern representative. 

Senator Dodd. And how much do you pay him? 

Mr. Gibson, $90-something a week. 

Senator Dodd. And how much does Miss Green get? 

Mr. Gibson. The same. 

Senator Dodd. $90? 

:Mr. Gibson. Yes ; $97— $90-something. 

Mr. SouRWTNE, Do you know whether Berta Green has any connec- 
tion with the Communist Party, U.S.A. ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SoTiRwiNE. Do you know whether Shaw hzs any connections 
with the Communist Party, U,S,A. ? 

Mr. Gibson. No ; I don't. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who is Steve Roberts ? 



210 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson. He is the west coast representative. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you pay him ? 

Mr. Gibson. No ; we don't ; only expenses. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You pay expenses ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know whether he has any connection with 
the Communist Party, U.S.A. ? 

Mr. Gibson. No ; 1 don't. 

Senator Dodd. When did you start paying Miss Green a salary ? 

Mr. Gibson. I thought it was in February or March, but I don't 
know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What date — when did she come to work for you? 

Mr. Gibson. In February, I believe. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And do you think you started paying her when she 
came to work ? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe so. 

Senator Dodd. When did you say you hired her ? 

Mr. Gibson. Not I; no. She was hired by Mr. Taber. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, Mr. Taber left when ? 

Mr. Gibson. In January. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And he hired her in February ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes; he hired her in January, but I don't believe she 
began work until February. 

Senator Dodd. And when did Taber depart for Cuba ? 

Mr. Gibson. The exact date — I don't know whether it was after 
New Year's or before — I know it was before that. 

Senator Dodd. You do know that ? 

Mr. Gibson. Because I was with Mr. Taber at the time, and Mr. 
Taber was in Havana, where he had to come with the $19,000, or with 
a certain amount of money you had mentioned, because he had to pay 
for the tour, and the only reason he took that money in cash was 
because it was impossible to find a bank that would transfer U.S. cur- 
rency to Cuba. 

Senator Dodd. He took the $19,000 in January ; is that right ? 

Mr. Gibson. December or January. The tour began in December 
but Mr. Taber didn't go to Cuba until after, or I 

Senator Dodd. You went in January as I understood you ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Dodd. Taber went to Cuba in January ? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe it was the beginning oiF January, it may have 
been December. I am not certain but it was at that time of the year. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you drawn any checks to Carl Braden? 

Mr. Gibson. Perhaps for expenses. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What is his connection with the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe he is a member. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. A member ? 

Mr. Gibson. He may be. I don't know. 

Mr. Sour wine. Do you draw expense checks for all your members? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRWTNE. What is special about Carl Braden that you are 
paying his expense ? 

Mr. Gibson. He came to New York for our banquet, to speak. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 211 

]\Ir. SouRwiNE. To speak ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. How much did you pay him ? 

Mr. Gibson, "\^'e didn't pay him anything. We paid his expenses. 

Senator Dodd. How much did you pay him ? 

Mr. Gibson. We didn't pay anything, we pay expenses. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Gibson, do you remember receiving a draft in 
the amount of $750 payable to the Fair Phiy for Cuba Committee 
from William Worthy, Jr. ? 

Mr. Gibson. A draft from William Worthy ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. From him. 

jSIr. Gibson. I did not accept such a check. I presume if you have 
copies of the check that it must be there, but I did not accept it 
personally. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know about that check from Mr. Worthy ? 

Mr. Gibson. I am aware Mr. Worthy made a contribution. 

Mr. SouRWTiNE. Do you know what it was for ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, I did. 

Mr. SouR^^^NE. What was it for ? 

Mr. Gibson. It was for the Afro- American ad. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. It was 

Mr. Gibson. The ad, the declaration of conscience of 31 Afro- 
Americans, 31 Negroes who were along at the CIA-directed inter- 
vention in Cuba and the ad was placed in the Afro-American chain 
of newspapers and we reprinted it in the New York Post and I read 
to this committee the text on April 25, 1 believe. 

Senator Dodd. And have you heard that that contribution by Wil- 
liam Worthy was to be used for paying for the ad? Have you heard 
that? 

Mr. Gibson. I heard all sorts of things said. 

Senator Dodd. Have you heard that ? 

Mr. Gibson. I heard it said, yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, you say that Mr. Worthy's contribu- 
tion of $750 

Mr. Gibson. By the way, I am not certain his contribution came 
directly from Mr. Worthy. I understood Mr. Worthy was going to 
raise the funds. I don't know where Mr. Worthy got the money 
from. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You don't know where he got it from ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. All you know, he produced a draft for $750 ? 

Mr. Gibson. I never saw the draft but since you say there is one 

Mr. SouRwiNE. But you do know he produced $750 ? 

Mr. Gibson. I know he produced money. I don't know where from. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What was that to pay for ? 

Mr. Gibson. These ads. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. These ads that appeared in several papers — was it 
to pay for the printing in the Afro- American or the New York Post? 

Mr. Gibson. Both. 

Mr. SouRwiNE, Both? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. With $750? 

Mr. Gibson. I assume so. 

64139— 61— pt. 2 7 



212 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



Mr. SouRWiNE. How big was this ad ? 

Mr. Gibson. Quarter page in one case and one-half page in the 
other. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Which is which ? 

Mr. Gibson. Quarter page in the Afro- American and one-half page 
in the case of the Post. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know what a half-page ad in the New York 
Post costs ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I do not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. It must cost at least $750 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know, I cannot estimate. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know, as a matter of fact, Mr. AYorthy's 
draft was to pay for the ad in the New York Post ? 

Mr. Gibson. I do not know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, 1 would like to offer to be entered 
in the record this list of 55 $100 bills, all Federal Reserve notes, de- 
posited to the account of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee on April 
21, 19C1. 

Senator Dodd. It may be admitted. Where did that list come 
from ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This list was obtained by the committee from the 
bank. 

Senator Dodd. From the bank ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, sir. 

Senator Dodd. It may be admitted. 

(The list referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 23-A" and is as 
follows:) 

Exhibit No. 23-A 



ALL FEDEBAL EESEEVE NOTES 



B04486305A, series 1950A 
B17841043A, series 1934A 
G02041221A, series 1950 
B02402655A, series 1950 
Bl 09.371 74A, series 1934A 
KO2389081A, series 1950B 
B09584575A, series 
B04564440A, series 
A00138330A, series 
B044924.59A, series 
C0ir)57G77A, series 
L02855336A, series 
B02476G19A, series 



B0714.3946A, 
001004103 A, 
A01.-,00191A, 
A()8347.^04A, 
B08472G11A. 
I>02729040A, 
A017G0r)21A, 
P,008G8703A, 



series 
series 
series 
series 
series 
series 
series 
series 



1950B 

1950A 

1950 

1950A 

1950A 

1950A 

1950 

1950B 

1950 

1950A 

1934 

1950B 

1950A 

1950A 

1950 

1950 



rT03097373A, series 
000401 151.5A, series 1950 
B07837960A, series 1950B 
A01804999A, series 1934 
AOl 724095 A, series 1950A 
B1S2nsl28A, series 1934A 
B08484805A, series 1950B 



B08647501A, series 1950B 

B04217580A, series 1950A 

F04873478A, series 1934D 

F010963O0A, series 1950 

E04982446A, series 1950A 
H00680032A, series 1950 
H00887459A, series 1934 

B05160967A, series 1950A 

B09609400A, series 1950B 

B14084052A, series 1934A 

G04042574A, series 1950 

B05948726A, series 1950A 

E07014584A, series 1950B 

B15111030A, series 1934A 

F00096978A, series 1950 

B15010002A, series 1934A 

B02574985A, series 1950 

B07961393A, series 1950B 

E039.52146A, series 1950 

B07273310A, series 1950B 

B00672410A, series 1950 

B05729988A, series 1950A 

B09609305A, series 1950B 

B 10940289 A, series 1934A 

B02348851A, series 1950 

A01959551A, series 1950B 

B09486725A, series 1950B 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 213 

Mr. SouRwixE. Did you have anything to do with that $5,500? 

Mr. Gibson. No^ did not. 

Mr. SouKWixE. Did you know about it at the time ? 

Mr. GiBsox. Yes, I did. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Do you know who made that deposit? 

Mr. GiBSox"^. Bert a (xreen. 

Mr. SotTRWixE. Do you have any idea where tlie money came from ? 

Mr. GiBSOx'". It came from contributions. 

Mr. SouRAVix^E. Contributions — in hundred doHar bills? 

Mr. GiBSox. That is all 

Mr. SouRwix'E, Fifty-five of them ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. That is all I know. I don't know from whom the 
money came and I did not ask. 

Senator Dodd. You did not ask ? 

Mr. GiBSox^. I did not. 

Senator IvEAnx^cj. You were not interested in where 

Mr. GiBSOx. "Well, the policy is not to be too interested. 

Senator Keatix'g. In other words, your policy is not to know too 
much ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. That miglit be. 

Senator Keatixg. So that you would not know ? 

]Mr. GiBsox^. I do not know. 

Senator Keatix^g. Your policy w^as not to know too much so that 
when you were asked by a congressional committee or a law enforce- 
ment agency you would be able to say you don't know ? 

Mr. GiBSOx^. I don't know. 

Senator Keatixg. Well, that is not an answer to the question. 

Mr. GiBsox-. I have never dealt with the financial side of this. I 
never handled tliis. It was either Mr. Taber or the office. 

Senator Keatixg. Mr. Gibson, you are the acting head of this 
entire organization. You say you have a policy not to know where 
the money came from ? 

Mr. Gibson. I did not ask any questions, that is quite true. 

Senator Keatixg. All right. Was that policy actuated by a desire 
not to know in order that congressional committees or law enforce- 
ment agencies could not force you to tell them ? 

(Mr. Gibson consults with Mr. Faulkner.) 

Senator Dodd. Let the record show the witness is conferring with 
counsel for a length of time. 

Mr. Gibsox. As I said before concerning the list of names, if I 
made it my business to know, these people would be subject to harass- 
ment and attack, and so I don't keep any records, I don't ask em- 
ployees to keep any records and I don't bother with them. 

Senator Keatixg. In other words, the answer to the question is 
in the affirmative, is it not, that the reason for you not wanting to 
know 

Mr, GiBSox-^, Is to protect- 



Senator Keatixg (continuing), is so that congressional com- 
mittees or law enforcement agencies could not force you to tell them? 
Mr, Gibsox. And to protect the persons involved. 
Senator Keatixg. So your answer is yes, is that correct ? 
Mr, Gibson. Yes. ' . 



214 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Senator Kjeating (addressing the reporter). Did you get his 
answer ? 

(Reporter replied in the affirmative.) 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You have said, I believe, you are the president of 
the New York Chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwixE, "Wlio is secretary of the New York Chapter of the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. Miss Berta Green. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What position does Joanne Grant hold ? 

Mr. Gibson. No position. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. When did she cease to be secretary of the New York 
Chapter? 

Mr. Gibson. She never was secretary of the New York Chapter. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I show you a photostat of a mailing sheet which 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee mailed out. It carries the signa- 
ture of Robert Taber and Richard Gibson. I ask you if you recognize 
it. 

Mr. Gibson. I do. 

Senator Dodd. Wait until you see it before you answer. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you authorize your signature on that, Mr. 
Gibson? 

Mr. Gibson. Mr. Taber wrote this. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I asked if you authorized your signature. 

Mr. Gibson. That is right. It is incorrect also. 

Senator Dodd. Did you sign it ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I did not. Mr. Taber put my name to it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. "Wliat is incorrect on it ? 

Mr. Gibson. Miss Grant was never secretary of the chapter. She 
was secretary of the temporary organizing committee and I believe 
correction was made later of that. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You know that this mailing sheet does list her as 
secretary ? 

Mr. Gibson. I see. This is incorrect. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are there any other errore in this mailing sheet 
you know of ? 

Mr. Gibson (after consulting with Mr. Faulkner). No, I don't see 
any offhand. I would have to study it. 

It says I was president of the chapter. At that time I was not 
president of the chapter, I was just a member of the temporary — the 
chapter was not formed until — I don't know when — that was not is- 
sued until August 5, the chapter actually was not formed until 
September. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, may the record have entered at this 
point this article I have shown Mr. Gibson, "A Note To Fair Play 
Readers," showing the name of Joanne Grant as secretary; this is a 
photoprint. 

Senator Dodd. Yes, it can be admitted. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 32" and reads 
as follows:) 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 215 

Exhibit No. 32 
A Note to Fair Play Readers 

On August 5, the editors of Fair Play took off for Cuba, confident that, during 
their absence, our readers would receive the special issue of the Nation, con- 
taining Carleton Beals' excellent "Report From Havana" and Stanley Meisler's 
inside story of "The Politics of Sugar." We had also hoped that, in place of 
our own newsletter, our readers would be sent copies of I. F. Stone's newsletter 
containing the account of his recent Cuban tour. Unfortunately, communica- 
tions broke down somewhere along the line and both pieces of literature did not 
go out as we had planned. Hence our apologies for the lengthy silence. How- 
ever, most readers should have received their copies of the Nation by now, and 
this note accompanies I. F. Stone's newsletter. 

And while we're in an apologetic mood, we would like to correct two errors in 
past issues of Fair Play. An incorrect address was given for Joanne Grant, 
secretary of the New York chapter of FPCC. Members in the metropolitan area 
who would like to take part in the activities of the chapter are urged to contact 
Miss Grant at 410 Central Park West or Richard Gibson, president of the chap- 
ter, at 7S8 Columbus Avenue. We also owe apologies to Mr. M. S. Arnoni, pub- 
lisher and editor of the Minority of One. Subscriptions may be obtained by 
writing to Post Office Box 6.594, Richmond 38, Va. 

Fair Play, which has been published more or less biweekly during the summer, 
will return shortly to regular weekly publication. We are looking forward to 
a firsthand report on the present situation in Cuba and the OAS meeting in 
Costa Rica by Bob Taber, our editor in chief and FPCC executive secretary, in 
the next issue. Taber, by the way, has just completed a tour of the interior of 
Cuba with the noted sociologist, C. Wright Mills. A Columbia University pro- 
fessor and a member of FPCC, Mills is well known for his penetrating studies 
of American social realities, "White Collar" and "The Power Elite." He is now 
finishing a new book, a study of the Cuban revolution and the worldwide revolu- 
tion of hungry peoples seeking not only bread, but also freedom and human 
dignity. 

Robert Taber. 
Richard Gibson. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, may I offer to be entered for the 
record this item, a transcript of a broadcast in English on the 22d of 
April 

Senator Dodd. It may be admitted. Where did you obtain this ? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This is from Government sources, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Faulkner. May we see that, Mr. Senator ? 

Senator Dodd. Well, it is in the record. 

Mr. Faulkner. Well 

Senator Dodd. You want it right now ? 

Mr. Faulkner. I would like to see it right now. I assume it is 
written in English. 

Senator Dodd. Sure. Do you read Spanish ? 

]Mr. Faulkner. No ; I don't. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I may state this is an intercepted broadcast. 

(The document was handed to ]\Ir. Gibson and Mr. Faulkner.) 

(The docimient referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 33" and reads 
as follows:) 



216 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Exhibit No. 33 

Anti-Invasion Protests in the United States 

(Peking NCNA in English to Asia 0843 GMT Apr. 22, 1961— B) 

(Text) Peking, Apr. 22. — Demonstrations and protest meetings against U.S. 
intervention in Cuba are increasing in the United States, according to a TASS 
Xew York report. 

Demonstrators marched for hours in front of the United Nations on Thursday, 
shouting protests and carrying posters with slogans calling for an end to the 
aggressive actions against Cuba. In the evening, more than 800 persons at- 
tended a meeting in Brooklyn, demanding '"Hands off Cuba." It was sponsored 
by the newly set up local branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. 

Among the initiators of the new branch is noted Negro historian Dr. William 
Dubois, who told the press: "The same world forces which murdered Patrice 
Lumumba * * * [NCNA ellipsis) would kill Fidel Castro tomorrow if they 
could." 

The Fair Play for Cuba Committee has published a large advertisement in 
which 27 Negro leaders and professional workers pledged themselves to resist 
armed intervention in Cuba. "Because we have known oppression," the ad- 
vertisement says, "because we have suffered more than other Americans, because 
we are still fighting for our own liberation from tyranny, we Afro-Americans 
have the right and duty to rai.se our voices in protest against the forces of 
oppression that now seek to crush a free people linked to us by bonds of blood 
and a common heritage. 

"One-third of Cuba's people are Afro-Cubans, of the same African descent as 
we. Today, thanks to a social revolution which they helped make, Afro-Cubans 
are first-class citizens and are taking their rightful place in the life of their 
country, where all racial barriers crumbled in a matter of weeks following the 
victory of Fidel Castro. 

"Now our brothws are threatened agaLii by mercenaries armed, trained, and 
financed by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency." 

The advertisement stresses : "We are determined to do all we possibly can 
to hinder the success of this crime." It declares : "Afro- Americans, do not be 
fooled. The enemies of the Cubans are our enemies, the Jim Crow bosses of 
this land, where we are still denied our rights. The Cubans are our friends." 

The signatories of the advertisement include Dr. Dubois ; Dr. Lonnie Cross, 
professor of mathematics at Atlanta University ; Daniel H. Watts, chairman of 
the Liberation Committee for Africa ; Conrad Lynn, New York attorney ; film 
producer John A. Singleton ; musician AYalter Bowe ; biochemist Emmett Bas- 
sett ; and secretary of the Fair Play Committee Richard T. Gibson. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, are you connected with the Liberation 
Committee for Africa ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes; I am. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I show yon an advertisement of the Liberation 
Committee for Africa and ask you if you caused this advertisement 
to l)e phiced. 

Mr. Gibson. I did not cause it to be placed, but tlie connnittee did. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you have anything to do with tlie ad ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; I did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What did you liave to do with it ? 

Mr. Gibson. I wrote it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You wrote it. 

Mr. Chairman, may this ad which the witness says he wrote be en- 
tered in the record at this point? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 217 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 34" and reads 
as follows:) 



Exhibit No. 34 



What Africa Means to Americans 

FOR 20 MILLION AMERICANS of African descent. Africa means the homeland of 
their ancestors, a rediscovered cultural heritage, a renewed pride in their history and a new 
sense of dignity as black men who see Africa's struggle for freedom as part of tlieir own strug- 
gle for freedom and equality in the United Stales. 

FOR MANY OTHER AMERICANS, Africa is the crucial test for tlie United States, which 
will determine whetlier the ideals of independence and freedom which this country has long 
procJaimed are to be concrete in our foreign policy, and indeed even within our own borders. 

Although 20 African countries have won their independence from colonial rule in less 
than a decade, elsewhere in Africa millions of African freedom fighters are being murdered, 
tortured and imprisoned. It is the duty of all men who care for liberty to give all possible aid 
to these freedom fighters in 

Algeria Rhodesia and Nyasaldnd 

Angola Ruanda-Urundi 

Congo South West Africa 

Mozombique South Africa 

On February 15th, 1961, following Premier Lumumba's foul murder, some 60 Afro- 
Americans demonstrated their passionate concern for Africa's freedom in the U.N. Security 
Council. They were bodily ejected from the Security Council chambers, but continued their 
demonstration for several days beforp the U.N. Buildij^g, where their ranks were swollen by 
hundreds of .Americans of all races. 

The Liberation Committee for Africa, organized in June 1960, includes Americans of all 
races, took part in that demonstration and now seeks to make permanent that unity of pur- 
pose and effort. The Committee seeks to give Africans a voice here in the United States, it 
tries to give concrete aid and assistance to those who are battUng overwhelming odds in Africa, 
it seeks to inform all Americans of Africa's proud heritage, long obscured by racist myths. It 
calls on all Americans to join it in making real the ideals of freedom, justice and equality, 
which have long been proclaimed in this country but not yet made tangible to many millions 
of Americans of African descent. 

THE LIBERATION COMMIHEE FOR AFRICA NEEDS YOUR SUPPORT 

Would yon like to help? Fill out the form below. 

Daniel H. Watts, Chairman Richard Gib8<ni, Executive Secretary 

Lowell P. Beveridge, Research Secretary 

To: LIBERATION COMMITTEE FOR AFRICA 
P.O. Box 303, Cathedral Station, New York 25, N.Y. 

n Enclosed please find check or money order for $5.00 to cover handling and mailing coata for one 
year for the MONTHLY NEWSLETTER and any other informational material that may become 
available to the Committee. 

D I would like to have a more active part in supporting the work of the Liberation Committee for 
Africa. Enclosed is my contribation G SIO Q $25 O tSO 



NAME 



ADDRESS 



Cmr . ZONE STATE. 



The Nation May 13, 1961 



218 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Faulkner. ]\Iay the record show that is a page of a publica- 
tion; would the record disciose what publication that ad appears in? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, in what publication or publications did 
you place this ad? 

Mr. Gibson. I did not place the ad but the committee placed it on 
the back cover, I believe, of last week's issue of Nation magazine. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I have here another intercepted 
broadcast- — - 

Mr. Keating. Would you permit a question ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Senator Keating. Referring to the Liberation Committee for 
Africa, are you the active head of this or the executive head ? 

Mr. GiiiSON. No; I am not the head at all. I am just one of the 
officers. 

Senator Keating. You are the executive secretary ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes; the executive secretary and not the head of the 
organization. 

Senator Dodd. He is executive secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee. 

Mr. Gibson. I know, but this is not the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee. 

Senator Keating. But you are familiar with what goes on in the 
Liberation for Africa Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Keating. And this also calls for $5 contributions to cover 
handling and mailing costs for 1 year for the monthly newsletter, and 
then there are blanks and there are places for $10, $25, and $50 to be 
checked on this. Are you familiar with the money which comes in as 
to this organization ? 

Mr. Gibson. Excuse me ? 

Senator Keating. Are you familiar with wdiat money comes in ? 

Mr. Gibson. No ; I am not. 

Senator Keating. Do you make it a point as you did with the other 
organization not to Imow^ — — 

Mr. Gibson. I do. 

Senator Keating.  — — where the money comes from? 

Mr. Gibson. I do. 

Senator Dodd. What was the answer ? I couldn't hear you, 

Mr. Gibson. Excuse me. I do not know. 

Senator Keating. You do not know for the same reason; is that 
right ? 

Mr. Gibson. I do not Iniow what the reasons are, except personally 
I don't do it. Now, the organization, what they do with their 

Senator Keating. I understand, IMr. Gibson, that you are a very 
intelligent man and you know what the question means and you 
know what the responsive answer is. And do you purposely refrain 
from knowing 

Mr. Gibson. For all the reasons 

Senator Keating (continuing).  — —where the money comes from, 
for the same reasons that you give for refraining from knowing where 
the money comes from for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. For all the reasons previously stated, yes, that is 
correct. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 219 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. ChaiiTnan, I have here an intercept — this is 
Moscow, in English, to North America, May 8, li)()l, about pressure 
brought to bear on the Fair Phiy Committee in the United States and 
1 ask that this may be entered in the record at this point. 

Senator Dodd. This is an interception of a broadcast 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Moscow. 

Senator Dodd. Yes ; it may be admitted in the record. 

Mr. Faulkner. May I see that? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. It is in English, too. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 35" and reads 
as follows : ) 

Exhibit No. 35 

Investigation of Cuban Sympathizers 
(Moscow in English to Eastern North America 2325 GMT 8 May 1961 — L) 

(TASS report on pressure brought to bear on the Fair Play for Cuba Commit- 
tee in the United States.) 

(Text) : In an obvious attempt to prevent Americans from campaigning 
against further acts of aggression against Cuba, the Senate Subcommittee for 
Internal Security has demanded the Fair Play for Cuba Committee submit lists 
of its members, branches, and student councils. However, the acting national 
secretary of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, Richard Gibson, has informed 
the Senate Subcommittee that it will not give anyone away to the organizers 
of witch hunts. 

In a memorandum to 25 branches and more than 40 student councils, Gibson 
stated that he had declared at a meeting of the Senate Subcommittee for Inter- 
nal Security that the Fair Play for Cuba Committee was certainly not a com- 
munist organization. The memorandum further pointed out that the Senate 
Subcommittee was making persistent efforts to suppress freedom of speech in 
the United States. In a statement at the meeting of the Senate Subcommittee, 
Gibson pointed out that the Fair Play for Cuba Committee was deeply disturbed 
by the hatred shown by U.S. leaders toward the Cuban people and government. 
A.sserting that the Cuban people has shown that they could quickly do away 
with political tyranny, economic exploitation, and racial discrimination, Gibson 
suggested that the U.S. leaders should show that they could do the same. 

Referring to the invasion of Cuba carried out by the United States, Richard 
Gibson said that he, like many other U.S. Negroes, could only rejoice at the 
complete collapse of that act of international banditry. "I am proud," he said, 
"that such a large number of U.S. Negroes are active in the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee. It is terrible to think," he said, "that so few white politicians 
in our country understand the feelings of U.S. Negroes who are filled with 
indignation at the continued racial oppression which has permeated every field 
of life. It is a disgrace that the members of the Senate subcommittee dare to 
defend segregation and all the terrible things it brings to my people. Instead 
of making an inquiry into the activities of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 
I would recommend that you investigate the activities of the Council of White 
Citizens and the Ku Klux Klan which are manifestly contrary to the interests 
of the United States. Why not also conduct an inquiry into the activities of 
the Mississippi State police who last month set their dogs on Negro students in 
Jackson? In Cuba," Gibson added, "they do not set their dogs on Negroes." 

Senator Dodd. By the way, Mr. Gibson, do you solicit fimds from 
these young people in these colleges? 

Mr. Gibson. By general mailings, yes, we call on them — call on 
everyone. 

Senator Dodd. Do they know tlie way you handle the funds 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe there has been any great secret. 

Senator Dodd. That is not what I am asking you. These young 
people, I suppose most of whom are supported by their parents, do 
they know what this money is used for, these thousands of dollars, 
and how they are handled ? 



220 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson. No ; if they asked they would have found out. 

Senator Dodd. What ^ 

Mr. Gibson. If they liad asked they would have found out. 

Senator Dodd. You would have told them Mr. Taber took $19,000 
to Cuba -i 

Mr. Gibson. He paid for a tour, yes, for 340 people. 

Senator Keating. Let me ask a question. Are you a member of the 
Columbia University chapter? 

Mr. Gibson. No ; I am not. 

Senator Keating. Just the New York chapter ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Keating. Were you helpful in the formation of the Colum- 
bia University chapter? 

Mr. Gibson. My help consisted of attending one meeting which was 
their lirst meeting. 

Senator Keating. And you have not attended any meetings since 
the first meeting? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Keating. As acting national executive secretary of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee, tell us what literature is available for dis- 
tribution by the Fair Play for Cuba Committee to the Columbia Uni- 
versity chapter. 

Mr. Gibson. Well, first of all, the very brilliant book by a Colum- 
bia University professor, "Listen, Yankee," by C. Wright Mills. That 
is one of the books that is available 

Senator Dodd. Right there I would like to ask you, How much 
money did you spend on copies of that book ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know. 

Senator Dodd. Well, you must have bought some 

Mr. Gibson. Yes; we bought some but I don't have any record. 
I believe we sold somewhere between ?>,000 or 4,000 copies of that book. 

Senator Keating. Did you sell some of those to Columbia, too ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes; and they are available at the Columbia Book 
Shop as well. 

Senator Keating. And do you make available other material to the 
Columbia University chapter ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Senator Keating. Like your publication, "Fair Play" ? 

Mr. Gibson. That goes by mail, that eoes by mail throughout 
the 

Senator Keating. ITow often does that chapter meet out there ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know, sir. 

Senator Keating. "^Vhen was the first meeting you attended ? 

Mr. Gii'.soN. Last October, I suppose. 

Senator Keating. And vou have never attended a meetino: since 
then ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Keating. How many members are there in the Columbia 
ITni versify chapter ? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know. 

Senator Keating. Do you have a record in your headquarters of the 
membership in numbers of any of the other chapters ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 221 

Senator Keating. Who is llie head of the Columbia University 
chapter? 

Mr. Gibson. The head of the— I believe now, I may be mistaken, 
that it is Lawrence Irehind, graduate student. 

Senator Keating. How is that name spelled ? 

Mr. Gibson. I-r-e-1-a-n-d, like the country. 

Senator Keating. As far as you know he is still the head of it ? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe so. I am not certain. They may have had 
an election, but I don't know. 

Senator Keating. Do you see Mr. Ireland from time to time? 

Mr. Gibson. Rarely. 

Senator Keating. He is a graduate student in what school ? 

Mr. Gibson. Economics. 

Senator Keating. And you are a graduate student in what school ? 

Mr. Gibson. African studies. 

Senator Keating. Do you meet with other officers of the Columbia 
chapter? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Keating. Other members of the Columbia chapter ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Keating. Do they discuss their problems with you? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Keating. Mr. Chairman, I am particularly interested in 
Columbia University because these very tine young students from Co- 
lumbia came to see me expressing the fact that they were greatly dis- 
turbed about these meetings that were held there and the things that 
were said at them, two of them had attended such meetings and that 
is the reason for these questions. 

Senator Dodd. Yes ; I can w^ell understand. 

You have a chapter at Yale ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes; I suppose. 

Senator Dodd. Do you know who heads up the chapter at Yale? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Dodd. Or Trinity or Harvard ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Ke.vting. You are at Columbia on a fellowship ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes; the Columbia Broadcasting System, CBS Foun- 
dation. 

Senator Keating. When was that granted? 

Mr. Gibson. Last April — May. 

Senator Keating. How long does it run ? 

Mr. Gibson. It finishes at the end of this month. 

JNIr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, reference has been made to your being 
a college man. I think it may be well to have our record show : 
You attended what colleges and received wdiat degrees? 

Mr. Gibson. I have received no degrees, but I have been to a lot 
of colleges. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What colleges have you been to ? 

Mr. Gibson. I attended Kenyon College in Ohio. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Where in Ohio ? 

Mr. Gibson. Gambier, Ohio. 

]\Ir. Sourwine. And how long did you attend at that college? 

Mr. Gibson. A year. 



222 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. A full year or one semester ? 

Mr. Gibson. Full year. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. A full year. Wliat year was that ? 

Mr. Gibson. 1949. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. 1949 ? 

Mr, Gibson. And 1950, 1 suppose. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And 1950 ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And then where did you go ? 

Mr. Gibson. I went briefly to the university in Rome, in 1951. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. In Italy? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, in Italy. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you speak Italian at that time? 

Mr. Gibson. I learned Italian, yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. How many semesters did you spend there? 

Mr. Gibson. Just 1 year. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. One ? 

Mr. Gibson. One year. I followed a course of 

Mr. SoTiRWiNE. Where did you go then ? 

Mr. Gibson. The University of Paris, the Sorbonne. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Kow long were you at the Sorbonne? 

Mr. Gibson. About 1 year, again, or little less than a year. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What year was that ? 

Mr, Gibson. 1955. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. So in 1949 and 1950 you were at Kenyon College; 
1951 in Rome; and 1955 at the Sorbonne in Paris? 

Mr. Gibson. And then Columbia University. 

Mr. SoIJR^VINE. Wlien did you go to Columbia? 

Mr. Gibson. Last September. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. So then before you went to Columbia 3^011 had a year 
in Kenyon College, a year in Rome, and a year in Paris at the Sor- 
bonne ? 

Mr. Gibson, Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You said you had been to a "lot of colleges." And 
that is what you mean — Kenyon, Rome, Paris? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And how many academic credits did you get at 
Kenyon College? 

Mr. Gibson. Not very much. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you get any ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, some. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How much ? 

Mr Gibson. I don't know. I didn't get a degree. I don't know^ how 
many points. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. How many academic credits from the university at 
Rome ? 

Mr. Gibson, None, 

Mr, SouRWiNE, How many academic credits at the Sorbonne in 
Paris? 

Mr, Gibson. None. 

JMr. SouRWiNE. How^ many courses did you complete at Kenyon 
College? 

Mr. Gibson. Four or five. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 223 

Mr. SouKwiNK. How many courses did you complete at Rome? 

Mr. GiBSOX. Two, I believe. 

Mr. SouKWiXE. In what ^ 

Mr. GiBSOX. In Italian literature and the language. 

Mr. SouRWixE. And how many courses did you complete at the 
Sorbonne ? 

Mr. GiBsox. I took a course in French, French literature and 
language there. I didn't really complete 

Mr. t50URWiXE. So you were learning Italian in Italy and you were 
learning to speak French at the Sorbonne '{ 

Mr. GiBsox. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwixE. When did you leave Kenyon College ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. In 1950. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. 1950 ? 

Mr. GiBSOX. Yes, 1949 or 1950 ? 

Mr. SouRwixE. What time in 1950 ? 

Mr. GiBSOX. June, I suppose. 

Mr. SouRWixE. Don't you know ? 

Mr. GiBSOX^. I don't have a record. I think it was June, at the 
end of the year. 

Mr. SouR^vixE. You studied until the end of the year? 

Mr. GiBSOX. Practically to the end. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. You did not leave in the middle of the semester? 

Mr. GiBSOX. No. I left before the end of the semester. 

Mr. SouRW^XE. Did you complete the course ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. No. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Did you complete any of your studies? 

Mr. GiBSOX. Not that semester. 

Mr. SouRwixE. You did complete 

Mr. GiBSOx. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWixE. Who paid for your schooling at the Sorbonne? 

Mr. GiBSOX. The Government of the United States, under the GI 
bill. 

Mr. SouRwixE. And who paid for your schooling at Rome ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. The John H. Whitney Scholarship. 

Mr. SouRWixE. And who paid for your schooling at Kenyon 
College ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. It was paid for, or at least part was supposed to be 
paid by my father, who did not pay for it. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Who paid for it? 

Mr. GiBSOX. Who paid for it ? 

Mr. SouRWixE. Yes. 

Mr. GiBSOX. I don't know who paid for it. 

Mr. SouRTViXE. You mean, it has not been paid ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. May not have been paid. 

Mr. SouRwixE. You mean you still owe Kenyon College? 

Mr. GiBSOX. I don't owe anything 

Mr. SouRwixE. You don't ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. My father may owe. 

Mr. SouRWixE. You attended there a year ? 

Mr. GiBsox'. Yes. 

ISIr. SouRAVixE. And you don't think you owe them anything? 

Mr. Gmsox. I don't believe I owe anything. 



224 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SotJRWiNE. You did not pay them anything? 

Mr. GiBSox. I did not personally pay anything, no. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you ever agree to pay anything ? 

Mr. GiBSOx. No. My father agreed to pay. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. You think you could register at a college without 
agreeing to pay ? 

Mr. GiBSox. I believe — I was a minor at that time and it certainly 
was my family 

Mr. SouRwixE. Oh, I see. What you signed was not binding on 
you because you were a minor 

Mr. GiBSox. I don't believe I signed — and I don't see the rele- 
vancy 

Mr. SoTjR\\^XE. How old were you in 1949 ? 

Mr. GiBSox. 1949 ? 

Mr. SouRwiXE. Yes. 

Mr. GiBsox. IVliat relevancy does that have to do with the legisla- 
tive purpose of this committee ? 

Senator Dodd. Will you please answer the question ? 

Mr. GiBSox. In 1949 I was 18. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Don't you know that your tuition at Kenyon Col- 
lege was $579 and not one nickel has been paid, and don't you know 
that you went to the treasurer's office to make arrangements for pay- 
ing that because you were withdrawing before the end of the term 

Mr. GiBSOx. I never 

Mr. SoFRwiXE. And don't you know that when you left, when you 
agreed to meet the dean there to complete the deal and to sign the 
papers, after the noon hour, you never went back, you went off the 
campus and were gone 

Mr. GiBSox. I had no money to pay anyone- 



Mr. SouRwixE. Don't you know this is what happened at that col- 
lege in 1950 ? 

Mr. GiBSox. I don't understand the relevance 

Senator Dodd. Never mind. Just answer the questions. 

Mr. GiBsox. Well, Senator, would you want to tell me what the 
relevance is to the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, what happened in 
1949 ? 

(Simultaneous discussion. ) 

Senator Dodd. There is a question pending and I would want it 
answered. 

Mr. Faulkxer. I assume that this committee would pass legislation 
on paying first at a college — — 

Mr. SotTKwixE. Mr. Chairman, that is a contemptuous remark and 
it has notliing to do with 

Mr. Faulkxer. It has as much to do with it as your question has 
to do with this proceeding. 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Counsel, you will remain courteous and if you 
don't, if you disrupt the proceedings 

Mr. Fat'ekxer. I have no intention of disrupting the proceedings 
or })eing discourteous. I understand that under the law this com- 
mittee is to serve a legislative puq^ose and it is not in these questions 
that are asked 

Senator Dodd. There is a pending question and the witness will 
answer the question. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 225 

Ml". Gibson. May I liave the question repeated? 

Senator Dodd. Kead it. 
(Tlie question was read.) 

ScMiator Donn. That is a question you coukl answer in very sinq)le 
Ijino-uag'e and I order you to answer it. 

^Ir. GiHsox. 1 did not pay because my father was supposed to pay 
I Ids co]]e<i'e bill for nie. My father declined to do so and therefore 
I had to withdraw — lack of funds. 

Senator Dodd. Was this why you walked out ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, it is. 

Senator Dodd. All riji'ht. That is an answer. 

Now, I think siiu^e your counsel has registered a (piestion and a 
con\ment I will ask if committee counsel at this point in record will 
state the legislative purpose for this questioning. 

Air. Soi'RwixK. The purpose of this questioning, Mr. Chairman, 
stems from the fact that the conmiittee is here investigating the activ- 
ities of the Fair Play for Guba Committee, especially its financing. 

This committee has developed that the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee has thousands of dollars of hnances in deposits and with- 
drawals of large amounts have been made subject only to the control 
(if this v\'itness and Mr. Taber; that American citizens, including col- 
lege youth are being asked to contribute to this organization. 

It is a perfectly proper legislative purpose for the committee to 
consider whetlier there is a situation here which could be met by 
reconnnendations for legislation to govern such organizations so as 
to give assurances of a sounder or at least a tighter financial control 
in cases where the public is involved, as they are here. 

Senator Dodd. Go ahead. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Mr. Gibson, do you know Juan Rene Betancourt? 

Mr. Gibson. I know the name but I don't know him. 

]Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know who he is ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who is he ? 

Mr. Gibson. Betancourt. is a wealthy Cuban who came to the United 
Slates among other disaffected persons and I don't know where he 
came from. 

]Mr. Sourw^ine. Mr. Chairman, I hold in my hand the magazine 
"The Crisis" which is the official organ of the National Association 
for the Advancement of Colored People which contains an article 
by Betancourt on Castro and the Cuban Negroes. 

And since we already have in our records the assertion of Mr. Gib- 
son and the Fair Play For Cuba Committee about the situation in 
Cuba I would respectfully suggest we put this in the record also as 
something from an authoritative source. 

Mr. Gibson. Senator, may I say in regards to the article you are 
referring to, that Mr. Sourwine is referring to, that I have written 
a lengthy reply to it which I understand may appear in the next 
issue of The Crisis magazine along with other letters and I respect- 
fully ask if I may to submit my reply to you. 

Senator Dodd. We will certainly look forward to it. 

Mr. Gibson. Thank you very much. 

Senator Dodd. It may be admitted. 



^% 



i'AiR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 



(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 36" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 36 

[Crisis, May 1961, pp. 270-274] 

Casteo and the Cuban Negeo 

what has happened to the cuban negro under fidel castro 

(By Juan Rene Betancourt '^) 

In Cuba, as in most parts of the New World, there are differences in the 
treatment of Negro and white citizens. And the differences are so great that 
they may be correctly labeled "racial discrimination." This is an evil which I 
have fought in my native country for the last 25 years and, as a consequence, I 
have had firsthand experience with it. Cuban Negroes have fought for their 
rights by grouping themselves into societies. There are one or two in each 
town and these local groups are integrated in provincial federations and the 
National Federation. It is the National Federation which spearheads the fight 
against racial discrimination. 

The day after Castro's victory the Revolutionary Government made me a 
delegate-interventor in the National Federation of Negro societies, the island's 
main Negro organization. This was done because all previous leaders of the 
Federation had been involved in the Batista dictatorship, where they had oc- 
cupied ministerial and senatorial posts. When Castro came to power these 
individuals were obliged to flee the country. And I was also the founder 
of the National Organization for Economic Rehabilitation of the Negro, an 
organization which opposed those who had delivered the National Federation to 
dictator Batista. 

My job was to reorganize the provincial federations and to prepare for the 
Seventh National Convention of Negro Societies. My purpose was to reactivate 
the normal activities of the Negro movement and to present the Castro govern- 
ment with a specific program designed to make the Cuban Negro a first-class 
rather than a fifth-cla.ss citizen. I began by reorganizing the province of Pinar 
del Rio. There were twenty-seven societies in this province, but at the time 
only four of them were in Communist hands. Because of the opposition of 
Communist delegates, I had to issue three different meeting notices before I 
could convene the congress. 

The Commimists said I wanted to become a government minister and that 
I had no authority to call the meeting. They even threatened to show up with 
armed groups as representatives of certain organizations which actually did 
not exist. When I refused them admittance, they created a disturbance, and 
even insulted me. Meanwhile, the Communist organ. Hoy, began to attack 
me with daily calumnies. These attacks, plus those of hypocritical Salvador 
Garcia Aguero in "The Outpost of Ideas," a Communist party radio program, 
created confusion and bewilderment. 

I had to exclude the Communists before I could successfully reorganize the 
Federation of Negro Societies in Pinar del Rio, and I had to place a disciplinary 
squad at the doors to bar them from meetings, as was the case with the 
Sociedad Luz de Occidente of San Cristobal, Pinar del Rfo. Sole purpose of 
the Communists was to create disorder and to break up the organizations. 
Similar disturbances took place in the other provinces. We did not want to 
exclude anyone ; our desire was to welcome the delegates from all societies, 
whatever their political or social ideology ; but we always found it impossible 
to come to an understanding with the Communists. They had only one objec- 
tive : to prevent reorganization of the provincial federations and the holding of a 
National Congress. 



^ Dr. .Tuan Ren6 Betaneoiirt is a lawyer by profession and was secretary-peneral of la 
Sociedad "Victoria" in Camasiiey and cultural secretary of la Federaci^n Provincial de 
Sociedades Nepras de Camasiiey. Castro made him a supervising-delegate of la Feder- 
aci6n de Sociedades Negras de Cuba. Dr. Betancourt is the author of many books, among 
which are "Mi Opinion y Mi Raza" (1945) and "Doctrina Negra" (1955). 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 227 

COMMUNISTS IN P0WB:R 

Although I was accustomed to seeing the Communists working to get control 
of various movements and organizations (workers, women, peasants, and Ne- 
groes), I was somewhat disconcerted when I discovered that their real ohjec- 
tive was to destroy. When the Communists are out of power, they are op- 
portunistic and work to occupy key positions in organizations and movements. 
Once they obtain power, as in Cuba today, they reveal their real colors : to 
suppress all opposition, dissident opinions, and rival organizations. Cuban 
lalwr unions, for example, have been emasculated ; they have no power nor 
functions as labor unions ; they are under government control. On Labor Day 
they did not make a single demand and Sr. David Salvador, leader of the 
national federation of labor unions, was jailed when he opposed usurpation of 
power by the Ministry of Labor. 

This is why the Communists opposed my reorganization of Negro organiza- 
tions. After I had overcome these obstacles, I visited the President to inform 
him that the Seventh National Convention would be held November 26-28, 
1959. To my surprise, while I was visiting the Society of El Fenix in Trinidad, 
Las Villas, it was broadcast that I had "resigned" from my post because of 
the pressure of other duties. 

Nobody in Cuba believed Castro a Communist and he has emphatically denied 
being one although the membership and the policies of his first cabinet sug- 
gested Communist connections despite the fact that none was a Communist. 
But Castro eliminated all non-Communist ministers within a few months, re- 
placing them with anonymous Communists. He made, however, few replace- 
ments in the lower echelons because these had been controlled by the Com- 
munists from the day Castro seized power. Since Communist theory is that 
they are the proletariat and that class conflict has been eliminated, non- 
Communist organizations are not needed. This dogma naturally brought the 
Negro organizations into collision with the government. 

The Negro societies in Cuba are very poor associations. Traditionally, it has 
been the policy of the Cuban Government to flatter the Negroes by giving them 
contributions for the establishment of Negro organizations. I was always 
opposed to this policy because it attacked effects and not causes. Now, under 
Castro, the situation has worsened : instead of giving the societies money, the 
societies must contribute to the government. They are obliged to hold public 
dances and then to turn over the proceeds to the government for agrarian reform 
and, more recently, for arms, planes, and industrialization. Administrations 
before Castro were made up of competing political parties and as a consequence 
they were obliged to appoint Negroes to important government posts. But since 
continuance of the present Cuban Government does not depend upon free elec- 
tions, and since much of its power is derived from a formidable police and mili- 
tary apparatus, there has been no need to appoint Negroes to important govern- 
mental posts. The Cuban Negro is today further removed than ever from the 
government payroll. Nor is that all. 

RACIAL DISCEIMINATION IN CUBA 

In order to exploit human weakness, while griving play to flamboyant dema- 
goguery, this master of deceit that is Sr. Fidel Castro has decreed that dances 
must be held every Saturday and Sunday in select places which had previously 
barred Negroes. Such action, coupled with an intensive governmental propa- 
ganda campaign, has led many Negroes to believe that in this way they are taking 
reprisals against their discriminators and achieving racial equality by being 
allowed to patronize previously "all-white" places. These same Negroes do not 
patronize their own organizations, which are impoverished and closing their 
doors. Yet Sr. Castro and the Communists are receiving thousands of dollars 
weekly from Negroes at government-sponsored dances. 

The Communist regime in Cuba has declared over and over again, with typical 
insistence and boring emphasis, that racial discrimination has been eliminated 
on the island. Public announcements of the Castro regime would make it appear 
that racial discrimination is something to be established or eliminated on the 
basis of a governmental decree. Castro's regime ignores the historical, economic, 
and social factors which are the genesis of discrimination and which continue 
to perpetuate it. Nor does the government seem aware of the truth that a 
government may, by its jwlicies and practices, create an ambiance favorable to 
racial equality. A mere governmental fiat, however, does not meet the problem. 

64139— 61— pt. 2 8 



228 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Hence Sr. Castro's assertion that his government has eradicated racial discrim- 
ination in Cuba is not only false but is bleating demagoguery. 

The Communists kept the offices of the National Federation of Negro Societies 
open for two or three months after they had decided that I had "resigned." 
Then they distributed the furniture among themselves and abolished the local. 
Provincial federations had no better luck ; they have all disappeared. Of the 256 
Negro societies in Cuba, many have had to close their doors and others are in 
death agony. One can truthfully say, and this is without the slightest exaggera- 
tion, that the Negro movement in Cuba died at the hands of Sr. Fidel Castro. 

CASTEO CYNICISM 

Yet this is the man who had the cynical impudence to visit the United States 
in 1960 for the purpose of censuring American racial discrimination. Although 
this evil quite obviously exists in the United States, Castro is not precisely the 
man to offer American solutions, nor even to pass judgment. Here is a man with 
the total powers of a dictator, yet he has not eliminated the racial evil in his own 
country, Cuba. What he has done is to heighten it in a most scandalous way. 
He has merely brought added hunger, misery, and misfortune to the lot of the 
Cuban Negro. 

When Fidel Castro returned to Cuba from New York, he had us to under- 
stand that he had won over the American Negro and that he was going to bring 
300 of them to Cuba to view the "terrestrial paradise." Cuban Negro leaders 
merely looked at each other when they heard this announcement. They asked : 
"WhaVs he going to show them?" Consider one fact. Whereas Castro could 
stay at a Negro-owned hotel in Harlem, Cuban Negroes do not own a single 
hotel, or commercial establishment, or industry. And Castro has done nothing 
to remedy this situation ; w^hat he has done is to reduce all Cuban citizens to 
the same miserable standard of living by his assaults upon the country's 
economy. 

I am convinced that communism gets a toehold in countries not bec-ause of the 
magic of its Utopian doctrines, but because of the ignorance and the poor tactics 
of capitalists and democratic leaders with their pig-headed resistance to even the 
minimal demands of the people. 

This, I believe, is the genesis of those dissatisfied and resentful masses which 
nourish the Communist Party. I do not understand why intelligent businessmen 
do not see the advantage in lowering their profits by 20 or 30 pei-cent, and 
thus to keep their compatriots happy, rather than to have international com- 
munism take over their country as in Cuba. Now they have lost all their property 
and their earnings — and in some cases their lives. 

Cubans are a good example of this shortsightedness. They have formed many 
organizations of exiled Cubans to work for the downthrow of Castro and his 
Communist regime. All are controlled by white Cubans, members of the upper 
or middle-middle class, who have refused to accept Castro's pattern of sub- 
human living. Yet they do not exhibit the slightest interest in the fate of the 
Cuban Negro. They seem not to care that he lived a miserable and unhappy life 
before Castro and that he is continuing to live the same way under Castro. 
Nor do they seem worried that Cuban Negroes may continue to live as pariahs 
even after Castro has gone — even though the future government might be a so- 
called democratic government. None of these exile-groups has committed itself 
to a nondiscrimination program should they get in power. 

The Cuban Negro is never mentioned in their programs or pronouncements. 
Whenever this ommission is brought to their attention, their reply is that they 
are such good democratic souls that race does not exist for them. White and 
black Cubans are all Cubans. It is a shame that these organizations which 
would rescue Cuba from the clutches of communism and which are working to 
bring freedom and the rule of law to Cuba do not wish to strike off the chains 
of racial prejudice. They show no generosity toward the Cuban Negro, who has 
given his blood and brawn to make Cuba. 

An exception to this general attitude is exemplified by the Christian Demo- 
cratic Party in exile. It is, to date, the only one that has shown itself ready 
to consider and to even discuss a serious program for bettering the lot of the 
Cuban Negro : A program to be put into effect after the fall of the present 
Communist regime in Cuba. 

For my part I am here fulfilling a historic mission for my country and for my 
race. I (piote that great Cuban Negro. Don Juan Gualberto Gomez : "I hope that 
the former will never ask me to do anything that will prejudice the latter." I 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 229 

insist that the Negroes have specific rights to defend and that none of the revolu- 
tions, neither those for independence, nor the Communist, nor this one for demo- 
cratic restoration, has had nor will have autonuxtic effects against racial dis- 
crimination. Those who atlirm that the condemnation of the ills of the Negro 
and the denuind for their elimination divides Cubans and creates racial problems 
are either naive or unconsciously anti-Negro. As everyone knows, a sickness 
which is never treated can hardly be cured. The fact that we disregard the 
existence of an object does not, by any means, eliminate its presence. 
(Translated from the Spanish by Brandon Robinson.) 

Mr. SouRwiXE. Mr. Gibson, you told us that Carl Braden, the field 
secretary of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, had been one 
of the main speakers at the Fair Play for Cuba Committee affair in 
Xew York on April 28. 

Now, was Rowland Watts, the national legal director of the Ameri- 
can Civil Liberties Union also a speaker? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And was Mr. William Worthy, correspondent for 
the Afro-American newspaper, also a speaker? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, he was. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And was Mr. James Higgins the toast-master on 
that occasion ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, he was. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How many people were there — 500 people ? 

Mr. Gibson. 500. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know who handled the organization of the 
affair? 

Mr. Gibson. The social committee of the New York chapter. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And who are the persons on that committee? 

^h\ Gibson. Who are the persons— I don't know. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know who was the chairman ? 

Mr. Gibson. Of the New York chapter ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Of the social committee of the New York chapter. 

Mr. Gibson. I don't know. 

]\Ir. SouRWiNE. Do you know who was in charge of this ? 

Mr. Gibson. Miss Berta Green was in charge of it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. She was in charge of it ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, she organized it. 

Mr. Sox'RwiNE. And did she handle the reservation and 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, I believe so. I didn't anyway. 

]\Ir. SouRwiNE. Does Mr. Joe Barry have any connection with the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. None. 

Mr. SorRwiNE. He has contributed a column 

Mr. Gibson, Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does tliat indicate the Fair Play for Cuba Commit- 
tee adopted and supported the position taken in that column? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, at your last appearance before this committee 
you were asked about the formation of the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee Chapter in Denver and Boulder, Colo. Do you know if that 
committee has been formed and is now in existence? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe so. If it is on the list there. I don't know. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. Oh, you don't know whether it is on the list? 

Mr. Gibson, Well, I am not certain it is on tlie list but I believe it 
is and I believe it has been formed. I don't know if we have the 
address or anything yet. 



230 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you received any communications from the 
head of that committee ? 

Mr. Gibson. Did I personally ? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes. 

Mr. Gibson. No, not yet. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know who the head of the Denver committee 
is? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, Harry Nier. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Would you spell that ? 

Mr. Gibson. N-i-e-r, Harry Nier. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He is in Denver ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Attending the university there ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, no ; he is a lawyer. 

Senator Dodd. He is a lawyer in Denver ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Gibson, you left the United States April 29 
and flew to Montreal and returned May 1. This was for the purposes 
of the Fair Play for Cuba Conunittee, w^asn't it ? 

Mr. Gibson. I returned May 2 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Your trip was for the purposes of the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee, Avasn't it ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In connection with organizing a chapter in Canada ? 

Mr. Gibson. I was invited to speak there at a meeting in ^Montreal. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know how many chapters of the Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee there are in Canada ? 

Mr. Gibson. In Canada? More than four, but I don't know the 
names of the chapters — that is a different organization, actually. 
We have a fraternal connection, but 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I have no more questions of this 
witness. 

Senator Keating. Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Senator Keating. I reviewed the testimony of your last hearing, 
Mr. Gibson, and I want to read some of it to you and ask you to ex- 
plain it. The question was : 

Are you a resident of New York? 

You said : 
I am. 

The question was : 

You are a citizen of the United States? 

The answer is : 
I am. 

The question was : 
A native-born American? 

The answer : 

Yes, I am an American Negro and I have lived here quite too long in the 
United States. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 231 

A"\niat do you mean by your statement that you lived here quite too 
Ions: ? 

Mr. Ginsox. AVell, I must say in view of the present situation, in 
view of the situation in the South, 1 think — I felt, sometimes one feels 
it is too long, really ; but then on the other hand you feel you got to 
stay here, you got to do something to try to cliange this nightmai-e 
for my people. 

Senator Keating. Don't you wish to remain in the United States? 

Mr, Gibson. Personally in the United States, I would rather not, 
but I feel morally that I have to. 

Senator Keating. Do you desire to retain your U.S. citizenship? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; I do. 

Senator Keating. Now, Mr, Chairman, it seems to me significant 
to note at this point in the record that the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee has been invited to appear here and it has been given a full 
opportunity to present its case in open hearing, open meeting where 
members of the press are present, including the Soviet press — they 
are in attendance. 

This, to my mind, raises the interesting question, and I do not think 
this could happen, but if there were in Cuba today a Fair Play for 
United States Committee, and if this committee were formed and it 
sought to press and defend the concerns of and the treatment ac- 
corded to American nationals and the systematic expatriation of 
American property in Cuba — and I cannot conceive of that committee 
being established there, nor if it were established can I foresee the 
holding of a public hearing with all the members of the press present 
at an open meeting like this, in which the voice of the Fair Play for 
the United States Committee could be heard. 

JVIr. Gibson. I thought the 

Senator Keating. That is an example of the type of freedom which 
we enjoy in this country. 

Senator Dodd. Yes ; I think it is. 

Mr. Gibson. Mr. Chairman 

Senator Dodd. I think it might be — just one moment, Mr. Gibson, 
if you will — -I think it might be well to comment that when it comes 
to "fair play," there might be fair play to the American correspond- 
ents down tliere, some of who are locked up right now, try to give 
them a little fair play. I think there is an Associated Press man in 
confinement as far as I know, and that is the "fair play" they are get- 
ting in Cuba. 

Mr. Gibson. Mr. Chairman, I believe that the Fair Play for Amer- 
ica Committee came with the aid of the CIA and was successfully 
repulsed by the Cuban people themselves. 

And speaking of that, I would like, since you raised the press, I 
would like to give you a copy of this file which I prepared for you 
of pertinent clippings from the U.S. press since our last meeting. 
You seemed to doubt my sources^ — 

Mr. Sourwixe. Mr. Chairman, let the record speak clearly on this 
point. The witness was down here last for the purpose of establish- 
ing the source of the information he may have had with respect to 
the charges his committee had made against the United States and 
the witness testified, then and there, he had no information excepting 
what he had received from the newspapers. 



232 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson. That is correct. 

Mr. SouiiwiNE. Do you have any information today except what 
you have received from newspapers ? 

Mr. Gibson. Except a telephone call of Mr. Robert Taber. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And what you are offering the committee is news- 
paper clippings? 

%h\ Gibson. Yes; I think they are very pertinent ones. 

Senator Dodd. Well, we will receive them, if that is the best you 
can do. 

Mr. SotiRwiNE. Are you receiving those, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Dodd. If that is the best he can do. 

(The clippings referred to were marked "Exhibit No. 37" and were 
ordered placed in the subcommittee files.) 

Mr. Gibson. These clippings were given to Mr. John Conlik, Chief 
of the Criminal Division of the Justice Department, yesterday, for 
possible investigation of violations of title 18, United States Code, 
sections 959 and 960 by Allen Dulles, Chief of the U.S. Central 
Intell igence 

Senator Keating. Allen Dulles — I think it is noteworthy, the great 
research you have done in this compared to the research you have 
done as to where the money came from for the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee — of which this witness has no information to help this 
committee whatever. 

Senator Dodd. Well, I hope that every member of Congress, when 
this record is printed, will read this testimony and the testimony you 
have given on the previous occasion, not only the Congress but the 
executive branch as well, and that this testimony will be widely dis- 
tributed so that they will know the whole story about organizations 
like yours, operated on a wide scale among young people on university 
campuses, headed up by a man with a criminal record, and where the 
financial situation is chaotic. 

Your own testimony here is shocking and I hope that we can get 
some legislation, I feel we need it, so that this country will be in a 
position to properly cope with this situation. 

It is a year now since this committee has been trying to get facts 
about your organization. And there was a slanderous attempt to 
deceive the public about its purpose, the article by Tynan, which I 
suppose is believed by vast nmnbers of people who never took the 
time to read the record here 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe Mr. Tynan had the record available. 

Senator Dodd. Pie had the record, but he never spoke the truth 
about it. But the Congress will have this information — a]id I speak 
of it in this hearing and in this record so that perhaps we may get 
some action. 

INfr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, as an aid to the committee, may I 
ask one or two more questions ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who prepared this exhibit [holding up a document 
in board covers] that you just gave us? 

Mr. Gibson. I did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You did this personally ? 

ISIr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Miss Berta Green did not ? 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 233 

Mr. Gibson. Miss Green did not. 

Mr. SouRAViNE. Did you typo, the letters yourself ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, 1 did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Where did you get these clippings? 

Mr. Gibson. From the ])ress of the United States. 

]\fr. SoiRwiNE. You composed this letter yourself? 

]\Ir. (iiBsoN. Yes. 

Mr. Soi'RwiNE. And tlie list of persons whom you suggested be 
subpenaed, you compiled that list? 

Mr. Gibson. From the press clippings. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, how did you make your selection of press 
clippings for this? 

Mr. Gibson. I went to the files of clippings that I had and picked 
out everything I thought pertinent. 

Mr. SoiKwiNE. You did not consult particular publications? 

Mr. Gibson. No. I used the New York Times. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What was this file, everything written about the 
connnittee, or 

Mr. Gibson. No. It Avas a fde on Cuba and most of the things had 
no'hing to do with the committee. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have one article from the Saturday Review, 
May 13. Did you clip that yourself? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes, I did. 

Mr. SoT'RWiNE. And you have one from the New York Mirror, 
May 18. Did you clip that yourself? 

Mr. Gibson. I don't believe I clipped it, but someone gave it to me. 

Mr. SoTTRWiNE. You have one, the New York Times, May 3. Did 
you clip that yourself? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. Soi^RwiNE. You have one. New York Herald Tribune, May 2, 
a story by David White, did you clip that yourself? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe. 

]Mr. SouRwiNE. And one from the New York Daily News, a story 
by Kent Lewis. Did you clip that ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I did not. 

Mr. SorRwiNE. And you have one from the I. F. Stone's Weekly, 
JNfa^' 1. Did you clip that yourself? 

jVTr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SorRwiNE. You have one, New York Times, April 30. Did 
you clir) that yourself? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Afr. SoTRwiNE. And one, Washington Post, April 2G. Did you 
clio this yourself? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. Soi^RW'TNE. You have one from the New York Post, April 25. 
D'd you clip this yourself? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SorRwiNE. You have one from the New York Times, April 24, 
and one from the New York Times, April 22, an editorial from the 
New York Times. April 22. Did you clip that yourself? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. I did. 

Mr. SoFRwiNE. You have one, Washington Post, April 22. Did 
you clip that vourself ? 



234 FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 

Mr. Gibson. No, I did not. 

Mr. SoTjRWiNE. And you have one from I. F. Stone's Weekly, April 
17, 1961. Did you clip that yourself ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you read I. F. Stone's Weekly each week ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; I do. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You have one from I. F, Stone's Weekly, April 10, 
1961. Did you clip that yourself ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; I did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have one not marked, we don't know where it 
is from. It carries the byline of Charles — staff writer — I presume the 
Denver Post ? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe from the Denver Post. 

Mr. SouR\viNE. Did you clip this yourself ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you read the Denver Post ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. Where did you get this ? 

Mr. Gibson. It was sent from Denver. 

Mr. Sourwine. Who sent it ? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe Mr. Nier. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have one from the Baltimore Sun. Did you 
clip that ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you read that newspaper ? 

Mr. Gibson. No, I have not read 

Mr. Sourwine. You have one, the New York Post, January 26, 1961. 
Did you clip that yourself ? 

Mr. Gibson. I believe so. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you read the New York Post ? 

Mr. Gibson. Yes ; I do. 

Senator Dodd. Well, counsel 

Mr. Sourwine. Just one more question, Mr. Chairman. 

Do you have any legal education at all ? 

Mr. Gibson. No. 

Senator Dodd. I think that we will look at your offer and then the 
Chair will decide whether or not 

Senator Keating. Well, this is the documentary evidence to back 
up the claims on Mr. Dulles ; is it not ? 

Senator Dodd. I do not know what the purpose is. 

Mr. Gibson. The original purpose was to back up my statement 
made up here the last time; upon completing it, I thought it might 
be a good idea to get 



Senator Dodd. I do not know what it is, but I will accept it. We 
will take a look at it. 

Mr. Faulkner. It is being formally offered as an exhibit. 

Senator Dodd. We will not rule on it now, but we will accept it 
temporarily. 

Mr. Gibson. It is offered as an exhibit. 

Senator Dodd. What? 

Mr. Gibson. It is offered as an exhibit. 



FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE 235 

Senator Dodd. I know you are offering it. I am stating how it is 
being viewed. 

Is there anything further ? 

(No response.) 

Senator Dodd. All right. 

The hearing is adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 12 :50 p.m., the committee adjourned.) 



INDEX 



XoTE. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 

A 

Page 

Advance (organization) 130, 147 

"Africa's March to Freedom" (address) 158 

Afro-American (newspaper) 211, 212 

Agence France-Presse 162 

Alien Registration Act 1S8 

American Civil Liberties Union 229 

Anthony Bland, Ltd. (publishers) 147 

Arnoni," Mr. M. S 215 

Atlanta University 216 

B 

Baltimore Afro-American 160 

Baltimore, Md 181 

Baltimore Sun 234 

Barry, Joseph 151, 229 

Bassett, Emmett 216 

Beals, Carleton 215 

Betancourt. Juan Rene 225,226 

Bon Viano (Italian publishers) 147 

Bowe, Walter 216 

Bowen, Howard R 182 

Braden, Carl 210, 229 

Brass Rail Restaurant 179, 198 

Byrd, Senator 165 

C 

Castro, Fidel 146, 164, 169, 170, 184, 216, 227, 228 

Castro government 22(> 

CBS fellow 143 

CBS Foundation 144. 221 

CBS News 166, 186 

Central Intelligence Agency 168, 169, 171, 197, 216, 231 

"Charles" 234 

Chase Manhattan Bank (14th and Broadway branch) 138,198,199,204 

Chicago, 111 181 

Clark, Miss 139 

Columbia Book Shop 220 

Columbia Broadcasting System 144,145,160,162,164,165.167,168,202,221 

Columbia Broadcasting System fellowships 144 

Columbia University 167, 168,220-222 

Columbia University Graduate School in African Studies 143 

Communist Party, U.S.A 147-150, 167, 198, 202, 209, 210 

Council of White Citizens 219 

"The Crisis" (magazine) 225 

Cross, Dr. Lonnie 216 

Crusader 160 

"Cuba — A Declaration of Conscience by Afro-Americans" April 25, 1961, 

issue of New York Post 170 

"Cuba and the Fight for Equal Rights" 160 

Cubana De Aviacion 204 



n INDEX 

D Page 

Day, John 162, 163, 165 

Denver Post 234 

Detroit, Mich 181 

"Doctrina Nepra" (booli) 226 

Driscoll, David E 163 

Dubois, Dr. William 216 

Dunham, Barrows 158 

E 

"Eastland Tries Again" (article) 188 

Exhibit No. 22. "An Appeal to Americans * * *" (New York Times 

Apr. 21, 1961 133 

Exhibit No. 23. Photostat of check used to pay New York Times adver- 
tisement 135 

Exhibit No. 23-A. "All Federal Reserve Notes" 212 

Exhibit No. 24. Certified Voucher 137 

Exhibit No. 25. Mimeographed letter dated April 7, 1961 152 

Exhibit No. 25-A. April 1, 1961, issue of Fair Play 153-156 

Exhibit No. 25-B. Reproduction of column from New York Post of Janu- 
ary 25, 1961 157 

Exhibit No. 26. Three ads from National Guardian, March 6, 1961 159 

Exhibit No. 27. "The Cuban Revolution Uncensored" (by William 

Worthy) 161 

Exhibit No. 28. Resolution dated March 29, 1955, of Standing Rules of 

Senate 176 

Exhibit No. 28-A. Resolution dated April 20, 1955, of Standing Rules of 

Senate 176 

Exhibit No. 30. "Danger of Aggression Remains" (document) 189-196 

Exhibit No. 31. Criminal record of Mr. Taber 201 

Exhibit No. 32. "A Note to Fair Play Readers" 215 

Exhibit No. 33. "Anti-Invasion Protests in the United States" 216 

Exhibit No. 34. "What Africa Means to Americans" 217 

Exhibit No. 35. "Investigation of Cuban Sympathizers" 219 

Exhibit No. 36. "Castro and the Cuban Negro" (The Crisis, May 1961 )___ 181. 

182, 226, 229 
P 

Fair Play for Cuba Chapter List 181, 182 

Fair Play for Cuba Committee student councils 182 

"Fair Play" (publication) 220 

Faulkner, Stanley (counsel for Richard Gibson) 130 

142, 173-177, 182, 188, 214, 215, 218, 224 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 145,165,202 

"Fidel Castro Interviews the Prisoners" 197 

Fifth amendment 131, 132, 

134, 138-141, 143, 146, 147, 149-151, 158, 160, 165, 166, 168-170 

First amendment 131, 

132, 134, 138-141, 143, 146, 147, 149-151, 158, 160, 165, 166, 16.S-170 

Foreign Agents Registration Act 139, 143, 185 

"FPCC During Invasion" 188,197 

FPCC Student Council Newsletter 158 

Frank, Waldo 150 

G 

Garcia Agnero, Salvador 226 

Gibson, Richard Thomas, 788 Columbus Avenue, New York, N.Y., testi- 
mony of 129-235 

Gomez, Don Juan Gualberto 228 

Grant, Joanne 214, 215 

Green, Berta 180, 199, 209, 213, 214, 229, 232 

Green, Miss 139, 197, 205, 208, 210 

Grinnell College 182 



INDEX m 

H !**«« 

Harrington, Donald 150 

"Hear the Truth About Cuba" (rally) 158 

Higgins, James 158, 229 

I 

I. F. Stone's Weekly 215,233,234 

Institute for Improvement of Inter-American Relations, Inc 138 

Ireland, Lawrence 221 

J 

John H. Whitney Scholarship 223 

Justice Department 188, 200, 232 

K 
Kenyon College 221-223 

"Kissing case" 160 

Ku Klux Klan 169,219 



Letter from Howard R. Bowen, president, Grinnell College, to Sena- 
tor Eastland 182 

Liberation Committee for Africa 158, 169, 216, 218 

List of Fair Play Chapters 181 

"Listen, Yankee" (book) 220 

Los Angeles, Calif 181 

Lumumba, Premier Patrice 167, 169, 216 

Lynn, Conrad 216 

M 

Markman, Marvin 158 

Meisler, Stanley 215 

Mills, C. Wright 215, 220 

Minority of One 215 

"Mi Opinion y Mi Raza" (book) 226 

"A Mirror for Magistrates" (novel) 147 

N 

Nakashima, Wendy 150 

Nash, A 204 

Nation (magazine) 147, 168, 215, 218 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 171, 225 

National Guardian 158 

National Organization for Economic Rehabilitation of the Negro 226 

Negro Societies, Seventh National Convention of 226 

Nehru, Prime Minister 167 

Newman, Joseph 169 

New York Daily News 233 

New York FPCC, Brooklyn Chapter of 197 

New York Herald Tribune 169, 233 

New York Mirror 223 

New York Post 151, 170, 211, 212, 233, 234 

New York Times 139, 141, 143, 146, 147, 150, 165, 166, 168, 233 

New York Times advertisement, April 21, 1961 131, 132, 134, 136 

Nier, Harry 230, 234 

"A Note to Fair Play Readers" (photostat of paper) 158 

O 

Oregon 4-8295 (telephone number) 139 

"The Outpost of Ideas" (Communist Party radio program) 226 

P 

Palo Alto, Calif 181 

Paris, University of 222 

Philadelphia, Pa 181 

Pinar del Rio 226 

"The Politics of Sugar" (article) 215 



IV INDEX 

R Page 

"Report From Havana" (articles) 215 

Reston, James 168 

Revolueion (Cuban newspaper) 199 

Roa, Raul, Jr 146,202 

Roach, Mr 136 

Roberts, Steve 209 

Rosen, Jake 149, 150 

S 

Salvador, Sr. David 227 

San Francisco, Calif 181 

Santos-Buch, Dr. Charles 150, 202 

Saturday Review 233 

799 Broadway, New York 181 

New York Chapter of FPCC 214 

Shaw, Edward 209 

Singleton, John A 216 

Sorbonne 222, 223 

Southern Conference Educational Fund 229 

Soviet Union 167 

Stevenson, Adlai 170 

T 

Taber, Mr. Robert 140, 

141, 144, 146, 158, 162, 185, 187, 199, 200, 202, 204, 209, 210, 214, 

215, 220, 225 232 

Tampa Fla 181 

Time Inc 160 

Time magazine 168 

"Tour Refund" 204 

Treasury, U.S. Government of 209 

Trinity 221 

Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party 202 

Tynan, Mr 232 

U 

Union Square 131, 197 

United Nations 197, 216 

United Nations General Assembly, Political Committee of the 170 

United Nations Security Council 169 

Urban League of Greater New York 163 

W 

Wainer, Bert 158 

Washington Post 233 

Waterman and Getz Agency 134, 139 

Watts, Daniel H 216 

Watts, Rowland 229 

WCBS Radio News/Television 146 

White Citizens Council 169 

White, David 233 

Williams, Robert 160, 165, 171 

Worthy, William 160, 163, 164, 229 

Worthy, William, Jr 211 

Writers Guild of America East 146, 164 

Y 

Yale 221 

York, Pa., Gazette and Daily 158 



o