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Loxooa : PuiXTKo nv 

















I 640 — 1642 










All riqhts r^»rrrfi1 







1 640 Meeting of the Long Parliament ..... i 
Strength given to Parliament by the presence of the Scottish 

army 2 

Lenthall chosen Speaker 3 

Strafford's forebodings 4 

He sets out for London 5 

Pym's position in the House of Commons • . . . 7 

Grievances complained of ....... 8 

The attack directed not against the King, but against his 

Ministers 10 

Supposed Catholic plot 11 

The Queen and the Catholics 12 

Pym's belief in Strafford's gpuilt 14 

He moves for a Committee of Inquiry 15 

The Irish Committee 16 

Strafford proposes to impeach the Parliai/ientary leaders 1 7 

Excitement in the Commons 19 

A Committee ordered to prepare a charge against Straflbrd. 20 

Impeachment of Strafford 21 

Order for the liberation of the victims of the Star Chamber. 22 

The alleged Popish Plot 23 

The Scottish negotiation 24 

Attack on the monopolies 25 

Attempted assassination of a Justice of the Peace . . 26 

The preliminary charge against Strafford . . . . 27 

Continuation of the negotiations with the Scots ... 29 

Keturn of the victims of the Star (^'hamber . . . . 30 





Windebank's tiight — Application by the Queen to Rome for 

money .......... 31 

The Dutch alliance 32 

Resolutions against ship-money ...... 23 

Finch's defence 34 

His flight 3S 

The London petition against Episcopacy, and the debate on 

the new Canons 36 

Impeachment of Laud 37 

State of the revenue 38 

Effect of the proceedings of Parliament on Charles . . 39 

The Queen again applies to Rome 40 

The Annual Parliament Bill 42 

State of the Northern army 43 

Danger from the Irish army 44 

Sir Symonds D'Ewes objects to the payment of interest . 45 

Charles refuses to disband the Irish army . . . . 45 




1641 The first audience of the Dutch ambassadors 
Progress of the negotiation with the Scots 
The Queen irritated with Parliament 
She negotiates with the Parliament*ry leaders 
The Scottish demands .... 

The Dutch marriage treaty .... 
The Annual Parliaments Bill converted into a Triennial 


I^egal appointments .... 

Position of the Catholics .... 

Reprieve of Goodman .... 

Movement against Episcopacy and the Prayer 

The King's warning to the Commons 

Dissatisfaction of the Commons . 

I'he articles against Strafford . 

The Queen's proposed journey to France 

The Brotherlv Assistance for the Scots . 

The Queen's message to the Commons 

The attack on Episcopacy and the Liturgy 

Hall's Hurnhle Remonstrance 

Hyde, Falkland, and Digby . 

The debate on the ecclesiastical petitions 

Speeches of Digby and Falkland 

Ficnnes's reply 















The beginiiiug of Parliaineutary parties . . . • 75 

Episcopalians and anti-Episcopalians 76 

l*ym s position 79 

The adjourned debate 80 

A compromise accepted 82 

Charles gains a respite 83 

The conclusion of the Dutch marriage treaty . . . . 84 

Erie's report on the Irish army 85 

Arrest of Judge Berkeley 86 

Passing of the Triennial Act 87 

Irritation of the Commons at the delay in bringing Strafford 

to trial 88 

The new Privy Councillors 89 

The Scots in the North 91 

Financial difficulties 92 

Impeachment of Laud 93 

Interference of the Scots with the English Church . . 94 

The Lords^ Committee on ecclesiastical innovations. . . 95 
Divergence between the two Houses on ecclesiastical 

matters 96 

The Scots ask for unity of religion 97 

The House of (^^ommons takes offence at their demand 98 



1 64 1 Arrangement of Westminster Hall 100 

Pym opens the case against Strafford . . . .101 

P)Tn*s ignorance of Ireland 102 

Strafford at the bar 103 

Had Strafford committed treason ? 104 

Pym 's conception of treason 105 

Dissatisfaction of the Commons with the growth of a feeluig 

in Strafford's favour 106 

Wants of the English army 107 

An army petition proposed by Percy and others . . . 108 
The Queen disappointed in her hopes of foreign aid . .109 

Sir John Suckling's advice 110 

lleiu-y Jermyn 112 

Army Plot of Suckling and Jermyn 113 

Effect of the first week of Strafford's trial upon ('harles . 115 

Percy's conversation with the King 116 

Charles rejects Suckling's scheme 117 

The plot betrayed by Goiiijg 118 



Straflbrd charged with intending to bring in the Irish 


Vane^s evidence against Straftbrd 

Strafford's reply 

Its favourable effect 

Conflict between the Houses 

The Army Plot persisted in 

Anxiety of the Commons 

Further charges against Strafford 

Strafford's illness . . 

Vane's notes produced 

The inflexible party brings in a Bill of Attainder . . . 

Pym regains the leadership 

Strafford's defence 

Glyn's reply 

Pym*s confession of political faith 

Questions involved in Pym's charge 

Progress of the Bill of Attainder 

Offence given to the Lords 

The Bill of Attainder passes through Committee . . . 
The third reading of the Bill of Attainder .... 

Bristol's policy 

The King's assurances to Strafford 

* Stone-dead hath no fellow ' 

The Attainder Bill in the House of Lords .... 
Charles obtains money from the Prince of Orange . . . 
Plan for a violent dissolution of Parliament 

St. John's argument 

Charles appeals to the Lords 

Ill effects of the King's interference 

The Bishops' Exclusion Bill sent up to the Lords — Marriage 

of the Princess Mary 

The pretended levies for Portugal 

Detection of Suckling's plot — The tumults at Westminster. 

List of Straffordians posted up 

Anxious discussion in the Commons 

Pym's constitutional position 

He proposes an appeal to the nation 

The Protestation 

Fear of the army 

Distracting rumours 

Confusion at Court 

Pym reveals his knowledge of the Army Plot 

Energetic action of the two Houses 

Bill against the dissolution of Parliament .... 
Escape of the plotters 





























Failure to form a middle party in the House of Lords . . i68 

Strafford's letter to the King 169 

The Queen prepares to fly 170 

The Attainder Bill and the Bill against dissolution before 

Charles 171 

Panic at Whitehall 172 

Charles hesitates to assent to the Bills . . . .173 

He gives way 174 

His last appeal to the Peers 175 

Strafford's execution 176 

What were Strafford's aims ? 178 

Comparison between Pym and Strafford . . . 179 



1641 Importance of the Bill against the dissolution of Parlia- 
ment 181 

Parliament master of the position 182 

The Catholics suspected 183 

Charles proposes to visit Scotland 184 

Debates in the Commons on ecclesiastical union . . .185 

Parties shaping themselves 186 

The Bishops* Exclusion Bill in the Lords, and the Root- 

and-Branch party in the Commons 187 

Unpopularity of the Bishops 189 

The Root-and-Brauch Bill 191 

The Bishops' Exclusion Bill thrown out by the Lords . . 192 

The Queen again applies to Rome for help . • I93 

Fiennes's report on the Army Plot 194 

Riot in the House of (Commons 195 

Digby raised to the Peerage . 196 

Projects of Church reform 197 

Charles consults Hyde 198 

The Root- and-Branch Bill in Committee . . . -199 

Smectymnuus — Milton's first pamphlet 201 

The Cheshire Remonstrance 204 

Milton on Presbyterianism 205 

Lay preaching 206 

Montrose's policy and schemes 208 

Imprisonment of Montrose 210 

The second Army Plot 211 

The Tonnage and Poundage Bill . . .213 

Pym's attack on evil counsellors 214 

Partial concessions by the King 215 





Charles's last iutei'view with RoBsetti 216 

The Queen's message to Rome 217 

AbolitioD of the Star Chamber and the High Commission . 218 

Charles declares that he knows of no ill coimsellors . . 219 

The Queen's proposed journey to Spa forbidden . . 220 

Activity of the Commons 221 

The Root-and-Branch Bill takes its linal shape . .222 

Rumoured appointment of officers 223 

Advice of Williams 224 

Charles looks to Scotland for help 225 

A Catholic martyr 226 

Essex to command in the South 227 

Disagreement between the Houses 229 

The King insists on going to Scotland 230 

Promotion of Bristol and his partisans . . .231 

Charles sets out for Scotland 232 

Danger of Parliament 233 



1 64 1 Proceedings in Parliament .... 
England left without a Government 
The first Parliamentary ordinance 
Hull and the Tower to be secured . 
The King arrives in Edinburgh . 
His hopes of military assistance 
His negotiation with the Irish Catholics 
Possibility of a reaction in England 
The Scots evacuate the Northern Counties . 
End of unanimity in the Commons 
The religious difficulty the cause of strife . 
Need of a strong Government .... 
Resolutions of the Commons on ecclesiastical innovations 

The Lords' amendments 

Reception of the amendments in the Commons 
Adjournment of the Houses .... 
Charles feasted at Edinburgh 
Demands of the Scottish Parliament 
Charles's disappointment .... 

Scottish feuds 

The Incident 

Charles on his defence 

He attempts to gain a party in England 
Pym s proceedinjfs in London 


















Growth of the sects 268 

Parliament reassembles 271 

The Episcopalian party becomes a Royalist paity .272 

The permanent work of the Long Parliament , . . 273 

Voices raised for toleration . . . . .' . '275 

hrooke'a Discourse on Episcopacy 276 

The second Bishops' Exclusion Bill 277 

Opposition to Pym ....*.... 279 

The King's manifesto 280 

The fundamental conditions of goyernment misunderstood . 281 

Promotions to the vacant Bishoprics 282 

Plots and intrigues 283 



1 64 1 Retrospect of Irish history .... 
The projected plantation of Conn aught . 
Rule of the Lords Justices .... 
Toleration for the Catholic religion asked for 
The Church question and the Land question 
Irish discontent .... 
Proposal to seize Dublin Castle . 
The plot betrayed .... 
VV^eakness of the English army . 

Dublin saved 

Beginning of the Ulster rebellion 

Votes of the English Parliament 

Pym's additional instruction 

Revolutionary character of his proposal 

Necessity of his action 

The Grand Remonstrance taken up . 

Its list of grievances . 

Its plan of Church reform 

The demand for a responsible Ministry 

Slaughter of Protestants in Ulster . 

The fugitives from Belturbet 

Further outrages . . • . 

Reception of the news at Westminster 

Proposal to send relief to Ireland 

The City declares for Pym . 

Progress of the Remonstrance 

The supposed Popish Plot . 

Evidence of the second Army Plot . 

Preparations for the final debate on the Grand 













Remonstrance 320 



A long debate 321 

The Remonstrance passed — Tumultuous scene . 323 

Significance of the Remonstrance 325 

Return of Charles to England 326 

Chances in Charleses favour 329 

The King*8 entry into London 33 1 

Dispute over the Parliamentary guard 333 

Suspicions that some members were to be charged with 

treason .......... 334 

The Remonstrance taken to the King 335 

Charles's passive resistance 337 



1641 Constitutional questions raised 

Bearing of the Irish rebellion on English politics 
Alleged understanding between Charles and the rebels 
Warning conveyed by the Commons to the Peers . 

The Impiessment Bill 

The first Militia Bill 

Declaration of the Commons against toleration 
The Queen calls for strong measures 
The King's proclamation on religion .... 
He demands modifications in the Impressment BUI . 

The Remonstrance printed 

The struggle over the Prayer Book 

Right of protestation refused to members of the Commons 

Further discussions on the Impressment Bill 

Dispute between the Houses on the sending of the ScoUisli 

army to Ireland .... 

Puritans and Episcopalians 

Separatist congregations in London. 

The King's intentions 

The new Common Council 

The King appoints Lunsford Lieutenant of the Tower and 

replies to the Remonstrance 

Displeasure of the Commons 

Difficulty of the Lords 

Newport asked to take charge of the Tower 
Lunaford dismissed — Discouraging news from Ireland . 
Terms ofiered by the Irish Catholic Peers 
Defection of the Lords of the Pale .... 

Sir Charles Coote at Clontarf 

The rebellion spreads to Munster .... 

















Uiot8 at Westminster 369 

Most of the Bishops absent themselves from Parliament . 370 

Digbj moves that Parliament is not free 37 1 

Cavaliers and Roundheads yj^ 

Charles seta a gfuard at Whitehall 374 

The protest of the Bishops 375 

The Lords at last side with the Commons . . . 376 

The Commons in danger 377 

Impeachment of the Bishops 378 

Attempt of the Peers to mediate 380 

1 642 Culpepper and Falkland in office 38 ( 

Alleged intention of the Parliamentary leaders to impeach 

the Queen 382 

The charge against the five members 383 

The five members impeached 384 

Hesitation of the Lords 385 

The Commons appeal to the City 386 

The arrest of the members demanded 387 

Charles prepares to use force 388 

The secret betrayed 390 

The King sets out from Whitehall 392 

Escape of the five members 393 

Charles enters the House of Commons .... 394 

He leaves the House 397 

Charles in the City 398 

The members in the City . . . . . 399 

The Committee at Guildhall 400 

The legal question discussed 401 

Impossibility of a compromise 402 

Panic in the City 403 

The King is still resolute 404 

The Commons guarded by the citizens 405 

Charles is anxious for the Queen's safety .... 406 

The King and Queen leave Whitehall 407 

Triumphant return *of the Commons to Westminster . 408 



1642 The King's plans for the occupation of Hull 

Hotham ordered by Parliament to occupy Hull 
Digby and Lunsford at Kingston .... 

The King at W^indsor 

Parliament resolves that the country must defend itself 
The King hopes to gain possession of Portsmouth . 
Heenvliet's mediation 





Charles's disappointment 416 

The King's overtures to Parliament 417 

The Commons demand the fortresses and the militia . . 418 

Necessity of security . -419 

The militia ordinance and the artificers' petition . . . 420 
The Lords agree with the Commons to ask for the fortresses 

and the militia 42 1 

The Bishops' Exclusion Bill passes the Lords . . . . 422 

The King's vexation 423 

The Lords Lieutenants named by Parliament . . . 424 

The Royal Assent given to the Bishops' Exclusion Act . 425 

Digby's intercepted letter 426 

The Queen leaves England 427 

Hyde's constitutional views 428 

The King asked to remain near Westminster . 430 
The kingdom to be put in a posture of defence •431 

Charles refuses to abandon the militia .... 432 

Confiscation of Irish land 433 

The siege of Drogheda 434 

The misery of Ireland 435 

The Commons claim supreme power for Parliament 436 

Danger from foreign forces 437 

The Queen's designs 438 

Charles at York 439 

The Kentish Petition 440 

Milton's argument on ecclesiastical jurisdiction . . 442 

The rival schemes for the settlement of the Church 443 

Parliament no longer represents the nation 444 

Warlike preparations 445 

The declaration of the Houses on Church reform . . . 446 

The King announces his intention of going to Ireland . . 447 
The Queen hopes for help from the Dutch and from 

Denmark 44^ 

She urges Charles to seize Hull 450 

Charles appeals to the law 45 ^ 

The King's. Militia Bill 452 

His attempt upon Hull 453 

Hotham refuses to admit the King 454 

Currents of opinion in Yorkshire 455 

Scotland refuses to help the King 456 

Military preparations 457 

The Nineteen Propositions 459 

The meeting on Heyworth Moor 462 

Sovereignty claimed by Parliament 463 

Ordinance for bringing in plate, money, and horses . . . 464 

The King's Commissions of Array 465 



Scotland again refuses to help the King 466 

Charles is disappointed of help from abroad . 467 
The King and the Peers with him protest that they do not 

intend war 468 

Ilenry Hastings in Leicestershire 469 

Occupation of Newcastle 470 

Munificence of the Herberts 47 1 

Parliamentary troops ordered to Leicestershire . . 472 

The fleet lost to the King 473 

A Parliamentary army to be raised 474 

Essex appointed General 475 

Digby's intrigue with Hotham 476 

The King's second failure to occupy Hull . . -477 
His answer to the petition of the Houses for an accommoda- 
tion 478 

Tlie first blood shed . . . . . . . 479 

The declaration of Parliament of it« reasons for taking up 

arms 480 

Goring holds Portsmouth for the King . .482 

Active preparations on both sides 483 

The King summons Coventry 484 

The Royal Standard raised at Nottingham . . . 485 


Parliamentary Map of England .... To face Title Pnge. 


Page 16, line 18, /or " Moantmorris '' read " Mountnorris." 

17, second side note, /or " Propos review" read "Proposed review at." 
26. line 14 and side note, /or " member of the House " read "justice of 

the peace." 
„ „ 15, deie "as justice of the peace." 

32, line 26, for " was hardly the man " read "as his subsequent conduct 

shows, was capable of attempting." 
27, for " and " read " but." 
37, „ 18, for " Holtham " read " Hotham." 
„ 270, second side note, /or " Scots" read " Sects." 


ft » >* 




Page 231. Since this yolame was printed I have received, through the 
kindness of Signor Hennann Ferrero, a copj of his Lettrea de Hmriette-Marie 
a sa saur Christine, duehesse de Savoie. The following extract from one 
written on August 8, 1641, the daj of the Sunday sitting of the Houses, 
brings vividly before us the Queen's feelings at the time : — 

" Je vous jure que je suis presque folle du soudain changement de ma 
fortune, car du plus hault degr^ de contantement je suis tomb^ des (dans) 
des malheurs inimaginables en toutes espesses ; n'estant pas seullement en 
mon particulier, mais en celuy des autres. Les soufrances des pauvres cato- 
liques et des autres qui sont serviteurs du Boy monseigneur m'est plus sensible 
que quoy qui me put ariver en mon particulier. Imagines quelle est ma 
condition de voir le pouvoir ost^ au Eoy, les catoliques pers^cut^, les prestres 
pandus, les personnes affectionn^ k nostre service elloygn^ de nous et pour- 
buivis de leur vie pour avoir tasch^ a servir le Roy, et moy retenue ysy oomme 
prisonni&re, que mesme Ton ne me veut pas permestre de suivre le Roy qui 
s'enVa en Escosse, et personne au monde kqm pouvoir dire mes afflictions, et 
savoir avec tout cela ne pas t^moigner en avoir du resantimant." 

Page 253, line 8. The name Hunsdon is impossible, as it was only a third 
title of the Earl of Dover, who voted on the other side, and who is the writer 
of the notes which I have used as my authority. Mr. Kitchin, whom I requested 
to look at the MS. to see if I had made a mistake, assures me that there can 
be no doubt that Hunsdon is the word written by Dover himself, and also 
that the name occurs three times in the course of Dover's notes. I merely note 
this fact, not being able to see any solution of the difficulty. 



Scotland again refuses to help the King 466 

Charles is disappointed of help from abroad . . 467 
The King and the Peers with him protest that they do not 

intend war 468 

Henry Hastings in Leicestershire 469 

Occupation of Newcastle 470 

Munificence of the Herberts 471 

Parliamentary troops ordered to Leicestershire . . 472 

The fleet lost to the King 473 

A Parliamentary army to be raised 474 

Essex appointed General 475 

Digby's intrigue with Hotham 476 

The King's second failure to occupy Hull 'Ml 
His answer to the petition of the Houses for an accommoda- 
tion 478 

Tlie first blood shed . . . . . . . . 479 

Tlie declaration of Parliament of its reasons for taking up 

arms . 480 

Goring holds Portsmouth for the King .482 

Active preparations on both sides 483 

The King summons Goyentry 484 

The Royal Standard raised at Nottingham . . . 485 


Parliamentary Map of England .... To face Title Page. 


Page 16, line 18, /or " Mountmorris '' read " Mountnorris." 

17, second side note, /or " Propos review" read "Propojjed review at.*' 
26, line 14 and side note, /or "member of the House " read "justice of 

the peace.** 
„ „ 15, (20/« "OS justice of the peace.** 
32, line 26, for " was hardly the man " read "as his subsequent conduct 

shows, was capable of attempting." 
„ „ 27, for " and " read " but." 
37, „ 18, for " Holtham " read *• Hotham." 
270. second side note, /or " Scots" read ** Sects," 






Page 231. Since this Tolame was printed I have reoeiyed, through the 
kindness of Signor Hermann Ferrero, a copj of his Leitrei de HemrietU-Maru 
a sa aatur Christine^ duekease de Savoie. The following extract from one 
written on August 8, 1641, the daj of the Sunday sitting of the Houses, 
brings vividly before us the Queen's feelings at the time : — 

" Je vous jure que je suis presque foUe dn soudain changement de ma 
fortune, car du plus hault degr6 de contantement je suis tomb^ des (dana) 
des malheurs inimaginables en toutee espesses ; n'estant pas seullement en 
mon particulier, mais en celuj des autres. Les soufrances des pauvres cato- 
liques et des autres qui sont serviteurs du Boy monseigneur m*eet plus sensible 
que quoy qui me put ariver en mon particulier. Imaging quelle est ma 
condition de voir le pouvoir ost^ au Eoy, les catoliques pers^ut^, les prestres 
pandus, les personnes affectionn^ k nostre service elloygn^ de nous et pour- 
buivis de leur vie pour avoir tasch^ a servir le Roy, et moy retenue ysy oomme 
prisonni&re, que meeme Ton ne me vent pas permestre de suivre le Boy qni 
s*en*va en Escosse, et personne au monde k qxd pouvoir dire mes afflictions, at 
savoir avec tout cela ne pas t^moigner en avoir du resantimant.' 

Page 253, line 8. The name Hunsdon is impossible, as it was only a third 
title of the Earl of Dover, who voted on the other side, and who is the writer 
of the notes which I have used as my authority. Mr. Kitchin, whom I requested 
to look at the MS. to see if I had made a mistake, assures me that there can 
be no doubt that Hunsdon is the word written by Dover himself, and also 
that the name occurs three times in the course of Dover's notes. I merely note 
this fact, not being able to see any solution of the difficulty. 





On November 3 that famous assembly which was to chap. 
be known to all time as the Long Parliament, met at _ ^ - 
Westminster. It was impossible that the view of ^^^o. 
public affairs which was taken by the King should Nt^iigot 
satisfy the men who now came together from every p^ui^'^*^ 
part of England. They were firmly persuaded, not "*°^ 
that a few things had gone wrong, but that everything 
had gone wrong. The future Cavalier and the future Temper 
Roundhead were of one mind in this. Nor would Members, 
they be content to submit the choice of the abuses to 
be abolished to the reason and conscience of the 
King. They had resolved to measure the remedies 
which they desired by their own reason and con- 
science. Charles had by his actions thrust into the 
foreground the question of Sovereignty, and it could 
never be put out of sight again. 

Unhappily it was rather to be wished than to be causenof 
expected that the claim to supremacy which Parlia- miwhief. 
ment was justified in putting forward, should have 
been swollen by no unreasonable demands, and sup- 
ported on no fictitious allegations. The worst result 
of Charles's system of government was, that this could 
VOL. n. p 



not be. He had attempted to nile without under- 
standing his subjects, and the process had not been 
such as to enable them to understand him. Called 
upon to interpret a series of actions to which they 
did not possess the key, they naturally conceived that 
the explanation was to be found in a more resolute 
and consistent effort than any of which Charles was 
really capable. They held that all that bad taken 
place was the result of a settled conspiracy to re- 
place law and liberty by an absolute despotism at 
home, whilst the political despotism thus brought into 
existence was to be eubjected in turn to the eccle- 
siastical despotism of the Pope. This, they beheved, 
was the deliberate intention of Laud and Strafford, 
for as yet Charles's name was not mentioned. It was 
natural enough that it should be so, but it was none 
the less fatal to any chance, if chance there were, of 
an understanding with the King. Errors do not any 
the less produce their evil crop, because they are 
under the circumstances unavoidable. 

No Parliament had ever met, since the days of 
Earl Simon, with so great a strength of popular 
support. Nor had it only to rely upon a vague and 
unorganised feeling, always hard to translate into 
combined action. For the first time since Parha- 
ments had been, it had behind it an armed and dis- 
ciplined force, possessing more military cohesion than 
any popular rising could possibly have had. That 
army, indeed, was, in the eye of the law, an army of 
foreigners encamped on English soil, But for the 
moment it was regarded by most Englishmen with 
more sympathy than that other army in the North 
which was entirely composed of Englishmen. By 
a strange combination of circumstances, it had become 
impossible for Charles to defy his Parhament without 


defying the Scottish army as well. Unless he could ciup. 
pay the 850/. a day, which the Scots had agreed to 

accept, their army would hold the Treaty of Eipon to ^^^ ' 
be at an end, would cross the Tees, and march south- 
wards. There was no force in existence which could 
be counted on to stop the Scots anywhere between 
Yorkshire and Whitehall. It was, therefore, abso- . 
lutely necessary for Charles to find money, and he 
knew perfectly well that if he dissolved Parliament 
it would be out of his power to collect a single penny. 

It was not now, as it had been in 1625, in 1626, in 
1629, or even in the spring of 1640. A quarrel with 
Parhament then had brought to him disordered 
finances, and had frustrated his cherished plans. A 
dissolution now would bring him face to face with 
absolute ruin. 

Plain as this seems to be, it took some little time charies 
to drive it home to Charles's understanding. In his the soou 
opening speech he asked the Houses to join him in 
chasing out the rebels, and was surprised to find him- 
self obliged to explain away the obnoxious term.^ 

The new position of Parliament was emphasised Nov. c. 
by the choice of a Speaker. Charles had intended to speaker. 
propose the nomination of the Recorder of London, 
Sir Thomas Gardiner, a devoted adherent of the 
Crown. Contrary to all precedent, the City had 
refused to send its Recorder to Parliament, and was 
represented by four stout Puritans. Charles was 
therefore obliged to look elsewhere. His choice had 
fallen on WilHam Lenthall, a barrister of some repute 
in the Courts, and likely to be acceptable to the lead- 
ing members of the Commons. Lenthall was better 
fitted for the post than Charles could have imagined. 
He was surpassed by some in the House in know- 

* The King's SpeechM, Rushw, iv. ii, 17. 

B 2 


ledge of Parliamentary precedent, but lie was the first 
to realise the position of a Speaker in times of poli- 
tical controversy. He would not, like Finch, in 1629, 
place himself at the service of the Crown. Neither 
would he, like Glanville, in the Short Parliament, take 
an active part in opposition to the Crown. He was 
content to moderate and control, and to suggest the 
means of reconciling differences, without attempting 
to influence the House in its decision, Through his 
whole career he had, as he said on one famous occa- 
sion, neither eyes to see, nor tongue to speak, save as 
the House was pleased to direct him. 

No one knew better than Strafford what danger 
was impending over his own head. He had to bear ] 
the burden of all other men's offences as well as of ' 
his own. To the mass of Englishmen he was the 
dark-browed apostate, who had forsaken the paths of 
constitutional usage to establish a despotic and arbi- 
trary power. Tlie Scots, too, loudly proclaimed him 
as the enemy of their Church and country, and as the 
originator of that war which had been as obnoxious 
to EngUshmen as it had been to themselves. Court 
favourites, whose schemes for their own enrichment 
had been thwarted by his imperious frown, were eager 
to remove such an obstacle from their path. The 
Puritans regarded him as their deadliest foe. The 
City of London had not forgotten how he had 
threatened its aldermen, and had attempted to ruin 
trade by the debasement of the coinage. Strafford 
knew how powerfid the City had now become. Even 
ParUament coidd not raise subsidies for the payment 
of the armies without considerable delay, and a 
further application to the City for a loan was there- 
fore inevitable. Without a loan the Eoyal army 
would be compelled to disband, and the Scots, as 



Strafford expressed it, would be more than ever ' a chap. 
rod over the King, to force him to do anything the 
Puritan popular humour had a mind to.' Yet Straf- 
ford was not without hope. If only, he thought, the 
Scottish requirements were known in all their fulness, 
they would meet with universal resistance. 

Strafford knew that his place of safety was in intrigues 
Yorkshire at the head of the army. The belief of his 
own family was, that Hamilton and Vane, anxious to 
make their peace with the Parliamentary leaders, 
persuaded the King to send for him. Charles himself 
was eager to lean on that strong arm, and to consult 
that brain so fertile in resources. He assured Strafford 
that, if he came, he * should not suffer in his person, 
honour, or fortune.' The Queen seconded her hus- 
band's entreaties by declarations of her protection. 
With a brave heart, though against his own judgment, 
the doomed statesman set out from that loved home 
at Wentworth Woodhouse, which he was never ta 
behold again. He knew that his enemies were pre- Nov. e. 
paring to chai-ge him with ' great matters out of m^ wtfor 
Ireland.' "I am to-morrow to London," he wrote, ^^^^ 
"with more dangers beset, I believe, than ever, any 
man went with out of Yorkshire ; yet my heart is 
good, and I find nothing cold in me, It is not to be 
believed how great the malice is, and how intent they 
are about it. Little less care there is taken to ruin 
me than to save their own souls." ^ 

Strafford was right about the danger from Ireland, xbe iriah 
The English House of Commons, indeed, cared little ^^^ ^^ 
for the grievances of the native population. For the 

* Strafford to Radcliffe, Nov. 5. Sir G. Wentworth's Narrative, 
Whkaker'B Life of Raddiffe, 214, 228. I do not give Whitelocke's state- 
ment that the King said that they should not touch a hair of Strafford's 
head, as Whitelocke is not to he depended on in details. 


grievances of the Protestant landowners and the Eng- 
■ lish officials they had a more open ear, and these were 
precisely the classes on which Strafford's hand had 
weighed most heavily.^ It was no mere wish to 
swell the chorus of complaint which sent the Com- 
mons to hunt on the other side of St. George's 
Channel for fresh charges against their enemy. 
They instinctively felt that Strafford's conduct in 
Ireland was inseparable from his conduct in England. 
It was there that he had shown himself in his true 
colours as the arbitrary and frresponsible ruler ; and 
it was there that he had forged that instrument of 
tyranny, the Irish army, which, as they fully be- 
lieved, was intended to establish a military despot- 

' An extract from a letter of Sir John Leeke to Mb half-brother. Sir 
E. Vemey ( Vemey MSS.), will show Bometbing of the temper aroused 
by the working of one of Strafford's financial eipedientB, the tobacco mo- 
nopoly. Leeke'a aon-in-law, a Capt^n Hala, had commanded aehip which 
was bringing home tobacco from Virpnia, and had died on the 
Toyago. "When the ahip came home,"wrote Leebe, "they considered 
not our loBsea, but by strong hand locked up our hntchea, and after some 
lew days got lighters and cellared it up ; then fell to waigliing. We bad 
jjioo rolls and odd ; all merchants, before that day, were allowed a 11m. 
for every atick's weight ; they enforced ub to allow 3 lbs., by which we 
loflt 1,100 pounds of tobacco. Neit we were not allowed an indifierent 
wdgher, but bad the King's searcher put upon us, by whose crooked 
hand, I vow to Ood, we lost 3,000 pounds weight of tobacco. To con- 
clude, we had no more than i\d. a pound for the tobacco, which did 
amount unto us in all 319^ The tobacco waa by them sold at 2». per 
pound, and 7 and 8 groats the pound. You may by this guess what they 
ravished from my poor daughter. Our payment could not be, but at six 
and six manths, but we were not payed the first six months. They 
alleged our tobacco did not prove well. It waa God's judgment if it did 
not, for the widow and orphan's sake. We had likemw one other parcel 
for which we have not yet our mosey. If our ^^■'eat king and brave 
parliament take this general statement into their consideration, I will lay 
down more of this to your judgment, This monopoly, or rather hellish 
plot, hath undone a thousand families here, and undone the island. Cap- 
tain Hals and his brothers did in those yjars carry olT of the scum and 
lazy people of ihis kingdom six or seven hundred men and women. Thii 
was a gi'cat case to the kbgdom, and kept many from the gallows," 




ism in England. After some debate it was resolved, ^^^* 

on Pym's motion, that a committee of the whole ' — 7 ' 

House should take the Irish grievances into considera- jj^^, ^^ 

It would be a mistake to speak of Pym as the ^y?}!* . 

^ , '^ poeition in 

leader of the House in the sense in which he became the hou»c. 
its leader after some months of stormy conflict. 
Again and again during these early weeks his opinion 
was questioned, and he was not unfrequently out- 
voted. But he was securely established as the 
directing influence of a knot of men who constituted 
the inspiring force of the Parliamentary Opposition. 
He was trusted by the Earl of Bedford, the wisest 
and most temperate of the Opposition in the Lords. 
Hampden, the wisest and most temperate of the 
Opposition in the Commons, was content to serve 
under him, and vdth rare self-abnegation to abstain 
from taking part, except in circumstances of absolute 
necessity, in those set debates in which Parliamentary 
fame is most readily to be won. The fiery Strode, 
who had held Finch down in his chair ;^ the un- 
relenting St. John ; Holies, Earle, and Fiennes looked 
up to him as their guide. Nature and experience had 
made of Pym a consummate ParHamentary tactician. 
It had made him more than that. He was not indeed, 
as Strafibrd was, a born reformer. He had not the 
eagle eye of the ideahst, impatient of the habits of 
his age, and striving to improve the world in his own 
fashion. His position was purely conservative, and he 
brought with him the strength and the weakness which 
conservatism always brings. To him ParUament was 

' This identification, which has heen much discussed, is put hejond 
doubt by a passage in D'Ewes's Diarj, HarL MSS. clxiii. fol. 385. We 
there learn that when the case of the prisoners of 1629 was before the 
Iloase, those of them who were members were ordered to withdraw, and 
that Strode was one of those who went out. 


the roost conservative force in existence. It was the 
■ giiardian of the old religion and of the old law against 
the new-fangled nostrums of Strafford and Land. It 
was the strength of his feeling in this matter, com- 
bined with the inventiveness with which he prepared 
new bulwai-ks against attack, which gave him the un- 
rivalled position to which he attained. The members 
of that Parhament were of one mind in their detesta- 
tion of innovations. They were as yet resolved to do 
nothing that was new. Their spirit was the spirit 
which had animated the ParUaments which, in some- 
what similar circumstances, had met to oppose the 
selfwiU of Henry m., and which had justified their 
demand to control on the ground that they were best 
able to testify to the laws and customs of theb- 

The debate of November 7 was one long outburst 
I of suppressed complaint. Strafford had clearly not 
taken a true measure of the feeling of the country. 
The general outcry began with the presentation of a 
petition from Hertfordshire by Sir Artliur Capel. 
Grimston and Eudyerd and Seymour ran over an 
almost endless catalogue of grievances. The whole 
argument was summed up in an anecdote related by 
Grimston. A poor man, he said, had applied to the 
Court of King's Bench to be admitted to bail. Some 
of the Judges hesitated. "Come, brothers," said one 
of them, " let us bail him ; for they begin to say in 
the town, that the Judges have overthrown the law, 
and the Bishops the gospel." 

More notable, perhaps, was Rudyerd's speech. 
Rudyerd was one of that class which is usually known I 
as that of moderate men ; that is to say, the men who 
never go to the bottom of any difficulty. Susceptible | 
to all the breezes of popular feeling he took all the , 


grievances of the nation to heart without drawing ^^^' 
any practical conclusion from the premisses which he ' — r*— ^ 
admitted. " We well know," he now said, " what ^^^ *^ 
disturbance hath been brought into the Church for 
petty trifles ; how the whole Church, the whole king- 
dom hath been troubled where to place a metaphor, 
an altar. We have seen ministers, their wives, 
children, and families undone against law, against 
conscience, against all bowels of compassion, about 
not dancing on Sundays. What do those sort of men 
think will become of themselves, when the Master of 
the House shall come and find them beating their 
fellow-servants?" It was impossible to put in a 
clearer way the objections which all reasonable men 
now entertain to the system of Laud. The enforcement 
of the ceremonies, he went on to say, stopped the 
mouths of dihgent preachers. There was something 
suspicious in the satisfaction felt by the Jesuits in 
the recent changes, something dangerous in the new 
habit of branding vigorous and hearty Protestants as 
Puritans. It was a reproach to the Government that 
so many of the King's subjects had been driven to 
seek refuge across the Atlantic. 

Eudyerd then proceeded to give voice to another 
feeling which was no less general than that against 
Laud. Grimston had just been going over a long 
list of oppressive exactions. Eudyerd reminded the 
House that all this violence had been employed for 
nought. This apparently all-pervading Government 
had been the weakest which had been known for 
generations. It had produced nothing but national 
disgrace. Those who talked most loudly of advancing 
the King's authority had frittered away his revenue, 
and had left him grievously in debt. The remedy Rudyerd's 
proposed by Eudyerd was to remove evil counsellors ^"^*^ **"* 


from the King, and, without seeking any man's ruin 
' or life, to effect a thorough reformation.' 

It would have been far better for England if 
Eudyerd's well-meant suggestion could have been 
carried out. Unfortunately there was but one con- 
dition under which it waa practicable, and that con- 
dition did not exist. If Charles could be trusted to 
break off, once and for ever, fiom his old life, and to 
acknowledge, not in word alone, that his face had 
been persistently turned in the wrong direction from 
the very beginning of his reign, it might be safe to 
allow the instruments of the evil system which was 
to be abolished to pass the rest of their Uvesin secure 
retirement. The knowledge that this could not be so 
made a sharper course necessary. For the moment 
Parliament was strong. But its strength would not last 
for ever. Sooner or later the Scottish army must be 
paid off, and must recrosa the Border. Weak as the 
EugUsh army was for the present, it might become 
strong if anything should occur to turn the tide of 
popular feeling against the Scots. Above all, that 
Irish Cathohc army beyond the sea was a grim reality, 
which Pym and his associates never lost sight of as 
long as it remained in existence. 

Probably the only true solution of the difficulty 
was to be found in the abdication or dethronement of 
the King. It could not be reasonably expected of 
Charles that he should fit himself for the entirely 
changed conditions which were before him, and his 
presence on the throne could no longer serve any 
useful purpose either for himself or for bis subjects. 
Such a solution, however, did not come within the 
range of practical politics. He certainly was not 
r. 34, 24. The former 1 


likely to propose it, nor was any one else likely even to ^^^• 
think of it. If he was to be irresponsible, responsi- ^ — -^ — ' 
bility would fall the heavier on his ministers. They Nov. 7. 
would receive more blame than was their due, because 
he was to receive less than was his. The cry for 
their punishment, in order that none might hereafter 
dare to follow in their steps, would wax the louder 
when it was perceived that only by their punishment, 
perhaps only by their death, could their permanent 
exclusion from office be made absolutely certain. 

Some thought of this kind, not reasoned out, 
but instinctively arising in their minds, was probably 
present to the Parliamentary leaders when, at a pre- 
liminary meeting, they drew up the list of proscription. 
It was decided that Strafford, Laud, Hamilton, and J^^5|^^" 
Cottington, together with some of the Judges ^ and of to xjeim- 
the Bishops, should be called to account. No doubt 
in so doing the Parliamentary leaders assumed that 
there had been a more deliberate intention to over- 
turn the constitution of the country than had really 

If it is necessary to make some allowance for the 
ignorance of the House of Commons in everything 
that related to the political designs of the King's 
ministers, it is still more necessary to make allowance 
for their ignorance in everything that related to 
the ecclesiastical designs of the same men. The supposed 
notion that Laud and Strafford had been conspiring ^0^''^'' 
with Con and Eossetti to lay England at the feet of 
the Pope is so entirely in contradiction with the facts 
of the case that a modern reader is tempted at once 
to treat the charge as a fiction deliberately invented to 

^ I here begin to follow the recoyered fragment of Manchester's 
Memoirs. See toI. i. 437. The most important passages have been already 
printed by Mr. Sanford, though he waa not aware of their authorship. 


<^P- serve the ends of a political party. To give way to 
' — 7- — ' this temptation would be to commit the greatest in- 
Not. 7. justice. The conviction was shared not merely by 
Pym and Hampden, who afterwards opposed the 
King, but by Falkland and Capel, who afterwards 
supported him, and its existence as a conscientious 
belief can alone explain the vehemence of anger 
which it produced. Against the CathoUcs themselves 
as a body, the general distrust exceeded all reason- 
able bounds. It was thought that a number of per- 
sons, who in reality wished for nothing better than to 
be let alone, had combined to plan the extirpation of 
Protestantism in England, and to risk that welcome 
calm into which they had so lately entered, in some 
fresh Gunpowder Plot for the elevation of their 
Church upon the ruins of the English State and na- 
tion. Yet, even here, the general suspicion was not 
The Queen without foundation. What was not true of the 
of intrigue general body of Catholics was true of a few intriguers 
who had gained the ear of the Queen, and who had 
made her apartments at Whitehall the centre from 
which radiated the wildest schemes for setting at de- 
fiance the resolute will of the EngUsh people. Thence 
had come those insensate projects, in which an English 
Bishop and an English Secretary of State had shared, 
for amalgamating the Church of England with the 
Church of Rome. Thence had come those still more 
insensate invitations to the Pope to lend aid in men 
and money to bolster up the pretensions of an Enghsh 
sovereign to rule his people in defiance of their 
wishes. Thence came every petty and low contriv- 
ance for setting at nought the strength of the Sam- 
son who had arisen in his might, by binding him with 
the green withs of feminine allurements. Never had 
evil counsel more speedily avenged itself upon its 


authors than that by which the statecraft of James chap. 
and Buckingham and Charles had brought a Catholic ^ 

princess to be the bride of a Protestant king. To ^^^°* 
condemn Henrietta Maria is impossible. Nothing in 
her birth or education had taught her to comprehend 
the greatness of the cause which she was opposing. 
She had nothing of statesmanship in her, nothing of 
the stem and relentless will which is indispensable to 
the successfid conspirator. All she wanted was to 
live the life of a gay butterfly passing lightly from 
flower to flower. Such a life, she found, was no 
longer for her. Her pleasures were to be cut short, 
her friends driven from her and thrust into danger. 
It was all so incomprehensible to her, that she was 
roused to mischievous activity by the extremity of 
her annoyance. K the fulness of the Queen's activity 
was not known, at least it was suspected. The favour General 
shown to CathoUcs at Court, the appointment of i^idSftthe 
many of them to command in the Northern army, ^*^***^^*^ 
the familiarity which had arisen between Charles and 
the Papal agents, combined to bewilder the mind of 
English Protestants, and facts occasionally occurred 
which seemed to give warrant to the wildest sus- 
picions. It was likely enough that Catholic gentle- 
men in the midst of the universal excitement would 
be found to have collected arms in their houses instead 
of trusting themselves to the mercy of their Protestant 
neighbours. It was likely enough that, in view of the 
impending danger which they foresaw, some Catholics, 
less wise than the rest, should mutter some foolish 
threats. Such words would be certain to become 
more violent in the mouth of rumour. In September 
an apostate priest had sought to gain the favour of 
Charles by trumping up a story of a great Jesuit 
plot to murder him and Laud, and it was likely 





Not. 7. 


that the same man would be ready to trump up 
stories equally unfounded to please the King's op- 

The belief in the existence of a plot for the violent 
suppression of Protestantism is, therefore, only too 
easily to be explained. There can be no doubt that 
Pym was fully convinced of it. It is but a shallow 
criticism which conceives of Pym as a man raised 
above his fellows, and using their weaknesses for 
the purposes of his own ambition. It is perhaps 
more a matter of surprise that he can have supposed 
that Strafford could have had any connection with 
such a design. But it must be remembered that 
the Strafford of Pym's knowledge was not the Straf- 
ford who stands now revealed — the high-minded, 
masterful statesman, erring gravely through defect of 
temper and knowledge. He saw but the base apostate, 
who, from love of pelf and power, had betrayed the 
sacred cause of English liberty. No error is so 
utterly misleading as partial truth, and a document 
which appeared to point to the worst possible inter- 
pretation of Strafford's motives, had unexpectedly 
found its way into Pym's hands. In the autumn the 
younger Vane, who had recently been knighted, had 
occasion to inspect some legal documents, in view of 
his approaching marriage. In order to obtain them 
he borrowed his father's keys, and in the course of 
his search he opened the door of the room in which 
the Secretary kept his official papers. He there found 
his father's notes taken at the Committee which had 
met immediately after the dissolution of the Short 
Parliament, took a copy of them, and carried it to 
Pym. Pym made a second copy for his own use. The 

^ The correspondence is printed in Jittshw. iii. 1,310. Was the in- 
formant the John Brown, who had another lonj^ storr to tell the Com- 
mons in the following April P 


original paper was burnt by the King's command ci^p. 
before the meeting of ParUament.^ 

To Pym it was enough to know that Strafford had ]^^' 
advised the King to act 'loose and absolved from Their «flfect 

° upon Pym. 

all rules of government/ and that he had reminded 
him of his army in Ireland as being ready * to reduce 
this kingdom.' It was at once clear to Pym, if it had 
not been clear before, that the Lord Lieutenant was 
the head of a conspiracy to overthrow, if necessary 
by force, the fundamental laws of England, or, as we 
should now express it, the constitution of the country. 
If Pym bore hardly on Strafford as a man, he 
could not bear too hardly on the system of govern- 
ment which Strafford had supported. That system 
had undeniably been calculated to establish an arbi- 
trary power unknown to the laws of England. When 
Pym rose, it was not to repeat once more the catalogue 
of grievances which had poured forth from the lips 
of others. " The distempers of the time," he said, " are pym's 
well known. They need not repetition, for, though ^^^^^' 
we have good laws, yet they want their execution, 
or if they are executed, it is in the wrong sense." 
The whole political contention of the Long Parliament 
at its conmiencement lay in these words. Parliament, 
as Pym understood it, was not merely called together 
to propose laws and to vote subsidies. It had to see 
that the laws were executed in accordance with the 
interpretation put upon them by the nation at large, 
and not merely in accordance with the interpretation 
put upon them by the King and the Judges. It was 
inconceivable to him that any one should honestly 
think otherwise. * There was a design,' he said, * to 

* D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MS8, cbdv. fol. 162, b. The greater part of 
this was printed by Mr. Sanford ; but be appears to have been unable to 
decipher the whole of the passage. He omits the part about the burning 
of the original notes. 


CHAP, alter law and religion/ Those who formed it were 

* papists who are obliged by a maxim in their doctrine 
^ ^^' that they are not only bound to maintain their reli- 
gion, but to extirpate all others/ Pym followed this 
by evidence culled from the high-handed dealing of 
Judges and Councillors during the past eleven years. 
He especially referred to the proposal to bring in 
foreign soldiers to support the King in 1639 and 1640. 
He also referred to the widely entertained- suspi- 
cion that some mystery lay concealed in the visit of 
that Spanish fleet which had been destroyed in the 
Downs. In a few brief words he pointed the moral. 
There was * the Irish army to bring us to order. We 
are not fully conquered.' In the end, he moved for 
a committee to inquire into the danger in which the 
King and kingdom was. 
The Irish In the afternoon of the same day the Irish Com- 

mittee met. A petition from Mountmoms was read, 
with startling effect. " K we consider divers points 
of this petition," said Pym, " a man would think we 
lived rather in Turkey than in Christendom." Sir 
John Clotworthy, one of the Ulster settlers, who had 
obtained a seat in the English Parliament, unfolded a 
Nov. xa miserable tale of grievances. A sub-committee was 
mittee of appointed to examine these points. There was no 
tioo. attempt to veil its inquiry in secrecy ; Sir William 

Pennyman, Strafford's close friend, was named as one 
of its members. 
No inten. Py^i was evidently in no hurry. The sub-com- 

a^dfing mittee on Irish affairs was not to hold its first sitting 
till the 1 2th, and his own committee on English griev- 
ances would take long to accomplish its task. He 
probably intended that the impeachment of Strafford, 
which he evidently meditated, should be preceded by 
a long and exhaustive investigation, like that which 

at once. 


had preceded Buckingham's impeachment in 1626.^ chap. 
This intention, if it was really formed, was frustrated 

by an unexpected occurrence. On the evening of Nov. 10. 
the 9th Strafford had arrived in London.^ His advice ^l^^^^j^j 
to the King next day was to take the daring course ^^°« ^^ 
of anticipating the blow, by accusing the Parliamen- p^'^iu. 
tary leaders of treasonable relations with the Scots.® leaden. 
There was no time to be lost. The day before, Charles 
had announced his intention of expelling the Recu- 
sants from London, and of withdrawing the Tower 
from the custody' of the garrison which had been 
placed in it bv Cottington. The 1 1 th was fixed on Pmpo-ed 

* . . • review 

for the King's visit to review these men before the Tower. 
their dismissal, and it can hardly have been an 
unintentional coincidence that the same day was 
chosen by Strafford as that on which he was to bring 
his charge against the members of the Houses. The 

* My authority for the first da3r8 of the seesion is the JowmaU 
elucidated by Maocheeter't Menunrt, and the so-called D^Ewes's Diary. 
D^Ewes had not yet arriyed in town^ and this part of the MS. was 
furnished by BodvUe, the member for Anglesea. 

* BaSHe, i. 272. 

' The statement of Strafibrd's intention to accuse his opponents given 
by Bushworth (Strrf, Trial, 2) is placed out of doubt by a passage ia 
Laud's Hidory of the Troubies : — '' It is thought, and upon good grounds, 
that the Earl of Strafford had got knowledge of the treason of some 
men, and that he was preparing to accuse them *' ( Works, iii. 295). The 
imprisonment by Strafford of Henry Darley, the carrier of Savile*s let- 
ters, points in the same direction. Manchester's account (Add. MS8. 
15,567) is as follows: — ** He therefore repairs to London, and makes his 
address to Court, where he is received by the King with great ex* 
preesions of favour and renewed assurances of protection ; but within a 
few days after his arrival at Court, his greatness appeared so to the 
lessening of others, as it raised contiouances of malice and envy not to be 
laid aside till they were put into a way of effecting his designed ruin. 
Therefore, intimation was given to some of the House of Commons that 
the Earl of Strafford intended to prefer an accusation of high treason 
against divers members of both Houses of Parliament. Whether this infor- 
mation were real or feigned is uncertain, yet it wrought the effect designed 
to hasten their intended impeachment of high treason against him.*' 






Nov. 10. 

The secret 

Nov. II. 

King would be ready with an armed force, to guard 
the prisoners when they arrived. 

Strafford doubtless believed that the result would 
be not merely to strike down those whom he regarded 
as traitors, but to regain for the Crown that popu- 
larity which it had lost. He could not think that 
the English nation would be long content to be led 
by men who had intrigued to bring a Scottish army 
upon EngUsh soil, just as Pym could not think that it 
would be content to be led by a man who had pro- 
posed to bring an Irish army upon EngUsh soil. 
K men were influenced more by the existing law 
than by their fears and passions, Strafford might 
have gained his cause. According to the letter of 
that law it was treason to bring in a foreign army 
against the King, whilst it was not treason to 
bring in a foreign army to support the King. Scot- 
land, too, was a foreign country in a sense in which 
Ireland was not. The element which Strafford had left 
out of his calculations was that the mass of English- 
men wished the King to be resisted and not to be sup- 
ported. It was this which paralysed his action. Few, 
indeed, even at Charles's Court shared his hopes and 
fears. Treachery and irresolution hampered his feet 
at every step. No sooner had his resolve been formed, 
than some of those to whom the secret had been en- 
trusted, betrayed it to the ParUamentary leaders. 

On the morning of the i ith Strafford took his 
seat in the House of Lords. The moment when his 
accusation should have been brought, if it was to be 
brought at all, was allowed to shp by. It is no expla- 
nation to [say that the Lords were engaged in other 
business.^ In such a case as this, business could be 

^ Mr. Sanfbrd suggested that Strafford was to have taken advantage 
of the report to be made by the Commissioners for the Treaty of Ripon to 
brioif forWArJ the subject (Studii^ of thf O^nt RihMon, 310). But 


interrupted, and at all events there would be time to chap. 

speak when it was concluded. The only reasonable ' — • — 
supposition is that, when the moment for execution ^J^^' 
came, Charles drew back, as he had so often drawn 
back before. After a short visit Strafford left the 
House without uttering a word. 

The Commons were already in a state of violent Excite- 
agitation. Few amongst the members had the slightest oJmnJSiB.* 
suspicion of the blow which had been contemplated. 
But the review at the Tower was no secret. Cradock, 
one of the members for the City, rose to describe the 
military arrangements. Strafford, he added, had 
been heard to boast that in a short time the City 
would be brought into subjection. At such times 
vague rumours acquire a strange significance. * A 
solicitor in the Bishop's Court ' was reported to have 
said that * he heard that the City should shortly be 
about the citizens' ears.' The explanation given by 
Roe that the King had merely gone to hold a review, 
was received with general incredulity. Then followed 
the inevitable reference to the great Popish plot. 
Rigby, the Puritan member for Wigan, declared that 
a letter had been discovered, in which the Catholics 
were required to fast in support of * the Queen's pious 
intentions.' In reality these intentions had referred 
merely to the Queen's desire that her husband might 
retxim safely from the war against the Scots. The 
Commons would be certain to interpret them as re- 
ferring to a plot against themselves. After a .short 
further conversation, Pym saw that his time was 
come. He rose and moved that the doors should be th do-ra 
locked.^ He then called on Clotworthy to repeat a ^^'^' 

Strafford waa'not a CommufiioDer.' Besides the report was to be made at . 
3 p.x.y whereas the King's review at the Tower was in the morning. 
' The Journals (ii. 26) place the locking of the doors after the read- 

c 2 




'■ ■ - , - ■ 


Nov. II. 


A Select 



Its report 




Story which he had heard from Sir Robert King, the 
muster-master in Ireland. It was to the effect that a 
little before the break of the Short Parliament Rad- 
cliffe had said to him, " We know how to please the 
Scots at an hour's warning, and then when our armies 
are together, the King deserves no good counsellors 
if he will not have what he pleaseth in England." 
The debate then wandered off into talk about the 
activity of the Recusants. At last a Select Committee 
was named to prepare matter for a conference, * and 
the charge against the Earl of Strafford.' ^ 

The Committee thus named had in a few minutes 
to draw up the accusation which was originally in- 
tended to be the result of an inquiry extending over 
many weeks. It is, therefore, no matter of surprise 
that it was somewhat rambling and inconclusive. The 
committee acknowledged that it was not yet in a 
position to send up such a charge as they expected 
ultimately to be able to prepare. Nevertheless it 
recommended that no time should be lost. For the 
present it would be enough to instance *my Lord 
Mountmorris's cause, and papists suffered in England 
to increase in arms.' ^ With characteristic love of 
fairness Falkland asked whether it would not be 
better to discover the whole truth before bringing the 
accusation. K Pym could not disclose all that he 
knew, he had at least a sufficient answer ready. They 
could not afford, he said, to give time to Strafford. If 
he were allowed to remain at large, he would urge 
the King to dissolve Parliament, or would take some 

ing of Rigby's letter. Our only knowledge of the debate comes from 
Bodyile*6 Diafy prefixed to D'Ewes*. It seems to have been written out 
by some one who had no personal knowledge of the debate. Rigbj ap- 
pears as ' Digby.' Bodvile had none of D^Ewe^'s minute accuracy, and he 
omits all mention of the locking of the doors. ^ C, J. ii. 26. 

* Bodiile speaks of this report as if it had already been sent np to 
the Lords. It is clear from the Jmimals that this was not the case. 


Other desperate course.^ Pym knew, what Falkland ^^^• 
did not know, that the ordinary forms of judicial pro- — r- — ' 
cedure were insufficient to meet the case of a minister ^^^ ^J 
who, armed with the authority of the Crown, was 
ready to have recourse to force. 

The House agreed with Pym, He was directed strafford»8 
to carry up the impeachment without delay. He was nTeST^ 
further to demand that Strafford, being charged with ° ^ ' 
High Treason, should at once be sequestered from the 
House of Lords, and committed to prison. In a few 
days the Commons would make known the grounds 
of their accusation. 

Followed by a crowd of approving members, Pym ^ym im- 
carried up the message. Whilst the Lords were still him. 
debating on this unusual request for imprisonment 
before the charge ha.d been set forth, the news of 
the impeachment was carried to Strafford. "I 
will go," he proudly said, " and look my accusers in 
the face." With haughty mien and scowling brow Strafford 

c? v o coni69 to 

he strode up the floor of the House to his place of the hou v. 
honour. There were those amongst the Peers who 
had no wish to allow him to speak, lest he should ac- 
cuse them of complicity vrith the Scots. The Lords, 
as a body, felt even more personally aggrieved by his 
method of government than the Commons. Shouts 
of " Withdraw I withdraw ! " rose from every side. 
As soon as he was gone an order was passed sequester- 
ing the Lord Lieutenant from his place in the House 
and committing him to the custody of the Gentleman committwi 
Usher. He was then called in and bidden to kneel ^ ^^^"^^y- 
whilst the order was read. He asked permission to 

^ I TBDture to take this from Clarendon (i. 243). He wrote from 
memory, and his general narrative is inextricably confused. I think, 
howeTer, he may be supposed to have remembered a scene like this, 
which is characteristic of both the actors. 






Nov. 13. 
■ent for. 





r>f raising 

speak, but his request was sternly refused. Maxwell, 
the Usher of the Black Eod, took from him his sword, 
and conducted him out of the House. The crowd 
outside gazed pitilessly on the fallen minister, *no 
man capping to him, before whom that morning the 
greatest in England would have stood dis-covered.' 
"What is the matter?" they asked. "A small 
matter, I warrant you," replied Strafford with forced 
levity. " Yes, indeed," answered a bystander, " high 
treason is a small matter." ^ 

With Strafford in custody, no sudden blow was 
any longer to be feared. But the knowledge that it 
had been contemplated raised an additional barrier 
between the King and those who were in the secret. 
The impeachment of Strafford was more than an at- 
tempt to bring a criminal to justice. It was an act of 
self-preservation . 

The Commons had now time to turn their atten- 
tion to other matters. Sir George Eadcliffe was sent 
for from Ireland to answer to a charge brought 
against him by Clotworthy — a proceeding which was 
afterwards complained of by Strafford's supporters as 
stopping his mouth if he should be called on to give 
evidence in his friend's favour. More satisfactory 
were the orders issued for the liberation of Prynne, 
Bastwick, Burton, Leighton, and Lilbum, to give 
them an opportunity of bringing their complaints be- 
fore the House of Commons. 

More pressing even than the removal of the 
grievances of these injured men was the necessity of 
raising money. The 50,000^. which had been advanced 
by the City was now exhausted. The two armies in 
the North must in some way or another be paid, and 

' L. J. iv. 88. Baiihe, i. 272. Manchester's Memoirs, Add, MSS. 

15,567, fol. 32. 


already an ominous suggestion had fallen from Pym ^^^• 
that the loss sufiered by the country might be made — 7 — ' 
good out of the estates of those who had been the Nov. 13. 
authors of the mischief.^ As yet, however, the 
House turned away from the easy road of confis- 
cation, and resolved that iaD,oooi. should be raised 
for the payment of the armies. Yet there was no 
way by which this supply could be hastened sufficiently 
to provide for the necessities of the hour, and it was 
resolved to apply to the City for a loan. The City, it Nov. 16. 
appeared, was ready to lend 25,ocx)Z. on condition wiiii^J 
that the Londonderry lands should be restored, and Son^uons. 
that the garrison imposed by the King should be 
actually removed from the Tower, and the ordnance 
dismounted from its walls. Unless this were done, 
said Cradock, * such jealousies would possess the City, 
it would hinder supply.' * 

The City was not alone in its suspicions. The Alleged 


knowledge of the blow contemplated by Strafibrd had plot, 
overthrown for the time all feeling of the difierence 
between reaUty and exaggeration. A woman asserted 
that a certain O'Connor, an Irish priest, had told her 
that * many thousands were in pay to be ready to cut 
all Protestants' throats,' and to begin by killing the 
King ; and this nonsense was thought worthy of serious 
consideration by both Houses.' 

The 1 7th was devoted to a pubUc fast. Dr. Bur- Nov. 17. 
gess, who preached before the Commons in the 
morning, took for his text the words of the prophet 
Jeremiah, which warned the chosen people to join 
themselves to the Lord in an everlasting covenant, 

» Bodvile'8 Diary, Marl. MSS. clxii. fol. 5, b. 

» Ibid. fol. 7. 

* Ihid. fol. 6. L. J, iv. 89. The feeliDg of the Lords should be 
noted, as showing that they who were not under Pym's influence shared 
this apprehension. 


CHAP, and significantly reminded his hearers that the deliver- 
' — 7* — ' ance of Israel from Babylon was achieved by the victory 
Nov. 17. ^^^^ army from the North. Unwonted utterances were 
heard from the London pulpits. Men who had long 
been silenced, called out for the overthrow of 
Episcopacy and the Prayer Book, and for the intro- 
duction of the Scottish Covenant. Eager partisans 
proposed to draw up a petition for the abolition of 
Bishops. More prudent observers recommended a 
short delay, till Laud and Strafford had been disposed 
• of.^ Already the Commons had given evidence of 

their inchnation to thrust aside the new ceremonial. 
They had arranged to receive the Communion on the 
22nd, as a test to exclude any Catholics who might have 
Libera. been elected. They applied to Williams, who had 
wSiumiL recently been liberated at the demand of the Peers, and 
who was again acting as Dean of Westminster, to give 
The Com- pemussion for the removal of the Communion Table 
Trfilfit at St. Margaret's to the middle of the church at the 
giwtl'" time of the administration of the Communion. Williams 
not only gave his consent, but expressed his readiness 
to do as much for every parish in his diocese.* 
chtrici In the meanwhile Charles was looking on passively 

tiiatSjraf- whilst StrafTord's impeachment was being prepared, 
peaehmeot Hamilton, anxious to curry favour with the Commons, 
oe«L ^^ assured him that all was for the best. After receiving a 
remonstrance from the Irish Parliament, which was 
now entirely in the hands of Strafford's enemies, 
Charles acknowledged that the Lord Lieutenant might 
possibly have committed some actions which called 
for investigation.^ He was far from acknowledging 
how completely the reins of government had passed 
out of his own hands ; and when the Scottish and 
The Scot. Enghsh commissioners met at Westminster to com- 
uatio^ plete the negotiation which had been interrupted at 

^ Baillie, i. 274. * C. /. ii. 32. » B^ftLie, i. 273. 


Bipon he fully expected to take part personally in c^p. 
their discussions. Much to his surprise he found that * — 7 — 
the commissioners of both nations were of one mind ^^„ 

^ov, 19. 

in objecting to his presence, and he was therefore 
compelled to give way. The negotiation was nomin- 
ally carried on between himself and the Scots. In 
reality it was carried on by the Scots with the Enghsh 

The House of Commons was busy with many Want of c 

111 ganisatioi 

matters. Every member who spoke had some par- m the 

• «• • .• ^ Commons 

ticular grievance to recount, and some particular 
remedy to demand. There was no party organisation 
and no recognised leadership. It was hard to fix 
the attention of the House even to the most necessary 
subject, and a debate once begun was apt to wander 
away in all sorts of directions. At one time the ques- ^' 9- 
tion of the monopohes appeared to be coming into the on the 
foreground. It was ordered that all monopolists should 
be excluded from sitting in the House, though com- 
plaints were afterwards made that some escaped 
through favour. * These men,' said Culpepper, * like 
the frogs of Egypt, have gotten possession of our 
dwellings, and we have scarce a room free from 
them. They sup in our cup, they dip in our dish, 
they sit by our fire; we find them in the dye- vat, 
wash-bowl, and powdering-tub ; they share with the 
butler in his box, they have marked and sealed us 
from head to foot. . . . They have a vizard to hide 
the brand made by that good law in the last Parlia- 
ment of King James ; they shelter themselves under 
the name of a Corporation ; they make bye-laws 
which serve their turns to squeeze us, and fill their 
purses/* At another time the ecclesiastical com- 
plaints had the precedence. The provision of money, 

* Notes by Sir J. Borough, Harl. MSS, cccclvii. fol. 3. 

• Rushw, iv. 33. C. J. ii. 24. 






Nov. ai. 
The City 

The Mem- 
ben' loau. 

Nov. 33. 

tion of A 

Alarm of 
the House. 

however, would admit of no delay. On the 21st 
Alderman Pennington, cousin of the sailor, and a 
Puritan member for the City, announced that his con- 
stituents had subscribed 2 1 ,000/. to the loan. It was 
suggested that the members of the House might be 
willing to offer their personal security fordefinite sums. 
Member after member rose to give his bond for i ^oooL 
In a short time facility for borrowing 90,ocx)/. was 
thus obtained.^ 

On the 23rd the House met under circumstances 
of some excitement. The prospect of renewed perse- 
cution had stirred the indignation of the Catholics, 
and that indignation was likely to find a vent in pas- 
sionate action. A member of the House named 
Heywood had possession, as justice of the peace, of a 
list of Eecusants marked out for removal from the 
neighbourhood of the Court and of the Houses. 
As he was stepping across Westminster Hall with the 
list in his hand, a man named James rushed at him 
and stabbed him with a knife. The wound was not 
serious, and there is strong reason to believe that the 
assailant was a lunatic.^ Yet the event carried con- 
viction to the minds of the members that the great 
Popish Plot of which they had heard so much was 
indeed a reality. Pennington rose to offer a guard of 
three hundred citizens. Pym thought that the best 
means of meeting the evil was to put in execution the 
penal laws. Sir Thomas Jermyn sensibly argued that 
a guard at the doors of the House would only protect 
the members when they were all in one place and 
well able to protect themselves. Holies replied that 
every man must take care of himself when he was 

» D'Ewes'e Diary, Had. MSS. clxii. foL 13. I^E wee's own diary 
begins on Nov. 19. 

^ On Nov. 7 a committee was ordered * to take into consideration his 

unacy ' (C. Ji ii. 37). Rudyerd stated that his brother had been mad, and 

that he himself had often been out of his mind {Sir J, NortAcote*i Xotei, 1 1). 


alone, but that the real danger was * a general assas- ^^^' 
sination.' The feeling of the House was for the ' j^' ~ 
acceptance of Pennington's offer. Common sense Nov. 23. 
prevailed in the end, and the idea was abandoned. 
James, however, was not to be allowed to escape. 
A CJommittee, appointed to consider his case, recom- 
mended that a Bill should be prepared enacting that 
* this fact of his ' should be held to be felony.^ 

Multifarious as the business of the House was, the Nov. 24. 
preparation of the evidence against Strafford occupied den^^' 
the greater part of the attention of its most important ^raSbrd. 
members. Of the Committee appointed for this pur- 
pose Pym was the leading spirit. He obtained from 
the Lords an order authorising the examination of 
Privy Councillors upon oath, in order to enable him 
to substantiate the charges which he intended to found 
on the notes taken by Vane.^ 

The preliminary charge — as yet it had not assumed The pre- 
its final shape — consisted of seven articles. The gist charg^^ 
of them all lay in the first. The Commons were Sfm""' 
asked to declare * that Thomas, Earl of Strafford, 
hath traitorously endeavoured to subvert the fun- 
damental laws and government of the realms of 
England and Ireland, and instead thereof to introduce 
an arbitrary and tyrannical government against law, 
which he hath declared by traitorous words, counsels, 
and actions, and by giving his Majesty advice by 
force of arms to compel his loyal subjects to submit 
thereunto.' He had, it was added, been as greedy as 
he had been tyrannical. He had converted to his 
own use large sums belonging to the King at a time 
when the army was unpaid. He had given en- 
couragement to Papists with the object of gaining 
their support to his evil designs. He had maliciously 
stirred up enmity between England and Scotland, and 

* c. /. H. 37. '^ L, J, iv. 95, 96. 




* . — -^ 

Nov. 24. 

Grounds of 

Nov. 25. 
carried up 
to the 

Dec 13, 
letter to 
his wife. 

had designedly betrayed Conway to his destruction at 
Newbum, in order to make the quarrel between the 
two nations irreconcileable. Finally, with a view to 
self-preservation, * he had laboured to subvert the 
rights of Parliaments, and the ancient course of ParUa- 
mentary proceedings/ ^ 

On these grounds Strafford was to be impeached 
as a traitor. We cannot wonder that so it was to be. 
K no candid investigator of Strafford's actions can for 
a moment admit that he was capable of stirring up 
strife from motives of personal ambition, there can be 
no doubt that, on every point, Pym had some evidence 
upon which, in his ignorance of the true key to his 
great opponent's character, he might seem justified in 
arriving at the conclusions to which he came.* 

These charges were at once adopted by the 
Commons. On the 25th they were carried up to the 
Lords, and Strafford was immediately committed to 
the Tower. In these articles the prisoner saw no- 
thing but a fresh revelation of the malice of his 
enemies. He at least was not likely to recognise his 
own lineaments in this distorting mirror. " As to my- 
self," he wrote, not long afterwards, to his wife, " albeit 
all be done against me that art and malice can devise 
. . . yet I am in great inward quietness, and a strong 
belief God will deliver me out of all these troubles. 
The more I look into my case, the more hope I have, 
and sure if there be any honour and justice left, my 
life will not be in danger ; and for anything else, time 
I trust will salve any other hurt which can be done 
me. Therefore hold up your heart, look to the 

' L, J, iv. 97, 

* For Pym's speech see Northcote*8 Diary ^ where Lord T. ib Thomond, 
not Dillon, aa suggested by the editor. In the S<mier$ Traeti, iv. 209, is 
to be found a brief abstract of the speech, though this is not there stated. 


children and your bouse, let me have your prayers, 
and at last, by God's good pleasure, we shaJl have 
our deliverance, when we may as little look for 
it as we did for this blow of misfortune, which I trust 
will make us better to God and man." ^ 

It would still be long before the trial could begin. The trial 
There were witnesses to be brought from Ireland, ^ 
evidence to be mustered and tested, managers to be 
chosen and instructed. All this had to be done in the 
intervals of the most pressing business. The Scottish 
claims admitted no delay. The Commissioners of the Nov. 23. 
two nations meeting without the presence of the King uau^n^** 
had easily found a formula by which Charles was to soou*** 
bind himself to accept those laws against which he 
had struggled so persistently. This had been followed i>ec 3. 
by a demand which was far more galling than the 
mere abandonment of power. Charles was asked 
to send the incendiaries, as his advisers during the 
late troubles were called, for trial before the hostile 
tribunal of the Scottish Parliament. Naturally he 
struggled hard against the proposal that he should 
deliver up to the vengeance of their adversaries 
men whose fault was that they had served him too 
faithfully. He replied that his Courts were open Dec. n. 
to every complainant. The promise required of him 
that he would not intervene to pardon offenders he 
could not be induced to give.^ 

The Enghsh ParUament was ready enough to sup- Money eent 
port the Scots. Money had been got together and North, 
sent to relieve the two ^ armies in the North. On J^»<^ 
December 10 it was voted that, instead of 100,000/., i«<>je« 


> Strafford to Lady Strafibrd, Bee. 13, Biog, Brit, vi. 4,182. 

' The Scottish GommisdoDers in London to tlie Committee at New- 
•etle, Adv. LAr. Edin, 33, 4, 6. NoU« by Sir J. Borougrh, Harl. 
}iSS. Mcelvti. fol. 10-27. Bushw. iv. 366. BmlKe, i. 279. 


CHAP, as had been originally proposed, two subsidies, 
^—7^ — ' equivalent to about 140,000/., should be granted.^ 

nov'^qs ^^^ Puritan tide had been rising steadily. On No- 
Retumof vember 28 Prynne and Burton entered London in 

Prynne and •' 

BnrtoD. triumph. At least a hundred coaches, a thousand 
horsemen, and a countless crowd on foot followed them 
in procession. On December 4 Bastwick returned 
amidst the applauses of a no less numerous throng. 
Their cases, together with those of Lilburn andLeigh- 
n:c 1. ton, were ordered to be taken into consideration. In 

Tboir casss 

to be ex- Loudou, at Icast, public feeUng was running strongly in 

Growth of ^^^ direction of Presbyterianism. Not that the scheme 

urhmwm ^^ ^^^ Separatists was without support amongst the 

small tradesmen and artisans. But in the face of the 

common enemy all such divisions of opinion were for 

the present waived. It was said that when Bishops 

were removed, and the ceremonies abolished, it would 

be easy to agree on the plan of the new house to be 

erected on the ruins of the old one.^ 

Nov. 3a As yet the work of destruction was in full 

against the swiug. The couvictiou that the Catholics had been 

treated with undue favour at Court was continually 

receiving fresh support, and the CathoUcs were Ukely 

to pay a heavy penalty for their entanglement in 

pohtical strife. Orders were given to weed out 

Dec. I. the Catholic officers from the Northern army.^ A 

f lvn'» 

rpik)rt. sharp report from Glyn pointed out that for some 
time priests and Jesuits had been almost entirely un- 
touched by the Eecusancy laws. During the last 
seven or eight years no less than seventy-four letters 
of grace had been issued in their favour. Most of 
'^•«- 3- these had been signed by Windebank. On this report 
the House took sharp action. It directed the justices 
of the peace in and around the capital, to proceed 

» C. J, n. 49. ^ Bailiff, i. 275. • C /. ii. 40. 


against Kecusants according to law, notwithstanding ^^^• 
any inhibition. Windebank was sent for, that he ' — 7 — ' 
might give account of his interference.^ 

Windebank had but obeyed the orders given to ^jJlJ^;.^' 
him, however cheerfully he may have carried out his ^^^ ^ent 
instructions. He was not the man to face his enemies 
as StraflTord had faced them. It may be that the 
secret of the request which he had made to Eossetti 
for Papal troops and Papal gold to be employed 
against his countrymen, weighed heavily on his 
mind. He kept out of the way as long as it was m^^^^' 
possible to conceal himself, and when concealment ^Jg^j* 
was no longer possible, he fled beyond the sea, with 
the King's connivance. He arrived in France bear- 
ing letters of introduction written by the Queen her- 

The treatment which the Catholics were receiving The 
at the hands of the Parliament had roused the Queen ntation. 
to a heat of indignation which made her capable of 
anything. Before the end of November, in spite of she applies 
her rebufi* in the preceding spring, she had renewed money.* ^' 
her application to Cardinal Barberini for money. She 
informed him that 125,000/. might be usefully spent 
in bribes to the Parliamentary leaders to induce 
them to deal more gently with the Catholics.® Her 
temper was not softened when, a week or two after 
the proposal was made, she herself received a warn- 
ing that she would do well to dismiss her Catholic 
servants. She replied proudly that she would rather 
dismiss the Protestants, and fill their places with per- 
sons of her own religion. Yet so powerless did she 
feel in the early part of December, that she recom- 

' C, J, ii. 44- 

' Jiutkw, iv. 91. QiustiDian to the Doge, Dec. |}, Ven. Transcn'ptti. 

• B«rberini to Ro«»etti, Jan. J J, Ji. O. Trnn»cript$. 



Dec. 10. 


mended Rossetti to leave England, on the ground that 
it was no longer possible to protect him. 

In these days of weakness, when the Queen and 
Thi*DuSh her husband were alike feeling the bitterness of 
*^^**°^ obedience where they had been accustomed to com- 
mand, the idea of the Dutch marriage rose before 
their minds as a means of escape from their difficulties. 
On December 10, the very day of Windebank's flight, 
Charles announced to the Privy Council that he had 
given his consent to a marriage between his second 
daughter and Prince William of Orange, though well- 
informed observers were aware that if a fresh applica- 
tion were made for the hand of the Princess Mary it 
would not now be refused. Yet even those who 
prided themselves on their knowledge of the King's 
intentions, did not know all his secret. In reality 
Charles was looking for help of a very substantial 
Propwd kind fi'om the father of the bridegroom. He 

Dutch >n-,,. i« -ni'iTx '"ii ••• 

terventioo. bebcved that Fredenck Henry might be mduced 
to mediate between himself and the English Parlia- 
ment, and he had little doubt that the result of that 
mediation would be entirely in his own favour. It 
cannot be said certainly whether he already contem- 
plated the landing of Dutch troops in England to sup- 
port him against his own subjects. Frederick Henry 
was hardly the man to re-enact the sorry part which 
had been played by St. Louis at Amiens, and it may 
be that Charles would for the present be content with 
merely moral support. He at once took a higher 
tone than he had done since the meeting of Parlia- 
ment. He would not allow tlie Houses, he said, to 
punish his servants.* A few days after these words 

> GiufltinUn to the l>og«, Nov. |§, D©c ,\, J|, j;, Vm, TratueripU. 
Vane to the IVinee of Oraoge, Dec. 11, Orom Van Primterer, ier. 2, iii. 


were uttered, Laud was impeached, and Finch had chap. 
fled to Holland. 

The foundations for an attack upon the Lord Dec'*7'. 
Keeper were already laid. On December 7, on St. ^iiat'^'^ 
John's report, the House resolved that ship money moLy, 
was an utterly illegal impost, and that the Judges who 
had declared the contrary, had acted in defiance of 
the law. To this result no man contributed more supported 
than Falkland. Small of stature and without any \^lf^' 
advantages of voice or person, he placed himself at 
once in the first rank of ParUamentary orators. Burn- 
ing indignation against wrong gave light and strength 
to his words. His ideal Commonwealth was indeed 
very different from that of Pym. He was not anxious 
to put an end to the meddlesome interference of the 
few, merely to give free scope to the meddlesome 
interference of the many, and he would be sure to 
distrust any system which threatened to lay intellec- 
tual freedom at the feet of a ParUamentary majority. 
On the point for the moment at issue he was at one 
with Pym, and in expressing the opinion which he 
had formed he was far more vehement and impetuous. 
He took no account of the natural tendency of the 
Judges to give a hard and legal form to the poUtical 
ideas which were floating in their minds, and he 
treated their arguments as an insult to common sense. 
They had seen danger from an enemy where danger 
there was none. It was strange that they saw not the 
law, which all men else saw but themselves. He then 
proceeded to reason that there was now no more 
question whether the Judges were to be punished or 
not for past ofiences. Men who had delivered such 
opinions could not safely be left on the Bench. 
They were the advisers in all legal matters of the 
House of Lords. If the law was to regain its force, 



CHAP, they must be punished and removed. Had not Finch 

^i^ deiared that Ihe power of levying ship money was 

'J'''' ao inherent in the Crown that it was not in the 

Dec. 7. 

power even of Parliament to take it away ? Had he 
not gone round to sohcit the Judges to give opinions 
against their knowledge and conscience ? Yet it was 
this man who was now the keeper of his Majesty's 
conscience, and was always ready to infiise into his 
mind opinions hostile to his Parliament. 
He 18 Falkland was at once supported by his friend 

by Hyde. Hyde. Hyde's legal mind was shocked at the action 
of the Judges, not so much because they had defied 
the nation, as because they had brought the law into 
disrepute. He moved that the eight Judges who 
were left on the Bench out of the twelve who had sat 
on it in Hampden's case, might be asked to reveal the 
solicitations to which they had been subjected. The 
report of their answers was not favourable to Finch, 
and, at Falkland's motion, orders were given to draw 
up a charge against him.^ 
Dec. 21. Before the day arrived, when the impeachment 

defends of the Lord Keeper would finally be decided on, 
before the Fiuch Unexpectedly sent a request to be heard by the 
Commons. On the 2 1 st he appeared, and was received 
by the House with all the honour due to his oflSce. 
The manner in which his defence was made extorted 
admiration even from his bitterest opponents. There 
can be little doubt that, harsh and insolent as he was, 
his most outrageous arguments had resulted from an 
honest conviction that he was in the right. Yet he 
could hardly have expected that any justification of 
his conduct would find favour with the audience to 
which it was addressed. His defence seemed to the 
Commons to have been an aggravation, rather than a 

' Biuhw, iv. 86. D'Ewes's Diary, HarL MSS. clxii. fol. 55. 


mitigation, of his offence. Sir Thomas Jermyn the c^^- 
Comptroller of the Household, asked ' whether this ' — 7- — ' 
were a treason within the statute or by the construe- Decai. 
tion of the House.' Pym loftily replied, * that to 
endeavour the subversion of the laws of this kingdom 
was treason of the highest nature.' " 'Tis treason," 
said Hyde, " to kill a judge, much more to slay justice 
itself." The vote for the impeachment of the Lord 
Keeper as a traitor was carried with scarcely a dissen- 
tient voice.^ That night Finch followed the example 
which had been set by Windebank. After an inter- His flight, 
view with Charles, he fled across the sea in a vessel 
belonging to the Eoyal Navy. He chose the Hague 
as the place of his exile. It was a matter of course Dec. 23. 
that his impeachment was now finally voted, and at peachnieiit 
the same time six of the Judges who were selected as 
sharing his offence in the matter of ship money were 
ordered to give security that they would appear 
whenever they were called for. 

On the political questions before the House, on the Unanimity 
impeachment of Strafford and Finch, on the condem- houm. 
nation of ship money, and on the necessity of defen- 
sive measures against the Catholics, the House was 
practically unanimous. No Royalist party was in 
existence. The few Privy Councillors who had a seat 
in the House — ^Vane, Eoe, and Jermyn — had no power 
and probably no wish to defend the fallen system. 

Division, if it came at all, would come from 
another quarter. Whatever difficulties might arise 
about the political system to be substituted for that 
which had failed so utterly, men were pretty well 
agreed as to the general character of the institutions 
which they desired to found. They wanted to restore 
the reign of law in combination with the authority 

» Buihw. iv. 124. FEwes's Diary, Harl. MSS. dxii. fol. 90. 

B 2 





Dec II. 
<lon peti- 
tion against 




Dec. 9. 
Attack on 
the new 

Dec 15. 
in their 

of Parliament. With respect to religion they were far 
from being equally unanimous, and they had an in- 
stinctive feeUng that it was here that the seeds of 
future division were to be found. On the nth a 
violent petition for Church-reform and the aboUtion 
of Episcopacy, signed by 15,000 Londoners, was pre- 
sented to the House. An approving crowd of some 
I >500 persons followed it into Westminster Hall. For 
the first time opinion in the House was seriously di- 
vided. " There were many against, and many for the 



Yet, in spite of Vane's official objection that 
many of the petitioners were Brownists, the Commons 
resolved to take their prayer into consideration on the 
1 7th. When, however, the 1 7th arrived, it was dis- 
covered that the House was too busy to attend to it 
for the present, and the subject was postponed to a 
more convenient season. 

Yet, if the House was not as yet prepared to dis- 
cuss the merits of Episcopacy, it was resolved to put 
an end to that clerical domination which had been 
the most generally obnoxious part of the Laudian 
system. Of this domination the late canons and the 
etcetera oath were regarded as the most complete ex- 
pression, and when the question of their iegaUty was 
moved by Eouse there was no wish to evade the dis- 
cussion. Yet even on this ground a small knot of 
members threw themselves athwart the prevaihng cur- 
rent. Holbome, who had shared with St. John the 
glory of the defence of Hampden, broke away from 
the majority on the ecclesiastical question. Convoca- 
tion, he argued, was an independent body, entitled, 
with the King's assent, to bind both clergy and laity. 

* The Scottish CommissioDers in London to the Committee in New- 
castle, Adv, Libr, Edin, 33, 4, 6. 


80 long as its canons did not come into conflict with cha)\ 
the law of the land. In former reigns, canons had ' — -^ — ' 
been made which had never been confirmed by ParUa- ZZ 
ment. " K we be of the Church/' he expressly added, 
" the canons must bind us." To Holborne's assertion 
that the laity were bound by the clergy in Convoca- 
tion, St. John replied by the counter-assertion that 
they were unable, unless their canons were confirmed 
by Parhament, to bind even the clergy. When it was 
put to the vote that the late canons bound neither 
the clergy nor the laity, not a single voice was raised 
in the negative. 

The next day the obnoxious canons were voted to Dec 16. 
have been illegal. It was impossible, in such a dis- voted to be 
cussion, that Laud's name should be forgotten. One 
member asked whether there had not been * a prin- 
cipal solicitor here ' as there had been amongst the 
Judges. Sir John Holtham suggested that there was 
good reason to accuse Laud of treason. Pym was of the 
same opinion. On the i8th Grimston gave voice to Dec. 18, 
the general feehng. * The Archbishop,' he said, * was peachS^of 
the root and ground of aU our miseries.* He had *'^°- 
preferred Straflbrd, Windebank, Wren, ' and all the 
other wicked Bishops now in England,' to their places. 
At Pym's motion a message was sent to the Lords 
impeaching the Archbishop of high treason. The 
Lords at once sequestered him from Parliament, and 
committed him to custody. At the same time they 
directed that Bishops Wren and Pierce, over whom 
charges were impending, should give security for their 
appearance whenever they were sent for.^ 

Whether Laud's ofience were properly characterised Nature of 

T AnH*a 

as treason or not, there can be no doubt what his of- offence. 
fence was. If the expression — the fundamental laws of 

> a J. ii. 54. FEwes's Diaiy, HdrL MSS. clxii. fol. 72, 82, 86. 


De^ 18. 

CHAP. England — meant the supremacy of ParKament, Laud 
was as guilty of assailing them as Strafford had ever 
been. Modern writers frequently speak of him as if 
he were altogether contemptible. Contemporaries 
were of a very different opinion. They believed that 
he was even more dangerous than Strafford could 
possibly be, and there can be little doubt that, from 
one point of view at least, contemporaries were in the 
right. Strafford's vigour and energy would but last for 
his own lifetime. Laud was engaged in the formation 
of an instrument which would outlive himself. It 
was indeed a formidable thing to have in his hands 
the whole teaching power of England, to be able to 
train those to whose utterances the nation was Sunday 
by Sunday constrained to listen, and who were sure 
to inculcate the duty of obeying the King at least as 
loudly as they inculcated the duty of serving God. 
Yet, if contemporaries were right in fearing Laud in 
the day of his power, it may well be asked whether 
they had still any reason to fear him in the day of his 
weakness. No doubt if the Commons had had but to 
reckon with Laud and Strafford alone, they might 
have taken courage. In favour of the fallen ministers 
not a voice had been raised, or was likely to be raised. 
Unhappily for the authors as well as for the victims 
of ParUamentary vengeance, it was already an open 
secret that Laud and Strafford did not stand alone, 
and that Charles was only prevented by his fears from 
favouring them again as he had favoured them before. 
The one thing which would enable Parliament to be 
magnanimous was the knowledge that there existed 
in England a Government which it could trust. 
Dec ig. In the midst of these attacks on the ministers of the 

]^!^^ * Crown the Commons had not been unmindful of the 
effect which was likely to be produced on Charles him- 


self. They had made an effort to win him over by pro- ^^^• 
viding for his necessities. St. John had reminded the '^ — -« — * 
House that now that ship money and the monopoKes jj^ ' 
had been declared illegal, the King was poor. He called 
on the members ' to provide a high subsistence for his 
Majesty/ A message was accordingly sent to the 
King for permission to take into consideration the 
expenditure of the Crown. Leave was granted, and 
it was resolved to set Charles's finances in order as 
soon as the Christmas vacation was over. That it Dec 23. 
might be seen that the proper wants of the Crown suKiSeT 
would be dealt with in no niggardly spirit, two ad- *"^*®^ 
ditional subsidies, making four in all, were voted as a 
security that the armies in the North should not be 

What possibility was there that Charles should Effect of 

■'■ •' , the pro- 

be really soothed by any attention to his material ceecungsof 

interests ? The power which he held to be rightfully ment upon 
his own had been wrested from him. The statesmen ^ 
whom he honoured had been thrust into prison or 
compelled to find safety in flight. The Church, of 
which he believed himself to be appointed by God 
and the law as the special guardian, was about to be- 
come a prey to confusion. Worse than all, men were 
honouring him with their hps, whilst they set at 
nought every injunction which he gave. It might 
be said of him, as was afterwards said of another 
sovereign whose misfortunes might be paralleled 
Mrith his own, that a * king circumstanced as the 
present, if he is totally stupified by his misfortunes 
so as to think it not the necessity, but the premium 
and privilege of Hfe, to eat and sleep, without any re- 
gard to glory, can never be fit for the office. If he 

» D'Ewes's Diary, Karl MSS. clxxii. fol. 73j 97. Northcote s Diary, 




^" » ' 

Dec. 23. 




again ror 
help from 
Uie Pope. 

suggests an 
to France. 

feels as men commonly feel, he must be sensible that 
an oflEice so circumstanced is one in which he can ob- 
tain no fame or reputation. He has no generous 
interest that can excite him to action. At best, his 
conduct will be passive and defensive. To inferior 
people such an office might be matter of honour. But 
to be raised to it, and to descend to it, are different 
things, and suggest different sentiments.' ^ 

The Queen at least had no intention of acquiescing 
in the position which Parliament was creating for her 
and her husband. The Dutch alliance had filled her 
with unbounded hope. She bade Rossetti to remain 
at his post ; and though he was recommended to sleep 
every night at St. James's, under the shelter of the 
Queen Mother's roof, he was told that the King would 
not withdraw his protection from him. Why, she 
asked her confessor. Father Philips, would not the 
Pope send aid to her, as he had done to the Emperor ? 
Philips repeated what Eossetti had said to her 
some months before, that, unless her husband were 
a Catholic, help could not be given. The Queen 
answered that if the King declared himself a Catholic 
he would be at once deposed. He had neither soldiers 
nor money at his disposal, and the Catholics, there- 
fore, would inevitably receive damage rather than 
advantage. When Philips reported this conversation 
to the Pope's agent, Eossetti replied that the times 
were not opportune for a war of rehgion. It would 
be better to ask the King of France to interfere, on 
the ground that his sister had been deprived of the 
advantages promised her in her marriage treaty, or 
that his nephews were being wronged by the diminu- 
tion of that sovereignty to which they were the heirs, 
or simply that his sister and her husband were un- 

' Burke*8 Be/lections on (he Revolution in France, 


justly deprived of their rights. He might expect to 
have in this the help of the Dutch. When the King 
had in this way been restored to his authority, he 
would see that it would be impossible to maintain 
himself without crushing Puritanism, and that he 
could only expect to do that by union with the 
Catholic Church. PhiUps then proceeded to assure The Queen 
Eossetti that the Queen had promised him that if the thauhl 
Pope would send her money, the King, on regaining if^euc^ 
his authority, would grant liberty of worship in all uber^^/ 
his kingdoms. 

If Pym and his aUies had been striking in the 
dark when they declared themselves convinced of 
the existence of a Popish plot, they were not striking 
altogether at random. No doubt, if they had been 
more tolerant, there would have been no plot. Evil 
begets evil, and the hard measure which they were 
deahng out to the Catholics led to this invitation to a 
foreign priest and a foreign king to intervene in the 
afiairs of England. 

What part Charles had in the matter cannot now charies 
be known. It is most improbable that the Queen mformel 
kept her plans a secret from him. K the Commons 
were left in complete ignorance of these and similar 
projects, there was enough in Charles's bearing to 
teach them that he bore no goodwill to the cause in 
which they were engaged. Charles had not the art 
of inspiring confidence where he felt none. So elated charies 
was he shortly before Christmas with the vague hopes redst Par- 
of assistance which he had conceived, that he spoke 
openly to Bristol of his intention to resist the demands 
which Parhament was certain to make. " Sire," re- 
plied the plain-spoken Earl, " you will be forced to do 
what you do not wish." ^ 

» Roaeetti to Barberini, ^~^, R. O. Trantcripts. 




Dec. 24. 
brings in a 


to the 

Dec 39. 
The King's 

Under the growing feeling that a contest with the 
King was imminent, it behoved the popular leaders 
to provide for the unwelcome contingency. Pym had 
long ago pointed out that the main source of the 
evils under which the country had suffered was to be 
found in the long intermission of ParUamentary life. 
It was absolutely necessary that, before the Scots were 
dismissed from England, and a permanent revenue 
was voted to the Crown, provision should be made 
that no such intermission should again occur. On 
December 24, the day on which the Commons held 
their last sitting before the short Christmas vacation, 
Strode brought in a Bill for Annual ParUaments. K 
in every year the King had not issued writs for the 
elections before the first Tuesday in Lent, the returns 
were to be made without the usual intervention of 
the Crown. In future no Parliament was to be dis- 
solved within forty days after the commencement of 
the session, unless the consent of both Houses could 
be obtained. 

Charles knew weU how favourable was the pre- 
sence of the Scottish army in the North to the preten- 
sions of Parliament ; yet it was only with considerable 
reluctance that he agreed to a reasonable compromise 
on the point of the incendiaries. The Scotd them- 
selves suggested a way out of the difficulty. Let the 
King at least engage not to employ about his person 
any man who had been sentenced by Parliament. To 
this Charles, though after some hesitation, at last 

The Commons had allowed themselves no more 
than four days' vacation at Christmas. When they 
met again they took up the question of the King's 

' The reply of the Scottish Commissioners, Dec. 23. The last answer 
of the English Commissioners, Dec. 30, Adv, Libr, Edin, 33, 4, 6. 


revenue. So loose Tiad been the system which had chap. 
prevailed in the Exchequer that no balance-sheet ' — "^ — ' 
later than that of 1635 was to be found, and the Dec 29. 
Commons had to wait till the proper information 
could be obtained. 

Before that time arrived the relations between 
Charles and his Parhament had become such as to 
render it unadvisable to place him in possession of 
sufficient revenue to cover his expenses. On Decem- 
ber 30 the Annual Parliament Bill was read a second J>^ 30:, 

r>t 111 • -r-w • -I 1 Cromwell 

time, at Cromwell s motion. Dunng the past weeks and the 
Cromwell had been steadily rising in the estimation Parliament 

. Bill 

of the House. His cousinship with Hampden had 
doubtless introduced him to the companionship of 
men of influence, but it is certain that he owed more 
to himself than to his friends. His strong and vehe- 
ment Puritanism would be sure to secure him the 
sjrmpathy of many members ; but his special strength 
lay in his prompt appreciation of the practical neces- 
sities of the day. Others might be able to look 
farther into the future, or might have a wider grasp 
of constitutional principles. No one was so ready as 
Cromwell in keeping the House in mind of the action 
which was needed to keep a hold on the immediate 

Whilst the constitutional struggle was being fought ^' |ij^ 
out at Westminster, the Northern army was ready to Northern 
disband for want of pay. Money had been sent, 
but it had been sent slowly and irregularly, and there 
was a disposition in the House of Commons to favour 
the Scots, whom it trusted, rather than the English, 
whom it distrusted. The House refused to listen to 

^ D'Ewes^B Diary, Harl, MSS, cbii. fol. loi. Tliis chiuracteristic 
of Oromwell which shows itself already comes out much more strongly 
in the spring and summer of 1642. 


ci^p. a proposal that the officers should be entrusted with 
^— • — ' the power of martial law. An early day was, how- 
ever, fixed for pushing on the Bill of Subsidies. 
1641. At the same time attention was drawn to the army 

Tbe*irii which had been levied under StraflTord's authority in 
"™^' Ireland. That army, as Sir Walter Erie reported, 
numbered about 9,000 men. It was now scattered 
over Ulster. It was mainly composed of Catholics, 
and a detachment had * seized on Londonderry, and 
said mass in the church.' A message was at once 
sent to the Lords to ask for a conference on the 
threatening peril. 

Before the conference took place, a discussion 
arose which it is difficult to report without a smile. 
Harriaon's Somc days bcforc, a Mr. Harrison, one of the farmers 
of the Customs, and a member of the House, had 
advanced 50,000/. on the security of the coming sub- 
sidies. As a reward for his patriotism he had been 
knighted by the King. He had also done a good 
stroke of business by securing the favour of the 
Commons, as it was almost certain that there would 
be an unpleasant investigation into the conduct of the 
farmers in collecting Tonnage and Poundage without 
a Parliamentary grant. Whatever this might be 
worth, Harrison expected to receive interest upon his 
loan at the usual rate of 8 per cent. An unexpected 
QuMtions difficulty arose. He was told that the Act of Parlia- 
interert mcut which had prohibited a higher rate, had ex- 
waa lawful. pj.gggiy refused to countenance the taking of interest 

at all, *in point of rehgion or conscience.' 
Position of The problem was solved by a member who had 
already acquired a hold of a certain kind upon the 
assembly. The part played by the Speaker in a 
modern House of Commons, of regulating the debates 
by an appeal to the precedents of former times, was 


one for which Lenthall was little qualified. Sir chap. 
Symonds D'Ewes was just the man to supply his defi- ^ — . — -* 
ciencies. His life-long studies in the legal antiquities j^'^^* 
of the country enabled him, with the aid of an excel- 
lent memory, to produce on the spur of the moment 
any precedent that might be needed. In this way he 
acquired an authority in the House, as long as no 
higher statesmanship was required than his pedantic 
self-complacency had at command. He now came to 
the rescue of the members in their difficulty. To He solves 
take or pay interest, he said, was undoubtedly held lem.^"^^ 
to be unlawful by the Church and law of England ; 
but it had never been held to be wrong to pay a man 
damages for the loss which he suffered by abandoning 
for a time the use of his capital. The House caught at 
this sapient deliverance. The word * damages ' was 
substituted for the word ' interest,' and every one was 

On the 7 th there was a fresh report by Erie on Jan. 7. 
the Irish army. The number, he said, * was great, arm^r 
near upon 10,000, all or most of them papists.' All '^*°* 
the strong places in the North of Ireland were in their 
hands. Strafford was still their general, and many of 
the officers were in the habit of repairing to him in 
the Tower. It would be well to ask the Lords to 
concur in a petition that this army might be dis- 
banded. Vane's official reply was not likely to allay 
the suspicion felt. He said that the Irish army ought 
not to be disbanded till the Scottish army was dis- 
banded also. Charles, in fact, was well aware that he 
could not for the moment venture to strike at those 
whom he regarded as his enemies. Yet he would 
not deprive himself of the power of striking at some 
future time. It was not in his nature to throw him- 

> D'Ewes's Diary, Jan. 4, HarL MSS. clxii. fol. 1 16. 


CHAP, self frankly on his subjects' loyalty, and to evoke the 
' — 7 — ' sympathies which he had lost by a hearty co-opera- 
jan. 7. ^^^^ ynih them in the work which they had on hand. 
If he could have done that he might have saved him- 
self, and might, perhaps, have saved Strafford as well. 
By weakness and hesitation, by hankering after the 
employment of a force which he had neither the 
power nor the resolution to wield, he was raising 
the barrier between him and his subjects higher and 
higher every day. Distrust at last would make the 
breach inevitable, by driving the Commons to demands 
which it was impossible for a king to concede, but 
which would never have been made if they had been 
able to repose confidence in him. The wisdom of 
coming quickly to an agreement with his adversary 
was never understood by Charles. 




There was nothing in Charles's mind repugnant to chap 
the idea of asking for foreign support against the _ ^' ^ 
English nation. Twice already he had attempted to ^^^i- 
procure foreign troops to serve him against the Scots, Charles's 
and he was equally ready to make use of foreign a^^sc 
troops to serve him against the English. The habit of fo^^aid. 
regarding his own authority as something distinct 
from the nation, prevented him from feeling, as 
Elizabeth would haCve felt, that there was anything 
disgraceful in appealing to foreigners for assistance 
against his own subjects. 

When, on January 6, the Dutch ambassadors, who jan. 6. 
had come to make a formal demand for his daughter's SiSc^Sf 
hand, had their first audience, there can be little ^^!^ 
doubt that he was by this time under the impression ^^^ 
that, in case of extremity, the Prince of Orange would 
be ready to give him material assistance in the main- 
tenance of his authority in England. But, though he 
had no objection to accept that assistance if things 
came to the worst, he was not quite certain that 
things had yet come to the worst. Appearances 
were against the Parliament, but, after all, a better 
spirit might prevail. On three points he would never 
give way. He would never consent to pass a Bill for 
Annual Parhaments, or one for the aboKtion of Episco- 
pacy, or to allow any of his ministers to be put to death 
vrithout his free consent. If any one of these points 


CHAP, were insisted on, he would at once dissolve Parliament, 

' — 7 — ' and obtain aid from Holland to protect him against 

the popular insurrection which was likely to follow. 

Jan. 6. ^g yet, however, matters had not come to this pass. 

There was even hope that the King's chief opponents 

Progress of would comc to blows with one another. Now that 

too n^^ 

tiation the qucstiou of the incendiaries had been settled, the 
Scots. negotiators on the part of England and Scotland were 
disputing over the amount of money to be paid to the 
Scots in compensation for their expenses in the war. 
It was thought at Court that the English Parliament 
was likely to take offence at the exorbitance of the 
Scottish demands. K it came to a breach, the King 
would have everything to gain. He would find him- 
self engaged in a national war against the Scots, and 
would be in a far stronger position than if he were 
merely at the head of a Dutch force sent to defend 
the Eoyal authority against his recalcitrant subjects.^ 

' There is nothing in any published documents which throws further 
light on this offer of the Prince of Grange, and no engagement to assist 
Charles with troops is known to have been afterwards given. It will be 
seen, however, that there are strong reasons for thinking that money was 
paid by the young Prince at the time of the marriage, and at a later 
time actual assistance seems to have been contemplated. Hossetti says 
that Father Philips came to ask him whether he had yet written to 
Home on the subject of the money which had been asked for. He ex- 
pressed satisfaction on hearing that the request had been forwarded, and 
told him that the Queen had spoken about it again, adding ' che il Rd 
ancora non sapeva quali aiuti gli fussero potuti bisognare, non essendo 
totalmente disperato del Parlamento, ma quando succedesse il caso que 
da Nostro Signore gli si somministrasse in qualche maniera forze, il Rd 
almeno s*indurebbe a permettere la liberty di conscienza in tutt' i snoi 
Kegni, non importando la qualitii del tempo il far in cid maggior dichia- 
ratione et, a questo dal Padre Filippo mi fu aggiunto che egli havrebbe 
havuto ancora ottima speranza del R& medesimo, il quale, oppresso cost 
malamente dallo spirito di questi Puritani contumaci, hora maggiormente 
conosce non haver eglino altro fine se non la distruttione dell'autoriti 
Kegia, non havendo egli voluto credervi o aplicarvi per il passato, e perd 
eiso mi diceva pensare che I'intentione di S. Mt4 fosse di voler vedere k 
che segno sia per mettersi questo Parlamento, e che coea ne possa cavare 
con minor pregiuditio possibile della Corona, poi determinarsi a quelli 


Thai the Queen had her full share in these re- chap. 

solutions — if, at least, any of Charles's imaginings can ' 

be dignified with the name of a resolution — is beyond jan.e! 

all doubt. By this time she had more cause than 

ever for personal irritation. So great were the straits Poverty of 

to which the Court was reduced by the poverty of 

the Crown, that Charles had been forced to announce 

that he could no longer keep open table according to 

custom for the members of the Upper House during 

the session of Parliament. What was more annoying The Queen 

still, he had been unable to pay to the Queen Mother airowSiL 

the allowance which he had granted to her, and she ■*^*'p®^ 

had consequently been obliged to sell her jewels and 

her horses, and to dismiss her servants.^ 

espedienti che credesse essere piu adequati alia qualitiL del bisogno, poichd 
86 il Parlamento premeriL per levare i Vescovi (benchd ci6 non si creda) 
o Yoler similmente che ogni anno si tenga Parlamento, quando anchd non 
vi ooncorra il consenso di S. M^, e condannaro alia morte senza che la 
sentenza feia sottoscritta di mano Hegia, in questo caso ^ tiene che il Rd 
vi si Yorra opponere con disciogliere il Parlamento, sperando di poter in 
ci6 prevalersi delle forze al presente delli Olandesi promesseli per con- 
ditione matiimoniale, et in simil maniera assicurarsi dalle solJevationi 
popolari, e sottrahere la casa Reale dai pericoli che potrebbono sopra- 
stare, se non si trovasse prontamente armato, ma perchd gli Olandesi 
promettono queste forze, accid venga conservata Tautorit^ Kegia che il 
Rd non sia strapazzato, et che il popolo non si sollevi, dicendo che 
quando si trattava di queste tre cose saranno sempre dalla parte del Rd 
con Tanuii ma mentre le medesime cessaranno non intendono che prende 
principio la guerra, se bene hora il Parlamento procura di darli ogni 
Aodisfattione, havendo ancora aggiustato che pur un altro mese la tregua 
debba durare, et hanno gi^ pagato il danaro per mantenimento dell* 
essercito Scozzese. Tutta la difRcultiL star^ sopra le pretension! che 
hanno delle spese gilL fatte, e sin hora sta in ambiguo che cosa ne debba 
seguire, ma ben presto si sentiriL, come vien creduto, qualche lisolutione ; 
et se yenissero rotture tra gF Inglesi et Scozzesi sarebbe molto avan- 
taggioso per il U^, poichd la guerra diventarebbe nationale, et in questo 
modo potrebbe S. M^ sostenerla \k dove, quando fosse particolare, gl* 
Olandesi per conditione del matrimonio faranno partiali a difendere 
lautoriti Regia.' Rossetti to Barberini, Jan. -gf /?. O. Transcripts. 

* Giustinian to the Doge, Jan. yf, Ven. Trtmscripts, Rossetti to Rar- 
berini, Jan. |5, R, O. Traiiscripfs. 




^'"1^- Some time would elapse before an answer could 

^ — 7 — ' be received from Eome, or the question of peace or 
Jan. 8. war with the Scots could be finally determined. The 
Maria^n^ possibility that Parliament might demand the dis- 
with rtw missal of Eossetti drove Henrietta Maria to open a 
meutary negotiation with some of tlie leading members of 
leaders. j^^^j^ Houscs. She had some hope that they would 
be ready to please her in opposing the agitation for 
the removal of the Papal Agent, because she knew 
that they were anxious to remain on good terms with 
France, and she believed that the new French am- 
bassador, who was expected shortly to arrive in suc- 
cession to Bellievre, would bring instructions to insist 
tliat lier intercourse with the Pope should not be 
Rumours of disturbed.^ The Queen's overtures were shortly fol- 
changes. lowcd by rumours of impending oflEicial changes.* 
Cottington, anxious to escape from the storm, was 
ready to surrender the Chancellorship of the Ex- 
chequer and the Mastership of the Court of Wards. 
The simple-minded Juxon would certainly not cling 
to the Lord Treasurer's staff; and the vacancies thus 
made miglit be filled with some of the lords who had 
hitherto taken part against the Crown. The rumours 
thus raised died away almost as soon as they were 
heard of. There is nothing to induce the belief that 
any serious concession to the popular demands was 
intended. No doubt the persons to whom applica- 
tion was made refused to make any promise about 
Rossetti, and for the present the negotiations came to 
an end. 

The hope that the English Parliament would 

' Rossetti t-o Barberini, Jan. —, R. O. Tratucr^i, 
* The first mention of these proposed changes which I have met with 
is in Salvetti's Netodetter of Jan. ||. As this contains a week's news, 
the rumour may have sprung: up on any day between the 8th and the 


quarrel with the Scots was next in order. On the ^5^^- 
1 2th the Scottish demands were formally announced ' — 7 — ' 
to the two Houses by the special direction of the jan. iL 

Tito Qi»Af 

King. It is no wonder that he counted on the pro- tish de- 
vocation which they would give. The Scots reckoned ""*^ 
their expenses in the late war at 785,628/. Of this 
they were willing to put 271,500/. out of account. 
Of the remainder, or 514,128/., they offered to bear 
as much * as the ParUament should find reasonable 
or us able.' The claims thus made did not take ac- 
count of the now considerable sum due for the 
maintenance of their army, which had been accruing 
since the signature of the Treaty of Ripon at the rate 
of 850/. a day. The claim of the Scots on this head * 
had now been running on for many weeks, and was 
likely to run on for many more.^ Such a demand 
was sufiiciently starthng ; but in the face of the 
known sentiments of the King it was impossible to 
reject it. Bristol, as a Commissioner, had fought Bristol r». 
hard against it. " When the Scots," he said in an- SSr°^ * 
nouncing their resolution to the Houses, " made this ^p^*** 
vast proposition, it startled me to think what a dis- 
honour was fallen upon this ancient and renowned 

> Borough's Notes, Harl. MSS. ccclvii. 50. D*£wes*8 Diary, Harl. 
MSS, clxii. 140. BailliBf i. 289. It is seldom indeed that any complaint 
has to be made of Mr. David Laing^s editing, but he has here made Baillie 
write pure nonsense. In his edition the passage runs : ' The particular compt 
was given with the demand ; a scrole of two hundred and fiftie thousand 
pound sterling, which we putt out of compt, five hundred and fourteen 
thousand pound [Soots] whereof we offered to bear ourself such a proportion 
as the Parliament should find reasonable or us able.' I would suggest the 
following changes. * A scroll of 250,ocx3/. sterling which we put out of 
compt [and] 514,000/., whereof we offered,' &c. This agrees with 
Borough's notes, which it should be remembered Mr. Laing had not seen. 
Since this was written I have seen the full account in the MS. in the 
Advocates* Library (33, 4, 6). The exact sum put out of account must 
be the 271,500/. there charged on general losses. The claim made is 
given, as I had supposed, in pounds sterling. 

B 3 



CHAP, nation ; but when I considered that this dishonour 
^^* fell upon us by the improvidence and evil counsels of 

1641. certain bad instruments, who had reduced his royal 

*"' '^ Majesty and this kingdom to these straits, I weU hoped 

the shame and part of the loss would fall upon them." ^ 

Jan. 23. On the 23rd the Scottish demands were taken into 

ukeoi^o consideration by the Commons. There was much 

uon*by the difference of opinion. The Scots had many enemies 

Commons, j^ ^}^q Housc. Somc of thcsc suggcstcd that they 

should have nothing till they had left England.^ 

Others thought that the money needed to pay them 

should be raised out of the estates of the incendiaries. 

In the end it was voted in general terms that a 

friendly assistance should be given, though the 

amount of it and the mode in which it was to be 

raised were left to future discussion.^ 

If the Enghsh Commons were not likely to quarrel 
with the Scots, neither were the Dutch likely to serve 
Jan. 19. Charles as he expected to be served. On the 19th 
0688 Mary hc anuounccd to their ambassadors that he was ready 
Prince^ to acccpt their demand for the Princess Mary instead 
Oran"!^ of the Priucess Elizabeth. He hoped that the mar- 
riage treaty might be accompanied by a political 
aUiance between the two States. It is true that he 
spoke of this alliance as one which was to be directed 
against Spain, but there can be Kttl^ doubt that his 
thoughts were travelling in another direction. " Our 
eldest daughter," said the Queen, it may well be be- 
lieved with her most winning smile, " deserves some- 
thing more than her younger sister." 

The question was referred to Commissioners ap- 

> D*Ewe8*8 Diary, IlarL MSS, clxii. fol. 140. 

* ' It is not unknown/ the Scotch Commissioners had written on the 
13th, 'what desperate desires and miserable hopes our adversaries have 
conceived of a breach upon this article.' Adv, Libr, Edin, 33, 4, 6. 

» r. /. ii. 71. D'Ewess Diary, Harl. MSS. cUii. fol. 158. 


pointed to draw up the marriage treaty. The Dutch- ^^f^- 
men expressed their readiness to treat of a political 

aUiance as soon as the articles of marriage were jan. 19. 
agreed on. But they intimated that, in their opinion, riagJtreaty 
such an alliance would be of little use unless the "^^s®*^**®^ 
King came to a good understanding with his Parlia- 

The marriage treaty was quickly settled. The 
only question at issue related to the time at which 
the youthful bride was to be transmitted to Holland. 
Charles withdrew a demand, on which he had insisted 
the year before, that his daughter should be allowed 
the use of the ceremonies of the Church of England. 
*' It may be," said one of the English Commissioners, 
" that in three months there will be no such cere- 
monies here." ^ 

Whilst every hope which the Kinej had formed of Transform- 

• atinn i>f the 

external assistance was thus faiUng him, the Commons Annual 
were showing no signs of flinching. The Bill for mentsBiii 
Annual Parliaments, indeed, when it emerged from niia bul*" 
Committee, had been subjected to considerable modi- 
fications, partly perhaps in consequence of the know- 
ledge that it was threatened with some opposition in 
the Upper House/^ It was now a Bill not for Annual 
but for Triennial Parliaments. The old statutes of 
the reign of Edward III., which enacted that ParUa- 
ment should meet once a year, were indeed recited 
in the preamble. But the machinery by which elec- 
tions were to be held without authority from the 
Crown was not to be called into existence until the 
sittings of the Houses had been intermitted for three 
years. On the 20th the Bill was sent up to the Lords. 

' The Dutch Ambassadors to the Prince of Orange, ^^, Oroen Van 
Prinsterer, Ser. 2, iii. 330. 

' Giustinian to the Doge, .Tan. j\ j'y, Ven, Transcrxpti, 


CHAP. It was accompanied by a Bill granting four subsidies 
' — Y" — ' to be specially applied to the relief of the armies in 

/an/i. the North. ^ 
up to*Se One concession at least Charles was ready to make, 

^tto^th 9^^d it was one which at any other time would have 
a^bttdy \y^Qji received with gratitude. On the 14th Finch 

Jan. 14. was formally impeached. On the 15th the King 
peached, anuouuced that from henceforth the Judges should 
The*jud|e8 ^^^^ officc ou good bchaviour and no longer, as had 

to hold been too often the case in his reign, at the good plea- 
office ^uom- ^5 ' or 

dime bene sxxve of thc CrowTi. The place of Ijord Keeper was 

now vacant, and if Charles had really been anxious 

to come to an understanding with Parliament he 

would have seized the opportunity of appointing 

Jan. aa somc lawyer who shared the popular feeling. The 

i^ " man wliom he selected was Lyttelton ; and Lyttelton, 

^^'* amiable as he was, had pleaded vigorously against 

Hampden in the case of ship money. To Charles he 

brought little advantage. He was personally brave, 

but pohtically timid. He fell ill shortly after his 

appointment ; and if there had been any expectation 

that his great legal knowledge would be turned to 

good account when he was called on as Lord Keeper 

to preside on Strafford's trial, that expectation was 

doomed to disappointment. 

Jan. 29. Bankes, who had taken part with Lyttelton in 

Chief Jus- pleading against Hampden, succeeded Lyttelton as 

Common* Chief Justicc of the Common Pleas. Heath received 

^^^ 2 ^ Puisne Judgeship which happened to be vacant. As 

Heath be^ ouc who had been driven from the Bench as not 

comes a . 

Ji<«pe sufficiently pUant in the days of Charles's unquestioned 
power, he might have had some hold on the public 
sympathy. But he was known to have been one of 
the staunchest upholders of the prerogative in its most 

" C. /. ii. 70. Z. /. iv. 136. 


exalted claims, and he had taken a leading part in 
those proceedings which sent EUot to his glorious 
death in prison. The Attorney-Generalship was given 
to Sir Edward Herbert. 

The strangest of all appointments was that of Jan. 39. 
Oliver St. John as Solicitor-General.^ If he had been soiicitoJ. 
placed in a position of real authority, his name would ^^®^- 
have served as a sign that Charles at least wished 
to appear desirous of approximating to the popular 
party. A Solicitor-General, as all men knew, had no 
real authority. He had a lucrative post, and Charles 
seems to have thought that he could win over many 
of his opponents by placing them in lucrative posts. 
On this occasion the attempt failed, as it deserved. 
St. John remained as staunch to his principles as he 
had been before. 

Before St. John assumed his new office, he had ^ J«n- ao; , 

The Lords 

the satisfaction of seeing his contention in the ship rewiutioM 
money case adopted by the House of Lords. On the ship 
20th they passed a series of resolutions condemning 
the impost as illegal. 

If Lords and Commons were of one mind on TheLonu 
the question of ship money, they were also of one Sthoiics. 
mind on another point in which modern feeling would 
be distinctly against them. It is sometimes said that 
the distrust of the CathoUcs was a weakness inherent 
in a Puritan House of Commons, and that even there 
it would not have been very active but for the 
machinations of Pym and his associates. Those who 
hold this view can have paid little attention to the 
journals of the House of Lords. On the 21st John 
Goodman, a priest, who was specially obnoxious as a of Good- 
convert from Protestantism, and perhaps, too, as a 

' Croke 8 RepttrUf Car. 600. Foss (Lives of the Judges^ vi. 347) gives 
the date crronejuslv at) the i8th. 


CHAP, brother of the obnoxious Bishop of Gloucester, was 
' — ^ — ' condemned to death under the bloody laws of Eliza- 
Jan. 22. ^^^h's reign. Eossetti, as soon as he heard what had 
TTie King taken place, apphed to the Queen, and the Queen told 
him. the sad story to her husband. " If he is only con- 

demned for being a priest," said Charles, "I will 
assure you he shall not die." The next morning he 
sent him a reprieve. 
A^ To show mercy to a priest was unfortunately 

•roused. to rousc the indignation of all good Protestants. 
The Queen, too, had herself contributed something to 
the violence of the storm which followed on this 
act of mercy. It must have been known to many in 
both Houses that some, at least, of the Parliamentary 
leaders had recently been tempted with offers of pro- 
motion to support the continuance of that residence 
of a Papal Agent at the Queen's court, which had 
made it the centre of a permanent intrigue against 
the Parliamentary constitution of England. 

The first outcry did not arise in either of the 
Houses. The City had been making preparations to 
ExcUe?^" lend a further sum of 6o,ocx>/. On the morning of 
meDtinthe the 23rd Penniugtou announced that, in consequence 
of Goodman's reprieve and of other suspicious cir- 
cumstances, the City had decided to lend nothing. 
The Com- The Commous at once answered to the touch, and 

mons de- . ' 

mand Called ou the Lords to join them in demanding the 

Goodman 8 , *^ , ^ 

execution, exccutiou of the condemned priest. 

chariM Charles determined, for the first time since the 

fiendfi for ^ ^ ' 

the Hou es. meeting of Parliament, to intervene in person. He 
sent for both Houses to appear before him at White- 
hall in the afternoon. He had other matters besides 
this affair of Goodman on which he wished to address 
The Root them. Since the London petition against the Bishops 
Party. had bccu presented, its principles had been acted on 


in the City. That petition asked that Episcopacy chap. 
might be destroyed * root and branch/ and the ' root 

and branch party/ as it was afterwards called, showed jgn. 13. 
signs of increasing vigour. On the 1 3th a petition ^iiMt*" 
was presented to the Commons from Kent, praying pJ^JT" 
that * the hierarchical power might be totally ab- 
rogated.' Another followed from Essex in much the 
same strain. The clergy did not as yet go quite so 
far. Some Suffolk ministers asked merely for ' some 
relief from their present burdens/ and another more 
general petition presented by Sir Eobert Harley, and Jan. 23. 
signed by about a thousand ministers, asked for a 
complete reformation of the government of the 

The movement against the Bishops was at the ^.^Jj^ 
same time a movement against the worship en- an.«inthe 

..,. i-Tfc Tki T T1 churches. 

jomed in the Prayer Book. In some London 
churches, as soon as the minister began to read 
the service, the congregation struck up a psalm to 
drown his voice. In others the rails were pulled 
down and the Communion Table carried off to the 
centre of the church. A congregation of Separatists, separ«ti«te 
which had been in the habit of meeting in secret in 
Deadman's Place in Southwark ever since 1621, was 
interrupted at a devotional meeting. Some of its 
members were hurried to prison, and brought before 
the House of Lords. They refused to engage to 
attend their parish churches. They said that they 
were only bound to obey the King in civil matters. 
If an Act of Parliament ordered them to go to church, 
it was invalid, as having been made by the Bishops. 
The Lords dismissed the men with a reprimand, but Jan. i6. 
they issued an order which was intended to stop the order on 

' DTEwes's Diary, Jan. 13, JSTar/. MSS, clxii. fol. 142. Rushw.iy, 
135) 152* 1^® Essex petition is printed in Kushworth with a wrong date. 


CHAP, disorders in public worship for the future. Divine 

' — 7-^ — ' service was to be performed everywhere in the 

pabuc wor- churchcs accordiug to law. No rites and ceremonies 

"'*''*' not so authorised, and in themselves likely to give 

offence, were to be introduced. The order was not 

free from ambiguity, but it was probably intended to 

place the ceremonies of the Church on the footing of 

Williams's decision in the case of the Communion 

Table at Grantham.^* 

Jan. 17. On the following Sunday three or four of the 

peers, Saye and Brooke being probably amongst 

them, appeared amongst the Separatists in Deadman s 

Place, seemed interested in all that they saw and 

heard, and contributed liberally to the collection 

made for the poor.* 

J*»»;23. Such was the state of affairs when the King 

The King s , *^ 

■peech. received the Houses at Whitehall. He began by 
complaining of the slow pace at which business had 
been moving at a time when there were still two armies 
in the very bosom of the kingdom, and when the navy 
and the coast fortifications were falling into decay for 
want of money. Then he spoke of the distractions 
which had impeded the course of government. He 
knew that Parliament was not to blame, but there 
were some men who ' put no difference betwixt refor- 
mation and alteration of government.' Divine service 
had been 'irreverently interrupted, petitions tumul- 
tuously given,' and much of his * revenue detained or 

He was ready, he said, to clear the way to a better 
state of things. He was prepared to concur in the 
reformation of ' all innovations in the Church and 
Commonwealth.' *A11 courts of justice should be 

' Z. J, iv. 133. BaiUie fi. 293. 

^ Crosby, llittory of the Enffliah BnpiisU, i. 162. 


regulated according to law/ and ' all matters of ^^^^• 
religion and government' reduced to *what they ^ — 7 — ' 
were in the purest times of Queen Elizabeth's days.' j^ * 
Any source of revenue which proved to be illegal 
or oppressive he was ready to abandon without hesi- 

Coming to particulars he announced that he would 
assent to a Bill to take from the Bishops any temporal 
authority which was injurious to the State, but that 
he would never agree to deprive them of their votes 
in the House of Lords. Their right to this was so 
ancient that it might be held to be amongst the 
fundamental institutions of the realm. 

On the Triennial Bill he was no less decided. 
He would not part with the prerogative of sum- 
moning Parliaments at such times as he saw fit, 
which indeed was inseparable from the Crown. He 
had, however, a plan to propose, which he hoped 
would give satisfaction, and which would show how 
desirous he was to meet his people frequently in 
Parliament. He ended by saying that they would 
soon receive a message from him on the subject of 
Goodman's reprieve.^ 

To penetrate with absolute certitude to the chariesto 
motives of any man is beyond our power. Yet it is extent nn- 
not impossible that for the moment, at least, Charles 
meant all that he said. He might dally with his 
wife's fantasies, but he had no real liking for them. 
He had no steady wish to see a Dutch army landed in 
England, or his throne supported by French threats 
uttered on the invitation of the Pope. He had far 
rather that Parliament should enter into a discussion 
of its grievances in detail, and allow him beneficently 
to lend an ear to their complaints, rectifying all that 

' X. /. iv. 142; 



^xf ^* he saw to be amiss, and refusing to change anything 


that he conceived to be advantageous. 

Jan. 23. Parhament, and more especially the Commons, 

natur^** felt iustinctivcly that if Charles wished for the redress 

^iid\ot of grievances he did not wish it with his whole heart. 

bebcUeved. j^^ ^^g usclcss to tell them that he was ready to 

return to the Church system of Elizabeth. They 
knew that in the days of his unquestioned power, 
he had professed to be following in the steps of 
Elizabeth, and that there was nothing to show that 
he meant to interpret her system otherwise than he 
had interpreted it then. 

Unfortunately for Charles, the power of carrying 
conviction was altogether wanting to him. Actions, 
not words, were needed for that. What a nation 
looks for in such days of trial is the firm hand of a 
leader who, sympathising with its desires and even 
with its prejudices, can guide it with the moderation 
of conscious strength. Charles could ofier no such 
rallying point. EQs speech was composed partly of 
negations, partly of vague and uncertain invitations 
to others to act. If he were to rule the storm which 
he had evoked, he should have directed his ministers 
to introduce a Bill of Church Eeform into the House 
of Commons, and have shown at the same time that 
he was ready to bow to any true expression of the 
national will. This was what Elizabeth would 
have done, in whose steps he expressed his deter- 
mination to walk. He did nothing of the kind. 
Like the unskilful boxer to whom the Athenian 
orator compared his countrymen in the days of their 
decline, he was ever attempting to parry the blows 
aimed at him, never venturing to plant a skilful blow 
in return. 

It was inevitable that Charles's speech should be 


taken by advocates of a large Church Eeform as con- ^^^^• 
taming a meaning more opposed to their wishes than 

its expressions would literally bear. Between him j^^^' 
and them no understanding was possible. " This FeeUnsf 

, ^ , ^ aroused by 

speech," wrote D'Ewes in that inestimable diary in thu speech, 
which he has preserved so much of the words and 
acts of this famous ParUament, " filled most of us with 
sad apprehensions of future evils, in case his Majesty 
should be irremovably fixed to uphold the Bishops in 
their wealth, pride, and tyranny." ^ The feeling found '^'^ Catho- 
expression in a request for a conference with the butfonnto 
Lords, and an order to Sir John Wintour, the beinvesti- 
Queen's secretary, Sir Kenelm Digby, Walter Mon- *^* 
tague, and two other Catholic gentlemen to give an 
account of their part in the collection of the con- 
tribution from the Catholics in support of the King's 
army in 1639.^ The ill-feeling was not allayed by a .J'^^S' 
message from the King justifying the reprieve of offers to 
Goodman, and ofiering merely to banish him from Gasman. 
England. In regarding the action of the Catholics Jan. 29. 
with alarm both Houses were of one mind. The execution 
Lords concurred with the Commons in asking the " 
King to put the Recusancy laws in execution, and to 
begin by sending Goodman to the cruel death of a 

Charles knew how much was at stake in the Jan. as. 
demand for Goodman's execution. II he did not ciestKaiiut 
stand firm here, how would he be able to stand firm 
when Strafibrd's head should be asked for? On the 
28th the detailed charges against the Lord-Lieu- 
tenant were brought up by Pym from the Committee 
which had been appointed to prepare them. To 
Strafford the appearance of these lengthy articles 

' D'Ewes'B Diary, Sari. MSS. clxii. fol. 164. 
« C. /. ii.74. 



CHAP, conveyed a sense of relief. "I thank God, my lord/' 
^- — r^ — ' he wrote to Orraond, " I see nothing capital in their 
Jan ^28 <^harge, nor any other thing which I am not able to 
answer as becomes an honest man." ^ 
Ch»rj?e Elaborate as the articles were, there was one 

the irifh thought which overtopped them all. The belief that 
*™'^' Strafford had planned the introduction of an Irish 
army to overpower resistance in England was drag- 
ging him down to his destruction. Every piece of 
evidence which gave the slightest authority to this 
Jan. 29. beUef was eagerly caught at. The day after the 
tiJSbythe articlcs were read in the House, a member stated 
Worcester that the CathoUc Earl of Worcester and his son Lord 
questioned. Herbert had in the preceding year « received commis- 
sions authorising them to levy forces in those shires 
on either side of the Welsh border in which the in- 
fluence of their house was predominant ; and that Sir 
Percy Herbert, the Catholic son of Lord Powis, had 
been gathering corn, and had removed powder and 
munitions from the county magazine. It was easy 
to connect these levies with a supposed intention of 
landing Strafford's army in Wales. 
Jan. 3a On the following day the articles against Strafford 

agains? wcrc put to the vote in the House. As soon as the first 
T^r*^ was read Sir John Strangways asked by what witnesses 
it had been substantiated, and Sir Guy Palmes 
seconded his demand for a reply. They were told that 
the House must be content to leave such matters to 
the Committee. When the question was put, more 
than a third of the members present remained silent. 
The Speaker told them that every one was bound to 
say either Aye or No ; ' after which,' writes D'Ewes, 

1 FEwes's Diary, Harl MSS. clxii. fol. 176. Strafford to Ormond, 
Feb. 3, dtrte's Ormond, ▼. 245. 

'^ D*Kwes Ray» it was in 1638, but this \n plainly a mistake. 


* the Ayes were many and loud/ The remaining ^^f ^• 
articles were then voted and transmitted to the 

Lords.^ jan!*i^ 

Slight as the indication of feeling was, it gave The Queen 

o D ' D proposes 

evidence that the unanimity with which the Com- tovvdi 
mons had hitherto proceeded, might not last for 
ever. Even if Charles had been capable of profiting 
by this position of aflairs he would have been sadly 
hampered by the Catholic surroundings of the Queen. 
Henrietta Maria was violently annoyed by the late 
action of Parliament in demanding Goodman's exe- 
cution and the expulsion of Eossetti, and by the sum- 
mons issued to her secretary and her favourite com- 
panions to give an account of themselves before the 
House of Commons. She suddenly discovered that 
the English climate was injurious to her health, and 
that she was in danger of falling into a consumption. 
It would therefore be necessary for her to visit 
France in April. Preparations for her journey were 
ostentatiously made. 

Doubtless it was not mere vexation which brought Her pro- 
the Queen to this resolve. Before April came she ject. 
might expect an answer to her application to Eome, 
and she probably hoped that the result would be the 
direct intervention of the French Government on her 
behalf. She may very well have judged it more 
prudent to be absent from England when that inter- 
vention took shape. If such were her thoughts, she 
little knew Eichelieu. The Cardinal, by whom France 
was ruled, cared nothing for the family relationships 
of his master, nothing even for the interests of his 
church when they clashed with those of his country. 
Instead of despatching a new ambassador to threaten 
violence on behalf of the Catholics, he instructed 

» D'Ewes's Diary, HarL MSS. clxii., fol. 182. 



CHAP. Montreuil to enter into communications with the 
popular party, and to explain that it would be agree- 
able to France if Eossetti were allowed to remain. 


Jan. 3a 

Holland, who was in opposition to the Court, simply 
because he had not latterly partaken sufficiently of 
its favours, answered that he would do all that lay in 
his power to forward the Cardinal's wishes. It was 
not to be expected that Eichelieu would entangle 
himself for Eossetti's sake in English political strife.^ 

In the terror which was engendered by mutual 
distrust, Charles and the Commons were alike look- 
ing about them for support. The Commons had the 
advantage in their firmer grasp on the actual con- 
ditions under which the struggle was to be con- 
Feb.3. ducted. On February 3 they voted that 300,000/. 
Awistuioe should be given to the Scots under the name of a 
the*S(»te. Brotherly Assistance. With this the Scottish Com- 
missioners were completely satisfied, and all chance of 
breach between the two kingdoms came to an end.^ 
Charles Charlcs took the hint. As he had often done 

theCatbo- bcforc, he threw over the CathoUcs. He announced 
^ that Goodman should be left to the judgment of 

the Houses, though he hoped that they would re- 
member that severity towards Catholics in England 
would probably lead to severity towards Protestants 
in the Catholic States on the Continent. A procla- 
mation should be issued ordering all priests to leave 
England within a month on pain of being proceeded 
against according to law. As to Eossetti, he was in 
England to maintain the personal correspondence be- 

Jan. » 

» MontreuiPs Despatches, }^, Fob ^, Bibi,Xat,YT. 15,995, fol. 183, 

Ja n. 9 
Feb. 8 

187. Rossetti to Barberini, iS^, -R. O. Transcripts, Giustinian to the 

Doge,j!^", Ven, TrtmscripU, 

' The Scottish Commissioners in London to the Committee at New- 
castle, Feb. 6, Adv» Libr, Edin, 33, 4, 6. 


tween the Queen and the Pope, which was warranted ^^^p- 
by her marriage treaty, as being necessary to the full 

liberty of her conscience. Nevertheless, she was pre- ^^^ 
pared to dismiss him within a convenient time.^ 

The Commons took no further interest in Good- 6cx>dmaii 
man's fate. He was allowed to remain unmolested prfson. 
in prison. It was not merely the death of one par- 
ticular priest that had been the object of so much 
clamour. The resentment of Pai'liament had been 
roused by the notorious connection of the Queen's 
court with intrigues which were the more terrible to 
the imagination because they were shrouded in 
mystery. The day after the King's message had been 
delivered, the Queen sent a communication to the Feb. 4. 
Commons. Her project of visiting France had not IISSS^'* 
been received with favour even by her own coun- 
sellors. The Protestant Henry Jermyn and the 
Catholic Walter Montague agreed in prefemng an 
easy life at Somerset House to the uncertainties of 
exile. Jermyn's father. Sir Thomas, was therefore 
commissioned to inform the House of the Queen's 
earnest desire to estabUsh a good understanding be- 
tween her husband and his subjects, and to plead her 
ignorance of the law in palliation of any illegality 
which she might inadvertently have committed.^ 

The Commons were not much inclined to consider Answerer 
this message as more serious than it really was. When SSiST' 
Jermyn finished there was a long silence. Some mem- 
bers then urged that they should proceed to the 
business of tlie day without taking any notice of it. A 
proposal made by Lord Digby to ask Jermyn to return 
thanks to the Queen was coldly received ; though, in 
order to save appearances, it was at last adopted. 

» L.J.'iy, 151. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl, MSS. clxiv, fol. 112. 
•' Hushtv. iv. 129. FEwess Diary, Hark MSS. clxii. fol. 176, 



CHAP. Another proposal that a Committee should be ap- 
pointed to draw up formal thanks to her received no 

Feb 4 support.^ The possibility of an understanding between 
the King and the Commons seemed to be farther off 
than ever. Nor could Charles find comfort in the 
Feb. 5. action of the Lords. On the 5 th the Triennial Bill 
SSaBiifin was read a third time by the Peers. Both Houses, of 
the Loids. Qjjg niind in attacking the influence of the CathoUcs 
at Court, were also of one mind in their determina- 
tion that from henceforth the King should carry on 
the Government in compliance with the wishes of 

If it had been possible for Charles to throw him- 
self frankly upon his subjects, he would probably 
soon have found himself once more a force in Eng- 

I^L^n."^ ^^^- ^^^ Church question was pressing for a solu- 
tion, and the unanimity which had characterised the 
nation in its outburst of anger against the Laudian 
coercion was not Ukely to be maintained now that 
Laud's authority was at an end. The lawyers and 
the country gentlemen were indeed firmly resolved 
that the authority of the bishops must be seriously 
curtailed, and that, if they were to continue to exist, 
they must be brought under subjection to Parlia- 
mentary law. But when this was once settled, another 
question equally urgent was certain to arise. A large 
number of theorists, gaining strength from the hatred 
which the bishops had drawn upon themselves, ar- 
gued that Episcopacy was anti-Christian. A smaller 
number of theorists argued that Episcopacy was of 
Divine institution. To the mass of men it was a 
mere matter of convenience. To the bulk of religious 
men, or of men who, without being supereminently 
religious, were under the influence of religion, it mat- 

» D'EweB'8 Diary, Sari. MSS, dxii. fol. 197. 


tered much more how the worship of the Church chap. 
was conducted than how the clergy were governed. "- » ' — ' 
Laud had roused all the old dislike of the forms of i /*^' 
the Church into new life. There was eager and 
bitter criticism of the Prayer Book abroad, and there 
was a large number of the population of the towns 
which would have cast out the Prayer Book alto- 
gether. Such could never have been the aim of the 
people as a whole. The new changes imposed by 
Laud, the removal of the Communion Table to the east 
end, the enforcement of bowing when the name of 
Jesus was pronounced, the compulsory abstinence from 
work on Saints' days must be of necessity abandoned. 
But the majority — in all probability the large majo- 
rity — of EngKshmen wanted no more than this. There 
were thousands to whom the old famiUar words of 
the Prayer Book were very dear, and to whom its 
lofty piety and restrained emotion had long served 
as the sustenance of their spiritual lives. It was to 
this feeling that Bishop Hall now appealed. His Haira 

rr 11 T? 5 y • in. HumUeRe- 

Humble Kemonstrance for Liturgy and hptscopacy nunutrance, 
appeared in the last week in January. Its very title 
was in itself significant. The question what was to 
be the Liturgy of the Church had taken a prece- 
dence over the question of Episcopacy which he had 
not conceded to it in the preceding year. No doubt 
he argued warmly now as then on behalf of the 
Divine authority of bishops. But his main conten- 
tion was in favour of the excellence of the Book of 
Common Prayer, and of its adaptability to every 
mood of Christian devotion. He admitted that some 
tilings might call for a reformation ; but, when exist- 
ing grievances had been redressed, the ancient build- 
ing might well be left with all its fair proportions 
unimpaired. No wonder Charles liked the book well. 

F 2 


CHAP. No wonder, too, that those who were bent on establish- 


ing Presbyterianism in England held that all others 
pitied it * as a most poor piece.' ^ 


Feb. 8. If Episcopacy in its actual form found few sup- 


porters in England, Presbyterianism was not without 
teria^m. its cnemics. Though many minds had received a 
strong Puritan impress from the ecclesiastical domi- 
nation of the past years, there were others scarcely 
less numerous which were filled with a distrust of the 
government of ecclesiastics in any form whatever, 
and who thought that the yoke of a popular clergy 
was likely to be far harder than the yoke of an 
unpopular clergy had ever been. In the House of 
Commons this distrust of Presbyterianism was widely 
spread. It found expression especially in three men, 
in Hyde, in Falkland, and in Digby, the lawyer, the 
scholar, and the gentleman. 
Hyde. Hyde was taking no mean part in the work of 

cutting away the extraordinary powers which had 
been acquired by the Crown since the accession of 
the House of Tudor. He was zealous with more than 
ordinary zeal to estabUsh the supremacy of the law. 
But with him the supremacy of the law was almost 
equivalent to the supremacy of lawyers. He fully 
shared in the contempt which is always felt by the 
members of a learned profession for those who are 
outside its pale. He had no idea that sovereignty, 
when once taken away from a king, must be trans- 
ferred to a nation. He had no sympathy with Pym's 
trust in the supremacy of the House of Commons. 
Being himself without strong passions, he never took 
account of the existence of strong passion in others. 
The Church of his ideal was one in which there would 
be no enthusiasm and no fanaticism, no zeal of any 

' BaHfie, i. 293. 


kind to break up the smooth ease of existence. He ^5f^^- 
loved the services of the Church, but he loved them 
rather because they were decorous than because they 
were expressive of spiritual emotion. 

Far nobler, if also far weaker, was the character Falkland, 
of his friend- Falkland. Falkland saw, before Milton 
saw it, that new Presbyter would be but old priest 
writ large. He feared lest intellectual liberty would 
sniffer from the new Church government as it had 
sujflTered from the old. 

In some respects Lord Digby. Bristol's son and Digby. 
heir, stood nearer to Falkland than to Hyde. But his 
distrust of Presbyterianism was rather the feeling of 
the polished gentleman versed in the ways of society 
than that of the truth-seeking student. Possessed of 
every quality which lifts a man to success except dis- 
cretion, he looked down with the scorn of conscious 
power upon the sophisms which passed muster in a 
popular creed. His versatility and lack of principle 
made him easily the dupe of flattery, and the most 
brilliant of living EngUshmen ended a long career with- 
out attaching his name to any single permanent result 
either for good or for evil. There can be little doubt 
that the Queen had already gained him over. At the 
opening of the Parliament he had cried out as loudly 
as any one against the iniquities of the Government. 
In the late debate on the Queen's message it had been 
his voice which had asked that formal thanks might 
be returned to her for the friendly assurances which 
she had given. 

On February 8 the most momentous debate of Thedebates 
these months was opened in the Commons. Formally cieaiarticai 
the question at issue was whether the London peti- ^^ 
tion, which asked for the aboUtion of Episcopacy, 
should be sent to a Committee as well as the ministers' 



CHAP, petition which asked only that the bishops might be 

"^-7^^ — ' restrained by certain defined rules. 
Feb. 8. ^^^ debate was opened by Eudyerd. He argued 

Rudyerd»8 in favour of a scheme of limited Episcopacy, accord- 

"^^**^^^' ing to which the bishop, being excluded from poli- 
tical functions^ would be bound in ecclesiastical matters 
of importance to take the advice of a certain number 

Digbv's of the clergy of his diocese.^ Then Digby followed. 
No one, he said, was more ready than he to join in 
chpping the prelates' wings, but he could not join in 
their extirpation. The secret of his displeasure was 
not long concealed. He poured out his contempt on 
the 15,000 citizens who had signed the London peti- 
tion, as well as on the petition itself. He spoke of it 
as a comet with a terrible tail pointing towards the 
north. " Let me recal to your mind," he said, " the 
manner of its deUvery, and I am confident there is 
no man of judgment that will think it fit for a ParUa- 
ment under a monarchy to give countenance to irre- 
gular and tumultuous assemblies of people, be it for 
never so good an end." The petition itself, he de- 
clared, was filled with expressions Of undeniable harsh - 
ness, and its conclusion waff altogether illogical. It 
argued that because Episcopacy heid been abused, its 
use must be taken away. Parliament might make a 
law to regulate Church government, but it was mere 
presumption for those who were outside Parliament 
to petition against a law actually in force. 

Having thus assailed the petitioners, Digby turned 
round upon the bishops. " Methinks," he said, " the 
vengeance of the prelates hath been so layed, as if it 
were meant no generation, no degree, no complexion of 

* Etishw. iv. 183. There are short notes of the' debate in D'Ewes's 
Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. 206. The speeches are given by Kush worth in 
a wrong order and assigned to a wrong date. 


mankind could escape it. . , . Was there a man of nice chap. 
and tender conscience? Him they afflicted with scandal, ^ — 7 — 
. . . imposing on him those things as necessary which ^^^^ ^ 
they themselves knew to be but indifferent. Was there 
a man of a legal conscience that made the establish- 
ment by law the measure of his religion ? Him they 
have nettled with innovations, with fresh introductions 
to Popery. . . . Was there a man that durst mutter 
against their insolencies? He may inquire for his 
* lugs ; ' they have been within the bishops' visitation, 
as if they would not only derive their brandishment 
of the spiritual sword from St. Peter, but of the mate- 
rial one too, and the right to cut off ears. For my 
part I profess I am so enflamed with the sense of 
them, that I find myself ready to cry out with the 
loudest of the 1 5,000, ' Down witli them ! down 
with them ! ' even unto the ground." 

Other considerations held him back. It was im 
possible that institutions which had existed since the 
time of the Apostles could have in them * such a 
close devil ' that no power could ' exorcise * it, or ' no 
law restrain * it. He was much deceived * if trien- 
nial Parliaments would not be a circle able to keep 
many a worse devil in order.' He knew of no other 
government which might not prove subject to ' as 
great or greater inconveniences than a limited Epis- 
copacy.' Then, pointing his meaning still more plainly, 
he expressed his firm beUef that monarchy could not 
stand with the government of Presbyterian assembUes. 
Assembhes would be sure to claim the right of ex- 
communicating kings ; ' and if a king,' he ended by 
saying, ' chance to be delivered over to Satan, judge 
whether men are likely to care much what becomes 
of him next.' 

Falkland followed in a higlier strain. He dwelt 


^ xi^' more on the effect of Laud's exercise of power on 


thought than on its effect upon persons. He told how 
FebTs! preaching had been discouraged; how the King's 
l^^^*^ declaration, whilst ostensibily imposing silence on 
both parties, had been used to silence one ; how the 
divine riglit of bishops, the sacredness of the clergy, 
and the sacrilege of impropriations had been *the 
most frequent subjects even in the most sacred 
auditories.' Some of the bishops — ^Montague was 
doubtless in his thoughts — ^had so industriously la- 
boured to deduce themselves from Eome, that they 
had 'given great suspicion that in gratitude they' 
desired ' to return thither, or at least to meet it half 
way.' "Some," he then said, "have evidently la- 
boured to bring in an English, though not a Roman, 
Popery ; I mean not only the outside and dress of it, 
but equally absolute, a blind dependence of the peo- 
ple upon the clergy, and of the clergy upon them- 
selves ; and have opposed the Papacy beyond the 
seas that they might settle one beyond the water." 
"Nay," he added, with bitter reference to Bishop 
Goodman, "common fame is more than ordinarily 
false if none of them have found a way to reconcile 
the opinions of Eome to the preferments of England ; 
and to be so absolutely, directly, and cordially Papists, 
that it is all that 1,500/. a year can do to keep them 
from confessing it." 

With all this, and with much more than this, 
Falkland could see no necessity for the abolition of 
Episcopacy. Let all laws be repealed which em- 
powered them to persecute, and let no ceremonies 
which any number counts unlawful, and no man 
counts necessary, against the rules of policy and St. 
Paul be imposed upon them. " Since, therefore," he 
said, " we are to make new rules, and be infallibly 


certain of a triennial Parliament to see those rules ^^f ^' 

observed as strictly as they are made, and to increase 
or change them upon all occasions, we shall have no peb. 8. 
reason to fear any innovation from their tyranny, or 
to doubt any defect in the discharge of their duty. 
I am as confident they will not dare either ordain, 
suspend, silence, excommunicate, or deprive, other- 
wise than we would have them."^ 

It was with the sure instinct of a true debater Fiennes re. 

plies not to 

that Nathaniel Fiennes, Lord Saye's second son, re- faiwand 

' ^ . but to 

plied to Digby and not to Falkland. That ecstatic Digby, 
vision of a Liberal Church, where no ceremonies were 
enforced which were unpalatable to any considerable 
number of the population, had no hold on the actual 
world around. In answer to Digby, Fiennes vindi- 
cated the right of petition, against the notion that 
the House of Commons was to stand apart from its 
constituents, and to legislate regardless of their 
wishes. Going over once more the long catalogue 
of the oppressions inflicted by the bishops, Fiennes 
traced the mischief, as Bacon had traced it before, 
to the fact that bishops had acted despotically and 
alone. Assemblies, he thought, were not so adverse 
to monarchy as they appeared to be. It did not, 
however, follow that the Presbyterian system must 
be introduced because Episcopacy was abolished. It 
might be that the Church would be most fitly 
governed by Commissioners appointed by the Crown.^ 
Whatever might be the merit of this suggestion, 
there can be no doubt that Fiennes kept his eye 
more closely than Digby had done upon the stern 
fact that the bishops of that generation had not 

* Ruthw, iv. 184. 

' It will be afterwards seen that the celebrated Koot-and-Branch 
Billy in its final shape, provided for the exercise of episcopal jurisdiction 
by lay Oommissioners. 

Feb. 8. 


CHAP, merely acted harshly to individual Englishmen, but 
^ — r-^ — ' had opposed themselves to the Parliamentary con- 
l^^^^' ception of government. " Until the ecclesiastical 
government," said Fiennes, " be . framed something 
of another twist, and be more assimilated to that of 
the Commonwealth, I fear the ecclesiastical govern- 
ment will be no good neighbour unto the civil, but 
will be still casting of its leaven into it, to reduce 
that also to a sole absolute and arbitrary way of pro- 
ceeding." Nor was it the political constitution alone 
that was endangered. " A second and a great evil," 
added Fiennes, " and of dangerous consequence in 
the sole and arbitrary power of bishops over their 
clergy is this, that they have by this means a power 
to place and displace the whole clergy of their dio- 
ceses at their pleasure ; and this is such a power as, 
for my part, I had rather they had the like power over 
the estate and persons of all within their diocese ; for 
if I hold the one but at the will and pleasure of one 
man — I mean the ministry under which I must live 
— I can have but little, or at least no certain, joy or 
comfort in the other. But this is not all ; for if they 
have such a power to mould the clergy of their dio- 
ceses according to their pleasure, we know what an 
influence they may have by them upon the people, 
and that in a short time they may bring them to 
such blindness, and so mould them also to their 
own wills, as that they may bring in what religion they 
please ; nay, having put out our eyes as the Philis- 
tines did Samson's, they may afterwards make us 
grind, and reduce us unto what slavery they please, 
either unto themselves, as formerly they have done, 
or unto others, as some of them lately have been 
forward enough to do." Fiennes had yet more to 
say against the existing ecclesiastical system. He 


declared that excommunication had been degraded ^^4^- 
to a mere instrument for raising fees. In every re- "- 

spect the temporal part of the bishop's office had ^^^ ^' 
eaten away the spiritual. Bishoprics, deaneries, and 
chapters were like useless trees in a wood. They 
hindered the more profitable timber from growing. 
It would be much better to supply their places with 
preaching ministers. In conclusion, he refrained 
from asking the House to abolish Episcopacy. He 
would be content if the Londoners' petition were re- 
ferred to the Committee for its report.^ 

On this ground the debate proceeded. Almost Continu- 

1 /. • t XX 1 anceofthe 

every member of note m the House, and very many debate, 
who were of no note at all, rose to express an opinion 
on one side or the other. Pym and Hampden, St. 
John and Holies, the future leaders of the ParUamen- 
tary party, were all for the committal of the petition ; 
though Pym is reported to have said ' that he thought 
it was not the intention of the House to abolish either 
Episcopacy or the Book of Common Prayer, but to 
reform both wherein oflence was given to the peo- 
ple.'^ Hyde and Culpepper, Selden, Hopton, and 
Waller, the Koyalists of the days of the Grand Ke- 
mons trance, followed Digby and Falkland. 

Slight as the difference might be between those Xhebegin- 
who took opposite sides on that day, their parting Pw?i^ 
gave the colour to English poUtical life which has JJSu^ 
distinguished it ever since, and which has distin- 
guished every free government which has followed 
in the . steps of our forefathers. It was the first day 
on which two parties stood opposed to one another 

* Rushw, iv. 1 74. 

^ Bagshaw, A Jugt VindicatioUy 1660 (518, i. 3). Bagshaw, who was 
at this time member for Southwark^ speaks of Pym as ' a gentleman with 
whom I had familiar acquaintance, and knew his mind in that point.' 


Feb. 8. 


CHAP, in the H0US6 of Commons, not merely on some inci- 
dental question, but on a great principle of action 
which constituted a permanent bond between those 
who took one side or the other. How much this 
separation of Parliament into two bodies habitually 
acting together implied was Uttle known then. For 
some httle time it was only on one question that 
each group acted together at all. As that question 
rose into prominence it swallowed up all other ques- 
tions, and those who had taken their sides on this 
February 8 were found agreeing or differing on all 
other points as they had agreed or differed then. 
QueBtion It is absurd to speak of the two parties which 

ostensibly . ^ . . ^i . j • • 

at iuue. camc mto existence on that day as answering m any 
way to our present political divisions. It might seem 
at first, indeed, that no great political question was at 
issue at all. Both sides professed, and honestly pro- 
fessed, that they were in favour of that limitation of 
monarchy which was implied in the passing of the 
Triennial Bill into law. Both sides honestly professed 
that they wished the Church to be under restrictions 
imposed by Parliament. Even in purely ecclesiastical 
matters there was a large amount of agreement. 
Neither Fiennes nor Digby wished to see the bishops 
again in possession of the powers which they had 
hitherto wielded, or dreamed for an instant of ac- 
knowledging any divine right in their order. The 
difference between the two parties lay in this. The 
one wished to leave the work of teaching and of con- 
ducting religious worsliip to the ministers themselves, 
whili>t assigning to lay authorities all coercive juris- 
diction. The other wished to retain the bishops as 
depositaries of coercive jurisdiction, whilst placing 
them strictly under the supervision of ParUament. 
Such at least was the question ostensibly at issue. 


If there had been no more than this between the ^^^^' 

parties, the question would doubtless have been "" 
settled one way or another without much more heart- peb. s. 
burning than attends the setthng of any complicated 1^,^^ 
political diflSculty in our own times. Both parties <*^»^o"- 
felt instmctively that the question before them was 
more than one of the arrangement of the manner in 
which coercive jurisdiction was to be exercised. It 
was rather a question of influence. The possession 
of the pulpit brought with it the power of moulding 
the thoughts and habits of men, which can only be 
compared with the power of the press in modern 
times. That the clergy would be far more Puritan Objects of 
than they had been in the days of Laud was per- fenders of 
fectly evident. Even if Fiennes succeeded in estab- pJSJT" 
lishing a body of lay Commissioners to impose fines 
and imprisonment upon ecclesiastical offenders, or to 
decide testamentary or matrimonial causes, they would 
have no power whatever to withstand the vast current 
of opinion which would be created by the Puritan 
clergy, and which would bear hardly upon those who 
by character, by position, or by intellect, were incUned 
to stand apart from the mass. To Pym and Fiennes 
tlie danger was an unreal one. Partly they were 
thinking too much of combating the immediate evil 
before ihem to think at all of providing against an 
evil in the future, and partly they sympathised too 
strongly with the Puritan teaching to be anxious 
to provide for the case of those who disapproved 
of it. 

In some sort, therefore, the party which followed Their 
Digby and Falkland was groping about in search of 
a shelter against the oppressive monotony of a demo- 
cratic Church. But they neither took a true measure 
of the proportion of the mischiefs to be counteracted, 


CHAP, nor had they any clear conception of the fitting 
' — r^ — ' remedy to be applied. The immediate work of the 

Feb^s. ^^y ^^ ^^ S^^^ ^^ ^^^ ecclesiastical institutions of 
the nation, as Fiennes said, another twist, to bring 
them into some tolerable harmony with the rehgious 
Feb. II. feeling of the greater part of the nation. The next 
thing to be done was to provide space and room 
enough for the free play of religious and social hfe 
outside the organisation of the majority. What was 
really needed was the proclamation of rehgious 
Kberty. It was precisely the thing of which no man 
in the House had any conception. Those who came 
nearest to it, Falkland and Selden, cried out for the 
maintenance of bishops. Undoubtedly there are 
conditions under which bishops are much safer 
guardians of religious Uberty than Presbyterian 
Assemblies are likely to be. It was hardly the mo- 
ment when this could be successfully alleged. The 
existing bishops, in all good conscience no doubt, 
had shown themselves strangely intolerant. Their 
warmest defenders asserted loudly that if they were 
to be retained at all they must be something very dif- 
ferent from anything that they had been in past years 
Indefinite- What Falkland and Digby offered to the world was, 

ne&softheir r t • ^^/* t • i i i-^i i ' 

aim. not a set of livmg men quaJined to guide the Church, 

but a mere suggestion that a set of men, who had 
conspicuously failed in guiding it with reasonable 
prudence, might gradually be replaced by others 
who would understand their duty better, though no 
one knew on what principle the bishops of the future 
were likely to be selected. Pym's followers asked for 
inquiry with a definite object in view. Digby and 
Falkland resisted inquiry, and had no definite plan 
of their own to offer. 

No doubt the defenders of Episcopacy spoke of 


Parliamentary and legal restrictions on the exercise chap. 
of the office. But it needs little acquaintance with ' — 7~^ 
the world to know that no restrictions will make an „ , „' 
efficient leader. It is better not to have a guide at 
all than to have one who is hampered at every turn, 
or who has no clear idea in what direction he wishes 
to go. The direction in which the new bishops were 
to go would depend very much upon the persons who 
had the selection of them. On this point, however, 
no new suggestion was made. There might be differ- 
ences of opinion as to whether the bishops were the 
successors of the Apostles or not, as to whether they 
had been wise or foolish, self-seeking or self-denying. 
But it was impossible to deny that they had been the TheWshops 
King's nominees, and, for all that was said in the de- nominees, 
bate, it would appear that the defenders of Episco- 
pacy intended that they should remain the King's 
nominees still. By this consideration the question 
was carried at once into the region of general poKtics. 
The supporters of Episcopacy would gradually be- 
come supporters of the independent authority of the 
Crown. They would become apt to overlook Charles's 
faults, and to trust him more than he deserved to be 
trusted. Those, on the other hand, who wished to be 
quit of bishops, lest in retaining them in the Church 
they should be retaining influences bitterly hostile to 
the Parliamentary system which they wished to found, 
would only be confirmed in their distrust of a ki^ig to 
whom the bishops looked for support, and did not 
look in vain. 

That any decided resolution had been taken by Position of 
the leaders of the party which associated itself with ^^™* 
Fiennes on this question, beyond that required by the 
exigencies of the moment, is most improbable. Pym 
does not appear to have spoken at any length. He 


CHAP, sympathised to some extent with the root-and-branch 
poUcy, and he had made up his mind that the institu- 


Feb. 8. tions of Church and State must both receive another 
twist. The exact way in which this was to be ac- 
comphshed must depend upon the course of circum- 
stances, and especially upon the conduct of the King. 
Feb. 9. When the debate was resumed the next day, 

jowil^" Pennington stood up to vindicate the conduct of his 
debate. coustitucnts. Thosc who had signed the petition, he 
defend* the said, wcrc men of worth, and known integrity ; and if 

petitioners. , > i n . .« , 

there were any mean men s hands to it, yet, if they 
were honest men, there was no reason but their hands 
should be received. If pressure had been used, it 
would have been signed not by fifteen hundred but 
by fifteen times fifteen hundred. 

It was thus that the root-and-branch party took 
up the cause of the masses. It was not enough that 
the control over reUgion should be wrested from the 
King and the bishops to be handed over to the edu- 
cated classes, which alone found a place in the House of 
Commons. No wonder the prospect thus opened was 
disagreeable to those who were determined not to be 
dictated to by Laud, but who could see no reason 
why they should not themselves dictate to the artisans 
^gument and peasants whom they despised. " K we make a 
ways. parity in the Church," said Sir John Strangways, 
" we must come to a parity in the Commonwealth. 
The bishops are one of the three estates of the king- 
dom, and have voice in Parhament." In these few 
words Strangways had given voice to the strength 
and the weakness of his party. Large numbers of 
the country gentlemen who had shown a firm front to 
the aggressions of the Crown, who had resisted the 
payment of ship money, and who had risen up 
against Laud's ecclesiastical system, had no sympathy 


with Puritanism, especially when it took a popular ^^^^• 
form. From self-interest or principle, they held ' — -^ — ' 
that government was for the few and not for the many, ^^^^ * 
and that the mass of men, ignorant and immersed 
in the toils of life, were little capable of solving the 
intricate problems of pohtics and reUgion.* They 
thought with Shakspere — 

Take but degree away, untune that string, 

And hark, what discord follows ! each thing meets 

In mere oppugnancj. The bounded waters 

Should lift their bosoms higher than the shores, 

And make a sop of all this solid globe : 

Strength should be lord of imbecility, 

And the rude son should strike his father dead. 

Force should be right ; or rather, right and wrong 

(Between whose endless jar justice resides) 

Should lose their names, and so should justice too. 

Then every thing includes itself in power. 

Power into will, will into appetite ; 

And appetite, an universal wolf, 

So doubly seconded with will and power, 

Must make perforce an universal prey, " 

And, last, eat up himself. 

Strangways's words about parity in the Common- cromweirs 
wealth were more than Cromwell could bear. * He "^^^' 

' In the Oheshire petition against Presbytery, presented to the Lords 
on Feb. 27 (E. 163) various objections felt by laymen to the abolition of 
Episcopacy are well brought out. " We cannot but express our just 
fears that their desire is to introduce an absolute innovation of Presby- 
terial government, whereby we who are now governed by the Canon and 
Civil laws dispensed by twenty-six ordinaries, easily responsible to Par- 
liament for any deviation from the rule of law, conceive we should 
become exposed to the mere arbitrary government of a numerous Presby- 
tery, who, together with their ruling elders, will arise to near forty 
thousand Church governors, and with their adherents must needs bear so 
great a sway in the Commonwealth, that if future inconvenience shall be 
found in that Government, we humbly offer to consideration how these 
shall be reducible by Parliament, how consistent with a monarchy, and 
how dangerously conducible to an anarchy, which we have just cause to 
pray against, as fearing the consequences would prove the utter loss of 
learning and laws, which must necev«sarily produce an extermination of 
nobility, gentry, and order, if not of religion,* 



CHAP, knew no reason/ he said, * of those suppositions and 
'^ — ^ — ' inferences which the gentleman had made.' His look 
Feb. o. ^^^ ^^^^ were probably more irritating than his 
words. Cries of * To the bar ! ' were heard from 
Strangways' friends. Pym and Holies intervened, 
and he was allowed to finish his speech. He re- 
peated that he did not understand ' why the gentle- 
man that last spake should make an inference of 
parity from the Church to the Commonwealth, nor 
that there was any necessity of the great revenues of 
the bishops. He was more convinced touching the 
irregularity of bishops than ever before, because, 
Uke the Eoman hierarchy, they would not endure to 
have their condition come to a trial.' 

The reply was characteristic of Cromwell. To the 
truth which lay behind the objections of his opponents 
he was wholly bUnd. For the practical work of the 
moment he was intensely keen-sighted. Bishops to 
him were not the ideal bishops which had their 
existence in Falkland's brain, but the actual Laud 
and Wren who were then existing in England in 
bodily shape. These men heid stood in the way of that 
stern Protestantism which was all in all to him. They 
had imposed superstitious ceremonies. They had 
persecuted the saints. The work of the day was to 
break down their power. What was to be done next, 
or what would be the remote consequence of what he 
was doing, he did not care to inquire. 
A com- The temper which had been provoked may have 

SJSd? *^' warned the leaders on both sides, that no good object 
would be attained by prolonging the discussion. 
Falkland and Culpepper offered a compromise. They 
suggested that the greater part of the Londoners' 
petition should be referred, together with the petition 
of the ministers, to the proposed Committee, but that 


the special question of Episcopacy should be reserved ^2^^- 
for future consideration by the House itself. Though ^^ — 7^-^ — ' 
many voices were raised against this suggestion, it ^^^ * 
was ultimately adopted without a division. A division 
was, however, subsequently taken, on the addition of 
six names, three from each side, to those of the Com- 
mittee of twenty-four previously appointed for Church 
affairs; a proposal which was resisted by the sup- 
porters of Episcopacy, possibly on the ground that 
they did not expect that the weight of Eoe, Holbome, 
and Palmer, who were named from their own side, 
would be equal to that of Holies, Fiennes, and the. 
younger Vane on the other. They were, however, 
defeated by a majority of thirty-five.^ 

Falkland and Culpepper had gained for Charles charies 
that respite which was all that he could reasonably fpite*;* "" 
expect. K he heid done then what he did eleven 
months later, and had summoned the leaders of the 
minority to his counsels, frankly placing in their hands 
full authority to deal with the Church question as Feb. n. 
they thought best, the minority would in all proba- 
biUty soon have become a majority. K not, the 
power of dissolution was still in his hands, and it is 
quite possible that a fresh appeal to the country 
would have given him an unexpected strength, if it 
were once understood that he had broken honestly 
and for ever with the old system. The existing Par- 
liament had been elected when the Court was at the 
height of its unpopularity, and it was consequently 
more Puritan in its composition than the country 

That even under the most favourable circum- 
stances, the leaders of the minority would have been 

» a J, ii. 81. Bushw, iv. 187. D'Ewes's Diary, HttrL MSS. clxii. 
209, clxiv. 115. 





Feb. IX. 

which he 
does not 
know how 
to use. 

Feb. xa 
The marri- 
age treaty. 

The Qaeen 





able to offer a permanent solution of the Church 
problem, may well be doubted. That problem was 
too complicated in itself, and it cut too deeply into 
the ingrained habits of Englishmen, to make it Ukely 
that it would be settled so easily. But it would have 
been much if a temporary solution could have been 
found which would have warded off that entire breach 
between the constitutional powers which was the 
fruitful parent of so much material and moral evil to 
that generation and the next. 

Unfortunately, Charles was not likely to employ 
well the respite which had been gained. He took 
up now, as he had taken up before, one project after 
another for the restoration of an authority which he 
had never known how to use, brooding over each in 
turn, without settled purpose of any sort. The day 
after the conclusion of the Church debate in the 
Commons, he announced that his daughter's marriage 
treaty had been brought to a conclusion, and that it 
only remained to consider the terms of a political 
alliance between England and the Dutch Eepubhc.^ 
Almost at the same time the Queen Mother declared 
to Eossetti, as a positive fact, that the young bride- 
groom was to land in England at the head of 20,000 
men. Immediately on his arrival, the Bang would 
dissolve Parliament, Uberate Strafford, and entrust him 
with the reins of government. Other troops would 
be found to give support to the King, and in all pro- 
bability France and Ireland would not be wanting in 
the emergency.^ 

It is not Ukely that Charles had definitely thought 
out all this plan, any more than it is Ukely that the 
Prince of Orange had definitely decided on sending 

* L, J, iv. 1 57. 

^ Rogsetti to Barberini, Feb. J§, R. O. Trttn$cript$. 


an army to England with his son. It was enough ^ ^i^* 
that Charles lived in an atmosphere in which such ' — 7 — " 
plans were constantly discussed. He might, indeed, j.^ ^^ 
comfort himself with the thought that not a soul in 
the House of Commons knew anything of his hopes 
from Dutch or French intervention; but he could 
not expect any one to be bUnd to the danger from 
Ireland. On the nth Sir Walter Erie brought up a Feb. n. 
report from a Committee appointed to inquire into report on 
the condition of the Irish army. The report was not army, 
likely to allay the fears which were generally enter- 
tained. The Irish troops, said Erie, were so quar- 
tered, that * within two or three days three or four 
thousand of them might upon any design be drawn 
together.' They had arms and munitions, and 
Strafford was still their general. Evidence was then 
produced to show that the Catholic Earl of Worcester 
had been employed to levy troops in Wales in the 
preceding summer, and a statement was made, though 
no documentary evidence was produced in its support, 
that the Irish army was to have landed at Milford 
Haven to act in combination with Worcester's force.^ 

If Chai'les had desired to close the ranks of the The com- 
House of Commons against him, he could not have hit unanimoiu 
on a better plan than on this* menace of an Irish army S^u<». 
suspended over their heads. Both parties in the late 
debate were unanimous in ' distrusting the Catholics. 
Both parties, too, were unanimous in denouncing 
that system of personal government to which Cliarles 
was so fondly attached. It was now on a report from Feb. la. 
Hyde, and by the lips of Culpepper, that Berkeley, nSSt^r' 
whose language in the ship money case had been more ^^''^^^^y- 
extravagant than that of any other judge on the 
Bench, was impeached of high treason. The Lords 

» D'E wee's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxu. fol. 215. 


CHAP, at once sent Maxwell to bring him to their bar. He 
was found sitting as a judge in the Court of King's 
Bench. Maxwell ordered him to descend, and he 
had nothing for it but to obey. He was at once com- 
mitted to the custody of one of the sheriffs. The 
scene produced an impression on the bystanders 
which was hardly equalled by that which had been 
produced by the arrest of Strafford himself. 
Feb. 13. Parliament could reach a judge at Westminster, 

against the It was morc difficult to deal with nine thousand anned 
army- ^^^ bcyoud the Irish Channel. The Commons re- 
solved to ask the Lords to join them in petitioning for 
the disbanding of the Irish army, the disarming of 
the EngUsh Catholics, and the dismissal from the 
Queen's Court of four obnoxious personages. 

It would have been Charles's highest wisdom to 
have anticipated these demands. The one thing 
necessary to him was to awaken confidence, and the 
suspicion of danger from the Irish army would 
always be a source of weakness to him as long as that 
army remained on foot. Yet he had no thought of 
giving way. He preferred to retain a weapon which he 
could not use. He did not indeed feel himself able to 
Feb. 15. offer at all points a stubborn resistance. On the 1 5th 
Bidv Bill the Subsidy Bill and the Triennial Bill were ready for 
Triennial the Royal asscut. A deputation from both Houses 
urged him to pass them both. He answered surlily 
that they should know his resolution on the following 
day. When the next day came he had made up his 
mind to give way. Members of Parliament had been 
heard to say that if the Triennial Bill were rejected, 
they would stop all business till the King had changed 
his mind.^ As the subsidies could not be employed 

' Giustinian to the Doge, 5mcFi» ^^' ^'"""wnp/*. Salvetti's New*' 
lefter^ M,^h i* Giiistmian speaks of the threats as haying been used 



except by directions from Parliament, such a reso- ^5f ^' 

!■ w^ 


lution would leave Charles with two unpaid armies 
in the North upon his hands. 

On February 16, therefore, Charles appeared in Feb. 16. 
the House of Lords to give the required assent to both SvetSe 
the Bills. He had come, he said, to fulfil his promise |^^ 
of placing himself in the hands of his Parliament by 
yielding up one of the fairest flowers of his garland. 
He hoped that in return they would begin to think of 
him, instead of thinking only of their own grievances. 
He had already spoken of two rocks in the way. He 
had now removed one of them. If the other rock 
should be as happily passed over, they could ask 
nothing which he would be unwiUing to yield. 
" Hitherto," he added, " to speak freely, I have had 
no great encouragement to do it. K I should look to 
the outward face of your actions or proceedings, and 
not look to the inward intentions of your hearts, I 
might make no question of doing it. ... A skilful 
watchmaker, to make clean his watch, will take it 
asunder, and when it is put together it will go the 
better, so that he leave not out one pin of it." In the 
afternoon, when the Houses came to return thanks 
for his acceptance of the Triennial Bill, he was more 
gracious. He said that he had resolved to rule by 
ParUaments even if no such Bill had been offered to 
him. He hoped they would never have cause to 
complain of the infrequency of ParUaments. As he 
had satisfied their desires he hoped they would in 
due time think of providing for the kingdom and 
himself.^ The words, doubtless, expressed at least a 

in Parliament. Most likelj they were only used in private conver- 
sation between members, but the thing may have been said in open 

* iJuMw. iv. 188, b. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl, MSS. clxiv. fol. 119. 




Feb. 16. 

Delay of 
trial ob- 
jected to. 

Feb. 17. 
before the 

ment in the 




momentary phase of Cliarles's mind. If Parliament 
would content itself with keeping in working order 
the old machinery of government, and replacing 
every pin of it, Charles had no objection to frequent 
Parliaments. The postponement of the discussion on 
Episcopacy may perhaps have given him some hope 
that this would be the case. 

He would soon learn how very different were the 
views of the House of Commons. The debate on 
Episcopacy might be postponed, because none of the 
leading members desired to thrust into the foreground 
a question on which there was such a wide difference 
of opinion. Strafford's trial could not be postponed 
much longer. Already many were growing impatient 
of the time which the Lords in fairness to the prisoner 
had allowed for the preparation of his defence to so 
complicated a charge. That impatience was by no 
means confined to the party which afterwards stood 
up against the Bang. Capel, who was one day to 
shed his blood for the Royal cause, now urged with 
general assent that the Lords ought to compel Straf- 
ford to give in his answer. The Earl had had a fort- 
night for its preparation, and surely he could want 
no more.^ 

The next morning, as the House was in full de- 
bate, a strange interruption occurred. It was whispered 
that Strafford was in a barge on the Thames on his 
way to the House of Lords. A crowd of members 
rushed to the windows to see him pass. Another 
crowd plunged through the doorway to have a still 
nearer view of the fallen Minister. When order was 
restored it appeared that he had asked for further 
delay, and that the Lords had granted him another 

' D'Ewo8'8 Diary, Hurl. MSS, clxii. 229. 


The news that Strafford's request for time had ^xi5' 
been accorded roused considerable irritation in the 

Commons. A proposal was made that the House Feb. xi 
should adjourn for the week which had been allowed oftheCom- 
to Strafford for the preparation of his defence. Falk- 
land rose to reprove this childish ebullition of feeling. 
" The Lords," he said, " have done no more than they 
conceived to be necessary in justice." It would be 
impossible to show Strafford a better courtesy than 
' to jar with the Upper House, or to retard their 
own proceedings. ' ^ The House followed Falkland's 

The next day strange news was circulated. Seven ^^eb. iq. 

•^ ^ The new 

new Privy Councillors — Bristol, Bedford, Essex, Hert- Pnvy 
ford, Saye, Mandeville, and Savile — had taken their low. 
places at the Board.^ Yet these promotions do not 
appear to have struck contemporaries as being of any 
great importance. They knew that a man might 
have a seat in the Privy Council without acquiring 
the slightest influence over the conduct of affairs. 
Business of weight was settled with a select num- 
ber of favourites in the King's private apartments 
— the Cabinet Council, as it was beginning to be 
called.® It therefore did not follow that Charles's 
policy would in any way conform itself to the opinions 

» FEwes's Diary, HarL MSS, clxii. 237. 
* Council Register f Feb. 19. 

' The earliest use of anything approaching the phrase, as far as I 
know, is in Ma88inger*8 Duke ofMHanf ii. i, written before 1623 :-* 

'' No ; these are cabinet counsels 
And not to be communicated, but 
To such as are hb own and sure." 

In the editions I have seen the word is printed, in the old spelling, coun- 
cils. I venture to correct it. On July 14, 1630 (8. P, Dom, dxx. 53), 
Roe speaks of Vane as said to be of the Oabinet. The Junto was a more 
officisi Committee, like the Committee of eight. 


CHAP, of the new Councillors. If it had been otherwise the 

^ — ^ — ' change thus made would have been portentous. 

Feb, iL Every one of these men had been bitterly opposed to 

Charles's recent policy. The greater number of them 

continued to be opposed to his policy to the end of 

their lives. 

What had been done had in fact been done upon 
Hamilton's advice, and was of a piece with the advice 
which that intriguing nobleman had given at other 
SStSn. times. There can be little doubt that the object of 
Charles was not to make it understood that he in- 
tended to conform to the wishes of Parliament, but to 
win votes in the House of Lords. " All this," wrote 
the Venetian Ambassador, who had excellent oppor- 
tunities of making himself acquainted with the truth, 
" has been done merely to gain them over in this 
matter." It could not escape notice that none of the 
offices vacant or ready to be vacated were allotted to 
any one of the eight noblemen, and it is therefore 
probable enough that Charles hoped to bind them to 
himself by an expectation of future favours. About 
the same time it became known that he intended to 
create new Peers who would pay largely "for the 
honour, and thus increase his following in the Upper 
ChafiM»8 ^^® attempt to win over the Peers by personal 

poowd- favours was the first of the King's many ill-judged 
interferences with the course of justice which ulti- 
mately cost Strafford his life. Charles was unable 
to throw himself unreservedly on the Peers' sense of 
justice, any more than he was able to throw himself 
unreservedly on the good sense of the Commons. Yet 
even at this time dispassionate observers who calcu- 
lated the chances in Strafford's favour believed that 
the Lords were inclined, not indeed to acquit him 


altogether, but to declare him innocent of the crime ^^^^• 
of high treason.^ 

In one way at least, the Lords, if they were to Feb. li 
take the course which Charles fervently wished them ^haries 
to take, would need assistance which only he could «>«w ^f^® 

, , done to help 

give. The cry for justice against Strafford which was Strafford, 
raised at this time did not so much proceed from a 
thirst of vengeance, as from the pitilessness of terror. 
By separating himself for ever from Strafford and 
his ways, and by showing that, even if the fallen 
Minister were allowed to live, there would be no 
longer any danger that he would ever again be 
allowed to wield authority in England, Charles would 
have rendered to his devoted follower every service 
which it was in his power to render. 

The day after the appointment of the new Coun- Feb. 20. 


cillors there was a scene in the Commons which gave about the 
evidence of the rise of a feeling which might easily 
have been turned in Charles's favour. Englishmen 
could hardly bear with patience the indignity of the 
occupation of the northern counties by the Scots, 
and the details which reached London of the hardships 
endured by the men of Durham and Northumber- 
land served to strengthen this feeling of impatience. 
Naturally this dislike of Scottish intervention in 
EngUsh affairs was felt most deeply by the party 
which in the recent discussions had upheld the 
cause of Episcopacy. In a debate on the 20th that 
ill-feeUng found unexpected expression. Three days The city 
before, Pennington had announced that the greater 
part of a City loan of 6o,oooZ. had already been paid 
in, and would be handed over to Sir William 
Uvedale, the treasurer of the army. Shortly after- 
wards the House was informed by Uvedale that pay- 

> Salyettrs Newdeiter, ^^. 




» * 


Feb. ao. 

Two more 








ment had been stopped after the first 21,000/. It 
was understood that the money was kept back in 
consequence of the ill-will felt in the City at the delay 
of Strafford's trial. 

It was now proposed that two more subsidies 
should be granted to tempt the citizens to lend by 
increasing the security offered. The proposal had 
the support of those who had lately followed Falkland 
and Digby in the Church debates. What they wanted 
was to pay off the Scots, and to be rid of them for 
ever. " If we cannot provide for monies," said 
Kirton, a member who was in the habit of speaking 
strongly for the bishops, " we should provide for our 
safeties. I should be willing to give more if we knew 
the end of our charge." On the other hand many of 
the stricter Puritans opposed the subsidy, perhaps 
wishing to bring on a confusion in which they would 
gain their ends. Pym broke away from his usual 
supporters. He knew that their course was dictated 
more by temper than by judgment. For once, how- 
ever, that cool and skilful tactician appears to have 
lost his head. He proposed, * that in respect of the 
great necessity of the public they might compel the 
Londoners to lend.' The formal and precise D'Ewes 
reminded the House that the arbitrary rule of a 
Parliament was very much the same as the arbitrary 
rule of a king. He was surprised, he said, to hear 
from * that worthy member ' a proposal ' which con- 
duced to the violation of the liberties and properties 
of the subject.' He hoped that it would not be 
whispered abroad that such words had been heard 
within their walls. " For certainly," he said, " if the 
least fear of this should grow, that men should be 
compelled to lend, all men will conceal their ready 
money, and lend nothing to us voluntarily." 


Pym found supporters and opponents as each chap. 
man's temper led him. Holies and Culpepper declared ' — 7 — ' 
against him. One young member moved that he Feb.2<i 
should be called on to give satisfaction to the House, subsidies 
Capel, perhaps from his strong animosity to the Scots, ^***®^ 
gave his support to the proposal. K his own son, he 
said, refused to lend money on this occasion, he would 
be ready to put him to the torture. In the end the 
two subsidies were voted, and a check was thus given 
to the over-hasty zeal of those who were ready to wel- 
come disorders in the North rather than to wait for 
the slow progress of the great impeachment.^ 

On the 24th Strafford appeared at the bar of the veh, 24. 
Lords to present his answer to the articles against him. answer ' 
To the surprise of many, Charles took his seat on the "* 
throne to liear it read. This was generally beheved 
to be a demonstration in favour of the prisoner. It 
was noticed that he gave signs of satisfaction when- 
ever a point was made in the defence.^ His conduct 
was not Ukely to affect the Peers favourably. They 
did their best to preserve their character as Judges. 
As soon as the King had left the House, they resolved 
that all that had been done in his presence was null 
and void, and ordered the articles of the Commons 
and the prisoner's reply to be read over again.^ 

On the same day articles of impeachment were impeach- 
voted in the Commons against Laud. He, too, Laud.** 
it was alleged, had been guilty of treason in attempt- 
ing to alter rehgion and the fundamental laws of the 
realm. The vote was unanimous. Men who wished 

^ Salvetti speakB of the vote bb a check to the Puritans, and this seems 
to be borae out by the record of the debate in PE^es's Diary, HarL 
MSS, c'xii. fol. 243. The names of the tellers, too, point in the same 

^ Qiustinian to the Doge, 5^"^* ^^' Transanpts, 
" L. J, iv. 171. 



CHAP, to support a reformed Episcopacy had no sympathy 
' — 7*- — ' with Laud. 

Feb. 24. The antagonism on the ecclesiastical questions was 

tish Com- as strong as ever. Just at this time an action of the 
declare*" Scottish Commissiouers came to increase the general 
^ll^pacy confusion. Voices had been raised amongst the Eoot- 
in England. aud-Brauch party accusing them of being ready to 
desert their English friends, and to go home as soon as 
the money due to them was paid. The Commissioners 
therefore directed Henderson to draw up a declaration 
of their wish to see Episcopacy abolished in England as 
well as at home. The declaration was printed for cir- 
culation among the members of Parliament, and a 
copy was allowed to fall into the hands of a stationer 
who at once printed further copies for sale.^ Charles 
was indignant at this interference, and for once his 
indignation found an echo in the House of Com- 
mons. The Scots were assured by their friends that a 
Feb.a6. majority would be against them. The bishops' party 
ment in the was SO Confident of success, that they demanded that 
Henderson's paper should be read with a view to its 
condemnation. The demand was, however, rejected, 
after having raised, as D'Ewes noted, * one of the 
greatest distempers in the House ' that he had ever 
Mnreh 3. The Scottish Commissioners felt themselves to be 

diniia%e- treading on delicate ground. ^^ The estate of business 
STsooS. here," they wrote to Leslie, " is very uncertain. The 
paper which we gave in hath much offended many in 
the Parhament, even some that are not friends to Epis- 
copacy ; for though the paper be nothing so hard as 
the charge against Canterbury, yet the times are 
changed. Then they thought the progress and suc- 

* BaiUie, i. 305. 

« D'Ewe8*8 Diary, Harl MSS, cLuv. fol. 271. 


cess of their affairs had some dependence upon our 
army, but now tliey have gotten their triennial Parlia- 
ments established, and some of them have fallen in to 
have hand with the Bang ; and though they be enemies 
to Episcopacy and fiiends to reformation, yet they 
think it will be to their discredit that reformation 
should be wrought here, as it were, by our sword." ^ 

K Charles could count on some support on this 
question of Episcopacy, it was evident that he could 
not count on support on any other. The Lords had 
already joined the Commons in asking for the disper- 
sion of the Irish army, for the disarmament of the 
Enghsh Catholics, and for the dismissal of the Queen's 
CathoHc attendants. On March i Laud was com- March i. 
mitted to the Tower. As he passed through the to*uie"*° 
streets the mob rushed at the carriage to drag him 
out, and it was with difficulty that he was saved from 
brutal outrage by the firmness of the guard.* On the March a. 
following day the Commons voted that reparation ^^ETi^ 
should be made to Bastwick for the wrong done to Bart??"*' 
him by the Star Chamber, and a similar resolution L^Jto^ 
was subsequently adopted in the caseu of the other Sfbum. 

On the day of Laud's committal to the Tower, a March i. 
step was taken in the direction of an ecclesiastical set- commitu* 
tlement. Whatever else might be done, it was evi- StiSS^ 
dent that Laud's action in the removal of the "^»*^*»^ 
Communion Tables to the east end of the churches 
could not possibly be sustained. The Lords now 
issued an order directing the bishops to see that the 
table should * stand decently in the ancient place 

^ The Scottish Commissioners in London to Leslie, March 13, Adv. 
Libr, Edin, 33, 4, 6. 

' L. J, iv. 172. Salvetti's Newsletter , March {g. One of the Scot- 
tish Commissioners to — — , Feb. 23, Wodroto MSS, xx?. No. 146. 




>. — , — « 

March i. 

Their posi« 
tion as 

March 10. 
The Com- 
mons re- 
solve that 
should not 
sit in Par- 

March xi. 
or exercise 

where it ought to do by the law, and as it hath done 
' for the greater part of these three-score years last 
past.' The order was not free from ambiguity, but 
it was evidently intended to enforce the ideas of 
Bishop Williams. At Saye's motion a Committee was 
named to take into consideration ' all innovations in 
the Church concerning religion,' and the temper of 
the new Committee was shown by its selection of 
WilUams as its chairman.^ 

The Lords had presented themselves as mediators 
in the great controversy of the time. Whether they 
would succeed or not depended on many things, and 
most of all upon the hearty co-operation of the King. 
It could not fail to be noticed that Charles gave 
neither word nor sign of approbation. 

The Commons, too, were taking their own way. 
Whilst the Lords were turning their attention to ec- 
clesiastical ceremonial, the Commons were attacking 
ecclesiastical institutions. On March lo they resolved, 
on the report of the Committee to which the two 
petitions had been referred, that the legislative and 
judicial power of the bishops in the Upper House 
was 'a great hindrance to the discharge of their 
spiritual functions,' and was also prejudicial to the 
Commonwealth. The next day they resolved that 
no judicial functions of any kind should be exercised 
by the clergy.* Episcopacy itself was not challenged. 

^ One of the Scottish OommifisioDers, writing on March 9 ( Wodrow 
M8S, XXV. No. 149), speaks of a debate on Saturday, which ought most 
probably to be Monday, March i. He says that in it Saye spoke * very 
freely against Episcopacy and the Liturgy, constantly averring that he 
would never hear it. Bristol answered that there were some indifferent 
things piessed on men's consciences which must be taken away; but 
what was established by law no man might separate from it. Saye 
replied that they were now in loco et tempore muiationds, and therefore 
desired that a Committee might be appointed for that effect.' 

* 0. J. ii. loi, 102. l^Ewes's Diary, ffarl, MSS. clxii. 304, 307, 
clxiv. 134, b. 


The Root-and-Branch party knew well that they could ^"^^• 
not, for the present at least, count on a majority. ^ — -^— ^ 
Pym and his political associates would be no parties jj^^^',', 
to raising a question on which they had not themselves ^"^'^^ <^' 
made up their minds, and which would be certain to and-Branch 
stir up unnecessary strife. But the Root-and-Branch ^^^ ^' 
party was in good heart. The House, they said, 
was now taking down the roof of ecclesiastical govern- 
ment, and would soon come to the walls. 

At this time a new difficulty had arisen with the The 
Scots. In order to stop the King from issuing a fomnJ^of 
proclamation to call in their paper on Episcopacy, "^'^^ 
they had drawn up * a mollifying explanation ' of their 
meaning. The English Commissioners threatened to 
print this, in order to bring them into disrepute with 
their EngUsh friends ; and Henderson was therefore set 
to work to draw up a longer memorial, setting forth 
the desire of the Scots for unity of religion between 
the kingdoms.^ On March 10 this was presented to March la 
the English Commissioners with a request that it 
might be laid before Parliament. They were told that March 16. 
if they did so the King would give his reasons in 
reply. Essex added that by the course they were 
taking they might ' breed distractions among the two 
Houses.' In the face of these objections the Scots 
unwillingly gave way, and their explanations were 
suppressed, whilst the King on his part took no further 
steps in condemnation of their original offence.* 

The relations between Scotland and England were Reutiona 
bringing into prominence the unfitness of a large land, 
assembly without definite leadership to deal with 

' Argument Perguading Qmfomntg of Church Oovemment (E. 157, 2). 

' Baillie, i. 307. Borough's Notes, March 10, 16, HarL M&S, 
cccclyii. 75, 78. The Scottish Commissioners to the Ck)mmittee at New 
castle, Feb. 27, Adu, Libr^ Edin, 33, 4, 6. 



CHAP, complicated aflairs. During the first three weeks of 
- — ^ — ' March the feeling of the Commons shifted from day 

March 'i6 ^^ ^^^' "^^^ Scots naturally demanded that their 
troops should be paid as long as the negotiation was 
still on foot. At one time the Commons seemed 
anxious to provide the money. At another time they 
had something else to think of There was a sense of 
insecurity abroad which made it hard to find capitalists 
who were ready to lend. K the friends of Episcopacy 
were anxious to get money together, that the Scots 
might be finally paid ofi* and sent across the Tweed, 
the enemies of Episcopacy feared lest, if money were 
collected, they might lose the support of such good 
aUies. The King had ceased to govern, and there 
was no one who had undertaken the work in his stead. 
There was no Chancellor of the Exchequer in the 
House to strike the balance of advantage or disad- 
vantage in incurring any particular expenditure, and 
to press upon the House the absolute necessity of 
deciding once for all upon the mode in which its 
financial engagements were to be satisfied. To the 
Scots themselves the situation was becoming well-nigh 
March 20. intolerable. On the 20th the Commons had to hsten 
demand to a sharp demand for payment from the Scottish 
money. Commissiouers. By this time the House was in an 
increased state of irritation at the continued delays in 
Henry the Commencement of Strafford's trial. Henry Marten, 
an?sto)de a SOU of the Judgc of the Court of Arches, who was 
dSmte^toa morally separated from the Puritans by his gay and 
^*^ dissolute Ufe, but who was at one with them in his 
trenehant opposition to the King, thought this a good 
opportunity to urge forward the Lords by the threat 
of bringing the Scottish army upon them by stopping 
suppUes, in default of which it might be expected 
that the Scots would cross the Tweed and take with 


a strong hand that which they could not obtain in ^^l^- 
any other way. He moved in Committee that the ^ 

House * could not make any advancement of monies ^^^^^ ^ 
to any purpose until justice were done upon the Earl 
of Strafford.' His motion was supported by Sir 
Walter Erie. On this Strode suddenly proposed that 
the Speaker should resume the chair. The proposal 
was adopted, and the debate came to an end without 
remonstrance from any side.^ Nothing more was 
heard for some time about money for the Scots. 
This extraordinary resolution was an indication that 
a temper was rising in the House which regarded 
Strafford's punishment, not as a vindication of public 
justice, but as a necessary precaution against a public 

' lyEwes's Diary, Harl, MSS. fol, clxiv. 129, b; clxii. 282, 283, 290, 
329, 338. 

H 2 




^xtl' "^^^ Commons needed not to have been so impatient. 
^ ,5' No further delay was proposed by the Peers. So 
March sa. g^eat was the interest taken in the trial that it had 
^^^ been determined that the proceedings should take 
tiie Court place in Westminster Hall, where alone room could 
be found for the crowds which were eager to listen 
to the great impeachment. For form's sake a throne 
had been erected with its back against the long west 
wall. In front of it was the seat of the Earl of 
Arundel, who had recently been appointed Lord 
Steward of the Household, and who, as Lord Keeper 
Lyttelton was disabled by sickness from attending, 
was now selected by the Lords as their Speaker.^ 
In front of Arundel were seats, to be occupied by the 
Judges if they were summoned to give advice on points 
of law. There was also a table for the clerks, on either 
side of which were the places of the Peers. Then came 
the bar, behind which was a desk at which the prisoner 
might sit or stand, whilst four secretaries were to be 
ready to supply him with any papers which he mi^t 
need. Farther back still were the lawyers whom 
he might employ to argue on his behalf if any legal 
question should be raised, though, according to the 
barbarous custom of those days, their mouths must 
be closed on all matters of fact. On one side of Straf- 
ford's desk were seats for the managers who appeared 

* L. J, iv. 190. 


for the Commons, whilst a witness-box on the other ^^n^* 
side completed the arrangements of the Court. On • — -^^ 
either side arose tiers of seats, of which the most j^^^^^ 
eligible were reserved for members of the Lower 
House, though room was made for such other spec- 
tators as were able, by favour or payment, to obtain 
admission. To many of those who thrust themselves 
in, the most important prosecution in EngUsh history 
was no more than an exciting spectacle. 

The throne remained unoccupied. Charles had Cbwriea 
now learnt that the Peers would not consent to trans- ^'*^ 
act business whilst he was officially present. He, 
therefore, together with the Queen, occupied a seat 
which had been arranged like a box in a theatre, 
with a lattice in front. His first act was to tear down 
the lattice. He would certainly be able to see the 
better by its removal, but' there were some who 
thought that he wished to impose restraint on the 
managers by being himself seen.^ 

The proceedings of the first day were merely March aj. 
formal. On the 23rd Pym opened the case on behalf yI^^S^ 
of the Commons. If he believed it to be necessary 
to guard against danger from Strafibrd in the future, 
he also beUeved that he was but doing his duty in 
calling for punishment on his past offences. He elected 
to proceed first on the charges relating to Ireland. In 
Pym's eyes Strafford was little more than a vulgar 
criminal. To Strafford's allegation that he had been 
faithful in executing the duties of his office, he 
replied by comparing him to the adulteress in the 
Book of Proverbs, who wiped her mouth and said 
that she had done no evil. Strafford had set forth 
his services to rehgion, his devotion to the King's 
honour, his labours for the increase of the revenue, 

' BaUlief i. 314. 


^XH^' and for the peace of the kingdom. Not one of these 
clauns would Pym allow for an instant. Straflford 
boasted that he had summoned Parliaments in Ireland, 
and had induced them to pass good laws. Pym asked 
what was the worth of Parliaments without Parlia- 
mentary liberties, and what was the worth of laws 
* when will is set above law.' The picture of Straf- 
ford's Irish administration he traced in the blackest 
colours. He showed how the ordinary administration 
of justice had been superseded by the decrees of 
the Council Table, how juries had been fined, how 
noblemen had been imprisoned, and infringers upon 
monopoUes flogged. Such, he said, were the deeds 
of the Earl. They had been done * from a habit of 
cruelty in himself more perfect than any act of 
cruelty he had committed.' Nor was his cruelty 
greater than his avarice. He had embezzled pubUc 
money entrusted to him for public ends, and had 
gorged himself with wealth to the impoverishment of 
the King and the State. 

pjrm'Bview Such was Pvm's account of Strafford's Irish ad- 

of Ireland . . . , . . , . 

erroneouB. nunistratiou. It was not possible for Pym to judge it 
fairly. As he did not comprehend Strafford, neither did 
he comprehend that chaos of self-seeking and wrong 
against which Strafford had struck such vigorous blows 
in Ireland. To Pym Ireland was as England was — to be 
governed by the same methods and to be trusted with 
equal confidence. The English House of Commons had 
not yet arrived at the elementary knowledge that a 
land which contains within it two hostile races and two 
hostile creeds, and in which one of those races had 
within recent memory been violently dispossessed by 
the other of a large portion of the soil which had 
been its immemorial inheritance, needs other states- 
manship to heal its woes than that which consists of a 


simple zeal for the maintenance of trial by jury and ^f jj^- 
Parliamentary privilege. But a few days before", the ^^-^ — ' 
Lords had suggested that the King would be more ^^^^ J^ 
likely to consent to the dismissal of the new Catholic 
army if he were authorised to reinforce the old Pro- 
testant army by 2,000 men. It was answered that 
Ireland was a free kingdom, and that if it were 
reUeved from Strafford's oppressions it would stand 
in no need of soldiers.^ Pyni, in short, like other 
EngUshmen, saw nothing in Ireland but the Enghsh 
colony alone. With the Celtic population he had no 
sympathy. The one point in Strafford's rule on which 
Irish memory is sorest, the threatened plantation of 
Connaught, was dropped out of sight by the English 
House of Commons as unworthy of notice when they 
came to plead their case before the Lords. 

Pym had given Strafford an opportunity of which Strafford at 
he was not slow to avail himself. Never had he 
seemed more truly great than when he appeared at 
the bar, like some fierce but noble animal at bay, 
to combat the united attacks of his accusers, in 
his own unaided strength. His crisp black hair 
was now streaked with grey, and his proud face was 
softened by the feeling of his calamities, and by 
the reverence which he felt for the great assembly of 
the Peers, from which he firmly expected to receive 
that justice which was his due. With marvellous 
self-restraint he professed for the House of Commons 
a respect which it must have been difficult for him to 
feel. The most consummate actor could not have 
borne himself better. Strafford was no actor. He 
spoke out of the fulness of his heart, out of his 
consciousness of his own integrity, out of his incapa- 
city to understand any serious view of the relations 

' D'Ewes's Diary, HarL MSS, clxii. fol. 320. 


CHAP, between a Government and a nation other than that 
' — 7 — ' upon which he had acted. 

March Fop several days the Court was almost entirely 

govern? occupied with the charges relating to the aflairs of 
^^^ Ireland. Undoubtedly Strafford did not succeed in 
showing that he had been a constitutional ruler. He 
had again and again acted with a high-handed dis- 
regard of the letter of the law, and had sometimes 
violated its spirit. He fell back on his good intentions, 
on his anxiety to secure practical justice, and on the 
fact that his predecessors had acted very much as he 
was accused of acting. Such a plea was undoubtedly 
insufficient. But the view which Strafford* took of 
Ireland was far truer than the view which had been 
taken by Pym. What was really needed, as far as 
Ireland was concerned, was not Strafford's punish- 
ment, but a serious and impartial investigation into 
the causes of Irish disorder with the view of coming 
to an agreement as to the conditions under which the 
government of that country could in the future be 
carried on. It is needless to say that not a single 
member of the English Parliament ever thought for 
an instant of anything of the kind. The only remedy 
which they imagined to be needed was to place 
Ireland in the hands of men like Lord Mountnorris 
or the Earl of Cork. Ignorance brings with it its 
. inevitable penalty, and vengeance, this time not slow- 
footed, was already on the track. 
Had strmf- To Pym the argument that the laws of Ireland 
mittS" had been violated was mainly important as showing 
a readiness to violate the laws of England as well. 
Very early in his conduct of the case he had to face 
the question for which he must long ago have been 
prepared. If Strafford had done all that he was 
alleged to have done, if he had violated the law in 



innumerable instances for his own private ends, had ^^^^' 

he committed treason ? The doctrine of treason as it — 7 — ' 


had been elaborated in the Middle Ages, had fixed ^1,^^^ 
that name upon acts committed against the person or 
authority of the Sovereign. No one knew better than 
Strafford that in this sense he had not committed 

Pym, on the other hand, advanced a larger and Pym's 
nobler conception of the crime. It is possible that he oftwiwoii. 
was led to his argument by the extension of treason 
by the Judges in the Tudor reigns from an attack on 
the King's personal authority to an attack such as 
Essex had contemplated in the last days of Elizabeth 
upon the system of government supported by the 
Sovereign.^ He now argued that the worst traitor 
was not he who attacked the Sovereign's person or 
government, but he who attacked the Sovereign in 
his political capacity, and, by undermining the laws 
which constituted his greatness, exposed him to dis- 
aster and ruin. 

If the principle itself was politically grander than Difficulty 
that which lay at the root of the old treason law, it it.*^^^^ 
had for judicial purposes the incurable defect, as it 
was thus presented, of a want of definiteness. The 
charge of treason might be reserved for offences of 
the blackest dye, such as a deliberate attack by 
force of arms upon Parliament. It might, on the 
other hand, be employed to cover any strong oppo- 
sition to the popular sentiment. Already there had 
been signs that this danger was imminent. Finch 
and Berkeley, as well as Laud, had already been 
voted by the Commons to have been guilty of 
treason, and it required a very strong imagination 

' On thin chang^e, see the IntroductioD to Mr. Willis Bund*8 6^/0C^t<m« 
of O ties from the State TriaU, 






March 25. 
feeling in 
favour of 

Hon in the 
House of 

to believe that the foundations of the State had 
really been endangered by either Finch or Berkeley. 
The time might soon arrive when treason would be 
as light a word in the mouth of a member of Parlia- 
ment as damnation had been in the mouth of a medi- 
eval ecclesiastic. 

Yet, even if it had been conceded thatPym's view 
of treason was the true one, and if care had been 
taken to restrict it to a deliberate conspiracy to 
change the existing system of government, it was 
hard to call upon Strafford to pay the penalty. Not 
only had he himself had no such deliberate intention 
of changing the government, but he had never had 
fair warning that what he was doing would be re- 
garded in the light in which it was now seen. It 
might be well that the law of treason should be 
altered so as to include some actions which had 
been done by Strafford ; but it was hard upon him, 
and of the worst possible example to future times, 
to inflict the penalty of death under an interpreta- 
tion of the law which was now heard of for the first 

Strafford therefore had much to say on his own 
behalf. His vigorous defence told on his audience. 
Ladies who had obtained seats in Westminster Hall 
were loud in his praise. Amongst the Peers the con- 
viction was growing that, whatever else he might be, 
he was not a traitor. In the House of Commons, on 
the other hand, the cry for blood was waxing louder. 
There was an increasing disposition to resent all 
licence given to the necessities of the defence as a 
delay of justice. The frequent adjournments of the 
Lords for the consideration of points of procedure 
were regarded as mere procrastination, and one 
member asked that the Peers might be requested to 


stop the prisoner's mouth whenever he spoke at undue ^^n^' 

Undoubtedly the Commons were thinking more of Mwrch 25. 
the future than of the past. That which irritated the"ir*dit 
them was not so much the thought that Strafford had p^*"**"- 
been cruel to Mountnorris, or that he had converted 
to his own use several thousand pounds of the King's 
money, as the thought that if he were left alive he 
would be found at the head of an army prepared to 
drive them out of Westminster, and to explain that, 
startling as the proceeding might seem, it was only a 
temporary and accidental interruption of the har- 
monious working of the Constitution. 

Charles, of all men, was most anxious to save Straf- 
ford, but neither he nor the Queen could understand 
that they could only save him by entirely renouncing 
all thought of appealing to force. Already an offer 
had been made to them which they were loth 
entirely to reject, and that offer, if it were once 
known, would be sufficient to seal Strafford's fate. 

For some time the dissatisfaction in the English Want« of 
army had been on the increase. " This I will say of ai^y?^ 
you of the ParUament," wrote one of the officers in 
January to his brother, who was a member of the 
House of Commons ; " you are the worst paymasters 
I know. Next Tuesday we have six weeks due to 
us, and unless there be some speedy course taken for 
the payment, you may well expect to hear that all 
our soldiers are in a mutiny, to the ruin of the coun- 
try, for they are notable sheep-stealers already." * 

On March 6, in the very height of the pressure 
for payment to the Scots,* the Commons had come to a 

» D'Ewes 8 Diary, Ilarl. MSS. clxii. 359. 

' E. Verney to R. VerDey, Jan. 15, Vemey MSS. 

' E. Vemey to R. Verney, March 8, Ibid, 


CHAP, vote, transferring to the troops of that nation io,cxx)/. 
which had been previously assigned to the EngUsh 

March! army. The news had naturally caused the gravest 
oiTcom- dissatisfaction amongst the troops in Yorkshire. Their 
rSCo^rrf talk ran on mutiny. Officers and soldiers were aUke in 
the Scots, distress. Henry Percy, brother of the Earl of North- 
faction of umberland, Ashburnham, Wilmot, and Pollard, were 
officeraf members of the House of Commons as well as officers. 
" If such papers as that of the Scots," said Wilmot in 
the House, when the matter was under discussion, 
" will procure monies, I doubt not but the officers 
of the English army may easily do the like." When 
the vote had been passed these four officers consulted 
together. The resolution which they adopted was 
apparently a curious resultant from the double cha- 
racter which they bore. As officers of an army which 
had been stinted in its pay by the House of Commons, 
they were ready to offer their services to the King. 
As members of the House of Commons they were 
bound to keep within the limits of constitutional law. 
An wmy at Icast after their own interpretation. They proposed 
DTopoaedby to iuducc the officcrs in the North to sign a declara- 
otiien. tion that they would stand by the King if Parlia- 
mentary pressure were put upon him to compel him 
to assent to the exclusion of the bishops from the 
House of Lords, or to force him to disband the Irish 
army before the Scots were disbanded, or if the full 
revenue which he had enjoyed for so many years 
were not placed in his hands. 
The King Such was the military version of the fundamental 

foimed. laws of the realm. Percy was commissioned to offer 
to the King the support of the army on these terms. 
There can be very little doubt that he knew pretty 
well that these three points were precisely those on 
which Charles was most anxious that a stand should 


be made. Yet when he spoke to the King on the chap 
subject he was surprised to find that a more violent " 


proposal still had already been laid before him.^ March'. 

That proposal, Uke all other violent proposals to 2i>!ld5' 
which'Charles was called on to listen, was warmly S^er^ 
supported by the Queen. Henrietta Maria had been p^* 
ready in the beginning of March to clutch at any disap- 
aid, however hopeless it might seem. She had been Kr hopes 
deeply disappointed in her expectation of foreign Lsista^ 
help. Richelieu had intimated to her, in his most Richelieu 
poUte phrases, that it would not be advisable, in her receive her 
own interest, that she should visit France in this con- "* ^ 
juncture of her affairs, and she reasonably conjectured 
that this advice concealed a preference for an aUiance 
with a strong ParUament above one with a weak 
king. She was, however, obliged to announce that 
she was no longer in danger of falling into a con- 
sumption, and that she was therefore able to endure 
the EngUsh cUmate.^ Annoying as this rebuff was, 
she was soon afterwards subjected to a still greater 
annoyance. Rossetti informed her that an answer to The Pope 
her application for money had been received from help her 
Rome, and that the Pope would do nothing for her S^ 
unless her husband declared himself a CathoUc. He reu^.**** 
need not avow his conversion openly at first. It 
would be enough if the Papal authorities were left 
in no doubt of the fact. The Queen knew that the 

> Percy to Northumberland, June 14 (J?ti«Aio. iy. 255). It is impoe- 
dble to trace out the dates of these early proceedings of Percy and his 
friends. The interview with the King must have taken place a few days 
before March ai, as from Ohudleigh*s evidence on Aug. 13 (Harl, MSS, 
clxiv. 28) it appears that Percy and his friends had drawn back (as 
Suckling expressed himself) about March 20 ; that is to say, probably 
on March 21, the date on which Chudleigh arrived from the North. The 
interview took place before this. 

' Richelieu's Memoir for Chavigny, Avmel, vi. 756. Montreuil*s 
Despatch, March ,\, Btbl. Nat. Fr. 1 5,995, fol. 203. 







The Queen 
liberty of 
worship for 
the Catho- 

She looks 
for other 

Sir John 
Sack ling. 

Pope might as well have refused her request in 
distinct terms. She told Eossetti that she wished 
much that it might be with her husband as His Holi- 
ness desired, but that everything depended on God. 
Why should not the Pope content himself with that 
which was really practicable ? If victory were gained 
with Papal aid, the Catholics should be permitted to 
keep open churches in England, and should be entirely 
freed from all impediments to the exercise of their 

Father PhiUps adjured Eossetti to counsel the 
acceptance of this offer. He urged that the King was 
now in want only of money. He had men enough at 
his disposal. Irish Cathohcs were ready to serve him, 
and there were Protestants whose devotion could also 
be counted on. Whatever stipulation were made, the 
King's victory would turn to the advantage of the 
Catholics. Without their aid Charles would find it 
impossible to maintain his authority. The chief difli- 
culty unfortunately lay with Charles himself. He 
was timid, and slow in coming to a resolution. 
Eossetti recommended that the Queen should be 
urged to employ herself on the good work of his 
conversion. She knew how the royal authority in 
France had been strengthened by her father's ac- 
knowledgment of the true faith. ^ 

H no help was to be had from abroad, the eager, 
restless woman must turn elsewhere for relief from 
the intolerable disgrace and burden of her life. The 
quarter from which the suggestion of assistance now 
reached her was not one which would have com- 
mended itself to any one versed in the reaUties of the 
world. Sir John Suckling was a gay courtier, much 
addicted to gambling, like many others who, by the 

' Rosietti to Barberini, March ij, U, O. Transcriptg. 


side of the grave decorum of Charles's domestic life, ^fA^- 
anticipated the loose profligacies of the Whitehall ' — 7^-— ' 
of Charles 11. As a writer of sparkling verses he ^^ 
secured the admiration of his contemporaries, and 
has retained the admiration of later generations. His 
conversation was as easy and brilliant as his verse, 
and he readily made himself acceptable to the ladies 
of the Court, who thought it no shame to listen to 
the airy doctrine that constancy in married life was 
a fit object of scorn, and that modesty was but an 
empty name. Amongst men he was not much re- 
spected. Once in his Ufe he had thought of marrying 
a lady whose attractions were to be found in the 
weight of her purse. A rival, strong of arm, cud- 
gelled him till he agreed to renounce all claims upon 
the golden prize. When Charles marched to the 
Border in 1639 Suckling raised, at his own expense, 
a hundred troopers decked in such gorgeous array as 
to expose him on his return to the laughter of rhyme- 
sters, who charged him with cowardice in the field, 
of which there is no reason to suppose that he had 
been specially guilty.^ 

Such was the man who had already taken upon him- Suckiing 
self to give advice which was to save the falling throne, king^ 
The counsel which he offered showed that at least he '^*' 
had eyes to see something of the cause of the King's 
misfortunes. Charles, he said, was being ruined be- 
cause he remained merely passive. K he wished to 
recover the affections of his people he must show 
tliat he was capable of acting. He must make it 
clearly understood that he had cut adrift for ever 

* The verses on Suckling and his troop are in Musarum DelicuBf 
i. 81. Probably his horse was under Ilolland*s command, and sliared 
in the retreat from Kelso. We have such detailed information on that 
camiyaign, that if Suckling hid performed any special act of cowardice it 
would have been heard of. 


^xii^' ^^^^® unpopular counsellors who had brought him 
nothing but odium. The Queen, too, must sacrifice 

March! ^^^ pcTsoual preferences for the sake of her husband. 
It was no hard matter for a king to be popular if 
he chose to give himself the trouble. The EngUsh 
people had no formed habit of reverence for the per- 
sons of the Parliamentary leaders, whilst loyalty to 
the King was a traditional feeling, which might easily 
be re-awakened. So far Suckling's advice was excel- 
lent. It was utterly disappointing at its close. The 
King was recommended to outbid the Parliamentary 
leaders by granting all, and more than all, that was 
desired. What concessions this indefinite recom- 
mendation covered. Suckling did not say. He had 
no knowledge of the real conditions of the political 
problem, or of any solution by which they could be 
satisfied. His advice to act ended in the vaguest 
suggestions as to the thing to be done. Political 
wisdom was not to be expected from a fribble.^ 
Heniy The letter in which Suckling gave the measure of 

his value as a politician was addressed to Henry 
Jermyn, and Jermyn was the trusted counsellor of 
the Queen, though even he had been kept completely 
in the dark on the negotiations with Bome.^ So far 
as he had any religion at all, he was a Protestant, 
and his imperturbable self-reliance attracted the re- 
spect of the spirited and excitable lady whom he 
served. He was not too wise to think it possible 
to support the monarchy upon an armed soldiery, 
without troubling himself to develop a policy which 
might command respect. Somewhere about the 
middle of March, just at the time when Percy 
and his associates were preparing their scheme for 

* Suckling's Work$y ed. Hazlitt, ii. 233. 

" Rossetti to narberiniy Nov. j*^, /?. O. Tran9cript$. 



a petition from the array, Jerrayn and Suckling were ^5,^^- 
consulting together as to the possibility of drawing ' — 7 — ' 
the army to a more direct intervention in the strife March 
between Charles and his Parliament. Suckling, like 
Percy, looked to the discontent caused by the vote 
which, on March 6, had transferred 10,000/. from the 
EngUsh to the Scottish army, as offering a basis for 
his operations. 

Percy and his friends had intended to clothe the The com- 
action of the army in Parliamentary form. The ^,J^y tob*e 
sword was not to be drawn, but it was to be un- *^^*"e«*^ 
derstood that it was ready to be drawn in case of 
necessity. Suckling and Jermyn knew that if the 
sword was to be appealed to it must strike sharply 
and without wavering. Their first object, therefore, 
was to secure the command of the army. Northum- Newcastle 
berland, whose health was not completely re-estab- North^^ 
lished, and who was by nature unfitted to take a ^^""^ 
decided part in time of danger, was known to be 
anxious to surrender his authority as general. The 
Earl of Newcastle was selected as his successor. It 
was arranged that, if the King and the Parliament 
fell out, Newcastle should bring the army to the sup- 
port of tlie King. As it was not to be expected tliat 
a splendid nobleman would give himself the trouble 
of attending to the details of military discipline, it 
was necessary to choose a new lieutenant-general to 
succeed Conyers, who was not hkely to lend himself 
to the scheme. It would be the work of that successor 
to win over the oflBcers and the men to the design. 
The choice of the conspirators fell upon George 
Goring, the eldest son of Lord Goring, and a colonel 
of one of the regiments in the Northern army. 

Goring was a man born to be the ruin of any 
cause which availed itself of his services. Dissolute 






Goring to 
be Lieu- 

His under- 
with the 

The King 
is informed. 

March aa 
Letter from 
the oflScers. 

and unprincipled, he had yet to show himself in his 
worst colours. Before long men of all parties recog- 
nised in him a consummate hypocrite, who had the 
power of covering the most audacious falsehoods 
with a look of modest innocence. He had already 
been taken into Henrietta Maria's confidence. He 
had been appointed Governor of Portsmouth, and, 
though no direct evidence is at hand, there can be 
little doubt that he had given the Queen reason to 
believe that he was ready to hold Portsmouth at her 
disposal. In other words, he would offer her the 
use of its fortifications as a place of refuge, from 
which she could freely communicate with the Con- 
tinent, perhaps even in which she might receive from 
the Continent that military support on which she had, 
at one time, counted. That the Queen was now in- 
formed of the plan for gaining over the army is beyond 
all doubt, and either now or not long afterwards the 
knowledge was communicated to the King.^ 

Even without instigation the army was disposed 
to resent the neglect of the House of Commons.^ On 
March 20 the ofiicers in Yorkshire despatched a 

* The evidence on which this narrative is founded is mostly in print, 
and will be referr d to further on. There are also examinations before 
Parliament scattered over D^Ewes's Diary, The Queen*s statement in 
Madame de Motteville's MemoirSf ch. ix., is vague, and dwells far too 
exclusively on the personal dispute between Goring and Wilmot ; but she, 
as well as Percy, is clear about the Bong's knowledge, at least at a sub- 
sequent time. 

^ " I believe you are busied in the Parliament, and yet neglect the 
mun business of supplying the army, the effect of which, with the terrible 
threatening musters, may very well produce strange things, even not to be 
named. The horse have sent their peremptory answer that they will 
not muster till they are paid. If the foot do the like . . . believe me, it 
can tend to no less than a general mutiny. A worm will turn again if it 
be trod on. Soldiers are now used as though it would be sure there 
should never be further use of them ... If we hold thus but a fortuight 
longer, I believe you will receive a letter in way of petition, either to re- 


letter to Northumberland detailing their grievances, chap. 
and giving assurance of their readiness to fight the ' — ^-— ' 
Scots, the favourites of the Commons. The letter „' f '" 

' , March 20. 

was placed in the King's hands, who at once sent it 
to the Peers.^ 

The bearer of this letter was Captain Chudleigh. March 2a. 
He remained in town for eight or nine days. During befonTthe 
that time he was in constant communication with ^^^ 
Jermyn and Suckling. He was informed by Suckling Empioy- 
that the Peers were much displeased at the conduct chudieigh. 
of the ofiicers in writing the letter, and that Essex 
and Newport had expressed an opinion that they had 
risked their necks by what they had done. Suckling 
suggested that the best course for the officers to take 
was to accept Goring as their lieutenant-general. 
Otherwise they would be without a leader, and would 
suffer for their indiscretion in showing their teeth 
before they were able to bite. 

The conferences between Jermyn and Suckling on Effect of 
the one hand, and Chudieigh on the other, took place week"f 
during the first week of Strafford's trial. Neither friai^^'^n 
Suckling's scheme nor Percy's seemed at first to have ^*'^- 
had any special reference to that trial. But it may 
well have been that the effect of the outcry for what 
the House of Commons called justice inclined Charles 
to look to the army as a weapon which he might 
lawfully wield in order to secure Strafford as well as 
himself from irregular violence. At all events in the 
course of Sunday, the 28th,^ he listened to Percy's 

dress our grievances or to cashier us, for now is the time when we might 
seek our fortunes elsewhere." — E. Vemey to R. Vemey, March 8, 
Vemey M8S. 

* The officers to Northumberland, March 20, S» P, Dom, 

^ Goring's story was that he was first informed of Suckling's project 

on a Sunday morning in the middle of Lent. As Lent began on March 

10, this would be March 28 or, with less probability, April 4. Mr. 

Brodie supposes that the latter was meant. There is, however, evidence 

1 3 





■ V 


Maroli 28. 
tion with 
the King. 

March 29. 
The disous 
Bion in 

story, and was persuaded that Suckling's project was 
too wild to be feasible. In the end, however, he 
urged Percy to meet Suckling and his friends, in the 
hope tliat the two parties miglit be brought to act 
together. The project of bringing the army to sup- 
port him by a petition, whilst the question whether 
force was to be ultimately used or not was left unde- 
termined, was one which was certain to commend 
itself to a mind like that of Charles, ever anxious 
to cover acts of real violence with the cloak of 

On the evening of the 29th Jermyn, taking 
Goring witli him, proceeded to Percy's lodgings at 
Wliitehall, where he found the rest of the Parlia- 

which seems to me conclusive in favour of the earlier date. Chudleigh 
arrived in London on March 21, and remained for eight or nine days, 
leaving, therefore, about the 29th or 30th. In his examination on May 10 
he stated that he left Yorkshire to come back to Jjondon, on April 5, and 
that as he then failed to find Goring, he followed him to Portsmouth on 
April 10. If, however, the Sunday in the middle of Lent had been 
April 4 Goring, who certainly remained in London during some days 
after it, would have been accessible to Chudleigh on the 5th. It does 
not follow that Goring really heard of the plot for the first time on 
March 28. It is not likely that his acceptance of the office designed for 
him should have been made a subject of conversation with Chudleigh 
during that officer*8 first visit, unless he had been previously spoken 
to on the matter ; and he probably came nearer the truth when, on his 
examination of June 16, he said that Suckling had offered him the 
lieutenant-generalship about three months before, which would bring it 
to about March 16, four or five days before Ohudleigh's arrival. If 
the date, however, of March 28 is unimportant in I'elation to Goring's 
own conduct, it enables us to fix the date of the interview with Percy 
which was held on the following day. 

^ In his exammation on June 14 (D'£wes*s Diary, Harl, MSS, 
clxiii. 315, b) Pollard said that * Mr. Percy disliked the proposition of 
bringing up the army, and that they had no such plot to bring the same 
to London, but, being asked how he then meant to make good his pro- 
positions .' The sentence is incomplete ; but, whatever Pollard may 

have said, it is unlikely that Charles ever answered the question to 
himself. See Goring's examinations of June 16 in Mooro's Diary, Harl, 
MSS. cccclxxviii. 81, b. 


mentary officers assembled. Having first tal&n an chap. 


oath of secrecy, Jermyn and Goring pleaded hard to ■ 
be allowed to bring Suckling to the conference. But ^^^^^' 
SuckUng was in bad odour with all military men, 
and the officers would not entrust him with their 
secrets. Jermyn spoke of the plan for bringing up 
the army. Goring then said that nothing could be 
accomphshed unless the army were brought up 
and the Tower seized. He then asked how the 
chief commands were to be disposed of. '' If he 
had not a condition worthy of him, he would have 
nothing to do with the matter." He and Jermyn in- 
sisted that Newcastle must command in chief. Percy 
suggested the name of Holland, whilst others put for- 
ward the claims of Essex. Evidently more than a 
mere personal question was at issue. The name of 
Newcastle was significant of a complete breach witli 
Parliament as a whole. The names of Holland and 
Essex were significant of an intention to maintain a 
ParUamentary system, as it was understood in the 
Upper House. To the proposal for making Goring 
lieutenant-general, Percy and his friends would not 
listen for an instant. Nor would they hear of the 
plan for marching the army to London and attacking 
the Tower. Jermyn and Percy were therefore com- 
missioned to call on the King to decide between their 
respective projects. There could be little doubt how 
his decision would be given. " All these ways," he Charles's 


said to Jermyn, when he had heard his account of 
Suckling's plan, " are vain and foohsh, and I will 
think of them no more." ^ 

Goring saw clearly enough tliat the appearance 

* Goring 8 examlDatioD, June 19. Percy to Norlhmiiberland, June 
J4f An Kvact Cdlectiony 2 1 5, 217; Asbbuniham's cxaminationf June 
14, 1)'Ewc»'s Diary, HarL MSS, clziii. 316, b. 


March 29. 

CHAP, of moderation which recommended the alternative 
project to the King would ensure its failure, and he 
had now learnt that he was not to derive any per- 

Sl^tw^* sonal advantage from its success. As he left the 

fectioiL meeting he told Jermyn that ' he liked none of these 
consultations.' "You are ready enough," rephed 
Jermyn, " to enter into any wild business, but you 
like not the company." ^ A day or two later there 
was a second meeting which led to no better under- 
standing than the first. Goring made up his mind 
that, as he was not to be lieutenant-general of the 
King's army, he would gain the favour of the King's 
April I. adversaries. He sought out Newport, who was now 

the plot ^* an active member of the Opposition in the House of 
Lords, and told him as much of the plot as it suited 
his purposes to tell. Newport carried him to Bedford 
and Mandeville. If he said to them what he after- 
wards said in the House of Commons, he asserted 
that he had recommended the march to London, not 
because he really thought of advising it, but in order 
to convince the others that a mere petition, unaccom- 
panied by violence, would be altogether futile. He 
ended by asking that his own part in the discovery 
might be concealed. 

pymin- Bedford and Mandeville at once communicated 

the secret to Pym and to a few of the leading mem- 
bers of the Commons. It was agreed that Goring 
should return to his post as Governor of Portsmouth, 
possibly with the object of placing him out of the 
reach of further temptation.^ Nothing was openly 
done in consequence of his revelation. It must be 

* Goring*8 examination^ June 16, D^Ewes's Diary, HarL MSS. clxiii. 

' Manchester in his Memoirs (NaUon, ii. 273) speaks as if Pym's 
revelation in the House had followed immediately ; but the depositions 
are against him. 




remembered that Pym had not yet learned that there ^UA^- 
had ever been any serious project of bringing up the 
army at all. All that he knew was that there was a 
plan for inducing the army to present a petition, and 
he may have thought it best to wait till the petition 
was presented before taking any active measures to 
avert further danger. 

There was nothing upon the surface to connect Effect of 
the army petition with Strafford's trial. The King's tion on 
right to pardon the Earl, after conviction, had not trS.**'^ " 
been mentioned amongst the points to be urged, 
yet it was inevitable that Goring's revelations should 
make Pym, if possible, more determined than before 
to exact the uttermost penalty from Strafford. His 
life or death was now more than ever a question of 
danger or safety to the State. A conjunction between 
an acquitted Strafford and an army of Eoyalist poli- 
tical tendencies was one which few in either House 
could contemplate with evenness of mind. It was 
probably not altogether by accident that the last 
cliarges relating to Straflford's Irish government were 
hurried over on April 3, and that some of them were 
entirely dropped. 

On the 5th the scene of the accusation was trans- April 5. 
ferred to English ground. By the mouth of Bui- briSSSg^in 
strode Whitelocke, a son of the Judge, and himself a iJ^J' 
lawyer of some repute, the Commons alleged that 
not only had Strafford instigated the King to make 
war on the Scottish nation, but that at the time when 
tlie Short Parliament was summoned to vote supplies 
to support that war, he had offered 'to serve His 
Majesty in any other way in case the ParUament 
should not support him.' In pursuance of this plan 
he had raised an army of Irish Papists, and had 
conspired with Sir George Radcliffe ' for the ruin and 


CHAP, destruction of the Kingdom of Encjland and of His 
XII. , , ° ^ . 

Majesty's subjects, and altering and subverting the 
fundamental laws and established government of this 
kingdom.' With this object he had declared his 
opinion that if the Parliament failed to supply the 
King, he might use * his prerogative as he pleased to 
levy what he needed, and that he should be acquitted 
of God and man, if he took some courses to supply 
himself, though it were against the will of his sub- 
jects.' Having subsequently procured by false repre- 
sentations the dissolution of that Parliament, he had 
wickedly given counsel to the King 'that, having 
tried the affections of his people, he was to do every- 
thing that power would admit ; and that His Majesty 
had tried all ways and was refused, and should be 
acquitted towards God and man ; and that he had an 
army in Ireland which he might employ to reduce 
this kingdom.' 
straffortra The mauaffcrs had Uttle difficulty in showing that, 

ideas about *-* , , •' o ' 

theu^eof Strafford had held that if Parliament refused the 
King's supply when he needed it for national objects, 
he was justified in taking it by force. It was the 
very central point of his political creed. As usually 
happens, his followers had exaggerated the thought 
of their patron. " His Majesty," Eadcliffe had said, 
" had an army of 30,000 men, and he had 400,000/. 
in his purse and a sword by his side, and if he should 
want money who could pity him ?" " The Common- 
wealth," said Strafford's brother. Sir George Went- 
worth, " is sick of peace, and will not be well till it is 
conquered again." He probably meant that unani- 
mity would only be produced after an English army 
had been defeated by the Scots ; but it was easy to 
understand his words as referring to a victorious 
anny from Ireland. 



Undoubtedly that which called forth the greatest ^^f^' 
indignation against Strafford was the belief that he ' — ^ — " 
had threatened to employ his Irish army against April 5. 
Englishmen. As a matter of mere law it was abso- amV"* 
lutely indifferent whether he had proposed to bring 
it over or not. If it were not punishable to advise 
the King to 'do all that power would admit/ it 
would not become punishable to advise him to main- 
tain his rights by means of an army composed not of 
his English but of his Irish subjects. As a matter of 
sentiment it made considerable difference. 

It was natural, therefore, that Pym and the other 
managers should leave no stone unturned to prove 
tliat Strafford had really given this particular advice. 
The elder Vane, a copy of whose notes of the words vane'a 
used at the Committee of eight after the dissolution 
of the Short ParUament had long been in Pym's 
hands, was put into the witness-box. Strafford, he 
said, and other witnesses bore him out, had advised 
an offensive war with Scotland. He asserted positively 
that Strafford had used the fatal words which were 
charged against him, * or words to that effect.' * Your 
Majesty, having tried all ways, and being refused, 
in this case of extreme necessity, and for the safety of 
your kingdom, you are loose and absolved from all 
rules of government. You are acquitted before God and 
man. You have an army in Ireland ; you may employ 
it to reduce this kingdom.' All attempts made by 
Strafford's friends amongst the Peers to induce him to 
say whetlier this kingdom meant England or Scotland 
proved fruitless. The Lord Steward reminded the 
questioners that Vane had come to testify to the words 
spoken, not to interpret them. Maynard, who was one 
of tlie managers, sarcastically remarked that Vane was 
now at?kcd " whether this kingdom be this kingdom." 


CHAP. To all this Strafford, was called on to reply. He 

' — 7-^ justified his advice for an offensive war against th6 

April s* Scots by falling back on the old position that sub- 
stn^ords j^^^ ^j^^ i (,Q^2j j^Q|. Y^Q brought by fair means to do 

their allegiance and duty to the King ' might be com- 
pelled to do so. He plainly thought that this doc- 
trine was as applicable to England as to Scotland, 
But he explained that he had always had confidence 
in the King that he would never ask anything but 
that which was lawful and just, and that it was a 
great offence ' to think that the King would use his 
prerogative otherwise than as befits a Christian and 
pious King.' The argument implied was that the 
King, having been refused the means needed for the 
protection of his subjects, was justified in doing all 
that power would admit to make good the deficiency. 
thTirish** ^^ utterly denied that there had been any scheme to 
army was bring the Irish army to England, He brought wit- 
landedin ncsscs to provc that his intention had been to land it 
°^ ' near Ayr. Of the six councillors who had been 
present besides himself and Vane when the alleged 
words were spoken, Laud and Windebank were in- 
capable of giving evidence.^ The other four, Hamil- 
ton, Northumberland, Juxon, and Cottington, with one 
voice declared that they could not remember that 
Strafford had ever proposed to bring the Irish army 
to England, or indeed had said much else which 
Vane attributed to him. It is impossible to speak 
with absolute certainty in the matter, but it is not 
necessaiy to suppose that either Vane or his fellow- 
councillors were guilty of perjury. If it be accepted 
as the most probable explanation that the words 

* For Windebank's own statement see vol. i. 338. It must be remem- 
bered tbat the IVivy CouncHlors failed to remember a good deal more 
than the statements about the Irish army. 


were indeed spoken, but only as a suggestion of the ^f ^^• 
best means of meeting a hypothetical rebeUion which ' — 7 — ' 
never came into actual existence, and which passed out . ^ * 
of the minds both of him who spoke and of those who 
listened almost as soon as the words were uttered, 
it becomes perfectly inteUigible that those words may 
have had no abiding-place in the recollection of any 
except the secretary who had taken them down at 
the time, and whose memory was sharpened, not only 
by his personal rivalry with the speaker, but by his 
perusal of the notes a short time before the meeting 
of Parliament when he carried them to the King to be 
burnt.^ On the other hand, the theory that Vane had 
spitefully invented the words appears to be nega- 
tived by tht fact that the King had recently seen his 
paper of notes and had commanded them to be burnt. 
If those notes had not contained the incriminating 
words, Charles would surely have found some way of 
testifying his indignation at Vane's invention. 

However this may have been, Strafford knew how to strafford/s 
make good use of the advantage which he had gained, of orin- 
After pointing out that a single witness was insufficient ^*^ *^ 
to prove treason, he called evidence to show that he 
had always been desirous of a reconciliation between 
the King and his subjects in Parhament. " In case of 
absolute necessity," he said, " and upon a foreign in- 
vasion of an enemy, when the enemy is either actually 
entered, or ready to enter, and when all other ordi- 
nary means fail, in this case there is a trust left by 
Ahnighty God in the King to employ the best and 
uttermost of his means for the preserving of himself 
and liis people, which, under favour, he cannot take 
away from himself." At all events, he said, his words 
had been spoken in his capacity of a Privy Councillor, 

' See vol. i. 339. 


CHAP, and it was the duty of a councillor to speak his mind 
according to his conscience. By the blessing of God 
he had learnt not to stand in fear of them who 
could kill the body, but of Him who could cast body 
and soul into eternal pain. He had but done the 
duty of his place in delivering his opinion, and such 
an opinion as this would not have made a heretic, 
much less a traitor. Let his judges remember that 
they were born to great and weighty employments in 
the kingdom. K he were to be adjudged a traitor for 
honestly dehvering an opinion under oath of secrecy, 
he did not think * any wise and noble person of 
fortune ' would hereafter, * upon such perilous and 
unsafe terms, adventure to be a councillor to the 
impreaBion ]^q woudcr such a speccli told upon the Peers. 

produced. -it i n x/» 

No wonder that it told upon others as well. If the 
design of bringing over the Irish army were disproved 
.as it seemed to have been, there remained a violent 
and ruinous advocacy of the Eoyal prerogative which 
it was imperatively necessary to make impossible in 
the future, but which drew its strength from at least 
one side of the practical working of the institutions 
of the country during at least a century. Not a few 
of those present felt that such an argument as Straf- 
ford's could not be Ughtly disregarded. Monstrous 
as his conception of the Constitution was, it was 
hardly one to be treated as punishable by death. Even 
from the benches on which the Commons were sitting, 
a loud hum of admiration was heard as the prisoner 
resumed his seat.^ 

White- The main burden of the reply fell on Wliitelocke ; 

answer. and Whitclockc, diligent lawyer as he was, was hardly 
the man to cope with Strafford. He did his best to 

• D'Ewes 8 Diary, Harl. MSS. cLxiii. 9. 


support Vane's evidence, and he argued that Strafford's ^xn^' 
counsel had been no mere utterance of opinion, but had 
proceeded from a settled design to subvert the laws and 
* to set a difference between the King and his people.' 
Yet, when all had been said, it was evident that Straf- 
ford's chance of escape stood higher at the end of the 
day than it had done in the morning. 

So at least, it can hardly be doubted, thought the Adjourn- 
Peers. For nine whole hours the hon-hearted man had ^^^^ 
been standing at bay, unaided, against the best forensic 
talent of the time. Whitelocke had been followed by 
Maynard, and Maynard had been followed by Glyn. 
No wonder that he felt exhausted at the close of that 
stupendous effort. It was impossible, he said, for 
liim to endure such another day without a little time 
to repair his wasted energy. The Commons did not 
venture to oppose so reasonable a request, and. one 
day's respite was allowed him. 

To the Lords the question of Strafford's, guilt or pivergence 
innocence naturally presented itself as in the main a theHouacs. 
matter of judicial consideration. To the Commons 
tlie escape of Strafford would appear to be no mere 
miscarriage of justice. It would bring with it a 
pressing and overwhelming danger. Whether it were The insh 
true or not that Strafford had planned to bring the Suband^ecL 
Lisli army into England the summer before, there 
could be no doubt that the same Irish army was still 
kept on foot, though there was no enemy against 
wliich it could be called on to contend. Both Houses 
liad asked the King to disband it, but the joint 
petition liad been left without a word of reply. In 
Strafford's interests Charles could not have committed 
a more grievous error. It is not Ukely that he had 
formed a deliberate intention of bringing the Irish 
army over to disperse the English Parliament. It 




The army 
plot per- 
sisted in. 

April 3. 
Meeting of 
of the 
officers at 

was not in his character ever to form deliberate 
intentions except when they were to take shape in 
merely passive endurance. But it was unreasonable 
to expect that others should close their eyes to the 
plain tendency of his actions simply because he fore- 
saw nothing clearly himself. He wanted to make the 
most of every chance : of the constitutional authority 
of the Lords, of the threatening presence of his soldiers 
in Ulster, and of the sjrmpathies of the unpaid English 
army in the North. The unconscious duplicity of his 
mind was dragging him to his ruin, and he dragged 
with him the servant, far nobler than himself, whom 
he most wished to save. 

Charles could not even rule his own household. 
The mild disapprobation which he had expressed 
of SuckUng's army plot went absolutely for nothing. 
The Queen, it would seem, had made up her mind to 
force the hand of her sluggish spouse. Chudleigh 
was sent back to the North with instructions from 
Jermyn and Endymion Porter to urge the officers 
to accept Goring as their lieutenant-general, and to 
be ready to march southwards in case of need. 
Newcastle would be in Nottinghamshire with a thou- 
sand horse ready to take the command, and it was even 
added that the Prince of Wales would be there as 
well. Every Frenchman in London — and the number 
of French settlers was not inconsiderable — ^would rise 
at a given signal.^ 

On April 3 Chudleigh convened a meeting of the 
officers at Boroughbridge. So strong was their feeling 
against Parliament, in consequence of its neglect of 
the army, that they were easily persuaded to write to 

* OhudleigVs examinations, May 10, 18. Pollard's examination, 
May 18, An Exact CoUectioriy 220, 223. Chudleigh's examination, Aug. 
13, FEwea's Diary, Ilarl. MSS. clxiv. 28. 


Goring, expressing their readiness to obey him in the chap. 
post to which they understood him to have been — 7 — ' 
selected by the King himself. Chudleigh carried the .^ * 
letter to London on the 5th, and finding that Goring 
was no longer there, followed him to Portsmouth. 
Goring took him round the walls, and told him that Apni 10. 
* if there should be any mutiny in London, the Queen p^"t^^ ** 
meant to come down thither for her safety, and that "*^"^^ 
she had sent him down money to fortify it.' 

It was impossible that the ParUamentary leaders 
should long remain in ignorance of what was pass- 
ing in the North. Conyers and Astley, the actual 
commanders of the army, had no wish to be super- 
seded by Goring, and they had all the dislike of pro- 
fessional soldiers to see the military force of the coun- 
try dragged in the wake of a political faction. Conyers 
wrote to Conway to complain of Chudleigh's proceed- 
ings, and it is not likely that Conway kept the secret 
to himself.^ The first effect of the meeting of the steps taken 
officers is to be seen in a fresh effort of the Lords to ^^ 
remove the cause of the evil. On the one hand they 
renewed their urgency with the City to lend the money 
needed to pay off both the English and the Scottish 
armies, and on the other hand they once more pressed 
the King to give an answer to the petition of the Houses 
for the discharge of the Irish army and the disarma- 
ment of the English Catholics.^ In the Commons the April 6. 
fear of immediate military intervention was predomi- Commons 
nant. Attention was called to the letter which had been InterVen- 
written by the officers to Northumberland on March 
20,* in which they expressed their readiness to fight 
the Scots. The House passed a resolution that any 

• Conyers to Conway, Apr. 2, 6, 9, S, P. Dom, Chudleigh's depo* 
sit ion, May lo, An Exact CoUectiorif 220. 

• L. J, iv. 207, 209. 

• P. 1 14. 


CHAP, officer commanding an attack without orders from the 
" — 7 — ' King given upon the advice of Parliament, except in 
April 6. ^^^ ^^ invasion, should be taken as an enemy to the 
King and State.^ 
J^l^by ^^ wording of the resolution passed unheeded 

advice Jf by. It was but the expression of that which all men 
ment there felt to be a necessity. Yet to say that the 
King's orders were only to be obeyed if they were 
given upon the advice of Parhament was a strange in- 
novation on established usage. The presumption of the 
law had been hitherto, as the Judges and Strafford 
had been never weary of saying, that the King would 
act for the general good of the community, even if at 
some particular moment he set the general feeling at 
naught. The resolution of the Commons was the 
first crude attempt to find a remedy for the evils pro- 
duced by the King's effort to free himself entirely from 
eveiy obligation to consult the wishes of the nation. 
Before this fear of miUtary violence Strafford's 
April 7. offences assumed a deeper dye. On the 7th the story 
chYrgM of his threats to the aldermen and his violent enforce- 
stnifford. ment of ship money was duly told. On the next day 
Aprils. Erie returned to the charge of bringing over the 
Irish army.^ He showed tliat in the commission 
granted to Strafford in August he was empowered to 
repress revolts in England, and argued that it must 
have been evidently intended that his army should land 
in England. Strafford rephed that his commission was 
a mere copy of Northumberland's, and that it was 

> D'Ewea's Diary, HarL MSS, clxiii. 9. L. J. ii. 116. 

^ See p. 85. For once Mr. Sanford makes a mistake; he argues (304) 
that Whitelocke 8 accoimt of this day's proceedings is untrustworthy, 
because he cannot find an3'thing like it in Hiishworth, Hushworth, how- 
ever, breaks off at the end of the proceedings of the 7th, and only gives 
separate speeches afterwards. The story is to be found substantially as 
Whitelocke gives it in the Brief and Perfect Relation^ which is, as Mr. 


SO drawn by the King's directions.^ On other points ^S/f- 
which were raised Strafford was no less successful. 

It was impossible that the managers should leave Apni i 
their case thus. Hitherto they had been unwilling to 
compromise the younger Vane. They now resolved vane's 
that the copy which had been taken of the notes produced, 
which he had surreptitiously obtained from his father 
must be produced on the following morning.^ 

When the morning came Strafford did not appear. Apnio. 
He sent a message announcing that he was too ill to iiineas. 
leave the Tower. Pym and his associates seem to 
have fancied it was a plot intended to create delay. 
They felt that the Lords were slipping away from 
them. They were not even sure of their hold over 
the Commons. That unhappy religious question 
stood in the way of all harmonious action, and it had 
only been by a majority of 39 that the truce with the 
Scots had been prolonged for another fortnight. There 
were many who wished, in the interest of the bishops, 
that another war might break out, in which they 
hoped that the Scots would be less successful than 
they had been before.^ 

On the loth Strafford was once more at the bar. Aprflio. 
As he was about to speak, Glyn interrupted him, dence 
offering fresh evidence on the Irish army, as well as ° * 
on another matter of less importance. Strafford asked 

Palgrave has pointed out, a most yaluable contemporary accoimt of the 

* Bankes gaye evidence that it was so. Gawdy's Notes, Add. M8S. 
14,828, fol. 31, b. 

^ The elder Yane stated on the loth that he first heard that his son 
had taken the papers ' on Thursday last ; ' and this, together with the 
probability that such a step would be taken after Erle^s &ilare, seems 
to fix the resolution of the leaders for that afternoon. 

^ The party meaning of this division is shown by the names of the 
tellers. D'Ewes's Diary, HarL MSS, clxiv. fol. 161. See, too, Tomkins 
to Lambe, April 13, S, P, Dom» 

VOL. 11. K 




April la 




CHAP, to be allowed also to produce fresh evidence^ After 
- two long adjournments, the Lords decided as fairly 
as it was possible for them to* do. Both sides were 
to name the articles to which they wished to recur. ^ 
The Peers had dealt with the emergency as it 
became Judges. In the Lower House there were some 
to whom their impartiality was of evil omen. In that 
House there was * a rigid, strong, and inflexible party,' 
which held that if Strafibrd were * not found a traitor, 
the Parliament must make him so for the intei'est of 
the pubUc' ' Though the managers were ready to go 
on with their case, they were stopped by shouts of 
" Withdraw ! Withdraw ! " from the benches on which 
the Commons were sitting. The shouts were answered 
by indignant cries of " Adjourn ! Adjourn ! " from the 
Lords. Both Houses left the Hall in confusion. 
" The King laughed, and the Earl of Strafibrd was so 
well pleased therewith that he would not hide his 
joy!"* Well might Charles and Strafibrd make 
merry. That which had been long looked forward 
too as possible had come to pass. The two Houses 
were at issue with one another. The sitting had been 
broken up without even the appointment of a day for 
the resumption of the trial. 

In the Commons Glyn called on Pym and the 
younger Vane to tell what they knew of evidence not 
yet disclosed. Vane told the House how he had 
found a paper of notes in his father's study, how he 
had taken a copy of them, and how Pym had copied 
that copy. Pym confirmed the latter part of the 

notes dis 

* X. J. iv. 212. There is a slightly different account in the Brief 
and Perfect Relation, 

* The Earl of Strafford Characterised, Somen Tracts, iv. 231. 

» IVEwes's Diary, Hfirl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 27. Tomkins to Lamhe, 
April 12, S, P, Dam, Brief and Perfect Relation, 57. 

vane's notes PRODtJCED. X^t 

statement. The elder Vane rose to say that the ^j^* 
original notes had been burnt by the King's com- '*— • — 
mand. He appeared to be much agitated. " An un- ^ ^^^ 
happy son of his," he said, " had brought all this 
trouble upon him." So much of the notes was then 
read as bore upon the matter in hand.^ The Secretary 
was then asked whether the paper which had been 
produced corresponded with the original. He replied 
that it did, and that he had himself taken notes of it 
before he destroyed it.^ 

The effect of this statement was strongly corrobo- 
rative of the evidence which had been given by the 
Secretary before the Lords. No doubt the charge 
that Strafford had used the words about the Irish 
army of which he had professed to have no recollec- 
tion rested now, as it had rested before, on the single 
evidence of Vane. But it was one thing to say that 
Vane had allowed a misrepresentation to grow up in 
a treacherous and hostile memory. It was another 
thing to say that he had been guilty of forgery. Even 
if it were thought possible that he might have de- 
scended so low, the fact that Charles had sent for the 
notes and had ordered them to be burnt — a fact which 
is established not merely by Vane's assertion, but by 
Charles's silence — seems to show conclusively that 
they were notes officially taken with the cognisance 
of the King, and therefore liable to be called for by 
him at any moment. It is perfectly incredible that 
Vane should have knowingly inserted a falsehood in a 

^ It is unnecessary to go into the question whether the younger 
Vane was justified in betraying the secret. It was a case of a conflict 
of duties. If he had found evidence that a murder was about to be com- 
mittedy he ought to have used the knowledge, acquired in any way, to 
save the person threatened. When he showed the notes to Pym, the 
danger of an actual attack from Ireland was still impending. 

2 D'Ewes'9 Diary, Harl. MSS, clxiv. fol. 162. 



CHAP, paper which was so likely to come under the eye of 
' — r^ — the incriminated person.^ 

A^tia With this additional evidence before them the 

S?S>m^ Commons had to reconsider their position. Evidently 
monstodo? ^y^^ proper course was that which the managers had 
intended to pursue — to lay the notes before the Lords, 
and to allow Strafford to occupy two or three days 
with the additional evidence which he wished to 
bring forward. The * inflexible party/ which was not 
the party of Pym and Hampden, was weary of the 
long delay. They regarded the judicial impartiality 
of the Lords as open treason to the Commonwealth. 
They showed themselves apt pupils of Strafford ; or 
rather they shared in his belief that, as the safety of 
the people was the supreme law, so it was to be 
made, in moments of emergency, to override all posi- 
tive legaUty. If Strafford had wielded the ancient 
weapon of the Prerogative to render the monarchy 
absolute, why should not they have recourse to 
another ancient weapon, the Bill of Attainder, to 
strike down the absolute monarchy which was im- 
personated in its strongest champion? No doubt 
this method of procedure had some advantages. It 
was more honest and outspoken. It professed to 
punish Strafford because he had broken a law which 
ought to have been in existence, instead of twisting 
an existing law to make it mean something which all 
impartial persons, if any there then were, knew per- 
fectly well that it did not mean.^ It also commended 
itself to the feeUng against the Lords, which was at 

* See vol. i. p. 337. 

* '' Now the secret of their taking thia particuhir way is ooncdved to 
he to prevent the hearing of the Earl's lawyers, who give out that there 
is no law yet in force whereby he can be condemned to die for aught that 
hath been yet objected against him, and therefore their intent is by this 
BiU to supply the defect of the laws therciD."*— -Tomkins to Lambe/ April 
12, $, P. I)om, 


this moment strong in the Lower House. The Com- ^A^' 
mons would no longer be mere accusers. They, too, ^ — 7'-—' 
would be Strafford's judges, and would ask the Peers to ^^^ ^^ 
join in a sentence which they had first pronounced. . 

A Bill of Attainder was accordingly brought in. pirst md- 
Of the debate which ensued no record has reached bS^aJ- 
us. The name of Sir Arthur Hazlerigg is, however, ***"*^* 
prominently connected with the proposal, and Hazle- 
rigg's name at once suggests a connection between 
downright honesty of purpose and blundering im- 
patience of restraint. Before the day was over the 
Bill had been read a first time. With that Saturday's 
work the third week of the great trial was brought to 
a close.^ 

A first reading settled nothing. On Monday mom- Aprfl la. 
ing, when evidence in corroboration of Vane's story nios^e 
was being heard, Henry Marten impatiently asked that, ^'^"^ 
instead of troubling themselves with further inquiry, 
they should read the Attainder Bill a second time. The 
House would not hear of it. It had been dissatisfied 
with the slow progress of the impeachment; but, 
after all, it preferred to be led by Pym rather than by 
Hazlerigg and Marten, and Pym's advice was to carry 
the impeachment to its close. The Lords were therefore 
informed that, in order to hasten the proceedings, the 
Commons had consented to waive their right of pro- 
ducing further evidence on the understanding that no 
more would be produced against them. They inti- 
mated at tlie same time that they had discovered 
a paper which impUcated Laud and Cottington in 
illegal designs,* and that they had therefore thought it 
right to send the Peers a copy of it for their consider- 
ation. This clever contrivance — it was almost too 

> Tomkiiis to Lambe, April 12, S. P. Dom, D^Ewes'g Diary, SarL 
MSS. clxiv. fol. 163, b. See p. 129. 

^ Their speeches were given in Vane's notes as w^ as Straflbrd's. 




in the 

April 13. 

clever to succeed — was adopted without much diffi- 
culty. D'Ewes reminded the House that the bishops 
who had no votes as Judges, would have votes on 
the passing of a Bill ; and the Bill of Attainder was 
set aside, at least for the present.^ 

The expectation which Pym probably entertained, 
that the Lords would be thrown off their balance by 
the sight of that portion of Vane's notes which bore 
upon Strafford's case, was soon reaUsed. They were 
irritated by the conduct of the other House in inter- 
rupting the trial, and still more irritated at the mere 
mention of a Bill of Attainder. " It is an unnatural 
motion," said one angry Peer, " for the head to be 
governed by the tail. We hate rebellion as much as 
treason. We will never suffer ourselves to be sup- 
pressed by a popular faction." ^ 

On the following day, therefore, Strafford was 
called on for his defence, as if nothing extraordinary 
had intervened. He knew well how to catch the ear 
of the Peers. " None but you," he said, " can be 
my judges." Not the Commons, not even the King 
himself, could take that function from them. After 
running over the articles one by one, he asked how 
that could be treason as a whole which was not 
treason in any separate part. It was hard to be 
punished for a crime against which no law could be 
quoted. " K I pass down the Thames in a boat," he 
said, " and run and spht myself upon an anchor, if 
there be not a buoy to give me warning, the party 
shall give me damages; but if it be marked out, then 
it is at my own peril. It is now full 240 years since 
any man was touched to that height, upon this crime, 
before myself. ... Do not, my Lords, put 

» D'Ewee's Diary, Harl MSS, clxiv. fol. 165. The debate is printed 
in Sanford, 329, but with many omissions of which no warning is given. 
* Brief and Ptrfect RdatwHy 58. 


greater difficulty upon the Ministers of State than that ^xn/* 
with cheerfulness they may serve the King and the '""JT — ' 
State ; for if you will examine them by every grain xprn 13. 
or every httle weight, it will be so heavy that the 
pubhc affairs of the kingdom will be laid waste, and 
no man will meddle with them that hath wisdom, and 
honour, and fortune to lose. 

" Were it not for the interest of those pledges that 
a saint in heaven left me, I would be loath, my Lords," 
— For the moment he could say no more.^ The strong, 
iron-hearted man burst into tears. After a little while 
he recovered himself. " Now, my Lords," he ended 
by saying, " I thank God I have been, by His good 
blessing towards me, taught that the afflictions of this 
present Ufe are not to be compared with that eternal 
weight of glory that shall be revealed for us here- 
after ; and so, my Lords, even so, with all humility, 
and with all tranquiUity of mind, I do submit myself 
clearly and freely to your judgments, and whether 
that righteous judgment shall be life or death, 

Te Deum laudamus, te Dominum confitemur.''* 

After a short interval Glyn rose to reply. The g^K* 
prisoner, he urged, was not charged with a number 
of separate acts, but with one settled purpose to over- 
throw the law. The separate acts were but cited in 
order that the purpose might be revealed. Glyn's 
strongest point was his refutation of Strafford's plea 
that he had counselled the assumption of special 
powers in the face of special necessity. He showed 
that for years the government had been conducted 
on the plea of special necessity. " My Lords," he 
said, " for many years by-past, your Lordships know 
an evil spirit hath moved among us, which in truth 

^ For a specimen of the way in whic& scandal grows, see Bailiie^s 
remarks on this incident, i. 347. 

^ Jiushw, Straf. Trial, 633. It is here misdated as spoken on AprU 12, 


CHAP, hath been made the author and ground of all our dis- 

%^ - • 


April 15. 


tractions, and that is necessity and danger. This 
was the bulwark and the battery that serves to defend 
all exorbitant actions ; the ground and foundation of 
this great invasion of our liberties and estates, the 
judgment in the ship money ; and the ground of the 
counsel given of late to do anything, and to persuade 
the King that he was absolved from all rules of 
government." ^ 
Pymjs Pym followed Glyn. Taking as proved the attempt 

to substitute arbitrary will for law, he painted with a 
firm hand a picture of the misery which would fol- 
low on the substitution. Under the appearance of 
bringing strength and honour to the Bong, it brought 
him to weakness and dishonour. Eeward and punish- 
ment, Strafford had once said, were the great motives 
by which men were led. Pym had a more excellent 
way to show. " Those," he said, " that live so much 
under the whip and the pillory and such servile engines 
as were frequently used by the Earl of Strafford, they 
may have the dregs of valour^ suUenness, and stub- 
bornness, which may make them prone to mutinies 
and discontents ; but those noble and gallant affections, 
which put men to brave designs and attempts for the 
preservation or enlargement of a kingdom, they are 
hardly capable of. Shall it be treason to embase the 
King's coin, though but a piece of twelve pence or 
six pence, and must it not needs be the effect of a 
g]*eater treason to embase the spirits of his subjects, 
and to set a stamp and character of servitude upon 
them, whereby they shall be disabled to do any thing 
for the service of the King and Commonwealth ? " 

On this theme Pym had much to say. It was the 
old political faith of Elizabeth and Bacon revived in 

* Glyn's Speech, Rushw, Straf. Tt-ial, 706. 

pym's political faith. 137 

another form. The King, he held, could not act ^§^^* 
outside the nation as if he were separate from it. — 7'^— 
" The King and his people are obliged to one another ^^ ' 
in the nearest relations. He is a father, and a child 
is called in law para patiis. He is the husband of 
the Commonwealth ; they have the same interests ; 
they are inseparable in their condition, be it good or 
evil. He is their head. They are the body. There 
is such an incorporation as cannot be dissolved with- 
out the destruction of both." 

To have done as much as in him lay to break up 
this harmonious unity was Strafford's crime. Pym's 
solemn voice thrust the accusing charge home. 
Once indeed he faltered, and sought in vain amongst 
his notes. Then after a brief interval he recovered 
himself.^ " Nothing," he concluded, " can be more 
equal than that he shoidd perish by the justice of 
that law which he would have subverted ; neither 
will this be a new way of blood. There are marks 
enough to trace this law to the very original of this 
kingdom ; and if it hath not been put in execution, as 
he allegeth, this 240 years, it was not for want of law, 
but that all time hath not bred a man bold enough 
to commit such crimes as these, which is a circum- 
stance much aggravating his offence, and making him 

^ '^ To humble the man God let his memory fail him to a point or twO| 
60 he behoved to pass them.'' — JBaillie, i. 348. Out of this Mr. Foreter 
constructed a romance about Pjm's catching sight of Strafford^s face and 
breaking down. Another account is : — ''It was sport to see how Master 
Pym in his speech was fearfully out, and constrained to pull out his 
papers, and read with a great deal of oonfusion, and disorder, before he 
could re>collect himself; which failing of memory was no small advan- 
tage to the Lord Lieutenant, because by this means the House perceived 
it was a premeditated flash, not grounded upon the Lieutenant*s last 
answer, but resolved on before, whatsoever he should say for his own 
justification." — Brief and Perfect 2Ul<Uum, 63. The contrast between 
Pym speaking from notes, and Strafford who spoke as the thoughts rose 
within him, is striking. 


CHAP, no whit less liable to punishment, because he is the 
-^^ only man that, in so long a time, had ventured upon 
.'.f ^' such a treason as this." ^ 

April 13. 

^•ries un- Pym's uoblc cxpositiou of constitutional right had 

straflbrd. been directed as much to the ear of Charles, who was 

listening eagerly to every word, as to the Peers who 

were sitting in judgment. " I believe," wrote BaiUie, 

" the King never heard a lecture of so free language 

against that his idolised prerogative." * It may be 

that if Charles, with heroic self-abasement, had 

stepped forward to take upon his own head the 

blame of the past, he might even yet have saved 

Strafford. EHzabeth might have done it. He 

could not do it. He could not even give his subjects 

reason to beheve that he had done with the theories 

lu'^wmnot ^^ Strafford for ever. On the very next day he inti- 

diawive the mated to the Houses that he hoped to see a general 

Irish army. , , 

disarmament ; but that, as for any mere dismissal of 
the Irish army, he must defer his answer till * after 
these great businesses now in agitation are over.' ^ 
The Commons now knew that they were to grope 
their way forward with that sword still suspended 
over their heads. 
Quesdona Three separate questions were involved in Pvm's 

involved . "^ 

inPym»8 chargc against Strafford. In the first place. Was his 
system of government of such a nature as to be de- 
structive of the free Constitution of England ? In the 
second place. Did the prisoner deliberately purpose to 
overthrow that Constitution? In the third place. 
Was this crime, assuming it to have been proved, of 
so deep a dye that it was fair to treat it as one which 
Strafford must have known beforehand to be punish- 
able in accordance with the general spirit of the law, 
though nothing had been done in contravention of 

' Pjm's Speech, JRudhw, Straf. Trial, 661. 

' BaUlie, i. 348. « L. J. iv. 216. 


PYM'S case against STRAFFORD. 139 


April 14. 

any actual statute as hitherto interpreted P To the ^^n^' 
first of these questions no one would now hesitate to 
answer in the aflirmative. To the second, those who 
have most deeply studied Straflford's life and character 
would be ready unhesitatingly to reply in the nega- 
tive. To understand Pym's consistency in upholding 
the doctrine, that Strafford was punishable by the 
spirit of the law, it is necessary to remember that 
neither he, nor the great majority of the House of 
Commons, doubted for an instant that Strafford's 
attack upon the Constitution was intentional and 
deliberate. He was to them the great apostate led 
into paths of daring wickedness by the combined 
temptations of avarice and ambition. 

Pym's anxiety to bring Strafford's condemnation Second 
within the terms of the existing law would have led th« Atuin- 
him even yet to persist in the impeachment. To the 
mass of his fellow members it was more important 
that Strafford should die than that the law should be 
magnified. Before the King's message about tlie 
Irish army arrived, the Attainder Bill had been read 
a second time, and it was ordered that it should be 
discussed in a Committee of the whole House in the 
afternoon from day to day.^ The temptation to bring 

' In lus suggestiye article on the Trial in Frtum's Magazine (April, 
1873) ^- Palgrave thinks he sees evidence of an attempt to talk out the 
Bill. I do not see proof of much more delay than was to he expected over 
a question of such importance. The Bill went into Oommittee on the 
14th, and was read a tliird time on the 2i8t, only a week later, though 
only the afternoons were set apart for the discussion. No doubt D^Ewes 
(ffarl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 45) says of the debate of the 14th that many 
made trifling objections ' which they did only to keep off the ques- 
tion from being put. I was much amazed to see so many of the House 
speak on the Earl of Strafford's side.' But we are not bound now to 
hold that no one had a right to urge all that could be said on Strafford*s 
side. When this intolerance prevailed amongst Strafford's enemies, his 
few friends may be pardoned if they sometimes urged rather poor argu- 
ments in his favour. This was the first occasion on which the Commons 
had really discussed the case on its merits. 


<^AP. a pressure on the Peers was too strong to make any 
' — 7 — ' other course acceptable. Yet its advocates had 
April li. ab-eady cause to regret that they had broken away 
Co^ttee! from Pym. The debate on the order to go mto Com- 
mittee had revealed the fact that the House of 
Commons was not unanimous even against Strafford. 
There was a scanty band^ which had urged over 
again every point which had been made by himself. 
One member asked whether Strafford's acts had 
amounted to treason. Another wished to know what 
proof there was that the Irish army was intended to 
land in England. The poet Waller went to the root 
of the matter by asking what were the fundamental 
laws — a question which drew down on him a retort 
from Maynard, that, if he did not know that, he had 
April 1^ no business to sit in the House.^ In spite of the 
questionings of the minority it was resolved, before 
the afternoon of the 15th was over, that Strafford 
had endeavoured to subvert the fundamental laws of 
Offence The Commous had now to learn how deeply they 

the Lords, had offended the Lords. In the ordinary course of 
the impeachment they should have appeared in 
Westminster Hall to hear the arguments of counsel 
on both sides, on the legal questions arising out of the 
evidence. Pym and Strode asked that there might 
be no interruption of the proceedings. St. John, 
however, carried the House with him to send a 
message asking the Peers to postpone their sitting, 

* " The long contdnuance of a ParHamentary contest," writes Mr, 
Palgraye, '' is a sure sign that opposing parties are very eTen.** Perhaps 
80, when nothing is decided. But, when one side gives up point after 
point, it b a sign that one party is not sufBciently numerous to court a 
defeat. On the 19th there was a division on the most favourable ground 
that the Opposition could take, and D^Ewes tells us that they were beaten 
by at least three to one. — ffarl, MSS. clxiv. fol. 180. 

' D'Ewes^s Diary, HarL MSS. clxiii. fol. 43, 45 -, cLziv. fol 172. 


which had been appointed for the purpose of hearing ^f nf ' 

counsel, and informing them that the Commons had a \^.j 

Bill of Attainder under consideration.^ April 15. 

The Lords at once took fire. They answered that They rc- 

they would go on with the trial whether the Com- thTtiii**^ 
mons appeared or not. They would hear counsel and 
deliver judgment. The Commons, in return, de- 
clared their resolution to proceed with their Bill.*^ 

It was on such occasions that the weight of g^L^ 

Hampden's character made itself felt. He seldom attempts to 

^ mediate. 

rose to speak, and he never spoke at any length. He 
now came to the support of the Lords. Let the 
managers, he said, be in their places to argue the 
question of law as they had before argued the ques- 
tion of fact. Pym seconded him vehemently. He 
told the members that if they abandoned the im- 
peachment they would * much dishonour ' themselves. 
The House was only convinced bo far as to resolve to 
be present, as a Committee, to listen to the arguments 
of Strafford's counsel without replying to them. 

The legal argument on behalf of Strafford was ^^^ 
therefore duly heard. On the 19th the question, whe- argument, 
ther Strafford's acts amounted to treason, was fought sfa^iJ?' 
out in the Commons. Selden and Holbome battled fj^tor^by 
hard against the inevitable conclusion. The Committee ^® ^^^' 

^ mons. 

voted by three to one that Strafford was a traitor. 

With this vote the future of the Bill was prac- April 
tically settled as far as the Commons were concerned. Jt^,^^ 
The last debate on it in Committee was on a pro- 
viso forbidding the judges to act upon the principles 
laid down in it in any other case.* 

> C. J: ii. 121. D'£wes*8 Diaiy, Harl. MSS. chdiL foL 48. Moore's 
Diary, Harl. MSS. cecclxxxvi. fol. 179, b. 

* Brief and Perfect Helaticn, 69. 

' This was natuitilly taken hold of bj Strafford's friends as showing 
that the House was aware that it was stretching the law. The yiew 





*^ — « — -^ 

1 641. 

April 21. 




The third 


The motion for the third reading was opposed by 
Digby in an impassioned speech. He denied that the 
charge of bringing over the Irish army was suffi- 
ciently proved, and he argued that, unless this were 
done, there was no evidence of treason. He was 
ready to consent to a Bill depriving Strafford of all 
power to do further hurt. To condemn him as a 
traitor would be a judicial murder. Such language 
had but little effect. Both Pym and Falkland de- 
clared in favour of passing the Bill, and it was read a 
third time by a majority of 204 to 59. Large as the 
majority was, it was a majority in a thin House. In 
those days there were no published division-lists to 
keep members to their duty. Many a man who had 
courted election, grew weary of attendance as soon 
as the choice had to be made between giving offence 
to the King and giving offence to those in whose com- 
pany he sat. Theatres and bowling-alleys — * the 
devil's chapels ' as D'Ewes sternly called them — ^were 
more attractive than long discussions on constitu- 
tional law. Those who voted on the third reading of 
the Attainder Bill may fairly be taken as the 
average political strength of the Long Parliament. 

The vote had been carried by a coahtion between 
the bulk of the two parties which were divided on 
ecclesiastical questions. Except Digby's, the only 
names of note amongst the minority were those of 
Selden and Holborne. Something of Digby's con- 
version from the violence of his opposition in the 

of the OommoDS was that they would not trust the Judges with a power 
which they believed Parliament to be capable of exercising. As was 
said ' The words — to subvert the law — were very wide, and a corrupt 
Judge might stretch them far.' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl, MSS. clxiv. fol. 
182. D^wes gave the only negative vote. He said 'it would be a 
great dishonour to the business, as if we had condemned him because 
we would condemn him.' 


first days of the Parliament is, no doubt, due simply to ^if' 
a real dislike of the hard measure which was being ' — 7 — ' 
dealt out to Strafford by men with whom the speaker xpni 21. 
had already come into collision on other grounds. 
More was owing to the flatteries which the Queen 
was now dealing out lavishly around her, and of 
which Digby had his full share. His change of 
front can excite no surprise. His polished brilliancy 
of speech was far more suited to the Court than to 
Parliament, and he had none of that steadiness of 
purpose, or of that reverence for the character of the 
nation as a whole, which would have kept him long 
by the side of Pym. 

If the Queen had but little success in the The 
Commons, she believed that her blandishments had flnwce*"* 
been exercised not in vain amongst the Peers ^^Z^"" 
Holland had been won over by an offer of the com- 
mand of the Northern army, and Savile, tlie forger of 
the invitation to the Scots, by a promise that he 
should succeed Strafford in the Presidentship of the 
North. In after years Henrietta Maria used to tell, 
with vague reminiscence, of her nightly meetings with 
men whom she described as the most wicked rebels 
in the kingdom, and to boast of the influence which 
she had gained over them by the glamour of her eye 
and tongue.^ 

Beauty with its tears passing into smiles may have Bristori 
done much with Digby. It was not likely to have had ^ ^^^' 
much effect with his father. Bristol was striving for 
an object which was worth a statesman's thought. 
He wanted to bring the constitutional judgment of 
the Lords to bear upon the envenomed quarrel which 
was arising between the Commons and the King. He 
wished to save Strafford's life whilst incapacitating 

' Mimoires de Madame de MotteviQe, ch. ii« 




*■- > -"^ 

1 64 1. 

April ax. 

tion in the 
House of 

April 33. 
letter to 

him from office. He also wished to maintain the 
Episcopal constitution of the Church whilst surround- 
ing it with safeguards against the abuse of such 
powers as might be left in the hands of the bishops. 
It was a high and noble policy — a policy which, if it 
could only have been carried into effect, would have 
spared England many a day of misery. Whether it 
was possible to carry it into practice in the face of the 
angry passions which had been aroused, was a ques- 
tion which is hard to answer. As matters now 
stood, it would be difficult for the Lords to avoid the 
appearance of being actuated rather by regard for 
their own dignity than by a sense of duty. Scarcely 
had the Bill made its appearance amongst them when 
Savile, a man born to biing disgrace upon every 
party which he joined, cried out, * that the Lower 
House did encroach upon the Higher House's liberties, 
and did not know their duties.' Being contradicted 
by Stamford, he answered rudely, and the affair had 
almost ended in a duel. Yet, after all, Strafford's fate 
rested even more with the King than with the Peers, 
and for the moment it seemed that Charles would bow 
his neck to submit to the wise guidance of Bristol.^ 
" The misfortune that is fallen upon you," he wrote 
to Strafford two days after the Attainder Bill passed 
the Commons, " by the strange mistaking and con- 
juncture of these times being such that I must lay 
by the thought of employing you hereafter in my 
affairs, yet I cannot satisfy myself in honour or con- 
science without assuring you now, in the midst of your 
troubles, that, upon the word of a king, you shall 
not suffer in life, honour, or fortune," * 

^ One of the Scottish Commisdoners to 
Af5i5. XXV., No. 155. 

? April 27. Wodrow 

' The King to Strafford, April 23, Straf, Lettern, ii. 416. 


For the moment, too, it seemed likely that Charles chap. 
would give some security that, if he had not changed * — '-^ 
his mind, he had changed his policy. Again, there Apnf 23. 
were rumours of a fresh distribution of offices, fmci^^*^^ 
Bedford, who, without modifying his opinion that ^haDgcs. 
Strafford was a traitor, was ready to vote against the 
infliction of the death penalty in order to conciliate 
the King, was to be Lord Treasurer. Saye, the most Efforts to 
irreconcilable of Puritans, was to be Master of the foJa. 
Wards. It was even said that Pym was to be Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer. Twice in the course of the 
week he was admitted to an interview with the 

What passed between Charles and Pym we have 
no means of knowing. It is quite possible that Pym 
refused to be content with anything short of 
Strafford's life. Essex, at all events, was of that 
opinion. Hyde, of whom it is not known whether 
he had given a silent vote for the Bill of Attainder, 
or had abstained from voting, was employed by Bed- 
ford to argue down Essex's objections. At Hyde*s 
suggestion that a heavy fine or a long imprisonment 
would be a sufficient punishment, the Earl shook his 
head. " Stone-dead," he bluntly answered, " hath no 
fellow." Even if Strafford were fined or imprisoned 
the King would restore his estate and release all 
fines, but would likewise give him his liberty, as 
soon as he had a mind to make use of him, which 
would be as soon as the Parliament should be ended. 
Essex did but express an opinion which was very 
widely entertained. It was not so much a ques- 
tion whether Strafford had been a traitor as whether 
Charles could be trusted.* The clamour of the House 

' Tomkins to Lambe, Apr. 26, S. P, Lorn, 

^ Clarendon, iii. 1 64. Dates and events are as usual mixed up here bo 

VOL. n. L 


CHAP, of Commons was hacked by a growing excitement 
* — 7-—' in the City. On the 24th, 20,000 Londoners signed 

April 2^. a petition calling for the execution of Strafford and 
do^new''^' the Tcdress of grievances, as the only means of escape 
petition, ^^j^ ^YiQ existing depression of trade.^ 

During the first stages of this negotiation a com- 
TheCom- promisc was come to between the Houses. The 
answer the Commous agreed to reply to the legal arguments of 
S'SSf" Strafford's counsel, if they were understood to be 
wunLi, directed to the question whether the Bill of Attainder 
ought to pass, and not to the question what judg- 
ment ought to be given on the impeachment. In 
spite of opposition from Bristol and Savile the com- 
Aprii27. promise was accepted by the Lords, and on the 27th 
readhig of the Attainder Bill was read in their House a second 
dCTBm*by time. The 29th was fixed for hearing the legal 
the Lords, arguments of the Commons.^ 

Nevertheless, an impression seems to have pre- 
vailed that though the Lords were unwilling to 
quarrel with the other House on a point of form, 
they had made up their minds not to send Strafford 
to the scaffold. It was evidently Charles's wisest 
course to rely on the Lords, and to allow himself to 
appear before the world, if he must appear at all on 
Strafford's behalf, as the guardian of constitutional 
right. Charles could not make up his mind to risk 
all that must be risked by the steady pursuance of 
this line of conduct. To the Queen his attempts to 
respect the law must have seemed to be sheer infatu- 
ation. Her head was full of projects. No enterprise 

as to create a thoroughly false impression, but I feel inclined to accept 
the separate anecdotes as substantially true. They are just the things 
which wovJd remain in the author's mind when all sense of relation was 

* BuMhw. iv. 233. 

» Parliamentary Notes, Apr. 24, S, P, Dom, L. J, iv. 227. 


seemed too daring, no combination too extensive, for chap. 


her self-willed inexperience. If we knew all we should ^ 
probably be able to tell of Charles as carried away by Apnt^. 
her flashing eloquence, agreeing to everything that ^„^i^"'' 
she proposed, and professing himself to be ready to 
carry out her projects, till calm consideration, out of 
her sight, once more commended to his mind some 
other plan which would at least keep him within the 
letter of the law. Such at least is the most probable 
explanation of the inconsistent action of the King 
during these agitated days. 

The Court of Henrietta Maria had few secrets. 
Eumour was busy with speculations as to the price 
paid by the Prince of Orange for a royal alliance. 
On the 19th Prince William arrived to claim his bride. Apni 19. 
The Court gossips at once fixed on the sum of vl\nlemu 
i,2co,ooo ducats as that which he had brought over *™' 
to reheve the wants of his future father-in-law. One 
of the Scottish Commissioners asserted distinctly that 
the sum was 200,000/. Whether the tale was true or charies 
not, there is little doubt that Charles was at this time money to 
sending money to York to concihate the troops, and * *""^* 
that he was encouraged by the reports which reached 
him to expect the help of the Northern army in the 
event of a breach with Parhament. He talked of 
going down in person to take the command. It was 
believed that he intended first to attack the Scots, 
and then to turn his arms against those who resisted 
his authority in England.^ Almost at the same time 

^ The King, says GiustiniaD, in his despatch of ^^" , sent his money 
* a dissegni di conciliarsi raffetto loro, et renderle pronte a quelle imprf s- 
sioni che il tempo et la occasione le concUiassero d' intraprendere mag- 
gionnente opportune.' In a later despatch of f^'^ the ambassador adds 
that the soldiers were weU disposed to the King : ' e pare che prosegua oei 
disegni avisati di voler ten tare di nuovo con la forza di por freno all*ardire 

L 2 


c^p. he was doing his best to conciliate these very Scots, 
' — • — ' and was assuring them of his intention to come to 

A ru ! Scotland in person to preside over the next sitting of 

Plan for a Other plans there were of still more extensive 

solution of reach. Charles and the Queen were to take refuge 


inent. at Hamptou Court, whence they would find the way 
open to Portsmouth. There they would find Goring, 
and they still fancied Goring to be true. An armed 
force was to be sent to seize the Tower, and the 
Northern army was to march on London. The Irish 
army, together with any troops which Frederick 
Henry might be disposed to lend, was to be sum- 
moned to Portsmouth, unless indeed it could be more 
profitably employed elsewhere. In the midst of the 
clash of arms. Parliament was to be dissolved, and 
Charles would be indeed a king once more.^ 

de* Scozzesi; non meno che a queUa de* piu seditioBi dlnghilterra ancora. 
Ten. Transcripts, A contemporary letter embodied in the Brief and Per- 
fect Relation (p. 83) mentions a rumour ' that the Dutchmen haTe offered 
money to the King for a new service of war.' 

^ One of the Scottish Commissioners to — , April 27, Wodrow MSS. 
XXV. No. 155. 

* * Quando si agitava la causa del V. Hd dlrlanda e di volerlo in 
qualunque maniera salvarlo dalla morte, si determind da quelle M. M^ 
Tandata all' Amtoncurt; et in questo mentre mandar gente a sorprendere 
la Torre di Londra, rompere il Parlamento, et havendosi di gia acquistata 
buona parte dell' eserdto regio ritirarsi le persone Eeali a Posmur, porto 
di mare forse il piu forte che sia in quel Regni. Cosi credevasi di liberare 
il v. K^, e dar leggi k quelli che le volevano distruggere, sperando di 
poter cid piu commodamente efiettuare mediante gl'aiuti di Ilibemia e 
d^Olanda, se non per altra parte, almeno per il medesimo porto. Ma mentre 
le loro M. M** stavano apparechiate per eseguire le cose predette, sopra- 
giunse corriero con avviso che il Govematore di Posmur, benche havesse 
giurato fedeltii al Rd, haveva dato in mano al Parlamento la piazza. Al 
che s'aggiunse parimente che il Capitano della Torre rifutd di consegnar 
le chiavi di essa a S. M<^, et il popolo trovavasi preparato per andar a 
a Vitale, a passarene anche ad Amtoncurt, se fosse fatto besogno.' — Eos- 
setti to Barberini, J.~^^f, 1642, R, O. Transcripts. The refus^ of the 


Such fantasies as these could hardly be reduced chap. 
to practical shape. Something, too, was certain to ^^ — r-^ 
ooze out. On the 28th it was known that for some April as. 
weeks a vessel, chartered by Strafford's secretary, strafluM'» 
Slingsby, had been lying in the Thames, and that the ^£^ 
master, being questioned about his destination, had 
answered gruffly, that it was nothing to him on what 
service he was employed so long as he had victuals 
and pay.^ In the midst of their investigations into 
plans of escape, the Lords were called on, on the 29th, Apru m. 
to listen to St. John's argument on the legahty of the m^^l 
Bill of Attainder. When he spoke, St. John had 
doubtless heard something at least of the rumours 
which were afloat, something perhaps of the King's ex- 
pectation from the Dutch marriage, or of the plan for 
bringing the army from the North. Under the in- 
fluence of this he broke away from the long chain of 
statute and precedent, upon which it was his business 
to rely. " We give law," he said, " to hares and deer, 
because they be beasts of chase ; it was never ac- 
counted either cruelty or foul play to knock foxes 
and wolves on the head as they can be found, because 
they be beasts of prey. The warrener sets traps for 
polecats and other vermin for the preservation of the 
warren." Strafford's maxims were thus turned against 
himself.^ The Commons, too, claimed, in a moment 
of supreme danger to be loose and absolved from all 
rules of government. 

Lieutenant was on May 2, which brings the formation of the scheme to 
the end of April. 

* D^Ewes's Diary, HtrrL MSS, clxiii. no. L. J, iv. 229. See also 
the story of the three women listening through the keyhole. An Exact 
Collection, 235. 

' Kushw. Strqf, Trials 703. We are told that several times in the 
course of this speech Strafford raised his hands to protest. In Hankers 
account this becomes a special protest against this part of the speech. 







April 29. 
appeal to 
the Lords. 

Mav T. 
The King's 

There can be little doubt that by this time the 
Attainder Bill was gaining ground in the House of 
Lords.^ The growing belief that plots, the extent of 
which it was impossible to know, were entertained at 
Court, would do more to convert the Lords than all 
St. John's eloquence. No wonder that Bristol and 
Savile,^ the two who were most anxious that Strafford's 
life should be spared by a constitutional vote of the 
House of Lords, urged Charles to come forward to 
give assurance that, in pleading for the life of the 
prisoner, he had no wish to restore him to authority 
in the kingdom. No doubt there was hazard in the 
step. The Lords might take umbrage at an inter- 
ference by the King in a matter pending before them. 
But Charles had already brought matters to such a 
pass that to refrain from interfering was infinitely 
more hazardous. 

The King consented to do as Bristol and Savile 
asked. Probably he was glad to do anything which 
gave him a chance of extricating himself from the 
wild schemes in which he was entangled. On the 
morning of May i the Usher of the Black Kod 
knocked at the door of the Commons. A whisper ran 
round the benches that a dissolution was imminent — 
a dissolution which, as most men there believed, 

^ Writing of the King*8 speech of May i, Giustinian says that it was 
made ' sospettando il Rd che l*odio di molti Parlamentarii con le gelosie 
di rendere roal sodisfatto il popolo persuadino ad abbraciarlo/ i.e., the 
Bill of Attainder. A letter which reports news from another letter writ- 
ten on the 29th or 30th is more explicit. The writer says ' that the BiU 
of Attainder had been read twice in the Upper House, and the passing is 
yet doubtful. Thirty Lords are for it, but many of the fifty lords are 
come about, and therefore it is generally conceived the Earl will lose bis 
head. Other letters say that Mr. St. John did make such an excellent 
argument as satisfied the opposites.' — King to Calthorpe, May i, 
Tanner MSS. Ixvi. fol. 72. 

^ These names are given in the letter of Father Philips (Ruthw, iv 
257). Clarendon g^ves Saye*8 name instead of Savile*s. 


would be promptly followed by acts of violence. ^5^^- 
Maxwell at once reassured the members. " Fear not, ^ — -> — 
I warrant you," ^ he said with a smile, as he sum- i^gZ^ 
moned them to the Upper House. When they arrived 
there they found the King on the throne. He had 
come, he said, to give three assurances. No one had 
ever advised him to bring the Irish army to England. 
No discussion had ever taken place in his presence, in 
which the disloyalty of his Enghsh subjects had been 
assumed. He had never been advised to change the 
least of the laws of England, far less the whole of 
them. He hoped, therefore, that a way might be 
found to satisfy justice without pressing on his con- 
science. He had already resolved that Strafford was 
unfit to serve him in any office, if it were but that of a 
constable. " Therefore," he ended by saying, " I leave 
it to you, my Lords, to find some such way as to bring 
me out of this great strait, and keep ourselves and the 
kingdom from such inconveniences. Certainly, he 
that thinks him guilty of high treason in his con- 
science may condemn him of misdemeanour." * 

The tone of the last sentence was undoubtedly Effector 

TIT 1T«<«T IT ^"^ King's 

unwise. It had too much the air of a dictator, caUing interfer- 
on the Lords to vote to order. Strafford considered 
the King's intervention to be in itself impolitic.^ If 
it was so, what is to be said for those wicked schemes 
which by comparison give to it almost the air of 
superhuman wisdom ? 

A week before, the speech might have had some 
effect. It could have no effect now. If the Lorda 
remained unmoved, there was no chance of moving 

> D'Ewess Diary, HarL MSS. clxiii. 122. 

^ Rushw. iv. 239. Bristol and Savile must not be held responsible for 
the wording of the speech* 

' Strafford to the King, May i, Rtukw. iv. 25 F. 


CHj^P. the Commons. No clearer evidence of the depth of 

feeling against Strafford can be found than in the fact 
May V. that the two ecclesiastical parties agreed upon a com- 


mise on 

mise on the promisc in the face of the existing danger. Hampden 

question, ^^d Falkland came \o an understanding that Epis- 
The , copacy should be reformed, not abohshed. A Bill 
Exclusion for the exclusion of the clergy from secular offices, 
and for shutting out the bishops from the House of 
Lords, had passed the Commons without serious 
opposition, and had been carried up to the Peers that 
very morning.^ It was known already that Charles 
had said in conversation that he would never give 
his assent to such a Bill. So dissatisfied were the 
Commons that Pym prudently moved an adjourn- 
ment as soon as they returned to their own House 
after listening to the King's speech, ' lest they should 
break out in some rash distemper.' 
May 2. The next day was a Sunday. It had been fixed 

thcTHn-^ for the celebration of the marriage of Charles's eldest 
cess ar}'. daughter. Prince Wilham of Orange, the bearer of 
the most illustrious name in Europe, a bright hopeful 
lad of fifteen, plighted his troth at Whitehall to the 
child of nine who was one day in her early widowhood 
to bring forth a child who, nurtured in adversity, was 
to become the dehverer of half a continent. The day 
of the Princess's marriage was one of anxiety and 
gloom, and the ceremony was shorn of its accustomed 
splendour. There were divisions even in Charles's 
own household, and the Elector Palatine, who had at 
last been Uberated from his French prison, refused to 

1 Clarendon, iii. 330. Falkland is stated to bave sidd after the 
aiitumD vacation ' that Mr. Hampden had assured him that, if the Bill 
might pass, there would be nothing more attempted to the prejudice of 
the Church.' As the Bill did not pass, Hampden no doubt considered 
himself relieved from his promise. 


be present at the banquet because the bride had not ^S^.^- 
been given to himself.^ ^^ — -^ 

It was ambition rather than love which was the iia^a! 
cause of Charles Lewis's displeasure. He had returned Sooofttir 
to England hoping that his uncle would at last help piJ^une. 
him to the recovery of his inheritance, and he found 
that all that could be done for him was the despatch 
of Eoe on a fresh mission to Germany. Nor was the Roe's mb- 
Elector the only prince who miscalculated Charles's 
power to help. The Spanish monarchy was apparently 
breaking up. Catalonia was in full rebellion ; Portu- 
gal had shaken off the hated Castilian yoke, and had 
declared itself once more an independent kingdom 
under a prince of the house of Braganza. A Portu- 
guese ambassador had lately arrived to ask for the 
alliance of England. 

The ambassador was not likely to gain much real The pre- 
assistance from Charles. But there was a way in l^^^es^for 
which Charles might gain something from the Portu- ^*^'*°«»^ 
guese ambassador. By authorising him to gather 
sokliers in England an excuse had been found for 
bringing armed men together in London. For some 
little time Suckling had been busily engaged, with the 
aid of a certain Captain BiUingsley, in inducing men 
to give in their names for the Portuguese service. 
The men were collected with a very different object. 
Foiled in his hope of carrying the Lords with him to 
the side of mercy, Charles now fell back on his former 
plan. On the Sunday morning Bilhngsley made his 
appearance at the Tower with an order from the King 
to the Lieutenant, Sir WiUiam Balfour, to admit him 
into the fortress with a hundred men. Balfour was a 
good Scotsman, and refused to let him in. He gave 
information of what had occurred to the Parlia- 

> Ciiastinian to the Doge, ^^, May {^, Ven. Trafucripts, 


CHAP, mentary leaders.^ For Charles's purpose nothing 
worse could have happened. Even if he had learnt 

Maya! from the cooluess with which his speech had been 

SfB^^a?- received by the Lords that Strafford could only be 

Sto^the saved by force, it was childish to expect to gather 

Tower. sccrctly together armed troops in the heart of such a 

city as London, where there were thousands of men 

accustomed to bear arms, and where there was 

scarcely one of them who did not dread the liberation 

of Strafford more than any other earthly danger. 

No doubt Charles might justify to himself the 
iegaUty of what he had done. The law gave him the 
custody of the Tower, and it was his duty to see that 
his prisoners were safe from the violence of a mob. 
Coming as it did, after so many other intimations of 
an appeal to force, this act left the worst possible im- 
pression. The danger seemed all the greater because 
Suckling HQ one knew its actual dimensions. It was known in 

bnngs ^ 

•rtoedmen the City ou Sunday that Suckhng had brought sixty 
armed men to a tavern in Bread Street, and had dis- 
missed them with orders to return on Monday even- 
ing.'^ This, then, was the comment of facts on the 
King's speech. It came at a time when men's minds 
were distracted with rumours of the King's intention 
to set out for the army, of an immediate dissolution 
of Parliament, and of aid given by the Dutch Prince 
to re-estabhsh his new father-in-law in his ancient 
authority. The City was seized with a wild impatience 
May 3. to bring the long agitation to a close. As the Peers 
BuSu at gathered at Westminster on the morning of the 3rd 
westmiiw ^j^^y found the doors of their House beset by a mob 

shrieking for justice and execution upon Strafford. 

' Balfour's examination, Ruthw, iv. 250. Examinations of Balfour, 
Wadsworth and Lanyon, An Exact Collection, 232. 
^ Moore's Diary, HarL MSS, cccclxxyii. 26, b. 


Arundel, as acting Lord High Steward, Was specially ^xn^' 
called on to do justice. He answered meekly that he * — 7* — ' 
was going to the House to that effect. "We will ^^^y * 
take your word for once," replied those who stood 
nearest him, and let him go. When the Peers came 
out again at the end of their sitting, Bristol was in 
special danger. " For you, my Lord of Bristol," some 
one cried out, " we know you are an apostate from 
the cause of Christ, and our mortal enemy. We do 
not, therefore, crave justice from you, but shall, 
God wiUing, crave justice upon you and your false 
son." ^ As soon as the Peers had dispersed the crowd Lhtof 
amused itself with posting up a placard containing foMUiu 
the names of the fifty-nine members of the House of ^^^ "^ 
Commons who had voted against the Attainder Bill, 
under the title of ' Strafibrdians, betrayers of their 
country.' ^ It is even said that one man called out, 
" If we have not the Lieutenant's Ufe we will have the 
King's." 8 

The riot was not the work of the ordinary popu- ^^^^^^J^, 
lace. The stoppage of trade caused by the poUtical 
uncertainty was felt by the merchants and shop- 
keepers more than by the apprentices, and all autho- 
rities concur in stating that merchants and shopkeepers 
constituted the bulk of those by whom the outcry was 

When they met that morning the .Commons re- The meet- 
mained for some time silently regarding one another, Commoni. 

* Brief and Perfect Relation , 85. Contemporary authorities attri- 
buto the arrival of the mob to the King's speech, but it is impossible to 
doubt that the knowledge of Suckling's meeting with his sixty men must 
have given the worst possible interpretation to the speech. 

' For a complete list see Vemey Notes, 57. 
» Brief and Perfect Relation, 87. 

* The Venetian ambassador, for instance, says that the mob consisted 
' delli pill bene stanti di questa citt4.' — Giustinian to the Doge, May |^, 
Ven, Tranicripts, 


^^AP. as men looking for counsel and finding none. At last 

* — 7 — ' the Clerk began to read the Bill which stood first on 

jj^ * the Orders of the Day^ It happened to be one for 

regulating the trade of wiredrawing. The inappro- 

priateness of the subject struck the members with a 

sense of ludicrous incongruity, and the tension of their 

feelings relieved itself in a loud burst of laughter. 

Then there was again silence for a quarter or half an 

A letter to hour.^ At last ordcrs were given — ^none too soon — 

be sent to ^ 

the army, that a letter should be prepared to give assurance to 

the army that the soldiers should shortly receive the 

Sttckiing'8 arrears of their pay. Then Pennington rose to tell of 

levies difH ^ 

cussed. Suckling's armed gathering. These men, said Clot- 
worthy, were but part of the forces which were being 
raised. There were intended to be * three regiments 
of foot and one troop of horse ; but for what end he 
knoweth not.' There was no division of opinion now. 
Tomkins rose to add ' that many Papists were newly 
come to London.' The King's speech delivered on 
Saturday was then read by the Speaker. Tomkins 
declared himself certain that Strafibrd was a traitor, 
and moved for a conference with the Lords. 

Pym'8 Pym gave to this suggestion a more definite form. 

Even yet he was not prepared to bring odium on the 
King by revealing the knowledge which he had de- 
rived from Goring.^ He pointed out that the King's 

^ D^Ewes's Biary^ HarL MSS, clxiii. 24. The doubt as to the time, 
says Mr. Sanford, ' in such an accurate man as D^weS; shows the alarm 
which he really felt.' — Studies of the Oreat BebeUion^ 351. 

^ Historians have hitherto grounded their supposition that Pym now 
revealed his knowledge on a speech assigned by Rush worth to this day. 
That speech, howeyer, contains a demand for the closing of the ports, and 
it is impossible that such a demand , if a sufficient motive were given for 
it, should have been left unacted on for two whole days. On the other 
hand, Pym's speech of the 3rd, as reported by Moore (HarL MSS, 
cccclzxvii. fol. 27, b), and in the Vemey Notes, 66, is plainly different 



interference with a matter stiU under discussion was char 
a breach of the privileges of Parliament. Then, ' — • — ' 
reiterating his conviction that Strafford was guilty of ^ ^^* 
treason * in the highest degree,' he acknowledged 
that, after the Lords had passed the Bill,, the King 
would have it in his power to accept it or to reject it, 
as he thought best. K the King were then dissatisfied 
with it, it would be the proper time to * inform him 

Pym, in short, was for leaving to the King his 
constitutional rights intact. But he had no idea of 
including amongst those rights that of directing a 
military force against Parliament. " Truly," he said, 
" I am persuaded that there was some great design in 
hand by the Papists to subvert and overthrow this 
kingdom, and I do verily believe the King never had 
any intention to subvert the laws, or to bring in the 
Irish army ; but yet he had counsel given him that 
he was loose from all rules of government; and, 
though the King be of a tender conscience, yet we 
ought to be careful that he have good counsellors 
about him, and to let him understand that he is 
bound to maintain the laws, and that we take care for 
the maintaining of the word of God." The Commons 
must declare their allegiance to the King's person and 
legal prerogative. They must bind . themselves to 
maintain the liberties of the subjects, must find means 
to pay the Northern army and the Scots, and must 
provide a remedy for the grievances of Ireland. 

As Pym had struggled against the conversion of 

from the one given by Rufibworth, and wbicb I assign to the 5tb, the day 
when the order for closing the ports was given. There are two other 
blunders of Rusbworth in this place. He gives May 3 instead of May i, 
08 the date of the sending up of the Bishops' Exclusion Bill to the Lords, 
and he misdates the message to the Lords on the Army plot as May 3 
instead of May i. 




* 1 * 


May 3. 
Pvm's con- 

He pro- 
poses an 
appeal to 
the nation. 

of his pro- 

the impeachment into an attainder, so he now struggled 
against the idea that the conflict with the King must 
be fought out by other than constitutional means. 
The King must be brought round by persuasion, not 
by force. In the end he must be surrounded by new 
counsellors, as a guarantee that he would confonn to 
the new order of things. It was far too sanguine a 
view of what was possible with Charles. In the 
meanwhile Pym did not fail to recognise the necessity 
of a counter-organisation to the forces which still 
remained to the Monarchy. In our time it is difficult 
for us to understand the necessity of such a step. 
The House of Commons is with us itself the centre of 
the national organisation to which the whole country 
instinctively rallies. In 1641 it was nothing of the 
kind. All the habits of men led them to look to the 
King for guidance. Parliaments were but bodies 
meeting at rare intervals, doing important work and 
then vanishing away. Nor was Pym's name as yet 
one to conjure with. Inside the House he was be- 
coming better known every day. Outside he was 
scarcely more than one of a multitude. In default of 
the enthusiasm which personal leadership gives, it 
was necessary to awaken the higher enthusiasm which 
is inspired by fellowship in a common cause. Secret 
cabals in the Court and in the army must be met by 
an appeal to the general feeling of the nation. 

Further than that Pym did not go for the present. 
He wished, perhaps, to see how the idea would be 
received. At first it seemed to fall flat on the House. 
One member proposed a simple conference with the 
Lords on Strafford's case. Culpepper asked that a 
remonstrance, such as had been suggested early in 
the session by Digby, might now be drawn up for 
presentation to the King, Neither of these plans 


May 3» 


met the real difficulty, which lay in the fact that the ^5n^* 
danger came from the King himself. The situation 
was at last cleared by a few plain words from Marten. 
" We," he said, " are honest, disjointed fellows. Let 
us unite ourselves for the pure worship of God, the 
defence of the King and his subjects in all their legal 
rights." "He that hath been most abused," said 
Strode, " doth not yet perceive it. The ill counsel 
given to the King doth make that the King under- 
standeth not what treason is ; and, therefore, if care be 
not taken, we shall be dispersed through the kingdom." 

One member after another rose tP approve of Pym's 
idea. Peard referred to the precedent of the oath of 
association taken in Elizabeth's reign. Such a pro- 
testation, said Holies, would give them * force and 
reputation.' It would show the world that they were 
united. They would then * be able to go through 
with whatever ' they might undertake. A Committee a protesta 
was appointed to draw up the mamfesto. drawn up. 

The reception of the report made by this Com- 
mittee revealed that, on some points, at least, the 
House was not united. The draft of the Protestation 
contained a promise to maintain ' the true reformed 
Protestant reUgion.' Hopton moved the insertion of 
the words, ' as it is now established in the Church of 
England.' A sharp controversy followed. TheEoot- 
and-Branch members refused to bind themselves 
against the changes which they beUeved to be neces- 
sary. A compromise was at last arrived at by which 
the maintenance of the doctrine of the Church was 
alone mentioned, whilst nothing was said about its 

' Moore's Diary, Hmi, MSS, cccclxxyiL fol. 27, b. Vemey NoteSf 66. 
P'Ewes^B Diary, Harl MSS. clxiv. fol. 195. The first draft of th& 
Protestation in the Commons JoumaU is worthless. 


CHAP. " I, A B," SO ran this memorable appeal in its 

final shape, " in the presence of Almighty God, pro- 

May 3I mise, vow, and protest to maintain and defend, as far 
utfol'^^^ as lawfully I may, with my life, power, and estate, 
the true Eeformed Protestant Eeligion, expressed in 
the doctrine of the Church of England, against all 
Popery and Popish innovations within this realm con- 
trary to the same doctrine, and according to the duty 
of my allegiance, his Majesty's Royal person, honour, 
and estate, as also the power and privileges of Parlia- 
ment, the lawful rights and liberties of the subjects, 
and every person that maketh the protestation, in 
whatsoever he shall do in the lawful pursuance of the 
same ; and to my power, and as far as lawfully I may, 
I will oppose, and by all good ways and means en- 
deavour to bring to condign punishment, all such as 
shall, either by force, practice, counsels, plots, con- 
spiracies, or otherwise, do anything to the contrary 
of anytliing in this present protestation contained ; 
and further, that I shall, in all just and honourable 
ways, endeavour to preserve the union and peace be- 
tween the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and 
Ireland ; and neither for hope, fear, nor other respect 
shall relinquish this promise, vow, and protestation."^ 
What waa The importance of the Protestation lay far more 
impued in j^ '^hat was implied by it than in what it actually 
said. No doubt the Commons still believed that the 
King was led away by evil counsel, and that his own 
mind was perfectly pure and patriotic ; but their 
belief had already reached that stage at which it 
seemed not quite advisable to act on it with complete 
assurance. The association to be formed must neces- 
sarily be formed for the King's security. But it was 
as well that it should be organised without any refer- 

* Z. /. iv. 234. 


ence to him. The Covenanter Baillie at once dis- ^5A^- 
cerned the import of the Protestation. " After much - — 7 — ' 
debate/* he wrote, " at last, blessed be the name of „ ' 


the Lord, they all swore and subscribed the write 
which here you have, I hope in substance our Scottish 
Covenant. God maketh our enemies the instruments 
of all our good. We see now that it hath been in a 
happy time that so much time hath been lost about 
Strafford's head." ^ 

As soon as the Protestation had been accepted, a ""^Jj^*^ 
Preamble was drawn up, in which the House declared 
that, in addition to the grievances which they had 
already made known, they found great cause of 
jealousy that endeavours " had been, and still are, to 
bring the English army into a misunderstandmg of 
this Parliament, thereby to incline that army with 
force to bring to pass those wicked counsels." 

For the first time the danger which all men Fear of the 
dreaded was clearly pointed at. Whether Pym had 
revealed all that he had known for weeks of Goring s 
information or not, the meeting of the oflEicers at 
Borough bridge cannot have remained a secret. Charles 
had been working as a conspirator in the broad light 
of day. Not only the Commons, but the Lords as 
well, were shocked by the discoveries which were 
pressing on them. When tlie Lords met again in the 
afternoon, it was evident that they were at last likely 
to range themselves on the side of the Ijower House. 
They had drawn from Charles an acknowledgment 
that he had given orders to Billingsley to occupy 
the Tower, though he tried to explain away his 
share in tlie matter by alleging that it was necessary 
to keep the munitious in store under safe custody.^ 

* Baiilie, i. 351. 

* The Kiiig*8 statement is to be found in the MS. Journals of the 







May 3. 

May 4. 

The Lords 
take tke 

Return of 
the mob. 

The Protes- 
tation cir- 
cnlated in 
the City. 


The Lords resolved that they would themselves see to 
their safe keeping, and directed that Essex, Saye, and 
Brooke should provide for the admission of 500 men 
from the Tower Hamlets as guards of the fortress. 
Charles's futile attempt to employ force had destroyed 
his chance of a constitutional support from the House 
of Lords. The Peers acquainted the Commons that 
the only hindrance in the way of the Bill of Attainder 
lay in the concourse of people round the House. 
They now wished to act as the Commons would have 
them act, but they did not wish to act under the 
appearance of dictation. 

The next morning the Protestation was taken by 
all the Protestant Lords. Outside the doors the up- 
roar continued. Li the place of the well-dressed 
merchants and shopkeepers who had appeared the 
day before. Palace Yard was filled by a rougher mob, 
armed with swords and clubs. No damage was, how- 
ever, done, and the populace was sufficiently satisfied 
with the progress of affairs to go back to their homes 
in the afternoon.^ 

Ln the Commons a step was taken hardly second 
in significance to the adoption of the Protestation. 
The clergy and citizens of London were invited to 
testify their adherence to it by their signatures. 
There was to be a general association outside the 
House to oppose the machinations of the Court. 

As usually happens when danger is apprehended, 
before it appears in a definite form, the air was full 
of rumours. Cradock, one of the City members, an- 
nounced that preparations had been made to supply 

House of Lords. Like eyerytliing else relating to Strafford's trial, it 
was deleted with the pen after the Kestoration, and is omitted in the 
printed journals ; but there is no difficulty in reading every word. 
> Gerard to ? May 6, Tanner MSS. Ixvi. fol. 83. 


the army in the North with munitions of war.^ In- ^f /j^* 
formation from Paris spoke of movemente of troops - * ^ ^ 
on the French coast, and these were interpreted as ^ ' 
convincing proof that Lewis intended to send help to 
his sister in her distress.* It is true that Montreuil 
had conveyed to the ParUamentary leaders assurances 
of EicheUeu's friendship.® But diplomatic assurances 
are unsafe ground to rely on, and it is quite possible 
that some rumour of the Queen's desire for help from 
France may have reached the ears of Pym. Even in 
these days of crisis the Queen's servants had been in- 
discreetly chattering of aid which was expected from 
that country,* and whether the story which had 
reached Pym from Paris were true or not, it was not 
one which he could safely afford to despise. 

At Wliitehall, when night came, all was hurry and Confusion 

•' Et Court. 

» D'Ewes's Diary, ffarl. MSS. dxiv. 197. 

* '' A Jesuit in JParis told an English merchant of the treason, viz., 
although he were of that order, yet he had English blood in him, and 
was grieved to see his country bought and sold, for the French soldiers 
were to land at Portsmouth, the Irish army io such a place, the Papist in 
such a place ; and that merchant came away first and discovered it to 
Mr. Pym and two Lords ; and we hear that the Queen and Prince, and 
some say the King, should have been at Portsmouth, and so in the 
back of all the nobles ; but if the Oity had been overrun and the Tower 
taken, it would have been a very sad time." — King to Oalthorpe, Afay 
17, Tanner MSS. Ixvi. fol. 93. I gather that this news arrived on the 
4th, because the sitting closed with an order that the House should con- 
sider on the following morning ' the motions this day made concerning 
Papists and Recusants, and concerning the declaring of those enemies of 
the State that should negotiate the bringing of any foreign force in the 

■ MontreuiFs Despatch, March j*j, Bibl, Nat, Fr. 15,995, fol. 163. 

* Montreuil's Despatches, May y^, ^. M azure, Hkt, de la lUvolution, 
iii. 422. In order to discover the real sentiments of any set of people, the 
safest test is to look to expressions dropped casually rather than to formal 
opinions uttered in public. In a letter of compliment, the Earl of 
Warwick excuses himself from paying more attention to Prince Wiliiam 
' estant tousjours en lee affaires d^Estat et du Parlement, pour nous vider 
des guerres civiles, que j*esp^re Dieu nous d^ivrera.* — Warwick to the 
Prince of Orange, (h-oen van l^nsterer, ser. 2. iii. 445. 






May 4, 

Pjrm re 
TealM his 

Arnij Plot. 

nf the Com* 

confusion. The tumults of the day, and of the day 
before, had thoroughly alarmed the Court. Neither 
Charles nor the Queen believed that they could re- 
main with safety in London. The King talked oi 
taking refuge with the Northern army. The Queen 
prepared to remove to Hampton Court, doubtless with 
the intention of seeking safety behind the walls of 
Portsmouth. Whitehall had no secrets from Pym. The 
news of the Queen's intended flight was undoubtedly 
serious. She might indeed be merely wishing to find 
shelter at Portsmouth, but it was only too likely that 
she intended to summon a French force to her aid. 
When the next morning arrived, Pym resolved to 
communicate to the House, if not all he knew, at least 
far more than he had before disclosed. 

On the 5th, therefore, he told what he had heard 
from Goring, and from others. A design, he said, 
had been formed, not only to disaffect the army, but 
to bring it up to overawe the Parliament. The French 
were drawing forces to the seaside, and there was 
reason to fear that they aimed at Portsmouth. Per- 
sons in high posts about the Queen were deeply en- 
gaged in these plots. The ports should therefore be 
stopped, and the King be asked to issue orders that 
no one in attendance upon himself or upon the royal 
family should depart without leave from his Majesty, 
given upon the advice of Parliament.^ 

Upon such an announcement as this the House 
could not but take immediate action. Each member 

* Rttshw. iv. 240. Giustinian, in his despatch of May ^, mentioiis the 
Kind's intention to go to York, and the Queen's project. Montreuil, in 
writing of the proceedings of the 5th in the Commons, says that they 
were not quite certain ahout Suckling's plot for helping Strafford's escape, 
but that 's*estant fortifies par la soudaine resolution qu'ayoit pris la 
Hoyne de la Grande Bretagne d'aller ft Hampton Court, et de U, comme 
on 8*imagine ft Portsmouth,' they sent a message to the King, Bihl, Kat» 
Fr. I5,995»f^l- 230- 



was directed to supply information as to the arras and ^^n^' 
munitions in possession of his constituents, and to 
present to the House the names of such of the lords- 
heutenants and their deputies as he considered to be 
well affected to religion and the pubUc peace. A 
resolution was passed, that any person helping to 
bring a foreign force into the kingdom, * unless it be 
by command of his Majesty, with the consent of 
both Houses,' should be adjudged to be a pubhc 
enemy. The Peers were asked to take evidence upon 
ihe Army Plot by oath, and to request the King to de- 
tain all the attendants of the Court.^ 

The Lower House, however, was not inclined to Thetecret 

, 1 T T A • X committee. 

trust entirely to the Lords. A secret committee, con- 
sisting of Pym, Holies, Fiennes, Hampden, Culpepper, 
Clotworthy, and Strode, was appointed to conduct an 
independent investigation.*^ 

TheLords were now in a mood of ready compUance. Action by 
The announcement tliat Newport, opposed to the Court 
as he was, had been appointed Constable of the Tower, 
fell flat in tlie excitement of the revelations which were 
crowding in upon them. A committee was appointed 
to examine into the Army Plot, with instructions to 
maintain secrecy ; whilst a deputation waited on the 
King to ask him to detain the suspected persons. 
Charles gave the orders which he was asked to give.' 

Li the Commons the growing excitement mani- Panic in 
fested itself in unexpected, ways. As the House was in of com- 
full debate, a board in the floor of the gallery cracked 
under the weight of two very stout members. Sir 

' The Vemey Notes give a different order for the speeches from the 
Journals and Moore 8 Diaty. 

' The names are given in Moorv's Diary, flarl. MSS. cccclxzvii. fol. 
37, b. The appointment of the committee is not mentioned in tiie 
Journals, though the obligation to secrecy is, C. J, ii. 135. 

• L. J, IV, 233. 



CHAP. John Wray, with the thought of a second Guy 
^ — 7^^— ' Fawkes on his mind, called out that he smelt gun- 
^ * powder. Members who were near the door rushed 
out into the lobby. Strangers loitering in the lobby 
rushed out into Westminster Hall. Some of them 
shrieked out that the Parliament house was falling, 
and that the members were killed. When the news 
reached the City, the trained bands turned out to 
come to the succour of the members, and marched as 
far as Covent Garden before they learnt that their 
help was not needed.^ 

d?r*au^' ^^ ^^^ ^^^ doubted that the Lords would pass 
uieLordA. the Attainder Bill. It was one thing to vote Strafford 
to perpetual imprisonment before Billingsley had been 
commissioned to secure the Tower and the Army Plot 
had been discovered. It was quite another thing in 
the face of a general belief that Charles had at- 
tempted to set him free in order that he might head 
troops in the field against Parliament. It is by no 
means likely that the Peers as a body changed their 
mind through craven fear of mob violence. We may 
well believe that, with the knowledge which had been 
gained since the beginning of the week, the rude say- 
ing " stone-dead hath no fellow " had taken possession 
of many who had closed their ears to it before. 
BUI against Whilst the Lords were pushing on the Attainder 
lutionof Bill, a still more important step was taken by the 
m^t." *' Commons. The necessity of finding money for the 
armies stared them in the face, and the only way of 
obtaining money was by contracting another loan. 
Harrison again came to their aid, and ofiered to lend 
150,000/. on the security of the customs.^ At once 
the question was raised whether Parliament had it in 

* Rushw. Straf, Trial, 744. 

' Moore's Diary, I£(ai, MSS. cccclxxvii. fol. 38. 


its power to give any such security. The Commons ^f ^^j^- 
were in instant fear of dissolution, and there could be 
very little doubt that the moment that the words of 
dissolution had been pronounced, the farmers of the 
customs would receive orders to pay their rent to the 
King, and not to Harrison. It was at once proposed — 
and it may be easily beUeved that there were other 
arguments in favour of the proposal besides those 
which were openly alleged — that a Bill should be 
brought in, providing that the existing Parliament 
should not be dissolved without its own consent. 
The proposal was welcomed with singular unanimity. 
It may be that Pym and Hampden threw their hearts 
into their vote more decidedly than Hyde and Falk- 
land, but the assent of Hyde and Falkland was given 
as thoroughly as that of Pym and Hampden. 

On the 6th it was expected that the courtiers Mayfi. 
charged with participation in the Army Plot would th^Kttew. 
appear before the Lords' Committee. News, however, 
soon arrived that Percy, Jermyn, and SuckUng had 
fled the night before, and that Davenant the poet, 
wlio had been in some slight way connected with the 
affair, was also missing. Davenant was captured and 
brought back. The rest succeeded in escaping to 
France. Jermyn carried with him the King's warrant 
licensing him to pass the sea.^ 

Tlie King's promise to detain his servants and the Proceed- 
Queen's had been of little avail. TheLords now took the liam^t."" 
matter into their own hands. They despatched orders 
to stop tlie ports. They sent to request the King to 
hinder tlie Queen's journey to Portsmouth.' Charles 
gave tliem no answer whatever. " I am my father's 
daugliter," said the Queen, with flashing eyes ; " he 
never knew how to fly, and I am not going to learn 

' Warrant in Rushw, iv. 274. « L, J, iv. 236. 

1 68 




May 7. 
sionen sent 
to Ports- 

Fulnrs to 
form a 
party in 
the Honse 
of Lords. 

May 8. 
The Bill of 
read a third 

reading of 
the Bill 

the lesson now." * Next morning, as the King gave no 
sign of answering their request, the Houses despatched 
Mandeville with two members of the Commons to 
Portsmouth, to examine into Goring's proceedings. 
At the same time the Peers, grasping the reins of au- 
thority in their own hands, gave orders for the issue 
of a proclamation for the arrest of the fugitives.* 

By this time even the King must have known that 
the Lords would pass the Bill of Attainder. Of that 
middle party, which had wished to save Strafibrd's 
life by incapacitating him for office, Bristol and 
Holland had withdrawn from the struggle, and had 
been excused from voting on the pretext that, having 
given evidence as witnesses, they could not appear as 
Judges.^ Bedford was lying on his death-bed, stricken 
down by small-pox. The Bill, taken up on the morn- 
ing of the 5th, was read for the third time on the 8th. 
It finally passed in a thin House. The Catholic peers 
were in dread of their lives, and were excluded by 
their refusal to take the Protestation. Many of the 
other peers absented themselves when the votes were 
taken. Some of them may have been too timid to 
appear, but the majority of them were in all proba- 
bility deterred from voting by their disinclination to. 
support a Government which had called in an armed 
force to arbitrate in a constitutional dispute. At the 
same time the Peers passed the Bill for protecting the 
actual Parliament against dissolution. They had sup- 
ported an amendment Umiting its effect to two years, 
but they gave way before the objections of the Com- 

Strafford had already learned that nothing re- 
mained for him but to die with dignity. " It hath 

* Giufltinian to the Doge, May /^, Ven, Tramct^ipta, 

* X. J. iv. 238. ^ This is in the deleted portion of the MS. Joarnalt. 


been my greatest grief," he had written to Charles in ^^^• 
the beginning of the past week, " in all these troubles, ' — 7 — ' 
to be taken as a person which should endeavour to My 4I 
represent and set things amiss between your Ma- leu^rtothe 
jesty and your people, and to give counsels tending *^^* 
to the disquiet of the three kingdoms. . . . There- 
fore, in few words, as I put myself wholly upon the 
honour and justice of my peers, so clearly as to wish 
your Majesty might please to have spared that decla- 
ration of yours on Saturday last, and entirely to have 
left me to their lordships ; so now, to set your 
Majesty's conscience at liberty, I do most humbly 
beseech your Majesty, for prevention of evils which 
may happen by your refusal, to pass this Bill, and by 
this means to remove — praised be God, I cannot say 
this accursed, but, I confess — this unfortunate thing 
forth of the way, towards that blessed agreement 
which God, I trust, shall ever establish between you 
and your subjects. Sir, my consent shall more acquit 
you herein to God than all the world can do besides. 
To a willing man there is no injury done ; and as, by 
God's grace, I forgive all the world, with calmness 
and meekness of infinite contentment to my dislodging 
soul, so, Sir, to you I can give the life of this world 
with all the cheerfulness imaginable, in the just 
acknowledgment of your exceeding favours ; and 
only beg that, in your goodness, you would vouchsafe 
to cast your gracious regard upon my poor son and 
his three sisters, less or more, and no otherwise than 
as their, in present, unfortunate father may hereafter 
appear more or less guilty of this death. God long 
preserve your Majesty." ^ 

* Ruphw. Straf, Trial ^ 743. Some doubt has been thrown on the 
authenticity of this letter, but Radcliffe*s testimony (Straf, LeUers, u, 432) 
would be sufficient, if it did not speak for itself. The date given in the 
Biief ant Perfect Belntion is the 9th, which must be wrong from the 


^fn^' On the morning of May 8 — the motning on which 

' — 7 — ^ the Attainder Bill passed the Lords — ^London was a 

Mays! prey to the wildest panic. A French fleet, it was 

a French**' everywhere believed, had seized Jersey and Guernsey. 

ThTQa '^ ^^y ^^ raised to lodge the King and Queen in the 

prepares to Tower. News of the danger waa hastily conveyed to 

Whitehall. The Queen resolved to carry out her 

design of retreating to Portsmouth. Her carriage 

was already at the door when Montreuil arrived, 

counselling her against so rash an act. He told her 

that she would infalUbly be stopped on the way. In 

consequence of his warning she relinquished her 

design. False as the rumour of the French attack 

was, it did no wrong to the Queen. If she had had her 

way a French force would by this time have been in 

possession of Portsmouth. The popular instinct 

rightly fixed on her as the author of the mischief.^ 

Calumny came to add its bitterness to her cup, and it 

was rumoured that she loved Jermyn too well for her 

honour, and that she was hurrying to France because 

she could not live apart from her lover.* 

reference to ' Saturday last ' as the day of the King's speech. Mr. Pal« 
I grave informs me that in his copy the figure is corrected to 4 in an appa- 
rently contemporary hand, and that when the speech was printed in 164I; 
it was printed witii the date of May 4. On the other hand Kadcliffe 
gives the 7th, and it is more likely that 9 should be a misprint for 7 
than for 4. External eyidence is in favour of the 4thy as Strafford would 
have been more likely to write soon after the first intervention of the 
mob. I have, therefore, adopted this date in the text. 

* We must not measure Pym*8 knowledge by that which he saw fit 
to reveal in public. " The Parliament," we are told, " hath not openly de- 
clared what the plot was ; but it is said that the French was to come in 
upon the south— to this end apparently the Queen was going to Ports- 
mouth. The English army and Papists were to join against London and 
the Parliament ; and the Irish were to go against the Scots.* — One of the 

Scottish Commissioners to , May li, Wodrow M8S» xxv. No. 161. 

This might seem to be mere gossip ; but it should be compared with 
Rossetti*s testimony at p. 148, Note 2. 

^ Montreuil's part in persuading the Queen to stay does not rest, as 


Having saved the Queen from herself, Montreuil ^f ^^- 
assured Holland that there was not a word of truth "■ 

in the rumours which were abroad, and that his Mays! 
master preferred the friendship of the English ParUa- giv«'i^'^ 
ment to that of the English King. Least of all was thSpranoe 
he likely to do anything to assist Strafford, who had ^SrSur- 
always been a partisan of Spain. lument. 

Twice during that Saturday morning deputations ch«ri«s 
from the Lords urged Charles to give his assent to awentto 
the Attainder Bill. To the first he replied in the derBiu. 
negative. To the second he expressed his readiness 
to receive the two Houses in the afternoon, and to 
declare his resolution. Before the hour arrived he Heieams 
learnt that Goring had been the traitor who had told laitraitof 
the secret of the Army Plot, and that he had now 
handed over the fortifications of Portsmouth to the 
Parliamentary Commissioners. No place of refuge 
now remained for Charles on English soil. 

When the two Houses arrived they brought with He post- 
them the Bill for perpetuating the Parliament as well S^ertui 
as the Attainder Bill. They were followed by an ^®"^^- 
armed multitude. Charles looked sadly on them, and 
told them that his final answer should be given on 
Monday. The mob was but ill-pleased at the delay, 
and an attack on the palace appeared to be imminent. 
At last one of the bishops, most likely Williams,' 
stepped to a window, and pacified them by assuring 
them that the answer, when it came, would be all that 
they could desire. 

All through the night panic reigned at Whitehall. 

Ranke supposed, solely on his own authority. It ia confinned by Giua- 
linian. I have dra\ini my narrative from these two sourcea and from 
llossetti's letter of May ij. 

^ RoBsetti says it was 'un ministro Puritano/ but no one but a bishop, 
and hardly any one but Williams^ is likely to have taken the lead in ttaa 


CHAP. At any moment the mob might break into the palace. 
* — 7- — ' Catholic courtiers, or courtiers who were Catholics in 
^ g moments of danger, sought out the Queen's chaplains, 
\ratehiii fl^^g themselves on their knees, and poured out their 
confessions, as if they were in presence of instant 
death. Others, who were more worldly-minded, 
secreted their jewels about their persons, that their 
whole property might not be utterly lost when the 
moment for flight arrived. By all, Monday was looked 
forward to with the gravest apprehension. It was 
fully believed that the Parliamentary leaders were 
resolved to use force if necessary, and that they had 
written to their supporters in the neighbouring coun- 
ties to come up to London to their aid.^ 
Charles's If Charlcs had none of the vigour of the man of 

theQweS^ actiou, lie had, as his subsequent life showed, the 
passive courage of the martyr. It may be that if he 
had been alone in the danger now, he would have 
met it with the same patient endurance which he was 
to display eight years later. But the threats of the 
multitude were directed not so much against himself 
as against her whom he loved with a passionate and 
devoted love. He saw her that day in tears of mingled 
fear and vexation. How could he endure the thought 
that her tender frame might soon be in the hands of 
a raging pitiless multitude ; that she might be dragged 
off to prison, fortunate if at last she reached the 
prison ahve ? Perhaps, too, he felt that he had been 
the cause of all this evil. He knew well what she 
thought of his indecision, and he may well have 

reckoned it amongst his sins that he had not faced 
his enemies more boldly. Thoughts such as these 
may have thrust out the compassion for Strafford 

^ This is stated by Giustinian, and he is likely to have been well^ 
informed at least of the belief at Court. 


which had hitherto occupied his heart. Charles's ^5A^- 
power of imagination was singularly weak, and the ^ — 7 — ' 
absent prisoner in the Tower would touch him less May 9! 
than the sobbing partner of his hfe, whom he saw 
before him with his bodily eyes. 

After an anxious and probably sleepless night, The King 
Charles met his Council on Sunday morning. Its 
members, with one accord, advised him to yield. The 
Judges were asked whether they held Strafford to 
have been guilty of treason, and they answered in the 
affirmative. Four bishops were then called on to Opinion of 
satisfy Charles's conscience. Was it right for him to andBish-** 
set up his individual opinion against the opinion of °^ 
the judges? Juxon advised him to refuse his assent 
to the Bill, ' seeing he knew his lordship to be inno- 
cent.' WiUiams argued that the King had a public 
as well as a private conscience, and that he ought to 
submit his judgment to those who were learned in the 
law. In ordinary cases in which men were condemned 
to death the responsibility rested on the Judges, not 
on the King, and so it should be now.^ 

Cliarles still hesitated. His soul was wrung with The King 
agony. The bishops were summoned a second time. 
This time Ussher was amongst them, and Ussher sided 
with Juxon. Williams persisted in the view which 
he had taken of the King's duty.^ 

All day long the street in front of Whitehall was The mob in 

1 • -I ^e streets. 

blocked by a shoutmg multitude. Every minute it 
was expected that an attempt would be made to dash 
in the doors.^ The mob took up the cry that the 
Queen Mother was at the bottom of the mischief, and 

* Radcliffe*8 Diary, Straf, Itetters, ii. 432. Hacket, Life of Wmiamt, 
ii. 161. 

2 Elriugton*8 Life of Ussher, Works, i. 212. 
' Brifif and Perfect delation, 93. 


CHAP, guards had to be despatched to St. James's to preserve 
her from attack.* The Queen, alarmed for her 
mother's safety and her own, was no longer in a posi- 
tion to urge resistance.* By this time, too, Charles 
probably knew that nothing would be gained by 
further resistance. Strafford was no longer in his 
hands to dispose of. A last attempt to effect his 
escape had been tried and had failed. The Earl had 
offered Balfour 20,000/. and a good marriage for his 
son, if he would connive at his evasion, and Balfour 
had been proof against the temptation.^ The un- 
scrupulous Newport was now installed as Constable 
of the Tower, and he had given assurance that if the 
King refused his assent to the Bill he would order 
Strafford's execution without it.* 
Charles Jx was nine in the evening before Charles, wearied 

out with the long mental conflict, gave way at last. 
" K my own person were only in danger," he said, with 
tears in his eyes, as he announced his resolution to 
the Council, ***! would gladly venture it to save Lord 
Strafford's life ; but seeing my wife, children, and all 
my kingdom are concerned in it, I am forced to give 
way unto it." ^ 

In after-years Charles bitterly repented his com- 
pliance. He never lamented that which made the 

^ RoBsetti to Barberini, May }^IL O. TroMcripti. 

* As Mr. Fonter has argued, it is plain, from the words of the 
Elector Palatine's letter, printed by him in British Statesmen (yi. 71), 
that she was really much displeased at the death of Strafford. The 
notion that she had been his enemy is one foimded on a state of things 
which had long ceased to exist. 

' Balfour'a examination, June 2, An Exact Collection, 232. As 
this took place three or four days before Strafford*s execution, this must 
not be confounded with the earlier attempt betrayed by the three women. 

^ Clarendon^ iii. 200. 

^ The Elector Palatine to the Queen of Bohemia, May 18, Forster*8 
British Statesmen, vi. 71. 


compliance almost inevitable, his want of confidence chap* 
in the constitutional resistance of the Peers, and his ^ 

resort to intrigues which he knew not how to conduct, ^^^^* 
and to force which he knew not how to employ. 
Better, indeed, would it have been for Charles to have 
remained firm to the end. No doubt even Williams's 
argument wag not entirely without its value. Some 
way must be discovered in which the performance 
of national acts should be loosed from its bondage to 
the intelligence and conscience of a single man. But 
the time had not yet come when kings would cease 
to be responsible for actions which had become mere 
formalities. Charles sinned against his conscience. 
Let him who has seen wife and child, and all that he 
holds dear, exposed to imminent peril, and has refused 
to save them by an act of baseness, cast the first stone 
at Charles. 

Charles announced that on the following morning promifles to 
both the Bills should be passed. Williams begged uJ^mui. 
him to think of his prerogative, and to reject the Bill 
'against the dissolution of Parliament.^ Charles would 
have none of his advice on this matter. The next u»j xp. 
morning he signed the appointment of commissioners, ]^t^ 
charged to give his assent to the two Bills, and in this ^^•^ 
way they became law without his personal interven- 
tion. " My lord of Strafford's condition," said Charles 
as he wrote his name, " is more happy than mine." * 

On Tuesday morning Charles made one more Mftyu. 
desperate effort to save Strafford. " I did yesterday," i«tter. 
he wrote to the Peers, " satisfy the justice of the 
kingdom . . . but mercy being as inherent and in- 
separable to a king as justice, I desire at this time in 
some measure to show that likewise, by suffering that 
unfortunate man to fulfil the natural close of his life 

» ITackity ii. 162. ' Strqf» Letters, ii. 432. 


CHAP, in a close imprisonment ; yet so, that if ever he make 
^ — -y^-^ the least offer to escape, or offer directly or indirectly 
^^ jj' to meddle in any sort of public business, especially 
with me, by message or by letter, it shall cost him his 
Kfe. This, if it may be done without a discontent- 
ment to my people, would be an unspeakable content- 
ment to me. ... I will not say that your complying 
with me in this my intended mercy shall make me 
more willing, but certainly it will make me more 
cheerful in the granting your just grievances ; but if 
no less than his life can satisfy my people, I must say 
Fiat justitia" At the close of his letter, remembering 
that the prisoner, whose whole energy had been 
employed in the struggle for his life, had had but 
little time to set his affairs in order, he added a brief 
postscript, " If he must die, * it were a charity to 
reprieve him until Saturday."^ 

The Houses were pitiless, as terrified men are. 
They had no confidence in Charles. Stone-dead, they 
thought, had no fellow. 
s^Lrt Strafford himself had no hope that he would be 

^^ ti«t spared. He had offered his life for the safety of the 
King, the strong for the weak. Yet the news that 
Charles had abandoned him came on him like a shock. 
" Put not your trust in princes," he cried, "nor in the 
sons of men, for in them there is no salvation." ^ 

aS^ to"' ^^^ ^^^^ ^^y» ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^® ^^ earth, 

^^^ Straffbrd*8 thoughts reverted to his old and tried 

friend, now his fellow-prisoner. He asked Balfour if 

he might be allowed to see Laud. Balfour told him 

that he must first have leave from Parliament. " No," 

said Strafford, **I have gotten my despatch from 

1 L, J, ii. 248. 

' The story comes from Whitelocke, and is therefore not on the hest 
authority, hut I am inclined to accept it. 


them, and will trouble them no more. I am now ^5A^' 

Is led to 

petitioning a higher Court, where neither partiality 
can be expected nor error feared." He would rather m^-j, 
send a message by Ussher, who had come to console 
him in his last hours. " Desire the Archbishop," he 
said, " to lend me his prayers this night, and to give 
me his blessing when I do go abroad to-morrow, and 
to be in his window, that by my last farewell I may 
give him thanks for this and all his former favours." 

Laud was not likely to refuse his friend's last re- 
quest. As Strafford was led to execution in the 
morning, he saw the old man at the window. " My 
lord," he said, with a humble reverence, "your prayers 
and blessing." Laud raised his hands to implore 
God's mercy on the tried comrade who was treading 
the path to freedom on which he was one day to 
follow. Overcome by his emotion, he fell fainting 
to the ground. Strafford's last words to him, 
" Farewell, my lord, and God protect your innocency ! " 
were addressed to ears that heard them not. 

Strafford's step was firm, and his port erect. His 
friends said of him that his look was more like that of 
a general at the head of an army than of a prisoner led 
to execution. When the sad procession reached the ^v »^ 
Tower gates, Balfour advised him to take a coach, 
lest the people should tear him in pieces. ** No, Master 
Lieutenant," was the proud reply ; " I dare look death 
in the face, and I hope the people too. Have you a 
care that I do not escape, and I care not how I die, 
wliether by the hand of the executioner or the mad- 
ness and fury of the people. If that may give them 
contentment, it is all one to me." ^ 

No such danger was to be feared. It was calcu- The crowd 

*-' on Tower 

lated that there were full two hundred thousand Hia 

' Bt iff and Verftct Relation^ 98. 


CHAP, persons on Tower Hill.^ They had not come as mur- 
' — r-^ derers. They beUeved that they were there to witness 

1641. X X* • x« ^- 

May la. an ftCt 01 JUStlCfe. 

Strafford's From the scaffold the fallen statesman addressed 

last speech, j^j^ j^^^ words to thosc amongst that vast multitude 

who were within hearing. He told them truly that 
he had ever held * Parliaments in England to be the 
happy constitution of the kingdom and nation, and 
the best means under God to make the king and his 
people happy.' He wished that all who were present 
would consider *Avhether the beginning of the people's 
happiness should be written in letters of blood.' After 
professing his attachment to the Church of England 
he knelt for awhile in prayer, remaining on his knees 
for a quarter of an hour. He then rose, took leave 
of his brother, and sent messages to his wife and 

Preparing children. Having fulfilled all earthly duties, he pre- 
** ' pared himself for death. " I thank God," he said, as 
he took off his upper garment, " I am not afraid of 
death, nor daunted with any discouragement rising 
from my fears, but do as cheerfully put off my 
doublet at this time as ever I did when I went to bed." 
The executioner then drew out a handkerchief to 
cover liis eyes. " Thou shalt not bind my eyes," said 
Strafford, " for I will see it dona" He placed his neck 
upon the block, teUing the executioner that after 
he had meditated- awhile, he would spread forth his 
hands as a sign to him to strike. After a little while 
the hands were spread to grasp the mantle of the 
Eternal Father. The blow fell, and that life of dis- 
appointed toil had reached its end.* 

sSlffoJdT I^ ^s possible now to understand that in his 


* Giustinian to the Doge, May 5 J, Ven, Transenpis, 
» Rushw. Straf. Trial, 759. Brief and Perfect Relation, 104. News- 
letter, Add. MSS. tncccclxvii. fol. 31. 


own sense Strafford was speaking the truth when chap. 
he declared his devotion to the Pariiamentary con- 
stitution, and that yet he was, in the truest sense, 
the most dangerous enemy of Parliaments. He 
attempted to maintain the Elizabethan constitu- 
tion, long after it was possible to maintain it, 
and when the only choice lay between absolute 
government and Parliamentary supremacy. In con- 
tending against the latter, he was, without knowing 
what he was doing, giving his whole strength to the 
establishment of the former. 

Yet, ruinous as his success would have been, in 
his devotion to the rule of intelligence he stands 
strangely near to one side of the modem spirit. 
Alone amongst his generation his voice was always 
raised for practical reforms. Pym and Hampden 
looked upon existing society as something admirable 
in itself, though needing to be quickened by a 
higher moral spirit and to be relieved from the 
hindrances thrown in its way by a defective organisa- 
tion. Strafford regarded that society as full of 
abuses, and sought in the organisation which was 
ready to his hand, the lever by which those abuses 
might be removed. In happier times Pym and 
Strafford need never have clashed together, save in 
the bloodless contests of Parliamentary debate. 

Doubtless it was well for Strafford himself that he 
found no mercy. What a lot would have been his 
if he had lived to hear, from behind the prison-bars, 
of the rout of Naseby and the tragedy of Whitehall I 
What a lot, far worse, would have been his if he had 
lived to break away from his obligations, and to help 
the King to a victory which could only be made 
secure by the establishment of military rule! A Contem- 
pamphlet of the day represented the case more truly op»n>«n on 

K 3 


^xiV*' ^^^^ ^^ generally to be expected from such 
^ — -p — -^ ephemeral productions. When Charon, we are told. 
Ma • 12. ^^ ferrying over the Styx the latest arrival, he com- 
plained that his boat was sinking under the unwonted 
weight. He is told that the explanation is easy. 
That passenger had swallowed three kingdoms. On 
landing, Strafford is accosted by Noy, who asks him 
for ncAvs from the world of living men, and offers to 
conduct him amongst the lawyers, who are paying 
their respects to the ghost of Coke. Strafford turns 
proudly away. Noy wishes to know wliere he will 
choose his residence. " In any place," is the reply, 
" so that I may have that which I come for — rest." ^ 
Modern Such was the utmost for which a contemporary 

coidd dare to hope. A great poet of our own day, 
clothing the reconciling spirit of the nineteenth 
century in words which never could have been 
spoken in the seventeenth, has breathed a higher 
wish. On his page an imaginary Pym, recaUing an 
imaginary friendship, looks forward hopefully to a re- 
union in a better and brighter world. " Even thus," 
Pym is made to say — and we may well wish that it 
had been possible for him to say it — 

" Even thus, I love him now 
And look for my chief portion in that world 
Where great hearts led astray are turned again. 
(Soon it may be, and, certes, will be soon, 
My mission over, I shall not live long,) 
Ay, here I know I talk, I dare and must. 
Of England, and her frreat reward, ms all 
I look for there, but in my inmost hearty 
Believe I think of stealing quite awuy 
To walk once more with Went worth — my youth's friend 
Purged from all errors, gloriously renewed, 
And Eliot shall not blame us."' 

' A Description of the PaMage of Thomas, late Earl of Strafford, oivt 
the 6Vi/.r, 1641 (E. 156). 

^ lirowuiajr's Strafford, Act. v. so. ii. 







It is probable tliat, in the humiliation of Strafford's chap 
death, Charles thought little of the abandonment of - 


authority contained in the Act for prohibiting the mh/io. 
dissolution of the existing Parhament. Onlookers Ja^jBnr 
saw the full effect of that statute. " I may live to do S^^^a^ifw^'of 
you a kindness," said Dorset to the King, " but you 
can do me none." "Will it be possible," asked 
Williams, " for your truest lieges to do you service 
more ? " ^ 

The Act, in truth, was a revolutionary one 
without being revolutionary enough. Traditional 
reverence stood in the way of the dethronement of a 
sovereign who was not to be trusted. In fear lest 
he should use his acknowledged powers to give a 
legitimate sanction to a dissolution accomplished by 
military violence. Parliament wrested from him the 
right of consulting the nation at all. It is hard to 
see how Parliament could have done otherwise so 
long as Charles remained on the throne. The execu- 
tion of Strafford had fixed a great gulf, never to be 
bridged over, between the King and the House of 
Commons. To the Commons Charles was the sup- 
porter of a traitor to the liberties of England. To 
Charles the Commons were the murderers of a faith- 
ful servant, and rebels against lawful authority, with 

' Sir J. Bram8ton*8 Autobiography, 83. ' Hacket, ii. 162. 


CHAP, whom no terms were to be kept. The position had 


May zo. 

all the disadvantages and none of the advantages of 
a state of war. The new Act had constituted two 
independent powers, each of which was armed with 
sufficient authority to reduce the other to impotence. 
Parliament had not ventured to claim that sovereignty 
for itself, before which all discordant elements must 
give way. 
ParMament For the prcscut Charlcs had to acknowledge, 
the pofli- practically, that he had found his masters. He had 
to promise to disband the Irish army. He found 
M»y 13- himself checked in the distribution of offices. On the 
13th he appointed Heath to the Mastership of the 
Wards. He was obliged to cancel the appointment 
and to give the post to Saye.^ He had destined the 
Lieutenancy of Yorkshire to Savile, as a reward for 
the support which he had given to him in Straflford's 
trial. Parliament requested him to appoint Essex, 
May aa and he was obliged to yield. The Treasury, vacated 
by Juxon, was put in commission. The secret com- 
mittee was sitting daily to extract evidence of the 
Army Plot from the King's familiar attendants, and 
even from the ladies of the Queen's Bedchamber. It 
soon appeared that there need no longer be any fear 
from France. The French troops, whose movements 
had scared the citizens of London, were heard of as 
landing in Picardy ; * but Charles knew full well how 
many other secrets existed which he would be loath 
to have dragged into the light of day. 

^ Heath's appointment is on the Patent Rolls. Saje's was not en- 
rolled. Mr. Selbj, whose wide knowledge of the documents in the 
Becord Office is always at the service of inquirers, discovered for me an 
entrv on the Books of the Controller of the Hanaper, stating that Saye 
presented a ' carta * on the 24th. Whitelocke dates the appointment on 
17th. A newsletter gives the i6th. — Sloane MSS, mcccclxvii. fol. 37. 

• Salvetti*8 Xewtletter, May |f . 



THE queen's distress. 183 

The Queen was even more deeply compromised chap. 
than her husband. She had to look on in silent ^- — .-^ 
vexation whilst the Catholics were questioned for May Jl 
every rash word that had sprung to their lips. It h^^sus 
was inevitable that the hopes which they had p«<^**- 
clierished of relief from the proscription to which 
Parhament had doomed them, should have found 
vent in wild expressions of anticipated triumph. It 
was inevitable, too, that Parliament, merciless to- 
Avards those whom its oppression stung into anger, 
should beUeve the danger greater than it really was, 
and should catch at chance phrases, some of them, 
perhaps, misreported or exaggerated, as evidence of a 
deliberate plot for the overthrow of the Parliamentary 
constitution. One recusant's wife, it was reported, 
had predicted that the Parliament House would 
shortly be in flames. Another had been overheard 
to say, that there would be a black day before 
long, and that many would be fatherless. An inco- 
lierent letter, directed to a recusant lady — in all pro- 
babiUty a silly forgery — was picked up in the streets. 
It contained a request for money, and referred with 
satisfaction to the approaching slaughter of the beast 
with many heads.^ Men, comparatively young, could 
remember how, in the days of the Gunpowder Plot, 
tlieir fathers had been saved from destruction by a 
letter just as incoherent. Orders were given to im- 
prison all the priests in England, and there were 
many who were dissatisfied that no harsher measures 
were taken. A closer home-thrust at the Queen was 
a demand that her mother should leave the country. 

If ever lesson had been plain to read it was that 
which had been given to Charles by his failure to 
save the life of Straflbrd. Yet scarcely was Straflbrd 

> D'Ewea's Diarj, Harl MSS. clxiiL fol. 167 b, 180 b. 


^xuf' ^^^^» when he prepared himself to tread once more 
— '7'~^ the weary round of intrigue which had already cost 
May x8. him SO dear. It was now known that he proposed to 
propo^ to visit Scotland in person as soon as the treaty between 
h^d.^*^*" the kingdoms was concluded.^ Those who were 
trusted with his secrets were aware that he was 
looking to this journey as a means of regaining that 
authority which he had lost in England. Anything 
seemed to him to be better than an attempt to come 
to an understanding with Parliament.^ It is hardly 
likely that a secret shared amongst so many would 
La^y Cm- be long a secret from Pym. Lady Carlisle, vexed, as 
lym. it has been thought, at the King's abandonment of 
Strafford, placed her talents for political intrigue at 
the service of the Parliamentary statesman. Without 
any deep feelings herself, she loved to be of import- 
ance, and she was shrewd enough to make herself 
useful to the real leaders of men, and to despise those 
who, like the King and Queen, were decked in the 
mere trappings of authority. To the excitement of a 
youth of pleasure was to follow the excitement of a 
middle age of treachery. It was to be her sport to 
listen to trustful words dropped in confidence, and to 
betray them to those who were ready to take ad- 
vantage of her knowledge. 
M«v 17. In looking for help from Scotland Charles was not 

of a breach altogether pursuing a shadow. There were already 
thePariia- sigus that the good understanding between the 

the Soots. 

^ The Elector Palatine to the Queen of Bohemia, May 18. — Fontei^a 
Lives of British Statesmeny vi. 71. 

' 'Sua Maest^ francamente afirenD& di transferirsi a dissegno per 
ayentura di rialzare con la presenza sua qualche altra machina et migli- 
orar la conditioue della propria autorit^.* — Giustinian to the Doge, May 
I], Fen, Transcripts, The intendons of the King were acknowledged 
by the Queen in a conversation after she arrived in Holland in the fol- 
lowing year. 


English Parliament and the Scots was somewhat chap. 
shaken. The delay in providing the ' Scottish army ' — 7 — ' 
with supplies had raised discontent, and it was by no ^^^ ^^ 
means certain that the nobles of the northern 
kingdom would expose themselves to further risk for 
the sake of establishing Presbyterianism in England. 
One of the foremost of their leaders, Eothes, had Rothes won 
already been won over by the promise of preferment (iurt. 
in England and of a rich English wife. He may pro- 
bably be credited with sincerity when he alleged that 
he had first assured himself that the interests of his 
own country were secured,^ but it is hardly likely 
that his new position was taken up on purely poli- 
tical considerations. The public negotiation, too, Progress a 
was drifting upon shoals which might prove dan- atfon.*^^ 
gerous.^ The Scots had continued to urge a union 
in rehgion between the two countries, which would 
be certain to offend a large party in England, and for 
the appointment of a Commission to draw up a scheme 
for freedom of trade, which would be certain to offend 
all Englishmen without distinction of party. 

On the 1 7th the Commons went into Committee i^btte on 

... ecclesiasti- 

on the demands of the Scots for unity of religion, cai union. 
The opponents of Episcopacy resorted to the igno- 
minious tactics of placing Culpepper in the chair, in 
order to silence that vigorous debater in the warm 
discussion which they foresaw.' In spite of the ob- Conrteons 
jections of Hyde and Falkland, the Commons deter- the &otfc 
mined to return a courteous answer, ' that this House • 

' Rothes' Narrativef 225. 

' The notes of the Scots' demands in Moore's Diary {HarL MS8, 
cccclxxviii. fol. 18) are said to be taken from those read by Sir J. 
Borough on April 22. The figures seem to have been subsequently 
changed, to judge from D*Ewes*8 notes of the debates on the subject. In 
other respects no alteration appears to have been made. 

' D*Ewe8 protested a^^ainst this. D*£wes s Diary, IlarL MSS, 
clxiii. 190. 


CTAP. doth approve of the affection of their brethren in 
^- » - ^ Scotland, in thfeir desire of a conformity in Church 
May 17 govemmcnt between the two nations, and doth give 
them thanks for it ; and as they have already taken 
into consideration the reformation of Church govern- 
ment, so they will proceed therein in due time, as 
shall best conduce to the glory of God and the peace 
of the Church/ ^ 
uaj x8. Such a resolution bound the House to nothing, 

livionpro- but it was cuough to show that the majority was re- 
'^^^^^ solved not to be led into a quarrel with the Scots. 
Mav 19. The next day it was decided that the Commissioners 
Totwon should be asked to draw up an Act of oblivion. 
titL treaty. There was more difficulty in consenting to a proposal 
which had been made by the Scots, that war should 
never again be declared between the two kingdoms 
without the consent of the Parliaments. It was too 
great an innovation on existing practice to pass with- 
May aa out resistance from Culpepper and others. Li the end, 
however, it was referred back to the English Com- 
missioners for further consideration.* A similar course 
was adopted with the article about freedom of trade, 
May ai. and on the 2 ist arrangements were made for the pay- 
ment of the sums which would be due to the Scots. 
It was evident that if there was to be a rupture, it 
would not be provoked by the House of Commons. 
During the course of these debates the mutual 
ParUes distrust betwecu the two parties which had originally 
IhemJdves, Separated on the question of Episcopacy, had shown 
a tendency to increase. Hyde and Culpepper and 
Falkland had come forward as champions of the 
royal prerogative, and as decided opponents of the 

* a J, ii. 148. IVEweg'B Diary, Harl, MSS. clxiii. fol. 192. News- 
letter, Sioane MSS. moccclxvii. fol. 38. 

> C. J. ii. 150, D'Ewea's Diary, HarL MSS. olxiu. fol. 202. 


Scottish alliance. Whether the breach was to be ^^^f- 
healed or not probably depended on the attitude ' — 7^ — ' 
which Pym and his immediate followers would assume ' ^ ^'^ 
towards the Eoot-and-Branch party, and that attitude 
depended partly on the amount of confidence which 
they would be able to feel in the King, partly in the 
reception which the Bishops' Exclusion Bill would 
meet with in the House of Lords. 

On the 2 1 st that Bill went into Committee in the The Bish- 
Upper House. By the 27th the Peers had agreed to JSiBrnto 

131 ii» ^^ * '1 ^ J.* the Lwda. 

exclude clergymen as a rule from all civil functions. 
The bishops, however, were to be specially excepted, 
so far as related to their seats in Parliament. The 11*7 07. 
general feeUng against the employment of clergymen 
in temporal aflairs which sprung from the natural re- 
action against the harsh treatment which, of late years, 
they had dealt out to laymen, was modified, amongst 
the Lords, by a strong inclination to resist any pro- 
posal by the Commons to change the constitution of 
the Upper House. 

The vote of the Peers was a defiance to the M^yxa. 
majority in the House of Commons. Of that majority and- 
only a part — ^it is impossible to say how lai'ge — ^was in ^H^ u 
favour of the absolute aboUtion of Episcopacy. Cir- ^*** ' 
cumstances, however, had recently occurred which 
brought to the Eoot-and-Branch party an accession of 
strength. It had been recently discovered that, in 
order to pay off the two armies, it would be necessary 
to have 400,000/. in addition to the subsidies which had 
been already voted. The higher clergy were regarded 
as instigators of the war which had unnecessarily en- 
tailed so great a charge on the nation, and voices had 
already been raised in favour of a confiscation which 
should lay the burden on those who had been in fault. 
Kadically unjust as any attempt to apportion the 



CHAP, blame due to the authors of national errors must 


always be, it bore with it a show of justice which was 

^ ^^' likely to carry away those who were smarting under 
unwonted taxation. Strafford, in the presence of 
Question of death, had singled out this source of danger, and he 
propSty had warned his son to take no part in the race for 
"^*®^ the wealth of the Church. On the very day of his 
execution it appeared that he had good cause for 
alarm. Evidence was then heard on behalf of the 
preservation of Deans and Chapters. Dr. Burgess, 
who appeared on the other side, argued that the 
revenues which would be set free by the suppression 
of these oflBces might be appUed, not to secular pur- 
poses, but to better uses in the service of the Church. 
When he had finished, several members assailed the 
suggestion which he had made. "They mean," said 
one, " to hold all the Church-lands, and we shall 
have no more." ^ 
Mnyas. It was uot loug bcforc a precedent was given 

toniers* which did something to accustom the Commons to 
that chase after wealth which had been one of the 
worst features of the Star Chamber. On the 25th it 
was voted that all who had collected duties on mer- 
chandise without a Parliamentary grant, were delin- 
May a6. qucuts, and on the following day it was resolved to 
offer these delinquents an act of oblivion on payment 
of a fine of 1 50,000/. If the clergy could be dealt 
with in the same way, there would be Uttle need to 
impose fresh taxation. 
Moy 27. Yet, even if all who thought that the bishops' in- 

aid Bwndi comes would be well employed in saving the pockets 
minority, of the tax-paycrs, had been counted with those who 
desired the overthrow of Episcopacy on conscientious 
grounds, the Root-and-Branch party were, as yet, no. 

' D'Ewes's Diary, JIarL MSS. fol. 170. 


more than a minority in the House, and, as far as it ^^j^j^- 
is possible to judge, they were also a minority in the "—7^ — ' 
nation.^ In the House the defenders of Episcopacy ^^^ ^ 
were also a minority. The balance lay with Pym and 
his supporters, who were determined to place the 
King under constitutional restraint, and to establish 
a thoroughly Protestant worship in the Church, 
whether the Church were presided over by bishops 
or not. The feeling of these men was distinctly op- Feeling of 
posed to the conduct of the existing bishops. The his sup- 
bishops, in the Biblical language of the day, had ^^ 
made themselves lords over God's heritage. In other 
words, they had dealt with the Church as the King 
had dealt with the State. They had administered it ; 
they had not represented it. As Saye put it, in a 
speech which he had recently delivered, their secular 
offices * might have gained them caps and courtesy, 
but they have cast them out of the consciences of 
men.' If, therefore, Pym and his friends felt a states- 
manlike hesitation to change more than was absolutely 

^ Professor Masson argues that the number of Koot-and-Branch men 
was greater than has been supposed, partly on the ground of an anti- 
episcopal petition from Cheshire, which purports to be signed almost 
exactly two to one of an episcopalian pe^tion from the {same county. 
The almost exact doubling of the signatures struck me as suspicious when 
I first compared the two petitions, and my suspicions have since been con- 
firmed. Not only does Sir J. Aston, who got up the petition'for Episcopacy, 
state that there was ' never any such petition seen in this shire ' {A He^ 
mongtrance against Presbytery j i64i,E. 163) ; but a Puritan who answered 
Aston {An Hutnble Remonstrance, 1641, PI 178), and stated that some of 
the signatures to the episcopalian petition were forged, says distincUy 
that of the other petition he knows nothing. It was plainly a forgery. 
The appearance of a copy amongst the State Papers, with its crowded 
references at the edge, excites suspicion that it may have been the handi- 
work of * marginal Prynne.' Any argument founded on the number of 
names sulwcribed to petitions is most unsatisfactory. All who were dis- 
satisfied with the state of Ohurch afikirs would sign the Puritan petition 
of the county. Whether that petition asked for the abolition or modifi- 
cation of Kpiscopacy would depend on the temper of the local magnates, 
by whom the petition was drawn up. 


^xitr necessary in the constitution of the Church, this feel- 
^—7 — ' ing must always have been subordinated to the pos- 
May 2^. sibility of finding bishops who would leave politics 
alone, and who would content themselves with labour- 
ing in their own offices under the direction of the 
law. Whether such a prospect would ever be realised 
depended partly on the bishops themselves, but still 
Effect of more on the King. The vote to which the House of 
the Peers. Lords had just come was one to bring out all the 
difficulties in the way of any compromise. No doubt 
there is much to be said, as long as Parliament makes 
laws for the Church, for the admission to the Upper 
House of counsellors who are prepared to speak of its 
needs from their own knowledge. But it would be far 
too high a price to pay for that advantage to allow 
those counsellors to be chosen in such a way as to 
make them the mouthpieces of one political party, 
whilst their own advancement in life was to depend 
on the constancy with which their votes were given. 
"The bishops," said Saye, "have had too absolute 
dependency on the King to sit as free men." It was 
not only from the mouths of the enemies of the bishops 
that this assertion proceeded. In the course of the 
following year Jeremy Taylor said exactly the same 
thing. " The interests of the bishops," he wrote, " is 
conjunct with the prosperity of the King, besides the 
interest of their own security, by the obligation of 
secular advantages. For they who have their liveli- 
hood from the King, and are in expectance of their 
fortune from him, are more likely to pay a tribute of 
exacter duty than others whose fortunes are not in 
such immediate dependency on His Majesty. ... It 
is but the common expectation of gratitude that a 
patron paramount shall be more assisted by his bene- 
ficiaries in cases of necessity, than by those who re- 


ceive nothing from him but the common influences of chap. 


government." ^ What wonder was it that the feeling 
that the King was not what he should have been, the ^^^^* 
representative head of the nation, showed itself in the 
determination that he should not have twenty-six 
votes at his disposal in the House of Lords ? There 
were some, no doubt, who wished to thrust the 
bishops out because they thought that they would be 
better employed in attending on their clerical duties, 
but there were others who wished to thrust them out 
simply because they were the creatures of the King. 

The day on which it was known that the Lords 
had resolved to retain the bishops in their House was 
propitious to the opponents of Episcopacy. That The Root- 
morning Vane and Cromwell brought with them a Saich 
Bill which is said to have been drawn up by St. John, ^*"' 
and the object of which was the absolute extinction 
of Episcopacy. They passed it on to Hazlerigg, and 
Hazlerigg passed it on to Sir Edward Bering. Bering 
was one of those who had pronounced most strongly 
against clerical abuses, though he had not wished to see 
Episcopacy itself abolished. He was a vain man, never 
tired of mentioning in his letters to his wife how he 
had been respected by the mob which had gathered 
at Westminster in the days of Strafford's trial, and 
how voices out of the crowd had been heard to say, 
" There goes Sir Edward Bering 1 " and " God bless 
your worship ! " * 

The assistance of men of the stamp of Bering was 

* Taylor, Cf the Sacred Order and Oficei ofEpieecpaey, Epistle dedi- 

* Proeeedingn m Kent (Camden Soc.), 46. In the preface (xxxviii) 
Mr. Bruce suggests that he was already under suspicion, and speaks of 
him as being asked at this time by a Root-and-Rranch man, "Art thou 
for us, or for our adversaries P ^ This, however, appears to have been 
said some weeks later. 




*^ — . — -^ 


May 27. 
by Dering. 

Its second 

Jnne 4. 

Bill dis- 
cussed in 

June 8. 
and thrown 
out by the 

Bills to 
the prero- 

precisely what the Root-and-Branch men wanted. 
And he was just then in a mood to do what they 
wislied. In a short speech he moved the first reading 
of the Bill, not because he desired that it should pass, 
but because he thought that it would frighten the 
Peers into giving their consent to the exclusion of 
the bishops.^ After a sharp debate, in which the Bill 
was opposed by Falkland — who compared it, for its 
thorough-going violence, to a total massacre of men, 
women, and children — and was supported by Pym 
and Hampden, it was read a second time by a 
majority of 135 to 108.^ 

On June 4 there was a conference on the earlier 
Bill. The Lords professed themselves ready to be 
enUghtened if there were any sufficient argument for 
depriving the bishops of their seats.^ The Commons 
dwelt mainly on the incompatibility of civil and 
clerical functions, and on the probability that the 
bishops, if they were still allowed to have votes, would 
use them to support their own encroachments on the 
liberties of the subject. The Lords listened, but were 
unconvinced. On the 8th they threw out the Bill 
on the third reading.* 

DiflTerences of opinion might prevail on the 
subject of Church-government. There was no 
difference of opinion on the necessity of Umiting the 
prerogative. On the morning of the 8th, Selden, who 
was a steady voter on the episcopal side, brought in 

* Moore*8 Diary (Harl, MSS, cccclxxvii. fol. io6) subetantiallj bears 
out the repott in Dering's published speeches. 

« Moore's Diary, Ibid. Newsletter, Sloane MSS, mccoclzyii. fol. 70. 

' According to the letter of one of the Scottish Commissioners ( Wod- 
row MSS, XXV. No. 162) this step was taken * of purpose, it was thought, 
to have stopped the Bill of Root-and-Branch.^ If so, Dering was very 
near heing justified by the event. 

* i. J. iv. 239, 265. 


three bills — one for declaring the illegality of ship 9^,^?- 
money, a second for limiting the extent of the forests, ^ — ^--' 
and a third for abolishing the knighthood fines. In j^^^ g' 
the afternoon of the same day bills for the abolition 
of the Courts of Star Chamber and High Commission 
were read a third time without a division.^ Both 
parties were unanimously resolved that Charles should 
hereafter reign under strict constitutional limits. 

Charles's one path of safety was still the same as Charles's 
it liad been in the days of Strafford's trial. Only by Bucce«8. 
frankly accepting the constitutional limits imposed 
on him could he avail himself of the support which 
the House of Lords was anxious to give him on 
account of their divergence of opinion from the 
Commons on the question of Church government. 
Such, it can hardly be doubted, was the advice oflTered 
by Bristol in June, as it had been in April. Charles 
liad one ear for Bristol, and another for the Queen. 
No combination was too fantastic, no scheme too 
audacious, to be acceptable to Henrietta Maria, and to 
gain at least temporary approval from her husband's 

On June 2 the Queen had an interview with Junes. 


Eossetti. She bemoaned the impossibility of inducing Que^n;* 
Charles to change his religion. She could, however, witTitoT. 
state positively that if the Pope would send money — ^ 
1 50,000/. was the sum named — he would grant re- 
ligious liberty in Ireland, and in England would for 
the present allow the Catholics to frequent the chapels 
of the Queen, and of the foreign ambassadors. When 
once he had again become the master of his people, 
the Catholics sliould have full religious liberty, with 
permission to open chapels of their own. Every 
relij^^ion except tlieirs and that of the English Church 

' D'Ewes's Diary, JIarl. MSS, clxiii. fol. 285. ('. J. ii. 171. 
VOL. 11. O 




tion with 
the Irish 

June 8. 
Report on 
the Army 

Tumult in 
the House. 

should be extirpated. The Queen further engaged 
to write a letter to Cardinal Barberini, in which these 
promises should be made, and this letter was to be 
countersigned by Charles. ^ 

It would seem the height of madness to expect to 
make use of help from the Pope and from the Scottish 
Presbyterians at the same time. Yet more than this 
was behind. A negotiation was being carried on 
with the Irish Catholics in which they engaged, in 
return for liberty of worship, to give armed 
assistance to the King, though as yet the actual 
terms were not absolutely settled. ^ Nothing of 
all this was known at that time to the leaders of the 
Commons. But enough was known of Charles's recent 
proceedings to render them utterly distrustful. 

On the day on which the new constitutional bills 
were read, Fiennes produced the first report of the 
Secret Committee on the Army Plot. He told of the 
attempt to introduce Billingsley's men into the Tower, 
of the schemes for inciting the army against ParUa- 
ment, of the fortification of Portsmouth, and of the 
suspicions of an intrigue with the French Govern- 
ment. Examinations were read which left no doubt 
that, whatever the King's personal action might have 
been, the plot for exciting the army to take part in 
political affairs originated at Whitehall.* 

Every word of this long report was a death-blow 
to the hopes of those who had thought to see Charles 
at the head of a reformed Government, and to save 
Episcopacy through him. The feeUngs to which it 
gave rise found vent in a scene of wild confusion. 

* HoGsetti to Barberini, June ^ji ^. 0. TrarucriptM, 

* ^^'» 7^' *^42, ibid. 

* IVEwes 8 Diarj, Harl, MSS, clxiii. fol. 290. Moore's Diary, ibid, 
cccclxxviii. fol. 34. 



June 6. 

The mention of Gbring's oath of secrecy called up PSf.^- 
Wilniot. He did not know, he said, how Goring could 
without perjury have discovered that which he had 
sworn to keep secret. Digby replied that the oath 
was in itself unlawful, and did not bind Goring if he 
had been lawfully called on to reveal what he knew^ 
Ever since Digby's unpopular vote on the Bill of 
Attainder he had had many enemies in the House. 
They perhaps understood him to imply that Goring 
had made his revelation without being called on law- 
fully. Digby had to explain his meaning and Wilmot 
to ask pardon of the House. Even this was not 
enough. Cries were raised calling on both to with- 
draw. Before the question could be put, Digby 
walked out. Some of the members dashed forward 
to stop him. Others did their best to rescue him from 
the assault. 

Both Digby and Wilmot succeeded in reaching the 
door without injury. Their withdrawal was followed 
by a long and disorderly debate. In the midst of it 
the Serjeant-at-Arms brought in candles. A jfresh 
dispute arose on the question whether candles might 
be brought in without the positive order of the 
House. Two of Digby's friends, anxious to prevent 
an adjournment, perhaps because they believed that 
the majority was on their side, snatched the candles 
from the Serjeant and set them on the floor. This 
was followed by a scuflle in which the Serjeant's 
cloak was torn from his back. The House at last 
broke up without coming to any conclusion. So great 
was the excitement that the imperturbable Len- 
LlniU confessed next morning that he had not expected 
to come away alive. ^ The two members who had June 9. 
.seized the candles, were treated as scapegoats for the 

' D'Ewea's Diary, 7/a/-/. MSS\ ckiii. fol. 299. 

o 2 


^xni' ^^^^ ^^ ^'^^ House, and were sent to the Tower for a 


few days.^ Then followed the reading of a letter 
June 1! written by Henry Percy to his brother Northuraber- 
Perc'^8 ^^^^ which contained fresh revelations of the Army 
letter. Plot. Goring's character was at once cleared as far 
as a vote of the House could do it. Percy's letter, 
however, distinctly charged Goring with being im- 
plicated with Jermyn in a deeper plot than that in 
which he had himself been concerned. 
^Juncio. The next morning Marten moved that Digby 

made a should bc scut for. Kirton told the House that such 
a motion had come too late : the King had raised 
Digby to the Peerage. He had himself seen him 
putting on his robes to take his place in the other 

If the feeling which had prompted Charles's act 
was natural, he had taken the worst possible way of 
giving it expression. Digby had not yet been con- 
demned, and he was hardly likely to suffer worse 
consequences for his unguarded language than a few 
days' imprisonment. By making him a Peer, Cliarles 
showed not merely that unpopularity in the House of 
Commons was the highest passport to his favour, but 
that he was ready to increase the number of those 
Peers who would use tlieir influence in the Upper 
House to place it in opposition to the Lower. An 
additional reason was given for keeping the organisa- 
tion of the Church out of the hands of the King. 

Inside the House of Conmions the party which 
advocated a tliorough change in the system of Church 

* D'Ewes*8 Diary, IlnrL MSS. clxiii. fol. 301. The majority for 
sending them was 189 to 172. The names of the Tellers, as given by 
D'Ewes, show that the minority was of the Episcopalian party. The 
Tellers, as is often the cafe, are reversed in the Journals. There is 
usually evidence forthcnniinjr to show that D'Ewes is rij;ht and the 
Journals wrong, ' Ibid, 


government was rather desirous of overthrowing an ^^J^f' 
ecclesiastical despotism which they knew not how to ' — ■ -^ 
remodel, than inspired with any strong preference for June la 
any other system to be estabUshed in its room. To a wm\T 
certain extent, no doubt, the majority might be re- cLmmoM 
garded as Presbyterian ; but, if so, their Presbyterian- l^^^ 
ism was very different from the zealous devotion of 
Henderson and Dickson in the North. They wanted 
to have ministers who would preach decided Pro- 
testantism of the Calvinistic type, and after their ex- 
perience of the last few years they thought that they 
were more likely to have what they wanted without 
bishops than with them. But they had no enthusiasm 
for the Scottish discipUne. 

If the minority were to contend against this wide- C!?.V.^ ^ 
spread feeling it behoved them to act as well as to andUssher 
criticise. WilUams, indeed, had been doing some- 
thing. He had been gathering together opinions 
from divines of the most opposite views, and was 
understood to be elaborating a scheme in which all 
legitimate desires would find their fulfilment. Ussher,^ 
too, with the full weight of his piety and learning, had 
allowed his friends to circulate a draft of a constitu- 
tion for the Church, in which bishops were to appear 
as the heads of Councils of presbyters, and were to be 
disquahfied from acting without their advice. 

Such a scheme had an excellent appearance on 
pa])er. It was not quite so clear what would be its 
practical result, if bishops like Wren or Montague 
found themselves face to face with a council composed 

* In the Roesetti Papers there is a running reference to a negotiation, 
in wliich Usshcr profeesea his readiness to become a Oatholic if he could 
obtain an incorao equivalent to 500/. a year. I am utterly incredulous. 
Tli«* pH(ln* IC^idio, through whom it was conducted, was perhaps hoaztnl, 
or deceived himself. 

iqS ecclesustical divisions. 

CHAP, of ministers like Burgess and Marshall. The plan, for 
• — 7 — ' some reason or another, fell flat on the world. There 
JuneiQ. ^^ ^ good deal of talk about the advantages of 
Primitive Episcopacy, but there was no support given 
even in the House of Lords to any particular pro- 
ject for reducing it to practice. If the King had 
made any one of these plans his own, and had shown 
himself in earnest in combating the evils of the ex- 
isting system, something might perhaps have been 
done. But Charles gave no sign that he took any 
interest in the matter. The Root-and-Branch Bill 
was the only scheme of reform practically in the 
field. ^ 
June ii. Qu Juuc 1 1 that Bill was before a Committee of 

•nd- the whole House. Hyde was placed in the chair, as 

Bill in it is said in order that his voice should thus be silenced 
™"** on the Episcopalian side. If it was so, he did his best 
to pay back his opponents in their own coin. Some- 
chariesand where about this time Charles sent for Hyde, greatly 
to his astonishment. Between the two men there was 
much in common. Both of them were attached to 
the outward formulas of the Constitution. Both of 
them had a high veneration for the worship and 
ceremonies of the Church. Neither of them had any 
of the larger qualities of statesmanship. 
Conyem. As soou as he saw Hyde Charles commended him 

tlon be- , , •' 

twecn for his faithfulness to the Church, and asked him 
whether he thought that the Bill would be carried in 
the Commons. Hyde replied that he thought it 
would not be carried speedily. *^ Nay," said the King, 
" if you will look to it that they do not carry it before 
I go to Scotland, when the armies will be disbanded, 
I will undertake for the Church after that time," 
" Why, then," said Hyde, " by the grace of God it will 
not be in much danger." Hyde subsequently boasted 



that he had done his best as Chairman of the Com- chap 
mittee to throw obstacles in the way of the Bill.^ ^ — p — ' 

If the Church was in danger it was from Charles's June ii. 
inability to discover the necessity of reform. The committee 
debates which ensued showed how few even of the SlnJ^lnd. 
opponents of the Root-and-Branch Bill were as yet g^i^^^ 
ready to support him in his poUcy of mere resistance. 
Rudyerd and Dering talked loudly, if somewhat 
vaguely, about a restoration of Primitive Episcopacy. 
Culpepper, with more practical instinct, asked merely 
for a change of men instead of the aboUtion of the 
office. To the words of the preamble, which declared 
that * the present government of the Church had been 
by long experience a hindrance to the full reformation 
of religion,' he moved as an amendment that * the 
present governors of the Church had been by late ex- 
perience a hindrance to rehgion.' * His proposal failed 
to obtain acceptance. The abolition of archbishopd 
and bishops, deans and chapters, was voted. It wa» 
hardly possible at the time to excite any enthusiasm 
for Episcopacy in England. D'Ewes doubtless gave J«o« ^^ 
expression to an anxiety which was widely felt when 
lie said that the Uberties and estates of Englishmen 
were in danger as well as their religion. K there 
were those who would entertain such a design as that 
of the Army Plot whilst Parliament was sitting, * what 
was not to be feared when ParUament was dispersed ! '* 
How could the control of reKgious teaching be left 
in the hands of a man from amongst whose intimate 
counsellors the Army Plot had burst on the astonished 
world ? The opponents of the Eoot-and-Branch Bill 

^ Clarendon, Life, i. 93. His statement, that he waited on the King 
in consequence of a message through Percy, is one of his usual Uunders*. 
When Percy fled the Bill was not yet introduced. 

2 D'Ewes's Diary, HarL MSS. clxiv. fol. 217. 

' Ibid. clxiiL fol. 309. 

June za. 


CHAP, felt but little zeal in their own cause. The debater 
were long, and the body stood in need of refreshment. 
It was pleasanter, now that the summer days were 
come, to wile away the hours in the tennis-court or 
the theatre than to listen to dry discussions about 
bishops and deans. " They who hated the bishops," 
laughed Falkland, " hated them worse than the devil ; 
they who loved them did not love them so well as 
their dinner." ^ 
oot^iS^ One day Hyde asked Fiennes in private what 

iTT d government he intended to substitute for Episcopacy. 
Fieimes, There would be time enough to settle that question, 
Fiennes answered. " If the King," he said, " resolved 
to defend the bishops, it would cost the kingdom much 
blood, and would be the occasion of as sharp a war as 
had ever been in England ; for there was so great a num- 
ber of good men who had resolved to lose their Uves 
before they would ever submit to that government." 
«ndbe- ^t another time Hyde asked Marten, who was known 
and Mar- to care little for religion, what he really wanted. " I 
do not think," was the reply, " one man wise enough 
to govern us all." * 

Hyde was shocked by such words. He did not 
see that the only way in which Charles could answer 
them was by being wise enough to govern. Charles 
had thrown the reins on the neck of the steed, and 
was surprised to find that it was taking its own way. 
The Committee found its deliberations perpetually in- 
terrupted, not, indeed by Hyde's intrigues, but by the 
necessity of listening to fresh disclosures on the sub- 
ject of the Army Plot, and of making provision for 
the disbandment of the armies. Still, however, some 
ProgMM progress was made. A proviso was introduced that, 

with the ^, TT . n t ,1 i.1- 

BiiL on the abolition of deans and chapters, none of their 

* Clarendon, iii. 241. • Clarendon, Life, i. 75. 


property should be diverted from ecclesiastical pur- ^^^^f- 
poses. At last, on June 21, the important point of ^ 

the government to be substituted for Episcopacy was jone ai 
reached. Vane proposed a clause providing that ne^^^ 
Commissioners should be appointed for the present in If 1^™**** 
each diocese to exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and ^^**'^- 
that these Commissioners should be appointed in equal 
numbers from the laity and the clergy.^ 

Here, then, was the Root-and-Branch scheme at 
last. It was referred to a sub-committee, to be put 
into shape. 

If the feeling against Episcopacy gathered strength 
from the growing distrust felt in the King, it did not 
originate there. Outside the House the Puritan spirit 
was mounting, and the Puritan spirit assailed not so 
much the episcopal constitution of the Church as the 
forms of worship which the bishops protected. At Smectym- 

■*■ ■*■ *■ nuu8 

tlie end of March five English divines, joining their 
initials^ to form the uncouth name Smectymnuus, had 
issued a pamphlet in support of Presbyterianism in 
reply to Hall's ' Humble Remonstrance.' * 

* Smectymnuus ' was too professional to lift the con- june ? 
troversy above the Calvinistic orthodoxy of the day. first p^am- 
In the end of May, or the beginning of June, a new ^^^^^' 
champion appeared on the scene. The singer of the 
'Comus' and the *Lycidas' felt that the time had now 
come when it behoved him to lay aside that task of 
high poesy, for which he had been girding himself 
from his youth up, and to throw himself into the great 

' D'Ewes's Diary, ffarl. MSS, clxiii. fol. 337. 

' Stephen Marshall, Edmuud Oalamy, Thomas Young, Matthew New- 
comen, William Sparstow. Professor Masson {Idfe of Milton, ii. 219) is 
mistaken in quoting Oleveland^s poem as evidence of the immediate popu- 
larity of the hook. Cleveland speaks of the collection of the poll-tax, 
and his poem must therefore have been written some weeks after the 
date of the appearance of Smectymnuus. 


^XHL* controversy, on the issue of which, as he firmly be- 
—7 — ' lieved, depended the future weal or woe of England. 
June ? Much of the argument by which he supported Pres- 
byterianism against Episcopacy is familiar to the stu- 
dent of the pamphlets and the speeches of that eventful 
year. But whilst others contented themselves with 
argument from Scripture or from Church history, or 
with the wearisome repetition of doctrines which ap- 
peared to them to contain the sum of all truth, Milton 
drove right into the very heart of the matter, and in 
that wonderful rhythmical prose on which the reader 
is upborne as on a strong and steady stream, he strove 
to impress upon the world around the central doctrine 
y of the * Comus,* that spiritual perfection is not to be 
reached through the operation of the bodily senses. 

" Sad it is," he wrote, " how that doctrine of the 
Gospel, planted by teachers divinely inspired, and by 
them winnowed and sifted from the chaff of overdated 
ceremonies, and refined to such a spiritual height and 
temper of purity and knowledge of the Creator, that 
the body, with all the circumstances of time and 
place, were purified by the affections of the regenerate 
soul, and nothing left impure but sin ; faith needing 
not the weak and fallible office of the senses to be 
either the askers or interpreters of heavenly myste- 
ries, save where our Lord Himself in His sacraments 
ordained, that such a doctrine should, through the 
grossness and blindness of her professors and the 
fraud of deceivable traditions, drag so downwards as 
to backshde one way into the Jewish beggary of old 
cast rudiments, and stumble forward another way 
into the newly-vomited paganism of sensual idolatry, 
attributing purity or impurity to things indifferent, 
that they might bring the inward acts of the spirit to 
the outward and customary eye-service of the body, 


as if they could not make themselves heavenly and 9?,^,^* 


spiritual ; they began to draw down all the divine in- 
tercourse betwixt God and the soul ; yea, the very j^^ * 
shape of God Himself, into an exterior and bodily 
form, urgently pretending a necessity and obligement 
of joining the body in a formal reverence and worship 
circumscribed ; they hallowed it, they fumed it, they 
sprinkled it, they bedecked it, not in robes of pure 
innocency, but of pure linen, with other deformed 
and fantastic dresses, in palls and mitres, gold and 
gewgaws fetched from Aaron's old wardrobe, or the 
flamen's vestry ; then was the priest set to con his 
motions and his postures, his hturgies and his lurries, 
till the soul by this means of over-bodying herself, 
given up justly to fleshly delights, bated her wing 
apace downward, and finding the ease she had from 
her visible and sensuous colleague the body in per- 
formance of religious duties, her pinions now broken 
and flagging, shifted ofi* from herself the labour of 
high -soaring any more, forgot her heavenly flight, 
and left the dull and droiUng carcase to plod on 
in the old road and drudging trade of outward 

In these words lay the central fire which warmed ^^ 
the hearts of all the nobler assailants of Episcopacy 
and the Prayer Book. It might be overlaid by poli- 
tical considerations or social jealousies, but at the 
bottom it was this that was meant by them all. To 
Laud's notion of a training of the spirit by the ex- [y^ 
ternal habit they opposed the notion of the spirit 
loosing itself from bonds, contemptuously freeing 
itself from outward ceremonies or disciplinary institu- 
tions, and content to direct its course for itself in 
accordance with the will of its heavenly Guide, 

It needs not to be said how one-sided a view of y^ 


•^j^j^- human nature it was. Man cannot profitably shake 
' — 7 — ' himself thus loose from external helps. Laud's 
June? doctrine, too, had a truth of its own. Familiar insti- 
/tutions and habitual actions mould the life of man far 
more than Milton would own. Milton's prose, hke 
Milton's poetry, gave but the noblest expression to a 
one-sided tendency of the human mind. He de- 
claimed against institutions because their importance 
was altogether unintelligible to him. In the struggle 
for representative government he had no sympathy 
excepting, so far as it appeared to him to subserve 
the development of a vigorous spiritual and intel- 
orSlT*^* lectual life. That which had alarmed the Cheshire 
Cheshire petitioners had no terrors for him. " We cannot but 

Remon- ^ 

Btrance. exprcss," they had said, in reply to the Presbyterians, 
" our just fears, that their desire is to introduce 
an absolute innovation of Presbyterial government, 
whereby we, who are now governed by the canon and 
civil laws, dispensed by twenty-six ordinaries — easily 
responsible to Parliament for any deviation from the 
rule of law — conceive we should become exposed to 
the mere arbitrary government of a numerous Pres- 
bytery who, together with their ruhng elders, will 
arise to near forty thousand Church governors, and 
with their adherents must needs bear so great a sway 
in the Commonwealth that, if future inconvenience 
shall be found in that government, we humbly offer 
to consideration how these shall be reducible by Par- 
liaments, how consistent with a monarchy, and how 
dangerously conducible to an anarchy, which we have 
just cause to pray against, as fearing the consequences 
would prove the utter loss of learning and laws, 
which must necessarily produce an extermination 
of nobility, gentry, and order, if not of religion." ^ 

' A Remonstrance agaimt Presbytery, E. 163. 


The very Eoot-and- Branch men in the House of chap. 

v , XIII. 

Commons were as sensible of the danger as the - — r-^ 
Cheshire petitioners. Milton had hardly the patience j^n^p* 
to seek for an answer to the obiection ' whether JJi^^?n on 

IT /. 1 Presby- 

a greater mconvenience would not grow from the terianism. 
corruption of any other discipline than from Epis- 
copacy.' " First," he tells us, " constitute what is 
right, and of itself it will discover and rectify that 
which swerves, and easily remedy the pretended fear 
of having a pope in every parish, unless we call the 
zealous and meek censure of the Church a popedom, 
which whoso does, let him advise how he can reject 
the pastorly rod and sheephook of Christ, and those 
cords of love, and not fear to fall under the iron 
sceptre of His anger that will dash him in pieces like 
a potsherd." ^ 

It is clear from such a paragraph as this that Vaiueof 
Milton s theories on government were no better suited pamphlets, 
to the actual England of the day than the Lady of 
the * Comus ' would have been at home at the Court of 
Henrietta Maria, or the Archangel Kaphael in the 
Long Parliament. Yet not for this are they to be 
condemned. Their permanent value lies in the per- *^ 
sistence with which they point to the eternal truth, 
that all artificial constitutional arrangements, all re- 
modeUing of authority in Church or State, all reform 
in law and administration, will be worthless in the 
absence of the high purpose and the resolute will of 
the individual men who are to make use of political 
or ecclesiastical institutions. " Love Virtue, she alone 
is free." Let the mind be cultivated to understand 
which are the paths of virtue. Let the spirit be 
attuned to the harmonies of heaven. The work to 
be done for the soul and intelligence of the individual 

* 0/ lieformation touching Church Discipline. 


CHAP. Englishman was far greater than anything that Parlia- 


ments and Presbyteries could accomplish for the 

June V external regulation of the community. 

ideL*^"" Even in Milton's commendation of Presbytery 

liberty. there was something which made for liberty. His 

idea of Church discipline was-merely one of meek and 

gentle admonition. In him the Independent was 

already visible beneath the Presbyterian. The 

teaching of the professed Separatists or Independents 

was already to be heard in London. Some of those 

who had been exiled to Holland had returned, and 

were once more preaching in London or elsewhere. 

Others were on their way from New England. But 

it was not the teaching of these men which caused 

alarm. They had their pecuKar views about the 

constitution of the Church, but, in other respects, 

their doctrine was very like that of other Puritan 

^*y ^. divines of the day. That which gave offence was the 

preaching, "^ . ? . 

more than Puritan arrogance with which they drew 
the hne between their own sanctified congregations 
and the apostate churches which found room for the 
sinful and the profane, as well as the rapid growth 
of unauthorised congregations in London, and the 
assumption by tradesmen and artificers of the office 
of the preacher. Naturally these men adopted the 
Independent or Separatist scheme which did not set 
apart the ministry as a distinct office, and it was 
equally natural that ministers, whatever might be 
their opinions on the subject of Episcopacy, should 
join in denouncing the hatters and the felt-makers 
who fancied themselves capable of giving instruction 
without having themselves received an education 
which would fit them for their work. Still greater 
offence was given when it was known that women 
sometimes took upon themselves to preach, and the 


words of St. Paul, " I suffer not a woman to teach, chap. 
were quoted with great unction by many whose lives ^ " 

were not always regulated in conformity with other j^^' 
parts of the teaching of the Apostle.^ A very 
general sentiment was expressed in a doggerel verse 
which appeared some months later : — 

When women preach, and cobblers pray, 
The fiends in hell make holiday. ^ 

This feeling found expression in the House of June 7. 
Commons. Holies complained of certain ' mechanical p'ilchers 
men ' who had been preaching in London, ' as if, instead the^HousT 
of suppressing Popery,' the House * intended to bring monsT^" 
in atheism and confusion.' The Speaker was directed 
to reprove them and to send them away with a 
warning to offend no more.^ 

The House could hardly do less. The idea of com- 
plete toleration to wise and unwise, educated and un- 
educated, was utterly unfamiHar to the members. Yet 
tliey hardly liked to intervene too harshly with men 
whose support was valuable to them. They had, too, 
so much on their hands, and such terrible obstacles in 
tlie way of accomplishing anything. Party feeling in 
the Commons was growing apace, and their uncer- 
tainty as to the King's intentions towards them, made 
their demands more trenchant than they would have 
been if they could have trusted that the laws which 
they made would be administered in the spirit in 
which they were conceived. On the 22nd, the day juneaa. 
after the sketch of a new Church organisation had ^^?i2j* 
been introduced by Vane, Hazlerigg informed the ^^^ 
House that a new plot had been discovered in Scot- 

' A list of six women-preachers is given in A Discovery of Smy £• 

» Lucifer's Lackey, E. 180. 

» irKwen's Diary, ILtrl, MSS. clxiii. fol. 279. 


CHAP. land. Was it safe, he asked, for his Majesty to be 
' — r-^— ' travelling to Scotland at such a time ? ^ 

June.' The soul of that plot was Montrose. Jealousy of 

Montrose's ^Tgylc had, uo doubt, had its full weight in sending 
Montrose to the King's side. But there can be little 
doubt that he was swayed in the main by higher 
considerations. He sought to find in the Crown a 
weight to counterbalance what he held to be a fac- 
tious nobility resting on popular support. He had 
discovered, in the autumn, that there had been some 
talk of dethroning the King, and he knew that the 
Eoyal authority had practically ceased to exist. 
There was now a proposal that Judges arid officers of 
State should be elected in Parliament ; and it did not 
require much knowledge of Scottish society to be 
aware that such an arrangement would put the ad- 
ministration of the laws entirely in the hands of 
such of the great houses as were to be found on the 
popular side. 

. Montrose had been recently explaining his poli- 
tical principles in a letter to the King. Sovereign 
power, he said, must exist in every State. It might 
be placed, according to the circumstances of each 
country, in the hands of a democracy, an aristocracy, 
or a monarchy. In Scotland it must be entrusted to 
a monarchy. The nobles were incapable of postpon- 
ing their private interests to the public good. The 
people were too easily led astray to offer a secure 
foundation for a stable Government. Let the King, 
therefore, come in person to Scotland to preside over 
the coming Parliament. Let him freely grant to his 
subjects the exercise of their religion and their just 
liberties. Let him be ready to consult Parliaments 
frequently, in order to learn the wants of the people, 

' D'Ewes • Diarv, Harl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 340. 



and win his subjects* hearts by ruling them with ^Z^- 
wisdom and moderation.^ ' — 

It was excellent advice, but Charles was not very 
likely to take it. If he was bent on coming to Edin- 
burgh, it was not because he was burning with im- 
patience to understand the wants of his Scottish 
subjects, but because he hoped to avail himself of 
their assistance in his quarrel with his Enghsh sub- 
jects. Whether the Scots were qualified for self- 
government or not, they were shrewd enough to resist 
an attempt to flatter them into becoming a mere in- 
strument of attack upon the English Parhament. 

About the middle of May it was known that Mon- 
trose had been talking loosely of his knowledge that 
Argyle had formed a plan for deposing the King. 
Evidence was taken, and, on the 27th, he was sum- May 27. \ 
moned before the Committee of Estates. In the face JrfiJl^e 
of Argyle he boldly maintained his ground. He gave ^^gutw? 
the authority on which his statement had been 
based — that of Lord Lindsay and John Stewart of 
liadywell. Lindsay explained that what he had said 
luid no more than a general significance. Stewart 
maintained the truth of the charge, and was thrown 
into prison. 

Before further proceedings were taken, a certain j0ne4. 
Walter Stewart was captured on his way from London wiutJr* "^ 
to J/linburgh. On him was found a paper in which, s*«^*'* 
imder the jargon of feigned names, were concealed 
warnings to the King against Hamilton's influence, to 
be presented to the King by Lennox and Traquair. 
With these were mingled assurances that Charles 
would be well received in Scotland if he came pre- 
j)ared to grant to the people their rehgion and just 
liberties. The paper further purported to contain 

' Napier, MemoriaU of Montro§ef ii. 43. 





June. 4. 




Jane 11. 


the King's reply to some further proposal made to 
' him by Montrose, apparently to the effect that Argyle 
was to be charged with treason. 

It may be that, as Montrose averred, this paper 
was drawn up by Stewart, and not by himself. It 
may even be true that he had not given Stewart any 
positive instructions to suggest the accusation of 
Argyle to the King. But there can be little doubt 
that the scheme was one which he had entertained, 
and it is just possible that Stewart's paper may have 
been the jottings of a messenger anxious to keep in 
mind all the loose talk which had been spoken in his 
presence. Such an explanation, not very probable in 
itself, was not likely to be accepted by the Scottish 
leaders. Montrose, together with his brother-in-law, 
Lord Napier, Stirling of Keir, and Stewart of Blackball, 
who were implicated with him as the joint contrivers 
of the intrigue, was summoned before the Committee 
of Estates, and all four were committed to custody in 
the Castle. The resolution was no doubt prompted by 
the feeling that to come to a private understanding 
with the King was to separate from the national cause.^ 

Charles felt the fuU bearing of these revelations 
upon himself. In the Privy Council he protested 

> The feeling of moderate men ww expressed by Lothian. ** I fear 
the King jet be engaged to further discontent if he come, for he will not 
iind our Parliament so submissive and slavish as the last, nor will a pen 
to mark men's names hinder free voting and speaking. This work must 
go through or our rests must go upon it, and the parties inviting him will, 
in their undertakings, leave him in the mire, as others have done before." 
Later on the same writer says of Monlroee : *' In winter indeed, when the 
Band was burnt, I did what I could to quiet matters, and bring him 
ofl', and he thought I did him good offices. But now I took not so much 
pains, for his often relapses are not to be endured, and his practices will 
be found much to the prejudice of the public, and very malicious against 
particular men, who, to my knowledge, deserve it not at his hands." — 
Lothian to Ancrum, May 23, July 6, Correspondence of the Earls of 
Ancrum and Lothian^ i. 121, 126. 


that if he had resolved to go to Scotland, it was * not ^^^ 
to make distractions, but to settle peace.' Traquair ^ 

distinctly asserted that neither the King nor Lennox juneis. 
knew anything of the scheme for accusing Argyle.^ a^pis to 

It is probable enough that the idea of attacking ^ ^*"'" 
Argyle was more agreeable to Montrose than to Charles's 
Charles. What Charles wanted was not to establish ^ 
his authority in Scotland, but so to pacify Scotland 
as to bring its influence to bear on England, or at 
least to prevent its influence being used against him. 
Already during the first half of June the courtiers 
were looking eagerly for any sign of a disagreement 
between the two Houses, which might follow on the 
rejection of the Bishops' Exclusion Bill.^ Already, 
too, Charles had engaged in a second Army Plot. At The second 
the end of May or the beginning of June Daniel -^""y^***^ 
O'Neill, an officer who had taken part in the first 
plot, liad been sent down to sound Conyers and 
Astley as to the feasibility of bringing up the army 
to London if the neutrality of the Scots could be 
assured. A Captain Legg was entrusted by the King proposed 
with a petition, to which he was to obtain signatures p*"^®"- 
in the army. At the foot of it were written a few 
words to commend it to Astley's notice, to which the 
King's initials were appended by himself.® 

Tlie petitioners, after thanking the King for his 

* There are rough notes of this scene in Vane*s hand wbich I found 
amongflt the Irish State Papers. They have since been transferred to the 
DomeRtic sem^. The words assigned to the King are: '' It is not to 
make distractions, but to settle peace, whicb is not to be done by any but 
myself. The ('oramissioners in [Pof] Scotland have cleared him, and 
therefore ho desires you to hear my Lord Traquair. A foolish business 
concerning (/aptain Wal. Stewaii;.'* The documents relating to this 
affair are printed in Napier's Memorials of Montrose, 
^ Giustiiiian to the Dope, June |J, Ven. Transcripts, 
' The whole evidence of this affair is to be found in T)*Ewee*8 Diary 
under the date of Nov. 17, HarL MSS, clxiv. fol. 157 b. 

P 'J 


^HAP. many concessions to his people, complained of the 
^ — -^-^ turbulent and mutinous persons who were daily forg- 
Juni' ing new and unreasonable demands ; and who, whilst 
all men of reason, loyalty, and moderation were think- 
ing how they might provide for his Majesty's 'honour 
and plenty,' were only aiming at the diminution of his 
*just regahties.' They then asserted that 'these ill- 
affected persons were backed in their violence by the 
multitude, and power of raising tumults ; that thou- 
sands flock at their call and beset the Parliament and 
Whitehall ; ' not only ' to the prejudice of that free- 
dom which is necessary to great councils and judica- 
tories, but possibly to some personal danger of your 
sacred Majesty and the Peers.' Due punishment 
ought to be inflicted on the ringleaders of those 
tumults. " For the suppression of which," such was 
the final conclusion of the petition, " in all humility 
we offer ourselves to wait upon you, if you please, 
hoping we shall appear as considerable in the way of 
defence to our gracious Sovereign, the ParUament, 
our reUgion, and the established laws of the kingdom, 
as what number soever shall audaciously presume to 
violate them ; so shall we, by the wisdom of your 
Majesty and the Parliament, not only be vindicated 
from precedent innovations, but be secured from the 
future that are threatened, and Ukely to produce 
more dangerous effects than the former." ^ 
^hnriej's^^ The lauguagc of this petition reveals the view 
biiuation. which Cliarlcs took of the situation. He would abide 
by the law, but there was no law to compel him to 
give the Koyal assent to Bills which he held to be in- 
jurious to his own rights and to the good of the 
nation. Once he had given way against his conscience 

* darendonj iii. 170. As Hallam discoTered, this petition is misplaced 
iu date, i^o as to connect it with the former plot. 


to the dictation of a London mob. He would do so ^i^j^* 
no more. He was in his right in asking the army to ' — 7" — ' 
repel force by force, and to overpower the violence ^^^ 
of a turbulent populace. 

K only ffovemment were a mere affair of technical it« ▼«*k- 


legality, it would be difficult to detect a flaw in this 
reasoning. Unhappily for Charles there are laws in- 
herent in the constitution of human nature which are 
less easy to be defied than any which are to be found 
in the books of English lawyers. Puritanism was an 
existing fact, and Charles made no sign of any dispo- 
sition to allow it any weight whatever. Government 
can never be conducted in the mere spirit of negation. 
Charles could object to the Church reforms proposed 
by the Commons. He had no solution of his own to 
offer, no plan for marking the difference between the 
Episcopacy of the future and the Episcopacy of the 

The second Army Plot, hke the first, came to FaUureof 
nothing. Conyers and Astley would hear nothing of *^ 
it, and O'Neill, having been summoned before a Com- 
mittee of the Commons to give an account of his 
connection with the former plot, sought safety in 
flight. It seemed as if Charles would be willing to 
acknowledge his obUgation to rule in agreement with 
his ParUament. On the 22nd the King gave his assent June 33. 
to a Tonnage and Poundage Bill, conveying those nagcami 
duties to him for a limited time — a time which was buT^"^ 
to expire as early as July 15. By this Bill Charles 
surrendered for ever his claim to levy customs duties 
of any kind without a Parhamentary grant. He in- 
tended, as he said when he passed the Bill, to * put 
himself wholly upon the love and affection of his 
people for his subsistence.' As for the idle rumours 
wliich had reached his ears about an extraordinary way > 





- » — 

1 641. 

June 24. 
Pym*a pro- 

these pro- 

he had * never understood it otherwise than as having 
relation to the Scottish army, and preventing insurrec- 
tion, which vanished as soon as they were bom.' ^ 

What Charles in this ill-constructed sentence called 
preventing insurrection, Pym would call overawing 
Parliament. It is hazardous to suppose that Pym had 
no information on the second Army Plot, because no 
such information was publicly disclosed till five 
months later. But, even if this were the case, the 
news from Scotland was enough to put him on his 
guard. He saw clearly that unless harmony could be 
restored between the King and Parliament, inevitable 
confusion would be the result. On the 24th he 
carried up to the Lords ten propositions, asking that 
the armies might be disbanded as soon as money could 
be provided, that the King's journey might be delayed, 
and, above all, * that His Majesty ' might ' be humbly 
petitioned to remove such evil counsellors against 
whom there shall be just exceptions, and for the com- 
mitting of his own business and the affairs of the 
kingdom to such counsellors and officers as the Parlia- 
ment may have cause to confide in. Other clauses 
touched on the removal of Catholics from Court, and 
from attendance on the Queen, on the expulsion of 
Eosaetti, on placing the military and naval forces in 
safe hands, on the drawing up of a general pardon, and 
finally on the appointment of a Joint Committee of 
the two Houses to consider of such particular courses 
as shall be most effectual for the reducing of these 
propositions to effect for the public good.' ' 

These ten propositions were a master-stroke of 
policy. The counsel and co-operation of the Lords 
were invited on every point. If Charles had reckoned 
on a conflict between the Houses, the ground was 

* Huihw, iv. 297. 

» Z. /. iv. 285. 


now cut from beneath his feet. The propositions ^xjij^* 
were accepted by the Commons without a dissentient ' — 7^ — ' 
voice. Those amongst them which related to the j^^^ 
CatlioUcs received the warm support of Culpepper. In 
the Lords, with one or two unimportant amendments, 
made with the object of sparing the Queen's feeUngs 
as much as possible, they were adopted without 
serious opposition. Once more, Charles found him- 
self isolated. Once more, he had converted both 
Houses and both parties into opponents, when he 
had hoped to find supporters. 

If Charles could have accepted the propositions it 
would have been well for England and for himself. 
The substitution of counsellors in whom Parliament 
could confide, for others in whom it had no confidence, 
would have led to the introduction of that Cabinet 
government which, after the interval of half a century, 
closed the era of revolution in England. It would 
probably, too, by bringing the leaders of the Opposi- 
tion under the responsibilities of office, have produced 
some compromise on the ecclesiastical difficulty which 
would have satisfied moderate men on both sides, and 
which would have lasted till opinion was ripe for a 
further movement in the direction of that universal 
rehgious toleration which was the only possible per- 
manent solution for the difficulties of the time. But it 
was too much to expect that Charles would willingly 
consent to a change, however desirable, which would 
be a death-blow to that authority which he had inhe- 
rited, and which he believed to have been entrusted 
to liim by God and the law for the public welfare. 

Yet on some points he could not but give way. On june as, 
the 25th he consented to the proposed disbandment ^JJlfc"*" 
of the army, and to the immediate dismissal of Rossetti. 
The disbandment would be faciUtated by a Bill which 



CHAP, had been for some time under discussion for the sub- 
stitution of a poll tax, falling with a graduated scale 
of payment upon men of different ranks of society, 
June 39. for the subsidies which were so easily evaded. A few 
days later the King was besought to defer his journey 
to Scotland till August 10. It was hoped that by 
that time both armies would be disbanded, and that 
he would no longer find any soldiers on his way on 
whom he could exercise his fascinations.^ To this 
request no reply was given, but it seems to have been 
understood that Charles would not leave London for 
some time to come. 

It was easy for Charles to make concessions, if only 
he could avoid any hindrance being thrown in the 
way of his journey to Scotland. It is indeed impos- 
sible to argue, from any scheme which crossed 
Charles's mind, that he had sufficient fixity of purpose 
to have formed a settled determination to carry it out 
in action. At one time he may have flattered himself 
with the hope that yet one more concession would 
suffice to win back his people to their due allegiance, 
and to disgust them with the traitorous intriguers who 
were leading them astray. But his more frequent atti- 
tude was undoubtedly that of a gambler who is ready 
to risk everything because he has assured himself 
that it may all be recovered by a happy stroke which 
will enable him to enjoy his own again. 
chSe^ Such was the temper in which he was when, on 

intowew the day after he had consented to Eossetti's dismissal, 
■etu. the ItaUan came to Whitehall to take leave of the 

Queen. He found the King with her. After some 
general conversation, Charles begged him to thank 
the Pope and Cardinal Barberini for their com- 
passionate sense of the present misery of his kingdoms, 

* X. J, iv. 288-299. 


He was under the greatest obligation to them for the' 9"^7- 

prompt offers of assistance which had been made to ' — -^ — ' 
him for the advantage of the CathoUc religion. He j^^^^ ^ 
did not think that he had ever treated it with rigour, 
but he would promise that if he ever became master 
of his kingdoms, he would treat the priests and the 
Catholics in general with the utmost possible gentle- 
ness, and would give them every relief in accordance 
with the declarations recently made by the Queen. 
He went on to speak of the Catholic religion more, 
as Eossetti thought, hke a Catholic than a heretic. 
After some further compUments he left the room. 
As soon as he was gone, the Queen said that she and The ^ 
her husband had been considering what security they deciaraaon. 
could give to the Pope that their promises would be 
kept if he came to their aid. In answer to this 
challenge the Queen repeated the offers which she had 
made three or four weeks before.^ She then spoke 
freely of the course to be adopted. The King, she said, 
found the Parliament so irritated against him that he 
could do nothing at present without danger. He, 
therefore, wished to wait till the Houses had adjourned 
themselves, after which he would take measures for 
his own advantage. 

Eossetti refused to take the letter which Henrietta 
Maria again proposed to write to Cardinal Barberini,* 
as too dangerous to himself. But he again pressed the 
subject of Charles's conversion upon the Queen. She 
replied that the King was certainly not averse from 
the Catholic faith. He had lately paid much attention 
to her when she had told him about some miracles 
wrought by a person whom it was proposed to 
canonise. Yet he was so timid, so slow, so irresolute 
in action, that it would be long before he could bring 

* P. 193. ' P. 194. 


CHAP, himself to carry out this holy resolution. Speaking 
further of a fresh demand which Parliament was likely 
to make, the Queen encouraged Eossetti by informing 
him that, according to the law of England, whatever 
was granted by a king under compulsion was null and 
i^^tti^' void.^ On the 28th Eossetti set out for the Continent. 
E^gSmd. ^^^^ ^® *^^^ ^^P ^^^ quarters first at Ghent, and after- 
wards at Cologne, where he continued for some time to 
correspond with the Queen. It is hard to understand 
how any two persons who were not absolutely insane 
could have believed for a moment in the stability of 
this cloud-castle, a combination between the Pope and 
the Scottish Presbyterians. Perhaps Charles did not 
quite believe in it himself. There may have been 
something not altogether unreal in his efibrts, from 
time to time, to content his subjects. If they would 
but gratefully accept reforms as coming entirely from 
his hands, and contentedly look to him alone for future 
favours, he would doubtless have been far better satis- 
fied than in setting forth in quest of adventures which 
were more to his wife's taste than to his own. But 
there was nothing in that strangely constituted mind 
of his to prevent him from entertaining incompatible 
projects at the same time. 

It was not long before his readiness to yield was 

again put to the test. On July 3 he gave his assent 

to the Poll Tax Bill. With respect to two Bills, for 

the aboKtion of the Courts of Star Chamber and High 

Commission, he announced that he must take time 

July, s- for consideration. On the 5th the required assent was 

of the star givcu to both Bills. The Council of the North, which 

•odThe rested on no positive statute, had already been voted 

SSdon.™' down. The Council of Wales had vanished with it. 

The circle of constitutional change was now complete. 

^ Rossetti to Barberini, July 1*^, R, O. Transcripts, 


The extraordinary Courts which had been the support 9^j|P- 
of the Tudor monarchy had disappeared. Whatever ' — 't"^ 
powers the King possessed must be exercised in j^ 
accordance with the decisions of the Common Law 
Judges. If that were not enough the Commons had 
the power to bring the King to terms by stopping the 
supplies — unless, indeed, he chose to fall back on 
violent methods unknown to the law. 

It was precisely this last possibility which made 
all that had been granted worthless. There were 
those in the days of Charles, as there are those now, 
who treated the danger as of little moment. Headers 
of Eossetti's despatches are hardly likely to take that 

Charles, indeed, made one effort to win over The King's 
public opinion to his side. He issued a manifesto in about the 
favour of the Elector Palatine, and he asked Parlia- * *°* 
ment to supply him with the means to enable the 
young man to win back his father's inheritance. The 
Houses listened gravely and gave a decorous answer. 
But the hearts of the members were no longer in the 
Palatinate. They had the dread of that ill-starred 
visit to Scotland before their eyes. A Continuance jBiy9. 
Bill significantly fixed the expiry of a renewed grant 
of Tonnage and Poundage on August 10, the date on 
which Charles now proposed to set out for Edinburgh.^ 
The Houses begged for a reply to their demand for juiy 13. 
the removal of evil counsellors. The next day Charles juiv 13. 
flashed into anger. He bade the Earl of Bath inform decSra 
Parliament that ' his Majesty knows of no ill coun- knows^f 
sellers, the which he thinks should both satisfy and BdioraT*'^ 
be believed, he having granted all hitherto demanded 
by Parliament ; nor doth he expect that any should 
be so maUcious as, by slanders or any other ways, to 

> C /. iL 205. 




July 13. 

His deter- 
mination to 
viiit Scot- 

July 14. 

J proposed 
ourney to 

The new 

deter any that he trusts in public affairs from giving 
him free counsel, especially since freedom of speech is 
always demanded and never refused to Parliaments.' ^ 

In vain Charles's advisers warned him against the 
wild adventure of his Northern journey. Hamilton, 
as far as can be now discovered, was busy at his 
usual work of intrigue. He had won over Eothes, 
and Rothes was employed to win over Argyle. The 
argument to be used appears to have been that if the 
King were stripped by the English Parliament of his 
right of appointing to offices, he would have nothing 
left to give to his faithful Scots.^ 

If Charles was to seek for support in the North, 
the Queen would hardly like to remain near London 
as a hostage to Parhament in his absence. Once 
more there was a talk about her ill-health, which 
made it necessary for her to repair to the curative 
waters of Spa. She might take the opportunity of 
escorting her daughter to her bridegroom. The ex- 
cuse was too transparent to deceive any one, and it 
was rumoured that she meant to carry with her the 
Crown jewels and plate, so as to be enabled to live at 
her ease in the company of Jermyn and Montague. 
It was more likely that her heart was set on gathering 
a miUtary force in aid of her husband. . She assured 
the Venetian Ambassador, who reported to her the 
rumours that were abroad to her discredit, that all 
that she wanted was to live at peace. " I am ready," 
she said, " to obey the King, but not to obey 4CX) of 
his subjects." 

The Queen had the new French Ambassador, the 
Marquis of La Fert^ Imbault, to consult, now that 
Rossetti was at last gone. He did his best to dissuade 

* L.J, iv. 310. 

' Rothes to Johnston, June 25, Rothes^s Relation^ 225. Giustinian 
to the Doge, July JJ, Ven» TrattacnjUi, 


her from her project. The House had already taken ^?j^?- 
the precaution to consult her physician, Mayerne, who 
told them that the Queen's illness proceeded from 
some ' inward discontent of mind.' They could not 2r^Te of 
be persuaded that, in order to remove that discontent, ^® Houaes. 
it was necessary for her to take with her so large a 
store of plate and jewels, which would ' not only im- 
poverish the State, but might be employed to the 
promoting of some mischievous attempts to the dis- 
turbance of the public peace.' To a Parliamentary Jniy 17. 
deputation she answered that nothing but her ill- 
health had made her resolve on the journey. The 
Commons sent privately to the guardian of her jewels 
to be ready to give an account of them, and intimated 
that still stronger measures would be adopted if the 
Queen persisted in her resolution. Upon this she juiyax. 
gave way, and replied that she was ready to remain 
in England even at the hazard of her life.^ 

In the meanwhile the Commons had not been Activity of 
idle. They had impeached one of the Judges of moiS.**'"' 
treason, and five others of misdemeanour for their 
part in the judgment on ship money. They had 
resolved that the proceedings against the imprisoned 
members of the Parliament which had been dissolved 
in 1629 were entirely illegal, and that reparation 
ought to be made by the Privy Councillors by whose 
warrant they had been committed. Then had come 
articles of impeachment against Wren for his harsh 
dealing with the Puritans, as Bishop of Norwich, and 
for his adoption of ceremonial practices, which had 
aroused even greater opposition than those which had 
been advocated by Laud. Digby's speech on the Bill 
of Attainder having been sent to the press, was 
warmly censured ; and, it being understood that the 

» Z. /. iv. 307, 321. Giuatinian to the Doge, ;^J^, Ven. Tr(m$cr^s. 


CHAP. King intended to send him as ambassador to France, 
' — 7 — ' the Lords were asked to petition that no employment 

j^^; under the Crown might be conferred upon him. 

Se?!^*^^ At the same time the Eoot-and-Branch Bill was 

Branch ^ciug pushed Steadily through Committee. Vane's 

BiJi- proposed frame of Church government was materially 

altered. So determined were the Commons at this 

time not to admit the clergy to power, that they 

rejected Vane's plan for placing ecclesiastical jurisdic- 

Juiy 12. tion in the hands of Diocesan Boards, of which one- 

miMionlTrs half wcrc to be clergymen, and substituted for it a 

to exercise i v i • i • i • • ^ v 

ecciesias- schemc by which mne lay commissioners were to be 
dfctiin."^ named in the Bill to exercise all ecclesiastical juris- 
diction in England in person or by deputy. Objec- 
tions were raised to the competency of lay commis- 
sioners ; but Selden, who usually supported the bishops, 
now argued strongly in favour of the new project, 
which would at least have the merit in his eyes of 
taking authority from the hands of the clergy, and 
July 17. Selden carried the Committee with him. A few days 

Five minis- . i 1 /» • • • -i 

tcrs in each later it was aiTaugcd that five ministers in each county 
ordaiti. should bc charged with the functions of ordination.^ 
In throwing off Episcopacy the House of Commons 
made up its mind not to establish Presbyterianism.* 

^ The number of the divines is given as twelve in a contemporary 
letter, but D'£we6*s number of five is no doubt right. " They have voted 
another clause in the Bishops* Bill, that all processes that shall issue forth 
after the first of August next for ecclesiastical affairs shall be directed to 
the nine Commissioners, and that after that time any five or more of 
them shall have full power to try ecclesiastical causes, to call annual 
synods, and to appoint twelve divines in each county for to order ministers 
at four times in the year." — Appleton to J. Appleton, July 23, Tanner 
MSS, Ixvi. fol. 100. The nine commissioners, according to Moore (Harl, 
MSS. cccclxxix. fol. 60), were named on the 14th. They were Sir Gilbert 
Houghton, Ralph Ashton, Roger Kirkby, Richard Shuttleworth, John 
Moore, Alexander Rigby, John Atherton, Robert Holt^ Sir Edward 
Wrightington [P]. The persons whose names are in italics were not 
members of Parliament. 

' Moore s Diary, July 12, Harl MSS. cccclxxix. fol. 53 b. D'Ewes's 


However much opinion may have been divided chap. 

on this Bill, in all other respects absolute unanimity . 
appears to have prevailed. On the 23rd it was pe- juiy 23. 
solved to take up the Remonstrance, which had fre- ^SiJSpro- 
quently been talked of ever since the beginning of the ^^^^^ 
session, in order that it might be known what had 
been the condition of the kingdom and Church when 
the House met, and what had been its proceedings in 
remedying the existing disorders. 

This proposal, too, came to nothing for the pre- Rumoured 
sent. Just at this time rumours were spread that the m^t of 
King was about to comply with the wishes of Parlia- ^ ""* 
ment in the appointment of officers. It was said that 
the Secretaryship of State, which had been held by 
Windebank, was to be given to Mandeville, to Holies, 
or to Hampden.^ One place — of no poUtical im- 
portance, it is true — was actually disposed of Pem- 
broke had come to blows with Arundel's son in the 
House of Lords, and the Queen, who thoroughly • 
disliked him, persuaded Charles to take from him the 
Chamberlain's staff and to give it to Essex. Court Essex Lord 
favour, it was hoped, would bring Essex back to his i«n. 
duty ; and, at the least, there would be bad blood 
between two of the Opposition lords. Essex unwil- 
lingly accepted the place, but his poUtical conduct 
remained unchanged.^ 

Diar}', July 17, tWrf. clxiii. fol. 406. Whitelocke's story that the Oom- 
mittoe accepted Ussher's scheme of limited Episcopacy cannot he true. We 
have, however, this scheme puhlished in a contemporary pamphlet, the 
Ordet- and Form of Church Government , as that resolved on hy the Com- 
mons. I liave no douht that this is an example of the many imaginary 
Parliamentary reports which were printed to eell. 

* Nicholas to Pennington, July 1 5. Bere to Pennington, July 29, 
S. P. Dom. 

' Appleton t^ Appleton, July 23, Tanner MSS. Ixvi. 1 10. Gius- 
tinian to the Doge, ^^J^^fJ, Ven. Transcripta. The Elector Palatine to the 
(Juotn of IVihoniia, July 28, Aug. 17, Forstcr MSS, 


CHAP. The policy of entering upon a good understanding 

-- — r-^ with men like Essex and Mandeville was strongly 
Juiy'^aa. enforced by Williams, who was not likely to listen to 
wlnunw^ ^^y scheme for the substitution of force for skill.^ 
He counted on the House of Lords to counterbalance 
the strong Puritan feeling of the Commons. But it 
was not easy to induce the Lords to assent to any 
work of constructive legislation. Williams's own 
scheme of Church reform had not attracted much 
support. It had been embodied in a Bill which had 
been read twice, and in Committee had then been 
allowed to sleep.^ Yet, if no serious efforts at legisla- 
tion were made, the nation would never rally round 
the Lords. The scheme of the Commons might be 
open to various objections, but at least it proposed 
that something should be done. The King and the 
Peers showed no sign of wishing to do anything. 

It is not possible to penetrate quite to the bottom 
of the King's design in his insisting on his visit to Scot- 
land. But there can be no doubt that he intended to 
make concession in the North serve his interests in the 
Loudonn in South.^ At the cud of Juue Loudoun had gone down 
ScoUand. ^^ Edinburgh, ostensibly to obtain further instructions 
for the Scottish Commissioners in London. But he 
was also charged with a secret mission from the King, 

> Hacket, ii. 163. * X. J, iv. 296, 298, 308. 

' As the Queen put it in her conversation with Gre^j in the spring 
of 1642, ' le Roi mon mari fait dessein d'aller en Ecosse pour voir si dans 
le ccBur des sujets de ce royaume il j trouveroit chose avantageuse au 
bicn de see affwres/— Qre^y's Memoir, Arch, des Aff, Etr. xlix. fol. 124, 
On J "^^^ Rossetti, who derived his information from persons about the 
Queen wrote thus : " Per la giomata di S. M«* in Iscotia continuano le 
voci, e gl* apparechij, con soggiungersi, che Tesercito scozzese non si voglia 
sbandare, mostrandow desideroso di voier restituire il Rd in autorit&. 
Alia metk del venture mi si ^ destinata la mossa, et a quel tempo si dari 
principio alia sessions del Parlamento di quel Regno, e confida il R6 
di cavare proffitti di conseguenze a sollievo delle fortune sue destitute se 
gr eftetti siano per corrispondere alle speranze."— 22. O. Tranacripf^. 


and there is reason to believe that he was to offer 9^A^- 
certain terms in consideration of the exemption from ' — 7 — ^ 
punishment of Traquair and the other incendiaries.^ It jiuy/ 
is also not improbable, though no evidence exists one pu^*"** 
way or the other, that he was to ask for the surrender of 
that letter which might show that the Parliamentary 
leaders had invited the Scots to invade England in the 
preceding summer. With this proof of treason in his 
hands Charles might hope to bring his chief opponents 
within the meshes of the law. Yet it seems hardly 
possible to doubt that his hopes from Scotland went 
far higher than this. At the end of June the Queen June 26. 
assured Eossetti that the King intended to take 
measures for his own advantage as soon as Par- 
liament had adjourned itself.^ Before the end of 
July the Venetian Ambassador informed his Govern- juiyao. 
ment that the Queen intended to remove a hundred 
miles from London when the King went north, in 
order not to be exposed * to those dangers which will 
be inevitable when the King resolves to return to this 
realm accompanied by the Scottish army and by the 
English troops at York.' ^ 

Such, at least, may be taken to represent the TheScnt- 
ideas which were in the Queen's mind. It would miwionw. 
seem that the Scottish Commissioners were at this 
time drawing near to Charles. The English Parlia- 
ment had shown itself unwilling to discuss that com- 
mercial union which was so important to the poorer 
nation, and it is possible that this may have had some 
influence with them. 

Yet, even if the Scottish Commissioners were 
drawing to his side, Charles must have known by this 

^ Rothes to Johostoo, June 2$, Rothes^B delation, 225. 

« P. 217. 

• Giustinian to the Poge, 'x^'J, Ven, Tran9cnpf$. 

VOL. II. . Q 


CHAP, time how complete was the submission which he would 
' — 7 — ' have to make in Scotland. Stewart of Ladywell, 
j^j ' whose evidence had been adduced by Montrose as 
bearing out his charge against Argyle, retracted his 
accusation under the influence of fear. Argyle, he 
said, had not talked of deposing King Charles, but 
only of deposing kings in general. His retractation 
Execution profited him little. He was condemned to death for 
SfL^!^^ leasing-making — the crime of sowing disafiection by 
^"^ false reports between the King and his subjects. The 

sentence was carried out, and the death of the un- 
fortunate man served as a warning that, for all prac- 
tical purposes, Argyle was king in Scotland.^ 
July 26. In England, too, the King was no longer master 

of a priest, of his mcrcy. The persecution of the Cathohcs had 
again begun. The first victim was an old man of 
seventy-six, WilUam Ward, who had in his youth 
been one of Allen's pupils at the seminary at Rheims. 
To those who offered to seek the Queen's intercession 
he rephed that he was ready to die. Thirteen years 
before he had been with a comrade who had been 
executed at Lancaster, and his dying fiiend had then 
predicted that he, too, would glorify God in his death. 
At Tyburn he spoke bravely of his faith. Not even 
the King or the Peers, he said, could be saved without 
the Roman faith. At this the people, who had hitherto 
Ustened sympathetically, drowned his voice with their 
outcries. The hangman allowed the old man to die 
on the gallows before the bloody work of quartering 
began. An enthusiastic French lackey dashed at the 
fire in which the martyr's heart was being consumed, 
and, snatching it from the flames, rushed with it 
through the streets, followed by a crowd of pursuers, 
till he could keep on no longer. The relic he prized 

* Napier, Memorials of Montrose, i. 296. 


was brought back and thrown into the flames. The chap. 

^ XIII. 


July 26. 

Spanish and Portuguese Ambassadors were present at 
the execution, and the latter brought with him an 
artist to sketch the Uneaments of the dying man, that 
the CathoHc world might know that there were heroes 
still on the earth. ^ 

Henrietta Maria knew nothing of this miserable The Catho- 

lies feared 

slaughter till it was past. Wlien she was informed asapouu- 
she said that if she had been told of it she would have ^ ^' 
pleaded for Ward as she had pleaded for Goodman. 
The risk to herself was no greater now than it had 
been then. It was not to be expected that she should 
have discerned that her own intervention on behalf 
of the suffering CathoUcs was in truth their greatest 
danger. It was only recently that the Commons had 
had before them evidence on the CathoUc contribu- 
tion of 1639 ; and the knowledge thus acquired, im- 
pressing them, as it did, with the belief that the Catho- 
lics had been acting as a political party, must have 
hardened hearts which were hardened enough already 
to the dictates of pity. They were too much afraid 
to be merciful. 

At the end of July Charles, waiting still for the juiy 38. 
message which Loudoun was to bring from Edin- ^^^d 
burgli, appeared to be in a yielding temper. Possibly gj^^jj, 
lie merely wislied to keep his adversaries in good 
liumour till he was able to act against them. Possibly 
his shifting mood dwelt for a time on the hope that 
personal gratifications might win men over whose 
conscientious opposition he entirely failed to under- 
stand.^ On the 28th, when Charles announced tha 

> Ro88etti to Barberini, "'f^.— Narrative of Ward's execution, R, O 

'^ " Tlie ehanp^ of the TiOrd Chamberlain waa a thing my T-»ord of 
V,9mx did not at all Rue for, and would not have accepted it, but that he 
Haw the Kinjr was resolveil the other should not keep it, and that if he 

Q 2 


CHAP, he had resolved to leave for Scotland on the 9th, he 

^ — r-^ coupled his announcement with an intimation that 

^^' any forces which might be needed on the south of 

the Trent should be placed under the command of 

July 29. Essex.^ In well-informed quarters it was believed 

Kumours of .. . r ^ ^ f *it 

official that a general elevation of the Paruamentary leaders to 
office was really impending. Saye was to be Treasurer, 
Hampden to be Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 
Pym to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Brooke 
was to have a seat in the Privy Council.* 
SSiri^^rf If these changes were seriously contemplated the 

rejigion idea was soon abandoned. A Bill had been sent up to 

thrown out. . , ^ , , ^ 

the Lords for imposing the obUgation of signing the 
Protestation upon all Englishmen,^ which, as Pro- 
testants of every shade had agreed to accept it, would 

Disagree- scrvc as a uew test for the discovery of Catholics. 

tirwii the Those who refused the Protestation were to be held 
^"'^ to be recusant convicts without further process. 
They were to be incapable of holding office. The Peers 
who objected to sign were to be excluded from their 
seats in the House of Lords.* On the 29th this Bill 
was rejected by the Lords. The next day the 
Commons ordered the impeachment of thirteen 
bishops who had taken part in the imposition of the 
new canons, and they voted that all who refused the 
Protestation were unfit to bear office in Church and 

bad refused that also, after so many other things which were put upon 
him, the world might haye thought that the high hand he carried in 
Parliament was not so much for to maintain the liberties of the subjects 
as out of spleen to the Court." — The Elector Palatine to the Queen of 
Bohemia, July 28, Farster MSS, Evidently the notion that he had 
acted through spleen to the Court was one which he had found brought 
against him. 

' Z. /. iv. 331. 

' Nicholas to Pennington, July 29, S. P. Dom, 

' Diurnal OccurreiiceSf 317. 

* Rossetli to Barberini, Aug. l\, R, O, Trnwucripts. 


Commonwealth. They further ordered this last vote ^^^^i^- 
to be printed and sent down by the members to their 
respective constituencies.^ The Peers took umbrage 
at this proceeding. They asked the Commons 
whether tlie paper in circulation was in reality theirs, 
and wliether it had been printed by their orders. In Aug. 3 
the Lower House the questions thus put roused a 
spirit of resistance. Culpepper took the lead in com- 
plaint. The House avowed its vote. They wished, Aug. 4. 
tliey said, that their vote should be ' a shibboleth 
to discover a true Israelite.'^ Tlie majority of the Peers 
were of opinion that the circulation of the paper was 
a breach of their privileges, and of the rights of the 
subject to liave no qualification for office imposed 
otlierwise than by tlie law of tlie land. So far had 
the Lords gone when a secret intimation from the 
King warned them to desist, ^ until his return from 
Scotland.' Can it be doubted that he hoped by that 
time to have force on his side ?^ For the sake of this 
tlie opportunity of supporting himself upon the House 
of Loixls in a good cause was deliberately thrown 
away, as it had been thrown away in the days of 
Strafford's trial. 

Charles had now made up his mind to take his Aug; » 
own course. Nothing more was heard of ministerial vetnnu 
changes. On August 3 Loudoun returned from Scot- 
land. The Houses were by this time at issue on 
other points besides the obligatory signature of the 

* Moore's Diary, Harl, MSS, cccclxxiz. fol. 114 6. D'Ewea was absent 
during these days, on account of bis wife's death from small-pox. There 
is a touching cyphered entry on the 3rd : '' Heu I heu f post dulcissimao 
conjugis obitum, heu inexpectatum, ego plurimis diebus abeens eram a 
Comitiia, et heri cum hie eram quasi stupidus sede. Hodie virilem assu- 
mens animum et Deo me subjiciens publica non neglexi." — HarU MSS. 
clxiii. fol. 418. 

2 L. J. iv. 337, 338. 

' Dover's Notes in the House of Lords, Clarendon MSS, 1,603 


CHAP. Protestation. On the 4th the impeachment of the 
' — 7— " bishops was formally laid before the Peers. There 
Aug. 4! was by this" time a division of opinion as to the best 
JjSSn? manner of supplying the King's place in his absence. 
biJhSj^ The Commons would have had a Lieutenant of 
the Kingdom appointed, with power to pass bills. 
The Lords, who were afraid lest the Eoot-and-Branch 
Bill should be urged upon them if there were any 
chance of its passing into law, wished to have Com- 
missioners appointed who would merely be empowered 
to pass a few bills specially named. But both Houses 
were in accord in striving to avert the King's departure 
Auff.7. so long as the two armies were in the field. ^ On 
again od^ Saturday, August 7, the last opportunity of protesting 
^^ ^' appeared to have arrived, as he was to start on 
Monday. On Falkland's motion he was asked to 
defer his journey.^ 
The Ship- On that day the King gave his consent to two 


Bill, and Bills of uo slight importance. One of them annulled 
Biu. the proceedings relating to ship money. The other 

The King limited the boundaries of the forests. But Charles 

inauts on 

hiujourney. aunounccd that his resolution to proceed to Scotland 
was irrevocable. He had, he said, received informa- 
tion by Loudoun which made further delay impossible. 
What that information was he did not say. It stood 
out before the imagination of his hearers, as implying 
a new and terrible danger. Till ten at night the 
Commons prolonged their sitting, fruitlessly discussing 

^ The French Amhassador thought that the Eisg still relied on 
Montrose. He was not aware of his dealings with the other party 
through Eothes and Loudoun. *^ On croit qull j aura un tiers parti en 
Ecosse, et que les Oatholiques et ceux qui ne sont pas armez s*ennujent 
du pouvoir de ceux qui gouvementy c^est ce qui donne enyie au Koi d*y 
aller. Le Parlement le connidt hien et n'y consentira point.** — La Fertd*s 
Despatch, Aug. ^, Arch, de$ Aff, Etr. xlviii. fol. 346. 

' D^Ewes's Diary, HarL MSS. clxiv. fol. 2 6. 


measures to avert so great a peril. It is said that ' c ^^ap 
words were spoken — ^it is hardly likely that they *" 


were uttered in open debate — declaring that the Elng ^^ * 
had forfeited the crown.^ In the end, it was resolved »»»??• ^ 
to sit again on the following morning, Sunday though Gommoiii. 
it was. No stronger evidence need be sought of the 
overpowering sense of danger which had taken 
possession of the Commons. There were early Aur.8. 
prayers at St. Margaret's, followed by a sermon from aitd^Jr^ 
Calamy.^ A fresh appeal was made to the King, and 
a message was sent to the Scottish Commissioners 
begging them to approve of the proposed delay. 
Charles sent another message begging the Com- 
missioners to disapprove of it. Their reply to him 
was all that he could wish. They were ready, they 
said, to risk their lives to restore him to his authority. 
So far had they been brought by their jealousy of the 
interference of the English Parliament with Charles's 
design of visiting his native kingdom.^ 

The King, therefore, stood firm, and he was no ChariM 
doubt provoked to resistance by the cries of a crowd one daj'» 
of apprentices who had flocked to Westminster as in ^*^' 
the days of Strafford's trial.* He would put off his 
journey till Tuesday, but he would put it off no 
longer. At the same time he showed, in the most 
pointed way, that the goodwill of the Commons was 
no path to his favour. Bristol was admitted as a PronoiiiNi 
gentleman of the Bedchamber. In spite of the andiik 

1 Giustinian to the Doge, Aug. {{, F011. Trmmcnpt*. 

* Diurnal Occwrrencm, 333. 

* " Queeti ringratiando sua Mae«t4 della confident, Is rimandcnmo 
ehe non si laaciarebbono guadagnare, farebbono apparire la kxro M», et 
la riasolutioiie di pardere la vita par rimmettara il aoo Prindpe seUa pri^ 
ma autoriti.**— Qiustiman to the Doge, Aug. }{ , Vmi. Trmuer^fU, 

« Ihid. La Fert«*8 Despatch, Aug. if, Arch, da Aff. Etr. zlviiL 
fol. 350. 



CHAP, objection of the Commons, Bristors son Digby was 

named Ambassador to France. Three noblemen were 

admitted to seats at the Council Board on Bristol's 

recommendation. Lennox, who was on the most 

friendly terms with him, was created Duke of Kich- 

mond. Savile had the promise of Vane's place as 

Comptroller of the Household as soon as the King 

returned. At another time these promotions would 

perhaps have been favourably received at least in the 

House of Lords, and it is certain that Bristol can have 

Aug. 9. been no advocate of any appeal to violence. But 

thVpromc^' with the dread of the Scottish journey before them, 

Pembroke ^vcu the Lords were anxious to keep the balance of 

Su^y'^'" promotion even, and they joined the Commons in 

asking the King to make Pembroke Lord High 

Steward, and Salisbury Lord High Treasurer. Neither 

Pembroke nor Salisbury were likely to make their 

mark in official life ; but if they had had the capacity 

of Burghley or Strafford, Charles, in the temper in 

which he was, would have refused to listen to their 

Th%^^' claims.^ On Tuesday morning, he appeared for the 

tiah Treaty last time in Parliament before his departure. He 

passed a Bill for confirming the treaty with the Scots, 

which had at last been completed, and for securing 

to them the future payment of 220,000/. which would 

still remain owing to them out of the Brotherly 

The Assistance after they had crossed the Tweed. By 


hood fines, another Bill the levy of fines for KJaighthood was ren- 
dered illegal. 

chariesaets Charlcs was uow proof against all further en- 
out for . r ""Ts 

Scotland, treaties. He would make any one repent, he said, 
who laid hands on his horse's reins to stop him. He 
told the crowd in Palace Yard which besought him to 
remain, that they might console themselves for his 

' Z. /. iv. 352. Frith to Peniiington, Aug. 10, S. P. Dom, 


absence. His Scottish subjects needed him as much ^-^p 
as Enghshmen did. It was hard to persuade any one ' — 7 — ' 
that he was merely anxious to distribute his favours ^ ^^ 
equally in the two kingdoms. At that very moment, 
the Scottish Commissioners were boasting that their 
nation ' would do all in its power to place the King 
in his authority again. When he appeared in Scot- 
land, all poUtical differences would be at an end, and 
tliey would serve their natural Prince as one man in 
such a cause.' ^ 

It is in the highest degree improbable that no Danger of 
rumour of this understanding with the Scottish Com- ment,"^**" 
missioners reached the ears of Pym. It was no mere 
shadowy danger — the exhalation of the dead Army 
Plot — which stiiTed the hearts of the Commons. They 
saw in the King's departure for Scotland the first 
act of the drama which, though they knew it not, was 
to end twelve months later in the raising of the 
standard at Nottingham. The ground which they 
had gained seemed to be shaking beneath their feet. 
The armed intervention of rude and illiterate peasants, 
trained to the discipline of camps and led by needy 
adventurers, would thrust aside the rule of men of 
speech and argument. In view of that risk both 
Houses and both parties forgot their differences. 
They were united as yet, as they were never again 
to be united till 1660, in their resolution that, as far 
as in them lay, there shoidd not be a military 
despotism in England. 

No doubt they over-estimated the danger, serious Tendency 
as it was. Whatever the Scottish Commissioners eatSSteiu 
might say in a moment of irritation, it was most 

* Giustinian to the Doge, Aug. ||, Ven, Transcripti. On Nov. jj 
Rossetti wrote that Charles ' ha sempre confidato di potere fare aasai 
mediaute la fattione scozzese, amandola per eaaere di li natiyo.* 


^xuL* ^^likely that the Scottish nation would lend itself to 
* — 7 — ' an enterprise the results of which were certain to 
:^,l recoa on their own heads. The English army was, 
no doubt, highly discontented with the remissness 
with which its just claims to payment had been met ; 
but it had already resisted two attempts to drag it 
into poUtical strife, and it was likely enough that it 
would resist a third, even if Charles appeared in 
person on the scene. In truth, however, the surest 
protection to Parliament was in Charles himself. A 
double-minded man is unstable in all his ways. He 
had never convinced himself whether he really 
intended to use force or not. His intrigues to bring 
military power to bear upon his political opponents 
were hampered by a desire to remain within the 
limits of legality. He had a hankering after Leslie's 
pikes and muskets. He had also a hankering after 
Bristol's statesmanship. It was, therefore, highly 
probable that he would fail in making use of either. 
He had come on his journey to a point where two 
roads met, and he wished to travel along both roads 
at the same time. 



THE king's visit TO SCOTLAND. 

As the first result of the King's departure the Eoot- chap. 
and-Branch Bill was tacitly dropped.^ It was no 



time to rouse party feeling, and there was no hope, ^^'' 
that even if the Bill could be got through the Lords, The Root, 
it would receive the Eoyal assent. The energies of Branch 
the Houses were directed to the provision of money, dropped, 
in order that both armies might be got rid of as soon ^h^"^^ 
as possible. It had been arranged that the Scots *?,**®8o* 
were to receive 80,000/. of the Brotherly Assistance 
immediately, and that on August 25 they should 
cross the Tweed. September 7 was set apart as a 
day of public thanksgiving for the conclusion of 

Parliament was anxious to keep the Scots in good 
humour. It was also anxious to keep a watch on 
the movements of the King. It was resolved that Pariumen- 
Parliamentary Commissioners should follow him to SLSSb 
Scotland, nominally to see to the execution of the lhe*5^. 
treaty, but in reality to see that Charles was not 
playing tricks. So suspicious were the Commons General 
that they took no notice of the King's offer to issue a SSd^" ^* 
general pardon. They were afraid lest it might be 
interpreted as shielding Finch and Windebank, Percy 
and Jermyn, from the merited punishment which 

> On the 1 2th there was an order to go into Oommittee on it on the 
1 6th, but it was not acted on. 
' C. J, ii. 253. 



would fall on them if they returned to England.* 
^^ ^ They rather determined to deter the officers in the 
Aug. 12. North from joining the King in any fresh scheme of 
violence, by declaring SuckUng, Percy, and Jermyn to 
have been guilty of treason.^ They again directed 
the preparation of the Eemonstrance of the State of 
the Church and Kingdom. They would appeal to the 
people against the King. Nothing, however, was 
done in this direction for the present. Perhaps it 
was felt that the time needed more active measures. 

Aug. 13. On the 13th Captain Chudleigh, who had served as 
intermediary between SuckUng and the troops in the 
first Army Plot, was examined at length, and deposed 
that he had been informed that a thousand horse 
were to be maintained by the clergy in support of 
the design.^ That such a plan should have been 
talked of in March was enough to increase the alarm 
Aug. 14. of those who heard of it in August. On the 1 4th a Com- 

teeofDe- mittec — the Committee of Defence, as it was called — 
was appointed to direct the attention of the Lords to 
the state of the Tower and other fortresses, ' and to 
take into consideration what power will be fit to be 
placed, and in what persons, for commanding of the 
Trained Bands and ammunition of the Kingdom.' The 
future Mihtia Bill was already foreshadowed in these 
terms of reference. Falkland and Culpepper sat on 
this Committee by the side of Pym and the younger 
Vane. . There was an Episcopalian party in the 
House, but there was no Eoyalist party as yet.* 

All ears were open for tidings from the North. 

' Giustinian to the Dog^, Aug. ^, Ven, Transcripts, i. J. iv. 365. 

' Moore*8 Diary, Harl. MSS. cccclxzix. fol. 148 b, 

' Bishop Hall denies that the clergy had any such project ; but it 
does not follow that it was not suggested hy Suckling or Jermyn. — 
Letter to W, W. (E. 158.) 

* C. J, ii. 257. 


Some weeks before, Holland had been appointed Lord chap. 
General in Northumberland's room, and had been — ^-^ 
sent down to Yorkshire to take measures for the dis- au^I\. 
bandment of the army. It has been said that he was Jhe North" 
out of temper with the Court in consequence of the 
refusal of the King to grant him the nomination of a 
new Baron, which would have placed a few thousand 
pounds in his pocket.^ On the i6th an enigmatical Au^. 16. 
letter written by him to Essex, in which the existence a lett^r*^ ^ 
of danger was not obscurely hinted at, was read '^™ "" 
in both Houses.^ The immediate result was a report Report 
from the Committee of Defence, recommending that committee 
' some authority should be given to some person, in ° ^^' 
the absence of tlie King, to put the kingdom in a 
state of defence.' 

Charles, in short, had left England without a NoGovem- 
recognised Government. The Elector Palatine, Len- England, 
nox, and Hamilton had alone accompanied him on 
his journey. The Privy Council, with all its varied 
elements, had none of Charles's confidence, and was 
utterly incapable of acting with decision in any one 
direction. A body of Commissioners, indeed, had a 
limited authority to pass certain bills, but there was 
not even a Secretary of State to carry out the King's 
orders, as Vane joined the King in Scotland not long 
after his arrival. One of the clerks of the Council, 
Edward Nicholas, a diligent and faithful servant, 
remained behind, with orders to forward news to 
Edinburgli, and to carry out any instructions that he 
might receive. But he was in no position to command 
authority. Tlie Queen, having conducted her mother 
to the sea-coast on her way to the Continent, had re- 
turned to Oatlands, angrily brooding over her fallen 

* (larefulortf rv. 2. 

' 77/e Ln7'd of Holland' 9 Letter from Vorkf 1621, 100, a 39. 


THE king's visit TO SCOTLAND. 


*— — * — -^ 


Aug. 16. 
that Parlia- 
ment can 
issue ordi- 

Ang. 20. 
The first 

fortunes. She declared that, unless times changed, 
she would remain in England no longer.* 

Before the end of the day on which Holland's 
letter was read, a suggestion was made in the House 
of Commons, which led to a far more daring innova- 
tion on established usage than anything that had yet 
been done. A difficulty had arisen in procuring 
formal authority for the Parliamentary Commissioners 
who were to proceed to Edinburgh nominally to treat 
with the Scottish Parliament. The Lord Keeper was 
asked to pass their commission under the Great Seal. 
This Lyttelton positively refused to do without direc- 
tions from the King. A proposal was made to order 
him to do it. D'Ewes — who earlier in the session had 
discovered that, though it was immoral and irreUgious 
to pay interest, it was perfectly innocuous to pay 
damages — now informed the Commons that, though 
the Houses could not make the order which was pro- 
posed, * an ordinance of the two Houses in Parliament ' 
had always been of great authority ; and he then 
cited from the Rolls of ParUament an ordinance of 
the year 1373.^ It is true that the citation had no 
bearing whatever on the point in question, as the 
ordinance of 1373 had been made by the King, 
though it was announced to Parliament in answer to 
a petition of the Commons.' 

The House caught at the idea, and the first ordin- 
ance of the Long ParUament was sent up to the Lords. 
On the 20th the Lords adopted it. From henceforth 
the term ' ordinance ' would be taken to signify, not, as 
it had done in the Middle Ages, a declaration made 

* OiustiniaQ to the Doge, Aug. ||, Ten, Tran$eripts, 
« D'Ewe8*8 Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiv. fol. 32 b. 

* It was ' faite en mesme le Parleraent/ which perhaps led D'Ewes 
astray, but it was on the petition of the Commons, and the last clauBe 
begins * Mes voet le Roi.' — Holls of Pari. ii. 310. 


by the King without the necessary concurrence of ^^^' 
Parliament, but a declaration of the two Houses with- 

out the necessary concurrence of the King.^ 

As far as this first ordinance was concerned, the it» charac- 
assumption of authority by Parliament was not very 
outrageous. It conveyed to Bedford and Howard of 
Escrick, in the name of the Lords, to Fiennes, Armyn, 
Stapleton, and Hampden, in the name of the Commons, 
authority to attend his Majesty in Scotland, in order to 
present to him the humble desires of the two Houses 
according to certain annexed instructions. Parliament 
did no more than appoint a Committee to reside in 
Scotland, instead of appointing one to meet at West- 
minster. But the idea that the Houses could act 
alone, when, it had once been thrown before the world 
was certain to gather strength. It would not be long 
before tlie Houses would grasp the reins of execu- 
tive government which the King had dropped in his 
pursuit of military support.^ Practically, indeed, 
this liad been already done. The Houses shrank from 
ordering the Lord Keeper to set the Great Seal to 
a Commission, but they had not shrunk from ordering 
Holland to secure Hull, and that store of munitions Aug. it. 
which had been gathered there to supply the army in secured, 
the last war, or to order Newport, the Constable of Aug. la. 
the Tower, to take up his residence in that fortress, Tower, 
and to see that it was safely guarded.^ 

That these measures were taken against the King 
tliere can be no reasonable doubt. They were the 
same in kind as those which brought about the Civil 
War in the following year. Yet they passed both 
Houses without the faintest opposition. 

* Professor Stubbs, to whom I naturally applied on the subject, in- 
fonufl me that he is unable to recollect any case of ordinances in the 
Middle Ages as roado by the two Houses without the Royal authority. 

' L. J. iv. 372. • Ihid, 21^7, 369. 





•■'- 1 — ■ 

Aug. 13. 

The King 
at New- 

Aug. 14. 
He arrives 
at Edin- 

Aug. 17. 
Ratifies the 

Aug. 2Q. 

Death of 

of Charles. 

The excited feeling of apprehension which had 
given birth to these measures, did not last long It 
was soon known that the King had passed through 
both armies without causing any stir amongst them. 
At Newcastle he had been magnificently entertained 
by the Scottish commanders, had reviewed their 
troops and had expressed his high satisfaction at their 
miUtary bearing. To Leslie he was especially 
courteous, and he promised an earldom to the rough 
soldier of fortune.^ It was not on an immediate 
military revolt that Charles was calculating. He knew 
that he must satisfy the Scottish Parhament before 
those sturdy peasants would draw sword in his cause. 

On the 14th Charles rode into Edinburgh. On 
his first visit to the Parliament he ofiered to touch 
with the sceptre, and so to convert into law, all the Acts 
which he had so long resisted, and was somewhat 
disappointed to find that formality required at least 
a show of more mature consideration.* Before many 
days passed he was allowed to perform this part of 
his work with as cheerful a countenance as he was 
able to assume. Now that the Scots had all that they 
wanted, he might expect something from them in 
return. One man, on whom he had counted, was no 
longer able to render him any aid. Rothes died in 
England on the 23rd.^ Still Charles wrote to the 
Queen in high spirits. Everything appeared to him 
to be going well. Leslie's professions of service had 
been all that could be desired.^ For the first time in 
his life Charles laid himself out to win the affections 
of the people. He diligently attended the Presby- 

* Vane to I^cholas, Aug. 14, Nicholas MSS. 

^ The Elector Palatine to the Queen of Bohemia, Aug. 17, Forster 
M8S. ' Nicholas to Vane, Aug. 24, Nicholas MSS, 

* Giustinian to the Doge, ^^, Ven, Transcrif)f.s, 


terian service, and listened without wincing to Pres- ^xivf * 
byterian sermons. Henderson was as constantly at ' — 7 — ' 
his side as Laud had been in the days of his power.^ ^ug. 33. 
It was much in Charles's favour that his coming had 
been coincident with the termination of mihtary effort. 
" This kingdom," wrote Vane, " speaks of nothing 
with so much heartiness as of the blessedness of this 
peace and of the joy and comfort thereof." The Eng- TheEng- 
Ush army was at last slowly disbanding — as quickly, bJgiSTto 
at least, as money could be furnished. The Scottish ^""^^^^p- 
army broke up from Durham and Newcastle. On Aug. as- 
the 25 th Leslie crossed the Tweed. The northern 
counties were glad to see the last of the hungry 
strangers, who had quartered themselves on them so 
long. The Scots, too, were glad to be on the tramp for 
home. It was, indeed, proposed that a force of 4,cxx) 
foot and 500 horse should be kept under arms till the 
EngHsh troops were entirely paid off, and Charles found Charles's 
grounds for beUeving that a still larger force would be nTiEu^ 
placed at his disposal. He wrote to the Queen that "■"**"*^ 
the Scots had resolved to maintain in his service 5,C)CK) 
foot and i ,003 horse, to be used wherever he vdshed, 
and against any enemies that he might choose. If these 
were not enough he should have more. Charles added 
that he had gained over, by assurances of office and 
promotion, those who had been his bitterest enemies. 
*' This," he wrote, " will be enough to dispose them to 
support my interests with all their power, and to make 
them depend on me without exception." * 

^ Vane to Nicholas, Aug. 23, Nicholas MSS, 

' The King's letters to the Queen have been lost, but (Hustinian re- 
ports of this one that it stated that the men were to be offered to Charles 
* da valersene dove e contro chi trover^ pi& aggiustare la propria conve- 
nienza con una generale eehibitione in appresso di prontamente somminis- 
trarle quel numero di gente maggiore che Foccasione ricercasse.' — 

Giustinian to the Doge, ^p^, Ven. Transcnpts, Giustinian was on good 
terms with the Queen. 

VOL. 11. R 





>- — »— -* 


Aug. 25. 
tions with 
the Irish 

Charles's hope of support from the Scottish Pres- 
byterians was accompanied by a continuance of his 
hope of support from the Irish Catholics. Twice had 
messengers crossed the sea with communications from 
the King to Ormond and Antrim, the one of them a 
Protestant royaUst of Strafford's school, the other a 
weak and inefficient CathoKc peer. These two were to 
gather into one body the disbanded Irish army, and to 
seize DubUn Castle in the King's name by the autho- 
rity of the Irish Parliament, in order to make it a 
basis of operations against the Parliament at West- 
minster. The Irish Catholics, it was hoped, would be 
easily won to the royal cause by the grant of religious 

^ The evidence for this has hitherto heen a statement made hy An- 
trim in 1650, printed in Oox^ ffiberrUa Anglicana^ -^PP* ^^i^ The King 
is there said to have sent two messages : the one whilst the Irish Parlia- 
ment was sitting, that is to say, between May 1 1 and Aug. 7 ; the second 
when he was at York, or about Aug. 12. The chief difficulty in accept- 
ing the story has been the occurrence of Ormond's name in it. There 
seems, however, to have been an impression amongst the Irish after the 
rebellion that he ought to have been on their side. The author of the 
AphorimrUoal Dkcovery (i. 12) says that 'my Lord of Ormond, though 
then a Protestant, was one of seventy-eight persons sworn to secure each 
his town or fort, and he afterwards (ii. 21) speaks of him as a traitor to 
the Irish cause, 'unmindful of his sworn covenant, and ungrateful to 
His Koyal Majesty.' It will be seen that there is evidence of a thiid mes- 
sage sent from Scotland. Ormond may have been willing to support the 
King's authority against the English Puritans, and to accept reli^ous 
toleration for the Irish Catholics. He never looked favourably on the 
cruelties exercised on them after the rebellion. As to the negotiation in 
general, it is placed beyond doubt by Rossetti's survey of the whole 
affair. The King, he says, had met with universal disobedience in Eng- 
land and Scotland. ** L'Hibemia sola parevachegodesse qualche riposo, e 
per esser numerosa de' Oattolici si mostrava per conseguenza piii fedele k 
S. M^. Vedendo dunque il Rd lo stato nel quale si trovava, d risolse di 
far il matrimonio col Principe d' Oranges, di dove sperava haver aiuti di 
danari, et di gente, con valersi de* Cattolici, de' Protestanti, e di qua- 
lunque altro che industriosamente havesse potuto guadagnare al suo 
partite. Gli fu insinuate che I'Hibemia, come pi& Oattolica, e conseguen- 
temente fedele, lliavrebbe servito, et in caso d'awantaggio della Religion 
Cattolica, poteva egli similmente sperare altri aiuti, et all' hora furono 


Of this wonderful scheme Charles's most faithfid <?g^p 
servants in England knew absolutely nothing. The ^- ' -^ 
confidential letters which he received from Nicholas^s- 
pointed to a very different course of action. Let the n^S^ 
King do all in his power to hasten the disbandment 
of the armies. By this he would make it evident 
that he had no intention of trusting to the employ- 
ment of military force.^ Nicholas understood that 
the only path of safety for Charles lay in gaining the 
sympathies of his English subjects. 

Even in England there were sjrmptoms that the PoMbiuty 
tide of feeling, which had been running so strongly ttoouT^ 
against Charles, was on the turn. Nothing was gene- '^^'""^ 
rally known of the wild projects which he had carried 
with him on his Northern journey. What was known 
was that he had passed through both armies without 
appealing to them for assistance. The natural result 
was that those of the Parliamentary leaders who had 
learned enough to predict evil were looked on as 
scared alarmists, who might have been trying to 
trouble the waters for their own ambitious ends. 
Other causes came to weigh in the balance against 
them. Never within the memory of man had the 
country been called on to bear such a pressure of 
taxation. Six subsidies had never before been granted 

introdotti i maneggi della liberti di oonadeiiMy at moo deli' istona mm 
conTersione. Si applied a quella^ et a qiiesta li Tolera tempo a daUberaie. 
Per tanto si comincid a pensaie all' Hibenday ti eha sotto altri pfoteatii 
Yennero di 1& deputati, e secretamenta ti negotid di permottare 4 hxto la 
liberty di conscienza, quando fadebnanta haT OMero Tolitto adarira al 
pardto di S. M**. Bappieaento dd di carto a V. Em'% pereha la Regina 
degnd di diimelo, e pitl Tolta mi fti aflGbmato dal Fsadre FHippo, onda a 
proaeguirono i trattati eon divana eonditioni, parte delle quali non mi 
aono distintamente note, poiehe solo a'apparteneyaDO al BJ^, ciod di dar 
lore alcuni magadni e eommoditi^ ma ho ben oertetia di qaeatay che era 
la permiBsione della libertii di eonadenia."— Boatetd to Barbeiini, n^» 
1642, E. O, TranmripU, 

^ Nicholas to the King, Aug. 23, Evefyn'i M$moir$, it Part n, 4. 





* 1 ' 


Aug. 23. 
weight of 

AiM[. 3a 
The Scots* 
known in 

£flfiBCt8 of 


Aug. 34. 
More ordi- 

Aug. 27. 
Aug. 30. 

in a single session, and after the six subsidies had 
come the poll-tax, the amount of which would not be 
far short of six subsidies more. The whole may 
perhaps be estimated at somewhere about 8oo,oooi. 
Payments were slowly and reluctantly made. That 
mere reluctance to meet taxation which had done so 
much to support the opponents of the King in the 
days of ship money, had shifted round to the King's 
side now. There was a longing for peace, for a 
cessation of strife at home and abroad. On the 30th 
it was known in London that the Scots had really 
evacuated the northern counties. The news was 
received with a hearty feeling of rehef. His Majesty, 
it seemed, had been maUgned. He had no intention 
of leading the Scottish army to dissolve Parliament, 
and to enable him to pronounce its legislation to have 
been null and void.^ 

Of this change of feeling Charles was unable to 
take advantage. He was far away, scheming how to 
use that very violence which would make him most 
detestable to his subjects. He was not even present 
to keep up that show of authority which might one 
day be converted into real power. The Houses were 
accustoming themselves to the issue of ordinances. 
On the 24th there was one directing certain counties 
to send their poll money direct to the Earl of Holland. 
On the 27th another appointed a day of thanksgiving 
for the peace. On the 30th yet another ordered a 
general disarmament of recusants. If Charles's lan- 

' As Giustanian puts it, the citizens abandoned their jealousy that the 
Ejng was trying to persuade the Scots ' a secondare 11 corso delli gene- 
Tosi proponimenti che universalmente si crede portare nel petto la Maeet^ 
sua di scuoter cio^ 11 giogo deUe nuove leggi, et lacontinuatlone di questo 
Parlamento in particolare, la qual gll toglie gli ornament! del oomando; 
et della esistimatione Intieramente.' — Glustinian to the Doge, Sept. jj, 
Ven. Transcripts. 


guage can be trusted he was more annoyed at the ^^jy^- 
interference of Parliament with a permission which he 

had given to the Spanish Ambassador to transport Aug. 3a 
abroad 4,000 men of the Irish army, which was at levies'for 
last being broken up. The Commons insisted that it f^Su"" 
was unfitting to lend help to Spain against the Portu- 
guese ; and, to keep the balance even, they refused a 
similar permission to the French Ambassador. Two 
months later they would have been glad enough to 
know that these trained soldiers were not in Ireland ; 
but the motive of their refusal, in the face of their 
own obvious interest, deserves the highest respect.^ 

By this time a speedy adjournment had become Aug. as. 
an absolute necessity. The plague and the small- pox journmeot 
were raging in London and Westminster, and even ^ 
the most earnest of members was thoroughly weary 
of the long and exciting work in which the House 
had been engaged. Most of the members, indeed, 
had already gone home without asking leave. About 
a dozen peers remained to represent the House of 
Lords, whilst some eighty remained constant to the 
call of duty in the Commons.^ On the 28th, when all 
danger appeared to be at an end in the North, it was 
arranged that the House should adjourn on Septem- 
ber 8, to meet again on October 20. 

The day on which the adjournment was voted End of 
was indeed memorable in Enghsh history. It was inAeCom- 
the last time in which the two parties into which the 
House of Commons was divided loyally co-operated 
with one another. Whatever had been done so far by 
the Long ParUament stood the test of time. The 
overthrow of the special courts, by which the pre- 
rogative had been defended, under the Tudors and 

' L. J, iv. 381. 

^ Qiustinian to the Doge, Sept. y'j, Ven, Transcripts, 





of strife. 

What was 
the root of 
the mis- 

in face of 
the consti- 

the first two Stuarts, together with the abandonment 
by the King of all claim to raise taxes without the con- 
sent of Parliament, was accepted as the starting-point of 
the restored monarchical constitution in 1 660. That 
the King and the Houses must from thenceforward 
work together, instead of working in antagonism, was 
the doctrine of Hyde and Falkland as well as of Pym 
and Hampden. The theory of Strafford, that in cases 
of necessity, of the existence of which the King was 
the sole judge, he could act in defiance of Parliament, 
was without a single supporter. Yet from that moment 
of apparent unanimity dates the beginning of em- 
bittered strife. The war of tongues precedes but for 
a few short months the war of the sword. Labori- 
ously, in the face of an angry and compact Opposition, 
the victorious party strove to embody its views in 
institutions which would last. It was all in vain. 
The ropes twisted of sand which were to bind the 
Enghsh people dropped into nothingness before the 
general resistance. 

Naturally historians have wearied themselves to 
find the key of this riddle. Was it, as has been said, 
that the leaders of the majority were too impatient, 
that they were in a hurry to obtain absolute control 
over the Government, and that they did not give 
time to allow the results of the recent concessions to 
develop themselves peacefully? Was it that the 
leaders of the minority thought that enough had been 
done in the way of reform, and that Charles could be 
trusted to carry on the Government constitutionally 
under changed conditions ? Those who have studied 
the Parliamentary debates of the first fortnight after 
the commencement of the King's Northern journey 
will be slow to adopt either of these conclusions. The 
men of one party were as ready as the men of the 


other to put pressure upon the Sovereign, to make ^|^,^^- 
preparations for securing the fortresses of the king- 

dom, and for placing the miUtary forces of the country ^ ^ 
in readiness for action at the bidding of the Houses. 
If no question other than the constitutional one had 
been at issue, or if the danger from Scotland had been a 
little more evident and had lasted a little longer, Lords 
and Commons would have passed with complete una- 
nimity such a Militia Bill as that which was but the 
triumph of a party six months later, as surely as they 
had already concurred in supporting Pym's proposal 
for the substitution of counsellors approved by Par 
liament for counsellors selected by the King. The 
history of the next few years would, if the King had 
not yielded entirely, have resembled that of 1688. 
Charles would have been swept away by the uprising 
of a united people. There would have been no Civil 
War, because the courtiers, who would alone have 
stood by the King, would not have been suflSciently 
numerous to wage war against the nation. 

The rock of offence lay in the proposed eccle- xher©- 
siastical legislation of Parliament. It was not in the aSIi^. 
nature of things that religious questions should be 
allowed to slumber. For the mass of Englishmen, 
reUgious belief was their only intellectual food, as 
rehgious books were their only literature. There 
were thousands for whom legal and constitutional 
arguments had but little attraction, who could throw 
their whole souls into an argument about Presbyterian- 
ism or Episcopacy, or about the comparative merits of 
various forms of worship. A great part of the intellect 
of the day had been occupied with these very sub- 
jects, and Laud and Williams, Milton and Chilling- 
wortli, had no peers amongst the writers of literary 
prose. The peculiarity of this ecclesiastical Uterature 

248 THE king's visit TO SCOTLAND. 

^xiV' ^^® ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ controversial in its nature. When its 
^ — 7 — ' successful defence against Eome was over, the innate 
/^g^ii^ vigour of Protestantism showed itself in its variations. 
Free inquiry, rejected in theory by almost all English- 
men, silently pushed its way, and there was scarcely 
a possible form of Church worship or government 
which some Englishmen were not ready to defend. 
Under the most favourable circumstances the difficulty 
of moulding the ecclesiastical institutions so as to 
meet the new wants of the time would have required 
the most consummate prudence. The traditional 
belief of centuries, held ahke by the zealot and the 
poKtician, was that religious liberty was but another 
name for anarchy, and that it was the duty of the 
State to see that no man was allowed to teach or to 
worship as seemed right in his own eyes. Great as 
in any circumstances it would have been, the difficulty 
had been enormously increased by recent events. 
Laud's unwise attempt to suppress Puritanism had 
recoiled on himself, and through him on the nation. 
The more extreme Puritans were maddened with re- 
sentment, and regarded the attack upon the bishops 
and the Prayer Book as a holy work. Power, they 
thought, had at last been placed in their hands for 
tne destruction of an ungodly and anti-Christian 
idolatry. Those from whose moderation much might 
at other times have been expected could hardly be 
moderate now. They found themselves face to face 
with ecclesiastical usages which they detested, and 
which had recently been imposed on them with the 
harshest rigour. Was it possible that they should take 
into consideration religious feelings which they were 
unable to comprehend, and grant rehgious liberty to 
practices which had been as a yoke upon their own 
necks in the days of the Laudian ascendency ? Social 


antagonisms were already prepared to embitter the 9^j^- 
religious conflict. The greater part of the nobility — 7"""^ 
and gentry of England were inclined to look with ^ ^ 
contempt and loathing upon the claims of yeomen 
and handicraftsmen to throw off the yoke of autho- 
rity, whilst the yeomen and handicraftsmen were well 
pleased to vindicate their independence against the 
upper classes on the ground of theology, in which 
they imagined themselves to be masters. 

Difficult as it was to find a solution for the ques- 
tions which arose, it was impossible to leave them 
unsettled. The Church was falling into anarchy, and 
its services were being moulded by the hazard of the 
moment at the will of the strongest. Some law must 
be laid down, some rule to which all would be bound 
to conform, whether it were a law maintaining 
enforced uniformity, or a law in protection of 

If ever a firm hand was needed to take the reins Needo#A 
of government, it was at this crisis, when there had ^em- 
ceased to be any Government at all. What was "*"*' 
wanted was a calm and statesmanlike mind ready to 
listen to all claims, and to strike the balance between 
opposing forces. Charles, if he had had the power, 
had never had the capacity for such work as this. K 
it was to be done at all, it must be done by Parlia- 
ment ; and a Parliament, as had been shown in the 
days of Elizabeth, was less likely than a single mind 
to do such work worthily. It was more apt to 
mistake the voice of a majority for the voice of the 
nation, and less apt to remember that a large minority 
requires consideration from the mere fact of its ex- 
istence. That tradition of compromise which is the 
inheritance of English cabinets had not yet been 
formed in the days when no cabinets were known. 


CHAP. To make the Church really national, to give within 

' — r-^ it free play for the religious thought and life which 

/ ^'' was not too exuberant for its decorum, and to leave 

Aug. a8. .-11 . . 

room outside for the growth of societies for which 
even its silken fetters were too oppressive, was the 
task which the time required. It was the last of 
which the predominant party was likely to think — ^it is 
but fair to add, was the last of which it could be ex- 
pected to think. 
Sept. I. The announcement of the day of adioumment was 

Resolutions /* ^^ /• .-i .. i»"i 

onecciMi- followed by a feeling of regret m the majority of the 
novations. Commous, that they should separate without having 
done anything for religion. It was resolved at least 
to put an end to Laud's innovations. It was deter- 
mined that the communion tables should be removed 
from the east end of the churches, and the rails taken 
down ; that * all crucifixes, scandalous pictures of one 
or more persons of the Trinity, and all images of the 
Virgin Mary * should be * taken away,' and * all tapers, 
candlesticks, and basins be removed from the com- 
munion table ; ' that * all corporal bowing at the 
name of Jesus, or towards the east end of the church, 
or towards the communion table be henceforth 
forborne ; ' that all dancing and sports be forborne on 
the Lord's Day, and the preaching of sermons be per- 
mitted in the afternoon.^ 
Proposal K no more than this had been proposed the scheme 

for altering • i . v • j T x • i. 

the Prayer might havc reccivcd, if not unammous support, 
at least the support of a very considerable majority, 
in which many of the defenders of Episcopacy would 
have voted. The waters had been too deeply stirred 
by the winds of religious controversy to be calmed so 
easily. A member suggested that it would be well 
to think of some alterations in the Book of Common 

" c, J. ii. 279. 



Prayer.^ Culpepper at once called on the House to ^||fi^- 
provide a remedy against *such as did vilify and ^ — --r^-^ 
contemn the Common Prayer Book ... or eke he LJtx. 
feared it might be the occasion of many ' tumults in ^o- 
Church and State.' From that moment the party ***^ 
lines were strictly drawn. Behind the controversy 
on Episcopacy and Presbyterianism lay the con- 
troversy on forms of worship — a controversy which 
came home to every man who cared about religion at 
all. The attack upon the Prayer Book by the un- ^^^ 
named member was the commencement of the Civil twoparti«i. 
War. There was now a possibility that Charles* 
might find a party not only in Parliament but in the 

In vain Cromwell urged that there were passages Caipeppir*! 
in the P]*ayer Book to which grave and learned USSSmP^ 
divines could not submit. The house was thin, as it 
had long been, and this day Culpepper had a majority 
of 1 8 in a House of 92. 

On the 6th Culpepper's resolution came up for i^^j^: 
further discussion. Pym and his supporters were ?[J^f**" 
anxious to confine the censure of the House to those 
who interfered vdth the existing service by creating 
actual disturbance in a church. Culpepper wished 
to extend it to all who * depraved ' or openly found 
fault with the Prayer Book, and he again carried his 
point. When the final vote was taken, some of his 
friends held back, and the clause was ordered to be 
recommitted for further consideration.' 

On the 8th the Lords agreed to the resolution on ^^j^f^ 
the removal of the communion table, but wished •"•?* ' 
that, for the sake of decency, it should still be sur- 
rounded with rails in its new position, at least in those 

> Diurnal Oeeunrenom, Sept. i. 

' FEwes's Diary, Hari. M8S. cbdy. foL 82 b, 83, 84, 89. 


^3,^' churches in which it had been railed in at the east 


— --^ end.^ Images of the Virgin which had been erected 
^pjg more than twenty years were to be aUowed to stand, 
and every one was to be left free to do as he pleased 
in the matter of bowing. The clause on the Lord's 
day was left for consideration on the 9th, the adjourn- 
ment having been postponed till that day. 

Order on Whilst the Lords were thus busy, the Commons 

took another forward step. They declared it to be 
lawful for all parishes to set up lecturers at their own 
charge, and there was no sign that they meant to con- 
sult the Lords on so important a declaration.^ It is 
probable that the Peers took offence at the neglect. 

^pt o. On the oth they laid aside the resolutions of the 

Order of a t i i» • • j i 

the Lords Commous." In a house of twenty it was earned by a 
be per- majority of eleven to nine, that an order of the i6th 
c»iSing*to of January should be printed and published, to the 
effect ' that the divine service be performed as it is 
appointed by the Acts of Parliament of this Bealm ; 
and that all such as shall disturb that wholesome 
order shall be severely punished according to law ; 
and that all parsons, vicars, and curates in their 

^ The cases of persons putting their hats on the table are well known. 
In a sermon preached in little more than a month after this date, there is 
mention of a woman who put her baby on the communion table with 
consequences that may easily be imagined. 

« a J. ii. 283. 

' In Dover*s Notes, where the affidr is misdated as Aug. 10 (CZen*0fi- 
eUm MSS. i ,603), we are told that ' our reasons for proceeding in this man- 
ner, before we advised with the House of Commons, was that the yeiy 
night before they had in their House ordered that very order which is 
now set forth by them, to be published and printed before they had a 
conference with us. Query, whether the House of Commons have power 
of themselves to enjoin the whole kingdom anything which is not 
settled by the laws F ' Dover was clearly mistaken in saying that the 
Commons published their order about innovations before the division in 
the Lords. Probably the truth is as I have put it in the text, though 
there is no actual direction in the JoumaU to print the order about 



several parishes shall forbear to introduce any rites ^^Z^- 
or ceremonies otherwise than those that are estab- 

lished by the laws of this land/ The Lords not only « | * 
passed this order, but they refused to communicate JjJ^p^**' 
their resolution to the Commons. Against this latter 
resolve six peers, Bedford, Warwick, Clare, Newport, 
Wharton, and Mandeville, protested. Lyttelton, 
Manchester, and Hunsdon voted in the minority, but 
did not protest.^ 

As mii^ht have been expected, the Commons in Feeling in 
their turn took oflence. D Ewes said that it was not mons. 
a fit time to print such an order, * when all men who 
loved the truth expected a mitigation of the laws 
already estabUshed touching religion, and not a severe 
execution of them.' Yet it was hard to know what 
was to be done. Pym suggested that a messenger 
sliould be despatched to ask the King to revoke the 
Lords' order by proclamation.^ The House pro- 
bably felt that this would not be a hopeful course. It Both the 
was finally resolved that their own resolutions should and the 
be pubUshed together with the order of the Lords. puWished. 
A commentary was to be aflSxed expressing surprise 
at the thinness of the Upper House when so impor- 
tant a decision had been arrived at. * So it may still 
be hoped, when both Houses shall meet again, that 
the good propositions and preparations in the House 
of Commons, for preventing the like grievances, and 
reforming other disorders and abuse in matters of re- 
ligion, may be brought to perfection.' * Wherefore,* 

* X. J. iv. 395. The names of the eleven who formed the majority 
are given in Dover's Notes as Bbshop Williams, the Earls of Denhigh, 
Cleveland, PorUand, Dover, Kingston, and Barons Mowbray, Wentworth, 
Dunsmore, Coventry, and Capel. The names are given somewhat dif- 
ferently in the Dmmal Occurrences, 

' This is noteworthy, as showing that Pym did not yet despair of 
Charles's co-operation. 


THE king's visit TO SCOTLAND. 


*— — . — - 


Sept. 9. 
mons ap- 
peal to 

The Lords 
appeal to 
the law. 

Dient of the 

The Com- 
mittees to 
sit in the 

Ausf. 30. 
The Com- 
mittee in 

they ended by saying, * we expect that the Commons 
of the Eealm do, in the meantime, quietly attend 
the reformation intended, without any tumultuous 
disturbance of the worship of God and the peace of 
the Kingdom.' ^ 

The printing of this declaration was carried with- 
out a division. Nothing could have been more con- 
ciliatory than the last paragraph. The warning to 
submit to the law without impatience till Parliament 
was again in session was conceived in the best spirit 
of both parties. 

For all that, the danger was postponed, not aver- 
ted. The call to abide by the law which had sounded 
forth from the House of Lords would be sure to find 
a response in the nation, if it were coupled with a firm 
resolve to search out the defects of the existing law, 
in order to bring it into conformity with the new 
facts which had arisen since the law had been made. 
Otherwise it was no more than a fair show covering 
the passions of a party. 

For the time interest was diverted to the North. 
On the 9th both Houses brought their sittings to an 
end, and most of the few members who had been con- 
stant to the last were allowed to enjoy a brief and 
well-earned rest.^ Each House, however, left behind 
it a Committee charged to watch the progress of 
afiairs, and to correspond with the Joint Committee 
which had been ordered to attend the King. That 
Committee, with the exception of the new Earl of 
Bedford, who was a less energetic man than his father 
had been, and who declined to make the journey, had 

» C. /. H. 287. D'Ewea's Diary, Harl. MS8. clxiv. fol. 1 10. 

' It is customary to speak of the period ending here as the first 
sion of the Long Parliament. The term, though convenient, is inaccu- 
rate, as there was no prorogation. 


arrived in Edinburgh on August 30. Its leading ^^^* 
spirits were Hampden and Fiennes. The King refused ^'~7'^ 
to give to this Committee any authority to treat with ^ * 
the Scottish Parliament, but he could not hinder them 
from remaining in Scotland to keep watch over his 
own proceedings.^ 

To all appearance Charles had at last succeeded ?^^^ 
in winning the hearts of his Northern subjects. On ment 
the day of the arrival of the JBlngUsh Committee, he 
was entertained at a magnificent banquet in the Par- 
liament House. The Lord Provost drank the health 
of the King and Queen with the heartiest expressions 
of loyal devotion. " Over the whole town," wrote an 
Englishman who was present, *^ there was nothing but 
joy and revelling, Uke a day of jubilee, and this is 
taken of the union which doubtless is more firm by 
reason of the happy intervention of the unity of form 
of religion, at least for the present, and in liie King's 
own practice, which wins much upon this people. 
Yesterday his Majesty was again at the great Church 
at sermon, where the bishops were not spared, but 
such downright language as would a year ago have ' 
been at the least a Star Chamber business, imputing 
all that was amiss to ill counsellors, and so ingratia- 
ting His Majesty with all his people, who indeed show 
a zeal and afiection beyond all expression." * 

It is easy to conjecture what were the thoughts 
which arose in Hampden's mind as he looked for the 
first time on the fair town in the new-foimd loyalty 
which had been bought by so great and so suspicious 
a self-surrender. Charles was in the highest spirits. Smt. «. 
" You may assure every one," he wrote to Nicholas, ?SSS^ 

1 The King to Lyttelton, Aug. 2$, L. J. W. 38a. 
' The word '^haye" is omitted in the Ma 
* Bere to Penningtotti Aug. 30, S. P. J)am. 

256 THE king's visit TO SCOTLAND, 

CBLU>. " that now all difficulties are passed here." He was 
^ — 7-^ not long in discovering that he had been too sanguine, 
septy. In Parliament Argyle was relentless in demanding 
th^^^ces that no poUtical or judicial offices should be filled up 
fljQ^^u^ without the approval of ParUament, and Argyle's 
wnsent^of supportcFS werc in a clear majority in the House. 
PwrUament. jjg y^y^^ j^Qt indeed all-powerful. There were many 
amongst the nobihty, besides the imprisoned Montrose, 
who struggled hard against this new constitutional 
system, in which a majority of country gentlemen and 
burghers was to be welded, in the hands of one popular 
nobleman, into a poUtical force to beat down the 
power of the great famiUes. They had never intended 
to throw off the yoke of Charles in order to become 
Sept 7. the servants of Argyle. " If this be that you call 
liberty," said the Earl of Perth, " God send me the 
old slavery again." ^ Charles might choose his side. 
He might put himself at the head of the popular party 
or of the aristocratic party. It needed more decision 
than he possessed to do either with effect. " His 
Majesty's businesses," wrote Endymion Porter, " run 
in their wonted channel — subtle designs of gaining 
the popular opinion, and weak executions for the up- 
holding of monarchy." ^ Charles himself did not re- 
charWs coguise the realities of the situation. He continued to 
n^'"' write cheerfully to the Queen. Argyle, he told her, 
had promised to do him faithful service. Leslie was 
equally devoted to him, and had driven with him 
round the town amidst the shouts of the people.* 
The Queen, we may be sure, knew well enough what 
it was that he expected from the devotion of Leslie 
and Argyle. During the weeks of his absence, she 

> Webb to Nicholas, Sept. 5, Nicholas MS8. 

* Porter to Nicholas, Sept. 7, ibid, 

' Giustinian to the Doge, Sept. |t, Ven, Trarucr^sU, 



had been again urging the representatives of the chap. 
Pope on the Continent to send her that supply of ' — .-^ 
money which was so sorely needed. Might it not, ^^p^* 
she had asked, be sent to Cologne, only to be made Jp^Ston 
over to herself if she could show that there was in- ^o'*»ei*op«- 
deed a sufficient cause for its use. To this, as to all 
similar pleas, the Papal authorities were deaf.^ 

Charles's eyes were too steadily fixed on England 
for him to struggle very pertinaciously against the 
Scottish Parliament. On the i6th an Act was passed, Sept 16. 
according to which the King was to choose his officers choice'of * 
'subject to the advice of Parliament.' *"* Charles, ^^^^^^ 
perhaps, thought that the mere form of concession 
would be enough. The next day he gave in a list of 
Councillors, and on the 20th he added the names of sept 2a 
the new officers of State. He proposed that Loudoun noTcf^ 
should be Chancellor, and that Lanark, who with liis ®®^''- 
brother Hamilton, had now attached himself to Argyle„ 
should remain Secretary of State. Eoxburgh, a steady 
partisan of the King, was to keep the Privy Seal ; 
and Morton, who was a still stronger Eoyalist than 
Eoxburgh, was to be Lord Treasurer. At once Opposition 
Argyle rose to declaim against Morton, his own ^ '^^* 
father-in-law, as a man deeply in debt, and incapable 
of so great a trust. Many of the nobiUty urged 
Charles to stand by his nomination. Morton, how- Sept aa. 
ever, relieved him from his difficulty by voluntarily 
relinquishing his claims.® 

Charles was deeply mortified. Argyle, he found, chariee 
meant to be master in Scotland. The blow was the expect help 
more bitterly felt because it was accompanied by a land, 
still graver disappointment. The troops which had 

^ The Archbishop of Tarsis to Barberini, |^, R O, Transcripts. 
^ Acts of Pari, of Scotland, v. 403. 
^ Balfour, iii. 66, 69. 

VOL. II. ^ 


Sept. 22. 


CHAP, been kept on foot, and which Charles had expected 
to be placed at his own disposal for purposes which 
he, perhaps not very definitely, entertained, were 
dismissed to their homes.^ From this moment, as far 
as it is possible to gather from the disjointed frag- 
ments of evidence which have come down to us, he 
ceased to expect any active aid from Scotland. It 
would be enough if matters could now be patched up 
in Edinburgh, so as to enable him to return to England 
without the appearance of utter defeat. 

Demands of Evcu this was difficult to obtaiu. The Parliament 
now claimed not merely the right to reject the King's 
nominee, but the right of presenting to him for his 
approval a nominee of their own. The barons, too, 
or lesser gentry, asked that their votes might be given 
by ballot, and that no one who had taken the King's 
part in the late war should be admitted to any office 
in the State.^ 

Argyie's In thesc demands lay the secret of Argyle's 

'**' ^* strength. He had against him the discontented nobles, 
but he had the Scottish nation at his back. In the 
minds of those country gentlemen and townsmen 
who followed him was the fixed idea that they had 
been fighting for a great cause, and that Roxburgh 
and Morton had deserted that cause in its hour of 
trial. Charles understood nothing of the kind. He 
wanted to shut his eyes to the past as though it had 
never been. 
Sept 25. No wonder Charles's spirits were as depressed now 

dopresrion as they had lately been buoyant. " There was never 
King so insulted over," wrote a sympathising by- 
stander. " It would pity any man's heart to see how 
he looks ; for he is never at quiet amongst them, and 

» Giustinian to tlie Doge, ^J J*, Vcn. Transcj-i^tfs. 
' Balfour, iii. 71. Bailliej i. 390. 

(»f spirits. 


glad lie is when he sees any man that he thinks loves chap. 
him. Yet he is seeming merry at meat." — ^^-^ 

The foes of Argyle were fast growing beyond ^t^ 
Charles's control. They bore Hamilton a special JhauSligei 
hatred as a deserter from their cause. Lord Ker, ^y^*'* 
Eoxburgh's turbulent son, who had sided with the 
Covenanters in the late troubles, sent him a challenge 
as a traitor to his King. Hamilton gave information 
to Charles, and Ker was forced to make an apology. 
The next day he was summoned before the Parha- scpt 3a 
ment to give an explanation of his conduct. He ^o\^^ 
came with a following of 600 armed men, and it was ^**^* 
only with the greatest difficulty that he was induced 
to acknowledge that he had been in fault. ^ 

Nothing had yet been done to bring to a close the 
dispute about the appointment of officers. Loudoun's Loudoun 
nomination to the Chancellorship was at last accepted. 
For the Treasurer's place the King now named Oct x. 


Almond, who had, indeed, been Lieutenant-General nominated 
of the Army of Invasion, but who had joined Mon- ^r. 
trose in signing the Bond of Cumbernauld. The Par- 
liamentary majority would not hear of him, and its 
claim to a direct election of officers was again put 

Day after day passed away without bringing an 
agreement. Around the King passion was waxing 
fiercer from hour to hour. Montrose, from behind 
his prison bars, watched the seething of the angry 
tide. Twice he wrote to Charles, offering to make Montrose's 
revelations of the utmost importance to his crown and ^ ^^ 
dignity. Twice Charles refused to listen to vague 
accusations. He beUeved, he said, that a man in Oct 9. 
Montrose's condition would say much to have the 

' \Vemj88 to Ormond, Sept. 25, Oct., Carte, Original Letters^ i. i, 5. 

Balfour^ iii. 36. 

s 2 


CTAP. liberty to come to his presence. He had made up his 
mind to come to terms with the ParUament. On the 

Oct lo. following day he sent a message to Almond asking 

u^ro^y to him to withdraw his claims to the Treasurership, as 

give way. j^Qp^on had donc before.^ 
His dis- It was only natural that Charles, in making this 

pleasure , •' , , ^ 

with concession, should make it in some ill-humour. It 

was only natural, too, that hia displeasure should 

vent itself on Hamilton, who had promised so much 

and had performed so Uttle. Lanark's pleadings on 

his brother's behalf only drew from Charles the cold 

reply that he believed that he was himself * an honest 

man, and that he had never heard anything to the 

contrary ; but that he thought ' his ' brother had been 

very active in his own preservation.' Hamilton, in 

fact, had escaped the danger of being prosecuted as 

an incendiary by his new intimacy with Argyle. 

Oct It. The nth brought a third letter from Montrose. 

third letter. This time hc avcrrcd his readiness to prove Hamilton 

Proposal to a traitor.^ After some hesitation Charles resolved to 

to a Com- lav this letter before certain lords, amongst whom 

niittee . . 

were Argyle and Loudoun, in order that they might 
advise him on the matter.^ 
Feeling of So far, at least, Charles had taken the straight- 

op'^wits. forward course. It was not a course which was Ukely 
to commend itself to the wrathful noblemen who 
thronged around him at Holyrood. In Scotland the 
traditions of private war had not yet wholly died 
out. A great nobleman depended somewhat on the 
arguments of his advocates before the Court of Ses 
sion, and somewhat on his personal influence with the 

^ Depo^tions of W. Murray and the Earl of Almond, Hist, MS&. 
Com, Report f iv. 167, 168. 

' Hamilton's name was not mentioned, but there can be no doubt 
that he was the person in question. 

• Murray's deposition, Iliit, MS8. Com. Report^ iv. 167. 

THE mOIDENT. 26 1 

Judges, but still more upon the sharp swords of his ^^* 
retainers. It was rumoured that Argyle and Hamil* ^ 

ton had 5,000 armed followers in Edinburgh.^ Those oot nl 
who wished to put an end to the influence of Argyle mi£^ 
and Hamilton thought far more of the means of ^^S^ 
carrying the charge against them to a practical issue 
than of the accumulation of l^al proofs. Behind the 
veil which still hangs over their proceedings may be 
dimly discerned efforts to win over such of the soldiery 
as still remained under arms, and to secure the services 
of LesUe, that there might be no violent interruption 
of the course of justice. Such, at least, would be 
the most favourable interpretation of their conduct 
How far this intention was communicated to Charles 
it is impossible to say. But it may be safely inferred 
that if it was communicated to hhn at all, he would 
only hear of it as a plan for vindicating the majesty 
of the law, and that it was only as such that it would 
be Ukely to secure his approval, though it is more 
probable that he did not give his assent to any defi- 
nite scheme at all.^ If he had really agreed to act 
on Montrose's last letter, it is not impossible that 
orders may have been given to Leslie to effect the 
arrest on that very evening. 

Almond, at least, is said to have had nothing more 
than the enforcement of legal proceedings in his mind. 
AiDongst those who were burning to throw off 
Argyle's yoke there were hotter brains than Almond's^ 

* Colonel A. Stewart's depontion, Hid. M88. Cm. lUport, It. 164.* 

* Even after the recoyeiy of the depositions it is impossible to speak 
more predsely. Colonel Oochrane gave evidence to the eflfoct that 
Murray, when he had inquired about his regiment, added, '' You shaU be 
bidden to know nothing but what ye get the generaPs order for*' (ibid. 
166). Captain Stewart deposed (ibid. 163)9 after relating Crawfoid's 
violont language, that 'the Lord Alnumd wis of another judgmeat^ that 
they behoved to be challenged by law,' 


CHAi>. The Earl of Crawford, the CathoUc head of the house 

' — 7 — ' of Lindsay, had served as a soldier of fortune in the 

^ , ' German wars on the side of the House of Austria. 

Uct. z I. 

The Earl of ^^ ^^^ becu employed by Charles to command troops 
(:rawford'8 agaiust his native country in 1640, and had been 
dismissed from the EngUsh army by the Parliament 
on account of his religion. Such a man was not 
likely to brook the predominance of Argyle and 
the Presbyterians. He had talked of stabbing them 
in case of necessity, and had formed a plan for in- 
HLmiUon*^ vitiug them to meet at the King's lodgings, where 
to be seized, they wcrc to be seized, hurried down the backstairs, 
and carried on board a ship which was lying atLeith. 
He had entrusted this part of the plot to a certain 
Colonel Alexander Stewart. On the morning of the 
I ith this man sent for a cousin of his own. Captain 
William Stewart, and asked for his assistance in 
seizing Hamilton. " When you have gotten him," 
objected the Captain, " they would take him from 
you." " K it were so," was the reply, " we would 
make the Marquis desire his friends to stay off till he 
sustained a censure of what was to be laid to his 
charge, or else we would kill him, which is the custom 
of Germany where I have served." In such hands 
the scheme was shpping from an effort to bring an 
enemy to justice to a possible assassination.^ 
The plot In any case, the plot would probably have been 

frustrated by the King's reluctance to take violent 
measures against Hamilton. Even before Montrose's 
letter was placed in Charles's hands the worst part of 
the design had been communicated to those whom it 
most concerned. Captain Stewart had told what he 

* Colonel A. Stewart's deposition, Hist. MSS, Com, Report ^ iv. 164. 
Tke seizure, he said, was to be effected ' if the King was out of the 
way* — an important statement in the King's favour. 


Oct. zx. 

knew to Colonel Hurry, and Hurry gave iuformation 9^A^- 
to Leslie. Whether LesUe was ready to guard 
prisoners of high rank or not, he had no mind to 
take part in a murder, and he passed the information 
on to the two noblemen who were endangered. 
Hamilton went to the King, and told him that, as he 
could not escape calumny, he should leave the Court. 
Later in the evening he received fuller intelligence of 
the design against him, and on the following morning Oct la. 
Argyle sent a messenger to Charles to tell him all that 
he had learned. At the same time the ParUament, 
having been informed of the danger into which two 
of its leading members had fallen, opened an investi- 
gation into the whole aflair. 

Li the afternoon Charles set out for the Parlia- Charies 

goes to the 

ment House, unwisely allowing himself to be followed Parliament 
by some 500 armed men, in which were to be counted 
the bitterest enemies of the accused lords. Argyle, 
together with Hamilton and his brother, Lanark, 
either beheved themselves to be in actual danger, or 
affected to beUeve it. Professing their unwillingness Fiightof 
to risk a slaughter in the streets, they fled to Kineill, forfJT"*^ 
one of Hamilton's country houses.^ 

Such was the course of the Incident, as this plot ^be King's 

■*■ speech. 

was named at the time. When Charles appeared 
before the ParUament tears stood in his eyes. He 
spoke feelingly of his affection for Hamilton, his child- 
hood's friend, and declared, — ^in touching remem- 
brance of the night in which he had shown his con- 
fidence in the man who was then accused of conspiring 
to dethrone liim, by admitting him to sleep in the 

* Lauark*s ivccount, Hardw, St, Papers, ii. 299. Hamilton to the 
King, Oct. 22, Hamilton Papers, 103. BaiUie, i. 392. Balfour, iii. 94. 
The date uf tlie 2ud Oct. in the first-named paper is plainly a misprint 
lor the nth, which is sometimes written ii. in MS8. of this date. 


^^vT' ^^^^ room with himself,^-^that had Hamilton been in 

jg' any real danger he did not think that ' he could have 

Oct. 14. found a surer sanctuary than in his bedchamber/ 

In the end, he asked that the Marquis should be 

sequegtered from the House till the whole mystery 

had been cleared up, and that he might himself have 

justice done him by the refutation of the calumnies 

which had been laid upon him,^ 

^raggLe Charlcs soon found that he had not so inffi'atiated 

ciutfiesand himsclf with the bulk of the members as to make them 

ment. very eager to do him justice. They cared far more 

about tracking out the plot for the seizure of the 

fugitive lords. Charles urged that at least the inquiry 

might be openly conducted before the whole Parha- 

* Personal Gov, of Charles /., i. 223, 

' I entirely disbelieve Clarendon's story that Montrose offered to kill 
Hamilton and Argyle. Dr. Burton has argued {Hist, of Scotland, yTi. 151) 
^rainst the objection whicli has been made that Montrose, being in prison, 
oould not have had an interview with Charles ; that ' when great people 
are involved in deep plots, such and much greater obstacles have to be 
overcome.* He forgot that Charles's opponents had the custody of 
Montrose's person. There is, however, another argument which seems to 
me to teU against the story of an interview between Montrose and Charles. 
All the evidence goes to show that Charles took no account of Montrose's 
first two letters. He could only have sought an interview after the 
third. That letter was only brought to Charles on the i ith. Montrose 
ccrtmnly could not have been got out of prison till after nightfall, and 
Ijcfore nightfall Charles knew that Hamilton had received warning. 
He was hardly likely to send for Montrose after that. The fact is, there 
is no real evidence against Montrose. The story as told by Clarendon 
originally is a plain, straightforward narrative fitting in very weU with 
Jill that we know of the matter from other sources. Twenty years later, 
Clarendon substituted another story, and told how Montrose had offered 
to commit murder. Such a change would be of value if he had had 
access to fresh evidence. But as all that he knew must have been de- 
rived cither from Charles or Montrose, there can have been no fresh evi- 
dence. My explanation would be that he had a vague recollection of 
hearing that Crawford had offered to kill Hamilton and Argyle, and that, 
with his usual habit of blundering, ho substituted Montrose for Crawford, 
just as in giving the names of the persons who suggested that the King 
should make his speech of May i about Strafford, he substituted Save 
for Savile. 


ment. The House, perhaps not knowing what dis- ^xiv*' 
closures might come out, insisted on an investigation 
by a Secret Committee. For days the struggle con- 
tinued. The King saw in the eyes of those before 
him their suspicions that he had himself been an 
accomplice in the plot. He rightly felt that he 
was himself being put on his trial. " However the Oct. 15. 
matter go," he said, "I must see myself get fair 
play." He called on the President to ask the House 
' why they denied his just and reasonable request.' 
He protested that if they refused a public inquiry 
' he knew not what they would grant him.' It 
was in vain that Charles protested. On the 21st 
he crave way, and a Committee of investigation was Octai. 

^ . , "^ ° Committee 

appom ted . of investl- 

No one who has studied Charles's character can pJiited!^ 
believe for a moment that he was directly guilty of ^hwi^w 
conspiracy to murder. Yet, if he found himself toWame. 
distrusted, he had but himself to blame. No doubt 
Argyle was intriguing and ambitious, and Hamilton 
was but seeking to swim with the tide. But had not 
Charles, too, been intriguing and self-seeking ? Why 
was it that he had courted first the Presbyterian 
middle-classes, and then, when he found himself unable 
to gain his ends by their help, had thrown himself 
upon the old feudal aristocracy? Was it so very 
surprising that that aristocracy was still what it had 
ever been ? Its traditions were those of plot and 
violence, of enemies shot down in the streets of 
Edinburgh, or hurried off to imprisonment in distant 

Nor did Charles's guilt end here. He had not 
coiue to Scotland for any purpose connected with 
tlio welfare of the Scottish people. He had looked 
on them simply as the instrument by the help of 

266 THE king's visit TO SCOTLAND. 

CHAP, which lie was to work his will in England, and he had 
' — ^-— ' no reason to be surprised if the instrument had 
Oct. 21. broken in his hands, 
imenuons Eveu uow Charles had not by any means re- 

tothri^ hnquished his projected attack on the English 
lishieadciTs. Parliamentary leaders. It may be that he did not 
consciously wish to overthrow the legislation of the 
past year. If the new laws brought with them im- 
provements in his mode of governing, he was quite 
willing to accept them. But he had no intention of 
ceasing to govern, and it was quite evident to him 
that Pym and his allies were ambitious and designing 
intriguers who, for purposes of their own, wished him 
to cease to govern. He had, indeed, no notion of 
grasping authority, by placing himself boldly at the 
head of the nation as a whole, but he hoped that by 
interesting himself in certain questions which had a 
hold upon particular groups of his subjects, he might regain all that he had lost. In August he wrote 
attempte to letters expressing his anxiety for the speedy disband- 
p^tyr? ment of the armies. In September he opportunely 
discovered that Parliament had omitted to include 
in its last Tonnage and Poundage Continuance Bill, 
some clauses which would have given satisfaction to 
Sept. 7. the City merchants. " Therefore," he wrote to the 
Lord Keeper, " I command you, teU the City in my 
name that though their own Burgesses forget them in 
ParUament, yet I mean to supply that defect out of 
my affection to them, so that they may see that 
they need no mediators to me but my own good 
Oct. 5. thoughts." A month later followed expressions 
ominous of vengeance, if vengeance could be had. 
Berkeley and O'Neill, two officers employed in the 
second Army Plot, had returned from the Continent, 
and had been put in custody by the Committee of the 



Commons, which was in session during the recess. " I PSA^- 
hope some day/' wrote the King, " they may repent 
of their severity. ... I beheve, before all be done, 
that they will not have such great cause for joy." A Oct. la. 
week later he continued in the same strain, " I hope 
many will miss of their aims." ^ 

On the day on which these words were "written Hopes to* 
Charles can no longer have hoped for armed help dence 
from Scotland. It was the day when Edinburgh was i^d^. 
in an uproar, and the three lords were flying to 
KineilL The most probable explanation is that he 
lioped to obtain possession of that letter of invitation 
to the Scots to enter England which he believed to be 
in existence in Scotland, and to convict his opponents 
of treason on still stronger evidence than that which 
had been admitted against Strafford. 

If Pyni knew nothing of these unhappy projects, 
lie at least knew enough to put him on his guard. 
Hampden was in Edinburgh, gathering more intimate Uampdcn 
knowledge of Charles's character. He watched him buigh. 
as he coquetted alternately with the Parhamentary 
Presbyterians, and with the dashing nobles who 
hated Parliaments and Presbyteries. It was not only Pym m 
to news from Edinburgh that Pym had to listen. 
Holland, on his return from the army in the North, 
had doubtless much to tell of that second Army Plot 
for their part in which Berkeley and O'Neill were now 
in custody. It would have been strange, too, if Lady 
Carlisle did not from time to time bring him tidings 
from Oatlands of the Queen's feverish expectations and 
plans, too cleverly devised to bear the test of action. 
He must have felt like a soldier who has braced 

* The Kiiig*B Apostyle, Aug. 28. The King to Lyttelton (not to 
Finch, as printed), Sept. 7. The King's Apostylea, Oct. 5, 12, Evelyn $ 
Memoirs, ii. App. 3, 13, 27, 28, 30. 




"- — t ' 


Oct 12. 

in London. 

Oct. 10. 
Growth of 

himself to the assault of a fortress, when he stands 
upon ground which he knows to be mined beneath his 

During the first days of October, London was in 
an agitated state. Disbanded soldiers were roaming 
about, robbing whomsoever they met. The post-bag 
containing letters for the King was opened by masked 
highwaymen. The reUgious troubles were on the 
increase. In virtue of the resolutions of the Commons, 
men entered the churches, breaking down the altar- 
rails, dashing in the painted windows, and even tearing 
up the monuments of the dead when they .bore in- 
scriptions inviting to prayer for the departed.^ Sober 
men were startled by the breaking out of wild and 
unlooked-for fanaticism. There were Adamites, it 
was said, who held it to be their duty to strip them- 
selves of every shred of clothing when they met to 
worship God. There was the Family of Love, which 
was reported to plunge into the wildest excesses of 
debaucliery. The Separatists, or Brownists as their 
adversaries styled them, were of a very difierent 
character, but they were treated in much of the 
pamphlet Uterature of the day as standing on hardly 
a higher level. Why, it was asked, should cobblers, 
weavers, feltmongers, and tailors take on themselves 
to interpret God's word directly contrary to God's 
word ? Even from the pulpits of the official ministers 
strange assertions were heard. One minister affirmed 
that Popish innovations began when the Apostles 
ordained the first bishops. Another declared that 
parents ought to abstain from teaching their children 
the Lord's Prayer. Another minister chided some of 
liis hearers for sitting in church with their hats off. 

Wallington's Hiit, Notices, i. 259. 


and bade them leave off that superstitious compli- chap. 
ment. Another spoke of Felton's murder of the Duke - — ^-^ 
of Buckingham with approbation, whilst yet another (L"*^ 
deliberately omitted from his prayers the name of 
Christ, lest any one in the congregation should be 
guilty of idolatry by showing reverence. It was 
said openly that churches were no more holy than 
kitchens, or the Lord's-table than a dresser-board. 
One man who attracted notoriety by rising in various 
churches in order to address the congregation, and 
who was known as the Prophet Hunt, used to tell all 
who would listen to him that the Old Testament was 
of no more use than an old almanac out of date. If 
a clergyman whose dress or appearance betrayed 
him as a supporter of the unpopular party ventured 
out into the streets, it was not long before he had a 
shouting mob at his heels. A Jesuit, a Baal's priest, 
an Abbey-lubber, a Canterbury's whelp, were the 
mildest epithets which were flung at him in derision. 
At a time when the current ran strongly in favour of 
the use of extemporary prayers, those who clung to Kxtempo- 
the noble language of the Prayer Book with affection jJSJen. 
had often cause to regard with contempt the efforts 
of men without eloquence or education to provide a 
substitute for it. One preacher asserted that in 
the late time of drought he had heard a man pray- 
ing in this fashion: "Lord, there have been some 
semblances, and some overtures, Lord, of rain. The 
clouds indeed were gathered together, but they were 
suddenly dispersed. Lord, Lord, Thou knowest that 
the kennels of the street yield a most unsavoury 
smell." The preacher professed that for his part 
he preferred the despised form : '* God . . . 
send us, we beseech Thee, in this our necessity, such 
moderate rain and showers, that we may receive 


CHAP, the fruits of the earth to our comfort, and to Thy 
^ — ' honour." \ 

oU'Va It was hard to moderate between the disgust of a 

Committee, large part of the upper and more cultured class and 
the zeal of the many who were rushing headlong into 
the whirl of a rehgious excitement. Government 
there was none in England, save such as resided in 
the Committee of which Pym was the guiding spirit. 
That Committee did its utmost, after its fashion, to 
stem the tide. It ordered every disbanded soldier to 
return to his home. It strove to enforce the resolu- 
tions of the Commons as a mere declaration of the 
existing law. But it had a difficult part to play. The 
sense of insecurity provoked staid and nervous citi- 
Oct 12. zens to apprehension. The weight of taxation, espe- 
cially of the terrible poll-tax, pressed heavily on rich 
Kising and poor. The religious sense of a respectable 
li^iinft the minority in London, probably of a majority in the 
^^^ country, was deeply wounded. It was not against 
Presbyterianism that their anger was moved. The 
Eoot-and-Branch Bill had been a clear indication that 
the Commons had no wish to impose Presbyterianism 
on England. The present evil which was feared was 
the sudden uprising of the untaught multitude, that 
* blatant beast ' of which Spenser had written, forcing 
the acceptance of its uncouth shibboleths upon men 
of learning and education. " I think," wrote one 
who shared in this feeling, " it will be thought blas- 
phemy shortly to name Jesus Christ ; for it is ah'eady 
forbidden to bow at His name, though Scripture and 
the Church of England doth both warrant it and 
command it." Placards were already posted up against 
' the precise Lords and Commons of the Parliament.* 

* The greater part of this par aprraph is founded on A Sermon jtreached 
at St. PmiTs the loth dm/ of Oct, Ity T, CheMre, E. 177. 



The authors of sedition, it was said, who had conspired 
with the Scots, must be expelled from Parliament, 
otherwise men would be found to take their lives, as 
enemies of God and the Commonwealth. Similar 
placards were exposed to the pubhc gaze in many 
parts of tlie country, and especially in Yorkshire.^ 

Parliament was to meet again on the 20th. On 
the 19th Pym read in Committee the letters from 
Edinburgh telling of the murderous design which had 
been timely frustrated. For the last ten days, he 
said, he had been receiving warnings that a similar 
design was entertained in England. When the Houses 
reassembled the shadow of the Incident was there 
to terrify them. " Other men," Essex and Holland 
thought, " were in danger of the like assaults." ^ 
D'Ewes moved in the Commons that the danger of a 
Popish plot should be the first subject of considera- 
tion, and that the Lords should be asked to join in 
settling religion, as a salve for all sores. Hyde and 
Falkland fell back on blank increduhty as to there 
being any danger at all, and asked that the affairs of 
Scotland should be left to the Scottish Parliament, 
and tliat they should not * take up fears and suspicions 
witliout any certain and undoubted ground.' The 
House refused to listen to a plea which made so light 
of the peril, and the Lords were asked to concur in 
measures for the protection of Parliament. To this 
demand the Lords at once assented, and from that 
day a hundred men from the Westminster Trained 
Bands kept guard night and day in Palace Yard.^ 

* Wiseman to Pennington, Oct. 7, S, P, Zhtn. Giustinian's despatch, 
^^*' uy ^^<^» Tran9criptt, 

' C. .7. ii. 289. D'P^wess Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiv. fol. 241 b, 
Clamulon^ iv. 20. 

'' C. J. ii. 290. lVEwc8*fl Diary, HarL MSS, clxii. fol. 12 b. 
IHuvnal Occurrences, 329. 


— » — 


Oct. 13. 

Oct. 19, 
The Inci- 
dent known 
in London. 

bly of Par 

Totrd for 


^xivT' ^^^ language of Hyde and Falkland was sufficient 

^ jg' J ^ evidence that the Episcopalian party was in process 

Oct. 20. of conversion into a Royalist party. But their failure 

copaiian to sccurc any large following as yet, and the prompt 

Kcoming a concurreuce of the Lords with the Commons, was 

p^y.**' evidence that the conversion was not as yet entirely 

effected. Even at this time it may safely be affirmed 

that, if no other question had been at issue than the 

political one, there would have been no permanent 

division of parties, and no Civil War, with all its 

melancholy consequences. 

The fault of Only partisan rancour can throw the blame of the 


falls on Civil War on either side exclusively. Pym, far-sighted 
p ^ ' as he was on the constitutional question, had been 
bred up too long on the commonplaces of Puritanism 
to recognise boldly that no settlement of the Church 
was likely to be permanent which did not provide for 
both the chief phases of opinion. Without being 
himself a fanatic, he had more sympathy with the 
fanatics than he had with the ceremonialists. The 
grand vision of rehgious liberty never lightened his 
path. The hard problem of toleration which his own 
generation and the next were called to solve never 
presented itself to his mind as a question worthy of 
consideration. He would have had but one Church, 
one form of worship, one dogmatic teaching, though 
he would no doubt have administered this system in 
a large and tolerant spirit. Fatal as his choice was, 
nothing else could faii*ly have been expected from 
him. If he had not shared the errors of his followers 
he would never have been their leader. The belief 
that the State was to settle a definite Church order, 
to which all were bound to submit, was too deeply 
rooted in the Enghsh mind to be easily eradicated, 
and the unbending severity of Laud's government 


had called forth a reaction strong enough to remove 9liv^- 
far away the thought of toleration for any practices ^ — 7 — ' 
which seemed akin to the Laudian innovations. ^, J 

Uct. ao. 

The action of Falkland is still more disappointing Falkland, 
than that of Pym. It might have been expected that 
with his broad culture and wide sympathies he would 
have made some overtures with the object of enlarging 
the formularies of the Church, in order to embrace all 
moderate men within its fold. The poUcy of com- 
prehension, indeed, was not altogether a promising 
one. It would, in any case, have left too many 
outside the widest . possible Church to be accepted as 
a permanent solution of the problem. But at least it 
would have acknowledged that the problem existed. 
No help of this kind was forthcoming from Falkland. 
His entire want of imaginative force left him without 
creative power. He was a critic, an amiable, truth- 
loving critic, but not a statesman. He had attacked 
Laudian Episcopacy in February. His delicate nerves 
were shocked in October by the systematic rigour of 
Presbyterianism and by the fanaticism of the sects, oct. ai. 
He had said his last word in politics, and he now sank 
into a mere position of dependency upon a man in 
every respect, except rigidity of purpose, so inferior 
to him as Hyde. 

Like Falkland, the Long ParHament itself had said The per- 
its last word in poUtics. Everything that it had done workofthe 
up to this point, with the single exception of the luni^^"* 
compulsory clauses of tlie Triennial Act, was ac- ^^^^' 
cepted at the Restoration and passed into the per- 
manent Constitution of the country. Everything that 
it attempted to do after this was rejected at the 
Restoration. The first was the work of the whole 
Parliament, the second was the work of a majority. 
Failure, and it must be confessed aeserved failure, 



was the result of Pym's leadership. Failure, and 
- equally deserved failure, woidd have been the reault 
of the leadership of Hyde. 

It does not follow that the historian should pause 
here and throw down liis pen in despair. It does not 
follow that he is even called on to regret the sad and 
melancholy tale which has yet to be unrolled of 
EngUshmen, born to be as brothers, flying at one 
another's throats in savage hatred ; or, worse still, of 
Enghshmen in despair casting away the higli thoughts 
of their fathers to grovel in the slough of sensuality, 
except with that regret which is ever springing up 
afresh for the imperfections and weaknesses of human 
nature itself. Woidd England, it may well be asked, 
have been really the better if it had limited its desires 
to purely material objects, if it had been content to 
abolish ship money and the Star Chamber, to seize 
the purse, and, with the purse in its hand, to enter 
into its inheritance of power? Such gains have 
never been sufficient for any nation or for any man. 
Liberty and authority are only permanent when they 
are grasped not for their own sake, but for the sake 
of higher and more beneficent aims. Our fathers, it is 
true, strove in error. They walked on paths which led 
not to wisdom and justice, but to folly and injustice. 
But wisdom and justice were the objects wiiich they 
set before themselves. Each party contended for an 
ideal Church, which was not soiled in their minds by 
the admixture of material dross ; and no man who 
strives even for a false ideal can fall so low as the man 
wlio strives for no ideal at all. The error was great, and 
it was sorely expiated. He whose lot it is to tell the 
tale of the heroic and fatal strife may well look be- 
yond the strife and the immediate relaxation of energy 
which followed its conclusion. Even in the Eestora- 




tion he can foresee the Revolution and the reawakening ^^M?- 
of moral earnestness and intellectual insight, which 
was the ultimate result of the Revolution. If it was 
in England that the great problem of the seventeenth 
century was solved by liberty of speech and thought, 
if England has from time to time raised herself above 
tlie temptations of material wealth to loose the bonds 
of the slave, and to redress the wrongs of the op- 
pressed, if her greatest glory has been that she has 
been not only free herself but the mother of free 
nations, it is because at this crisis of her fate she did 
not choose to lie down and slumber as soon as she 
judged that the rights of property were safe. 

Even now voices were raised to point to the true VoicM 
path of safety. But they were not voices to whicli Sdon. 
any man of authority was hkely to listen. The desire 
for toleration naturally comes to the persecuted before 
it reaches the philosopher or the statesman, and the 
theory whicli had been struck out by the early Sepa- 
ratists retained its power over their successors. Henry juiy. 
Burton, who had been restored to his church in Friday Pmusta^ 
Street, had been rushing forwards to extreme Puri- /^edi ^ 
tanism, and in a pamphlet entitled The Protestation 
Protested,^ had sketched out that plan of a national 
Churcli surrounded by voluntary Churches, which 
was accepted at the Revolution of 1688 as the final 
solution of the difficulty by which two generations 
had been troubled.* Still more remarkable was A Lord 
Discourse opening the nature of that Episcopacy which Dbe<mrte 

* Its publication la mentioned in a letter of July ii, R. Hobart to 
J. Hobart, July 1 1 , Turner, MS8. Ixvi. fol. I09. 

^ The Humble Petition of the Brotvnists, 164I1E. 178, declares for 
complete toleration even for Roman Catholics and for the Family of 
Love, on the ground that whatever ia of God wiU prosper. The large- 
ness of its chanty is rather suspicious, and it -was most probably in- 
tended as a caricature. 

T 2 


is exercised in England, the result of Lord Brooke'a 
vacation studies. Never did so unpromiaiug a be- 
ginning lead up to a fairer conclusiun. Brooke entered 
0- upon his task by denouncing bishops as upstarts of 
low birth and ill-breeding. Hia ai'gument meandered 
for some time amongst disputed points of ecclesiastical 
antiquity, in which he fails to interest the reader, 
because, hke most other controversiahsts of his day, he 
shows that he is not led by any spirit of historical in- 
quiry, and that he is thinking of Laud and Wren much 
more than of Ambrose and Augustine. When the con- 
striictive portion of the book is reached the author 
wins upon our sympathies. He is not, indeed, aware, 
any more than Pym was aware, of the full extent of 
the problem to be solved. His ideal Church is Puritan 
and nothing more. But he had been brought, as a 
member of the House of Lords, face to face with the 
question of the treatment of schismatics. He had 
doubtless been one of ihose Peers who visited the con- 
venticle in Deadman's Place. In this practical way 
he had come to ask himself the question whether 
liberty of conscience for the ignorant as well as for 
the wise were good or bad. The bishops, he says, 
had declared tliat ceremonies were indifferent, and on 
that ground had forced all to take pai't in them. 
Brooke boldly answers that nothing is indifferent. 
The least action ought either to be done or left un- 
done, and it is only our ignorance of the riglit course 
which we veil under the name of indillerence. Yet 
if there is to be any sort of Church at all, it must 
impose certain acts upon its members. The difficulty 
comes when the community is of one opinion and an 
individual member of another. Brooke decides for 
the individual. No power on earth, he says, ought 
to force his praclice. ' One that doubts with reason 


and humility may not, for aught I yet see, be forced ^^^j^* 
by violence/ ^ With this thought before him Brooke ^ — 7 — ' 
refused to be frightened by the danger of admitting ^^ ^^ 
ignorant and vulgar persons to teach. Why, he asks, 
may not a man be allowed to preach, though he is 
basely employed all the week in trade, as well as a 
bishop who is busy all the week with affairs of State ? 
Brooke has full faith in the purifying effect of hberty. 
" Fire and water," he says, " may be restrained, but 
light cannot. It will in at every cranny, and the 
more it is opposed it shines the brighter, so that now 
to stint it is to resist an enlightened and inflamed 
multitude." The activity of the bishops in enforcing 
conformity had resulted in producing many thousand 
Nonconformists. Why could not men agree to differ? 
*' Can we not dissent in judgment but we must also 
disagree in affection ? We never prove ourselves true 
members of Christ more than when we embrace His 
members with most enlarged yetstraitest affections."^ 

It is impossible to over-estimate the value of such Meritu of 
a book. Whilst the future champions of toleration work, 
were silent, whilst CromweU was giving all his 
strength to the work of the hour, whilst Milton was 
lost in admiration of his latest birth of an all- embrac- 
ing and unobtrusive Presbyterianism, Brooke had 
worked out the problem of his age, and had given 
the solution which, after forty-eight years of confused 
and weary seeking, aU England would accept. His 
pleading on behalf of the liberty of unlicensed 
preaching preceded by three years Milton's pleading 
for the liberty of unlicensed printing. No defect in 
the form of Brooke's work should be allowed to 
distract our minds from its intrinsic value. 

If Pym was very far from possessing Brooke's The new 

. ^ BishopB* 

* P. 33* ' Pp. 98, '23- 

2yS THE king's visit to SCOTLAND. 

^xiV*' keenness of insight into the future, it was at least 
' — 7~^ Certain that his counsels would be given on the side o^ moderation. The Eoot-and-Branch Bill was 
Exclusion dropped at the reassembling of Parliament. The 
attempt made by the Committee to enforce the re- 
solutions of the Commons in the matter of the 
ceremonies was also dropped. On the 21st a new 
Bill was brought in to deprive the clergy of aU 
temporal authority, and especially to exclude the 
bishops from their seats in the House of Lords. The 
opposition to the measure was of a very perfunctory 
kind. Hyde objected to it on the ground that it 
meddled with the constitution of the Upper House, 
whilst Falkland took the more practical ground that 
it was certain to be rejected by the Peers. The only 
alternative scheme was offered by Bering, who asked 
that a national Synod should be called to remove the 
distractions of the Church. For the present no 
attention was paid to this suggestion, which had 
already been heard of on several occasions, almost 
since the first meeting of Parhament. It is probable 
that Pym felt it to be hopeless to expect any such 
Church reform as he regarded necessary, as long as a 
compact body of twenty-six episcopal votes was op- 
posed to him in the House of Lords. The new Bill was 
Oct. 23. pushed rapidly through the Commons. It was read 
a third time only two days after its introduction.^ 
Feeling of When the Bill was sent up to the Lords, some 

who wished it ill beUeved that it would be allowed 
to pass.*^ Its introduction a second time was evidently 
intended to form the basis of a compromise. Yet 
there was a large party amongst the Peers which was 
against all concession. The vigour of the sects 

' D'Ewe8*8 Diary, Harl MSS, clxii. fol. 31 6. Dirin^s SpeecheB, 92. 
'' Nicholas to the King, Oct. 25, Evelyn's Memvir$, ii. App. 44. 


during the vacation, and the violence with which the ^xiyf' 

orders of the House of Commons had been in some ,■ , 


places executed, had produced a feeling of irritation oct. 23. 
in many of the Peers, which was increased by the 
not unnatural resentment roused by an attempt to 
alter the ancient constitution of their own House. It Oct 24. 
was observed that on the day after the Bill was sent 
up, which happened to be a Sunday, an unusual 
number of Lords travelled down to Oatlands, to 
pay their respects to the Queen.^ On Monday an 
incident occurred which showed how intense was 
the bitterness of the hatred of which Pjrm had by 
this time become the object. A letter was delivered oct. 25. 
to him in his place in the House. As soon as he n^^Xo 
had opened it, a rag, foul with the foulness of a ^^^' 
plague-sore, dropped on the floor. The letter in which 
it was enclosed termed him a traitor and a taker of 
bribes, and assured him that if he did not die of the 
infection now conveyed to him, a dagger would be 
found to rid the world of his presence.*"* 

In the first months of the Long Parliament, Pym Pym'g pro- 
and his friends had had the advantage of opposing S^p^*. 
vague and indefinite schemes. No one could tell pre- ***^"' 
cisely what the primitive Episcopacy of their adver- 
saries would come to be in practice. That advantage 
they had now thrown away. After all that had been 
said and done in support of the Eoot-and-Branch 
Bill, it was impossible to imagine that the present 
Bishops' Exclusion Bill was Pym's last word on 
Cliurch reform. What he wanted, it seemed, was to 
diminish the majority against him in the House of 
Lords before producing that scheme which appeared 
all the more dangerous because he had given no hint 

* Giustinian to the Doge, §^^ Ven, Transcripts. 
2 D'Ewes's Diary, HaH. MSS. clxii. fol. 36 h. 





Oct 25. 

The King's 
the Peers. 

The mani< 
fei>to practi- 
cally a 
of war. 

wliat its nature was to be. He would probably have 
gained far more than he would have lost by bringing 
forward now a complete but moderate plan of eccle- 
siastical reform. Unfortunately, he, too, had none of 
those powers of constructive statesmanship which 
were most needed at this crisis of our history. 

Not only was the advantage of definiteness of plan 
lost toPym, but it had already passed over to the other 
side. On the 25 th Nicholas had been circulating 
amongst the Peers an extract from a letter which had 
just reached him from the King. " I hear," wrote 
Charles, " it is reported that at my return I intend to 
alter the government of the Church of England, and 
to bring it to that form as it is here. Therefore I 
command you to assure all my servants that I am 
constant to the discipline and doctrine of the Church 
of England estabhshed by Queen Elizabeth and my 
father, and that I resolve — ^by the grace of God — to 
die in the maintenance of it."^ 

Charles had at last found some object to stand up 
for higher than his own prerogative. By this mani- 
festo he was to abide till the last solemn scene of his 
Ufe. It gave him the hearts of all who, from various 
causes, distrusted Puritan domination. In the mouth 
of any man less liable than he was to prefer intrigue 
to statesmanship it would, with some modification, 
have secured a firm foundation for the constitutional 
monarchy. But it was none the less a declaration of 
war in the mouth of Charles. He had no thought of 
making room for so many of the Puritan party as 
would be content to enter into a compromise with 
their fellow subjects. Yet Puritanism was still a 

* This appears to have been the form in which the extract was drca- 
latedy but there was an earlier one. The King*s Apostyle, Oct. 12. 
Nicholas to the King, Oct. 25, Evelyn's Memoirs, ii. App. 37, 44. The 
King to Nicholas, Oct. 18, S, P. Dom. 

pym's poLrriCiO. position. 281 

niiglity force in England, and it was not for Charles ^xW* 
to hope permanently to exclude it from the Church, ' — 7 — ' 
any more than it was for Pym to hope to make it q^ ^^ 
permanently dominant in the Church. 

Both sides, in short, misunderstood the fundamen- The ftmda- 
tal conditions of government. Charles beheved that Stionsolr" 
an existing system could be maintained in the face of mwTtmis- 
widely-felt dissatisfaction. Pym beheved that a new «°<i«"**>^- 
system could be introduced by a mere ParUamentary 
majority in the face of a dissatisfaction equally widely 
felt. The one maintained that the House of Commons 
could effect no change without the assent of the King 
and the House of Lords. The other exalted the 
autliority of an elected assembly whilst forgetting to 
inquire whether its decisions were in conformity with 
the actual necessities of the nation. 

Yet if there were faults and errors on both sides Pym and 
Charles was personally overmatched by Pym. In 
coohiess and dexterity the ParUamentary leader was 
far Iiis superior. On the 26th, Pym stopped a pro- oct.afi. 
l)osal made by Holies, that the bishops who had been th^Tthe 
imi)eached for their part in the late Canons should be guSpX^ 
accused of treason, whilst he himself carried a vote to S^uiIex-^ 
ask the Lords to suspend the whole Episcopal Bench ^^^^ 
from tlie division on the Exclusion Bill, on the ground 
iliat they ought not to be judges in their own case, 
and tliat the thirteen who had been already im- 
])eaclied should be sequestered from the House till J^^.^^- 
tlieir case had been decided.^ An attempt passion- voice on 
atcly supported by Strode to assert the claim of ments 
Parliament to a negative voice on ministerial ap- 
I)ointments failed to secure the requisite support, and 
a simple petition was resolved on to express to the 
Kinfjf the mere wish of the House on the subject. 
At tlie same time the Peers determined by a narrow 

' r. J. ii. 295. D'Ewee's Diary, HarL MSS. dxii. fol. 40 K 





^- — . ■ 


Oct. 28. 
Action of 
the Peers. 

The vacnut 
to bo tilled. 

Oct. 29. 
Feclinii: in 
the Com- 

Btrancc to 
be con- 

majority to postpone consideration of the suspension 
of the bishops, and of the Exclusion Bill itself till 
November 10, the day fixed for the opening of the 
proceedings against the impeached Bishops.^ 

It is plain that the majority in both Houses was 
for the present fluctuating. Neither side wished to 
push matters to extremities. Charles had no such 
feeling. Far away at Edinburgh, without the 
possibility of consultation even with his devoted 
adherents, he announced his intention of fiilling five 
bishoprics which happened to be vacant. Williams 
was to be Archbishop of York. Hall and Skinner 
who were both amongst the impeached prelates were 
translated respectively to Norwich and Oxford. The 
other new bishops were no doubt excellent men, and 
one of their number Dr. Prideaux, the Eector of 
Exeter College, and Professor of Divinity at Oxford, 
would have done credit to the Bench in any age. 
What was serious in the matter was the indication of 
Charles's intention to nominate bishops as he had 
nominated them before, without any intimation that 
they were to hold their offices subject to future 

By the majority of the thin House which was now 
at Westminster, the appointment of the bishops was 
taken as an insult. Cromwell's vehemence carried 
the Commons with him in a resolution to demand a 
conference with the Lords on the subject, and an 
early day, November i , was fixed for the considera- 
tion of that Eemonstrance on the state of the kingdom 
which had been so often talked of in the earlier part 
of the year, but which had never been actually dis- 

Before the appointed day arrived a fresh blow 
was aimed at the King. On October 30 Pym 

* D'Ewes's Diary, Harl MSS, clxii. 46 6. X. /. iv. 407. 


revealed what he knew of the second Army Plot. ^-SA^- 
O'Neill and Berkeley had been under examination, ^ — 7-^ 
and their statements were now read. It was deduced oct.3<il 
from their evidence that when Charles went to Arm^iot 
Scotland he had gone with the hope of obtaining d«°<>*««<^«d- 
military assistance in the North, and it is now known 
from other sources that the inference was correct. 
Pym asked whether the danger was at an end yet. Fresh plots 
Secret forces, he said, had been prepared, and the ""^p®*^^ 
chief recusants in Hampshire had been meeting for 
consultation. The Prince of Wales, who should have 
remained at Eichmond, under the charge of Hertford, 
wlio was now his governor, had been a frequent 
visitor at Oatlands where his mother was keeping her 
Court, and the lad could receive no good in soul or 
body from his mother. It was to be feared that a 
connection existed between these plots in England 
and recent events in Scotland. When Pym sat down 
it was ordered that Father Philips, and Monsigot, who 
had recently arrived on a mission from the Queen 
Mother, should be sent for, and that the Lords should 
direct Hertford to keep a stricter personal watch over 
the Prince. With this demand the Lords promptly 
complied.^ Whether Pym's suspicions were well 
founded or not it is impossible to say, but there is a 
serious corroboration of them in the language which TheQueen's 

^^ language to 

had been used by the Queen to the French Ambas- LaFeru?. 
sador less than a fortnight before. She then told him 
exultingly that her husband's affairs were in the best 
possible condition, and that more than 10,000 men 
were ready to assemble in his service on three days' 
notice.'^ That which seemed to her to be the increase 
of strength, was in very truth the cause of incurable 

^ C. J. ii. 299. D*Ewos'8 Diary, Harl, MSS, clxii. fol. 37 b. 

' La Fert^*8 Despatch, Oct. |}, Arch, des Af, Etr. zlTiii. fol. 394. 




Aqaln and again Charles's intrigues rose up in judg- 
ment against him. On November i , the day which 
had been set apart in the House of Commona for the 
consideration of the Remonatrance, newa arrived at 
Westminster that a rebellion had brQken out in 
Ireland, and that, but for information timely given at 
the last moment, Dublin itself would have been in the 
hands of the conspirators. 

Startling as the news was, there was nothing in it 
to cause surprise. Everything that had been done in 
Ireland since the flight of the Earls in 1607 had been 
of a nature to lead up to such a catastrophe. For a few 
years after James's accession there had been a serious 
attempt to remedy the evils of Ireland by enUsting the 
sympathies of the people in the cause of at least 
material progress. Before the temptation offered by 
the commotions in Ulster English virtue gave way. 
Six counties were declared to be forfeited to the 
Crown under an artificial treason-law which had no 
hold on the Irish conscience. English and Scottish 
colonists were brought in to occupy the richest parts 
of the soil. The children of the land were thrust 
forth to find what sustenance they could on the 
leavings of the intruders, and were debarred even the 
poor privilege of serving the new settlers for hire, 
lest they should be tempted to fall upon their masters 
unawares. That which was done was done not so 
much in order that the land of Irishmen should be 



confiscated, as that a British garrison should be chap. 
planted amongst them. The result was equally ^ — r^ — ' 

The system once estabhshed found favour in the 
eyes of succeeding Deputies. British colonists cost 
nothing to the State, and the means of the Govern- 
ment did not allow it to maintain an army in Ireland 
adequate to its needs. When St. John and the elder Later pun- 
Falkland were Deputies there were fresh Plantations, 
and in spite of the efforts of land-jobbers and confisca- 
tors an attempt was made to treat the natives with 
something less of harshness than at Ulster. Three- 
fourths of the re-divided land was to be assigned to 
tliem, and only one -fourth to the British undertakers. 
Even at its best the system was one of the grossest 
injustice. Some few Irish families were no doubt the 
better for it. They received estates which would be 
permanently their own, and were thus induced to im- 
prove the land of which they had a secure possession. 
But the mass of Irishmen had no such good fortune. 
Their part in the old tribal tenure was utterly un- 
recognised, and they were contemptuously thrust out 
into the world to seek their fortunes as best they 

When Strafford ruled in Ireland, he had resolved The nro- 
to carry out an extensive Plantation in Connaught. tationof*" 
It is true that to him the change appeared to be ^^^ 
likely to bring with it the blessings of English civili- 
sation, and of English religion. It is true that under 
his rule a very practical toleration existed. Priests 
and friars who did not make themselves too con- 
spicuous might go about without hindrance amongst 
a j)opulation which well-nigh adored them, and no 

^ See the account of these proceedings scattt'red over the Calendar 0/ 
Innh Staff Paitern, 1 61 5- 1 625. 



Irishman had any difficulty in hearing mass as often 
as he pleased. But it was clearly understood that 
this license was merely provisional, and that Strafford 
was looking to the strength which a freah confisca- 
tion would give him to enable him to suppreaa the 
exercise of the Irish religion with a heavy hand. 

Strafford fell, but he left his hopes and fears to 
those who succeeded him. Lord Deputy Wandesford 
died before the end of 1640, and after a brief interval, 
his authority was handed over to two Lords Justices, 
Sir William Parsons and Sir John Borlase. The first 
was an adventurer who had made his fortune by 
evicting Irishmen from their lands. Tlie second was 
an old soldier, without any qualifications for govern- 
ing a country. The difliculties before them were such 
as to be almost insuperable. They found themselves 
face to face with a Catholic majority in a Parliament 
in which the Protestant minority was always ready to 
join the Catholics in pulling down the edifice of pre- 
rogative which had been erected by Straflbrd. Each 
House had a Committee in England negotiating with 
the King, and these Committees found Charles ready 
to give way on almost every point. He was too raucli 
occupied with his English difficulties to care whether 
Ireland were the better or the worse for his con- 

Blow after blow was struck at the revenue till the 
exchequer was threatened with a deficit as large as tliat 
from which Straflbrd's energy had saved it. The Lords 
Justices and the Irish Council were liorrified to learn ^ 
that the Plantation of Coonaught, long suspended, 

' lu t letter in -which the subject is treftted from the EoglUh point at 
view, the Council stated ' that in the Flactstiotie great parts of the lands 
IiHve been so assured to the British by proviaos va the grants and othei^ 
wise B8 they must for evi'T rfmain J^nglish, aud cannot in point of intflrpat 
come iuto tho hands (if Iiisli, which adds luucli lo the slrenpth of lh« 





was at last definitely abandoned. It was still worse ^S^^- 
when they learnt that the CathoKc Lords would be — 7- — ' 
content with nothing short of toleration for their own April.* 
rehgion, and had ventured to ask why the loyal Jthe*^*'" 
CathoUcs of Ireland should fare worse than the rebel- J^^ig^n^ 
Uous Puritans of Scotland.^ Such things, indeed, were ^^^ ^**'' 

government and service of the Crown, that by them the great Irish LordSi 
who for many ages so grievously infested this kingdom, are either taken 
away, or so levelled with others in point of subjection, as all now submit 
to the law, and many of them live in good order; that the Plantations 
have been made only in the Irish territories, where those sometimes un- 
ruly chieftains formerly governed, and where the Irish, by advantage of 
the times, prevailed by incursion, and in a manner continued rebellious 
for a long time to expel the English first planted, though now many of 
tlicm are changed mto a civil course of life ; . . . that if no Plantations 
had been made, this kingdom had doubtless, in many parts thereof, con- 
tinued in the old barbarism and tumultuary state, deprived in a manner 
of all the blessings which that providence of our renowned Princes hath 
thereby afforded to it, and — which would have been the worst of all- 
there could have been at this time very little appearance of the Protes- 
tant religion here other than where the State resideth, or where the 
Presidents of the Provinces do live, and in few other particular places ; 
... that if the way of Plantations should now, on the sudden, be 
stopped, we do apparently foresee that it will beget much discourage- 
ment and scruple amongst those already planted, and doubtless will 
occaHion dbturbance from the former pretendants ; . . . that, if it had 
been thought fit to proceed with those Plantations in Connaught and 
some other Irish territories lately found for the King in Munster ; all 
which do amount to near a fourth part of the kingdom, where there are 
now few Protestants that have any considerable estates or fortunes, and 
the spiritual livings no way competent to support a resident ministry, 
whore there are many ports, creeks, and havens lying open upon Spain 
and other kingdoms apt for trade, and fit to be inhabited by men of skill 
and mdustry ... we could little doubt to affirm that His Majesty and 
his heirs should for ever, by God's blessing, have continuance of as firm 
rule and obedience in this kingdom as in any other his dominions.' — The 
Lords Justices and Council to Vane, April 24, S, P. Ireland. 

* They asked ' che sia permesso la libertli di conscienza, et li CattoUci 
in particolare non solo chiedono con pietoso zelo Teeercitio publico della 
llomana religione, ma spallegiati della gente da guerra, che non volse 
come scrissi agli ultimi comandamenti de S. M'^ sbandarsi, sono tumul- 
tuosamcnte entrati nella Chiesa Cathedrale Protestante di Dublin,' — 
Derry is no doubt meant — * dove hauno fatto col concorso di molto popolo 
rant are una solenne messa.* — Giustinian to the Doge, Jan. 5^, Ven, 


CHAP, not said openly in the presence of the Lords Justices. 

^ — 7 — ' But the Committee of the Irish Peers carried their 

April, wishes to Whitehall, and the Queen placed liberty of 

worship for the Irish on the Ust of the benefits which 

her husband was ready to bestow on the Catholics in 

the event of his receiving pecuniary assistance from 


Hopes held As Dart of a settled policy, Charles's offer of re- 

out to the X •^ ' 

Catholics, ligious liberty to the Irish Catholics would have been 
worthy of all commendation, though it was hardly 
likely that he would have been able to carry it into 
effect. In his hands, it was a mere shifty expedient 
from which nothing good was to be expected, the 
mere suggestion of which was certain to kindle hopes 
which could hardly be disappointed with impunity. 
Everything seemed to be prepared to bring about a 
catastrophe. Almost immediately after Strafford's 

Leicester death Leiccstcr had been appointed to the Lord 

Lord Lieu- t/»t- i« i 

tenant. Lieutenancy. Instead of hastenmg to his post, he 
loitered in England with no sufficient excuse. Charles 
showed no sign of anxiety for his departure, and it is 
possible that he was well pleased to leave the field 
open to the execution of plans in which Leicester 
could never be expected to concur. 
TheChurch Whether under any circumstances an Irish 
SndMw** national and Catholic Parliamentary Government 
tio". ^"^ would have been tolerant of existing Protestant con- 
gregations may reasonably be doubted. It is certain 
that this question of toleration for the Church of the 
Irish people could not, as Charles imagined, stand 
alone. The Land difficulty followed close upon the 
heels of the EeUgious difficulty. To claim Ireland for 
the Irish, and to thrust out the intruders who were 
battening on Irish soil, was the inevitable complement 

' See p. 193. 


of the demand that Irish ecclesiastical institutions ^^v^' 
should be constituted in accordance with the ideas of 


the L'ish people. 

A wise and strong England able to repress armed Riak or 
resistance, and capable of doing justice to the real ^^p^^*®*** 
grievances of Irishmen, might possibly in time have 
effaced the traces of that evil which had been the 
work of English statesmen. Unfortunately, for more 
than thirty years, the English Government had not 
been wise, and now at last it had ceased to be strong. 
The native population had neither been crushed nor 
conciliated. Full of the memories of violated rights 
and goaded to bitter hatred by the contemptuous 
indifference of the conquerors, that population was 
mastered by a devouring indignation which when it 
once burst forth would rage as a consuming flame. 
For these men had not passed through the experience 
which had made Scotland invincible. They had not 
the discipUne which comes of the traditions of suc- 
cessful warfare waged through generations under 
trusted leaders. Nationality was with them rather a 
hope of far distant gain than a precious possession 
bequeathed to them by their forefathers. The mass 
was rude and uncultivated, prone to sudden deeds of 
violence and to unthinking panics, cruel as children 
are cruel, under the sudden gust of passion or im- 
pulse. Even victory was certain to bring its own 
perils. Between the cultivated gentleman of Norman . Maj*. 
descent and the rude dispo^essed peasant of Ulster 
there was little in common. For a moment they 
might act together, but there could be little mutual 
confidence between them. 

The peasant's hatred of the English colonists 
found expression in a large number of men of 
birth and education, who, either through their own 

VOL. II. u 




^.-P V . 




Sir PheUm 

fault or that of others, had fallen from wealth to 
" poverty. Foremost amongst these was Roger More. 
His ancestors had once been in the possession of large 
estates in Queen's County, which had since been lost 
to the family. Merging his private grievance in the 
general grievances of his countrymen, he acquired 
their confidence by his force of character. " God and 
our Lady be our assistance, and Eoger More," was 
an expression often to be heard on Irish lips. His 
attractive force was increased by his blindness to all 
except the nobler side of the object at stake, and he 
was able to inspire others with courage because he 
spoke from his heart of the cause in which he was en- 
gaged as one which appealed only to the purest and 
most elevated sentiments of human nature. It is to his 
credit that when he found himself face to face with 
the grim reaUties which his own enthusiasm had 
evoked, he risked his life to put a check upon the 
foul deeds which clouded the accomplishment of his 
purpose, and at last stood aside from the conflict 
rather than win success through a mist of tears and 

Another lea'der of less commanding ability, but of 
higher position, was Sir Phelim O'Neill. He was the 
grandson of an O'Neill who had taken the side of the 
EngUsh Government after the flight of the Earls, and, 
now that Tyrone's son had died mthout issue, he re- 
garded himself as the heir to the chieftainship of the 

The patriotism of Lord Maguire was, like that of 
More and O'Neill, not uninfluenced by personal con- 
siderations. He was a young man overwhelmed by 
debt, and he had therefore everything to gain by a 
commotion. He might not only reheve his estate 
from the burden which weighed heavily upon it, but 


he might hope to regain the authority which had ^5^^- 
been exercised by his ancestors in Fermanagh. 

The first serious plan for rising in vindication of Vel^" 
the claims of Irishmen to the soil seems to have been pian ©fa 
entertained in February, though the idea had not ™"^' 
been absent from the minds of the natives during 
many years. The idea received a strong impulsion 
from the news brought from Westminster by every 
post. The Enghsh Parliament was evidently bent on 
treating CathoUcs with a harshness to which they 
had long been unaccustomed, and there was no reason 
to suppose that the Catholics of Ireland would be 
dealt witli more gently than their brethren in Eng- 
land. "Undoubtedly," said More, "the Parliament 
now in England will suppress the Catholic religion." ^ 

The English Government would have had little to June, 
fear if it had had only to deal with a few discontented tiwSia^ 
gentlemen. The gravity of the situation arose from 
the fact that the fears and hopes of these gentlemen 
were shared by the whole of the native population of 
the country. When, as had been at first intended, 
the disbanded army was on the march for the place 
where it was to have taken ship for foreign service, 
the soldiers were advised by priests and friars not to 
leave the country ' although they lived only on bread 
and milk, for that there might be use for them here.' * 
There can be no doubt that the Irish believed that 
they were called on to act in self-defence. It cannot 
have been unknown to .them that if the Lords 
Justices and the Council could have their way they 
would proceed to a fi*esh partition of Irish land, and 
to a fresh attack upon the Catholic clergy.® Amongst 

* Carte's Onnond, i. 156. Maguire*8 Rdatum, Nalson, ii. 543. 

^ ( 'aptain Serle s evidence, June 9, 8, P, Irelatid, 

' The Protestant ^Vrch bishop of Tuam complained about thin time 

u 2 




an ignorant and impulsive people, it was only too 
-- natural that belief should outstrip actual fact. Irish- 
men were soon firmly convinced that the English 
Parliament had declared its resolution to extirpate 
Irish Catholicism, and that the Lords Jiisticea had 
openly expressed their determination to carry out its 

In intriguing with the Cathohc Lords, Charles 
was applying a lighted match to a magazine of gun- 
powder. One day in August, Sir James Dillon met 
h Lord Maguire in Dubhn, and proposed to him in tlie 
name of the Colonels of that army to seize the Castle 
with the help of the Cathohc Lords. Influential 
Irishmen would at the same time surprise other 
- fortified posts. The Lords, however, drew back, 
possibly wishing to act by the King's orders ratiier 
than in combination with irresponsible adventurers. 
Maguire and his immediate friends resolved to take an 
independent course. They were in correspondence 
with Owen Roe O'Neill, a brave and active officer in 
the Spanish service in the Netherlands, and he had 
promised to send arms for io,ooo men. It was finally 
arranged that an insurrection in the North should 
take place on the same day as the seizure of Dubhn 
Castle, and after some hesitation October 23 was 
fixed on for the attempt.' 

tliat Uie liUilw Aichbiahop is plentifully mainUinud, ^nerally reHpectecI, 
feeds of tbo best, and it is a strife l)etwixt the great onog wliicli abnll be 
happy in Wing the liost of Buch a gueat.' ITe adds that the country 
suffered grievously in having to pay a double clcrjfy. The people, in 
multitudes, daily resorted to ' the maBa-housea.' In Galway nines was 
■ud with such publicity ' thnt the well-affecled English . , at the daily 
hearinf; of the Sfttue as they go about th«ir businesB in the street are 
much wounded in conscience.' The natives thought it hard tn have to 
pay 10 the Protestant clevgy a leas nun than lliey paid cheerfully to thoir 
own priests, S. P. Ireland, It takes some effort now to understand that 
all tliis WHS written wilb complete seriousness. 

' Maguire'fl Urlnlion, Nalson, li. 543. Thn pnibabilily that the Lord* 


Early in October a congress of priests and laymen ch^ 
was held in Westmeath in the Abbey of Multyfam- ^ — -^ — ' 
ham. The question was agitated what course was to oct * 
be taken with the English and other Protestants. The Mid^Sn. 
friars, followed by many who were present, urged, ^*™' 
on every consideration of religion and policy, that 
there should be no massacre. Treat the English, 
they said, as the Spaniards treated the Moors, sending 
them back to their own country with at least some 
part of their property. Others argued that no way 
was so safe as a general slaughter. Banished men 
might come back with swords in their hands. It was 
evident that, before all was over, there would be wild 
work in Ireland.^ 

Some vague warnings had reached the Lords Warnings 
Justices from time to time. It was not till the even- ^ 
ing of October 22, the day before the intended sur- Oct aa. 

^ ' -^ The plot 

held back in order to await instructions from the King, is much increased betrayed. 

if we accept the detailed statement in The Mystety of Iniquity^ 
(p]. 76) by Edward Bowles, that the Irish Committee returned to Ire- 
land 'the same month His Majesty went for Scotland/ namely August, 
' leaving the Lord Dillon, who was presently after sent with the Queen*s 
letters, requesting or requiring his being made CJouncillor of Ireland, to 
His Majesty then at Edinburgh.' If, as seems likely, Lord Dillon was to 
bring the King*8 last instructions, of which I shaU have something to say 
later, this would account for the Lords* hesitations. Such evidence as 
this can only furnish indications, not proofs. What is remarkable is 
that they all point in the same direction. Lord Antrim's statement is 
that the second message from the King was sent by Captain Digby from 
the King when he was at York, and that Charles directed that the dis- 
banded army should be brought together again, ' and that an army should 
immediately be raised in Ireland that should declare for him against the 
Parliament of England, and to do what was therein necessary and con- 
venient for his service.' Antrim says that he informed Lord Gormanston, 
Ijord Slane, and others in Leinster, and after going into Ulster he com- 
municated the same to many there^ but that ' the fools . . well liking the 
business would not expect our time or manner for ordering the work, but 
f(>1l upon it without us, and sooner, and otherwise than we should have 
dune, taking to themselves, and in their own way, the managing of the 
work, and 80 spoiled it.' — Cox, Ilihernifi Afu/ficmiaf ii. 208. 
* Jones's RemonsfrancCf 31. 


prise, that they were roused from their lethargy. 
■ On that day Lord Maguire and Hugh Mac Mahonwere 
in Dublin with eighty men, ready for the next day's 
work. Amongst tliese men was a certain Owen 
O'Couolly, wlioae name and birth had pointed him 
out as a fitting instrument for the design. Unluckily 
for the conspirators, the mau was a Protestant in the 
service of Sir John Clotworthy. Concealing hia real 
opinions, he contrived to escape, made his way to 
Parsons, and told all that he knew. He had learned, 
he said, from Mac Malion, that the projected seizure 
of the Castle was but a small part of the enterprise. 
The next morning every Englishman in DubUn was 
to be slaughtered. AU the Protestants in other 
towns were to be put to death that very night. There 
is every reason to beheve that this promiscuous mas- 
sacre did not enter into the plan of the conspirators. 
O'Conolly, and perhaps Mac Mahon as well, had been 
drinking heavily.^ Exaggerated or not, the informa- 
tion must have fallen on the Lords Justices hke a 
thunderbolt. To meet the danger, they had at their 
disposal only 3,000 men, scattered in small detach- 
ments over the whole fa«e of the country. More than 
twice that number of those soldiers wlio had been 
lately disciplined by the King's orders, that they might 
serve him against Ids Scottish, and, possibly, against 
his English subjects, were also to be found in Ireland, 
but they were far more likely to join the rebels than 
to light against them. The Government had hardly a 
sliilhng to dispose of The conspirators had chosen 
a moment when the King's half-yearly rents and dues 
were still itnpaid, and it was now most unHkcly that 
they would ever be paid at all. Of the population 
of Ireland about nine-elevenths might be reckoned as 
' O'CoiioUy'a Bxamiaulinu, Tumpk-'a Lith RcbeUi-m, 19. 




Oct. aa. 

Catholics by creed, and very nearly as large a pro- ^^v^' 
portion as Celtic by race. The city of Dublin had no 
fortifications, except those of the Castle, and, m defer- 
ence to the constitutional objections of Parliament, 
not a single soldier was billeted in the city. It was 
calculated that in Dublin itself there were fifteen 
Catholics to one Protestant. The garrison of the 
Castle consisted of six aged warders and forty halber- 
diers, maintained for display in ceremonies of State. ^ 

The Lords Justices and the Council did all that was Oct. 23. 
in their power. Maguire and Mac Mahon were seized. M^^Mahon 
Mac Mahon declared proudly that * what was that day ffaguirc. 
to be done in other parts of the country, was so 
far advanced by that time, as it was impossible for 
the wit of man to prevent it.' " I am now in your 
hands," he ended by saying, " use me as you will. I 
am sure I shall be shortly revenged." ^ 

Dublin at least was saved. An able soldier. Sir Dublin 
Francis Willoughby,® was placed in command of the 
Castle, and made a show of defence which imposed 
on the multitude till a sufficient garrison could be 
obtained. For a time the whole city was given up 
to rumours. It was said that io,cxx) rebels were 
already encamped on the Hill of Tara, seventeen miles 
from Dublin. At another time it was said that the 
rebels were actually marching through the streets of 
the city.* In truth, the seizure of the leaders had 
deprived the conspiracy of its guides. The rift 
between the CathoUcs of English birth who hoped 
for a toleration granted by the Bang, and the Catholics 
of Irish birth who wished for an agrarian revolution 

' Carte's Ormondy i. 168. 

'^ Kxarainatiou of Mac Mahou, Z. J, iv. 416. 

* The man who liad once been challen*^ by Falkland. 

* Temfilej 24. 


lUV £%l3Tlt 


Fei'Iiag in 
the Enelish 


was already to be descried. It was afterwai'ds to 
widen into a breach which would be fatal to all 
national action in Ireland. 

Anxiously tlie handful of English Protestants in 
Dublin waited for news from Ulster. On the night 
of the 23rd it was known that Mona[^lian had risen, 
English posts liad been seized, and Enghshmen 
had been plundered. At Newry, where there was a 
fort, the insurgents had overpowered the garrison, 
and had armed themselves out of the King's stores. 
Not a word was heard of tlie death of a single En- 
gUshman. These things, however, had taken place on 
the south-eastern edge of Ulster. It was impossible 
for any eye to penetrate througli the veil to see what 
deeds might have been done behind it. 

The great difficulty of the Lords Justices was to 
know what to do with the Cathohc Peers. They 
dared neither to tnist them nor to alienate them. 
They made a show of confidence by placing in their 
hands a few arms for the defence of their houses 
in the country, but they prudently prorogued the 
Parliament, which was shortly to have met. On the 
25th they despatched to Leicester an account of 
all that they as yet knew of their danger.^ 

On November i tlie despatch of the Lords Jus- 
tices was read in both Houses at Westminster. Only 
one result was possible. Under no circumstances was 
the Enghsh Parliament likely to feel any sympathy 
with the grievances of the native Irish. In the face 
of a rebellion whicli threatened to sweep away the 
name and creed of Enghshmen from Ireland, there 
was no room in the minda of Lords and Commons for 

' The Lords Justices lo Leieeater, Oct. 3j, RiuhK. iv. 399. 
liords Juslicw bud iot^niltHl to prnclidni tiilenitiua Tor the CalLoliCB 
niiffbt Imvc IrnBitd Ihe Iiieli tiorda, 1ml bardly otlierwiso. 

399- irtha H 


any feeling save one of wrath and horror. They ^f^^- 
voted that 50,000/. should be borrowed for the sup- ' — -• — ' 
pression of the rebels, that Leicester should be re- ^^^ ^' 
quested to proceed at once to Dublin, and that 8,000 p^.**^ 
men should be raised to give efiectual help to the ^^^ 
colonists. In order that no time might be lost, they 
directed that volunteers should be invited to give in 
their names at once for the service. 

Having done thus much, the Houses turned their Nov. a. 
attention to the root of the mischief, which they con- iiIIJS"or 
ceived to lay in the Queen's Court. Father Philips was phuipl 
sent for to give evidence before the Lords. He was 
much alarmed, thinking that Hamilton had betrayed 
the secret of the Queen's negotiation with Eome. He 
therefore raised the preliminary objection that he 
could not be sworn on the English Bible. The Lords, 
who knew nothing of the secret which he wished to 
conceal, took offence, and committed him to the Tower 
without any further attempt to obtain evidence from 

All this was done without a single dissentient Nov. 4. 
voice. On one point opinion was divided. The Bang, twi troops 
startled with the wild shape which his intrigue with ployed?" 
the Irish Lords had taken, had asked the Scottish 
Parliament to assist in the reduction of the rebels. 
Tlie Scottish Parliament consented, and the English 
Parliament was asked to accept the offer thus made. 
Falkland and Culpepper, dreading lest Scottish troops 
might again give the law to England, raised objections. 
But their objections were overruled, and the Scots 
were told that if they would send 1,000 men into 

^ L. J. iv. 418. Bossetti to Barberini, March ~^, R, O, TranmripU, 
It is to be noted that whilst modem writers often dwell on the facility 
with wliich Pjm accepted £Eilse rumours against the Catholics, Rossetti's 
mind is occupied with fears lest he should come to the knowledge of the 

true state of the case. 


Ulster, the English Parliament would willingly take 
them into pay.^ 

On the next day the House proceeded to draw up 
) instructions for the Parliamentary Committee in Scot- 
. land. Then Pym rose. He said that he would be ' 
surpassed by no man in readiness to sacrifice life and 
estate in that cause. But as long as the King gave 
ear to the evil Counsellors by whom he was surrounded 
all that Parliament could do would be in vain. He 
moved an Additional Instruction to the effect that un- 
less the King would remove those Counsellors and 
' take such as might be approved by Parliament ' they 
would not hold themselves bound to assist him in 

It was a startling proposal. Hyde opposed it as a 
menace to the King. Waller said that it was a de- 
claration that the House was absolved from its duty, 
as Strafford had declared the King to be absolved 
from all rules of government. Waller was forced to 
ask pardon for his words, but it would seem that even 
Pym's own followers refused to support him further, 
as he was obliged to consent to the adjournment of 
the debate.^ On the following day the House de- 

' NaUcftt, ii. 600. D'Ewee's Diary, Uorl. MSS. cliii. fol. 60 4, 
' D'Ewea'a Diarj, Harl MSS. clxii. foL loot. It ia extremely 
difficult ta roalise Pym's poeition with rospect to the Popish plot. 
We do not know how much he kuBw, and we certainly do ni)t 
ourselves know all. Here, for inefance, is a sudden half-light thrown 
by a letter of Cardinal Barbeiini's. AAer apaokiDg of the treat- 
meut of tliu King hy the Scottish Parliament, he ndds ' et 11 Principe 
d'UrangeB atia con non puoca afilitione dovendo mandare il £glio in 
Inifhil terra, sapendo che vi manda incerto se potra liportame in qud la 
spesa et for^e del ritonio del midesimo ligliob.'— Barberini to Rossetii, 
Nov, J|i R. O. Trmutriirii. What can be meant by this except that the 
young Prince waa to have come to England with ulterior designs, in 
oumo wiiy to help t^srles after u auccesaful return from Scotlnud f Bar- 
betini wye that he derived hiij kuowludge from France. .\^aiD in a 
letter of ^j-f. Roasetti say* that when iho Kins wa,- in Scolland hi 


pym's additional instruction. 299 

liberately rejected his motion.^ On the 8th he repro- ^^v^" 
duced it in a modified form. After a complaint that ^ — 7*-^— ' 
the miseries of past years had originated in the malice Nov. 8." 
of persons admitted into very near places of Council fi^'wrpr^ 
and authority about the King, and that there was ^*****' 
strong reason to believe that others had been ' con- 
triving by violence to suppress the liberty of ParUa- 
ment, and endanger the safety of those who have 
opposed such wicked and pernicious courses/ the Com- 
mons were asked to declare that they feared lest the 
same persons would divert the aids granted for the 
suppression of the rebelHon in Ireland ' to the fo- 
menting and cherishing of it there, and encouraging 
some such like attempts by the Papists and ill-affected 
subjects in England/ They were therefore humbly to The King 
beseech his Majesty * to employ only such Counsellors ministers 
and ministers as should be approved by his Parlia- Sy'^Parifa- 
ment/ "^^'^ 

" If herein," the Commons were further to say, ^^^ 
" Ilis Majesty shall not vouchsafe to condescend to mons to 

^ •' provide for 

our humble supplication — although we shall always Ireland 
continue, with reverence and faithfulness to his per- King, 
sou and to tlie Crown, to perform those duties of ser- 
vic!e and obedience to which by the laws of God and 
tliis kingdom we are obliged — yet we shall be forced, 
in discharge of the trust which we owe to the State, 
and to those wliom we represent, to resolve upon 
some such way of defending Ireland from the rebels, 

wisliod U) form a j^ood council of war 'di gento di Kegno ot ancora di 
foraatit^ri.' Of tho former ho applied to Bristol, Ijcnnox, Winchester, 
and ( 'lanrickard ' e bench^ quest! due fussero Cattolici se sentiva por6 
dal ltd volontieri il lore parere, mostrando medesimamente S. M*' pro- 
pensione grande verso gl' Hibemesi.* Of the foreigners the Prince of 
Orange wan chiefly thought of ' ancorche al presente non si sappin, come 
hi scrivo, che cosa possa succedero del matrimonio, ct anche fu parlato 
«it'l J>uca di Buglione et si stimava buon' soldato il Duca della Valletta.' 
' D'KwcsV J>iary, Uarl MSS. clxii., fol. io8 h, C. /. ii. 301. 


as may concur to the securing of ourselves from eu<^ 
■ miachievous counsels and designs as have lately been 
and still are in practice and agitation against us, as we 
have just cause to believe; and to commend those 
aids and contributions which this great necessity shall 
require, to the custody and disposing of such per- 
sons of honour and fidelity as we have cause to con- 
fide in." ' 

Thus modified, Pym's Additional Instruction was 
almost more startling than it had been in its original 
shape. Culpepper declared that Ireland was part of 
England, and ought to be defended whatever might 
be the result. Even D'Ewes argued that, if a neigh- 
bour's house were on fire it would be the duty of 
those who were near to quench the conflagration with- 
out a preliminary inquii-y into the moral character of 
the householder. Pym, however, held his ground, and 
carried his resolution by the considerable majority 
of 151 to no.' 
I- Undoubtedly no proposal of so distinctly revolu- 
tionary a character had yet been adopted by the 
Commons. The Act taking away the King's right 
of dissolution had, after all, left Charles in possession 
of such powers as law and custom had confided to 
him. The Additional Instruction seized upon the 
executive power itself, so far at least as Ireland was 
concerned. Yet it would be hard to say that Pym 
was not justified in what he did. No doubt he exag- 
gerated the mischief which Charles's CounseDors were 
likely to do. But, after every allowance has been 
made, the fact remains that for the space of a whole 
year, Charles's relations with Parliament had been one 
long intrigue. The probabilities of his future action 

" D'Ewes's I)iary, Uarl. MSS. cbui. M. 108 h. 


had to be estimated with the help of the knowledge chap. 


gained of his character through the two Army Plots 
and the Incident. It can hardly be doubtful now that ^ "* g" 
Charles would not have submitted to that which he 
regarded as the unconstitutional authority of Parha- 
ment, a moment longer than he could help. 

Yet even those who admit that this was true, may was Pym 
ask whether Pym was not unwise in anticipating the T^iil^it? 
conflict. Every effort which Charles had hitherto 
made to bring force to bear on Parliament had failed 
miserably. Every detected plot had only served 
to bring into clearer light the unanimity of both 
Houses and of both parties in the face of such 
dangers as these. Neither Hyde nor Falkland in the 
Commons, nor Bristol in the Lords, had any wish to 
see Parliament the mere creature of the King. Up to 
the end of October, greatly as the strain of this situa- 
tion would have tried the patience of the most endur- 
ing statesman, Pym's wisest course was undoubtedly 
to stand on the defensive, relying on the nation itself 
to resist any rash act of the King's. Ch^trles had no 
longer any military force openly at hand ; and even if 
he thought himself able to rely on some occult sup- 
port, it was in the highest degree improbable that he 
would have skill enough to avail himself of it at 
the critical moment. 

Since the last week in October all such consider- An army 
ations had lost their weight. Whatever else might °®**"*'^' 
be the result of the Irish Rebellion, it was certain that 
a new army must be called into existence to suppress 
it, and that if this army were officered by the King's 
creatures, it would be dangerous to the ParUamentary 
liberties of England. The risk of mihtary violence 
from the discredited, ill-discipUned army of the North 
in the spring and summer was nothing to the risk of 


&aex with 
the Trained 

military violence if it was to come from an armyl 
flushed with victory and steeled to discipline under 
leaders which it had learned to trust. It might be 
argued indeed that the suppression of tlie rebellion 
was a matter of such transcendent importance, that 
Pym was bound to run the risk of seeing the estab- i 
hshment of a military despotism in England rather ] 
than interpose the ehghtest delay in the transmission j 
of succour to the endangered colony. Such, however, 
was not the view of Fym, and those who adopt 1 
it must carry the argument into a region too purely J 
speculative to make it in any way necessary to follow 1 

Nor was it only in respect to Ireland that the majo- I 
rity of the Commons was laying hands on the executive { 
powers. Two days earlier Cromwell had carried a 
motion that the Lords should be asked to join in a vote 
giving Esses power from the House to command the 
Trained Bands south of the Trent" in defence of the 
kingdom. It is true that this was only what Essex 
had authority from the King to do ; but the addition 
of a clause 'that this power' might 'continue till i 
this Parliament shall take further orders' was an f 
open attack on the prerogative.' 

Whether Pym's motion were justifiable or not, it ■! 
was the signal for the final conversion of the Episco- 
palian party into a Royahat party. That party, in a 
minority in the Commons, was in a majority in the 
Lords. To bafRe the Puritans had now become its 
chief object. For the sake of that it was ready to 
trust the King, and to take its chance of what the 
Irish campaign might bring forth. On the rehgioua 
ground there was no longer any hope of compromise. 
Neither party had sufficient breadth of view to per- 

' C J. a. 306. D'Eww's Diary, Harl. MSS. elxii. fol. 106 b. 



ceive the necessity of giving satisfaction to the legiti- ^5^^- 
mate demands of the other.^ ^ — r-^— ^ 

Diffident of support in the Upper House, the Novts! 
leaders of the majority in the Commons fell back monsfrrace 
upon the people. The often-proposed and often- '**^* 
postponed Eemonstrance was read in the Lower House 
before the close of the eventful sitting of the 8th, 
and it was ordered that its consideration, clause by 
clause, should commence on the following day. 

In the obhvion which falls even upon the pro- its import 
ceedings of the most famous of Parliaments, this 
Eemonstrance — the Grand Eemonstrance, as posterity 
has agreed to call it — stands out as the starting-point 
of a new quarrel. To the historian, it is but a link 
in the chain of causation which was hurrying the 
nation into a civil war. So much of it as related to 
reUgion was an answer to- the King's declaration in 
support of the doctrine and disciphne of the Church 
which had recently been circulated amongst the 
Peers .^ In poUtical matters it merely defined the 
position taken up by the Commons in the Additional 
Instruction. That which specially distinguished it, 
was the intention of its framers to use it as an 
appeal to the nation, rather than as an address to 
the Crown. 

^ The state of feeling in the Upper House is well expressed in the 
following extract : — ** The Bill for removing the Bishops out of our House 
sticks there, and whether we shall get it passed or not is very doubtful, 
unless some assurance be given that the rooting out of the function is 
not intended. The House of Oommons have made a Remonstrance/' 1.0. 
the Additional Instruction, " and have desired us to join them in it, where- 
in they do, in the general, humbly pray His Majesty that he would bo 
pleased to change his counsels, and for the future not to admit of any 
Councillor or Minister of State, but such as the Parliament shall approve 
of, and may confide in. Tliis stops likewise in our House, and I believe 
will hardly pass with us without some alteration." — Northumberland to 
Itoo, Nov. 12, S. P. Dani, 

' See p. 280. 


CHAP. It was not in the nature of things that a document 

- — ^^ thus prepared should contain a purely uncoloured 
Novf 8.' description of past events. If Charles had drawn up 
ite charao. ^ similar narrative, it would probably have been 
stained by equal exaggeration. Even writers the 
most prejudiced in favour of Eoyalty, if they only 
look facts in the face, have to assign a large share 
of bjame for the misfortunes of this reign to Charles 
himself. It is no wonder that the authors of the 
Eemonstrance assigned to him the whole. It was not 
to be expected that they should have discovered that 
they had themselves made many mistakes, and were 
Ukely to make many more, or that they should have 
failed to overestimate the importance of that Catholic 
intrigue which, as we now know, was no creation of 
their own fancy. 
Attack on The root of the mischief, they said, * was a malig- 

ned, the nant and pernicious design of subverting the funda- 
and the' mental laws and principles of government, upon which 
MUoni."°" the religion and justice of the kingdom ' were * firmly 
established.' This design was entertained by the 
Papists, the Bishops, and the evil Counsellors. These 
men had fomented difierences between the King and 
his people, had suppressed the purity and power of 
religion, had favoured Arminians, and had depressed 
those whom they called Puritans. They had coun- 
tenanced 'such opinions and ceremonies' as were 
* fittest for accommodation with Popery, to increase 
ignorance, looseness, and profaneness in the people.' 
Further, they had done their best to alienate the 
King from his subjects by suggesting other ways of 
supply than * the ordinary course of subsidies.' 

If this was but a caricature, it was at least a cari- 
cature founded on truth. Motives were supplied or 
exaggerated, but the tendency of the acts which had 


been done was very much what the Eemonstrance chap. 
alleged it to have been. 


Then followed a long list of enormities, com- novTs! 
mencing with the very beginning of the reign. The chSwa 
Eemonstrance told of the hasty dissolution of the^^/t^ 
Oxford Parhament, of the disasters of Buckingham's ^^^^ 
government, the breach of the privileges of the Com- 
mons, the imposition of unparUamentary taxation, the 
tyranny of the Ecclesiastical Courts, the imposition of 
a new Prayer Book on Scotland, followed by violent 
action against the Scots, and by the dissolution of the 
Short Parhament for its refusal to abet the designs 
of the Court against its brethren in the North. Then 
came a list of the good deeds of the existing 
Parliament. Wrong and oppression had been beaten 
down, and had been made legally impossible in the 
future. What was now needed was security. The 
authors of the two Army Plots had been busy in 
Ireland, and had * kindled such a fire as nothing 
but God's infinite blessing upon the wisdom and 
endeavours of this State had been able to quench it.' 

After this came a complaint against the Bishops, and Ccmpiaint 
af]fainst the Eecusant Lords, who had returned to their Sshops 

AnH ftiA Ra 

places after the excitement about the Protestation had cusant 
cooled down. They were charged with frustrating all 
the efforts after reformation made by the Commons. 

Wliat were these efforts after reformation ? On 
this all-important point, Pym had as Uttle chance of 
arriving at a satisfactory solution as Hyde. He was 
animated by no large spirit of comprehension or 
toleration. He had no broad remedy to propose, 
which would give to all men as much as they could 
legitimately claim. He was as unready to listen to 
Brooke's plea for the worship of the conventicle, as 
he was unready to Usten to Hyde's plea for the wor- 

VOL. II. x 




aliip of the cathedral. From one party as loudly aa 
from the other waa heard the cry for uniformity of 
doctrine and discipline. 

" They infuse into the people," said the authors 
of the Remonstrance, " that we mean to abolish all 
Church Government, and leave every man to his own 
fancy for the service and worship of God, absolving 
him of that obedience which he owes under God imto 
Hia Majesty, whom we know to be entrusted with 
the ecclesiastical law as well as with the temporal, to 
regulate all the members of the Church of England, 
by such rules of order and discipline as are estab- 
hshed by Parliament, which is his great council in 
all afiairs, both in Church and Slate." 

" We confess our intention is, and our endeavours 
have been, to reduce within bounds that exorbitant 
power which the prelates have assumed unto them- 
selves, so contrary botli to the Word of God and to 
the laws of the land, to which end we passed the Bill 
for the removing them from their temporal power 
and employments ; that so the better they might with 
meekness apply tliemselves to the discharge of their 
functions, which Bill themselves opposed, and were 
the principal histruments of crossing." 

"And we do hei'e declare that it is far from our 
purpose or desire to let loose the golden reins of 
discipUne and government in the Church, to leave 
private i>ersons or particular congregations to take 
up what form of Divine service tliey ; for we 
hold it requisite that there should be throughout the 
whole realm a conformity to that order which the 
laws enjoin according to the Word of God. And we 
desire to unburden the consciences of men of needless 
and superstitious ceremonies, suppress innovations, 
and take away tlie monuments of idolatry," 


" And the better to effect the intended reforma- chap. 


tion, we desire there may be a general synod of the ' — 7^- — ' 
most grave, pious, learned, and judicious divines of ^^^ 
this island, assisted with some from foreign parts 
professing the same religion with us ; who may con- 
sider of all things necessary for the peace and good 
government of the Church, and represent the results 
of their consultations unto the Parliament, to be 
there allowed and confirmed, and receive the stamp 
of authority, thereby to find passage and obedience 
throughout the kingdom." 

The whole contention of the party of the Grand PomUoh 
Remonstrance, the whole root of the baleful tree "^* 
of Civil War, lay in these words. The malignant 
party, they went on to say, " tell the people that our 
meddling with the power of Episcopacy hath caused 
sectaries and conventicles, when idolatry and Popish 
ceremonies introduced into the Church by command 
of the Bishops, have not only debarred the people from 
thence, but expelled them from the kingdom. Thus, 
with Elijah, we are called by this malignant party 
the troublers of the State, and still, while we en- 
deavour to reform their abuses, they make us the 
authors of those mischiefs we study to prevent." 

" No Popery I " was the cry on one side. " No 
sectarian meetings ! " was the cry on the other. " No 
toleration ! " was the cry on both.^ 

In the face of such divisions of heart and mind 

^ A contemporary letter well brings this out. ' " Troubles ... I 
boliovo will not yet cease until the business of religion be better settled, 
and the sectaries and separatists (whereof in London and the parts cod- 
tiguous are more than many) may be suppressed and punished. . . . Oft 
times we have more printed than is true, especially when anything con- 
cerns the Papists, who (though they are bod enough) our preciser sort 
strive yet to make them worse, and between them both are the causes 
tliat in no discoveries we can hardly meet with the face of truth."— Wise- 
nmn to IVnninpton, Nov. il, S, P. Dom, 

X 2 


' No*. 


every claim for increase of political power had tlie 
ring of faction in it. Yet it was inipoaaible that the 
demand made in the Additional Instruction should be 
passed over in the Remonstrance. Charles was asked 
" to employ such Councillors, Ambassadors, and other 
Ministers in managing his business at home and 
abroad as the Parliament " might " have cause to con- 
fide in," Otherwise no supplies could be given. It 
would not be enough to allow the right of impeach- 
ment. " It may often fall out that the Commons may 
have just cause to take exceptions at some men for 
beiug Councillors, and yet not charge those men with 
crimes, for there be grounds of diffidence which lie 
not in proof. There are others which, though they 
may be proved, yet are not legally criminal." 

PoUtieally Pym — and Pym may fairly be regarded 
as the main autlior of the Eemonstrance — ^was far in 
advance of his opponents. The position which had 
been taken by the Houses, with the full consent of 
both parties, was incomplete without the subordina- 
tion of the Executive to Parliament. If Pym was in 
the wrong, it was not here that bis mistake was 

On the 9th the Eemonstrance underwent a closer 
examination. Fresh paragraphs were added, em- 
bodying additional grievances which had been omitted 
in the original draft. No opposition, so far as is 
now known, was offered to those clauses in which 
the King's past misgovernment was set forth in 
detail. During the discussion of the first two 
days not a single division is reported to have been 

Once more the attention of the House was called 
off by bad news from Ireland. Before the first week 

• lyEweB'a Diary, Hurl. MSS. cUii. fol. tl6 *. 121 S. 





of the rebellion was over it had developed itself in ^5^^- 
the direction of that savagery which inevitably 
attends the uprising of a population suffering under 
grievous wrongs, without the habit of self-restraint 
which is the most precious fruit of the higher civihsa- 
tion. It is true that on October 24 Sir Phelim oct.24. 
O'Neill made known by proclamation that no harm pn^uml- 
was intended either against the King or against any ^*°"' 
of his subjects.^ It is just possible that in some 
dreamy way he may have contemplated a revolution 
in which all wrongs should be righted without effu- 
sion of blood. The fact was far otherwise. There No ^^^^J^ 
was, indeed, no general massacre in the North.* ™**«<^'«- 
The Scots who formed the majority of the colonists 
were spared, apparently on some notion that, 
the cause of nationality being common to Scotland 
and Ireland, they were not to be regarded as 
enemies. Nor were the Engli&h put to the sword 
in a body. The condition of the settlers was none the 
less pitiable. In the first week of the rebellion the 
greater part of the fortified posts in the North of 
Ireland fell into the hands of the rebels. Freed from 
apprehension the wild multitude swooped down upon 
every English homestead, and thrust out the possessors 
to fare as best they might. It was not in the nature violence 
of things that violence should stop there. Two murder, 
classes of Englishmen were specially exposed to 
danger — the officials who had enforced the payment of 
dues to the Crown, and the clergy who had drawn 
their maintenance from an impoverished people of 
another faith. From these classes victims were early 
chosen. A far larger number fell a sacrifice to the 

' Proclamation, Oct. 24, 8, P. Ireland, 

^ If a general massacre had taken place, it must have left traces in 
the Carte MSS, and the Steite Papers, 


wild brutality of ferocious and excited mobs than to i 
any deliberate pnrpose of vengeance. Worst of all 
were the deeds of the Maguires in Fermanagh. 
Exasperated by the imprisonment of Lord Maguire, 
they killed, if report spoke truly, no less than three 
hundred EngUsh on the first day of the outbreak. 
Even when the leaders of the natives were inchned to 
spare the prisoners, it was impossible to secure them 
against the brutality of their followers. It sometimes 
happened that the guard appointed to conduct the I 
former masters of the soil to a place of safety, was 
driven off by the rude country-people, and the sad 
procession, clogged with helpless women and children, 
found its close in murder. No attempt was made to 
bury the victims. The stripped corpses lay about till 
the hungry dogs left nothing but scattered bones to 
bleach on the ground.^ 

In Cavan, on the other hand, Phihp O'Eeilly, who 
headed the rebellion, set his face against cruelty and 
murder. In Belturbet, he gave leave to about 800 
EngUsh settlers to can-y some of their property with 
them. A mixed multitude of men, women, and 
children, they set out for Dublin. "That night" — so 
the Rector told the story in after years — "we all lay 
in open field. Next day we were met by a party of 
the rebels, who killed some, robbed and spoiled the rest. 
Me they stripped to my shirt in miserable weather; 
my wife was not so barbarously used ; both of us, 

' DepoaJtion o! T, Grant, Feb. 9, 1642 (Carle MSS. ii. fol. 346). 
The deponent, who was examined on ofttb, sajatbat, boing inFermiuingb 
on Oct. 23, be beard that Mr, ObnmpinD Tras killed and bie compnay 
murdered. He liimeetf escaped, and, beinff retaken, was carried to Olnnea 
to be banged, but wbb reprieved, Ha then mention*! beoring of the 
banging of twenty-one EngliKb pri«ouers at Cnri-igm across, of two othoia 
at Mimaghan, of the murdering of nineteen persons elaeivbere. Tba 
mention of tlieao particulars shows that be did not know of a universal 


with a multitude of others, hurried to Moien Hall. 
That night we lay in heaps, expecting every hour to 
be massacred." At last they reached Kilmore, where 
they were received by Bedell, in whose conversation 
tliey enjoyed for three weeks ' a heaven upon earth/ ^ 
Then the fugitives, with numbers now increased to Thefogi. 
2,000, were sent on under a guard of 200 Irish. For BeiTuioet 
eight or ten miles the guards performed their duty 
well. Then they found that the whole country-side 
was roused. The warm clothes of the hated English 
would be a precious possession in the cold winter 
nights which were approaching. It was but a 
moment's work to rush upon the helpless crowd, 
to strip both men and women to the skin, and to 
send them on in their misery. Irish women and Irish 
children rushed to the spoil even more savagely than 
the men. If compassion left to some of the poor 
creatures a bare rag wherewith to cover their naked- 
ness, it was snatched away when the next hovels were 
reached. About a hundred perished on the way from 
cold and hunger. The remainder were hounded on 
with fiendish mockery to Dublin, the city of refuge. 
One who told the tale gave thanks to God that, 
as amongst the shipwrecked companions of St. Paul, 
' some came to land on planks, some on broken 
])ieces of the ship, so some have passed these pikes, 
some with torn clothes and rags, some with rolls of 

^ Thus far the story is taken from the Bishop of Elphin's narrative, 
Carte MSS. xxxix. 365. Mr. Lecky (Hist, of Engl, ii. 131), having been 
led astray by Mr. Prendergast, calls this the Rector s letter to Bedell. 
It was written after the Restoration, when he had become a bishop. I 
take this opportunity of expressing my extreme admiration of Mr. Lecky's 
account of the Insh RebeUion. Having examined a large mass of original 
material amongst the State Papert and the Carte M8S,, I have been sur- 
prised to find how, even without having himself gone through the work 
of ri'reronce to MS. authorities, he almost always contrives to hit 
the truth. 


bay about their middles, and aome of the riflera ' 
themselves esclianged their tattered raga for the 
travellers' clothes.'' 

Other more dehberate murders were perpetrated 
over the face of Northern Ireland, Protestant 
ministers and Protestant settlers were hung or stabbed. 
Unless the behef of those who escaped far outran 
the reality, simple death would have been to many a 
dearly prized relief. It was at least believed that 
noses and ears were cut off in sheer brutality, that 
women were foully outraged, and that ' some women. ^ 
had their hands and arras cut off, yea, jointed ahve 
to make them confess where their money waa.'^ At 
Portadown a large number of persons were flung 
from the bridge into the river to drown. At Cor- 
bridge a similar tragedy was enacted. Tales of un- 
imaginable brutahty were afterwards collected from 
the mouths of those who had escaped from those 
awful scenes — tales swollen, we may hope and beheve, 
by the credulity of fear, and which were often exag- 
gerated by t!ie creduUty of superstition. The same 
testimony that was taken as evidence of the murders 
was taken as evidence of the visible appearance of 
the ghosts of the murdered. Statements were col- 
lected from excited fugitives, ready to believe the 
worst, and to tell all that they had heard, as well 
as all that they knew, under pressure from Com- 
missioners who were anxious that the story which they 
elicited should be as horrible as it could be. But it 
does not follow tliat all was pure invention or the 
result of creduUty. There is nothing to make the 

' A Brief DeclanUion of the Barbnroas mid Inhuman Dealing <if th» 
yortktm Iriih Rth^t. By G. E., Minister of God'e Word in belaad, 
E. I8t. This waa -vnitteii soon nrtiir tbe Rebellion broke out, »iid baa 
iT)out il a maderntion wblch inspires conlidenoe. 

' This is froui the Brief Declaration. 



commission of these barbarous actions antecedently chap. 


improbable, and the historian may be content to 

— ^ — , — — J — ,_ 

record his behef that if any truthful narrative of those V!'" 
days could be recovered, it would be found to support 
the views neither of those who argue that the tales of 
imnatural cruelty are entirely to be rejected, nor of 
those who would admit every one of them as satisfac- 
torily proved.^ Terrible as these scenes were, those 
who perished were for the most part those who were 
driven naked through the cold November nights 
amongst a population which refused to them a scanty 
covering or a morsel of food in their hour of trial. 
To the Irish it seemed mercy enough when no actual 
blow was struck against the flying rout. Men hardly 
beyond middle age could remember the days when 
Mountjoy had harried Ulster, and when the sunken 
eye and the paUid cheek of those who had been 
dearest to them had told too surely of the pitiless 
might of the Englishman. 

Of the number of the persons murdered at the How many 
beginning of the outbreak, it is impossible to speak were mur- 
with even approximate certainty. Clarendon speaks ^® 
of 40,000, and wilder estimates still give 200,000 or 
even 300,000. Even the smallest number is ridi- 
culously impossible. The estimated numbers of the 
Scots in Ulster were 100,000, and of the English 
only 20,000. For the time the Scots were spared. In 
Fermanagh, where the victims fared most badly, a 
Puritan officer boasted not long afterwards that he 

* Mr. Gilbert, in the Eighth Report of the Hid, MSS. Commission, 
has diBsected the celebrated Depositions, Mr. Sanford {Studies, 429), 
speaking of the alleged appearance of ghosts says : — '' Because the terri- 
fied witnesses deposed to having seen this, we are therefore," he is writing 
ironically, '^ to believe that no massacres took place ; as if the very fact 
of t heir imaginations being wrought up to fancying such sighta were 
not the strongest proof that some horrible deed had been perpetrated in 
their preseuco.'* 


had rescued 6,000. Thousanda of robbed and 
plundered fugitives escaped with their lives to fiad 
shelter in DiibUn. On the whole it would be safe 
to conjecture that the number of those slain in cold 
blood at the beginning of the rebellion could hardly 
by any possibility have much exceeded four thou- 
sand,^ wliilst about twice that number may have 
perished from ill-treatment. Before long the tale of 
woe from Ireland would resound through England 
in a wildly exaggerated form. The letters read at 
Westminster on November r i , showed that even 'the 
1 full extent of the real calamity was as yet unknown 
in Bubhn. But they told of EngUshmen being 
spoiled and slain, and they declared that, if sub- 
etantial relief were not soon afforded, Ireland would 
be lost and aU its Protestant population would be 
destroyed. This was all that needed to be told in 
English ears. The Ecmonatrancc was flung aside for 
a time, and the energy of botli Houses was directed 
to tlie suppression of the Irish Eebelhon. The 
younger Vane moved that the House should go into 
Committee to consider a present supply for Ireland. 
Henry Marten and his irreconcilable friends declared 
against him, but this time Vane's Episcopalian oppo- 
nents ranged themselves by his side,^ and he carried his 
motion by 98 to 68. As soon as the Committee had been 
formed, Strode called out that the debate should be 
postponed till the Eemonstrance had been circulated . 

' Warner (297) gives 4,028 as llie Dumber of all those stated, on every 
evidence, to bave been murdered. This was upon eridunce cullM:ted 
vritliin two jetiiB, and probably includes later murders. Ab mucli of the 
evidence was worthleBS, it is an exceedingly liberal cnlcultition. I am 
dispensed from the necessity of supporting thia by argument, by 
being able to refer to Mr. Lecky's investigationa {Sitt. of Engt. 


siranifwayi was onu 

nl' bis tellers. 

The Lord! 


in the country.^ The House wanted to hear about ^5^^- 
Ireland, and not about the Eemonstrance. It voted 
that 10,000 foot and 2,000 horse should be sent 
from England,, and that the Scots should be asked 
to furnish 10,000 men, instead of the 1,000 which 
had been originally proposed. To aU this the 
Lords gave their assent, as well as to so much 
of the Instructions to the Committee in Scotland as 
referred to the miUtary arrangements. But they re- 
solved to postpone to a more convenient season the poitpwlV" 
consideration of the Additional Instruction which was on the Ad- 
intended to Umit the King's Constitutional power of struction. 
appointing ministers without the consent of Parlia- 
ment.^ It seemed as if Pym would fail in securing the 
support of either House for the Constitutional change 
which he had proposed. 

The next day the tide was running in the same „^^<*^"- 

*' ^ PropoRed 

direction. The Commons had voted that 2,000 Scotuuh 
English troops should be sent at once, under Sir Simon Ireland 
Harcourt. They were then asked to request that 
3,000 Scots should cross the sea at the same time. 
In this way the balance of force would be altered in 
favour of Puritanism. The Episcopalians took alarm, 
and proposed to Umit the demand to 1,000. They 
carried their point by the large majority of 1 1 2 to "j*]^ 
Eeliance on Scottish assistance was plainly not 
popular even in the House of Commons. The 
Common Council of the City was ready to support 
Pym. It declared its readiness to lend the sum which 

* Mr. Strode, says D'Ewes, " moved against the order of this Com- 
mittee that/' &c. In order to make this more dramatic, Mr. Forster 
turns this into '^ Sir, I move against the order of the Committee thatt** &c. 
Of course D'Ewes meant that Strode was out of order. 

- X. J. iv. 435. D'Ewes's Diary, HaH, MSB, clxii. fol. 132 6. 

' The moaning of the division is evident from the names of the tellers — 
ITopton nnd Strangways for the majority, Erie and Marten for the 





Nov. 12. 
The City 
ready to 



The City 


against the 


Lords and 



No 13. 
The Com- 
mons fol- 
low Pym*8 

was needed for the Irish expedition. It asked in 
return for relief from certain grievances. Members 
of Parliament, especially the Members of the House 
of Lords, had been in the habit of granting protections 
to their servants, to shield them from their creditors. 
What had been but a temporary inconvenience to 
a City tradesman when the longest session seldom 
exceeded six months, became a formidable burden in 
times when no one could tell through how many 
years a single session might be prolonged. On this 
matter the Commons were not likely to stand in the 
way of justice, and they pushed forward a Bill which 
was intended to remedy the evil. Having first set 
forth their own complaints, the citizens asked that the 
persons of the Catholic Lords might be secured, and 
that the bishops, who were the main obstacles to the 
passage of good laws in the Upper House, might be 
deprived of their votes. If this declaration expressed 
the real sense of the City, all the efibrts of Charles's 
partisans to win London to their side would be made 
in vain. 

The declaration of the City was the turning-point 
in the struggle. It came just after the impeached 
bishops had put in their answer in the House of 
Lords. It may be that the discovery that the City 
supported Pym's views, influenced some votes in the 
Commons. At all events, on the 1 3th they not only 
voted that the bishops' answer was frivolous, but they 
reconsidered their determination to restrict the imme- 
diate supply of Scottish troops to i ,oco. They now 
resolved to ask for as many as 5,000, though 3,000 
had been thought too much on the day before. 
Before night this proposal was agreed to by the 

• D'Ewes's Diary, Harl MSS. cbdi. 142 6. 


In these last conflicts Hampden had been once chap. 


more by the side of Pym. He had left Fiennes be- 
hind him at Edinburgh, and had hastened back to J'^l' 
throw himself heart and soul into the Parliamentary Hajidea 
struggle. With him there was no looking back, minater. 
What he had seen in Scotland seems to have con- 
firmed him in the beUef that Charles could not be 

As soon as the immediate wants of Ireland had 
been provided for, the Remonstrance was once more 
taken up. On the 15th and i6th it finally passed Nov. 16. 
through Committee.^ As might have been expected, ^^t^ce 
the only real struggle was on the ecclesiastical clauses. ^^^^ 
One of these, as originally drawn, complained of the 
errors and superstitions to be found in the Prayer 
Book. The Episcopalians mustered in such strength 
that their opponents were fain to submit to the 
excision of these words. They then proposed an 
amendment justifying the use of the Prayer Book 
* till the laws had otherwise provided.' This alter- 
ation, however, they failed to carry, though they 
succeeded in preventing the insertion of an announce- 
ment that the Commons intended to dispose of the 
lands of the bishops and deans. Equally balanced 
as the parties appeared to be, the next effort of the 
EpiscopaUans was signally defeated. A statement 
that the bishops had brought idolatry and Popery 
into the Church was opposed by Bering, but was 
retained by the large majority of 124 to 99. The 
probable explanation is, that some members were 

* These were the third and fourth sittings. Mr. Forster intercalates 
(The Grand Remonstrance^ 205) a fierce and long debate on the 12th 
which never existed except in liis own imagination. The Oommona 
were engaged on that day in discussing the question of sending troops to 


CHAP, in favour of the retention of the Prayer Book, who 

^^ — r^ — ' were not unwilling to pass a bitter condemnation on 

NoT^^is. the past proceedings of the bishops.^ 

The sup- During the last two days the attention of the 

f^hPiot. House had not been entirely absorbed by the Ee- 

monstrance. The horrors of the Irish Eebellion 

had revived the belief in a great Popish Plot for the 

extinction of Protestantism in the three kingdoms. 

There was doubtless a singular opportuneness in the 

circulation of the rumours which sprung up just at 

the time when the fate of the Eemonstrance was at 

stake, and it is quite possible that Pym and Hampden 

did not at this moment care to scrutinise so closely 

the tales which reached their ears as they might 

under other circumstances have done. But it must 

not be forgotten that a real plot existed ; and with 

Pym's knowledge of much — ^we cannot tell of how 

much — of the Queen's subtlest intrigues, he could 

hardly venture to disregard any information, however 

trivial it might seem. 

Nov. 15. On the 1 5th the Speaker informed the House that 

ciTptured!^* two pricsts had been taken. The House ordered that 

they should be proceeded against according to the 

Rumours of l^w. In the meanwhile the Lords were engaged in 

^**^**- examining one Thomas Beale, a tailor, who asserted 

that he had overheard some persons talking of their 

intention to murder no less than 108 members of the 

two Houses, and of a general rising to take place on the 

1 8th.* Further inquiry was ordered by the Lords, 

where the majority was, at all events, not Puritan. 

» lyEwes's Diary, Harl. MSS, clxii. fol. 153. All through his 
notes of this debate, D^Ewes speaks of his opponents as the party of 
Episcopacy, or the Episcopalian party. The words are in cypher, and 
ha\^ not been noticed by Mr. Forster. Mr. Sanford (Studies, 137) men- 
tions them, but does not appear to have seized their importance. 

'^ L. J. iv. 439. 



After that, a letter was read in the Commons, to ^f^^- 
the effect that fresh fortifications had been raised at * — 7 — ' 
Portsmouth, that a Frenchman had been constantly ^^^ ' 
passing up and down between that town and Oatlands 
— in other words, between Goring and the Queen — 
and that, lastly, " the Papists and jovial clergymen 
there were merrier than ever." ^ 

The Commons resolved to prepare an ordinance Nov. 17. 
for putting the Trained Bands in a posture of defence u^n- 
under Essex in the south and Holland in the north, Sr^e"^^ 
" and for securing the persons of the prime Papists." 
The Lords recoiled from trenching so far upon the 
authority of the King, and it was only after some hesi- 
tation that they agreed to bring in a Bill to give effect 
to the wishes of the other House in respect to the 
Recusants, whilst they amended the ordinance by the 
insertion of words implying that no powers were 
conferred upon Essex and Holland in excess of those 
which had been given to them by the King's commis- 




Nothing could be made of Beale's story. Goring, 
being summoned to give an account of the state of 
Portsmouth, unblushingly declared that there was 
no truth whatever in the current rumours.® Other 
charges against the Court could neither be denied nor 
explained away. On the 1 7th the evidence was read not. 17 
before the House of Commons, which put it beyond 
doubt that in the second Army Plot, Legg had been 
the bearer of a petition, to which the King's initials 
were affixed, in which the soldiers were expected 
to express their detestation of the leading members, 
and to declare their readiness to march to London 

' D*Ewe8'8 Diary , Harl MSS. clxii. fol. 151 6. 

' X. J. iv. 445-450. 

=» D'Ewes'H Diary, UttrL MSS., clxii. fol. 167 6. 


to suppress the tumults which those leaders had 

The reading of this and other evidence was fol- 
lowed by a vote that it was proved ' that there was 
a second design to bring up the army against the 
■ Parhament, and an intention to make the Scottish 
army stand as neutral.' ^ 

No doubt the production of this cliarge at such a 
moment, was intended by Pym to influence the voting 
on the Remonstrance. In fact, its truth formed the 
strongest argument in behalf of the unusual course 
which he was taking. In the face of a King who had 
recently appealed to niihtary force, and who would 
aoon have an opportunity of appealing to it again, 
it was necessary somewhat to shift the balance of the 
Constitution. No doubt Charles might reply that he 
had only called on the army to repress tumults. The 
answer was obvious, that the tumults had been sub- 
sequent to a former appeal to the army.' 

The way having thus been cleared, the House was 
ready for its last debate on the amended Eemon- 
strance. There had been some intention of bringing 
it forward on the 20th. But the hour was late before 
,t it was reached. Its opponents asked for delay. Its 
1. supporters did not anticipate mucli further trouble. 
" Why," said Cromwell to Falkland, " would you 
have it put off?" "There would not have been 
time enough," was the reply, " for sure it will take 
some debate." " A very sorry one," said Cromwell, 

■ IVEwea's Diary, Marl. MSS. cliii. fol. 157 A, 

" a J.ii. 318. 

' Mr. FoTBtcr heru btrodiices a debate on the Iteniocstraace as Iiikiiig.fl 
pla<* on the 19th. Neither the Journals nor P'Eweb know ftnytUing a" 
any such debate. Among Bering's speeches, indeed, there is one said tol 
have been delivered on the 19th ; bitl ioternal evidence sbows thiatof 
have bpeii a niiBimiil for the i6th, 




Nov. ao. 

contemptuously.^ He did not reckon on the resistance ^^v^* 
which would be aroused by the proposal to appeal to 
the people apart from the statements contained in 
the Remonstrance itself. In the end it was resolved 
that the reading of the manifesto of the Commons 
should be proceeded with at once, but that the debate 
on it should be fixed for the 22nd.* 

At noon on the appointed day the discussion Nov. 2a. 
opened. Some few alterations, for the most part SbJteon 
merely verbal, were made, but in tlie main the Re- Jti^^^" 
monstrance was to be accepted or rejected as it stood 
when it left the Committee. A special attempt to 
expunge the clause which spoke of the Bishops' Exclu- 
sion Bill in terms of commendation, was made and 
failed. In the general debate the speeches of the Argumenu 
Royalist-Episcopalian party are disappointing to the nents.^^'**^ 
reader. Hyde positively declared that the narrative 
part of the Remonstrance was true, and in his opinion 
modestly expressed, but that he thought it a pity to 
go back so far in the history of the reign. Falkland 
complained of the hard measure dealt out to the 
bishops and Arminians. Dering took the same line. 
Many bishops, he said, had brought in superstition, 
but not one idolatry. If the prizes of the lottery, 
as he called the bishoprics, were taken away, few 
would care to acquire learning. 

Culpepper, for whom the ecclesiastical side of the 
question had little attraction, argued that the Com- 
mons had no right to draw up such a Remonstrance 
without the concurrence of the Lords, and no right 
at all to send it abroad amongst the people. Such a 
course, he said, was " dangerous to the public peace." 

* Clmenduny iv. 51. This cannot, of course, be taken for more than a 
mere reminiscence. 

« D'Kwess Diary, Harl MS8. clxii. fol. 1786. 

VOL. II. y 


Such arguments were effective enough as criti- 
cism ; but they were not the arguments of statesmen. J 
Not one of these spesikers even sketched out a pohcy 
for the future. Not one of them took any conipre- ' 
hensive view of the difficulties of the situation, 
gave the slightest hint of the manner in which he 
proposed to deal with them. 

Against such speakers as tliese Pym's defence was 
easy. "The honour of the King," he said, " hes in 
the safety of the people, and we must tell the truth. 
The plots have been very near the King, all driven 
home to the Court and the Popish party." Cul- 
pepper's constitutional lore had ignored this impor- 
tant fact. Then turning to the fears which he knew 
to be felt amongst his opponents, Pym expressed hie 
readiness that a law should ' be made against sec- 
taries,' though he could not refrain fi-om adding that 
many of the separatists who had emigrated to America 
had been driven from England for refusing to read 
the Book of Sports. "The Popish Lords and Bishops " 
he went on to say, " do obstruct us. . , . We have 
sufl'ered so much by Counsellors of the King's choosing 
that we desire him to advise with us about it, and 
many of his servants move him about them, and why 
may not the Parhament ? Altar-worship is idolatry, 
and that was enforced by the Bishops in all their 
Cathedrals. This declaration will bend the people's 
hearts to us, when they see how we have been used." '■ 

After Pym sat down, the debate rolled on. But 
there was nothing of consequence to be added to 
what had been already said. Men were divided 
against one another, not so much by what was ex- 
pressed in their speeches as by what was not expressed. 
Neither party would trust the other to model the 
Church according to its will. 



The hot debate lasted till midnight. Candles had chap. 


long ago been brought in, and it was by their dim 

and flickerinof light that the fateful vote was taken. J ^'* 

^ <=> ^ , Nov. aa. 

The Ayes were 159; tlie Noes 148. The majority TheR^ 
was but 11.^ Peard, a strongly Puritan member, p.^*!^d[*"^ 
moved that the Remonstrance should be printed. Qnestionof 
The proposal meant that what had all along been printing it 
intended by its framers should be carried into instant 
execution. It was to be sent forth as an appeal to 
the nation against the King. Hyde and Culpepper 
had already made up their minds as to the course to 
be taken,* As soon as the division was announced Hyde and 
they offered to enter their protestations. They were p^*^??*' 
told that without the consent of the House it might 
not be done. The proposal for printing was then 
waived for the time, and it seemed as if that long 
and stormy meeting would at last find an end. 

The adjournment of the dispute was not enough 
for Geoffry Palmer. He rose to press the motion for Paimerv 
the entry of a protest " in the name of himself and all p"^^*'*- 
the rest." In the excited temper of the minority, these 
rash words kindled a blaze of enthusiasm. Shouts of 
*' All ! All ! " rose from every side. Some waved 
their hats wildly in the air. Others " took their 
swords in their scabbards out of their belts and held 
them by their pommels in their hands, setting the 
lower part on the ground."* "I thought," wrote an 
eye-witness, "we had all sat in the valley of the 
shadow of death ; for we, like Joab's and Abner's 
young men, had catched at each other's locks, and 
sheathed our swords in each other's bowels." From 

^ Mr. ForAtrr {Grand Rem. iii. 1 6) completely dispoaeaof 01arendon*8 
assertion that many on his side had left the House before the vote. 
' Nicholas to the King, Nov. 22, Evelyn^B Memoirt, ii. App. 80. 
^ IVKwps'm Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 180. 

Y 2 


this terrible catastrophe the House was saved by 
' Hampden's presence of mind. In a dry, practical 
way, he asked Palmer ' how he could know other 
men'a minds,' ' The excited and wrathful r,rowd had 
their attention thus called away from the general 
question of their right to protest to the particidar 
question of Palmer's right to speak in their names. 
Reason had time to re-assert its power, and all 
further discussion was postponed to another day. 
At the then unprecedented hour of four in the morn- 
ing the members poured forth unharmed.^ 

As they trooped out, Falkland asked Cromwellt^ 
* whether there had been a debate.' " I will take 
your word for it another time," was the answer. " If 
the Remonstrance had been rejected, I would have 
sold all I had the next morning, and never have seen 
England any more ; and I know there are many oth^ 
honest men of this same resolution."^ 

It is likely enough that the two men never ex- 
changed words again. With all his largeness of heart,J 
Falkland had shrunk back, as Sir Thomas More had 

' This ia all tbst D'Ewes says, Mr. Forsler treats a renurk of tha 
note taker's own as port of Hanipdea's speech. It is sad that a wriier 
whom all studenta of tbe period owe so mucli, can never be trusted in 
delula. In a note at the foot of p. 320, Mr. Forster mentions DTwes's 
allusion to Hampden's " aerpeatine subtlety " aa made on June 10. He 
should hare said the I Hh (Jfarl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 306 b). What is of 
greater importance is, that be follows Mr. Snnford in omitting to notice 
that tbe passage coatains irrefragable evidence of having been written 
long after the date under which it is inserted, so ibal it has no weight 
aa contemporary evidence. " Mr. Edward Hyde," wrote D'Ewes, 
" a young barrister of tha Middle Temple (knigbted afterwards upon 
the 35tb day of March, 1643), made Chancellor of tbe Exchequer, 
and a Privy L'ounrallor." It is evident from this that D'Ewos'a remark 
was a mere afterthought after he had sepniated politic&lly from Hampduk 
This may prove a warning against placing implicit lelianca 
Q persona. 

' D-Ewes's Diary, Hnrl. MSS. cUu. fol. 179. 

' Cli'-eTiitoi, i 


r- trom uampauk ^m 
3ca on DTEwaaWH 


shrunk back before him, from the heat and dust of ^j^- 
conflict, and had narrowed his intellect within the ' — 7 — ' 
formalities of a Hyde and a Culpepper. Cromwell ^^^^ ^^ 
saw but part of the issue before his country, but 
what he saw he saw thoroughly. The strong Puritan 
faith of himself, and of those who felt as he did, was 
not to be crushed down by constitutional traditions. 
What was fair and just to those who cherished the 
doctrine and discipline of the Church of England 
he did not care to inquire. But he had clearly made 
up his mind what was to be done for those who 
regarded that doctrine and discipline as no more 
than another name for superstition. K the King 
and the House of Lords told them that there was no 
place for them in the English Church, they would 
appeal to the nation itself. If that appeal were 
made in vain, there was shelter for them beyond the 

The Grand Eemonstrance was to these men some- 
thing far greater than a constitutional document. 
For them it was a challenge put forward on behalf 
of a religious faith. It is in vain to regret that the 
struggle which was at hand, was not to be waged on 
mere political grounds. Political Constitutions are 
valuable so far as they allow free play to the mental 
and spiritual forces of a nation. K each side in the 
conflict was in the right when it stood on the defen- 
sive, each side was in the wrong when it took the 

No King, said one party, shall rob us of our reli- 
gion. No ParUamentary majority, said the other 
party, shall rob us of our religion. It was this, and 
this only, which gives to the great struggle its 
supreme importance. Neither party were contending 
for victory alone. They were contending as well for 


that which waa to them a Divine order of things in 
the world. No voice — alas 1 not even Falkland's — 
waa raised to direct them to that more excellent way 
which might have led them in the paths of peace. 

The CivU War waa all the nearer for that night's 
work. It was the apprehension of this that lent im- 
portance to the discussion on the right of protest. 
The majority had made up their minds on the subject. 
On the 25th it was voted that Palmer should be sent to 
the Tower. There he remained for twelve days, afl;er 
whicli he was released on making submission to the 
House. The question of the right of protest seemed 
to be sufficiently settled in this practical way, and for 
some time nothing further was said about the matter. 

Amongst the minority which had opposed the 
Remonstrance, there were doubtless those who would 
still have admitted that some modification of Episco- 
pacy, some reconsideration of the ceremonial obser- 
vances of the Church , or even of its doctrinal formulas, 
might be advisable. But whether such as these were 
few or many, they could have no hope of success. 
In rallying round Charles they had planted themselves, 
whether they intended it or not, on the ground of 
resistance to all change. The King was now to be 
amongst them once more. AU difficulties had been 
removed at Edinburgh by the simple process of his 
own complete surrender. Argyle had returned with 
Hamilton and Lanark, as the undoubted master of tlie 
State. Offices were disposed of as he wished to dis- 
pose of them. What Pym was aiming at in England, 
was thoroughly realised in Scotland. Argyle's power 
rested on those very classes, the representatives of 
the counties and boroughs, which made up the House 
of Commons at Westminster. Agiiinst this strongly 
consolidated authority, the high feudal nobility raged 


THE king's return TO ENGLAND. 327 

in vain. Argyle was too politic to misuse his victory. ^^^' 
Not only was the King declared to be totally guiltless 
of any share in the Incident, but there was a complete 
amnesty to all directly or indirectly concerned in it. 
Montrose and his friends were liberated from prison. 
Even Crawford found himself unexpectedly at liberty. 
Titles were scattered amongst the winners with a lavish 
hand. Argyle became a marquis and Hamilton a 
duke. The uncultivated old soldier, Alexander Leslie, 
to whom was due so much of the discipline which 
had served his country in good stead, had already 
taken his seat in Parliament as Earl of Leven. 

When Charles prepared to travel southward he it« simi- 
knew that Pym was resolute to obtain from him those that 
concesssions which he had been compelled to make to Fym. ^ 
Argyle. It is needless to say that he would feel far 
more degraded in becoming a merely nominal King 
of England, than he had felt in becoming a merely 
nominal King of Scotland. He knew, too, that his 
chance of resisting was far greater in England than 
it had been in Scotland. In the North the nation 
was practically one in religion, and its union in reli- 
gion had been the cement which had bound together 
the ParUamentary Opposition before which Charles 
had succumbed at Edinburgh. In the South the 
nation was divided in religion. Charles, therefore, 
might hope to put himself at the head of a party 
strong in the nation itself, as well as strong within 
the walls of Parliament. 

It is impossible to say with any certainty what Chute's 

_ . - 1-1 i/» "I* intentions. 

was the precise form which the future took m 
Charles's mind as he travelled southward. It is pro- 
bable enough that he had himself no clear percep- 
tion, at least of the details of his own projects. But 
it is not Ukely that he had fixed his heart upon the 


sweepiug away of all that had been done since the 
meeting of Parliament, the revival of the Star Chamber 
and the High Commisaion, or the revival of ship money 
and monopolies. Not only was his mind one which 
loved to dwell as much aa possible on the technical 
legahty of his actions ; but the contest in which he 
was now engaged was to be fought out on other issues 
than those which had been the object of struggle in 
the summer. The law aa it stood gave him all that 
he needed to maintain the passive resistance which 
seemed enough to hinder those changes in the Church 
against which he had set his face. Legally, the majo- 
rity of the Commons could do nothing ivithout the 
consent of tlie House of Lords, and that consent they 
had for the time not the slightest chance of obtaining. 
To gain popularity and to wait till tlie majority in the 
Commons had made some mistake, was no doubt 
fraught with danger, like all pohcy of mere obstruc- 
tion ; but it was undoubtedly far more prudent than 
any recurrence to those ill-starred plots upon which 
Charles's hopes had been wrecked before. 

Even tliis, however, required patience, and Charles 
had httle patience ; whilst his wife, under whose 
influence he would now again come, had less. To both 
of them Pym and Hampden were not merely leaders 
of a poUtical Opposition to be defeated, but traitors 
to be punished. If the hope of obtaining in Scotland 
undeniable evidence of their share in the invitation 
of the Scottish army into England had been baffled, 
there was proof enougli of treasonable conduct since. 
If Strafford had been sent to the block for attempting 
to alter the Constitution, had not these men done aa 
much ? Had they not reduced the authority of the 
King to its lowest ebb? Were tliey not striving by 
the Bill for the eschisiou of the bishops to beat dowE 






the true majority of the House of Lords ? Had they ^"^^• 
not made use of the moment of danger in Ireland to - — 7^-^ — - 
threaten their Sovereign that, unless he would abandon ^^J^^ ' 
his acknowledged right of selecting his counsellors 
at his pleasure, they would take out of his hands the 
management of the Irish war, and thereby place 
themselves in a position of military supremacy ? It 
can hardly be doubted that Charles contemplated, 
long before his arrival in England, some course of 
action which would rid him of his enemies under the 
forms of law, as the Commons under the forms of law 
had rid themselves of Strafford. 

Of such a course the first condition was to re- Ponuitrfty 
gain popularity, and of all places where popularity gained!' 
would be most useful the City of London was the TheCityof 
first. Standing relatively higher in population and ^^ 
wealth in the seventeenth than it stands in the nine- 
teenth century, its organisation gave it, in the absence 
of an organised national army, an influence to which 
there is nothing to be compared at the present day. 
The loans of the London citizens alone had made it 
})0S8ible for the House of Commons to disband the 
armies ; and without the loans of the London citizens 
the House would find it impossible to provide for 
a campaign in Ireland. It was manifestly of the 
first consequence to the King to win London to his 

The recent expression of the wishes of the Com- 
mon Council for the expulsion of the bishops was not 
of favourable omen. But the wealthy citizens were The 
now drawing towards Charles. There was the natural dtiEenfon 
distrust for pohtical disturbance felt by men engaged rid" ** ' 
in wide-reaching commerce, and there was doubtless a 
contemptuous dislike of the petty tradesmen and ap- 
prentices who were crowding to the meetings in which 


illiterate members of their own class espounded the 
Scriptures in a wild and incoherent fashion. The 
new Lord Mayor, Gurney, was a strong Eoyalist, and 
the great majority of the aldermen were of the same 
way of thinking. When, therefore, it was announced 
that the King would do honour to the City bypassing 
through it on his way to Westmioster, it was resolved 
that he should be welcomed at a magnificent banquet 
at Guildhall. 

The 25th was the day appointed. The reception 
■ prepared for the King was not to be one of those 
spontaneous outbursts of enthusiasm with which the 
present age is familiar. Tlie Municipal authorities 
were accustomed to organise their ceremonies as they 
organised everything else. The attire of members of 
the City companies, the truncheons and the torches 
of the footmen, the tapestry to be hung by the house- 
holders upon the walls, the bells to be rung, and the 
bonfires to be hghted, were all prescribed by order.^ 
Yet it is probable that even without these directions 
there would have been enthusiasm enough. There 
was a fund of loyalty in the hearts of the citizens ; 
and the compliment paid to London for the first time 
in the reign would have made Charles popular In the 
City, if it were only for a moment. 

Charles was well prepared. To gain the City, he 
had been told, was to dethrone King Pym, as the 
Royalists were now beginning to call the great Par- 
liamentary leader. Let him assure the citizens that 
he would voluntarily abandon to them the forfeited 
lands in Londonderry, and that he would do his 
utmost to discountenance the hateful protections given 
by the Lords, and they would spontaneously rally to 

' Common Council Journal Book, Not. 19, 23, 34, toI. iwdi. fol. 
:!45 h, 346 b, 252 b. 


his side. The command over the army in Ireland chap. 
would fall into the King's hands/ ' — 7^—^ 

It was not much that the King had to offer; Nov. 25. 
nothing but what the Commons had been ready to do. 
Yet he played his part well. Bringing with him the The King's 
Queen, who had joined him at Theobalds, he was met 
at the entrance to the City by a stately cavalcade. 
Amidst loud and enthusiastic shouts of welcome, he 
assured his hosts that he would give back London- 
derry and everything else which they desired. He 
hoped, with the assistance of Parliament, to re-estab- 
lish that flourishing trade which was now in some 
disorder. He had come back with a hearty affection 
to his people in general. He would govern them 
according to the laws, and would maintain " the Pro- 
testant religion as it had been established in the times 
of Elizabeth and his father." " This," he added, " I 
will do, if need be, to the liazard of my life and all 
that is dear to me." 

In these words Charles took up the challenge of charics 

takes up 

the Eemonstrance. What Nicholas had been ordered the chJi- 
to circulate privately amongst the peers was now *°^ 
announced in open day. There was to be no sur- 
render, no attempt to conciUate opponents, no place 
for Puritanism in the English Church. Yet even in 
this definite call to battle words were heard ominous 

' These unsigned recommendations are amongst the State Papers, 
written on the same paper with a letter dated Oct. 23, but evidently 
themselves written after Nov. 8. They contiun the first mention that I 
have found of the phrase "King Pym." If the City is gained by the 
King, it is said, it will be '' engaged to stand by him against the Irish Be- 
hellion ; and whereas King Pym wiU undertake the Irish war, if he may 
have the disposal of all the English CouuciUors and Officers of State, His 
Majesty may refuse those propositions with safety, having now guned the 
(^ity ; for if any such bargain should go on with King Pym, he cannot 
undertake anything without the City, and, by the way the King is, hath 
enabled himself to do the work." 


of failure. " I see," said Charles, " that all the 
former tumults and diaorders have only risen froni' 
the meaner sort of people, and that the affections of 
the better and main part of the City have ever been 
loyal and affectionate to my person and government." 
It was characteristic of him to rest upon the organisa- 
tion of society rather than on the spiritual forces by 
wliich society was inspired. 

That day, at least, no shade passed over Cliarles's 
self-satisfaction. The Lord Mayor was knighted, and 
rose up Sir Eichard Gurney. Amidst shouts, perhaps 
lieartfelt enough at the time, of " God bless and long 
live King Charles and Queen Mary I " the Eoyal pair 
were conducted to Guildhall. The conduits in Corn- 
hill and Cheapside ran with claret. At last the stately 
procession reached its destination. There was a 
splendid banquet and another gorgeous procession 
tlirough the streets, amidst fresh acclamations from 
the crowd. That night Charles slept again at White- 

' Nahim, ii. 674. Accordiug to the versee by J. H., printed with 
Kii>g C'harla, hit Bniertainment (E. 177), the King's parlissiis expecti^d 
from liim three thingB; the loweriii|i of the prelensions of the majority of 
the OommoDS, a clieuk to Popery, and the overthrow of the sects. 
" Those demy powerB of PariiamBnt which strove, 
In our King's absence, to express their love 
And care of ue bis subjecte, now shall find 
A Royal guerdon ; those that were inclined 
To practise mischief, of this judge shall haTe 
A regal judgment and a legal grave. 
Religion that in hlankets late was tost, 
Banded, abused, in seeking almost lost, 
Shall now be married, and her spouse adore ; 
She DOW shall hat« that Babylonish whore 
That's drunk with mischief, likewise that presect 
That left the Ohurcb, for fear it should infect 
Their purer outsides, those that likewise cry, 
To bow at Jesus is idolatry. 
Brownists, Arminians, Separatists, and tboae 
Wliich to the Common Prsyer are mortal foei. 


His first step was to dismiss the guard which had ^5^^- 
been placed round the two Houses, under command of 

Essex, whose commission had expired at the King's Novfas. 
return. At this the Commons took umbrage, and dismisses 
induced the Lords to join them in a petition request- menu^" 
ing that the guard might remain till they had time to ^^f^^ 
give reasons for its retention. The King replied that Nov. 27. 
' to secure them not only from real, but even imaginary 
dangers,' he had ordered Dorset to appoint some of Dorect'a 
the Trained Bands to guard them for a few days, to 
give them time to prepare their reasons. If he were 
then convinced, he would continue this protection to 
them, and also take such a course as might be fit for 
the safety of his own person.^ 

Before this answer reached the Commons the Nov. 28. 
House 'was deeply agitated. Strode, ever impetuous, of the 
had moved for putting the kingdom in * a posture of 
defence, and for the commanding of the arms thereof.' * 
Mutual distrust had already produced the thought 
of an appeal to arms. The idea of that Militia Bill on 
which the breach finally came, was already to be 
traced in Strode's words. 

In the temper in which men were, a collision Nov. 29. 
sooner or later was inevitable. It almost came on the orders the 
evening of the 29th. A crowd of Londoners thronged S^ 

And cry a surplice, tippet, or a cope, 

Or else a relic of the Pope. 

All these shall have their wishes, they shall see 

The Church now cleansed from all impurity.*' 
The line threatening * a regal judgment and a legal grave' has special 
significance. It would show, if nothing else did, that the plan of impeach- 
ing the Parliamentary leaders was already floating hefore the minds of 
Charles's followers. The whole passage is worthy of study. In my 
opinion it expresses the mind of the King's party far hetter than the 
ordinary talk of constitutional historians, about changes having gone far 

» L. J. iv. 4S2, 453, 455- 

» D'Kwes's Diary, HarL AfSS. clxii. fol. 191 b. 


CHAP. Palace Yard, armed with swords and staves. They 

— -/^-^ shouted " No Bishops I " at Sir John Strangways, and 

^^ ^ called on him to vote against the bishops. Dorset 

angrily bade his men give fire. Fortunately the order 

was disobeyed, and the crowd dispersed without 

Nov. 30. bloodshed. The next day there was grave complaint 

in the House. To one party the behaviour of Dorset 

seemed utterly intolerable. To the other the insolence 

Venn of the mob seemed no less intolerable. Strangways 

wiSblnvit- and Kirton charged Venn, one of the members for 

to wctr*"^ the City, with having sent for citizens to come armed 

minstor. ^^ support the popular members as long ago as the 

24th, the day on which Palmer had been called in 

question. It is by no means unlikely that the charge 

Snspicion was truc. It was met by the countercharge from 

that mem- _ _ . . *• t i i ' 

bew were Pym, * that hc was mformed that there was a con- 
charged spiracy by some members of this House to accuse 
•on. "' other members of the same of treason.' ^ 

Measures which to one party appeared to be im- 
peratively required in sheer self-defence seemed mere 
unprovoked aggression in the eyes of the other. 
Chiuing- ChilHngworth, to whom for the moment the supreme 
cnaed. danger would be that which was to be dreaded from 
the intolerance of Puritanism, was charged with 
spreading a rumour that the " party who were against 
Mr. Palmer would be questioned for so great a treason 
as the Earl of Strafibrd." In truth, it was easy to 
persuade Royalists that those who were assailing the 
fundamental laws of the Church were as guilty as 

* D'Ewes 8 Diary, Harl, MSS. clxii. fol. 200. Compare a statement 
in the Clarendon MSS. (1 542), I suppose by Hyde, of what he was ready 
to prove. He bays tliat Venn's wife showed a letter from her hasband, 
brought unto her by one of the members of the House. The writer says 
he hod witnesses to prove his assertions, ' who were many days attending 
at the door to justify ' his statements, * but they never would call him in, 
although I moved it often.' 


he who had assailed the fundamental laws of the ^xyf' 

State.^ — 7* ' 


Pym replied in a long array of reasons by which Nov. 3a 
he proposed to support the demand for a guard in re^ns for 
which the House could confide. He spoke of the apaarcu"*^ 
design formed in Scotland to kill some of the Members 
of Parliament, and of a similar design in London. To 
this, he said, the more credit was to be given from 
the discovery of the former plot to bring up the army 
against Parliament. Then, too, there was the con- 
spiracy in Ireland, and the rumours that this, too, had 
branches in England. There were also reports from 
beyond the seas that there would soon be a great 
alteration in religion, * and the necks of both the Par- 
Haments will be broken.' Scarcely had these reasons 
been presented to the House when it was ascertained 
that Dorset's men had been withdrawn. The Com- 
mons at once took the matter into their own hands. 
At Pym's motion, two members, who happened to be 
justices of the peace for Westminster, were directed 
to set a watch. The House thus put itself under the 
protection of the local authorities. 

The Lords were less anxious to be safely guarded The Lords 


against the King's designs ; but they apphed to the aKainst 
Commons to jom them m a declaration prohibitmg assemblies, 
the concourse of armed multitudes at Westminster.^ 

Amidst fears and menaces on every side, a deputa- Dec. 1. 
tion from the Commons carried the Remonstrance to the momtranoc 
King at Hampton Court. In a petition which accom- iSe King 

> D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 199 b. 

' Ibul. fol. 201. C,J, ii. 327. L,J, iv. 329. The words of the Vene- 
tian Ambassador show how completely Sovereignty was at issue. The 
removal of the guard he says, " porge inditio che cessato loro lappoggio 
delle armi Scocesi, e le speranze di esser spallegiati da quef>ta Citti, sian 
))er ridurni anco li piu ostinati nei dehiti della prima modesta e possa 
8. M^* ripigliare il giusto possesso dell' autorit& goduta da predecessov 
suoi.' — Giustinian to the Doge, Dec. j^, Ven, Transcripts, 


CHAP, panied it Charles was warned against the designs of the 
' — ■ — - corrupt and ill-affected party, which was aiming at the 
jj^ ' alteration of reUgion and government. He was asked 
wiihanac- to concur in legislation aimed at the exclusion of the 
bishops from Parliament, and at the removal of the 
abuses which had been fomented by them. In this 
way he would unite together all such as joined ' in the 
same fundamental truths against the Papists, by re- 
moving some oppressions and unnecessary ceremonies 
by which divers weak consciences ' had ' been scrupled 
and seemed to be divided from the rest.' The demand 
for counsellors agreeable to Parliament was renewed, 
and to it was added a special request that Charles 
would abstain from granting away any forfeited lands 
in Ireland, in order that they might serve as the basis 
of a fund to be appUed to the expenses of the war.' 

Charles was in high spirits when this petition was 
read in his ears. He criticised its weak points, jeered 
at the notion that anyone had advised him to change 
religion, replied to the claim about Ireland that it 
would not be well to sell the bear's skin before it 
was dead, and, after trying in vain to extract from the 
deputation an engagement that the Remonstrance 
should not be pubhshed, dismissed them with the 
promise that he would give an answer after he had 
taken time for consideration. 

There can be little doubt that Charles had ma 
up his mind to resist, and that he fully expected that 
resistance would be successful. The day after the 
Remonstrance had been handed over to him he came 
to Westminster to give the royal assent to a Bill for 
the renewal of Tonnage and Poundage for three 
months, In the presence of the two Houses, he spoke 
scornfully of the misplaced alarm under which the 

' RuslltD. JT. 437. 


THE king's passive RESISTANCE. 337 



Dec s. 

Commons were suffering, and after an allusion to his ^5v^* 
joyful reception in the City, he expressed a hope that 
his presence would dispel all their fears. He was re- 
solved not only to maintain all the acts of the existing 
Parliament, but to * grant what else can be justly 
desired in point of hberties or in maintenance of the 
true religion that is here established.' He then 
announced that commissioners had arrived from 
Scotland to treat about the rehef of Ireland, and ex- 
pressed a hope that in this matter there would be no 

The position of legal resistance to violent change ^^^''^ 
was the strongest which Charles could possibly reaiauno*. 
assume now, as it had been the strongest which he 
could possibly have assumed in the days of Strafford's 
trial. Unfortunately to maintain it, now as then, 
required a stronger will and a more masterful temper 
than was ever at his disposal. Now as then, the rash 
eagerness of his wife, and the passionate zeal of 
heated partisans, would see in the tumultuous 
gatherings of the crowd at Westminster, a provocation 
to be met by an appeal to violence, instead of a call 
to the most scrupulous abstention from every in- 
dication of a readiness to appeal to violence. Yet 
even with every wish to remain on constitutional 
ground, it is hardly Ukely that Charles would have 
been a match for Pym. He had played too long with 
the wild machinations of the Queen to gain credit for 
a resolution to abide even by that system of passive 
resistance which was, after all, the dearest to his heart. 
The majority of the Commons were sore at the treat- 
ment which tlie Remonstrance had received at the 
King's hands on the preceding day, and at the lan- 
guage which had just been addressed to them frr*^ 

* X. J. iv. 459. 
VOL. II. z 


CHAP, the throne in the House of Lords. They felt no in- 
' — --r^ — ' clination to accept Charles's promise to grant * what 
j^^3* else can be justly desired ' as a sufficient guarantee 
that his future action would be more in accordance 
with their wishes than his past conduct had been. 
Above all, the conduct of Dorset irritated and alarmed 
them. That and not the King's address was the first 
object of their thoughts. The House left the Koyal 
presence to wrangle over the question whether Dorset 
or the crowd had been to blame.^ Disinterested 
lookers-on saw that, whichever might be to blame, 
parties were too inflamed to settle down in peace. 
" Within ten days," wrote the French Ambassador, 
" one side or the other will suffer a reverse." ^ 

' D'Ewes's Diary, -Hiir/. MSS, cbdL fol. 205. 

' La Fertd's despatch, Dec. x\, Arch, den Aff, Etr, xlviii. foL 450. 




The events which rapidly unfolded themselves after chap. 
the presentation of the Grand Eemonstrance, have - — '—^ 
afforded a favourite battle-field to constitutional dcwTs.' 
lawyers and historians. On the one hand, it is easy ti^M/iwi- 
to show that the King, ostensibly at least, was standing ^2^^ 
on the defensive, and that the sovereignty claimed by 
the House of Commons had never been theirs, and, in 
the unlimited form in which they claimed it, never 
ouglit to be theirs. On the other hand, it is equally 
easy to show that the past history of the King's re- 
lations with the Parliament had not been such as to 
invite confidence in the future, and that his defensive 
position involved an aggression of a very practical 
kind, because the existing law, if it were to be en- 
forced as Charles would legally be justified in en- 
forcing it, condemned the ecclesiastical practices dear 
to the hearts of a large proportion of rehgious Eng- 
lishmen to absolute extinction. Yet, after all has whyuii 
been said, it is more than doubtful whether the ink ^thm 
which had been employed upon this argument has not * * 
been absolutely thrown away. Constitutional rules are 
good because they enforce the application of the laws 
by which healthy societies are governed to the details 
of political life in which the passions of the actors are 
most hotly stirred ; but they cannot be made applicable 
to a society in which the whole head is sick, and the 
whole heart faint. The daily food of the constitution 
cannot be its medicine. Law and liberty, kings and 

z 2 

Benrlii^ or 
Irish affHira 
nnon Bog- 


parliaments, arc available to a society which, in apite 
of wide differenees of opinion and character, Is in 
substantial unity with itself. When that unity has 
departed, when religious and political factions glare 
at one another with angry eyes, the one thing needful 
is not to walk in the paths of the constitution, but to 
restore unity. No doubt, Pym and Hyde would have 
agreed upon the necessity of restoring unity, but each 
wanted to restore it by the simple process of suppress- 
ing the religion of the other. Not thus could a new 
order be evolved out of the ruins of the old. Religious 
antipathies will never bow their head before the mere 
remedy of force. It is only in the presence of some 
higher and more ennobUng spiritual idea that they 
will sink abaslied to the ground. In Elizabeth's days 
theological strife had been smoothed away before the 
common thought of patriotism in the face of the 
invader and the assassin. England was not in such 
danger now, and she needed a grander and more 
universal thought t!ian patriotism, to reconcile the 
foes upon her soil. Because she had not yet wholly 
given her heart to the spirit of liberty, or had 
welcomed the all-conquering charity which clears the 
eye, and shakes the sword from the hand, therefore 
she was now entering into that valley of the shadow 
of death in which brother was to smite down brother 
in liis blindness. 

If, in the darkness, Enghshman could not discern 
tlie face of Enghshman, how could it be hoped that 
he would discern the face of the Irish Celt? His re- 
bellion and cruelty had left no room, if there had 
been room before, for any remembrance of the wronge 
which he had suffered. There was lio thought at 
Westminster of the employment of any remedy save 
that of force alone, And yet, as the conflict grew 


visibly nearer in England, the force which it would P?A^- 
be necessary to use beyond the sea would be a danger 

in England as well as in Ireland. On December 3 Decs', 
news arrived which brought this home to every man. 
Sir Phelim O'Neill had taken Armagh. The English 
prisoners had been stripped naked and bound hand 
and foot. O'Neill had exhibited " a commission under sir PheWm 
the Broad Seal of England by which he said that he dares that 
was authorised by the King to restore the Roman re- acting by 
ligion in Ireland."^ ^lSeS°*'' 

Such was the tale brought by a prisoner who had 
been allowed to escape. A later and better authen- 
ticated story told how the commission produced was 
under the Great Seal of Scotland, and that it was 
affixed to a document purporting to proceed from 
Charles himself, and empowering all Irish CathoUcs 
to rise in defence of the King's person, to attack all 
castles and forts, and to * seize the goods, estates, and 
persons of all the English Protestants.' That this 
document was forged there can be no doubt what- 
ever ; but it does not follow that it was not forged 
upon the lines of a real document sent from Edin- 
burgli by the King to the Catliolic Lords, authorising 
til em to seize the forts and to use them against the 
Englisli Parliament.^ 

* I)'Kwej*'8 Diary, HarL MSS. clxii. 207 6. 

' It is printed in Rushw. iv. 402. The intt^rnal evideuce of the for- 
^'ory is complete, as Charles would never have spoken of Protestants 
disparairingly. He would have said Puritans. See, too, the evidence in 
XaUon ii. 529. Dr. Burton {llitt. of Scotland^ vii. 160) writes thus: — 
*'' When we tind the document tlius treated as an evident fabrication, 
there arises an obvious question — If there was a forgery for the purpose 
of creating a U^mporary delusion, why was it not in the name of the 
English Oovornment, and under the frreat seal of England P As a war- 
rant of sovereignty the great seal of Scotland was nothing in Ireland. 
If it was that only an impression of the great seal of Scotland was avails* 
able, and that was considered better than no seal, the accident, when 
connected with what has yet to be told, is one of the strangest that ever 


Wliatever the truth might be, the effect on the 
House was instantaneous. At Pym's motion, a com- 

happened.' The author of a pamphlet which was patlished two years 
later, and obl^med great notoriety, gave currency to the following 
rumour ; — 

"It is »dd that this commission was signed with the broad seal of 
that kingdom, being not tlien settled in the hands of any ol&cer who 
could be answerable for the use of it, but durinjt the Tacanpy of the 
Ob ancellor'a place entrusted with the Marquis Hamilton, and by him with 
one Mr. John Hamilton, the scribe of the cross-petiliouera in Scotland, 
and sometimsB under the care of Master Eudjinion Porter, a very fit 
opportunity for such a clandes^e transaction." 

" Dy a coincidence which, if there was no foul play, must be called 
unfortunate, it is known that on the 1st of October, which is the dat« on 
the commission, the gi'eat seal of Scotland happened to be in a state of 
traoMtion, ... On the 30th day of September, Loudon was made Chan- 
cellor. . . . Though thus appointed to his office on the jolh of Septem- 
ber, the great sea! was not put into his custody until the 2nd of October." 
In a note Dr. Burton points out that Endymion Porter had after- 
wards a hand in the celebrated affair of Lord QIamorgan, under somewhat 
nuiilar circumatancea. The acceptance of the evidence relating to the 
King's dealJEgB with the Catholic Lords removes the difficulty of sup- 
posing tliat the King could possibly have sunt olT a document such as 
tliat which CNeil published. The emissary of those Lords was Lord 
Dillon, who is connected with this aSiur in Tha Myttay of Iniquity, the 
pamphlet quoted by Dr, Burton, and attributed to Edward Bowles. lie 
is there stated I0 have been in Edinburgh, and to have returned to Ire- 
land to take his seat in the Privy Council to which he hod just been 
admitted by the King's orders. What more natural than that he 
should have carried with him a formal authorisation for the movement of 
the Iiords, or that, if he fell into O'Neill's hands, that authorisation should 
have been altered by O'Neill to suit his purposes and sent forth with the 
real peal attached to itP As for the Queen, it is certain that she hail no 
part in the Ulater i-ising. Rossetti, who was now at Cologne, writes that 
Mary de Medicis had received a letter from her daughter 'pienn di 
msg^ri doglienze per le present! commotioni d'Hibemia.' The state- 
ments afloat as to her participation distressed her, ' onde dalle auddetto 
cose Etava S. M" molto travagliata, poichS parte de' disaegni che 
s'havevano si dubila raano discoperti.'^ — Rossetti to Barberini, ^^'1 
M, O. TVtrntcripti. That is to any, she regretted them because her other 
nianceuvres were liliely to come to light. And yet Pym is continually 
tftken to task for being unreasonably sufpicious. The relations of the 
King and Queen with the Oatbolie Lords are shown not merely by tha 
evidence adduced at p. 143, but by the following extract from the letter 
just quoted : — ' Adunque in questo proposito rappresenterc) a V. Em", 
che circa U negotio della liberty di conscienza mnlto (^i f-perava per I'effet- 


mittee was appointed to prepare for a conference with ^^^l 
the Lords, in order to acquaint them what bills had ^ 

passed which concerned the safety of the kingdom, Dec. 3! 
and to which their lordships' consent had been re- warned 
fused, as well as to tell them ' that this House being S^mmoM 
the representative body of the whole kingdom, and ^^t 
their lordships being but as particular persons, and ^^' 
coming to Parliament in a particular capacity, that, if 
they shaU not be pleased to consent to the passing of 
those acts and others necessary to the preservation 
and safety of the kingdom, that then this House 
together with such of the Lords that are more sensible 
of the safety of the kingdom, may join together and 
represent the same to His Majesty/ ^ 

Such a threat did not indeed necessarily imply 
a resolution to set at naught the constitutional 
authority of the Lords over legislation, but it would 
hardly have been made if there had not been some 
thought of proceeding in that direction. Charles was charies 
no doubt strengthened by it in his present wish to offer con- 
meet the Commons on constitutional ground. In other reoBtimoe. 
words, his ears were for the time open to Bristol 
rather than to the Queen. A few days before he had 
given Windebank's secretaryship to Nicholas. On Nov. 27. 
the day of the appointment of the Commons' Com- aecretary. 
mittee he received a deputation from the London 

tiiatione di ci6 nelle forze d'Hibernia, et queste sono quelle che bora 
fedelmente si sono mosse, e come una Tolta si disse alle loro Maest^ che 
considerassero che ne' gran bisogni non bavevano altra gente che i Catto- 
lici Inglesi e d'Hiberniay e quest! solamente per esser Oattolici, e come 
air oposito gli Scozzesi, natione la quale ancorche havesse ricevuti tanti 
benefitii, nondimeno per essere Puritani erano ribelliy et questo fu ben 
sentito, et conosciuto per vero, e percid si pensaya d*incaminare le cose n 
vanta<^gnio della nostra Santa Religioner ma che cosa si sia scoperto 
intorno a queste turbolenze non lo posso rappresentare a V. Em*' per non 
haver ricevuto lettere dal Padre Filippo, ne da altri.*^ 
' Z. J. iv. 330. 


Dee. 3. 

Th.' Cit/ 

Aldermen, and after knighting all who appeared, and 
promiaing to confer a baronetcy on the Lord Mayor, 
he cheerfully acceded to their request that he would 
return to Wliitehall in order to give encouragement 
to trade. Taking heart from their loyal speeches he 
at once dismissed Vane from the secretaryship. On 
the 5i,h he named Lennox Lord Steward, and Lennox 
was a close ally of Bristol, The selection was a 
special defiance to the House of Commons, who 
wished to see Pembroke in the place.' 

On his amval at Whitehall on the 6th, Charles 
found the Lords engaged upon a Bill authorising the 
impressment of soldiers for L-eland, which had come 
up from the Commons. One of its clauses distinctly 
denied the King's right to compel men to military 
service beyond the borders of their own country, 
except upon a sudden emergency caused by a foreign 
invasion. The first reading was not carried without 
considerable opposition. Lyttelton and Manchester 
concurred in asserting that it took away from the 
Crown a prerogative of which it had been possessed 
for 300 years, though it was, in fact, verbally copied 
from an unrepealed statute of Edward DI,''' It was 
to bttle purpose, repUed Saye, that sliip money had 
been abandoned by the King, if he retained his power 
of impressment.^ On the 6th, the Bill was read a 
second time, and amended in committee. Then the 
Peers intimated their dislike of tlie clause to which 
some of their members had taken an objection, by 
a message to ask the Commons to acquaint them 
with the reasons which had induced them to insert 
this clause in the BQl.* 

' Qiuetiniau to the Dog«, Dee, l^, Ten. Tranteiipt$. 
' See Ballam, Contl. Hut. rb. U. 

* L. J. iv. 461. Dover's Nol««, Oarendim MSS. 1603. 

• L. J. IT. 463. 

THE MILiriA BILL. 345 

It was precisely the course which they had taken ^JA^- 
before throwing out the first Bishops Exclusion Bill. — * -^ 
The reply of the Commons was the same in both 
cases. Those who had then brought in a Eoot-and- Th« Mmtu 
Branch Bill to regulate the Church, now brought in ^^• 
a Eoot-and-Branch Bill to regulate the army. If it 
was to be acknowledged as law that the King could 
levy troops in any part of England that he pleased, to 
use them against another part, they must demand 
the enactment of a new law which would take the 
command of the miUtia or trained bands of the 
counties entirely out of his hands. In the Bill which 
Hazlerigg brought in for this purpose, it was proposed 
that a Lord General, whose name was left blank, 
should be nominated to have supreme command over 
the mihtia. His powers were to be of the widest de- 
scription. He was tg raise men, to levy money to pay 
them, and to execute martial law. A Lord Admiral 
was to be appointed to command at sea with similar 
powers. The demand of the Lords for an explanation of 
the Impressment Bill was left unanswered. 

No wonder the new Bill was received with indigna- Anjrerof 
tion by the RoyaUsts. Shouts of " Away with it ! Cast wu. ^ 
it out ! " resounded through the House. Culpepper 
truly said that it took from the King the power which 
was left to him by the law, * and placed an unlimited 
arbitrary power in another.' Nor were these objec- 
tions confined to the ordinary supporters of the 
Crown. Men who had struggled and sufiered on 
behalf of EngUsh liberty might well shrink from 
setting up a miUtary despotism. Yet the proposal to 
throw out the Bill without further consideration was 
rejected by 158 to 125, a larger majority than that 
by which the Remonstrance had been passed.^ 

> D*£we8'B Diary, Sari. MS6. clzii. fol. 217 b. 


Evidently the intention of many of its supporters was 
merely to convey a warning to the Houae of Lords. 
No attempt was made for the present to pass it even 
through a first reading. 
' In the background of the constitutional struggle 
at Westminster, lay the terrible Irish Rebellion. Every 
post which crossed the Channel deepened the horror. 
On the 8th letters were read, teUing that the evil waa 
spreading. Sir Henry Tichbome with a Mttle garrison 
was penned in behind the walls of Drogheda. The 
flame had gained the South. The natives of Wicklow 
and Wexford had risen, and had advanced within four 
miles of Dublin. Most of the gentry of Louth and 
Meath had joined the rebels, All through Leinster 
and Munster agitation prevailed and robberies were 
committed. Money and troops must be sent at once. 
Lord Dillon was on his way with overtures fi-om the 
rebels to the King. He waa bringing with him an 
oath by which the insurgents had bound themselves 
to maintain their religion and the King's authority 
against his wicked ministers.' 

At Pym's motion, the Commons resolved to pro- 
vide money to hasten the troops away. It was also 
proposed that the King should be asked to declare 
that he would never consent to grant a toleration of 
religion to the rebels. Culpepper argued sensibly 
enough that such a declaration would alienate those 
Irish CathoUcB who had remained steadfast in their 
allegiance. HoUes asked that the declaration might 
apply to all the King's dominions, and Holies carried 
his point.^ 

Whibt the Commons were attempting to secure 

■ D'Ewes's Diary, fl"nrl. MSS. fol. 219 b. Oompare lettare cf tb» J 
end of November amongst the Carie Af&S. 
' Ibid. fol. 2a6 b. C. J. ii. 335, 




themselves against the Catholics, the King was chap. 
attempting to secure himself against the City mob, ^^ — ^--^ 
which a few days before had again crowded round the ^^' 
Houses of Parliament, and had loudly expressed its 
disapprobation of the bishops. On the 9th Charles Dec 9. 
directed the Lord Mayor to preserve the peace of the Mayor 
City, and to see that the apprentices were kept in qiSStu- 
order.^ The next morning armed men, appointed by ^j^ ^ 
a Westminster Justice, appeared, by order of the Lord JiiMte*^ 
Keeper, to guard Parliament from danger. Both guarddia- 
Houses resented the interference, and, protesting that 
there was no danger at all, dismissed the guard. The 
Justice who had given the order was sent by the 
Commons to the Tower.^ 

On the whole the King was playing for the time The King 
the part of a constitutional sovereign, doing his best coMtitu- 
to protect the Legislature from mob violence, and pro- °° ^" ' 
fessing to respect the law. La this direction pointed 
the rumours which prevailed of fresh appointments 
for Bristol's friends.^ Unluckily for the success of Dec 9- 
tliis policy, Charles could not silence the Queen, and mentof the 
the Queen was certain to lose him more votes in the 
Upper House than Bristol could gain. For the Peers, 
opposed as they were to Puritanism, were equally 
opposed to Rome, and there could be little doubt 
that the condition of the Catholics would be a hard 
one for some time to come. The Queen was maddened 
by the thought. The Lords had recently consented to 
a special measure for disarming the English Catholics, 
and though they had allowed Philips to leave the 
Tower, they had forbidden him to go near Whitehall, 

^ Jlis Majesty' 9 Special Command^ E. 179. 
^ L, J, iv. 469. C, J, ii. 338. 

^ Wiseman to PemiiDgtoDy Dec. 9; Bere to Pennington, Dec. 9, 
S, F, Dom, 


CHAP, and might examine him on the Queen's secrets at any 
* — - -*-' moment. She, therefore, threw her voice on the side 
Dec. 8. of a thorough breach with the opponents of the Court. 
Sweeping Northumberland, Essex, Save, Hertford, Holland, and 
proposed, othcrs wcrc to be turned out of the Council and dis- 
missed from their offices.^ 

Yet, if Charles could not make his wife discreet, 

for the present, at least, he refused to follow her in 

her mischievous course. It was quite in the spirit of 

Bristors poUcy that he issued a procliamation on the 

Dec. la loth annouuciug that, though he was considering with 

ciaroation his ParUamcnt liow all just scruples might be re- 

on re igion. ^^^^^^^ y^^. ^^j. ^^^ preservation of unity and peace he 

required obedience to the laws and statutes ordained 
for the establishment of the true religion.* 

Such a proclamation was anything but a healing 
measure. Charles indeed held out some vague pro- 
spect of changes to which he might ultimately be in- 
duced to give his assent, but the immediate result 
would be to deprive the Puritan of his standing 
ground in the Church. The law, indeed, was on the 
King's side, but the law had ceased to be in accord- 
ance with the real wants of the nation. 
Dec H. The next day the weight of the City made itself 

PetitioZ felt in the opposite scale. Some 400 well-to-do 
merchants and tradesmen were borne in coaches to 
Westminster, to present to the Commons a petition in 
support of Pym's poUcy, and asking for the removal 

' " Sir H. Vane, Junior, voted at Court to be put out, and my Lorf," 
t.f. Northumberland, *' should go the same way if the feminine gender 
might have their will. The truth is there is such fashions at Court that, 
if some might be hearkened unto, the King should lose all the best friends 
and servants he hath, merely by malicious plots."' — Smith to Pennington, . 
Deo. 10, S, P. Dom, For other names see La Fertd*8 despatch of Dec. 
j\, Arth, des, Aff, Etr, xlviii. fol. 437. 

^ Ru9hw, iv. 456. 


of tlie Bishops and Catholic Lords from ParliaHient. 9^^^- 
They asserted that the petition was signed by 20,000, * — 7 — ' 
and that many more signatures could easily have been Dec. 10. 
procured. The Lord Mayor and his friends, they 
added, had endeavoured to throw obstacles in the 
way of the collection of signatures.^ 

Both parties were evidently anxious to keep as Commia- 
far as possible within the letter of the law. On the reducing 
day of the presentation of the City petition Charles expendi- 
named a commission charged to bring his expendi- *^^ 
ture within the limits of his income, so that he might 
be independent of tonnage and poundage if the Com- 
mons refused to dole it out to him any longer.* On Dec la. 
the following day he issued a proclamation sum- tionforthe 

. 1 1 1 ^ /• attendance 

momng the numerous members who were absent from ofmem- 
their places in the House of Commons to return to *^"* 
their duties before January 12,' no doubt on the 
calculation that these careless and unpoUtical person- 
ages would give their votes to him, and that he would 
tlius find himself in harmony with a majority in both 

How could Charles hope that the month's interval 
which he needed to carry out this plan would pass 
over quietly ? The Lish Rebellion would not brook 
delay. On the 14th the King appeared in the Upper Dec. 14.^ 
House to make what he doubtless regarded as a great «pJLhon* 
concession. He would give his assent to the Impress- m^^t 
ment Bill, if only a clause saving the rights of both 
parties were substituted for the clause denying his 
light to levy men for service outside the limits of 
tlieir own counties.* To his intense astonishment, he 
found that the Lords were as sensitive as the Com- 

* C. J. ii. 339. Giustinian to the Doge, Dec. |J, Vm, Tran$cript$, 
The CUizrwt Humble PetitwrifE. 1 80. 

* Council Reyi^teTj Dec. xi. 

' Hymer, ix. 505. * L, J, iv. 473. 


Dec. IT. 


that DD 
religion ex- 
^ _. cept the BS- 
■X; tftbllflhed 
^^■.«M is to be 

mons to any suggestion of the employment of a mili-1 
• tary force capable of being used against Parliament, ' 
and tliey at once resented his interference with a Bill 
still under discussion, and called on him to name the 
persons upon whose information he had acted. On 
the subject of toleration for the Catholics too, the , 
B Peers were of one mind with the Lower House. The 
Commons had been clamouring for the blood of five 
out of seven priests who were lying under sentence of I 
death. In their present indignation they asked that ] 
all seven should suffer, and to this the Lords raised 
no objection.^ The King, however, refused to give 
way, and the unhappy men remained in prison some 
time longer. The Lords were too dependent on the 
King for the success of their ecclesiastical policy 
to do more than testify their disapprobation. The 
Commons were under no such bond. Not only were 
they irritated by Charles's refusal to abandon his 
claim to levy an army for general service, but they j 
knew that language was being ft-eely used at Court! 
which tlirew a sinister light on the reasons of hi*J 
refusal. It had become a matter of common conver- 1 
sation that plans had been discussed for the trial and J 
execution of the Parliamentary leaders." Whether 1 
Charles had done more than listen to these violent 
projects it is impossible to say. The Commons were 
goaded into taking a step in advance. They resolved 
[ to print the Remonstrance and to appeal to tlie people.' 
The Lords nest took up the Declaration against , 
toleration, which had been sent up from the Commons, i 
On the principle of intolerance both Houses were 1 
'C.J. ii. 342. L. J. IT. 475. 

' Un ne pnrloit it y a quatre joura que de ftura couper la t£l« a plo- 
rieurs de Parlement." — Ls t'ertS'8 Despatch, Dec. JJ, ArcA. dei Af. ^r. I 
«l»iii. fol. 440. 

' D'Ewea's Diary, Harl. .VSS. cliii. fol. 244 b. 


agreed. But they were not of one mind as to the ^^v^' 
only religion to be tolerated. The Declaration, as ^ 

amended by the Lords, proclaimed that no religion Dec 18. 
should be tolerated " in His Majesty's dominions of tuh^c^m- 
England and Ireland, but what is or shall be estab- ^^^ 
lished by laws of this kingdom." It speaks much for 
the alarm felt in the Commons that they accepted it Bnstors 


in a form which recognised the binding character of 
the existing Church law, until it had been altered 
with the consent of the Lords and of the King.* 
Bristol had been entrusted with the preparation of 
the amendment, and there can be little doubt that 
it represents his policy. A fair discussion, he trusted, 
would lead to some alterations in the Prayer-book, 
but would leave the Prayer-book in the main what it 
had been before.^ 

Such a policy was, at all events, worthy of trial, pifficoiues 

^, '^ , •' ^ in it8 vray. 

But it is impossible to deny that men's minds Decao. 
were hardly in a temper tending to accommodation. I^nwtera' 
The order of the King that the law of the Church p****^^- 
sliould be obeyed till it was altered, called forth a 
petition from certain ministers to the House of Com- 
mons, asking that they might not be compelled to use 
prayers against which their consciences protested, 
and which had been pronounced to be worthy of 
amendment by a committee of bishops and other 
grave divines, sitting by the direction of the House 
of Lords. *' It seems," they said, " most equal that 
the consciences of men should not be forced upon 
that which a Parliament itself holds needful to con- 
sider the reformation of and give order in, till the 
same be accordingly done." Finally they asked that 
Convocation might be entirely passed by, and a free 
National Synod gathered to give advice to Parlia- 

* C. J, ii. 349. ' L, J, iv. 480. 


ment.* Convocation gave a preponderating voice 
- the Bishops and to the Chapters, which had a stroi 
Laiidian element, whereas a synod would give ex- 
pression to the general feeling of the clergy. 

"Whatever Bristol wislied to do, it behoved hiirfl 
to do quickly. Yet, until the Irish difficulty was. 
settled, there was no time to do anything. On the sub- 
ject of the Impressment Bill the Lords were now seek- 
ing an understanding with the King rather than with 
the Commons, and had refused to agree to the land- 
ing of 10,000 Scots in Ireland till they could be quite 
sure that 10,000 Enghsh would be sent as well.* 
They preferred that Ireland should remain in rebel- 
lion rather than that it should be conquered by 
Presbyterian Scotland. The Commons preferred that 
it should remain in rebellion rather than that the* 
King sliould liave an army at his disposal which he 
might employ against tlie liberties of England. 

On the 20th a question of no sHght importance 
was settled. A claim to protest had again been 
, made by a member of the Commons, and the House 
now ruled that such a claim was inadmissible.* No 
member was to sliake himself clear of responsibility 
for the vote of the House. An expression which 
slipped out from one of the minority left no doubt of 
the course which under existing circumstances it 
desirable to take. " We must submit to a law," said 
Holborne, " when it is passed ; but if we may not ask 
leave to protest, we shall be involved, and perhaps 
lose our heads in a crowd, when there is nothing to 
show who was innocent."* In the eyes of the minority, 
it seemed, the majority were traitors, engaged in sub- 


' iVblwn, ii. 764. 

' D"Ewe8's Diarj, Rarl. MSS. cbiiL fol. : 

' Vrmiy NoUt, 136. 

' £./. W. 481. 


verting the Constitution, and therefore liable to be PSA^- 
sent to the block. ' — 7'-—' 

Formally the procedure of the House of Com- j^^ 
mons has ever since been ruled by that day's decision. Moton 
No attempt to register a protest has again been made. 
Yet the demand of Hyde and Holborne has been long 
ago virtually conceded. The printing of the division 
lists effects far more than any protest recorded in the 

The aim of the majority was to make that appear 
to be a fact which was not one. The world was to 
be asked to believe that the resolutions of the House 
were the resolutions of the whole body, and not those 
of a mere majority. The delusion could not be kept 
up for ever. It might be impossible to ascertain in 
what way a particular member had voted. There 
would be no difficulty in discovering on what side he 
had fought and bled at Edgehill or Marston Moor. 

The unity of a representative body is not to be The unity 
preserved by the enforcement of its forms. If the MnuTiv^ 
statesmanship be wanting which takes account even ^ 
of defeated opponents, if those opponents are pushed 
to the wall and called upon to abandon, not merely 
tlielr preferences, but all that is dearer to them than 
life itself, Parliamentary unity is no longer possible. 
When tlie spiritual basis of co-operation is wanting, a 
quarrel arises which can be decided by the sword 

The discussions on the Impressment Bill were The im- 
enough to show that both parties were already clutch- SnTalJahi. 
ing at the sword. The day on which the question of 
])r()testation was settled in the Commons, HoUes 
carried up to the Lords a declaration that, if they did 
not give way on the point at issue, the Commons 
would hold themselves free from responsibilitv for 






>— — . — -^ 


Dec. 21. 
The Militia 
Bill read a 
first time. 

The LordB 
asked to 
send Scots 
to Ireland. 

Reply of 
the Lords. 

Their de- 
ascribed to 

D«KJ ao. 
Jnto the 
conduct of 
the City 

the blood and misery which might follow. The next 
day the Lower House emphasised its warning by read- 
ing the Militia Bill for the first time, and by sending 
up a petition from a number of Irish Protestants of 
English birth, setting forth in detail the wretched 
state of Ireland, and urging the Lords to send away 
with all speed the 10,000 Scots who were but waiting 
for their word.^ 

The Lords were in a difficulty. They did not 
wish to curtail the King's prerogative, and to place 
Ireland in the hands of an array of Scottish Pres- 
byterians. They, therefore, replied by asking the 
Commons to assure them that if the 10,000 Scots 
were sent, the 10,000 English should also go. The 
Commons refused to give any such assurance, as 
matters stood. Unless the Impressment Bill were 
passed the English soldiers could not go. The Lords 
answered by voting that both the English and the 
Scottish force should go, whilst they preserved a com- 
plete silence on the subject of the Impressment Bill.* 
Outside the House, this decision was set down to the 
obstinacy of the bishops, and many men began to ask 
one another whether it would be enough to exclude 
them from the House of Lords. Would it not be 
better, it was said, to abolish the office entirely ? ® 

For the present, the removal of the bishops from 
the House of Lords was the object which the leaders 
of the Commons, had set before themselves as likely 
to put an end to the antagonism between the Houses. 
They knew full well what deep roots the ecclesiastical 
dispute had. The Commons had been recently en- 
gaged in inquiring into the difficulties thrown by the 
authorities of the City in the way of the petitioners 

' D*Ewe8 8 Diary, HarL MSS, clxii. fol. 264 b, L. J, iv. 484. 

« IM. iv. 485, 486. ' Salvetti'8 Newsletter, ^'^^ 


who had asked that the votes of the bishops and the ^xvl * 
Catholic Lords might be taken away. * There was ^ y 
everything to show that the authorities r^arded the Dae. m. 
signature of this petition as a punishable action. 
Lord Mayor Gumey, who had just received his stnng 
promised baronetcy, had asserted that the petition SS'iSSSi 
'tended to mutiny/ and that those who signed nS^S^ 
it ^ did not know into what danger they fell/ The 
Recorder, Sir Thomas Gardiner, had taken fire at the 
statement that the ^ exclusion of the bishops was 
desired by the Common Council. He swore that this 
was a lie. The petition, he said, * did tend to sedition, 
and to set men together by the ears/ He was 
answered, that it tended to peace. ^ No I ** he burst 
out, *' it is for blood and cutting of throats ; and if it 
come to cutting of throats,^ thank yourselves, and 
your blood be upon your own heads/' • 

The meaning of this was obvious. The Puritans 
knew that the forms of the Constitution were against 
them. The Episcopalians had the advantage — so great app^xha 
at the opening of H contest, so absolutely Worthless tm^mL 
after a contest has proceeded folr a little while — of ^***^^ 
standing on the defensive. Fym- and his followers ^ 

had been reduced to mere protestations which they 
were powerless to transform into acts. They had 
discovered that they could not, by their protestations^ 
compel the Lords to do anything whatever to modify 
the Prayer-book, or even to declare the King in- 
capable of forming an English army on English soil 
without the consent of Parliament. The obstruc- 
tion of the Peers seemed likely to remain master of 
the field. Even to petition for a constitutional 
change was counted as a crime by the Lord Mayor 
and Recorder of London. 

' P. 348. » C. J. it 35a 




Nor was it possible to be certain that even in the 
City physical force would be on the side of the 
Puritans. On the Sunday morning a fanatic who 
. went by the name of Prophet Hunt, having attempted 
' after the sermon was over at St. Sepulchre's, to de- 
nounce the Divine vengeance upon an evil generation, 
was dragged off by the congregation, brought before 
the Lord Mayor, and committed to prison. In the 
afternoon there was a more serious I'iot. Praise-God 
Barebone, a leather-seller, whose remarkable name 

I afterwards brought him to an unlooked-for celebrity, 
lived in Fleet Street near the corner of Fetter Lane. 
He preached so loudly to a congregation of Separatists 
which met in hia house, as to attract the attention of 
the paesers-by. A crowd soon gathered, mainly com- 
posed of apprentices, possibly the very lads who had 
been so noisy at Westminster a few days before. If 
so, they were quite as ready to bait a Separatist as to 
ao. bait a bishop. The house was stormed, and its sign 
was unhooked in order to provide a gallows on which 
to hang the preacher. Fortunately, the constables 
arrived in time and saved Barebone by carrying off 
himself and some of his auditors in custody.' 
Diffipuitiea The difficulties thus raised would have been suffi- 

lUmeiiiiry cicnt to try the nerves of the coolest statesman. As 
"' ""' matters then stood, it was impossible that the leaders 
^^H of the Commons should have remained cool. For 

^^H months they had hvetl in a heated atmosphere of 

^^H baffled plots, directed against themselves and the 

^^^1 institutions which they firmly believed to be essential 

^^^1 to the repose of their beloved country. They had 

' The Disfierrji of n Strarm of SeparatiiU, E. t8o. Amongst tho 
tame coUevtiuu of painphleU (E. 138) is a diBcouree written by Bare- 
l)oiie, argiiin? that it wm unueceBsary to rebaiilise persoua who had been 
baptised ' under the defevtion of Anlichriet,' and HM, infant baptiam v 


every reason to believe that such a plot was again on 9^^J|*- 
foot. Not only the chatter of the antechambers at ^ — -* — ' 
Whitehall, but the talk of grave divines like Chilling- Dec oi 
worth, and of grave lawyers like Holbome, pointed to 
a conviction that the Crown and the Church were to 
be saved only by treating Pym and Hampden as Pym 
and Hampden had treated Strafford. In little more 
than three weeks the absentee members of the 
Commons might again be seen on the benches of the 
House. If an Episcopalian majority were the result, 
Charles would be able to settle the Church as he 
pleased. There could be little doubt that nothing 
at all would be done to conciUate the Puritans. The 
Laudian system would return, not now outside the 
pale of the law, but sanctioned by the very law itself. 
The Church system of the Eestoration would be 
anticipated. Yet even this was not the limit of the 
danger. It was rather against violence than against 
law that the majority of the Commons sought to pro- 
vide — violence, it might be, carried out in the name - 
of the law, and executed by troops put in motion at 
the command of the King. 

Would Charles have patience to wait till January ciurWg 
1 2 brought back the absentee members ? Patience ^'^^^^^^^^"^ 
is hardly possible except where a deliberate plan has 
been formed, and Charles was never capable of form- 
ing such a plan. It can hardly be doubted that the 
plan of bringing the leaders of the Commons before a 
criminal tribunal, had again and again presented 
itself to his mind. It was just the sort of plan, com- 
bining a show of legality with a reality of violence, 
which would have most readily commended itself to 
him, and there is everv reason to believe that he had 
sought in Scotland for evidence to convict them of 
(•()ini)licity with the Scottish invasion. But with hinji 


it was always one thing to propose a course of action 
to himself, and. another to carry it out. Unless some- 
thing occurred to force his hand, it was probable that 
this project would never be pushed on to actual exe- 
cution, and might share the fate of the two Army 
Plots, and of the combination with the Irish Lords. 

That something occurred on December 2 r . The 
elections to the Common Council toolt place, accord- 
ing to custom, on that day, and the elections were 
largely in favour of the Puritan opposition.^ The conati- 
tutional division in Parliament was reproduced in the 
City. The new Common Council would side with Pym. 
The Aldermen would aide with Charles and the Peers. 

Charles felt that he had not a moment to lose. 
The opposition in the City would now have the 
benefit of organisation, and the City mob would 
be able, as powerfully as it had done in the days 
of Strafford's trial, to dictate terms to him at West- 
minster. The wisdom of waiting till actual tumulta 
had taken place, and of falling back upon the dis- 
like of the country to violence and disorder, was un- 
known to Cliarlcs. He directed or persuaded Balfour 
to surrender the Lieutenancy of the Tower, and 
appointed Lunsford in his place.'* 

• An iKcount ia to be found in Smnert' TracU, It. 588, but I have 
grave doubts of the truth of the ch&rge that the newly elected councillors 
o»me to Tola before they were legally qualified to do eo. From a patn- 
■f\i\fii,A3ianiieertoataf.e. . . ^a)npA2ct(E, 13;), it would Meca that tb«ra 
was raised a question of the Iraatment of the poor by the old Common 

' Balfour lold the OommonB "that, the Earl ofNewport being made 
Oonstuhle of ihe Tower, he had mored His Majefily that either he might 
be wholly entrusted with that charge, cr else might surrender his Linu- 
tenanl's place which ho had by word of mouth aurt^ndered." — D'Ewee's 
Diary, Harl. MSS. cliii. fol. 366 h. Newport, howeTer, had been Con- 
Btabie for many months ; and, though Balfour probably fell, hurt at the 
appointments, there must have been preeGure put oq him to bring him to 
pte effect to his jrrieTaiice at so coOTeuient a moment. 


The Commons heard of Balfour^s dismissal before chap. 

they broke up on the 21st. As the 22nd was 
observed as a fast, they could not take action till the Dec ai. 
23rd. There was everything in the change to raise ap'JSjinted 
suspicion. Balfour had been staunch in resisting ^S?"*"* 
the introduction of Billingsley and his soldiers when '^^• 
Strafford's escape was planned. Lunsford was only 
known as a debauched ruffian, who was believed to 
be capable of any villany. If the talk of the seizure 
and execution of the leaders, of which so much had 
been recently heard, was to be carried into practice, 
Lunsford was the very man to keep a tight hold on 
his prisoners. 

Hardly less significant than Lunsford's appoint- The King's 
ment was the answer which Charles at last saw fit to theRemon- 
make to the Eemonstrance. Bating the Commons ^^ 
severely for their disrespect in printing their com- 
plaints against his express wish, he declared his entire 
ignorance of the existence of any malignant party in 
the country. In all matters of religion he was quite 
ready to pay attention to grievances which might be 
presented to him in a ParUamentary way, or, in other 
words, with the concurrence of both Houses. The 
right of the bishops to their seats in the Upper House 
was part of the fundamental laws of England. If 
ParHament advised the calling of a National Synod, he 
would take the request into consideration, though he 
was persuaded that no Church could be found in 
which there was greater purity of doctrine than 
in the Church of England, nor in which the 
government and discipUne were more free from 
superstition. This he was ready to maintain with his 
life against Popery on the one hand, and the irre- 
verence of schismatics and Separatists on the other. 
As to tlie demand for a change of evil counsellors. 


CHAP, lie could only say that he knew of none to whom that 
'—7' — ' description applied, and that he had always been care- 
Dec. ^3. fill to choose men of ability and experience.^ 
Nature of Such was Charlcs's profession of faith. He stood 

appeal. for the ancient Constitution and the ancient Church. 
Some slight changes might be needed, but they must 
be changes which would secure the approval of the 
House of Lords and of himself That his words 
would find an echo there could be little doubt. Not 
all England was Puritan At Dover, the recent 
proclamation on religion had been received with 
shouts of applause. " God bless his Majesty ! " was 
the cry, " we shall have our old religion again ;"^ and 
the same feeling undoubtedly existed in many parts 
of the country, 
J^^^ The stand taken by the King rallied to him the 

Detition for House of Lords. To a request from the Commons 
removal, that they would join in a petition for the dismissal of 
Lunsford, and for the appointment of Conyers in his 
stead, the Peers returned a blank refiisal.® 
Displeasure The reply of the Lords was taken iu evil part by 
mon^ ™" the House of Commons. For the first time the Peers 
had refiised concurrence in protesting against a mani- 
fest danger to the persons of the members of the 
Lower House. What avowable reason, it was asked, 
could the King have had for the appointment of * a 
man given to drinking, swearing, and quarrelling, 
much in debt, and very desperate ? ' Yet what were 
the Commons to do? They had no constitutional 
power to pass over the resistance of the Lords. The 
City was, no doubt, on their side. On the afternoon 
of the 23rd a petition asking for the rooting out of 
Episcopacy was brought in with 30,000 signatures. 

' Bushw, iv. 452. ' Perceval to PeDningtoD, Dec. 18, S, P. Dom. 
• C. J. ii. 354. L. J. iv. 487. 


But tlie leaders of the House had no wish to appeal chap. 
to force. They preferred to remain as long as possible 

on constitutional ground. On the 24th the Militia Pec^Li. 
Bill received a second reading, and a special appeal 
for co-operation was sent up to the Lords. 

In this protest the Lords were conjured to join in a The Com- 
declaration to the King of the danger into which the SSSifor*" 
kingdom had fallen through the machinations of of thew^- 
Papists and other disaffected persons. Lunsford's ap- *^^™* 
pointment was sufficient evidence that this design was 
now approaching maturity. As the Lords had refused 
to join in petitioning against that appointment, the 
Commons now declared * before God, and the whole 
kingdom/ that they had done all that was in their power 
to do. They had frustrated the design of bringing in 
the Irish army, and the plots for bringing up the Eng- 
Ksh army and seizing the Tower. The malignant party 
was now encouraged by the progress of the Irish Re- 
bellion, and by the delays in the House of Lords. All 
that was left for the Commons to do was to protest 
their innocence of the blood which would be spilt if 
Lunsford were continued in his charge. They would 
appeal to the King to grant such commissions as 
would enable them * to defend his Royal person and 
his loyal subjects from the cruelty and rage of the 
Papists,' and they hoped that such of the Lords as 
shared tlieir apprehensions would join them in making 
them known to his Majesty, and would do * what 
appertains to persons of honour and fidelity for the 
common good.' 

The Lords were in a difficulty. Men like Bristol Difficulty 
had no liking for plots either Catholic or Protestant. Lords, 
Lunsford was hardly a champion to their taste. It was 
no doubt in order to give Charles an opportunity of 
witlidrawing from his false position, that the Lords 

lake charge 


voted an adjournment of the debate on the Commons' 
declaration till the Houses met again on the 27th 
after the short Christmas recess. Yet twenty-two 
Peers not only voted against the adjournment, but 
formally recorded a protest against any delay in 
taking up a question which concerned ' the instant 
good and safety of the King and kingdom.' ^ 

The danger stood imminent before tlie eyes of 
men. " So as now," wrote D'Ewes, after recoi-duig the 
protest of the Lords' minority, " all things hastened 
apace to confusion and calamity, from whicli I scarce 
saw any posaibihty in human reason for this poor 
Church and kingdom to be delivered. My hope only 
was in the goodness of that Grod who had several 
times during this Parliament already been seen in 
the Mount and dehvered us beyond the expectation 
of ourselves and of our enemies from the jaws of 
destruction," * 

One step the Commons attempted to take in the 
face of the impending danger, Newport was Con- 
stable of the Tower, and consequently Lunsford's 
superior officer. They, therefore, requested Newport 
to take personal charge of the fortress,' as he had 
done before under somewhat similar circumstances. 
They knew that they could count on Newport, Some 
one had told Charles that during his absence in 
Scotland there had been a conversation turning upon 
a plot of the King's. Newport, it was said, had burst 
in with — " If there be such a plot, yet hei^ are his 
wife and children." When Charles asked Newport 
whether he had heard any discussion about seizing 
the Queen and her children, the Peer rephed in the 
negative. " I am sorry," replied Charles scornfully, 
' L, J. iv. 489. • n'Ewes'B Diary, Bail. MSS. cbii. fol. 27S i. 



" for your lordship's memory." As soon as he heard PSA^- 

of the request of the Commons to Newport, he dis- * — 7-— ' 

missed him from thfe Constableship of the Tower.^ Dec %i 

Charles was going too far for his own supporters. J®^'*^ 

00 1 r dismissed 

On the 26th the Lord Mayor assured him that, unless fr^™*^® 

"^ Constable- 

Lunsford were removed, he could not answer for the «hip. 
peace of the City. The apprentices would try to 
storm the Tower. Before such remonstrances Charles Dec 96. 
could not but give way, and before night Lunsford dinnisaed. 
was dismissed from a post to which he should never 
have been appointed. His successor was Sir John 
Byron, a brave and honourable man, warmly attached 
to the King, and who bore a character without a 

What was done, however, could not be undone. 
The appointment of Lunsford in December was what 
the orders given to Billingsley had been in May. In 
both cases the King had kept within his legal rights. 
In both cases he had created amongst his opponents 
a sense of imminent danger. 

When the Commons assembled on the 27th they Dec 27. 
were met by news from Ireland, even more discourag- fr7m in^' 
ing than before. St. Leger, the President of Munster, ^^' 
announced that, unless reinforcements arrived from 
England, there was no hope of saving the province. 
Lord Eanelagh, the President of Connaught, declared 
that, though it might have been kept quiet with 500 
men in November, it would need 3,000 now. Yet if 
an army mvBt go to Ireland, how could the King be 
trusted with the appointment of its commanders? 
The rebels had given out that they had authority 
from the Queen to take arms for the Romish religion. 
What was of far greater importance, there was now 

> L. J. iv. 490. C, J, ii. 357. 

^ Bere to Pennington, Dec. 30, S. P. Dom, 






Dec. 27. 

Lord Dillon 
in England. 

The terms 
of the 


The Com- 
mons take 

evidence that the Catholic Lords of the Pale were 
astir and had entered into communication with the 
rebels. Lord Dillon, who had crossed into Ireland 
in October, in all probability as the bearer of Charles's 
incitement to the tish Lords to raise his standard in 
Dubhn, had stopped in Longford on his way south, 
to listen to the terms demanded by the rebels, and 
had carried those terms to the Lish Peers. At a 
short meeting of the tish Parliament, now entirely in 
the hands of the Catholics, it had been resolved to 
open negotiations vnth. the Northern Eebels, and to 
despatch Dillon, though he was himself Protestant, to 
England. On his arrival Dillon informed Charles that 
the Catholic Lords were ready to support the Crown, 
on the condition of complete Uberty of reUgion and 
complete independence of the tish Parliament.^ Pywi^ 
who does not seem to have been acquainted with this 
negotiation, knew o^ Dillon's arrival. Dillon was 
arrested and examined by a Committee, from which, 
on the 27th, Pym made his report. That report 
disclosed at least part of the plan of the Catholic 
Peers. The Lords Justices were to be removed, and 
Ormond was to take their place. The tish Parlia- 
ment, when it met in January, was to continue in 
session. At its recommendation some officers would 
be dismissed, and others put in their room, because, as 
matters stood, *most of the officers' were 'more 
faithful to the Parliament of England than to the 
King.' The petition which Dillon had brought from 
Longford, in which full toleration was demanded, 
would then be granted.^ 

Such were the overtures of which Dillon had 
made himself the mouthpiece. Can it be wondered 

* Qiustinian to the Doge, Dec. JJ, ^^t ^«n. TramcripU, 
» D'Ewee's Diary, Harl MSS, clxu. 282 6. 


that the Commons saw in them a fresh danger to the ^xv/*' 
State? It is true that they did not know, as we ^ ^ -^ 
know, that the plan of supplanting the Lords Justices Dec 27. 
by Ormond, and for securing the toleration of the 
Irish Catholics had been in agitation during the 
whole summer, and was now favourably regarded by 
the King.^ 

Nor was it merely a future peril against which 
it was necessary to guard. Almost at the very 
moment at which the House was listening anxiously 
to Dillon's revelations, the blow had fallen in Ireland. 
By the junction of the Catholic Lords with the 
Ulster rebels, what had hitherto been a local rising had 
grown to the dimensions of a national resistance. 

It is unnecessary to enter in detail into the causes The Lorfs 
which brought about the breach between the Lords and^the 
Justices and the Catholic Lords. Each, with good uid^"*^ 
reason, thoroughly distrusted the other. The Lords 
Justices believed that the Lords of the Pale were in- 
triguing against them with the King, and that they 
would never cordially support a government by which 
tlieir religion was proscribed. The Lords of the Pale 
believed that the Lords Justices would never agree 
to tolerate their religion, or allow them to exercise 
any political influence. On December 3 the Lords 

* On Jan. ^^^ 1642, Rossetti wrote from Cologne upon news derived 
from Enjrland somewhere about Dec. 20, that ' loro Maest^ per restituirsi 
. . . nello stato di prima non puoco speravano nelle forzedegP Hibemesi/ 
and that the Irish were gaining strength, ' non senza intrinseco gusto del Rd 
d'Inghilterra ancorche egli mostri et non possi far di meno di mostrare 
estrinsecamente Topposito, poich6 se bene vien ci6 discorso in diTersA 
maniera, tutto perd sino dall* anno passato andavasi disponendo per 
potere poi anche tener in freno quel Parlamento dalle precipitose riso- 
lutioni che si facevano contro la Kegia autorit^, intendendoai oltre di cid 
di 8radicare affatto la Religione Puritana, e eoncedere la liberti di con- 
scionza a (.^attolici con I'uso libero della Protestante et queste duo soli^ 
niente fossero e permease e stabilite, conforme pur hoggi di si Tede 
amlarsi levaudo a poco a poco tutte Taltre/ 



CHAP. Justices invited tlie Lords of the Pale to come to 

■ — 7 — ■ Dublin to a conference on the state of the kingdom. 

net 3! The Lords, suspecting danger, refused to come,' and 

II'mi^Md assembled at Swords on the 9th to consult together, 

to DoUin, refusing to disperse on orders so to do. 

botreftuiB A few days later Sir Charles Coote was sent out 

^""e ^y ^^^ Government to punish some wreckers at 

oJ.te' t Clontarf. Already that officer had earned for himself 

todoDwrf. the detestation of the Irish. Having been sent against 

the Wicklow rebels he had led the way in those acts 

of cruelty which were soon to balance the cruel 

actions of the Msh in the North.^ His soldiers had 

been recruited from the Protestant fugitives from 

Ulster, and such men knew no mercy. To them an 

Irishman was but a savage beast, to be destroyed 

without pity. It was at least believed that he had 

looked on approvingly when one of his soldiers was 

carrying the body of an infant on the point of his 

pike, and had jestingly observed, that he " liked such 

frolics." At Clontarf, Coote burnt not only the village, 

but the house of a gentleman who was at that time 

at the meeting at Swords. 

The Lords at Swords were not more ready to 

disperse upon such an outrage as this. The whole 

country round was in a disturbed condition. Whilst 

Irishmen were abroad plundering English troops, 

English troops were attacking the phmderei-s, cutting 

down and hanging those whom they caught. 

Junction of The Lords and their followers had already aban- 

if*tht'rie doned Swords. On the day on which Clontarf was 

mmt^' burnt they had summoned a meeting of the gentry of 

' "**■ the County of Meath, at the hill of Crofty. Whilst 

' The Lords Justices nnd Council lo Kildtre and otherB, Dec, 
The Lords of the Pale to the Lnrds JubUcpb, Dec. 7, Tnnplt, part ii, 
' Diary of Cooto's Forcp, Clarendon MSS. 

■■■ 3. 




they were still in discussion, a party rode up, amongst ^xvl * 
which were the leaders of the Ulster rebels. It was ' , ,• ' 
not long before an agreement was struck up, and two Dec 15. 
discordant elements were merged, at least for a time, 
in national resistance.^ 

Ormond stood by the King, and took no part in Onnond 
the resistance of the Catholic Lords. The relations Sids * 
between him and the Lords Justices were not such °*'^**^ 
as to make any military success possible. He would 
gladly have attacked the Northern rebels earlier, but 
the Lords Justices, prudent from their own point of 
view, preferred waiting for a Puritan army which 
would show no mercy to tish Catholics. Already, 
before the actual combination between the two Irish 
parties had been formed, the Lords Justices and their 
supporters in Dubhn congratulated themselves on the 
prospect opened before them. " Those great counties 
of Leinster, Ulster, and the Pale," they wrote to 
Leicester, " now lie the more open to His Majesty's 
free disposal, and to a general settlement of peace and 
religion by introducing the English." ^ 

The consequences of the reluctance of the Lords 
Justices to act vigorously, excepting through their 
own instruments, were bitterly felt in Munster. Sir sir wii- 
William St. Leger, the President of that province, was lJ^^ui 
a hale old soldier, with a soldier's contempt for ^^*^**'" 
unarmed multitudes, and a soldier's preference for 
prompt action in time of peril. " In these days, my 
Lord,'' he had written to Ormond, "Magna Charta 
nuist not be wholly insisted upon." The Ulster rebels 
must be attacked at once. **It is not possible," he 
thought, "that i2,ooo' naked rogues could stand 

* Carte's Ormondy iii. 141. 

" The Lords Justices and some of the Council to Leicester, Dec. 14, 
Carte's Ormojid^ iii. 176. 


■ Peding 

before i ,000 well-armeil horse. . . , I would venture 
my life to go through the North with 2,000 foot and I 
600 horse." ^ Not long after these words were] 
written his skill and courage were put to the test. I 
In Tipperary a rabble carried off a large number of 1 
cattle belonging to the President's brother-in-law, 
Taking with him two troops of horse, St. Leger rode 1 
off in pursuit of the ofienders, killing and hanging 1 
those whom he could seize, sometimes, it is said, 
persons who had no part in the robbery. The news of 
these violent proceedings raised the nobility and gentiy 
of the district. Some of them told St. Leger that he 
had been to blame in exasperating the people. Reply- 
ing fiercely that they were all rebels, and that he would 
not trust a soul of them, lie rode off to Waterford. 
Subsequent attempts to restore peace were unavailing. 1 
The English were everywhere plundered when out of 1 
the protection of stone walls, and tliere were some . 
murders. The influence of the Iiish gentlemen and 
of the Catholic priests was thrown on the side of 
mercy, but that influence was not always available.. 
By the middle of December Munster was in ftill revolt, J 
and the English had been driven for refuge to such i 
fortified posts as they stQl held.* By the vigour of I 
Clanricarde some sort of order was still preserved in [ 

Such waa the news which dinned upon the ears of I 
the Commons at Westminster. Many of them were j 
convinced that the King's advisers were at the bottom 
of tlie mischief, and, as we now know, they were not 
wholly in the wrong. Unfortunately, they struck in 1 
the wrong place. A member stood up and named 1 
' St. Leger to Ocniond, Nov. 3, 13, Oute'a Ormond, Lettara zxxir., I 
Aciwunt •>{ the insurrection in Tipperavy, Carte MSS. ii. fol. 74. 


Bristol as an evil counsellor. Orders were given to <^ap- 
produce the letters in which, in 1626, the King had • — t^-— 
charged him with having persuaded him at Madrid to va^lj. 
change his religion.' ^iSt 

Even amongst the Lords, the events of the last BrtatoL 
few days had not been without effect. They asked 
the Commons to join them in bringing to justice the 
person who had informed the King against Newport. 
Tlieir attention was, however, soon drawn in another 
direction. A crowd of apprentices and others, attracted The mob it 

r • 11 We«tiolo- 

by curiosity or love of excitement, had come to nur. 
Westminster to see the members as they entered the 
House. When the Lords arrived they broke out into 
shouts of " N*o Bishops ! No Popish Lords ! " Williams 
clutched at a lad who was amongst the noisiest. Hia 
comrades rushed to the rescue. The Archbishop was ^a,;,^ 
hustled and his gown torn. About 500 of the rioters iwniwi 
poured into Westminster Hall, where they found 
Lunsford and a party of oflBicers who had formerly 
served in the discharged army, Lunsford and hie 
friends drew their swords and chased the mob out of <*»mi by 
tlie Hall, following them up King Street, and striking 
at tliose whom they could reach. A few of the 
fugitives were wounded, and for a time the officers 
appeared to have everything their own way. After 
a wliile the runaways recovered their spirits, and 
with a shower of stones drove their assailants to take 
refuge in Whitehall.' 

The Lords not unnaturally treated the appearance wrtmn* 
of the mob as an interference with their freedom. On {["^^ 
tlie one hand they offered to do justice to any man **"*"■ 
who had been injured by the officers. On the other 

' D'Eweaa Dinry, Sari. MSS. cUii. foL 384 b. C. J. iJ. 358. 

' SliDjfshj to Pennington, Dec. 30, S. P. Dom. Sklretti's iftw- 

AHark on 
>ter Ahbev 


hand, they asked the Commona to join in a declara- 
tion against riotons assemblies, and to petition the 
King for a guard,' The danger to themselves was a 
very present one. The crowd had remained shonting 
and gesticulating after its victory, and when the 
sitting came to an end Hertford warned the bisliops 
of the risk which they would run in the streets, and 
advised them to pass the night within the precincts 
of the House. " These people," he said, " vow they 
will watch you at your going out, and will search 
every court with torches so as you cannot escape." 
The danger was not so great as Hertford imagined, 
and the bishops reached their homes in safety.* 

The next morning only two of the bishops ^ were 
bold enough to take their seats. It is easy to ridicule 
those who absented themselves as unreasonably care- 
ful for their own safely. The mob had done no great 
harm as yet. But the only thing that can be safely 
predicted of an excited and undisciphned mass of 
human beings is that its future proceedings are 
beyond calculation, and the bishops cannot be blamed 
for refusing to expose themselves to danger. By this 
time the mob was thoroughly bent on mischief. 
Missing their sport with the bishops, they rushed to 
Westminster Abbey to break down the organ and 
the altar. Fortunately, they were kept at bay by 
Wilhams's servants, assisted by some gentlemen whom 
he called to his aid. 

If both Houses had combined to restore order, the 
task would have been easy. Unhappily, after the 
appointment of Lunsford and the examination of 
IHllon, the majority of the Commons was more afraid 

' L. J. iv. 493- 
" Hall's 
' Qoodn 
Lnriti' Mina 

Hard Mcaaure," Worki, i. slv. 

in of Gloucester, aud Pierce of Bath nnd WelU. 


diqby's plan. 371 

of the King than the majority of the Lords was afraid 9^.^- 
of the mob. The Commons refused to join the Peers ^ 

in throwing blame upon the citizens. " God forbid," Dec. as. 
said Pym, " the House of Commons should proceed, 
in any way, to dishearten people to obtain their just 
desires in such a way." ^ " The greater part of the 
House," noted D'Ewes, " thought it unreasonable to 
make any such declaration at this time, to discontent 
the citizens of London, our surest friends, when so 
many designs and plots were daily consulted of against 
our safety." The Lords were informed that the but offer to 
Commons would join them in asking for a guard, if ^Li^in 
Essex might command it. In a conversation which r^i^7or 
ensued Cromwell drove the nail home by moving an ^^mand?^ 
address to the King to remove Bristol from his coun- 
sels, on the ground that he had recommended him in 
the spring to bring the Northern Army to his support.^ 

There is little doubt that Cromwell was mistaken. Motion in 
The Commons, however, were not likely to interpret JSat^jJf 
Bristol's conduct more favourably when they learned Jj*™^^" 
that a debate had been raised in the Lords, on a 
motion to declare that, in consequence of the continued 
presence of the rabble. Parliament was no longer free.® 
Of this motion Bristol's son, Digby, was the warm 
supporter, and probably the actual proposer.* A 

^ These words, given by Clarendon (iv. 14)1 are taken firom Doyer*t 
Notes, Clarendon MSS. 1,603. 

« D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS, clxii. fol. 287 b. 

' The connection is plainly seen in the unfinished sentence which 
concludes the notice in the Minute Book. ** Upon the rabble's coming 
and pressing about the Parliament there was much dispute whether this 
Parliament " 

* The words ascribed to Digby are ' that the House of Commons 
have invaded the privileges of the Lords* Housei and the liberty of the 
subject,* and * that this is no free Parliament.' — L, J, i?. 495. Rossetti 
Bays he ' prese Tassunto di provare * thb proposition, which looks as if 
he had proposed the motion. — Rossetti to Borberini, Jan. |* , H, O. 

R B 2 




'xv^' ^^^ling Sprang up in the Lower House that the pro- 
■" posal meant more than its words implied. If Parlia- 
ment was not free now, it could hardly be eaid to 
have been free in May. If so, it might be held that 
Charles was not bound by the Act prohibiting a dis- 
solution, and he might have proceeded at once either 
to get rid of a Parliament which he detested,' or to 
adjourn it to some place where the citizens would not 
be able to come to its rescue. 

It is, of course, possible that less than this was in- 
tended. If the motion had been carried and had 
been followed by the adjournment of the House for a 
considerable time, the King would have had the 
Commons alone to deal with. The Commons alone 
would have been constitutionally powerless to effect 
anything whatever. Whether the King had made up 
his mind or not to seize their leaders upon a charge 
of treason cannot be known. But it can hardly be 
doubted that he had long contemplated such a 
measure, or that the scheme was favoured by a far 
larger number of persons than those who were ready 
to avow it after the attempt had been made and 

That failure had begun already. The perception 
of danger from the King as well as fi'ora the House of 
Commons made the Lords an uncertain support to 
lean on. As far as was possible they strove to do 
their duty. Eoyalist as the Upper House was, it voted, 
though by a bare majority of four, that Parliament 
was free.' The next day they not only consulted the 
judges as to the legal mode of dealing with the mob, 

L' Smith to Pennington, Deo. 30, S. P. Dom. 
' L. J. iv. 494, Buaaetti to Barberini, Jan. i|, It. O. TrantaipU. 
Toe attendftDcea given in tlie Minute Books show that 54 were preaent, 
and that some of the Oppoutian, who hbd protected on the 241b, wen 


but they directed the Attorney-General to draw up a ^f^/*- 
proclamation forbidding the wearing of weapons in ^ — 7"^ 
the vicinity of Parliament. They were wiser than Peca^. 
the King. They wished to free the Houses alike from J^®^"^ 
tumultuous citizens and swaggering officers. mediate. 

Unhappily the Lords could not count on Charles. 
To repress all violence, and to throw the blame on 
those who persisted in attempting to disturb the peace, 
was too simple a course for him. There can be little 
doubt that his mind had been strongly attracted to 
Ireland once more by Dillon's message, and on the 
28th he had informed the Lords that he was himself Dec. as. 
ready to raise 10,000 volunteers for teland, if the pnTposiito* 
Commons would find them pay.^ The very next J^ro^*'*"" 
day those, if any there were, who were disposed to ^^^"^^ 
trust him with the selection of such a force, received 
a warning against such imprudence. On the 29th Dec. 99. 
the King invited to dinner the very officers against ^ve°n to 
whom complaints had been made, as a compliment *^® <>*««"• 
to them on their appointment to commands in the 
army destined for Ireland.^ A force selected by the 
King, and officered by Lunsford and his companions, 
was the new danger against which Pym had to pro- 

It was, indeed, difficult to keep the peace amidst cavniien 
such jarring elements. In those days of trouble, two Seacu.***^ " 
names, destined to a wide celebrity, were heard of for 
the first time. The high-mettled gentlemen sneeringly 
spoke of the short-haired apprentices who had rejected 
the unloveliness of lovelocks as Koundheads. Their 
adversaries retorted by speaking of the officers as 

' L. J, V. 494. 

^ The disturbancOi of which an account will be immediately given, 
happened * le jour que le Hoy traittoit les colonnels et capitaines qui 
doibvent aller en Trelande.* — Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan. i^, 
frroen mn Pfinsterer, 2me ser. tome iii. 498. 


Cavaliers — a word which carried with it a flavour of 
opprobrium, as implying a certain looseness and idle- 
ness of military life. Before long the two nick-names 
would be the accepted terms for two great political 
1 When the Cavaliers came out from dinner, eight 
or ten of them strolled in front of the Palace. There 
they found about a hundred men armed with clubs, 
swords, and staves, bawling out " No Bishops I No 
Popish Lords I Hang up the Popish Lords ! " Spying 
the group of officers they shouted, "There stand red- 
coats, a knot of Papists ! " and one of the crowd fol- 
lowed up the abuse by throwing a clot of dirt. On 
this ' the gentlemen, with their swords drawn, went 
over the rails to them, and so the affray began, many 
swords being drawn on either side, and those who 
would deliver their swords, the gentlemen gave them 
a kick, and bade them begone ; others that resisted 
had some hurt.' Other similar combats — if combats 
they can be called — occurred in the neighbourhood. 
Some sixty citizens, according to one account, and 
one or two gentlemen were more or leas injured.' Aa 
they went off, the citizens threatened to return on the 
morrow for tlieir revenge. At Court it was expected 
that they would come 1 0,000 strong.''^ 

In the face of this threat Charies finally deter- 
mined to throw over the Lords. Instead of combining 
with them to set up some constitutional barrier against 
tumultuous assembUes, he fell back upon the officers 
whom he bad gathered round liim. He directed that 

' HeeuTliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan. ^, Giofn vim Prinatrer, 2m3 
aer. tome ili, 393. Examiuationa of Cox, Downs, and Sberlock, Dec, 29, 
S. P. Dom. The gentlemen ' in nil their ekinniahea have avoided thruet- 
ingat them becaase thej would cot kill them." — Slingsbj toPeimiDgton, 
Dec. 30, S. P. Dom. 

' Smith to Penningtou, Dec. 30, S. F. Bom. 


all the gentlemen of his Court should wear swords, 9^^,^* 


and that a guard should be posted at Whitehall Gate. 
Those very men whose presence was oflfensive to j^^ 
both Houses, were to form his mainstay in time of 

Worse was yet to come. As the King was going The protest 
to bed Williams arrived with a protest signed by Bi^opt. 
himself and eleven other bishopiS for presentation 
to the King and the Lords. The bishops, it declared, 
having been violently assaulted in coming to the 
House, and lately chased away and put in danger of 
their Uves, could find * no redress or protection.' 
They therefore protested that all laws, orders, votes, 
resolutions, and determinations made in their absence 
were null and void ; or, in other words, that the vote 
of the 28th, declaring Parliament to be free, was to 
be set aside as irregular.^ They concluded by asking 
the King to command that this protest should be 
entered amongst the records of the House.* 

Was this protest, so memorable in its consequences, who wm 
in reality the work of Williams? Charles took it from of it? 
the hand of the Archbishop, and, without reading a 
word, gave it to Nicholas. The next morning Nicholas, Dec 30. 
also without reading a word, gave it to the Lord 
Keeper, with instructions to lay it before the Lords.' 
It is impossible to believe that if Charles had never 
seen it before, he would not have taken the trouble 
to make himself master of its contents. The initiation 
of the plan may in all probability be traced to Digby, 
the most indiscreet of Charles's partisans. On the 
afternoon of the 28th he had been baffled in his 

^ Hossetti distinctly points to this partacular vote as the one to be 
annulled by the protest. — Hossetti to Barberini, Jan. ^, JR, O. Trarucrigfti, 
* L. J. iv. 496. 
' Ileenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan. /y, Groen van Prmderer, 

?er. 2me, tome iii. 497. 


ESect of 
the prati 



attempt to obtain the assent of the Lords to a declara- 
■ tioD that Parhament was no longer free. What can 
be more probable than that he waa the suggester 
of a scheme by which that vote might be treated 
as null and void? 

Whatever doubt may be entertained as to the 
authorship of the protest, there can be none aa to its 
effect. At a time when the King had no better friends 
in England than the Peers, it administered to them a 
severe rebuke by inviting the King to order them to 
register an assertion that Parliament was not free, in 
the teeth of their vote of the previous day. Even 
the proved fidehty of the Lords gave way before such 
an insult as this. They at once communicated the 
protest to the Commons as 'containing high and 
dangerous consequence,' and extending to the deep 
intrenching upon the fundamental privileges and 
being of Parhament.^ Once more the two Houses 
were of one mind. Charles had in a moment done all 
for which during many weary weeks Pym had been 
struggling in vain. No wonder that, when the news 
reached the Commons, not a few of the members were 
« overjoyed, ' at this indiscreet act of the bishops.'^ At 
Pym'a motion the doors were closed. He, at least, did 
not believe that the authors of the protest intended 
to confine themselves to words. There was, he said, 
a design to be executed upon the House of Commons 
that very day, and it was therefore desirable to ask 
the City to send their Trained Bands to guard the 
imperilled Parhament.^ 

There can be httle doubt that Pym epoke on trust- 
worthy information. It is inconceivable that ao n: 

' i. /. iv. 496. 

' D'Ewea's Diwy, S<irl. MSS. cLiii. fdl 194 b. 

' Ibid. fol. 295. 


trouble should have been taken to obtain an excuse ^xviT* 
for treating the Parliament as no longer free unless ' — 7 — ' 
there had been an intention of proceeding against the p^ ^ 
leaders of the Commons as enslavers of the Common- 
wealth. Nor was it merely the present position of the 
Commons that was at stake. K all that had been done 
in the Lords since December 27 was to be annulled 
on account of the pressure of the mob, all that had 
been done since the meeting of Parliament might be 
annulled on account of the pressure of the Scottish 
army. It would doubtless be unjust to the King to 
imagine that he seriously contemplated the reconsti- 
tution of the Star Chamber and the High Commission, 
especially as he did not need them for the purpose 
which he had now on hand. But there were certainly 
some amongst his followers who would have been glad 
to have treated the whole work of the Long Parlia- 
ment as illegal. In a paper of jocular queries circu- 
lated in the City in the preceding summer, it was 
asked, ' whether statutes enforced upon the King with 
the awe of an army will be of any force hereafter,' ^ 
and there can be little doubt that many of the gentle- 
men now guarding Whitehall would be ready to an- 
swer the question in the negative. Those officers 
were growing formidable. " I never," wrote an ob- 
server of passing events, " saw the Court so full of 
gentlemen ; every one comes thither with their swords. 
This day 500 gentlemen of the Inns of Court came to 
offer their services to the King. The officers of the 
army since these tumults have watched and kept a 
Court of Guard in the Presence Chamber, and are 
entertained upon the King's charge; a company of 
soldiers put into the Abbey for the defence of it. 
The citizens, for the most part, shut up their shops, 

* Queries, Aug. S, P, Dom, 


and all gentlemen provide themselves with arms as 
in time of open hostility. Both factious look very big, 
and it is a wonder there is no more blood yet spilt, 
seeing how earnest both sides are. There is no doubt 
but if the King do not comply with the Conmions in 
all things they desire, a sudden civil war mnst ensue, 
which every day we see approaches nearer." ' 

As usually happens before the o\itbreak of war, 
the deeper causes which made it possible were almost 
forgotten in the immediate dangers of the situation. 
On one side was the alarm caused by the mob, on the 
other side was the alarm caused by the armed retinue 
of the King. Nor was it urdikely that the officers at 
Whitehall would soon have troops at their disposal. 
That very day drums were beating in the streets for 
the levy of the volunteers which were to form the 
army which was to be commanded by Lunsford and 
his comrades.^ 

Yet, in spite of all this, Pym found it hard to move 
the Commons to a sense of the danger in which they 
were. They refused to assent to his motion for 
summoning the Trained Bands from the City. Pym 
was reUeved from his difficulty by the message from 
the Lords complaining of the protest. He found the 
House ready to answer to the signal given them by 
the Peers. At Pym's motion, the bishops wlio had 
IB signed the protest were impeached as guilty of liigh 
treason by endeavouring to subvert tlie fundamental 
laws of the kingdom, and the very being of Parlia- 
ment. One member indeed said, that ' he did not 

' Slingsby to Peonington, Dec. 30, S. P. Dom. 

* The fact is menrioned in Salvetii's New$hUer of ^^^ Imt M tha 
arrest of the hiahopa is spoken of bb baring taken place — ' queeta sen ' — 
itU erident that the passage was ■written on the 30th. A Oommittee of 

the Commons was named on the 3 
ii. 36s 

inquire into the niatter.^C J. 


believe they were guilty of treason, but that they were P?A^*- 


stark mad ; and therefore desired they might be sent to ' — -y — ' 
Bedlam.' ^ No other voice was raised in their favour. ^^ ^ 

The impeachment was at once accepted by the 
Lords. Before night ten of the twelve found them- Their im- 
selves in the Tower. The other two were sent to the p"**^^ 
House of the Usher of the Black Eod, on the ground 
of their age and infirmity. 

The wits made merry over Williams's mischance. 
One caricature represented him as a decoy duck 
leading his brethren into captivity. Another depicted 
him as clad in military guise, with a musket in his 
hand, and a bandoleer slung over his episcopal robes. 
Laud, it is said, was much amused at this last stroke 
of wit at his rival's expense.^ 

High Treason was a large word to apply to that 
which the bishops had done, most of them in mere 
inadvertence. But there can be no doubt that they 
had allowed themselves to become the tools of men 
more unscrupulous than themselves. Their protest 
was the first step in a course in which Charles was to 
make himself master of the State again under legal 
forms. Their impeachment was the first step in a 
course in which the leaders of the Commons were to 
make themselves masters of the State under legal 
forms. The two rival authorities had been playing a 
game for the goodwill of the House of Lords, and 
Charles, with victory in his hands, had thrown his 
chance away. 

No doubt Pym never thought of sending the intenuoo 
biishops to the scaffold. It was enough for him if he ^ ^™* 
could get rid of their adverse votes. From that time 
no more than four bishops took their seats in the 

' D'Ewes'e Diary, Ilarl, MSS, clxii. fol. 285. Clarendon, iv. 145. 
- Hcylyn's Ci/jtr, AngL 492. 


House.' Tet, even then the Peers persisted in their 
efforts at mediation. They atill refused to ask that 
Essex might command the guard which all acknow- 
ledged to be necessary, on the ground that the King 
■ ought not to be pressed to name a particular person.' 

The moderation of the Peers was lost on Charles. 
He took no steps to restore confidence. The Commons 
gave orders, as they had formerly done, to some of 
their own members who happened to be Justices of 
the Peace, to see to the security of their House. 
The next day they conveyed to the King an indepen- 
dent request for the appointment of the Earl of Esses, 
and directed halberts to be brought into the House 
for their own use in case of a sudden attack. At the 
same time they adjourned till January 3, ordering 
that a Committee of the whole House should meet at 
Guildhall. The House could not adjourn itself to 
any place but Westminster. A Committee, it was now 
held, could meet anywhere. 

Both parties were of one mind in wishing to 
concUiate the City. On the same day as that on which 
the Committee was appointed, a request was addressed 
by the King to the Common Council, that they would 
lend their Trained Bands to preserve order, and the 
Common Council had answered in the affirmative.' 

Yet, in spite of this, the King's situation was 
sufficiently gloomy. It was probably on the following 
day, the first of the New Year, that be took the un- 
expected step of sending for Pym, and offering him 
the Chancellorship of the Exchequer.* Whether Pym 

' On Jftn. 3 and 4 tliere were ooly four bishope present. — IToutt of 
Lord*' Minute Book. '. lUd. 

' C. J. ii. 364, 365. An Exact CoUtction, 30. Ruthw. iv. 4.72. 

* " The King is too flerible and too gwid-natured ; for within two 
hours, Bud a fmat deal leas, hefore he made Culpepper Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, he had evtit a meE5eu|;cr to bring Pym unlu liim, and would 


refused to come, or Charles repented his hasty deci- 91^^^^- 


sion, cannot now be known. Two hours later he had 
fixed on Culpepper for the post, with Falkland as his j^^ ^ 
colleague in the vacant secretaryship. At the Sunday n^j^^^ 
sittincr of the 2nd, they were both sworn as Privy oftheEx- 


Councillors, though they did not officially take up and Faik- 
their appointments till a few days later. taiy. 

Li themselves, neither Culpepper nor Falkland 
was Ukely to render much assistance to Charles. 
Culpepper was a ready debater, and nothing more ; 
whilst Falkland's sensitive mind was more anxious to 
avoid the responsibiUty of doing anything* that he 
could not justify to himself, than to strike out the 
path of safety for others amongst the dangers which 
showed themselves on every side. 

The real leader of the party in the Commons was Hyde m an 
Hyde, as Bristol was its leader in the Lords, though SviawT 
Hyde preferred to remain an unofficial adviser. What 
conduct Hyde would have recommended at this con- 
juncture is of no historical importance. No doubt he 
regarded as traitorous the attempt to effect a change 
of law by bringing down a mob to intimidate the 
House of Lords ; and it is probable enough that he 
regarded Pym and a few others as having justly earned 
the penalty which he had himself joined in awarding 
to Strafford. But we may be sure that no reasonable 
man would have advised an attack upon the leaders 
of the Commons at a moment when the House of 
Lords had been alienated by conduct so irritat- 
ing. If Charles was about to make a false move, it 

have given him that place.*' — Dering to Lady DeriDg, Jan. 13, Larkiiig*8 
IVoceediiiffs in Kent, 66. As Mr. Foreter showSi Culpepper waa announced 
to the Council as Chancellor of the Exchequer on Sunday, the 2nd. 
The Council was usually held after the morning service, and it is more 
likely that the message to Pym would have heeu sent on Saturday than 
when the Kinpr was just going to the Chapel. Besides, Culpepper may 
very well have heen informed of hie appointment on the ist. 


^xvf ' was not from Hyde, or Culpepper, that the impulse 
' — ^ — ' came. 

Jan. 2. Just as Charles fancied that he had once more 

mental * placed himsclf on constitutional ground, he received 

JSd^o in*^ news from the City which must have filled him with 

^hui™" agony and alarm. There had been, it was said, long 

^®®°* secret conferences amongst the Parliamentary leaders, 

who had betaken themselves to Guildhall to attend 

the Committee. They had convinced themselves that 

the Queen was at the root of the mischief, and had 

resolved to impeach her as having conspired against 

the public liberties, and as having held inteUigence 

with the Irish rebels.^ 

The No one knew better than Henrietta Maria what a 

fean " * crushiug casc could be made out against her. Army 

plots and Irish plots, intrigues with the Pope 

and intrigues with the Prince of Orange, must have 

stood out clearly in her memory, to be recalled not 

with shame, but with regret. In such a mood she 

^ They, wrote the Yenetisn ambassador, ' fermati in lunghe secrete 
conferenze, persuaderano a se stessi che le mosse del Rd et i rissentiinenti 
di lui procedessero da consigli deUa Hegina, deliberarono percid di accu- 
aarla in Parlamento di conspiratione contro la libertli publicai e di secreta 
inteUigenza nelle solleyationi d'Irlanda, il che tutto penetrato dalle 
Maestk loro prese espediente il Kd di abandonare Tusa della disi- 
mulationei e dichiarare al Parlamento della Camera Alta colpeyoli 
di tradimento cinque Parlamentarii deUa Bassa ed uno della Alta.' — 
Giustinian to the Doge, Jan. Yft ^<^> Transcripts, Heenvliet sajs 
much the same thing: 'qu'ils commenc^rent k parler, comm* on m*a 
dit| de mettre la main sur la Royne, et que ce n'estoyent que ces six 
fiurnomm^s.*— Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan. f^, Cfroen von 
Printterer, 2me ser., tome iii. 497. An English letter reports that ' it 
is said Parliament have been treating of something concerning the Queen, 
e^ hinc HUs lacrymcB,^ — Berners to Hobart, Jan. 10, Tanner MSS, Ixvi. 
fol. 234. AU this bears out Clarendon^s statement (iv. 280). On Jan. 20 
Stapleton informed the Commons that the Queen told Newport ' that 
articles had been preferred to her which should be put into Parliament 
against her.* — D'Ewes's Diary, HarL MSS, clxii. fol. 339. Afterwards 
the Queen said, ' she never saw any articles in writing,' which does not 
necessarily clash with her former statement.— ^n Rract Collectian, 68. 


may well have given ear to the intemperate Digby, ^xv/*" 
who was in the same case with herself. Since his ' — r* — ' 
declaration that Parliament was not free, impeach- j^ ^ 
ment stared him in the face. 

To impeach the impeachers of the Queen was the The Msaii- 
course which recommended itself to that impetuous impeached, 
counsellor.^ It was what Strafford had urged Charles 
to do, fourteen months before, and to Strafford's 
rejected advice Charles came at last. Hesitating and 
irresolute as he was, he could hesitate no longer. The 
danger of his wife touched him more nearly than his 
own. To save her from insult and ruin he had 
sacrificed his most faithful minister. For her dear 
sake he was ready now to stake his throne. 

Five members of the House of Commons — Pym, The charge 
Hampden, Holies, Hazlerigg and Strode — were selected Sfrmm-* 
as the main offenders. There can be no doubt, that *^"* 
if by the fundamental laws of England was meant that 
constitutional arrangement which had prevailed in 
the days of Elizabeth, they were guilty of treason at 
least as much as Strafford had been guilty. K he 
had done his best to reduce Parliaments to a cipher, 
they had done their best to reduce the Eoyal authority 
to a cipher. The true defence of both Strafford and 
Pym was, that the old Constitution had broken down 
and needed reconstruction ; but, so far as Pym was 
concerned, this was not an argument likely to find 
favour with Charles. 

In conducting these operations, the utmost secrecy ingtrnc- 
was to be maintained. Of the law ofl5cers of the Attoraey-** 

* Clarendon's assertion about Digby seems to me entirely in accord- 
ance with probability, in spite of Mr. Forster's argument. He was not 
aware of the strength of the evidence on the proposed attack on the 
Queen. The quotation at p. 137 from Bates*s ElenchuB nwtuum, to the 
effect that the King's course was taken ' by the advice of some of the 
Privy Council, who were themselves members of the House/ is hardly 
sufficient authoritv. 





CHAP. Crown, the Attorney-General, Sir Edward Herbert, 
' — 7 — ' was alone consulted. He received instructions, writteii 
Jan. 2! ^^ ^^^ King's own hand, directing him, as soon as the 
charge was laid before the Peers, to ask for a secret 
committee to examine evidence. If Essex, Warwick, 
Holland, Saye, MandeviUe, Wharton, or Brooke were 
named as members of it, he was to object, on the 
ground that the King intended to call them as 
witnesses. Subsequently, Mandeville's name was 
scratched out of this list, and orders were given tc 
impeach him together with the five members of the 
Lower House.^ Digby, it was said, had offered tc 
prove that when the rabble appeared at the doors oi 
Parliament, Mandeville had bidden them to go tc 
Whitehall.^ As a point of tactics, as great a mistake 
was made by this resolution as had been made in the 
protest of the bishops. It called on the Lords tc 
sacrifice a* member of their own House. 
Theim- The impeachment was fixed for the next day. 

***^ ^^ January 3. As soon as the Lords met, Herbert 
appeared to charge with treason the six persom 
designated in his instructions. They had traitorouslj 
endeavoured to subvert the fundamental laws and 
government — to deprive the King of his legal power, 
and to place in subjects an arbitrary and tyrannical 
power over the lives, liberties, and estates of hh 
Majesty's liege people ! They had ' endeavoured, by 
many foul aspersions upon his Majesty and his 
government, to alienate the affections of his people. 
They had ' endeavoured to draw his Majesty's late 
army to disobedience to his Majesty's commands, 
and to side with them in their traitorous designs. 
They had 'traitorously invited and encouraged a 

> Notes by the Attorney-General, Nicholas MSS, 
' Clarendon f iv. 155. 


foreign powor to invade His Majesty's Kingdom of °"?,^' 
England.' They liad ' traitorously endeavoured to ■ — -■ — ' 
subvert tlie rights and very being of Parliamenta.' j„d. 3! 
They had ' endeavoured, as far as in thera lay, by 
force and terror, to compel tlie Parliament to join 
with them in their traitorous designs, and to that end 
had actually raised and countenanced tumults against 
the King and Parliament.' Lastly, they had 'trai- 
torously conspired to levy, and actually had levied, 
war upon the King.' ^ 

As soon as the charge had been recited, Herbert 
asked for the arrest of the incriminated persona, 
and for the appointment of a Committee to examine 
into the accusation against them. 

Under ordinary circumstances, the House of Lords TtrUng oi 
would have rallied round the throne. On that day 
four bishops were present, and fifty-five lay Peers, of 
whom only twenty-one afterwards opposed diaries in 
the Civil War.^ Yet, the Lords were in no mood to 
encourage an act of violence, even when it took a 
legal shape. Digby, who had undertaken to move for 
Mandevillc'a arrest as soon as the Attorney-General 
had done his part, whispered to Mandeville that the 
King was ill-advised, and hurried out of the House.* 
He doubtless gathered from the looks of the Peera 
that he would fail to carry his motion. As soon as c/.inmm« 
he was gone the Lords appointed a Committee to in- namX'' 
quire whether the Attorney-General's procedure had 
been according to law. 

Already, before the news ol the impeachment Tbe King". 
reached them, the Commons were in considerable th'd™»t.rt 
excitement. The King's answer to their petition for ''""*^'"" 
a guard had just reached them. " We," said Charles, 

' L. J. IT- 501. ' HoHtf nf Lordii AfiniUe Booh. 



u].p-a] to 

tealed up 


" are wholly ignorant of the grounds of your appre- 
hensions ; but this we do protest before Almighty God, 
to whom we must be accountable for those whom He 
hath entrusted to our care and protection, that had we 
any knowledge or belief of the least design of any vio- 
lence, either formerly or at this time against you, we 
would pursue them to condign punishment, with the 
same severity and detestation that wc woiild do the 
greatest attempt upon our Crown .... and we do 
engage unto you solemnly the word of a King, that 
the security of all and every one of you from violence, 
is, and shall ever be, as much our care as the preser- 
vation of us and our children ; and, if this general 
assurance shall not suffice to remove your apprehen- 
sions, we will command such a guard to wait upon you 
as we will be responsible for to Him who hath charged 
us with the safety and protection of our subjects." ^ 

The words were written on the 3rst, before the 
impeachment of the members had been determined 
on. Yet, even now, there was nothing in them which 
Charles would care to disavow. In his own mind he was 
meditating a legal process against traitors, not a deed of 
violence. To the Commons his proceedings might bear 
another aspect. After some conversation on tlie 
dangers in the midst of which they were walking, a 
message was sent to the City to ask that the Trained 
Bands might be made ready. 

By this time the news of the impeachment had pro- 
bably reached the House. Then Pym rose to say that 
his own study, as well as tliose of Holies and Hampden, 
had been sealed up by the King's directions. It was at 
once resolved that to do this without leave from the 
House was a breach of privilege. In this the Lords were 
asked to concur,as well as in a resolutionthattheassem- 


blage of soldiers at Whitehall was a breach of privilege, ^"yf * 
The Commons also requested the Peers to insist on ^ 

having a guard to be approved of by both Houses. jan. 3'. 

Before anything could be done, the Sergeant-at- of Sie'Sve 
Arms appeared \nt\\ orders from Charles to arrest the Semlmded. 
five members. A Committee was named to acquaint 
the King that the demand concerned their privileges, 
and that they would send a reply as soon as they had 
given it full consideration. In the meantime, the 
gentlemen named would be ready to answer any legal 
accusation. That this might be made plain, the five 
members were ordered to appear in their places from 
day to day. 

Wliether the King's attempt to arrest the members offence 
were justifiable or not, it was one more offence given SrLoni«. 
to tlic Lords. They had hitlierto been in the habit 
of deciding on the arrest of impeached persons, and 
they had just appointed a Committee to inquire what 
was the proper course to pursue. Instead of trusting 
the Lords, Charles had sent to arrest five out of the 
six accused persons in his own name. The Lords at 
once took up the challenge. They ordered the studies 
which had been sealed up to be broken open, and, 
aliandoning the position which they had hitherto main- 
tained, they agreed to join in the request for such a 
guard as would satisfy the two Houses. A week before 
a large majority of the Peel's was on Charles's side, 
lie could no longer count even on a minority. The 
Commons, as might have been expected, went further 
tlian the Lords. They arrested the officers who had 
sealed up tlie doors of their members.^ 

It is easy to imderstand that Charles saw nothing The KinR-s 
in all this but a sheer defiance of his authority. He ^••""^'^ 

» L.J. iv. 501. C. /. ii. 366. D'Ewes'a Diary, Jlm-l. MSS. c\xil 

300 //. 

c c 2 


I tinno for 

honestly believed tliat Pym and his associates ■were 
engaged in an attempt to alter by force the existing 
order of things, and he no less honestly believed tliat 
that existing order was good for England as well as 
for himself. In appealing to law, he appealed to that 
which seemed to him to be entirely on his side. As 
to precedents and legal maxims, he doubtless troubled 
himself very little about them. In England, prece- 
dents and maxims had grown up around the double 
ceutre of Parhament and the King, and something at 
least might be quoted on either side. At all events, 
Charles could remember having frequently heard 
that no privilege of Parhament was available against 
treason, and in 1626 his Attorney-General had accused 
Bristol before the Lords, -without being met by anyj 
objection to the course pursued.^ 

That evening Charles took counsel with his inti- 
mates at Whitehall. Urged on by Digby and the 
Queen,^ he resolved to go in pei^son to secure the 
members, if necessary, in Parliament itself. He had 
■ on his side the trusty CavaHers at Whitehall, The 
Tower was in Byron's hands, and Byron would 
it safely. Thirty or forty ai'tillerymen were intro- 
dnced into the fortress, and the men of the Tower < 
Hamlets, who formed the usual garrison, were d< 
prived of their arms.^ An answer to the petition.] 
of the Houses was jM-epared, in which Charles^ 
announced his intention of giving them a guai*d| 
selected by the Lord Mayor, and commanded by the ' 

> " He bad a precedent for it, in bis own timp, of Sir It. Ueatih, liia 1 
tlien Atlornej's impeflcbing of mywif of High Tronsnn, which im-fl 
oBBchment wna received and udmitted of by the House of Peers." — ^h'I 
Apologie of Juha Earl of Srislol (¥,. 89;), p. 53. f 

^ This seeoiB to have been the meeting referred to by Clarendon,] 

IT. 154. 

* D'Ewes'B Diary Sari iVSS. clxii. fol. o ft. 



Earl of lindsay ; and he knew that both the Lord ^?A^- 
Mayor and Lindsay could be trusted.^ - — 7~^ 

This answer was never sent. A message was j^ 
despatched to the Lord Mayor, bidding him to refuse Jfjf ,^j**jjj 
obedience to orders from the Commons, and to raise ?^««p «"^«r 

in the City. 

the Trained Bands to keep the peace in the City, and 
even to fire on the rioters if it were necessary. Gurney 
was already in bed when the message reached him, 
but he i^romised to obey the directions given when 
morning came.^ Charles might well hope that no mob 
from the City would appear at Westminster on the 
morrow. At the same time. Sir William Killigrew 
and Sir WiUiam Fleming were sent round to the Lma 
of Court, charged to exhibit the articles against the 
members, and to ask the lawyers who had come to 
Whitehall in the last week to defend the King, to keep 
within doors on the following day, and to ' be ready 
at a moment's warning.' * 

If the members were to be arrested at all, common oi,ject of 
prudence would have dictated an attempt to seize J^SuSm. 
them in their beds, as the French Parliamentary 
leaders were seized in 1851. Such a course it was 
impossible for Charles to adopt. He wanted — if it 
were but for the satisfaction of his own mind — to pre- 
serve the appearance of legality, and he probably 
imagined that he could persuade even the House of 
Commons of the rectitude of his intentions. No doubt 
he must have sufficient force about him to secure his 

* Answer for a guard, Forster^s Arrest of the Five Members, 116, 


^ The King to the Lord Mayor, Jan. 3. Latch to Nicholas, Jan. 4, 
Forster, 1 57, 1 59. The Queen Mother afterwards told Rossetti that her 
daughter had written to her in these words: ''I rumori di quii si sono 
condotti a segno tale che all' arrivo di questa lettera in Colonia hisogna 6 
che noi siamo rovinati 6 che il Be assolutamente commandi.** — liossetti 
to Barberini, J^, jR. O. Transcripts. 

3 D'Ewes'&'iiiary, Ilarl. MSS. clxii. fol. 305 6. 


object, and to compel obedience if it were denied. It 
was not in his cliaracter to expect a persistent refusal, 
or to represent clearly to liimself the bloodshed which 
might ensue in case of resistance, 

Charles little imagined that before he went to 
bed that night his secret was already known.' Very 
possibly Clarendon may have been right in thinking 
. that Will Murray was the betrayer. The nest morning, 
when the House met, the five members protested their 
innocency.^ The Commons sent up the articles of 

' D'Ewes's Diary, B(b-1. MSS. cliii. fol. 306 6. 

" Mr. Forstec here introduces long speecliea of Pym and Hampden, 
without Biving any reference. They are to be found in two con temporary 
pamphletH. On the titl&-page of Pym's speech the date given is Wed- 
neaday tlie 5th of January, and the other is stud to hare been spoken by 
Mr. Hampden, burgees for Buc)diigham(!), on Wednesday the 4th. Some 
one has corrected this date to the <;th. Surely Mr. Forster ought not to 
have dated the speeches on the 4th without remarli I A further exatui- 
nntion of Pym's speech shows tliat it cannot pofsihly have been spoken 
on tlie 4th. Amongst queriea proposed, according to Mr. Forster (p, 
164), is'wliethor to beset the doors of the House duringp such accuBalwn' 
bo not a breach of privilege, which is followed by a I'efloction that ' the 
last question had a pregnant meaning on the momiog of this eventful 
day, hut its fall eignificance was still to come.' The actual question 
assigned to Pym in the printed speech ia ' whether for it guard armed to 
come into the Parliament to accuse any of the members thereof b^ not a 
breach of the privilege thereof.' Obviously this cannot have been said 
till after the attempt on the 4th. This is, however, equivalent to saying 
that it cannot have been said at all. As Mr. Forsler was aware, Pym 
waanot intheHoupe on the 5th, having taken refuge in I he City. Neilher 
can he have spoken it at any time in the Oity, as it ia addressed to Mr, 
Speaker, and the House was then in Oommittee. Besides, there is not 
the slightest trace of any such speech then occurring. As for the dates 
aaeigned, in reality tbe 4th was on a Wednesday. We have ftirther 
three other printed speeches, one assigned to Hazlerig^, as on Tuesday 
the 4th, one to Holies, as on W'ednesday the 5th. one to Strode, as on 
Tuesday the 3rd, and to crown the nhauidity one said to be IiordKiin- 
bolton's (Mandeville's) addressed to Mr. Speaker. I hnve no doubt that 
they are all forgeries. It may bo remembered that on Jan. 25 one 
Martin Eldred confessed that a young Cambridge scholar forged a pe- 
tition for him, which a stationer printed, purchasing it for hiilf a crown, 
on which D'EwGS said ' thftt there were now abiding in and about London 
certain loose, beggarly scholars, who did in aiehouBes invent speeches, 



accusation to tlie Lords as a scandalous paper, ac- ^xv/*' 
companying them with a request that inquiry might 
be made into its authorship. Messages were sent to 
tlie Inns of Court, to express the assurance of the 
House tliat their members would not act against 
Parliament. Soon afterwards news was brought ' that 
there was a great confluence of armed men aboutWhite- 
hall,' and it was known that measures had been taken 
to secure the Tower for the King. A fresh message 
was thereupon sent off to warn the City. Nothing 
more had been done when the House adjourned for 
the dinner liour at noon.^ 

If the blow had not already fallen, it was because 
Charles had been involved in his usual vacillation. 
According to a not imjDrobable account, he had that 
morning sought out the Queen, and had given strong 
reasons against tlie execution of the plan. Henrietta 
Maria was in no mood to accept excuses. " Go, you 
coward ! " she cried, " and pull these rogues out by the 
ears, or never see my face more." Charles bowed to 
fate and his high-spirited wife, and left her, resolved 
to hang back no longer.* Again there was delay, 
])erliai^s on account of the adjournment at mid-day ; 

and make spceclics of mombors in the Ilouse.' Go Feb. 9, IVEwes again 
ti>])oko to the effect ' that there had [been] much wrong offered of late ta 
several members of this Ilouse by publishing speeches in their names 
which they never spake. I had yesternight a speech brought to me by 
a stationer, to whom one John Bennet, a poet lodging in Shoe Lane, 
sold it for 28. (xl. to be printed. It was pretended to be spoken at a con- 
ference with the I/ords on Friday last, when the Bill for taking away the 
bishops' vote wns carried up, at which time there was no conference at 
nil about that matter. ... He hath fathered this speech upon me.* — 
D'Kwea's Diary, IlarL MSS, clxii. fol. 351 6; 376. 

» D'Kwess Diary, Ilarl MSS. rlxii. fol. 304 h. 

2 St) far from Anchitell Grey's note in Echard, ii. 520. The be- 
trayal by Ijady (/arlisle is given by Madame de Mottcville, and may bo 
accepted in general terms, though tlie details are manifestly incorrect. 
On otlicr versions see Forster, 139. 



and before Charles actually left Whitehall, the Queen 
■ had trusted the secret to her ill-chosen confidante 
Lady Carhsle, and Lady Carlisle at once conveyed the 
news to Essex. 

Before dinner was over the five accused members 
received a message from Essex, telling them that the 
King was coming in person to seize them, and recom- 
mending them to withdraw. They could not make 
up their minds as yet to fly. In truth, Charles wa 
still hesitating in his usual fashion, and it might be 
that he woidd never accomplish his design. When 
the House met again at one, satisfactory replies were 
received from the Inns of Court. The lawyers said 
that they had gone to Whitehall, because they were 
bound to defend the Bang's person, but that they 
were also ready to defend the Parliament. The Lords, 
too, had shown themselves resolute, and had agreed to 
join the Commons in styling the Attorney-General's 
Articles a scandalous paper.* 

Then came a statement from Fiennes. He had 
been to Whitehall during the hour of adjournment, 
and had been told by the officers that they had 
been commanded to obey Sir William Fleming, one of 
the two who hafl been sent round to enlist the lawyers 
on the King's side. 

The full meaning of this news was soon to appear. 
It may be that the contemptuous term applied to the 
accusation which he had authorised had at last goaded 
Charles to action. Late — but, as she fondly hoped, not 
too late — the Queen had her way. About three 
o'clock, Ciiarles, taking with him the Elector Palatine, 
hurried downstairs, calling out, "Let my faithful 

' D'E-n-es'a Diary, Hari. MSS, clxiL fo!. 305 A. L. J. iv. 503. 
iuipoesibte to reconcila iho slorj told by MiidaDje do MoUoville about tlie 
Queeu mid Litdy Carlisle viilh anytbisg that con poEuibly Iihtc occuired. 


subjects and soldiers follow me." Throwing himself PJ^.^- 
into a coach which happened to be near the door ' — ^ — ' 
he drove off, followed by some three or four hundred jan. 4.* 
armed men.^ 

Such a number could not march at any great The news 

^"^ camfttl t.o 

speed. A Frenchman, named Langres, who had pro- the House, 
bably been set to watch by the Ambassador La Fert6, 
pushed through the crowd, and ran swiftly to the 
House of Commons.^ He at once called out Fiennes 
and told him what he had seen.® The five members Escape of 
were at once requested to withdraw. Pym, Hampden, member?. 
Hazlerigg, and Holies took the course which prudence 
dictated. Strode, always impetuous, insisted on re- 
maining to face the worst, till Erie seized him by the 
cloak, and dragged him off to the river-side, where 
boats were always to be found. The five were all 
conveyed in safety to the City.* 

It was high time for them to be gone. Charles's Arrival ot 
fierce retinue struck terror as it passed. The shop- * "'*^" 
keepers in the mean buildings which had been run up 
against tlie north end of Westminster Hall hastily 
closed their windows. Charles alighted and strode 
ra])idly through the Hall between the ranks of the 
armed throng. As he mounted the steps which led 
to tlie House of Commons, he gave the signal to them 
to await his return there. About eighty of them, 
however, probably in consequence of previous orders, 
pressed after him into the lobby, and it was after- 

' G Justinian's despatch, Jan. jy, Ven. TranscniiU, 

^ D'J^wes says that the Frenchman * passed through the troop.' 3fr. 
Foi'ster, misreading the last word as ' roof/ makes him climb over the 
roofs of the houses, in which case he would hardly have reached his des- 
tination in time. 

^ La Fcrto's despatch, Jan. j'^j, Arch, des, Aff, Etr, xlix. fol. 8. 
D'Ewes's Diary, Harl, MSS, clxii. fol. 310^. 

^ Ibid fol. 306 b. 


wards noticed that ' divers of the late army in the 
North, and other desperate ruffians ' had been selected 
for this post. 

Charles did his best to maintain a show of decency. ■ 
He sent a message to the House, informing them of 
his arrival. As he entered, with the young Elector 
Palatine at his side, he bade his followers on their 
lives to remain outside. But he clearly wished it to be 
known that he was prepared to use force if it were 
necessary. The Earl of Eosburgh leaned against the 
door keeping it open so that the members might see ■ 
wiiat tliey had to expect in cane of resistance. By 
Roxburgh's side stood Captain David Hyde, one of 
the greatest scoundrels in England.^ The rest were 
armed with swords and pistols, and many of tliem had 
left their cloaks in the Hall with the evident intention 
of leaving the sword-arm free. 

As Chai'les stepped through tlie door which none 
of Iiis predecessors had ever passed,* he was, little as 
he thought it, formally acknowledging that power had 
into new hands. The revolution which hia 
shrewd father had descried when he bade his attend- 
ants to set stools for the deputies of the Commons as 
for the ambassadors of a king, was now a reality 
before him. He had come to the Commons because 
they would no longer come to him. To Chai'les the 
new constitutional fact was merely a temporary inter- 
ruption of established order. In iiis eyes there was 
visible no more than a mortal duel between King 
Charles and King Pyni. As he moved forwards, the 
members standing bare-headed on either side, his 

' 8eo the account of him in Webb's Afemariali of tAe Civil IVar in i 

Hrrcfw-dthire, i. 219. ' 

' Eicept Henry VIII., ae SlingBby wrote 1 but Burelj this a only aa ! 

seof Woluey'a presentation of liimself before lli»'.) 



glance, perhaps involuntarily, sought the place on the ^5^?- 
right hand near the bar which was usually occupied ' — 7 — ' 
by Pym. That seat was empty. It was the one thing j^^ ^ 
for which he was unprepared. " By your leave, Mr. ^^g^^. 
Speaker," he said, as he reached the upper end of the «'*» c**"'- 
House, " I must borrow your chair a Uttle." Standing 
in front of it, he cast his eyes around, seeking for those 
who were by this time far away. 

" Gentlemen," he said at last, " I am sorry for this The Kings 
occasion of coming unto you. Yesterday I sent a 
Sergeant-at-Arms upon a very important occasion to 
apprehend some that by my command were accused 
of high treason, whereimto I did expect obedience, 
and not a message ; and I must declare unto you here 
that, albeit no king that ever was in England shall be 
more careful of your privileges to maintain them to 
the uttermost of his power than I shall be, yet you 
must know that in cases of treason no person hath a 
privilege ; and, therefore, I am come to know if any 
of these persons that were accused are here." 

Once more he cast his eyes around. "I do not ^^J*°. 
see any of them," he muttered. "I think I should five mem- 
know them." " For I must tell you, gentlemen," he 
went on to say, in continuation of his interrupted 
address, " that so long as those persons that I have 
accused — for no slight crime, but for treason — are 
here, I cannot expect that this House can be in the 
right way that I do heartily wish it. Therefore I am 
come to tell you that I must have them wheresoever 
I find them." 

Tlien, hoping against hope that he had not come Asks 
in vain, he put the question, "Is Mr. Pym here?" theyaro 
Tliere was no reply, and a demand for Holies was no p"^°** 
less fj'uitless. Charles turned to Lenthall. " Are any 
of these persons in the House ?" ho asked. " Do you 


see any of them ? Where are they ? " Lenthall was 
■ not a great or heroic man, but he knew what his duty 
was. He now gave voice, in words of singidar force 
and desterity,to tlie common feeling that no individual 
expression of the intentions or opinions of the House 
was permissible. " May it please your Majesty," he 
said, falling on his knee before the King, " I have 
neither eyes to see, nor tongue to speak, in this place 
but as this House is pleased to direct me, whose servant 
I am here ; and I Iiumbly beg Your Majesty's pardon 
that I cannot give any other answer than this to what . 
your Majesty is pleased to demand of me." 

" Well," replied Charles, assuming a cheerfulness 
wliich he can hardly have felt, " I think my eyes are , 
as good as another's. Once more he looked carefully 
along the benches. " Well," he said, "I see all tlie 
I birds are flown. I do expect from you that you shall 
send them unto me as soon as they return hither. If 
not, I mil seek them myself, for their treason is foul, 
and such a one as you will thank me to discover. 
But I assure you, on the word of a king, I never did 
intend any force, but shall proceed against them in a 
legal and fair way, for I never meant any other. I , 
see I cannot do what I came for. I think this is no 
unfit occasion to repeat what I have said formerly, 
that whatsoever I have done in favour, and to the 
good of my subjects, I do mean to maintain it." ^ 

So Charles spoke, and so no doubt he thought. 
He did not intend to assassinate the five whom he i 
accused, any more than Pym had a year before i 
tended to assassinate Strafford. But he meant again 
to be King of England, as he and his father before him 

' I hnre put my ticcount together liom the nnrratires in Jtuxfurorth, i 
D'Eicet, aai\ the Vrtiie^ A'otet. Compare i'urtter, 184, and SliDgaby's 
letter printed liy bim in a note to p. i^. 


had understood kingship. It would not be his fault 9?^^- 
if resistance brought bloodshed with it. 

He knew now that, for the time at least, he was j^^ 
baffled. As he left the House, with gloom on his "^li®?*"*? 

' ^ c? ^ ^ withdraws.. 

brow, he could hear the cries of 'Privilege ! privilege I' 
raised behind him. His armed followers were exas- impatience 
perated at the failure. Those minutes of waiting had followers, 
sadly tried their patience. Strange words had fallen 
from the hps of some of them. " I warrant you," said 
one, cocking his pistol, " I am a good marksman, I 
will liit sure." " A pox take the House of Commons," 
growled another, " let them be hanged if they will." 
When the King reappeared there was a general cry 
for the word which was to let them loose. " How 
strong is the House of Commons?" asked one. 
" Zounds ! " cried another, as soon as the absence of 
the five was known, " they are gone, and now we are 
never the better for our coming." The general feeling 
of tliese men was doubtless expressed by an oflScer on 
tlie following day. He and his comrades, he said, had 
come ' because they heard that tlie House of Commons 
would not obey the King, and therefore they came to 
force them to it ; and he believed, in the posture that 
tlioy were set, that if tlie word had been given, they 
should certainly have fallen upon tlie House of 
Commons.' ^ 

Such was the shape which Charles's legal and 
peaceable action took in the eyes of those whom he 
had called on to execute his design. The Commons A<^onni- 
at once adjourned with the sense that they had but SSis^* * 
just escaped a massacre. The orderly D'Ewes testi- 
fied his opinion of the danger by stepping to his 
lodgings and immediately making his will.^ 

* D'Ewes's Diary, Uarl. MSS, clxii. fol. 306 6, 310. 
'^ IhuL clxiii. fol. 121 A. 


Charles could not afford to acknowledge that he 
had failed. The next day he set out for the Gty, 
hoping to obtain there what he had not obtained at 
Westminster- He took with him in his coacli Hamil- 
ton, Essex, Holland, and Newport, perhaps with the 
idea of sheltering himself under their popularity. 
The rumour spread tliat he was carrying them with 
him in order to imprison them in the Tower. Multi- 
tudes poured into the streets in no gentle humour. 
At last he readied Guildhall and made his demand to 
the Common Council. After he had spoken there was 
a long silence, broken at last by shouts of ' Parliament ! 
Privileges of Parliament ! ' The meeting was, how- 
ever, not unanimous. Cries as loud of " God bless 
the King ! " were heard. Charles asked that those 
who had anything to say should speak their minds. 
" It is the vote of this Court," cried one, " that 
Your Majesty hear the advice of your ParUament." 
" It is not the vote of this Court," cried another, " it 
is your own vote." " Who is it," asked the King, " that 
says I do not take the advice of my Parliament ? I do 
take their advice ; but I must distinguish between 
the ParUament and some traitors in it. Those I would 
bring to a legal trial." On this a man sprang on a 
form and shouted out, " Privileges of ParUament ! " 
Charles repeated what he had said in a sUghtly altered 
form. "I have and will observe all privileges of 
Parliament, but no privileges can protect a traitor 
from a legal trial." In spite of the division of opinion, 
it was evident that there would be no surrender of 
the members. As the King passed out there was a 
loud shout of " Privileges of ParUament ! " from the 
crowd outside. He stopped to dine with one of the 
sheriffs. On his way back to Whitehall the streets 
rang ■witii the cry of " Privileges of ParUament ! " 


One bold man threw into liis coach a paper on which chap. 

was written " To your tents, Israel ! " The allusion 

to Eehoboam's deposition was one which Charles could jant 5.' 

not fail to understand.^ teltefo** 

Every hour that passed leaving the five members ^*"«^*" 
still at Uberty told against Charles. Whilst he was in «t wri- 
the City the Houses met as usual at Westminster. The ™ 
Commons contented themselves with drawing up a ACom- 
declaration in vindication of their broken privileges, St"r *^ 
after which they adjourned to the nth, appointing a ®*^*^*^*- 
Committee, in which any member who came might 
take part, to sit in the interval at Guildhall. As far 
as the rules of the House would permit, the Commons 
put themselves under the protection of the City. 

The order was made in the midst of great excite- 
ment. It was rumoured that the scene of the pre- 
ceding day was to be repeated, and that Charles was 
coming to arrest a fresh batch of members.^ 

It is possible that the rumour was based on a Digby'n 
proposal which appears to have been made by Digby p'^^*'^'*^ 
soon after Charles's return from the City. K he might 
take with him Lunsford and a party of CavaUers, he 
would tear the traitors from their hiding-places.^ 
Charles was not prepared for open violence, and pre- Prociama- 
ferred to issue a proclamation commanding all his a^to/** 
loving subjects to arrest them and to lodge them in the {J^JaJ"*™' 
Tower, to be safely kept till they could be * brought 
to trial according to justice.' Nothing was said of 
Mandeville, probably in order to avoid further col- 
lision with the Lords. 

Already the City had declared against Charles. Thocuy 

' Rushw. iv. 479. La Fert<S s despatch, Jan. |\, Arch, de» Aff, Eir, 

xlix. fol. 8. Slingsby to Pennington, Jan. 6. Wiseman to Pennington, 

Jan. 6, S. P, JJoni, 

2 D'Ewes's Diary, Ilarl. MSS. clxu. fol. 308 b. 

^ Clarendon J iv. 155. 



on the 
of PatUtt- 

Tlie Common Council, ao divided in his presence, 
had, as soon as he was gone, agreed on a petition in 
which the case of the five members was openly 
assumed to be just.' 

The next day the Commons' Committee met at 
Guildhall. Tliey at once proceeded to make out a 
case against the King, and began by voting that the 
impeachment itself was illegal. The debate which 
preceded this resolution has not been preserved, and 
we cannot tell how the strong precedent of Bristol's 
case was got rid of, unless it was argued that it applied 
merely to a member of the House of Lords. But it 
was felt that the main outrage lay, not in the impeach- 
ment, but in the attempted arrest. Treason, urged 
D'Ewes, must have been committed in the House or 
out of it. If the former, only the House itself could 
bear witness of it, and its consent was tlierefore ne- 
cessary to a trial. If the latter, the House must be 
satisfied of the truth of the charge before surrendering 
its members, ' for else, all privilege of Parliament 
must of necessity be destroyed, for by the same reason 
that they accuse one of the said members, they may 
accuse forty or fifty upon imaginary or false treasons.' 
D'Ewes's last words had hit upon the actual danger. 
Antiquarian as he was, he was more successful in laying 
down principles than in supporting them with prece- 
dents. He quoted two cases, one of which applied 
only to words spoken, whilst the other would have 
made against his own argument if it had been 
accurately stated.''' A third precedent on which he 

' Common Council Journal Book, il. fol. 12. 

" The laat case ia Pany'o. D'Ewca asaerted that Ptttry, ' being a 
member of t)ie Ilotise of Cammona, was Grat delivered up b; them to aafe 
custody, and arraigned and condemned of Iligh Treason.' In hie own 
Joumala of tbe Pnrlianients of Eliwibelh, we find under Feb, 11, 158;: 
*' Upon n motion made by Mr. Digge.', tbat Dr. Parry, a late 1 


relied was more to the point. He showed that the ^xvF' 

Peers, after trying several Commoners for the murder 7 

of Edward II., had declared, with the King's assent, J»n.6. 
that they would thenceforward try no one who was 
not of their own order.^ 

After this, the Committee turned its attention to Quntinn or 
the legality of the warrant on which the arrest had ofti2^"'* 
been made. It was resolved that the King could not '"""'^ 
himself issue such a warrant. It must be issued by 
ministers who would be responsible for aU that had 
been done. Then returning to the point which had 
been previously discussed, the Committee resolved 
tliat no member of the House could be arrested with- 
out the consent of the House. Whether this last 
resolution were justifiable by precedent or not, the 
former one was only a sight extension of a doctrine as 
old as tliat on which Charles relied when he declared 
that there could be no privilege of Parliament in case 
of treason. " A subject," it had been laid down by 
Cliief Justice Markham, "may arrest for treason. 
Tlie King cannot, for if the arrest be illegal, the 
party has no remedy against the King."^ 

After all, there is somethiug unreal in these arjm- i^" "■"* 

11.11- 11 1 T piTcedent 

ments on both sides from law and precedent. Law u»eie« 
and precedent are serviceable as safeguards against 
tlie arrogance of force. They secure a fair trial to 
those who are accused of a definite crime acknowledged 

worlliy lui^mljer of this House, ond now prisoner in the Tower . . , hath 
to mi'behaTed MuiBelf oa d«serveth hie suid iuprieonueat in Ibe Tower." 
(hi thH it was resolved ' tiiat he be dmbled to be si^y locpor a memW 
of tliJH IIou!*.' Parry, in fact, waa arreBted, and the House waa Bubse- 
quoiitly aciniainted witli the occurrence and eipelled him, On Feb. ij 
D'Kwesexplftiiied that Parrj waa expelled 'before any indictment of 
treason was preferred against him.' — Jiarl. MSS. clxii.fol. 3346. Thie, 
however, is nut lo the point, as the question related to bis arrent. 

I li-Mi of Pai-l. it. SA- 

' IlKwes's Piary, Ifarl. MSS. elxii. 308 6. 

VOL, 11. D D 


cnAP. by general consent to be punishable if it has really 
been committed. There was no such general consent 

, ^l' now. On one hand it was held to be treason to assail 

Jan. 6. 

the authority of Parliament. On the other side it 
was held to be treason to assail the authority of the 
The quea- King. It was a question of sovereignty, and no Judges, 
sovereignty whether they sat in the House of Lords or in West- 
minster Hall, could be trusted to decide that. 
Twofold Nor was that all. Behind the question of sove- 

conccption ., xX'u x* j^ it !•• 

of life: reign ty rose a twofold conception oi life — religious, 
ecclesiastical, and political — ^which divided Charles 
from the Commons by a gulf which it was impossible 
to bridge over. To each of the parties in the strife 
the other seemed bent on imposing its ideas upon the 
whole nation by force or fraud. For this the Parlia- 
mentary leaders had welcomed the intervention of 
the Scots, and the turbulent violence of the City mobs. 
For this Charles had intrigued with Irish Catholics and 
Scottish Protestants, with the English army and with 
the agent of the Pope. Compromise was hardly 
A com- possible now. Even the House of Lords had been 
^ibk/™" unable to find a common ground of pacification. Yet, 
perhaps in some measure because he was the weaker 
party, the intrigues of Charles had been far more 
dangerous than those of the leaders of the Commons. 
The tumults which they had encouraged were visible 
to the eye, and were calculated to arouse resistance 
from all peaceable and law-abiding men. A little 
patience, a little self-restraint, would have suflSced to 
DangerBof bauish them from the scene, and enable Charles to 
raon^"' triumph over disorder. The King's appeals were 
made to forces which were invisible, and the danger 
from which was beyond calculation. The Commons 
knew that they had not merely to deal with the armed 
garrison of Whitehall. These men were but the officers 


of that force of 10,000 volunteers which Charles had crap. 


engaged to raise for the Irish war. It is hard in — ----^ 
these days to keep before our eyes the mass of j^^ ^' 
ignorance and untaught brutality on which the 
society of the 1 7th century rested. It is useless to 
plead that that society was in no danger because the 
Ilydes and Falklands wished for nothing but constitu- 
tional government. The real danger lay in the mili- 
tary organisation of that lower class which cared 
notliing for the Hydes and Falklands, and which was 
to be drilled and disciplined by swashbucklers like 
Lunsford. And behind this terror lay a worse. In- 
distinct as was the information possessed by the 
Commons, there were grave reasons to suspect that 
the King was ready to make use of the Irish insurgents 
against the English Parliament, and, as we now know, 
the suspicion was not wholly without foundation. 
The name of the Queen was still more freely used 
tlian that of her liusband. Men spoke openly of the 
troubles in Ireland as the Queen's rebellion.* The 
belief was not likely to die out whilst courtiers were 
heard to say of the Irish that their * grievances were 
great, tlieir demands moderate,' and that they might 
' stand the King in much stead.' ^ 

Men's minds were everywhere predisposed to panic, panic in 
Tlie guardian of the peace had become the aggressor, ^•^*y- 
and hardly anything seemed unlikely or impossible. 
Tliat night an alarm was raised, probably an echo of 
Digby's rejected proposal. The Lord Mayor was asked 
to rail out the Trained Bands. On his refusal the 
Trained Bands dispensed with his authority. No less 
tlian 40,000 men turned out completely armed to 
defend tlieir liomea, and 100,000 more appeared with 

' Salvetti's Netcslefter, Jan. j^. 

^ Slinfrsby to Pennington, Jan. 6, S. P, f)otn. 

D D 'J 


lialberts, eworda, and clubs. As soon as it was ascer^ J 
tained that they had been misled by false news, the 1 
Lord Mayor had little difficulty in sending them home 
to their beds. That night of panic gave evidence that 
Charles had not merely to face the riotous apprentices 
who had irritated liim at Westminster. The trades- 
man's love of peace and order, which had manifested 
itself in his favour on his return from Scotland, had 
passed over to his opponents, as the House of Lords 
had passed over to his opponents a few days before.^ , 
EvideoMrf The next day's Committee was held at Grocers' 
BiiAsk ihfl Hall. It was for some time occupied in hearing 

■ evidence on the conduct of the soldiers who had 

followed Charles to the House. After this an intima- 
tion was given to the five members that they should 
take their seats on the loth, the day before the re- 
sumption of the sittings at Westminster. 
Thn Kin(- Could the HousB again sit at Westminster in safety ? 

lu'ie."'*^ Hitherto tlie King bad shown no signs of flinching. 
On the 7th a herald, standing in front of Whitehall, 
proclaimed all tlie six impeached persons as traitors. 
Cliarles ordered the Lord Mayor to do the same in the 
City. Gurney could no longer do as he would. He 
replied that the proclamation was against law. An 
official who was sent on the hopeless task of effecting 
the arrest, returned without his prey, having been 
' much abusetl by the worse sort of people.' * On the 
following day the King gave a fierce reply to a City 
Petition in favour of the members, and an Order in 
Council bade the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to secure 
the persons who, on the niglit of the panic, had dared 
to call out the Trained Bands without authority.* 

■ D'Ewsb'b Mary, Harl. ]USS. elxii. fol. 309 b. 

' Giuatiniioi's despatch, Jan. JJ. Vm. Travscripts. Carteret to Pen- 
rinptfiu, Jan. 7, S. P. Dom, 

^ T'le Kin^'B nnawer, SunAw. iv. 481. The Coiincil 1.1 th<> Lm.l 
Mavr, Jan. 8. S. P. Dom. 


In the face of this danger the Committee cut the PSA^- 
knot of the long-agitated question of the guard. A ^ 

resolution was passed declaring it to be legal to re- jan. s. 
quire the sheriffs to bring the force of the county for SttM^Si' 
the security of Parliament. It was further resolved ^^^fJom 
that, as there was no law in existence on the subject ^' ^'^y'* 
of the miUtia, the Lord Mayor, the aldermen, and the 
Common Council ought ' on this pressing and extra- 
ordinary occasion ' to appoint the oflScers and to raise 

The next day was Sunday. It is easy to imagine Jan. 9. 
the sermons that were preached, and the quiet, heart- in the aty. 
felt joy at the great deliverance, not unmixed with 
proud satisfaction at the part played by the City in 
guarding the Commons of England from harm. 

On Monday morning PhiUp Skippon, the Captain jtn. 10. 
of the Artillery Garden, was appointed Serjeant- appoEitod 
Major-General, to take the command of the City SiSl" 
Trained Bands. A pious, practical soldier, who had 
risen from the ranks, he was the very man to command 
a Puritan force. " Come, my boys," he once said when 
battle was approaching, " my brave boys, let ug pray 
heartily and fight heartily. I will run the same for- 
tunes and hazards with you." * He was now ordered 
to raise a guai'd for offence or defence. The request 
of the Commons' Committee, on which this authority 
was conferred, was at last backed by a similar request 
from a Committee of the Lords.® All the constituted 
autliorities were now against Charles. The popular oflferof the 
current ran in the same direction. The seamen and marinen. 
mariners of tlie Thames offered to join in the defence 
of the Uouses, and their offer was gladly accepted. 

As soon as these arrangements had been made, 

* Common Council Jmimal Book^xi. fol, 14. 

'^ W/iitclocke, 6$. 

^ Common Council Journal Dookf xi. fol. 15. 


the five members entered the Committee, and receivecl' 
a hearty welcome. Soon afterwards a deputation 
from the apprentices arrived to ask permission to 
I join in the morrow's procession. The Committee, 
mindful of the alarm which might be caused by 
the re-appearance of these frolicsome lads upon the 
scene, gravely requested them to guard the City in the 
absence of tlieir masters. Tlien came an announce- 
ment from Hampden, that some thousands of his 
constituents were on their way from Buckinghamshire 
with a petition. At first the Conimitt«o felt some 
anxiety at the approach of so numerous a body, but 
it was finally resolved to throw no opposition in their 
way. Finally an offer was accepted from the men of 
Southwark to guard their own side of the river.' 

By tile time that tliese arrangements were coni- 
pTqumu'i pleted Charles was no longer at Westminster. On the 
9th he had become aware that it would be impossible 
to resist the return of the Commons. If there had 
been nothing else to influence them, the humiliation 
of remaining a defeated spectator of the triumph of 
his enemies would have been too great to bear, But 
lie was more anxious for the Queen's safety than for 
his own dignity. He told HeenvUet, the Agent of the 
Prince of Orange, that he was sure that the Commoua 
intended to take his wife from him. He at oiice de- 
spatched a messenger to Holland, no doubt, to beg for 
material help from the Prince of Orange.' At the 
same time he wrote to Pennington, commanding him 
to send a ship to Portsmouth to await orders, and to 
obey no future directions which did not emanate from 

The nest morning Charles prepared to set out 

' ffEwea's Diary, Sari. MSS. clxil. fo). 313. 

' Heenvliet to tho Prince of Orange, Jan. |5, U, Oruni mm Frinttrrrr, I 
3uif> ser. lii, 500, iv, 1. * Fonnitigtan to the Ki[ig, Jan. 11, S. P. Dam. 



Holland and Essex, together with Lady Carlisle, begged chap. 
some who were in the King's confidence to plead for — -•> — ' 
delay. No one would undertake the hopeless task, j^^^ ^^ 
HeenvUet was finally applied to. " Who would dare ^^®^^ 
to do it ? " was all the answer he could give.^ There ^L^„ 
must have been an unaccustomed air of firmness in 
that irresolute face. At that moment Charles stood 
by his wife. He had done nothing to raise her to 
truer, broader views of the world in which they both 
lived, because he had no true and broad views of his 
own. He could not even carry out persistently her 
rash and petulant commands. But he could suffer 
with lier tenderly and lovingly. Long afterwards 
when she told how with a word of hers she had, as 
she beUeved, betrayed the secret of the design of 
surprising the five members, the memory of his self- 
restraint rose to her Ups. " Never," she said, " did 
he treat me for a moment with less kindness than 
before it happened, though I had ruined him."^ 

In loving affection the Eoyal pair set out on their The King 
long exile. Charles was never to see Whitehall again, Mt out*^ 
till he entered it as a prisoner to prepare for death. 
Henrietta Maria was after many years to return to the 
scene of her early happiness, a sad widow amidst a 
world which knew her not. Charles's troubles had com- 
menced already. Essex and Holland refused to follow 
him, and told him that his proper place was with his 
Parliament. They expressed their readiness to sur- 
render their offices. This was, however, refused, and 
Charles started without them. When Hampton Court 
was reached no preparations had been made for their 
reception. That night the King and Queen had to 
sleep in one room with their three eldest children.^ 

* Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan. JJ, Groen van JMnderer^ 
2 me ser. iii. 500. 

^ Madame de Mottoville, Memoirs, ch. Lx. 

^ IJorners to Hobart, Jan. 17, Tanner MSS. Ixiii. fol. 242. 



The next morning London was the scene of joyous 
eoinmotion. At one o'clock the members of the House, 
with the five heroes of the day amongst them, took 
' boat to return to Westminster. They were surrounded 
by a multitude of gaily dressed boats, firing volleys as 
they passed along. On the north side the City Trained 
lianda marched westward with resolute purpose. In 
the midat of them Mandeville was seated in a carriage. 
Tiiey bore aloft on their pikes a printed copy of that 
Protestation which, at the crisis of Strafford's fate, had 
rallied Englishmen to the cause of the Protestant 
religion, and the liberty of the subject.' 

That day witnessed Pym's greatest triumph. He 
was DOW King Pym indeed. He was no longer the 
ciiief of a party, for he had the nation at his back. 
Hoth Houses of Parhament, now united, followed hia 
bidding. Patiently and vigilantly he had stood upon 
the watch-tower peering into the darkness to descry 
the fleeting and shapeless forms of anarchy and con- 
spiracy. He had taught men to seek for the basis of 
law and oi-der in Parliament rather than in the King. 
Yet for him, as for other men, the hour of triumph 
was but the hour of opportunity. Could he seize the 
moment as it passed, and make permanent that har- 
mony which had so unexpectedly sprung up? Was this 
government by Parliament to acknowledge tlie limita- 
tions imposed on it by nature? Was it to be a means 
of imposing upon men the despotism of a majority, or 
was it to bow before the majesty of that true freedom 
which consists in the liberty of eacli individual man, 
to strive as seems beat to himself after that ideal of duty 
which reveals itself in his soul. The Cliurch question 
was still unsettled, and unhappily there was nothing in 
Pym to make it probable that he would solve it aright. 

' JJore to IVnnijifCton, Jan. 13, S. F. Bom. Giuslinian'a deBpatcli, 
JttD. 5j, Ven Transcript*. Radiin. iv. 48^. CUiren/lon, iv. 199. 




The King's first act on the morning of his arrival at chap. 


Hampton Court was a preparation for civil war, 
or, as he himself would have explained it, for the j^^i 
maintenance of his just authority against rebeUion. I^^^^^^/^ 
It is probable that in his orders to Pennington on the the occu- 

A o pation of 

day before, with regard to Portsmouth, he had in view h«u. 
something more than the Queen's embarkation, and 
til at he was already enabled to expect that Goring 
would place that fortress in his hands whenever he 
thouglit it desirable. He now turned his thoughts 
upon a place still more important than Portsmouth. 
At Hull were still stored up the munitions which had 
been provided for the Scottish war, and it was also 
conveniently situated for the reception of those Danish 
trooi)s of which he had wished to make use against 
the Scots, and of which he was again thinking of 
making use against his own subjects. He now Newcwiie 
a])pointed the Earl of Newcastle to be Governor of Govemorof 
Hull, and gave instructions to Captain Legg, the 
officer who in the summer had carried to the army 
the petition marked by the King's initials,^ to hasten 
to the North to secure the submission of the citizens 
of Hull to their new governor. Special instructions 
were given to Nicholas to keep these orders a pro- 
found secret, and to forbear entering them in the signet 

* Vol. ii. p. 211. 


office, according to the usual official course.' There 
■ can be no reasonable doubt that if the news of Legg's 
success had reached Charles, Digby would have 
started for Holland * and Denmark to secure assist- 
ance, and especially to hire Danish soldiers to land at 
Hull.' Charles, however, could not count on secrecy 
amongst his most intimate followers. The King's 
plans were no doubt betrayed to Pym even before 
they were put in execution. Orders were therefore 
' given by Parhameut to Sii* John Hotham to secure 
Hull by means of the Yorkshire Trained Bands, and 
not to deliver it up till he was ordered to do so by 
' the King's authority, signified unto him by the Lords 
and Commons now assembled in Parliament.' In a 
few minutes Hotham 's sou, who was himself a member 
of Parliament, was speeding dov™ the North road, 
even before Legg had started on his errand.* 

' The King to Nicholas, Jan, 1 1. Lejfg to NLcholafl, Jan. 14, S. 1'. 

' We learn from La Ferte's despattli of Jan. j"j, that IXeenvIiet ytua 
iiefolifttinp; for Charlaa'a mediation to bring about a truce bEtween Spain 
Had die States, and that there was to bo money puid bj the PrincQ of 
(.Irunge. La Fertii warned the Parliamentary leaders of this, so that 
llicy knew that Charles was eueliing aid abroad. 

' Iligby'fl proceedinga will be related in their proper place. Aa 
however, he did not go to Denmark, and all that has been hitherto known 
on the subject has been drawn from the enspicioiiB of the Parliameit- 
tariaus, it b as well to quote here the fallowing extract : ' Le Boy na 
voyuut esperance d'autre eecours, despechoit le mylord Digbie au Roy 
da Deonemarque, pour en avoir de luy, et en intention d'assurer la dea- 
cento des Danoia le Roy donnoit ordre an Comte de Nawcastel de s'eu 
aller k Hul, port de mer vers DennemBrqua :" — Fotater to Ohavigny, Feb. 
Pi, Arch, dea Aff. Etr. ilix. fol, 27. Forster was a Catholic, and gave 
reports t-J the French Government of news from England. If, aa I be- 
lieve, that news reached him from persona about (he Queen's Court, his 
intelligenoe would be dacisive on such a point. 

* That Hotham started first may be gathered from Gtuatinian'e 
t, that the command was given to Ne-n-caatle on account of the 
King's knowledge of the order to Hotham, and from the fact known from 
a letter ftcm the Mayor of Hull (Z, J. iv. 526) that Hotham arrived 



In the face of such danger there was no lack of ^j^f 
unanimity between the two Houses. Both Lords and ^ 

Commons concurred in accepting a guard of the City jan. u'. 
Trained Bands under Skippon's command, rather than ©a^*""'^ 
a guard of the same Trained Bands selected by the ^^""^ 
Lord Mayor, and placed under the orders of the Earl of 
Lindsey, as the King now proposed. Both Lords and 
Commons concurred in passing rapidly through all its 
stages, a Bill enabling Parliament to adjourn itself to 
any place it would ; in other words, enabling it to sit 
at Guildhall instead of sitting at Westminster. On one 
point alone did the Lords show any scruples. They 
objected to join in addressing to the King a demand 
that Conyers might supersede Byron as Lieutenant of 
the Tower. They were ready to join in all necessary 
measures of defence, butthey were notinclined to wrest 
from the King that executive authority which the Com- 
mons thought could no longer safely be left in hishands. 

Already evidence had been given that Pyra could The Buck- 
count on support elsewhere than in the City. Four ihfre™ti- 
or five thousand gentlemen and freeholders of 
Buckinghamshire had ridden up with petitions to the 
Houses which were but the echo of the Grand Eemon- 
strance. Hampden's constituents declared that they 
were ready to Uve and die in defence of the privileges 
of Parliament.^ 

Each hour as it passed brought news of thickening J«n. la. 
dangers. On the morning of the 12th it was known Lunafordat 
that Lunsford and his CavaUers had been gathering ^' 

at Kingston, and that Digby had come over from 
Hampton Court to concert measures with them. As 

before Legg ; but, as Forster s evidence points to a subfltantive plan for the 
occupation of Hull by the King, I think it may be gathered that Hotham 
was sent off on account of intelligence received at Westminster of the 
Kiug's intention. 

^ C. J. ii. 369. Z. J, iv. 504. 


iK'friro thD 

Tlie KiuK 



the magazine of the Couuty of Surrey was at Kingston, 
the obvious interpretation of tlie proceeding was, that 
tlie Cavaliers intended to seize the store of arms, and 
to gather a force which woidd enable the King to be- 
take hiniself to Portsmouth. The Commons proposed 
to parry the danger by ordering the sheriffs of the 
neighbouring counties to call out the Trained Bands 
for the suppression of such assemblies, as contrary to 
law. At the same time, the Peers summoned Byron 
before them to give account of the recent attempt to 
strengthen the garrison of the Tower. Byron, how- 
ever, refused to leave the fortress without an order 
from tlie King. Various rumours of plots to murder 
the popular lords were also afloat, and received more 
attention than would have been accorded them in 
quieter times,' 

The tidings of the next day did much to carry 
conviction to all that a struggle was imminent- 
Charles had removed to Windsor. He had taken 
time to consider the Bill allowing Parliament to ad- 
journ itself, and iiad announced that, as the legality 
of his impeachment of the accused members had been 
disputed, he would now abandon it, and ' all doubts 
by this means being settled,' he would proceed against 
them ' iu au unquestionable way.' The announcement 
that the prosecution was not to be abandoned caused 
the greatest irritation. Fresh news came in of Luns- 
ford's armed men and their supposed design upon 
Portsmouth. What had happened at Hull no one 
could yet tell. Already that morning the Lords had 
pointed to the necessity of doing more than calf out 
the Trained Bands of the counties round Kingston and 
Windsor. They thought that the order should 'be 
made general for all England.' The first proposal of 
' C. J. ii. 373. L. J. iv. $07. 


a new Militia Bill had thus dome from the Peers.^ The ^^^f • 

Commons were not slow to take the hint. They drew — 7 — ' 

up a declaration, to be sent to all the counties, inviting jan. 13. 

them ' to put themselves in a position of defence' — in countieB to 

other words, to call out the Trained Bands for their todS? 

own security. themselves. 

The declaration in which this invitation was con- The deda- 
tained threw the blame of all that had occurred on theCom- 
* the Papists.' There was, it was firmly believed, a the"defence 
vast Catholic conspiracy threatening dangers of which rountiy. 
the outbreak in Ireland was but the premonitoiy 
symptom, and of which the attack on the members 
was the commencement in England. Not only had 
Parliament been defied, and its privileges broken, but 
agreements had been made with foreign Princes for 
the introduction of foreign troops into the country, 
and arms had been collected with a view to a rising 
at home. Therefore it was necessary that the country 
should stand on its guard. Magistrates must see that 
the county magazines were well furnished. Strong 
watches were to be placed to prevent surprise, and no 
soldiers were to be levied, or arms and ammunition 
collected, ' nor any castles, forts, or magazines deli- 
vered up without His Majesty's authority, signified by 
botli Houses of Parliament.' 

In the policy of this declaration the Lords con- Jan. 14. 
curred entirely. With the consent of the Lower House otmcuHn 
tliey issued ageneral order to the sheriiTs, enjoining upon onhe*^**^'^ 
them the duty of suppressing unlawful assemblies and fi^nf Sit 
securing the magazines, though they prudently objected jj^-^f^j^ 
to irritate the King needlessly by the narrative of his 

* L. J. ii. 510. C. J. ii. 375. Ileenvliet to the Prince of Orange, 
.Juno Jp Groen van PrhistefeVy ser. 2, iv. I. This Militia Rill must not 
1)0 coiifoundtid with the one which had been brought in before C^^briBtmas 
to appoint a penernl with arbitrary powers, and which was probably only 
intended to friirhten the Lords into passing the Impressment Bill 


Jan. 14. 

The PriMB 

The King 




past misconduct.' Afterwards, upon hearing that the ' 
King had taken the Prince out of the hands of hia 
governor, the Marquis of Hertford, they directed Hert- 
ford to resume his charge, and requested the King not 
to permit the Prince to be taken out of the kingdom.' 

It was impossible to disconnect the removal of j 
the Prince with the evident desire of tlie Court to ■ 
secure Portsmouth. A gentlemau from Windsor in- ' 
formed the Commons that a waggon laden with 
ammunition had gone down to Windsor, and that 
another waggon similarly laden had started from 
Windsor to Farnham. In Windsor there were about 
400 horse and 40 offitiers. A messenger had been 
despatched to Portsmouth.^ It was doubtless known 
in London that the King had carried with liim those 
magnificent crown jewels on which Buckingham had 
' once attempted to raise money in Holland, and that 
if a seaport could be secured, he would not be with- 
out the means of tempting foreigu mercenaries to his 

Up to that morning hopes of an accommodation 
may possibly still have been entertained. Pym, at 
least, can hardly now have expected it any more. He 
declared that the King must be plaiuly told that these 
armed gatherings were against the law. In the 
Commons it was freely said that it would be neces- 
sary to inquire who had advised him to impeach the 
members. A Committee was appointed to place the 
kingdom in a posture of defence more thoroughly 
than by the action of the individual sheriffs. The com- 

' a J. ii. 377. ' L. J. iv. 512-514. ' C.J. ii. 379. 

* The cnnneclion betwepn tlie Prince's ruinovBl and the intention of | 
going to PortsDioutb is clenrly put in the followinjr: " Hora sti 
iilcuni ebe in questo t«mpo il ItS poeaa esser vicino n Poimur, liai 
condotto 8BP0 la Bepna. il Principe e In PrincipeMU, et anco portato le 
gioip.''-~Ho»!'elti to BnrbBriui, ''^"t X. O. Trmua-ipta. 


mand of the militia was ultimately in the Lords- chap. 

Lieutenants, and the Lords-Lieutenants had been ^ — --^ 

appointed by the King. On the 15th the Committee jlnfis. 

recommended that the members for each county, and ^nf?^" 

for the boroughs contained in it, should nominate a JSat°the^ 

person to be appointed as its Lord-Lieutenant in the Li^^Jn. 

room of the King's nominee. On the same day the ^^ ***^ 

Peers were again asked to join in requesting that pointed by 

Conyers might be substituted for Byron at the Tower.^ "neut. 

The Lords were not ready to wrest the whole 

executive authority from Charles's hands. Before jan. 17. 

long it was known that the King had asked Heenvliet f/u^n-'' 

to attempt to bring about an accommodation. On ^"®^ 

the 1 7th Heenvliet was at Windsor, and on the follow- j^^^ ,3. 

in<T morning he had an interview with Charles. ^"*^f: 

~ o view with 

Charles showed no appreciation of his real position, charies; 
He chatted about Holland's ingratitude, and said that 
the Bishops' Exclusion Bill had been introduced in 
order to diminish the Royal power. Heenvliet, appa- 
rently weary of this babble, asked what message he 
was to carry to the gentlemen at Westminster. Tell 
them, said the King, that you find me hard to satisfy, 
and then they will be anxious to secure your help. At 
any rate HeenvHet was to keep the negotiation on foot 
till he heard from the Prince of Orange, who, as Charles 
liardly doubted, would be ready to intervene in his 


Heenvliet was then taken to the Queen. Henrietta and with 

_ _ . - , . , . . , the QaeeD 

Maria at once broke out mto complaints against the 
Commons for their accusations against her, and pro- 
tested that she had never given evil counsels to 
the King, and that she detested the Irish rebellion. 
The King, she said, would be well content if he could 

» 0. J. ii. 379, 380. Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan. |J, 
Groeii van Ib-insferer, ser. 2, iv. I. 


x^il' enjoy his revenue as he had had it before these troubles, 
"^^~ and if his Parliament met every three years instead 
Jan. i8. of remaining in perpetual session. At present, he was 
worse off than a Venetian Doge. He would remain 
at Windsor for two days. K he had not then received 
satisfaction, he would go to Portsmouth. She and the 
Princess would remain there in safe custody, whilst 
the King and the Prince betook themselves to York- 
shire. Ileenvliet here suggested that there might be 
danger in such a course. No, she said, the King's 
name is reverenced everywhere except in London. 
In Scotland and Yorkshire it is especially respected. 
Newcastle had already occupied Hull in his name. 
Tliere was a larger quantity of munitions there than 
in the Tower itself. As to the Tower, Byron had been 
ordered to blow it up rather than surrender it. The 
King would publish a manifesto avowing his desire for 
peace, and forbidding the Trained Bands to obey any 
one but himself. ParUament had no right to meddle 
with them. K they refused obedience, all their pro- 
perty would be forfeited by law. The Prince of 
Orange must not allow the King to perish. " If we 
go to Portsmouth," she ended by saying, " I hope you 
will soon come there with good news." ^ 
Charles's Bcforc loug both Charles and his wife discovered 

vain.' that they had been deceiving themselves with false 
hopes. The Cavaliers at Kingston were dispersed by 
the county Trained Bands. Not a soul in the North 
or in Wales was disposed to stir in his favour. New- 
castle and Legg had failed utterly in their attempt on 
Hull. The Mayor had refused to admit any troops 
into tlie town, whether under Newcastle or Hotham. 
The King had now but 200 men with him. It was 

* Ileonvliot to tho Prince of Orange, Oroen van I^nsterer, ser. 2, 
iv. 2. 


therefore necessary to abate something of his high pre- ^^^^• 
tensions.^ On the 20th, abandoning his design on Ports- ^ — 7 — ' 
mouth, he despatched to Westminster a more conciUa- jan. 2^ 
tory message tlian any which he had penned since his concTua- * 
return from Scotland. In this he asked the Houses ^™^ 
to place upon paper all that they judged necessary 
on the one hand for the maintenance of his authority 
and the settlement of his revenue, and on the other 
hand for the establishment of their own privileges, 
the security of * the true rehgion now professed in the 
Church of England, and the settling of the ceremonies 
in such a manner as may take away all just offence.' 
When all this had been digested * into one entire body,' 
he would show how well disposed towards Parliament 
he was. 

A month before, such a message would doubtless its reccp- 
have been received with rapturous applause. Even 
now there were some who had hitherto opposed the 
King, who were incUned to see in it an augury of 
better things. No doubt it pointed to such a settle- 
ment of the Church as would have been in accordance 
rather with the views of Bristol than with the views 
of Pym. No doubt, too, the urgent question was 
not how the Church could be settled, but whether 
Charles could be trusted. Yet it was inevitable 
that those who wished to see the Church settled in 
Charles's way should be inclined to trust him, and 
that those who wished to see it settled in another 
way should be inclined to distrust him. There were 
certainly grounds enough for distrust. The message 
offered no security against an appeal to force, if force 
were at hand. Both Houses therefore agreed in send- 
ing for Newcastle to give an account of his conduct 
at Hull. But the Lords wished to return a simple 

' Giustinian to the Doge, Jan. JJ, Ten. Tranmripts, 
VOL. II. E £ 




* • — — 


Jan. 20. 
The Com- 
mons de- 
mand the 
and the 

Jan. 24. 
The Lords 
refuse to 
join them. 

Pym's ap- 
peal to 
the Lords. 

Jan. 26. 
moves for 
an adjourn- 
ment for 
six months. 

reply of thanks to the King's message. The Commons, 
who had the day before ordered the circulation of 
the Protestation through the kingdom for signature, 
as a token of the public disapprobation of the attempt 
on the members,^ now asked that the fortresses and 
the militia might be placed in the hands of persons in 
whom Parliament could confide. On the 24th the 
Lords refused to join in this request. But the number 
of protests, which usually stood at 22 or 23, was on 
this occasion swollen to 32. 

The next day Pym laid before the Lords petitions 
from London, Middlesex, Hertfordshire, and Essex, in 
support of his policy. The voice of the petitioners, 
he said, was the voice of England. He adjured the* 
Peers to remove the obstructions to a peaceable settle- 
ment which still existed. The Commons would be 
glad of their help, and would be sorry * that the story 
of this present Parliament should tell posterity that 
in so great a danger and extremity the House of 
Commons should be enforced to save the kingdom 
alone, and that the House of Peers should have no 
part in the honour of the preservation of it.' 

Wlien Pym's proposal was discussed in the House 
of Lords, Lennox rose to a motion for adjournment." 
" Let us put the question," he said hastily, " whether 
we shall adjourn for six months." The Peers felt 
that Digby's motion that ParUament was no longer 
free had come back to them in another form. To 
leave the House of Commons alone in Session would 
be a direct admission that no constitutional remedies 
were any longer possible. Lennox was therefore 
compelled to acknowledge that he had given offence. 
Twenty-two Lords of the opposition protested against 

> c. J. ii. 353. 

■• 1.1 


the mildness of the penalty. The Commons took the chap. 

... XVII 

matter up warmly, and asked the Lords to join in ^ — r-^ 
petitioning the King to remove Lennox from his office /anfae. 
at Court. The Lords refused to censure Lennox more 
heavily than they had done already.^ 

Irritation on both sides was the natural result of Difficidty 
the abnormal situation. There was absolutely no situation. 
Government in England. The King was projecting the 
restoration of his authority by reliance on anything ex- 
cept the loyalty of the English nation. A Government 
acting in accordance with Parliament would soon have 
dispersed the panic fears which exaggerated even the 
great danger which in reality existed ; and the demand 
that the military forces of the realm should be com- 
manded by persons in whom Parliament could confide, 
was the first step to the establishment of such a 
Government. It is useless to say that the Commons 
could afibrd to wait. The nation, at least, could not 
afford to wait. Men could not trade with security 
when they might expect at any moment to hear that 
foreign soldiers had landed, or that Irish rebels had 
been imported to wage war in England ; whilst the 
whole military organisation of the country was thrown 
out of gear, because the King wished it to be em- 
ployed for other objects than for the public safety. 

Eeason was on the side of the Commons. That B«i»on8fo 
the Lords should take the opposite view is intelligible reristance. 
enough. Tradition and precedent were on the King's 
side. Many of the Peers feared the sweep of a demo- 
cratic tide. The Commons, still in name the Lower 
House, were speaking to the Lords as their undoubted 
masters. The Lords were already treated as a mere 
appendage to a greater and more powerful assembly. 

^ L. J. iv. 543. French Newsletter, Feb. 1*3, Arch, de$ Ajf, Etr» 

xli.x. f(»l. 24. 

IS B 2 


AP- In the wake of distasteful social and political cliai 
- — ' loomed religious changes equally distasteful. Yet the 
, a6. Lords hardly knew what to do. They distrusted the 
Commons, but as yet they distrusted Charles as well. 
i.aj. On the refiisal of the Lords to join in asking for 

-■^ti. the fortresses and the mihtia, the Commons had 
independently presented their request to the King. 
Charles had returned an evasive answer, and on the 
.31. 31st the House voted the evasion to be equivalent 
Sl!^' to a denial,' and also drew up an ordinance conferring 
power in each county upon persons to be afterwards 
named, to train the inhabitants for war, to name 
Deputy-Lieutenants with the approbation of Parlia- 
ment, and to appoint officers, as well as to suppress 
' all rebellions, insurrections, and invasions,' according 
to directions from the King signified by Parhament. 
Something indeed had been already done to carry 
Hoih«m into action the terms of tlic ordinance. The younger 
Huii" Hotham had made himself master of Hull in the name 
of the Parliament. Skippon and the City Trained Bands 
TheToww were blockading the Tower, and Byron acknowledged 

blockaded. , " .,,.rt.-i ■ 

that It was not capable of oflenng a long resistance. 
A position BO strained could not last long. In the 
1. 31. City the burden fell heavily on the poor. On the 3 ist 
jieii- a petition was presented to the Commons by the 
Artificers of London and Westminster. It was imme- 
diately sent up to the Lords. The poor men, said 
Holies, who carried it up, had declared that they 
wanted bread. " The House of Commons said that 
they are not in fault, but have done what they could 
to take away the causes of these distempers; there- 
fore they protest, for their own safeties, lest they 
should be involved, that they are not guilty of these 
mischiefs." " 

' C. J. a. 39S, 405. ' J 



When the Houses met the next morning an un- ^ytf' 
usual sight presented itself to their eyes. Palace Yard — Y~^ 
was thronged by a crowd of women. " We had Feb. 1. 
rather bring our children," they said, " and leave them k^pIuS^* 
at the Lords' door, than have them starve at home." 
The crowds of petitioners who had been appearing 
during the last few days at Westminster were not 
without effect on the House of Lords. The most PosiUonof 
persistent Eoyahsts saw in them an organised renewal 
of those scenes which had preceded the death of 
Strafford.^ Others may have been convinced of the 
gravity of the situation, and may have been dis- 
appointed at the King's letter, as containing no serious 
guarantees.* On February i the Lords voted that 
they would join the Commons in asking the King 
either to set forth distinctly his charges against the 
accused members, or to abandon the prosecution. Later 
in the day they passed a far more serious vote. They They join 
agreed to join in a petition to the King, asking him moM about 
to entrust the fortresses and the militia to persons in m^bers, 
whom Parliament could confide.' 

The Lords no doubt felt their isolation.* Listead «"> *bont 
of placing himself at their head, the King had done 
nothing to show repentance for his past faults. All 

^ GiuBtinian's deapatch, Feb. yu ^^* Tratucripts, Salyetti's NewB' 
letter, Feb. j\. 

^ For the view that Charles, in his anxiety to save the Queen f^m 
the danger which he apprehended, may have passed the word to his 
partisans to withdraw for a time from active opposition, see a pamphlet 
by Dr. A. Buff, Die Politik Karli des Enten, in which Clarendon*8 mis* 
representations are admirably dissected. But I rather suspect that, as 
at the time of StrafFord*s trial, there was a middle party which had been 
voting with the Royalists. Its defection now would make resistance to 
the Commons hopeless. * X. J. iv. 556, 558. 

^ Dover, in his notes (Clarendon MSS, 1,603) ^7^ ^^ 'that vary 
night, many of our Lords being absent, it was carried for to join.' This 
may be true, but, as another vote was taken the next day, it is evidently 
not the whole truth. 



Ibe Loida. 

round them was a population surging with impatience. 
On the 4th came a long petition from the women 
about Popery and idolatry, and another long petition 
from Surrey, crying out for a speedy settlement. The 
next day the Lords passed the Bishops' Exclusion 
Bill, which they had steadfastly resisted in the autumn.' 
Once more Charles found that his hope of support 
from the Lords had faded him. Nor was this the 
whole extent of his disappointment. Hardly had he 
received the message which told him that both Houses 
were of one mind on the militia, when Heenvliet 
brought tidings that the Prince of Orange refused to 
mediate in his favour, and counselled him above all to 
keep clear of war. " It is hard," said Charles, " but I will 
think of it, and see you again in the evening." The 
Queen added, that she was resolved to leave the king- 
dom, and that she would go to Holland, to dehver 
over her daughter to her youthful bridegroom. 
"Either the King," she added, "will agree with his 
Parliament or not. If he does, I wiU soon return. If 
not, I had rather be in Holland than here." The 
agi'eemont, she explained, must be honourable to the 
King. In Scotland and Yorkshire the whole popula- 
tion was on his side. He would try his best to come 
to an understanding with his Parliament. K things 
turned out badly he would go into the North, and she 
would therefore only be in his way in England. 

Eeflection brought more strongly before Charles 
the necessity of at least the appearance of concession. 
On the 6th he replied to the message on the militia. 
' He wished to know what authority was to be given 
■ to the new commanders, and for how long a time it 
was to he exercised, Wlien he was satisfied on these 
points, he was ready to entrust the forts and the 

' L. J. iv. 564. Hoenvliet says the third reading was CBiried by 
36 to 23, which shows the untruth of Clarendon'* etatemBnt tlrnt it 
pH«eed by the ahetenlioo of ila opponents. 

TIIE king's vexation. 423 

militia to the persons named by Parliament, reserving ^^f' 
to himself the right of excepting to unfit persons so ' — 7- — ' 
named. As to the accused members he would drop Feb. 6.' 
all proceedings against them. 

At last, if only Charles were in earnest, a reason- 
able basis of settlement was found. The next day he Feb. 7. 
had a long conversation with Heenvliet. 

" How am I to take away the bishops," he said, The King* & 

cc ^ ' X X* X • X • xi • vexation at 

" iiavmg sworn at my coronation to mamtam them m theBishoos* 

. 1 • • •! J • o A X x"i_ "u * • Exclusion 

their privileges and pre- eminences r At the beginning bul 
I was told that all would go well if I would allow the 
execution of the Lord-Lieutenant of beland ; then 
it was, if I would grant a triennial Parliament ; 
then it was, if I would allow the present Parhament 
to remain sitting as long as it wished ; now it is, if I 
will place the ports, the Tower, and the militia in their 
hands ; and scarcely has that request been presented, 
when they ask me to remove the bishops. You see 
how far their intentions go. Nevertheless, to content 
them and my people, I have answered that I will 
name persons whom they approve of to command, 
but that they must tell me for how long a time this 
arrangement is to last, so that I may not strip myself 
entirely." Later in the day Charles explained his 
plans more clearly. As soon as the Queen was gone, 
he said, he should go into Yorkshire, not with the 
intention of taking arms, but in order to see what 
tlie Houses would do. He did not doubt that they 
would be more supple then. He hoped that if they 
attacked him, the Prince of Orange and the States 
would not suffer him to perish.^ 

Wliat could be expected from a man so unhappily 
constituted? He could neither frankly yield nor 
firmly refuse. Even if it were strictly true that he had 

' L. J. iv. 566. Ileenvliot to the Prince of Orange, Feb. y\, 15, Oromt 

ran lyinstcrerytieT. 2, iv, 1 6, 1 7. 



accepts &t 

given way to content his people, he believed himself 
' to have been grievously wronged, and he hoped that 
when he spoke from the midst of the sympathising 
Yorkshiremen he would be able to compel better 

On one point, indeed, Charles of necessity yielded. 
On the I ith he announced that he would transfer to 
Conyers the Lieutenancy of the Tower now that 
Byron was no longer able to defend it.' In the mean- 
time the Commons had drawn up a list of persons 
whom they recommended as Lords-Lieutenants, On 
the 1 2th this hst was accepted by the Lords, to be 
presented to the King. The Houses agreed that the 
authority of tlie new officials should continue till 
Parliament determined otherwise. 

On the 13th the King and Queen were at Canter- 
' bury on their way to Dover, the port chosen for the 
Queen's embarkation. The question whether the 
Boyal Assent shoidd be given to the Bishops' Exclu- 
sion Bill had been the subject of much contestation, 
Culpepper had argued in vain that it would be prudent 
to allow it to become law. The Queen was more 
successful,* To her it was a matter of indifference 
whether a few heretics, calHng themselves Bishops, 
sat in the House of Lords or not. The one thing of 
importance was, that her husband should retain his 
hold on the sword. As soon as she had sailed, his 
movements would be free. When he was once in York- 
shire he would easily find his way into Hull, and at 
Hull he would be in a position to receive suppHes 
from the Continent. Charles yielded to his stronger 
partner. Never, he fondly promised her, would he 
surrender his command of the militia.^ 

' Ij, J. iv, 577. ' Claraidon't Life, ii. iB. 

* S«e Henrietta Mal'ia'e Lettert; frou Holland, puliliiihed by Mrs. 
£vereLt Greeu. 



In this temper he addressed himself to the demands ^^1 • 
of Parhament. It is needless to inquire whether, — 7 — ' 
in some abstract constitutional system formed with- Feb. 13. 
out reference to any particular circumstances of time in the ^^ 
and place, the presence of bishops in Parhament is lo^^ 
desirable or not. They had gained their place there 
when they had been the depositories of the moral 
and intellectual force of the nation. In 1642 they 
were no more than an excrescence on political and 
religious life. They had made themselves the ser- 
vants of the King, and apart from him they had no 
inherent strength by which they could stand. Few 
spoke in their defence, and most of those who did 
defended them not for their own sake, but for the 
sake of institutions which would fall more easily 
when they were gone from the political world. At 
his wife's bidding Charles consented to the Bill, which, 
by reducing them to their spiritual functions, gave 
them a fresh chance of regaining the goodwill and 
admiration of their fellow-countrymen. At the same 
time he passed the Bill for pressing soldiers for Ire- TheBaiftw 
land, with the clause forbidding him to compel men |^2* 
to go out of their counties without permission from 
tlie Houses. He also offered to put in execution the 
laws against the Eecusants, and bound himself to The King's 
grant no pardons in future to the CathoUcs without ™'""**^* 
consent of Parhament, on condition that the seven 
priests who had been condemned in December might 
have their sentence commuted to banishment. He 
woukl also refer to Parhament all questions relating 
to the Church and the Liturgy, though he required 
tliat its recommendations should be submitted to him 
as a whole after the subject had been thoroughly 
discussed. He would leave nothing undone for the 
lelief of Ireland, and, if Parliament saw fit, he would 
venture his person in the war. Finally he wished 


the Houses to examine into the causes of the Jecay 
of trade.' 

No wonder that, coupled with the former offer 
about the mihtia, this message drew forth warm ex- 
pressions of thanks from both Houses. If only Charles 
Impeach- couM be trusted, everything might yet go well. Un- 
Atwnwy- luckily, that very afternoon, after the impeachment of 
*"" ' the Attorney-General for his conduct in relation to 
the accused members had been laid before the Lords, 

■ Pym brought up a packet of letters written by Bigby 

from Middelburg, whither he had fled. One of them 
was addressed to the Queen, and in such a crisis it 
was resolved to break the seal. The contents were 
ominous of danger. " The humblest and most faith- 
Digby'a ful servant you have in the world," wrote Digby, "ia 
i«tter. here at Middelburg, where I shall remain in the 
I privates! way I can, tUl I receive instruction how to 

^^M serve the King and your Majesty in these parts, if 

^^P the King betake himself to a safe place where he 

^^B may avow and protect his servants from rage and 

^^H violence ; but if, after all he hath done of late, he 

^^H shall betake himself to the easiest and comphantest 

^^B ways of accommodation, I am confident that then I 

^^m shall serve him more by my absence than by all my , 

^^p industry." ^ 

The King's Digby's letter received an appropriate comment 
jJcwcafiUo. by the reading of the warrant by which the King had 

L empowered Newcastle to take military possession of 
HuU.^ How was it possible to doubt that strong in- 
fluence was being brought to bear upon the King to 
induce him to set Parliament at defiance ? Even the 
most sanguine must have suspected that till the 
militia were actually in safe hands there could be no 

' Z. J. iv. sSo. 

' L. J. iv. 5B2. Suthte. iv. 5S4- ' ^- •'• >"■ S^S' 




security for the State. On the 15th the arrangements ^^f' 
previously made for the command of the mihtia * — 'p — ' 
were embodied in an ordinance, and that ordinance Feb. 115. 
was sent in the name of both Houses to the ordinance. 
King. On the 22nd Digby was impeached of High Feb.aa. 

Treason.^ impeached. 

To the messengers who brought him the militia 
ordinance Charles refused to give an immediate answer. 
He had plainly made up his mind to say nothing till 
the Queen was in safety. On the 23rd she was under Feb. 23. 
sail, carrying with her her daughter and the Crown aetflsaSr" 
jewels, full of hope and courage, and half beHeving 
that she had inspired her husband with something of 
her own resolution. After a tender farewell, Charles 
galloped along the cUffs in the direction in which the 
vessel was saiUng, keeping his eyes fixed upon it to 
the last.^ 

On the 26th the King was at Greenwich. He Feb.a6. 

« 1 T^ . « -r-rr ^ i • • i« i Charles at 

sent for the Prince of Wales, and, m spite of the Greenwich, 
remonstrances of ParUament, he kept the lad with 
him. He was now buoyed up with a fresh hope as 
unsubstantial as were the many others which had 
melted away in his hands. The militia ordinance 
had given rise to some dissatisfaction in the City as 
overriding the municipal authority of the Lord Mayor,^ 
and there had been a movement amongst the citizens 
to resist it, of which George Benyon, a wealthy mer- 
chant, was the leading spirit. Charles had therefore 
drawn up a sharp answer to the message with which 
the Houses accompanied their ordinance, but he was 
persuaded by Hyde to hold it back for further con- 
sideration. On the 27th he had a long interview 

* L. J. iv. 587, 602. 

^ Madame de Motteville*8 MimoireSf ch. ix. Qiustinian to the Dogei 
March ^-^, Ven. MSS. 

^ Giiistinian to the Doge, f^^^, ibid. 

I atltntiaDal 


with Hyde. Hyde, it was arrangecl, was to remain 
at Westminster, to watch the proceedings of Parlia- 
ment, and to send notice to die King of all that it 
was desirable for him to know. He was also to ac- 
company every message which left the Houses for the 
King with a secret despatch containing the answer 
which he judged most fitting to be given. Charles 
was to copy the proposed answer with his own hand, 
and to address it to Parliament as if it were his own, 
Charles's acceptance of Hyde as his unofficial 
adviser marks a new departure in the constitutional 
system of the English monarchy. Hyde's great achieve- 
ment was to throw over the doctrine whi('h Strafford 
bad inherited from theTudors, which taught that there 
was a prerogative above the law, capable of develop- 
ing out of itself special and transcendent powers to 
meet each emergency as it arose, whether Parliament 
approved or not. The King, according to Hyde, was 
to work in combination with his ParUament ; but he 
was not to allow the House of Commons to force its 
will upon the House of Lords, still less was he to 
allow both Houses combined to compel him to give 
the Eoyal Assent to Bills of wliich his conscience dis- 
approved. That such a conception of the Constitu-. 
tion could under any circumstances have been 
permanently adopted is absolutely impossible. It did 
not even attempt to solve the question of sovereignty, 
which Strafford had been prepared to solve in one* 
way, and which Pym was now prepwed to solve in 
another. It was the idea of aii essentially mediocre 
statesman. It was based on negations, and provided 
so elaborately that nothing obnoxious shouJd be 
done, that there was no room left for doing any- 
thing at all. Strafford and Pym were men of real^ 

' Cl'in-nilonS Life, ii. 24. 




if limited, insight. Hyde removed no difficulties ; chap. 
he awoke no enthusiasm ; he welded together no ^ — '—— ' 
divergent elements. Feb!*j^*. 

Yet, with all this, Hyde had at least a marvellous and tem- 
temporary success. He gave the King a party, and J^^S. 
that party, though defeated in the field and doomed 
to many years of proscription, rose again to embrace 
almost the whole nation for a time. The explana- 
tion of this success is not hard to find. Hyde's policy 
of negation was welcome to those who were indis- 
posed to change, and in 1642 nearly half the nation, 
and in 1660 nearly the whole of the nation, was in- 
disposed to change. All who feared the intolerant 
rule of Puritanism or the interference of shopkeepers 
and artisans in the affairs of Government welcomed a 
theory which acknowledged the right of the King to 
stop a legislation which was not very likely to take 
the course of which they approved. Other causes, no 
doubt, combined with this pure conservatism. Hyde 
had on his side the traditional reverence for the 
King, combined with the more honourable reverence 
for the law, and it was tempting to dispense with the 
toilsome labour of investigating what the law ought 
to be in favour of the far easier task of accepting 
whatever existed as the perpetual rule of life. 

Undoubtedly Hyde's . connection with Charles The avu 
brought the Civil War nearer than it was before. He brought 
could gain for him a party. He could not gstin for °*"*^* 
him a nation. If he could not quite separate him 
from his old behef in his prerogative as something 
personally inherent in himself, or fi-om those insane 
appeals to forces which never proved to be really on 
his side, he could at least render such attempts more 
infrequent, and could cover them, when they occurred, 
with the decent veil of constitutional argument. Men 


seemed to be liatening to the voice of the law itself 
' when they were only carried away by the sonoroufr! 
eloquence of a pleader. 

Even now, indeed, Charles had something very 
different in view from the formation of a constitu- 
tional party. He had promised the Queen that he, 
would listen to no terms of accommodation whic! 
did not imply the submission of the Parliamentai 
leaders. With the Prince in his hands, he would go t( 
the North and throw himself upon the known loyalt; 
of his people there. Hull was to be seized, or, if thi 
attempt failed, Newcastle or Berwick ehould be occu- 
pied to keep open his communications with the Con- 
tinent. Charles had still hope of assistance from 
Scotland. With these projects in hand, the negotia- 
tion with Parliament became but a secondary object. 
" I wiU not differ from you," he said to Hyde's pro- 
posal that liis reply should take a less offensive form, 
" for now I have gotten Charles, I care not what 
answer I send to them."* 

That answer stated that, though Charles was read; 
' to place the militia in the hands of the persona nomi- 
nated, they must receive tlieir commissions from him-? 
self, and those commissions must determine whenevi 
he saw fit.* As this arrangement gave no security^ 
against himself, the Houses voted that the answer was 
equivalent to a denial of their request. Charles's 
movements were even a greater reason for alami than 
■ his words. Parliament begged him to remain in the 
neighbourhood of Westminster, If he did not, it must 
needs be a cause of great danger and distraction. 
"For my residence near you," he replied, " I wii 

' Leltfrt of UenrifHa Maria, 51-65, ClureiiJon, Life, i 
' An Eravt Ce^lection, go. 


it might be so safe and honourable that I had no 9JiAF' 


cause to absent myself from Whitehall; ask your- ' — 7 — ' 
selves whether I have not." ^ It did not follow that, March a. 
because he was uneasy at Westminster, it was neces- repiy.^* 
sary for him to go to York. Yet on the day after the 
reply was given, he started on his ill-starred journey 
for the North. 

The Commons felt that there was but one course 
to pursue. They voted that the kingdom should be The king- 
' put in a posture of defence by authority of both put lo a 
Houses,' and this resolution was at once accepted Sefen".** 
by the Lords.^ By the 5th an ordinance had passed March 5. 
formally appointing the new Parliamentary Lords- 
Lieutenants, and conveying to them authority to com- 
mand the militia ' for the suppression of all rebellions, 
insurrections, and invasions.' ^ In sheer self-defence, 
as they deemed it, the Houses had seized upon the 

On the 9th the King was at Newmarket. A Par- M-rcho. 
liamentary deputation waited on him to present a of fears and 
declaration of their fears and jealousies, pointing out J®*^^°"*^ 
the many surprises to which they had been subjected 
from the first Army Plot to the attempt on the mem- 
bers. Charles could not understand that they could 
have any reasonable suspicions at all. " That's false 1 " 
" Tliat's a lie ! " were the expressions which burst from 
him as tlie declaration was being read. The next day j^^ kj^^.^ 
he returned his answer. " What would you have ? " 
he cried. "Have I violated your laws? Have I 
denied to pass one BiU for the ease and security of 
my subjects? I do not ask you what you have done 
for me. God so deal with me and mine, as all my 
thoughts and intentions are upright for the main- 

' Tho King's Answer, March 2, L. J. iv. 641. 

'* C. J. ii. 464. L. J. iv. 622. ^ L. /. iv. 625, 628. 



'. tenance of the true Protestant profession, and for 
'-^ the observation and preservation of the laws of this 
• land ; and I hope God will bless and assist those laws 
for my preservation." In vain Pembroke begged 
Charles to come nearer his Parliament, and to say 
clearly what he wanted. " I would whip a boy in 
Westminster School," repHed the King, " that could 
not tell that by my answer." Might not he, Pem- 
broke suggested, grant the miUtia for a time? " By 
ho God ! " was the fierce answer, " not for an hour. You 
have asked that of me in this, was never asked of a 
king, and with which I will not trust my wife and 
r- No understanding was any longer possible. The 

evident sincerity of both parties kept them asunder. 
Charles beheved at the bottom of his heart that 
ParUament was plotting to strip him of his lawful 
authority in order to destroy the Church. The 
Houses beUeved in all honesty that Charles was 
plotting to set up an arbitrai-y power ■^^hich, whether 
he intended it or not, would redound to the advan- 
tage of the Pope.^ 
I One more word Charles had yet to speak. " The 

''^ business of Ireland," he said, "will never be done in 
the way that you are in. Four hundred wdl never 
do that work. It must be put into the hands of one. 
If I were trusted with it, I would pawn my head to 
end that work ; and, though I beggar myself, I can 
find money for that."^ 
But Ireland, in fact, had not been entirely neglected. 
'^' Before the end of December Sir Simon Harcourt had 
arrived in Dublin with 1,500 men. In February 
Sir Richard Grenville brought 400 horse, and George 
Mo nk, one day to be more famous than either, landed 
' Susfiic. iv. S3I. 


with 1 ,500 foot. Parliament would gladly have sent chap. 
more men if money could have been found to pay 

them. On January 24 the City had announced that janl^ 
it would be impossible to raise a loan in the unsettled £* SJS^ 
condition of aflairs. On February 1 1 some London ™^®J^- 
citizens presented themselves before the House of TheUnder- 
Commons. There were, they said, 10,000,000 acres 
in Ireland, — about one-third of the acreage of the 
kingdom, — Uable to confiscation. There would be no 
difficulty in raising 1,000,000^., if a quarter of these 
lands, or 2,500,000 acres, were assigned to subscribers. 
This monstrous scheme of confiscation was received 
without a word of objection. Lords and Commons, 
EpiscopaUans and Puritans, were of one mind here. 
The scheme for the opening of a public subscription 
passed through both Houses in a week. The 
King's consent was asked, and on the 24th his Feb. 24. 
answer was read in the House. ^ If he had any better J^^hy 
pohcy than that of Parliament it was time to speak ^*'®'^*"«- 
out. He did nothing of the kind. Hinting a dis- 
approbation which he durst not express, he replied 
that he consented ' to every proposition now made to 
him, without taking time to examine whether this 
course may not retard the reducing of that king- 
dom by exasperating the rebels, and rendering them 
desperate of being received into grace if they shall 
return to their obedience.' What excuse can be 
made for the man who had no time to spare in such 
a case as this ? 

The Lords Justices hoped to have everything their 
own way now. There would be one more sweeping con- 
fiscation — lands and wealth for EngUshmen, the sharp 
sword or the pangs of hunger for the Irish. The fJg!?^^"* 

» a J. ii. 420, 425. X. /. iv. 593, 607. Moore's Diary, ffari, MSS, 
cccclxxx. fol. 131. 



rebels in the neighbourhood of Dublin were attacked 
' and driven back, houses and cottages were burnt, 
and the inhabitants cut down or hanged without 
mercy. There was no glory to be gained in such a 
war. The Irish were badly armed, or not armed at 
all. ' Poor naked rogues,' was the phrase usually ap- 
plied to them, but they swarmed around in numbers 
so great as to make the struggle appear endlesa. 
They never stood long before a charge of discipHned 
troops except behind walls. Their very resistance 
was counted a crime. Sir Simon Harcourt was slain | 
in storming a fortified post near Dublin. After enter- 
ing through a breach, hia soldiers, as one of their J 
number told in his diary, ' slew man, woman, andj 
child to the number of 300 and more.'' 

Very much the same miserable story came from 
' Drogheda. Tichborne and his little garrison within 
were hard put to it to ward off starvation. But the 
Irish, though assisted by their friends inside, failed in J 
every attempt to take the town. Whenever it suited I 
Tichborne to make a sally, he drove tlie besiegers like I 
sheep before him, killing those whom he could reach. 
Here, too, their numbers alone made them formidable. 
Early in March, Ormond was sent with a small force I 
to reUeve the place. The terror of his coming had i 
been sufficient, and before he arrived Drogheda waa J 

It had been with no good will that the LordaJ 
Justices had sent forth Ormond on this mission. Thofl 
orders which they had given him commanded him toT 
buin and destroy all places in which rebels had been j 
harboured,' and to ' kill and destroy ail the men 

■ Diary, Claretidon SfSS. 1 584. 

' Carte's narratiTe is supported by the Urge collection of letten in UmJ 
Cnrfe MSS. 


there inhabiting able to bear arms.' ^ Lest he should ^^f* 
distinguish himself too much, he was ordered not to ' — 7* — ' 
pass the Boyne, to follow up the enemy. His sug- M«reh! 
gestion that the houses of such of the lords or 
gentlemen of the pale as came to him to surrender 
might be spared, was contemptuously set aside.* 
The fierce spirit of revenge which had been kindled 
by pity for the victims of Irish cruelty was degraded 
by the Lords Justices to be the instrument of avarice. 
Every tishman knew that for him the struggle was 
one for life and death, for religion and land. " It 
is not my cause alone," wrote Lord Mountgarret to Lord 
Ormond, ''it is the case of the whole kingdom, and ^SSS;^ re- 
it hath been a principal observation of the best Strance. 
historians that a whole nation, how contemptible 
soever, should not be so incensed by any prince or 
State how powerful soever, as to be driven to take 
desperate courses." * 

Into that red mist of blood which was settling The mi^ry 
down upon Ireland it is happily not the duty of the ^ "* *" * 
historian of England to enter in full detail. The 
unarmed, untrained Irish peasants fell before the 
stronger disciplined bands of England as grass before 
the mower. Nobler spirit never was than that of 
Edmund Verney, a younger son of Charles's Knight 
Marshal. Yet even his temper was lowered by the 
element in which he worked. " There is little news," M«y3a 
he wrote from the camp in which he served ; " the 
enemy runs from us wheresoever we meet them, 
but if we chance to overtake them we give no 
quarter, but put all to the sword." To butcher 

* liords Justices to Ormonde Feb. 23, Carte, Letten, Iz. 

' Ormond to the Lords Justices, March 9. The Lords Justices to 
OrmoDd, March 11. Temple to Ormond, March 10. Carte, Letten, 
xiii., Ixiv., Ixv. 

' Mountg^arret to Ormond, March 25, Carte MS8, iii. fol. 12. 

r F 2 



CHAP, grown men only was fast becoming a mark of virtue. 

I' — ■ — ■ When Trim was taken, in June, writes the same 
jmeaa. officer, " we put some fourscore men to the eword, 
jBiy. but, like valiant knights errant, gave quarter and 
liberty to all the women."' When the Scots landed 
at last, their cruelty was even worse. A party of 
them near Charlemont ' took many cows, killed 
I about forty men, and many women and children, 

I in all some say five, some seven hundred.' The poor 

wretches had not even been guilty of the crime of 
I defending themselves. They had no powder with 

them. All that could be said of them was this : " They 
I did endeavour to drive away their cows."' The Irish 

I in turn were goaded into fury. Ever since the relief 

of Drogheda there had been fresh scenes of murder. 
Englishmen and Irishmen were to one another but 
I noxious beasts of prey to be slaughtered without 

I mercy. All feeling of a common humanity had been 

I lost between them. The imaginative power which 

I calls up before the mind the real life of an enemy 

} was altogether lacking, and for want of it the people 

For tlie misery of Ireland no party in England 
March 19. could avold respousibihty. On March ig Charles gave 
^ttmCTs- ^^^ Royal Assent to that monstrous Bill which was to 
SviTiiio li'i"'^! o^*-^!" to English adventurers two milhons and a 
A»nt. ^""^ "^ acres ou Irish soil. He had ceased to think 
of Ireland except so far as it might assist him in his 
struggle with the EngUsh Parliament. That struggle 
Mnrchie. ■was ahe.idy taking a sharper form. On the i6th 
munfciarm t^^ Coinmous answcfcd the King's declaration that 
MweiT '•^^ ordinances of the Houses were not to be obeyed 
Pwii«in..[.i. without his consent, by a resolution ' that when the 


E. VemBy to Sir R. Vernej, Msy 30, June 1 
Conway tn Omiond. .fuly 18, Corfu AtSS. iij 

I, femt}/ MSS. 

fol. 325, 


Lords and Commons in Parliament, which is the ^^F- 
supreme court of judicature in the kingdom, shall de- ""'r"^ 
clare what the law of the land is, to have this not only March, ik 
questioned and controverted, but contradicted, and 
a command that it should not be obeyed, is a high 
breach of the privilege of Parhament.' Such a claim 
of sovereignty was necessarily followed by many acts 
which were violently unconstitutional, in the sense 
tliat tliey would have been out of place in a state of 
things in which the Constitution was in working 
order. Even before the words had been spoken, March 15. 
Parliament had claimed the right of directing the claims the 
armed force by sea as well as by land. Northum- 2*"""*** 

berland was constitutionally timid, and was unwilUng 
to take an active part in the strife. He was accord- 
ingly asked to appoint Warwick to command the 
fleet, which would soon be ready to put to sea.^ 

The Commons had little doubt that Charles was Report of 
prepared to use force against them. A letter directed intentSoB*. 
to Pym was picked up in Palace Yard. Tlie wi'iter 
stated ' that he had heard the King say that he had 
the nobility, the gentry, and divers honest men on 
his side ; that the Parliament had irritated the military 
men and denied them employment in Ireland, and so 
prepared swords for their own tliroats ; that he did 
not doubt, if Hull proved right, but that an army 
of i6,CKDo men, commanded by the said military men 
or officers, would keep him in safety/ Some one 
attached to Charles's person had been heard to say, 
" What if you see Hull yield to the King, and young 
Hotham be hanged up ? " ^ Four days later came March 19. 
news of a statement made at Eotterdam by a mariner t^^^ 
named Henley, that he had been asked by a servant SJSl^ 

* Z. J, iv. 645. 

a D'Ewee's Diary, Harl MSS. clxiu. foL 33. 


of liord Bigby to take charge of a ship at Elsinore, 
which was one of a fleet intended to bring thirty 
or forty thousand Danish soldiers to Hull. An 
anonymous letter from Newmarket, directed to Pym, 
added that French troops were to be sent to Ireland, 
that the English navy was expected to take part 
against Parhament, and that all the resolutions of the 
Commons were betrayed to the King by some of the 
members of the House.' No wonder that the Houses 
directed that no troops should be admitted into Hull 
without authority from Parliament.' 

Whether these rumours were exaggerated or not, 
there can be no doubt that they were not mere 
inventions. The Queen was not looking only to the 
money which she hoped to raise by pledging her own 
and the Crown jewels. She did hope to obtain aid 
from tlie King of Denmark. She did think it possible 
to bring about by her mediation a truce between 
Spain and the Dutch Republic — a truce which would 
enable Frederick Henry, gained over by the splendid 
offer of a marriage between his daughter and the 
Prince of Wales, to intervene effectually on her 
husband's behalf. Behind this were visions still more 
vague of help from France or Spain, from the Em- 
peror or even from Bavaria.^ 

For some time the impatient Queen had been 
urging her husband to gain possession of the sea- 
port on which her hopes were fixed. " When you 

' i. J. 17.655- 

' Ibid.i-r, 656, 659, 661. 

' Tlie eridence fur this ie eoattered over RoBsetti's letters. See too 
tlie quotation from BKrbenni at p. 29S, iiot« z. At a later time, after 
Charles had abandoned these projects, Knssetti writes that having made 
paiticular inquiry, he bad diaooYered ' cbe il pentderodel R& d'lDghilterra 
e di re«tituii'ai in autoriti at abaeBBiv anzi distrug'gere, se pntri^, U putito 
Parlaneiitario, ma per tio eflettuare non vedeluo)rcidi pot«r prsvalei 
mezzi forestipri.' This was on the ground that Frsnw was en^a^d 



come to Hull," she wrote, " if you find the country ^^^• 
well affected, HuU must absolutely be had. K you ^^ — -^r-^ 
cannot, you must go to Newcastle, and if you find March 7! 
that is not safe, go to Berwick, for it is necessary to 
have a seaport."^ Charles did not find it easy 
to seize Hull, especially after the disclosure of the 
scheme for introducing Danish troops into England. 
On the 1 9th he rode into York,^ and did his best to March 19 
curry favour with his subjects by ordering the exe- y^*" ** 
cution of the laws against the Catholics. The feeUng 
at York was not as hostile to him as that of London. 
In the city itself, the common people, dissatisfied 
with the suppression of the Council of the North, 
placed themselves on his side. A proposal to petition 
the King to return to his FarUament found but little 
support, and those who advocated it were compared 
to the Gadarenes who besought Christ to depart from 
their coasts. But there was httle enthusiasm for the 
King, and no inclination to plunge into civil war. 
The address sent up to him suggested under respect- Apru 5. 
ful forms that it would be well for him to come to 
an understanding with Parliament. Charles in his 
answer expressed himself ready to do so, if only Par- 
liament would acknowledge its errors.* 

If Charles thought it expedient to abandon for a 
time his projects upon Hull, it was with no thought 

war of its own, that Spain was weak, and so forth* Of tlie Prince of 
Orange 'se bene i1 Padre Filippo dice che easo Principe non habbis 
danari, si crede pero sia per somministrame segretamente per non ores- 
cere la gelosia agli Stati causata dal matrimonio del figliuolo. Oiroa k 
Bavari si credono meri discorsi. In Danimarca ai potrebbe haTeie 
maggior speranza di gente se bene sino adesao non si scopre yeramenta 
che vi sia passata trattatione.* — Rosaetti to Barberini, July X3» ^' ^* 

* The Queen to the King, March jV, Letter$ of SemieUa Maria, 52. 

' Iter Carolinum in Qutch, CoU, Curio$a^ ii. 427. 

' Stockdale to Lord Fairfax, March 25, April i. Fairfax Correspim. 
ii. 389. Yorkshire Petition, April 5. L, J. iv. 710. 


March S3. 



TfaE Keat- 

of acknowletlging the authority of the Parliament at 
Westminster. He wished to show that tlie centre of 
the State waa to be found wlierever his person was. 
On March 23 he summoned Essex and Holland, with 
two other lords, to attend him at York on the pretext 
that he wished to keep state at Easter, and at the 
Feast of St. George. The House of Lords at once 
ordered its members to remain in attendance on 
their Parliamentary duties.' 

Charles's efforts to shake the resolution of the 
Houses had hitherto been singularly ineffectual. ■ 
Intrigue and argument in turn had been employed 
in vain. The ramparts of Hull were still manned 
by Ilotham's Trained Bauds. Hyde's lengthy state 
papers were answered by others as lengthy, and ap- 
parently more convincing than his own. No man 
was prepared to draw sword merely to give the 
King the mastery over his Parhament. If Parlia- 
ment had really represented the nation in 1642 as it 
had represented it in 1640, Charles would have been 
powerless. For some time there had been signs that 
it was no longer so, and those signs had lately been 
increasing rapidly. 

Most valuable as an indication of the distracted 
condition of the country was the Kentish petition, 
drawn up on March 25 by the Grand Jury at the 
Assizes held at Maidstone. It is true that, as after- 
wards appeared, the Grand Jury had been selected 
not in the usual way by the Sheriff, but under the 
direction of Justice MaJlett, who presided over the 
Court ; and that of the nineteen gentlemen who com- 
posed it, a bare majority of ten supported the peti- 
tion. But the importance of the petition lies not in d 
its official character, but in the language in which it j 

' L. J. iv, 675, 


was couched. It began by thanking Parliament for ^^?- 
the excellent laws which ' by His Majesty's grace and ' — ^ — ^ 
goodness' had been obtained, and by asking for the March as- 
full execution of the laws against the Catholics. It 
then proceeded to request ' that the solemn liturgy of 
the Church ' might be freed ' from interruptions, 
scorns, profanations, threats, and force of such men 
who daily do deprave it, and neglect the use of it in 
divers churches, in despite of the laws established ;' 
that episcopal government might be preserved, and 
that all differences concerning religion might be sub- 
mitted to a synod chosen by the clergy, and means 
taken to provide against the scandal of schismatical 
and seditious sermons and pamphlets, and some severe 
law made against laymen for daring to arrogate to 
themselves and to exercise the holy function of the 
ministry — to the advancing of heresy, schism, pro- 
faneness, Ubertinism, anabaptism, atheism.' Coercive 
jurisdiction must be restored for the repression of 
moral and ecclesiastical offences. Ireland must be 
relieved. The mihtia must be settled by law with 
His Majesty's consent, and no order of either House, 
not grounded on existing law, was to be enforced till 
the Eoyal Assent had converted it into a statute. 

The Kentish petition may fairly be accepted as spintof 
embodying the spirit which was soon to animate the uon!'^ 
King's supporters in the Civil War. Their newly 
awakened zeal for the prerogative had been quickened 
by the beUef that it would be used to crush the dis- 
turbers of ecclesiastical peace. They protested against 
the assault which was being made upon the Church 
which had been inspired by the broad and tolerant 
spirit of Hooker. That Church, they felt instinctively, 
deserved better things than to be torn asunder to 
gratify the ranting outcries of the conventicle. Un- 



happily they could see nothing in Puritanism but ital 
weakest and lowest side. Still more unhappily they 1 
scouted the very idea of toleration for the sects. ■ 
" The prelates," as Milton had written a few weeks I 
before, " as they would have it thought, are the only" 
mauls of schism. Forsooth, if they be put down, a J 
deluge of innumerable sects will follow ; we shall all ] 
be Brownists, Familists, Anabaptists. For tlie word 
Puritan seems to be quashed, and all that heretofore 
were counted such are now Brownists." ' Milton ' 
refused to be led astray by that dread of the sects 
which was sweeping away the bulk of the English 
gentry to the King. His inference was precisely the 
opposite from that which was drawn by the Kentish 
petitioners. " Jurisdictive power in the Church," he 
boldly said, "there ought to be none at all. . . . For 
when the Church without temporal support is able to 
do her great works upon the unforced obedience of 
men, it argues a divinity about her ; but when she 
thinks to credit and better her spiritual efficacy, and 
to win herself respect and dread by strutting in the 
false vizard of worldly authority, it is evident that 
God is not there, but that her apostolic virtue ia I 
departed from her, and hath left her key-cold ; which i 
she perceiving, as in a decayed nature, seeks to the 1 
outward fomentations and chafings of worldly help j 
and external flourishes to fetch, if it be possible, some I 
motion into her extreme parts, or to hatch a coun-- 
terfeit heat of jurisdiction." ' 

It would have been well if the practical men in 
the House of Commons had bestowed some attention 
on the strange utterances of this idealist, His time v 
not yet come. Even Cromwell, who was one day to 

' Ibid. ii. J. 

1 of CAureA Ooit 

\tagainU Prtlaty, 


come the exponent of these thoughts in the field and in ^^^* 
Council, would now have deemed them, if they reached ^ — -»— ' 
his ears at all, too unpractical to be worthy of atten- Much as. 
tion. The Kentish petitioners were to be put down, Mwchas. 
not answered. Four of their number — Sir Edward txeatmeat 
Bering and the honest large-minded antiquary Sir ^utionera. 
Roger Twysden amongst them — ^were sent for to be 
examined as offenders. Judge Mallett, who had pre- 
sided at the assizes, and Bristol, who was charged 
with having in his hands a copy of the petition 
without giving information to Parliament, were com- 
mitted to the Tower ; whilst selected extracts from 
the petition itself were voted to be seditious. 

The House, in fact, had a plan of its own for the The nvti 
settlement of the Church. Questions at issue were to for the* 
be determined, not, as the petitioners proposed, by an ^^^^ 
assembly of divines chosen by the clergy, many of ^"^• 
whom had been instituted under Laudian influence, 
but by an assembly of divines chosen by Parliament. 
A Bill condemning the late innovations had already 
passed the Commons and had been read twice by the 
Lords.^ Two absolutely contradictory conceptions of 
Church worship were face to face. Neither side 
would give way. Neither side thought it possible to 
conciUate the other. If any one moment can be Thecwi 
selected as that on which the Gvil War became inevi- ^'^jSSie. 
table, it is that of the vote of March 28, by which 
the Kentish petitioners were treated as criminals. 
From that moment the indignation of hundreds of 
high-spirited gentlemen came rapidly to a head, and 
it would not be long before they placed their swords at 
the services of a king who shared in their prejudices 
and their resolve.^ 

» c. /. ii. 502, 507. z. /. W. 678. 

' Three days later Salvetti wrote: 'lo credo che se Sua Maeetik 


It has often been said with truth, that the miserieaJ 



last I 

France underwent 
century were in the main owing to the persistency 

' with wliich Frenchmen followed ideals to the dis- 
regard of the historical conditions of their time. 
EngUsh politiciana and English writers have never 
been weary of repeating that our Revolution was 
conducted after a very different fashion. It has been 
our glory that our Uberties were inlierited from our 
ancestors of old, and that the men of the i^tb cen- 
tury claimed no more than a confirmation of the 
rights which had been won atRunnyniede and Lewes, 
and which were in some sort brought by our remoter 
progenitors from beyond the sea. Yet this advan- 
tage, hke every other, has brought with it its atten- 
dant disadvantage. In the crisis of the 1 7th century 
it produced in both parties a shortsighted conservatism 
which was fatal to any peaceable sohition of the 
problem before the nation. Men had gro^vn so fami- 
liar with inquiries into what had been, that they did 
not sufficiently trouble themselves to ask what ought 
to be. They consulted antiquity when they should 
have been providing for the future. They did 
not see that they had embarked on an unknown 
sea, and that their old charts would »vail tliem. 

t If both parties were equally impervious to new 
ideas on the supreme question of toleration, it was of 
little consequence that the esisting constitutional 
formalities were better observed by the party which 
was about to support the King than by the party 
which continued to oppose him. Pym and his friends 

n poco di pazienza sis per rimett«rei ; hIbikIo impoeeilnlfl che U 
M rorapa " " 


PailameDto hod bi r< 

u ultimo bt di loro ; oitie cbe i Oentilhuo- 

niini slando atraccUi del auo ligido procedere 
Sub Maeeta.' — Salvelti'e Ncvmittttr, April i^. 

coauQciaDo su aaenn * 


had been driven by the course of events to uphold the ^^f • 
doctrine that Pariiament and not the King was supreme 

in England. How could they hope to make it good 
unless the votes of Parhament embodied the national 
will ? Yet it was now perfectly evident that this was 
no longer the case. KilUsrew's suggestion that a April i. 


deputation of members should be sent into each county ■oggestion. 

to inquire into the opinions of the constituencies, on 

the ground that ' it was not the exacting of a law that 

made it in force, but the willing obedience to it,' was 

no doubt open to grave objections, but it touched 

the weak point of Pym's pohcy to the quick.^ It 

was Pym's part to assume that he had all England at 

his back. On March 29 directions were sent to March 29U 

Hotham to reinforce the garrison of Hull, and on serand. 

April 2 the Commons voted that the munitions at April 2. 

Hull should be brought to London, though the vote 

was afterwards changed, at the instance of the Lords, 

to a request to the King to consent to their removal. 

On the other hand, a company of horsemen rode out 

of London on the 3rd to join the King at York, and Aprils. 

it was known that the Gentlemen Pensioners had theiii^. 

obeyed a summons from Charles to attend his person 

in tlie North. 

On April 4 the Commons appointed a Committee Hevniw 
to prepare a declaration of their ecclesiastical policy ; pj^r^«^^ 
and on the same day the two Houses, finding that ^"^^ 
Charles had forbidden the appointment of Warwick 
to command the fleet, directed Northumberland to 
instal their nominee as Vice-Admiral in defiance of 
tlie King. The two resolutions had a closer con- 
nection than appears at first sight. The ecclesiastical 
policy of the Commons rendered necessary their pre- 
parations for war.' 

» D'Ewes's Dian-, /foW. MSS. dxiu. fol. 58 b. 

^ C. J. ii. Sio. D'Ewee's Diary, ffarl. MSS. cbuL fol. 62 b. 


CHAP. The Lords had already agreed that the militia 

' — 7-— ' ordinance should be put in force even without the 
April 8. King's consent. On the 8th they sentenced Benyon 
SmSS^ to fine and imprisonment for his attempt to stir up 
resistance to the militia ordinance under cover of the 
privileges of the City.^ The Lords in truth were no 
The Roy- morc than a shadow of their former selves. Many 
cease^tT" of the Royalist peers had given up the struggle and 
attend. j^^^ ccascd to attend in their places. Li the division 
taken on Benyon's sentence, there were but nineteen 
votes in the majority. The minority was composed 
of fourteen only.* 
April 5. Charles had, in the meanwhile, been listening 

Sre^ti- alternately to his hopes and fears. As yet there had 
^^^ been little to encourage him in the North. The bulk 
of the gentry showed little inclination to support him, 
and petitioned him to come to terms with Parliament. 
April 7. Charles, in his reply, assured them that all would be 
reply. ^ " wcll if Only Parliament would consider the message 
in which he had asked that its demands on ecclesi- 
astical matters should be presented to him as a 
whole, and would agree to settle the militia by bill 
instead of by ordinance.* 

It would have been better for Charles if he could 

have been content to act persistently on these lines. 

The outburst of feeling which had been to some extent 

revealed in the Kentish petition, had drawn from the 

Houses an announcement of the moderation of their 

desires and intentions with regard to the Church. 

April 8. Their only wish, they said, was for a due and necessary 

r»tion*af*' reformation of the government and liturgy of the 

^^(SSrc? Church, and to take away nothing in the one or 

refonn. ^j^^ other but what shall be evil and justly offensive, 

or at least unnecessary and burdensome, and for the 

' See p. 427. * Z. J. iv. 682-705. ' Ituskw. iv. 613. 


better eflfecting thereof, speedily to have consultation ^ap. 
with godly and learned divines.^ "^^ — ' 

The course which prudence clearly dictated to Apnii 
Charles was to accept the hand thus held out to him, 
to endeavour to reduce to a minimum the changes 
which would be demanded, and to come to some 
compromise on the question of the militia. Yet in 
order to make such an attempt possible it was abso- 
lutely necessary that he should be able to inspire 
confidence in his sincerity, and should induce his 
subjects to believe that he was no longer the Charles 
who had dabbled in army plots the year before. Yet 
as if to render all hope of conciliation impossible, on 
the very day on which the resolution on the Church 
was accepted by the Lords a message was speeding 
southwards which revived all the old suspicions. 

In this message Charles announced his resolution ChaiiM da- 
te go to Ireland to suppress the rebellion. For this he wiu go 
purpose he intended to raise a guard of 2,000 foot 
and 200 horse and to arm them from the magazine 
at Hull. To remove all misunderstanding he had 
ordered a bill to be prepared for settling the militia, 
a bill which, as it afterwai-ds appeared, proposed that 
the command should be placed in the hands of the 
persons named in the Parliamentary ordinance, to be 
exercised for one year under the directions of the 
King signified by both Houses of Parliament, as long 
as he was in England, and under the directions of 
Parliament alone when he was beyond the sea.* 

We may well believe that Hyde had no part in flisDrob- 
this unlucky message.® No one who read it could tums. 

' L. J. iv. 706. 

' Ibid. yog. The bill hna not be«n preeenred, but its content! may 
be discovered from the subsequent discussionB. 

' Here is tbe opinion of a strong Koyalist on it : '' You may easily 
imagine how unsatisfied I am with the resolution His Majesty hath taken 


^P- doubt that Charles, having been disappointed of the 
• — 7 — ' support which he had expected in the North, intended 
April 8. either to put himself at tlie head of the army which 
he intended to lead against the Irish insurgents, or 
even to avail himself in some way of those very insur- 
gents whom he was professing to assail. In either 
case the rehnquishment of the command of the miUtia 
for a single year would only tide over the time till he 
was ready to return from Ireland at the head of a 
body of devoted and victorious troops. 
The That this strange scheme for a journey to Ireland 

hw^Tfor had been concerted with the Queen there can be little 
tteDuSSi. doubt. ^ In the spring of 1642, as much as in the 
spring of 1641, she was the centre of a wide-reach- 
ing plot for securing the co-operation in her favour 
of irreconcilably antagonistic forces. Her offer of 
the Prince of Wales to Frederick Henry as a son-in- 
law had made its expected impression, and the Prince 
of Orange had readily taken up her suggestion that 
Dutch ambassadors should be sent to England nomi- 
nally to offer the mediation of the States between the 
King and Parliament, but in reahty to pave the way 
for more direct assistance to be given, if it should 
prove necessary, to the Eoyal cause. It was true 

conoerning Ireland, tiU I understand from jou how it agrees with tiie 
sense you have of what is fit for him to do at this time . . . The TTiwy 
is resolved to take the Prince with hinL.** — Qrandison to Hyde, April 12, 
Clarendon MSS. 1,588. 

» " I will reply to your letter, where you say that if you can go to 
Ireland, and that the road by England is not safe, that you will go to 
Ireland by Scotland, which is a road that I apprehend extremely ; for 
the troops who are going are entirely devoted to the Parliament, and 
they will hold you as a prisoner, if the ^Parliament please ; thus you cui- 
not join the army of the Catholics, nor approach Dublin by that road."— 
The Queen to the King, ^^, Letters of Henrietta Maria, 66. On tho 
suspicions of Parliament, see Giustinian to the Doge, April ||, 4?y!| 
Venice MSS. ^ ' 


tliat the commercial aristocracy of the Province of ^^F* 
Holland set itself strongly against this plan for en- ' — 7 — ' 
tangling them in strife with the English Parliament, ^prfie 
and that even the lower ranks of the population 
hitherto devoted to the House of Orange showed 
signs of breaking away from an allegiance which 
called on them to applaud the sacrifice of the inte- 
rests of the republic to a dynastic alliance with a 
Catholic Queen.^ But at the beginning of April the 
project if opposed was not given up, and the same 
might be said of that other project for obtaining aid 
from Denmark. Ever since the King had left London Apni h. 

/• * . • 1 1 1 * And from 

a succession 01 communications had been passing 0«nraark. 
betwixt him and his uncle ; and though the idea 
of sending Digby to Copenhagen was abandoned from 
fear of rousing the suspicions of Parliament, a com- 
munication was on April 1 1 addressed by the Queen 
to Christian IV., which could hardly have referred to 
anything else than the succour which she expected 
from liim/^ 

' Zon to the Doge, March ^, IJ, |i, Venice MSS. Olanda. 

'^ Dr. Fridericia, whose thorough knowledge of the archives of his 
country led me to consult him on this point, has been good enougli to write 
to me from Copenhagen as follows: ' In our Oeheimearchiv exists a notice 
about A conversation between Henrietta Maria and the Danish resident, 
Tanke, at the Hague, dated HafftB ComitiSf April \\^ 1642. The Queen says 
that she lias received aletter from the King Charles to be sent tothe King of 
Den mark, ;>fr nobilem aliquem ex HoUandiaf but fearing that such a mission 
might increase the suspicion of the Parliament, she has preferred to give the 
letter to the resident, quum nt de re tarUum privata. More is not noted 
down^ and in the relations of the resident to the King he does not men- 
tion this conversation at all. But, besides that, there exist two letters of 
credence from Charles I. to Christian IV., of the first half of 1642, the 
first dated Dover, Feb. 23, and the second dated York, May 10 ; but the 
names and purposes of the ambassadors are not named. In the first 
letter tlie King speaks about VejctremiU ouJB suis ; in the second he only 
mentions propositions to be made. The missions are not, as far as I 
know, elsewliere mentioned in Danish sources. But before this, two am- 
bassadors, also tlie C'olonel Henderson who returned to Denmark in the 
autumn of 1642, visited Christian IV. in the first days of February.' I 



If any one of these schemes was to come 
- anything, it was absolutely necessary that the I 
should liave in his possession a seaport in whid 
to receive foreign troops or foreign munitions 
war. The Queen had little patience with her hus-l 
band's hesitation to make the attempt on Hull. " Asi 
to what you wrote me," she urged, " that everybody I 
1. dissuades you concerning Hull from taking it byl 
force, unless the Parliament begins — Is it not begin-l 
ning, to put persons into it against your orders? I 
For my part I think that the Parliament behevesl 
that you are constantly expecting an accommodation f 
. . . and that else, tliey would speak after anotherJ 
fashion. For you having Hull is not beginning any-f 
thing violent, for it ia only against the rascal whol 
refuses it to you. . . . Think that if you had noti 
stopped so prematurely, our affairs would perhaps bel 
in a better state than they are, and you would atj 
this moment liave Hull."' 

The King would gladly have had Hull if he could 
Iiave had it without show of open violence. On thtf 
._ 14th, whilst he was still waiting for an answer to hitr 
proposal to visit Ireland, he sent a reply to thfli 
request made to him byParhameut for his permissioafl 
to remove the magazine from Hull to the Tower.J 
That reply was doubtless drawn up by Hyde. Treat- 
ing the appointment of Hotham as the illegal actj 
which it undoubtedly was, he appealed to that senseS 
of legality which is always strong in Englishmen, 
and which was especially strong in the 17th century. 
"And now," he wrote, "let us ask you; . . . Will 

fettl no doubt tbnt tlie letter of credence of Feb. 23 wna iiiteuded li 
liecn carrieJ liv Digby, Of list of Mnv 10 I oan odIj ^ms llut il 
ciint«uned detailed iiistructicms for nijrby, or for wime olbor pergon, whoa 
Charleg stUl contemp1itt«d KeudJag. 

' The Quwn to the King, April ,'„, Lrltnrt ,.f Ifmrielfn Mnri". 51). 



there never be a time to offer to, as well as to ask of chap. 
us ? We will propose no more particulars to you, ^ — r-^ 
having no such luck to please or to be understood Apru i^. 
by you. Take your own time for what concerns our 
particular ; but be sure you have an early, speedy 
care of tlie public, that is of the only rule which 
preserves the public, the law of the land ; preserve 
the dignity and reverence due to that. It was well charics 
said in a speech made by a private person," it was 3»yra. 
Pyni s speech against Strafford from wliicli Charles 
was about to quote, " but published by order of the 
House of Commons, this Parliament — ' The law is 
tliat which puts a difference betwixt good and evil, 
betwixt just and unjust. If you take away the law, 
all things will fall into a confusion, every man will 
become a law unto himself ; which, in the depraved 
condition of human nature, must needs produce 
irumy great enormities. Lust will become a law 
and envy will become a law ; covetousness and am- 
bition will become laws, and what dictates, what 
decisions, such laws will produce may easily be dis- 
cerned.' So said tliat gentleman, and much more very 
well in defence of the law, and against arbitrary 
power." ^ 

Over Pym and the Parliamentary majority Charles vaiueof 
might enjoy an argumentative triumph. Their own ex- * ^ 
])erience was teaching them the truth which Strafford 
liad always firmly upheld, that the government of 
nations must rest upon a broader basis than that of 
positive law. They had grasped at arbitrary power 
to defeat arbitrary power. Charles clung to arbitrary 
power under the form of legality. Pym's true answer 
was that the King was not to be trusted. A legal 
jiower, which was to put the King at the head of a 

* C. J, ii. 532. 
G o 2 


conquering army in Ireland, in order that he might 
return with the means in his hands of stopping even I 
the most necessary reforms in England, was a legaL ' 
power which ouglit to be abolished as soon as ] 

April 15. Already, before tliis message was received, Parlia- 

Jl^u^uthe ment had begged the King to desist from his purpose 
^'ifi^*" of visiting Ireland, under the transparent pretest of 
'""'■ anxiety for tiie safety of his person, and had added a 

threat that if he persisted in going, they would pay no 
obedience to any commissioners appointed to govern 
Ajrii 18. England in his absence. Their answer to the King's ap- 
pariiament peal to the law was a peremptory order that the maga- 
tbemigs^ zine should be removed from Hull, accompanied with 
a full approval of Hotham's conduct in command. Oil 
I the other hand something was done to give the King 

I satisfaction in his demands about the mihtia and the 

pipriiao. Church, On the 20th the Commons 'took in hand 
rionuf the nomination of the divines who were to be con- 
divin«. aulted on the proposed ecclesiastical reforms, and on 
1 the same day the King's Mihtia Bill, which had come 1 
down from the Lords, passed through Committee. 
It is true that it was subjected to some amendments, 
The time of its operation was extended from one to two 
years, and it was now proposed that instead of leaving 
the right of calling out and employing the militia to 
tlie King's orders, signified by the two Houses of 
Parliament, it should be left with the Lords-Lieuten- 
ants themselves, who were named in the Bill. It was 
obvious that, as proposed by the King, the Bill would, 
as long as Charles remained in the kingdom, have 
reduced the mihtia to inactivity, unless he chose \ 
to send a message requesting the Houses to put 
it in motion ; and that, therefore, the Bill as it 
came from York would offer no security against an 




invasion coming with the concurrence of Charles 
himself.^ ^7^^ 

It is unlikely that Charles had any inclination to ^^^^^ 
favour the Militia Bill, even in the shape in which it 
had left his hands, as soon as he heard that he was not 
to go to Ireland. The reception of the resolution of 
the Houses to remove the magazine from Hull stung 
him at once to action of that kind which he most 
aflected. He would go to Hull, not as. an act of war, The King 
but merely to take possession of his own. The town go to HuU. 
was his, and the munitions were his. Who would 
resist him if he claimed his own property ? 

He was the more able to act freely, as he had just 
had the satisfaction of recovering another of his 
children. On the 1 6th Hertford arrived, bringing Apni 16. 
with him the Duke of York.^ In that which Charles of York * 
was about to do he had some local feeUng on his side. the"&ng. 
On the 22nd Sir Francis Wortley and about twenty April m. 
other Yorkshiremen presented him with a petition in peutitS * 
tlie name of the county, in which he was asked to 
forbid the removal of the munitions. 

In what he was about to do Charles intended to 
avoid everytliing that savoured of violence. He 
believed that Sir John Hotham, if properly ap- 
proached, would not refuse to surrender the fortress 
to its natural master. On the 22nd, therefore, he 
despatched the Elector Palatine and the Duke of 
York to visit the town, as if to satisfy their curiosity. 
The lads were directed to send information to the 
King as to his chance of obtaining admission. In 
their inexperience they mistook the respect with 
which they were received for a sign of loyal sub- 

' The account of the Bill comes from the subsequent explanations on 
both sides. The reason ^ven for its amendment is purely conjectural. 
^ Nicholas to lloe, April 20, S, P, Dom, 


c^^« mission, and they despatched a messenger to the 
'"^g* ^ ' King with a favourable account of all that they had 
April 23. witnessed.^ The next day accordingly Charles set out 
before hSi. for Hull. Whcu he was three or four miles off, he. 
punctihously sent Bristol's half-brother, Sir Lewis 
Dives, with a letter to Hotham, explaining that he 
was coming to view his magazines, and threatening, in 
case of refusal, to make his way into the town, ' ac- 
cording to the laws of the land.'* 
Hotham'i If Hotham had been suddenly confronted by the 

King in person, it is possible that he might have 
given way. As it was, he had plenty of time to 
collect his thoughts. He knew that about forty-five 
suspicious persons had entered the town tlie night 
before in the train of the Princes, and he had 
reason to believe that the Princes had not come on a 
mere passing visit of curiosity. He was now informed 
that Charles had 300 horsemen in his train, and it 
was rumoured that there were 400 more behind. 
Before the King made his appearance, Hotham re- 
solved to be true to those who had placed him where 
he was. He ordered the drawbridges to be drawn up, 
and sent to announce to Charles his resolution. When 
he learned that in spite of this message the King was 
^JJJ^^^ before the gates, he took his stand on the wall. With 
^it tho all humble expressions of duty he refused to break 
his trust. Charles was not likely to be satisfied with 
such an excuse as this. His followers cried out to 
the garrison to kill Hotham and to throw him over 
the wall. The garrison stood staunchly by their 
commander. Charles made one last attempt. He 
engaged that if Hotham would but let him in he 
would bring with him but twenty men. Hotham, 
who knew that, on account of the Royahst feeling of 

» Oiustinian to the Doge, ^^^, Venice MSS. 
* Hotham to the Speaker, L, J, v. 28. 


the population, it would be as easy to get him out chap- 
again with 300 as with 20, positively refused. Charles — 7 — ' 
called on the heralds to proclaim Hotham a traitor, Apni 23. 
and rode discomfited away. 

It was a matter of course that a long and vehe- controTenj 

. . .J opened. 

ment paper war should arise out of this mcident, 
that the Houses should declare that the King's efibrts 
to get possession of Hull were actuated by a desire 
to obtain a basis of operations for a Civil War, 
and that the King should declare that Hotham had 
simply committed an act of treason. The real inte- 
rest of the situation lay elsewhere. That King and 
Parliament could not leave their quarrel much longer 
to the arbitrament of amicable discussion was by this 
time a foregone'conclusion. The only question of real 
importance was whether Charles would find an army 
to back him. His first attempt did not seem likely 
to be crowned with success. On the 30th a large Apni 30. 
number of the gentry of Yorkshire with the High demandSf* 
Sheriff at their head appeared to present a petition Ihiremen! 
to the King repudiating the action of Sir Francis 
Wortley. Before the petition was presented Charles 
asked them whether they would defend his person 
from violence, and would counsel him how to vindi- 
cate himself from the affront which he had received 
at Hull. They replied that they would always be 
ready to defend him from violence, and that the best 
way to vindicate his honour was to follow the counsel 
of Parliament.^ Charles was obliged to content him- m«v 5. 
self witli the issue of a negative order to the High the levy of 
Sheriff requiring him to prohibit the levy of the shtre^^ 
Trained Bands of the county on any other summons Band^ 
tlian his own.^ On the same day the Houses at West- Declaration 

f Iia4' 4'Ka 

minster having heard that Charles had positively miutiaor- 

» L. J. V. 36. D'Ewe«*8 Diary, HarL MSS. 163, fol. 101 6. 
' Hiishw. iv. 574. 





April 23. 

dinance b 
to be exe- 

sent to 

help the 

refused his assent to his own Militia Bill on the pretext 
of tlie alterations which had been made in it, issued a 
declaration of their resolution to fall back upon the 
ordinance, and required all persons in authority to 
put it in execution. At the same time they despatched 
a CJommittee to Yorkshire to watch over their inte- 
rests there. ^ 

It was not in Yorkshire alone that Charles met 
with a rebuff. In Scotland, too, he had been asking 
for more support than he was hkely to get. The 
proposal of going to Ireland had been in all proba- 
bility of the Queen's suggestion. What she wanted 
was that he should join the army of the Catholics 
there. Cliarles preferred to wage war under forms 
of peace. At the same time that he had announced* 
to his EngUsli Parliament his intention of going to 
Ireland, he had made a similar announcement to the 
Scottish Privy Council, informing them that he in- 
tended to take Edinburgh on his way. He even hoped 
that Scotland would support him in his contention 
against the Enghsh Parliament. No hope could have 
been wilder. He had, it is true, a considerable party 
in the Scottish Council. But Argyle stood firm, and 
Ai'gyle's will was not to be resisted. On April 22 the 
Council drew up a recommendation to the King to 
abandon the Irish expedition and to come to terms 
with his Parliament. 

Whilst Charles was beating about for support, 
the Commons acted on the supposition that he in- 
tended to make war against them if only he were 
able to do so. On the 23rd Parliament struck at 

* L, J.y, 46. 

' Declaration, April 22, L, J, v. 53. The Queen to the King, 
-Mt> ^^^f'rs of Henrietta Maria, 66. Fortjter to Chavigny, April |t, 
Arch, (icf. Aff, Etr, xlix. fol. 83. 


the King through the Attorney- General. Sir Edward ™^- 
Herbert was sentenced to imprisonment for his con- 

duct in impeaching the members. There was nothing Apru 23. 
vindictive in his treatment, and in little more than a ^At^**** 
fortnight he was set at liberty.^ On the 30th the GraSIa. 
Kentish petition at last reached the House. Two of Apru 30. 
the principal gentlemen who brought it were at once Kemiah 
committed to prison ; Bristol had been released some p^^n^d. 
days before. On May 7 a peremptory order for the 
removal of the Hull magazine was issued by Parlia- 
ment, and on the loth a review of the London May 10. 
Trained Bands, 8,000 strong, was held in Finsbury Finsbwy 
Fields in the presence of both Houses of Parliament.' ' ' 

The King's prospects appeared to be more gloomy The King 
every day. On the 8th the Parliamentary commis- 
sioners arrived at York. As might have been ex- 
pected they found but a cool reception from Charles, 
who warned them not to tamper with his subjects 
there. He had invited the gentry of the county to 
meet him at York on the I2tb. On their arrival, he Mavia. 

Thft Winer's 

unfolded his wrongs in their presence. "You see," appeal to 
lie said, "that my Magazine is going to be taken Iwre**^^' 
from me — being my own proper goods — directly ^^^^^' 
against my will. The Militia, against law and my 
consent, is going to be put in execution ; and lastly, 
Sir Jolm Hotham's treason is countenanced. All this 
considered, none can blame me to apprehend danger." 
He was therefore resolved to have a guard for the 
protection of his person, and to this he asked their 

The assembly was much divided. The next mom- May 13. 
ing four several answers were returned, ranging from S*^"r*^ 
complete acquiescence in the King's demand to a curt 

* L, J. V. II, 58. 

- Clarendon^ v. 139. Salvetli's Newsletter j May |f. 



BOd nrdera 

mOTBl of 


of riu!i»- 


advice to him to hearken to his Parliament. In the 
end a Committee of twelve was appointed to di-aw up 
a reply ; whilst a large number of Freeholders com- j 
plained bitterly that they ought to have been con- 
sulted on the matter as well as the gentry, and urged 
upon the King the importance of coming to an under- ■ 
standing with hia Parhament.' 

The Committee of twelve could come to no agree- 
ment. Sis were for doing as the King wished, and 
six for a negative answer. Charles took the matter 
into his own liands. On the 14th he issued orders 
that the gentry of the county were to appear in arms 
at York on the 20th as a guard for his person.^ The 
next day a regiment of the Yorksliire Trained Bands 
were ordered to meet in ai-ms on the 17th. At the 
same time Charles ordered Skippon, the commander 
of the City Trained Bands, to come to York, and 
directed the Lord-Keeper to remove the Law Courts 
from Westminster to the same city. 

On the 17th the Houses resolved that the re- 1 
moval of the Courts and the order to Skippon were 
alike illegal, and directed the Slieriffs to suppress any 
levy of men made without his authority.* On the 
20th they expressed the opinion that tiie King in- 
tended to make war against his ParMament, and sum- , 
moned him to desist from his purpose of raising troopa. I 
If he did not, they would be bound to use their I 
utmost endeavours to secure tlie peace and quiet of 1 
the kingdom.* 

Charles had already made up his mind to summon 
round him what forces he had at his disposal. Ilia 
Yorkshire guard would not have been sufficient to 
secure hun. The regiment of Trained Bands < 

Ruihw. iv.613. 
L. J. V. 67. 

• Ibid. 621. 

• Ibid. 76. 

ids called^H 

May ai. 


out by him was quartered at York, and on the ^^^• 
2ist about 200 gentlemen of the county rode in to 
place themselves at his disposal. One or two Lords 
were already with the King. He had already in- 
vited the Lords and Commons who were willing to 
support him to place themselves by his side. The 
Lord-Keeper, timid and indecisive, yet unable to Flight of 
resist a Royal order, was the first to slip away and to CommoM. 
bring the Great Seal to the King at York. Hyde 
quickly followed, and for some time there was a con- 
tinued stream of noblemen and gentlemen making 
their way northwards. Before the end of the month, 
on the other hand, Warwick's ships had fetched away 
the stores from Hull, and had safely lodged them in 
the Tower. 

All this time the paper war had continued as hotly 
as ever. At last on June 2 it was brought to a head June 2. 
by the Nineteen Propositions which were sent off on tee^ piopo- 
that day by the Houses to the King. They were a " ^^ 
new edition of the Provisions of Oxford. They claimed 
sc^vereignty for Parhament in every particular. The 
King's Council, the King's officials, the very Judges 
of the land were to be selected by Parliament. The 
Militia ordinance was to be accepted, all delinquents 
to submit to the justice of Parliament, the King's 
guard to be dismissed, and the fortresses placed in 
the hands of persons approved of by Parliament. The 
Recusancy laws were to be put fully into execution. 
The children of Eoman Catholic parents were to be 
educated as Protestants. The Church was to be re- 
formed according to the desires of Parliament, and 
no Peers subsequently created were to be allowed to 
sit in the House of Lords without the consent of both 

' z. J, V. 97. 



It is impossible to deny that these propoaitionsl 
carried with them an abrogation of the existing] 
Constitution; yet witli the exception of the clauses! 
directed against the Recusants, and those which re- 
lated merely to matters of temporary importance, 
there is scarcely a word in them which is not in 
accordance with the spirit of the Constitution of the 
present day. What we do indirectly througJi a Cabinet 
which maintains itself in power only so long as it is I 
secure of the support of the House of Commons, our I 
forefathers proposed to do directly by an immediate | 
vote of the two Houses. Sovereignty, they held, must [ 
be lodged in Parliament wliich represented the nation, 
and not in a king on whom no man could depend. 

So far the argument sounds well enough. Its I 
weakness lay in the fact that this special Parliament 
did not at this time any longer represent the nation aa I 
a whole, nor did it claim to content itself with repre- 
sentative functions alone. Where thouglit is free and j 
rehgious and scientific liberty is secured, a represen-l 
tative assembly may well claim to be but the mirror J 
in which the national purpose is reflected. It does j 
not claim to force future generations into a form 1 
which it has chosen for them. It leaves the wind of I 
spirit and intelUgence to blow whither it listeth, and J 
makes no attempt to crush down tlie new life of the I 
future into the narrow mould of which alone it J 
approves. It was not so witli the Long Parliament I 
in 1642. It was to choose for the nation the Church 
forms and the Church-doctrine which it thought best. 
In all matters of the Iiigliest moment England was to 
take its ply from Parliament, and not Parliament from ' 
England. Pym and his comrades claimed the righUtJ 
of representation without understanding its duties. 
Nor was this all. Even if it could he assumed! 


that the ecclesiastical policy of Pym's supporters was chap. 
entirely right, it was inevitable that, in the clash of ' — '-— " 
autliorities. Parliament should assume many functions june2! 
which it could not permanently exercise without detii- 
ment to the nation. Parhament had come slowly 
and reluctantly to the conclusion that the government 
of England could not safely be left in Charles's hands. 
Charles could not be allowed to use the executive 
powers which he had hitherto possessed to introduce 
foreign troops into an EngUsh seaport, and with 
their help to make himself master of the country. 
Yet it was impossible that those executive powers 
could remain in abeyance. Even when public excite- 
ment is at the lowest ebb, it is absolutely necessary 
that there shall be some government to direct the 
course of public action. Recent experience has taught 
us that the wisest course would have been the de- 
thronement of Charles and the immediate instalment 
of a new sovereign. Parliament could not venture on 
sucli a step. Public opinion amongst its own members 
as well as in the nation would have scouted the idea 
as treacherous and disloyal, and its own anxiety to 
innovate as little as possible led it to the greatest and 
most disastrous of innovations. The Houses took the 
executive authority into their own hands, and assumed 
functions for which a representative assembly is by 
its very nature unfitted. Nothing could come of it 
but hasty and violent action. Rewards and punish- 
ments would be distributed according to the temper 
of the majority. The majesty of the law would be 
overwhelmed in the attempt to \iphold it. In the 
midst of the struggles of parties and factions the will 
of the many would be substituted for the will of one. 
It was this which was sending so many of the 
En<dish gentry on the road to York. They felt in- 





Jane 2 
better ft) be 
hoped from 

.Inne 3. 
The meet- 
ing at Hey 

stinctively that it was not a reign of liberty which 
was offered them at Westminster. Yet what better 
thing could they expect from Charles? What possible 
political institutions could be founded on his dry 
legality, on his persistent claim to stop all legisla- 
tion to which his personal assent was not given, on 
his determination to ignore the rights of conscience 
in all who differed from himself? The mind turns 
bewildered from Westminster to York, and back again 
from York to Westminster. Nowhere is to be seen 
the large-hearted genius whicli pierces to the heart 
of a situation, and which holds aloft the principle 
which reconciles instead of the principle which sepa- 
rates. The nation, as well as its ParUament, has 
broken asunder, and sad and evil are the days that 
are before it. Yet the spectacle, miserable as it is, 
is not one to be turned from with loathing. "If 
the heart be riglit," said Ealeigh on the scaffold, 
" what matter how the head lie ? " With most who 
took opposite sides now, the heart was right. Cava- 
lier and Roundhead were taking sides neither in 
tlioughtlessness nor in anger. Each saw the fault in 
his brother ; though he could not discern his own. 

Even by this time it was not absolutely certain 
that tlie King would find a party to defend him. On 
June 3, whilst the Nineteen Propositions were on 
their way from London, the freeholders and farmers 
of Yorkshire met at the King's Indding on Heyworth 
Moor close to York. The number of those who 
flocked to the rendezvous was variously calculated 
from 40,000 to 80,000. It was too great a number 
to come to any ascertained decision. Copies of an 
aj)i)cal from the King were read aloud in different 
parts of the moor. The King, followed by his new 
guard, rode about to show himself to his subjects. 


Once Sir Thomas Fairfax, the eldest son of that Lord ^^,^- 
Fairfax who was member for the county and one of 
the Parliamentary commissioners, pressed near enough 
to offer a petition on the Parliamentary side. Charles 
refused to receive it, though Fairfax laid it on the 
pommel of his saddle. Fairfax was hustled and in- 
sulted by the King's attendants. In so large a crowd 
no order could be kept, and no attempt was made 
to ascertain its real feeling. Shouts were raised for 
tlie King from time to time, but no definite proposi- 
tion was made, and no definite engagement given. 
Each party interpreted the temper of the meeting 
according to its sympathies. Parliamentarians thought 
that the absence of any distinct offer to support the 
King was evidence that the popular feehng was 
against him. Royalists attributed this result merely 
to defective organisation, and asserted that if a 
lioyalist petition were circulated it would be sub- 
scribed by as many hands as there were heads at the 
meeting. Satisfactory news, too, arrived from Wales, 
and it was understood that the Principality was pre- 
pared to rise at a moment's warning.^ 

At Westminster each successive step taken by the 
Kjng was met by a fresh act of defiance. On June june 6. 
6 Charles's prohibition of the musters of the militia ^jj^^^ 
was answered by a declaration in which sovereignty ci^m^^'b 
was claimed by Parliament, even more distinctly than ^"ijj*- 
before. If the King, they asserted, chose to allow 
armed bands to be collected for the breach of the 
peace, it was the duty of the Houses to interfere. 
'' What they do herein hath the stamp of Royal 
aiitliority, although His Majesty, reduced by evil 
counsel, do in his own person oppose or interrupt 

- Boynton to (Nonstable, June 4. Nicholas to Roe, June 8, S, P, 


Jlir hring- 

oallnn Uit 

the same ; for the King's supreme and royal pleasure 
is exercised and declared in this high court of law 
and counsel, after a more eminent and obligatoi 
manner than it can be by personal act or resoluti( 
of his own." ^ 

From such a declaration there was no drawing 
back. What was now done, was done, as the Ilouses 
firmly believed, in their self-defence. " Peace and 
our liberties," wrote one of the most moderate and 
unambitious members of the House, "are the only 
things we aim at. Till we have peace, I ara sure we. 
can enjoy no liberties, and without our liberties, 
shall not lieartily desire peace." ^ 

On the gth an ordinance was passed calling on 
all who were willing to assist their suffering country 
to bring in money, plate, or liorsea for its seo-ice.^ 
Lords and Commons hberally responded to the ajipeal, 
though there were many still on the benches of thfi' 
Lower House who refused to answer to the call made 
individually to tliem in the House.^ Constitutional 
purists, like D'Ewes, might well regret that in thus 
demanding of each man a declaration of his intention, 
' the very liberty and freedom of the House suffered.' * 
The time for such scruples liad passed. Men were 
taking sides in a civil war, not carrying on a constitu- 
tional debate. More to the purpose was the sh; 
answer of Killigrew. a Royahst member who still 
mained at Westminster. " If there be occasion," 
said, "I will provide a good Iiorse and a goodswoi 
and I make no question, but I shall find 

' L.J.V. 112. 

' Sir R. Verney to I.ady Bftrrymore. June 9, V/mfp MS. 
^ L.J.y. 121. 

* According to Nicholas 70 subscribed, 33 craved time for « 
ntioD, 50 refiimd. Nieholag to Roe, June ij, S. P. Dam. 
» D'EwBBS Diary, Jlarl MSS. eliiii. fol. 157. 






cause." ^ Such words were not of peaceful omen. On ^^^,?- 

the I ith, news arrived more threatening still. It was r— 1- 

now known that the Queen had been selling or juneii. 
pawning jewels in Amsterdam, and had purchased pa^J^dSr 
considerable stores of munitions of war for the ser- ^^^' 
vice of the King.^ 

On the very day on which this information was 
circulated in London, a forward step was taken at 
York. It was there resolved to meet organisation by 
organisation. The mere prohibition to execute the The King's 
Militia Ordinance had produced no effect whatever SrthelSe!* 
to tlie south of the Humber. In London, indeed, the theTrnfm 
Lord Mayor was so good a Eoyalist as to order the wuhour^ 
proclamation containing the prohibition to be publicly *^*^^' 
read in the City. But even in Lincolnshire, where 
Koyalism was strong amongst the gentry, Lord 
Willoughby had succeeded in inducing the trained 
bands of the county to accept the Parliamentary 
Ordinance. On the nth, therefore, Charles deter- 
mined to take more active measures, and by issuing The Com- 
Commissions of Array to direct the trained bands Aiwy?*** 
to place themselves at the disposal of ojfficers ap- 
pointed by himself. Parliament indeed questioned 
the legaUty of these commissions, and a new con- 
troversy sprang up as bitter and as lengthy as that 
which had raged over Hotham's right to occupy 

Such controversy was of no practical importance 
whatever. The main question for the moment was 
whether the King would succeed in carrying his own 
party with him. Again and again, in the course of 
the past year, he had alienated his friends by en- 

^ Clarendon, \. 338. 

- L. J. V. T26. The Queen to the KiDfr, ^^J, June /y. Lflten // 

JTe-nrietta Maria, 77, 8t. 
' Rushw, iv. 655. 

VOL. II. 11 ir 


gaging in plots with foreign 

Feeling of 
the Lurla 
It York. 

powers or with discoid 
tented soldiers. If he would be at the head of 
party in England, he must rely upon that party alone. 
He must share its feelings and its prejudices. Yet 
even the Lords and gentry who had joined the King 
at York were by no means so active in his service as 
he could have wished. They were weary of Pym's 
dictation, and they were resolved not to submit their 
necks to the Puritan yoke. But they had no wish 
to provoke a civil war, and with all their hearts they 
detested those intrigues with the Irish Catholics and 
with foreign powers, the existence of which tliey 
could hardly help suspecting. If Charles was not to 
be isolated as ho had been in 1 640, he must throw, 
himself, as far as his nature permitted him to do st^j 
entirely upon the loyalty of his EngHsh supporti 

It was this that he at last resolved to do. Yel' 
even now, if he for a time took the liglit course iti 
was rather because his intrigues had failed him than 
because he had made up his mind to abandon his in- 
trigues. The news which reached him from beyond 
the limits of England in the first fortnight of June 
was not encouraging. Early in May he had made a 
e fresh appeal for help to the Scottisii Council.' He 
, called on all the members of the Council on whonLi 
he could rely to attend at Edinburgh in order to cast 
their votes ou his side. They came according to the 
custom of their class and nation with armed retainers 
at their backs. At once the rumour spread that 
Argyle was in danger. Thousands of stunly peasants 
flocked over from Fife. Edinburgh and the Lothians 
declared for Argyle. On May 3 1 a deputation, witlj. 

' The King to the Scottish Caoucil, May g. The King's Declonitioii,,' 
May 20, Petition lo (be Ouuncil, Ktay 31. The Oouncril to the Kii^ J 
Juno 4, Comicil Act Booh, Regiatrv Office, Edinbur^'h. 






the Earl of Haddington at its head, summoned the 9j"^- 
Council to keep peace with the English Parliament. 

The Council dared not disobey the popular cry. On junta. 
June 2 an answer was returned to Charles vaguely l^Sumi' 
worded, but conveying an unmistakable intimation 
til at if he quarrelled with the English Parliament he 
had no assistance to expect from Scotland. 

Still less hopeful was the news from the Hague. xewRfrom 
The Dutch ambassadors for England had indeed been the Hague, 
nominated, but it was understood that they would 
ofTer no mediation unless it were agreeable to both 
])arties. Frederick Henry finding that the stream of 
public feeling in his own country was against him 
had withdrawn his countenance from the Queen's 
projecits. Denmark and Bavaria, France and Spain 
showed no signs of helping her. For a time Henrietta 
Maria had clung to the hope that something might 
come of the King's journey to Ireland, and had pro- 
posed to join him there. That journey to Ireland was, 
however, now definitely abandoned, and the Queen 
remained at the Hague chafing at her enforced inac- 
tivity, and wondering why it was that all men did not 
rise up in support of lier righteous cause.^ 

Under this discouragement Charles at last dis- 
covered that it would be better for him to show con- 
fidence in his own subjects than to put his trust in 
foreitrn aid.*^ He now strove to assure those who sur- 

> So(^ R)8^otti'8 letters, and Zod*8 despatches for April and May. 

' After doj*cribinj? the Queen's failure in the words printed at p. 438, 
note 2, Kossetti coutinuos as follows: '^Onde il R^ d'Inghilterra 
coniJiiderAndo bene la presento consideratione degl' intoressi del mondo, 
scorgo da ogni banda di poter poco sperare ; ma se pure da alcuna delle 
pn^letto parte pi^teAse ricevere qualche aiuto di gente, pensarebbe questo 
essorfifli di desvantaggio pih tosto che di profitto, attesa ravTerfdone che 
quel popoli hanno naturalmente a forastieri, et anco per eeser questi trop- 
po dannosi, dubitandosi che i medesimi del partito del "R^, quando quelli 
I introduccssoro iiell' Isola, faraero per alienarsi da S. M**, . . . per le 
quali cftirioni ha delil>erato di prociirare con le forze uaturali del Hegno, 

ir H 2 


ment Df the 

rounded him tliat he would stand aolelyon the defen- 
sive. Ou June 13, he announced that he woulij' 
maintain the hberties and the just privileges of Parlia- 
ment, and ' that he would not, as was pretended, 
engage thein or any of them in any war against the 
Parhament, except it were for his necessary defence 
and safety, against such as did insolently invade or 
attempt against his Majesty, or sucli as should adhere 
to his Majesty,' To this the Peers at York replied. 
that they woidd stand by the Kuig's just prerogative,- 
and would not obey any order respecting the militia 
which had not the Itoyal assent. Two days later 
Charles called on the Peers to join in a protest tha,t 
no aggressive war was intended. They at once re^. 
sponded to his call. " We," they said, " whose namefl>2 
are underwritten, in obedience to his Majesty's desire,.. 
and out of the duty which we owe to his Majesty's 
honour and to truth, being here upon the place, and'! 
witnesses of his Majesty's frequent and earnest decla- 
rations and professions of his abhorring all designs of 
making war upon his Parliament ; and not seeing 
any colour of prepai-ations or counsels that might 
reasonably beget the belief of any such designs, do 
profess before God and testify to all the world that 
we are fully persuaded that his Majesty hath no such 
intention, but that all his endeavours tend to thtt 
firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant 
religion ; the just privileges of Parliament ; the liberty 
of the subject ; the law, peace, and prosperity of this 
kingdom." To this were subscribed the names of 
thirty-five Peers, of Falkland, Nicholas, Culpepper, 
Sir Peter Wych, and Chief Justice Baukes.^ 

)' Principali dal FnrlameDto d'andar eBtenuaodo 
n 1ft toria destrameate mettorain nutoritft 






et in atla di potere curaandftre." 

Rossetti to BarWiiii, July A, Ji. O. 



The acceptance of Charles's declaration by the ^^y^' 
Peers was an event of no slight importance in Eng- 

Ush history. It laid the foundations of that great junei^. 
party which, under the management of Hyde, ulti- of*the 
mately brouglit about the Eestoration settlement, and constitu- 
which struggled in vain to maintain it after time had p^ljj. 
proved its hoUowness. For the time Charles and his 
supporters were bound together by the strongest of 
all ties, a common hatred. The immediate effect of 
the protestation of the Peers was absolutely nothing. 
No war was ever staved off by the declarations of 
both parties that they intend to stand on the defen- 
sive, if it were only because neither party is ever of 
one mind with the other upon the limits which sepa- 
rate the defensive from the offensive. The very day juue x6. 
after the protestation was signed it was resolved to missions of 
put in execution the Commissions of Array, and it ^HJuted.^ 
was certain that Parliament would consider this a 
direct act of offensive warfare. 

It was resolved to make a beginning with Leicester- condiuon 
shire. The Parliamentary Lord-Lieutenant was the t[rlhi]^ 
Earl of Stamford, an incompetent man of large estate. 
The leading spirit amongst the King's Commissioners 
was Henry Hastings, a younger son of the Earl of 
Huntington. In the greater part of the county the 
feeling was in favour of Parliament, but the Mayor 
of Leicester and some members of the Corporation 
sided with the King. 

On the 1 6th Hastings arrived at Leicester, hoping Henrjr 
to get into his hands the county magazine of arms S^*iJ5I. 
and munitions. To his disappointment he found that ^^' 
it had been removed to Stamford's house at Broad- 
gate. In the absence of the Sheriff he persuaded the 
under-sheriff to issue warrants for the execution of 
the Commission of Array. He then went back to 
York, but returned on the 22nd, bringing with him Juneaa. 


June ,7. 

I EnRagB- 

a hundred armed miners from Ina collieries in Derby- 
shire, and as many other persons as lie could per- 
suade to follow him. He found tliat the county was 
against him. Scarcely a man of the trained bands 
woidd answer to his summons. When he entered 
Leicester he was confronted by Palmer, the High 
Sheriff, who denounced his proceedings as illegal. Ait' 
audacious messenger sent by Parliament to arreat; 
him attempted to carry out the orders which he' 
had received. Hastings, however, was rescued by his 
friends, and ultimately left the town.' 

In Leicestershire the King's Commissioners were 
in what can hardly be described othermse than as 
an enemy's country. In Northumberland Charles wa»i 
in no such difficulty. On the 17th the Earl of New. 
castle took possession of Newcastle for the King,' 
Levying soldiers amongst his own tenants and tin 
trained bands of Northumberland and Durham, he* 
secured Tynemouth Castle and erected fortifications 
at Shields. Charles had at last a port where he might 
receive supphes from Holland." His supporters were 
jubilant. Tlie King, wrote one of them, was now ' the 
favourite of the kingdom.' His enemies would doubt-^ 
less raise an army against him. It was aU the better. 
Tliey would do enough to entail on themselves the 
forfeiture of their estates, which would tlien be be- 
stowed on the King's good servants.' Sucli was th< 
s])irit which was rising alongside of the constito-" 
tionalisms of Culpepper and Hyde. 

At York all men were busy in preparing for thi 
war which was now seen to be inevitable. If mom 
and plate were pouring in at Westminster, the Kin] 

' Nichols, lliii'iri/ of Lrteealertl'ire, iii. App. 23, L. J. v, 131, 14$ 




principal supporters answered by an engagement to ^^^,^- 
furnish him with 1,935 horse, and to pay them for 

three months.^ Such offers would not, however, con- june22. 

stitute an army. By separating from London and his 

Parliament, Charles had cut himself off from those 

financial resources which were still left to him by 

the law. When he left Greenwich on his Northern 

journey, he had no more than 600/. in hand. That 

he had been able to maintain himself at all during 

the past months had been owing, not to the scanty 

resources of the public revenue, but to the munificence 

of a single CathoUc peer. The Earl of Worcester, ^^^^[^^^ 

the Lord of Raglan Castle, was possessed of an estate 

valued at 24,000/. a year, a rental equivalent to more 

than 100,000/. at the present day. As a Catholic he 

was exposed to special risks in the impending conflict, 

and if he had been himself indisposed to assist his 

sovereign, he could hardly fail to be dragged away 

by the impetuous zeal of his eldest son. 

That son. Lord Herbert, far better known by his Urd 
later titles of Glamorgan and Worcester, was a man 
of genius. He who divined the steam-engine a cen- 
tury before the days of Watt, now threw himself, 
with all the ardour of an enthusiast, into the cause of 
tlie King. Over him Charles exercised that wonder- 
ful charm which sprang from his gentleness and 
tlie consideration which lie exercised towards those 
who accepted his sway. From time to time during 
the first weeks after the King had left Greenwich, 
Herbert supplied him with no less than 22,000/. from 
his own and his father's resources. Then when open Supplies 
resistance to the Parliament seemed, to a Koyalist so with ** 
decided as Herbert, the only honourable course, in all ™®"*^' 
probabihty in the early part of June, the heir of 

' Engagement, June 22, S. P. Dom. 



Eaglan was busy m gathering all the money that it 
was in his power to collect, and at last found his way 
to York to pour no less than 95,500^. into the exhausted 
treasury of his astonished master; whilst 5,000?. 
more followed in July.' Thus, and thus only, was 
Charles enabled to prepare for the field. 

In the end of June the activity of the Eoyalists 
was more vigorous than ever. On the 30th Hastings 
was once more in Leicestershire, with an armed force 
and the notorious Lunsford in his train. At Ashby- 
de-la-Zouch, he announced his own appointment aa 
High Sheriff of the county.' " We must look to ont;^ 
safeties," said Pym, when the news reached Weat-- 
minster. The feeling of the House was that force 
must be met by force, and that troops must be de- 
spatched to Leicestersliire. "This," wrote D'Ewes 
in his diary, " was a sad morning's work. ... I, sei 
all matters tenduig to speedy destruction and consi 
fusion, had no heart to take notes that afternoon. 
Again and again during the past month he had 
pressed in his written self-communings the hora 
with which he regarded the approaching war, and 
his distrust of the fiery spirits, as he termed them, 
who were persuading the House to defy the King, 
and to lay down principles of government which he 
knew better than anyone else to be very different 
from those which had been accepted in earlier centu- 
ries. Yet it was not mere timidity which kept him 
fixed at Westminster. If his reverence for law and 
precedent drew him to the side of Charles, his Puri- 
tanism fixed him reluctantly by the side of Pym, and 
with him, as with bo many of his contemporaries, the 
religious motive was the strongest. 

' DircliB' Life of the Mnrqutt of Woreetler, ;+, 330. 

' CJ. iii,646. D'Ewes* DifUT, Hnrl. MSS. cliiii. fol. 353*. 


More startling news than that from Leicestershire chap. 
awaited the Houses. Northumberland informed the 

Lords that he had been dismissed from his office of juiy i." 
Lord High Admiral. An ordinance was at once pre- blri^^d™' 
pared, directing Warwick to continue in charge of ^>»"""®*'- 
the fleet in the Downs. Charles, indeed, had made orPennmg- 
arrangements for confiding it to Pennington. Letters mand the " 
had been despatched to the captains simultaneously, ^ 
with the order dismissing Northumberland, directing 
them to obey Pennington and not Warwick. Pen- 
nington set out from York to assume the command, 
and travelled hard till he was near the Downs. Then 
he hesitated and waited for further information. On July ». 

The fleet 

the 2nd Warwick came on board the flag-ship, and accepts 
summoned the captains to accept him as their Admiral. *^* 
Five only stood out, but their crews gave them no 
support, and before the day was over the fleet had 
placed itself at the disposal of Parliament.^ 

As Pennington had failed in the Downs, Hastings Hasting* 
failed in Leicestershire. He wished to possess him- Leiowtw- 
self of the County Magazine at Broadgate, but the '^^^ 
popular feeling was too strongly against him, and he 
was compelled to content himself with proclaiming as 
traitors those who detained it from the King.^ 

Charles's attempt to get possession of the fleet July 4. 
and of the magazine in Leicestershire was accepted mentofii 
at Westminster as a declaration of war. At the re- S? wSfety. 
quest of the Commons, the Lords concurred in the 
appointment of a joint committee * to take into con- 
sideration whatsoever may concern the safety of the 
Kingdom, the defence of the Parliament, and the 
preservation of the peace of the Kingdom, and oppos- 
ing any force that may be raised against the Parlia- 

* L. J. V. 169, 178, 185. ClarerUionf v. 376. 
2 D'Ewee 8 Diary, HarL MSS. dxiii. fol. 255 b. 



merit.' In this committee, composed of fifteen members,! 
five Lonls, Northumberland, Essex, Pembroke, Hol'j 
land, and Saye, were joined with ten Commoners, < 
whom the most conspicuous were Pym, Hampde) 
Fieunes, Holies, and Marten/ In this committee < 
safety Parliament had at -last the rudiments of i 
government. It waa evident that its first occupation'! 
would be of a military nature. On the 5tli 
known that a small vessel from Holland had brought! 
to the Humber arms and ammunition fi'om the^ 
Queen.^ The first thing to be done was to secure; 
Parliament from iuten'uption near at band. Lor( 
Mayor Gurney, who had actually pubb'shed the King's 
Commission of Array in the City, was imjieached, an^ 
by the 6th a vote had been agreed to bybotli Houaei 
for raising a distinct army of 10,000 men from LondoDj 
and the neighbourhood. The ordinance for orgai 
ising the miUtia for the defence of each coimty ^ 
no longer deemed sufficient.' 

The spectre of civil war was visibly there before 
the eyes of all men. To the horror which its aspect 
created D'Ewes gave expression. " In respect of civil 
aflairs," he said, "I dare be bold to say that the 
liberty and property of the subject were never so 
clearly asserted to them as they are at present. The 
main matter then which yet remains to be secured to 
U3 is the reformation of religion, and I desire that we 
may come to particulars in that. If a monarchy con- 
tinue amongst us, there must of necessity remain a 
confidence from the subjects towards the Prince. For 
the town of Hull itself, I desire not that it should 
be delivered up to his Majesty, but that we might 

' L. J. V. 178. 6". J. ii. 651. The other fi»e were Sir W. 
Sir P. StAploton. Sir J, Meyrick, I'ierpoint, nnd Glyn. 

> L.J. V. 18!. ' C.J.a. 65^,654. 



humbly supplicate his Majesty to appoint Sir John ^^y^- 
Hotliam governor there, till other things were peace- *■— ^^ — ' 
ably composed between his Majesty and us, and that juiy6. 
he should not deliver it up but by his Majesty's com- 
mand, signified to him by both Houses of Parlia- 

No wonder that cries of" Well moved " were heard Reception 
on every side. No wonder too that a proposal which posai 
commended itself to the feelings of the House was 
rejected by its intelligence. It needed but little 
acquaintance with human nature to know that the 
King would never accede either to a Puritan Keforma- 
tion of rehgion, or to the appointment of Hotham to 
the command of Hull. No one cared to answer the 
benevolent antiquary, but the House quietly passed to 
tlie consideration of matters of more practical impor- 

On the 8th news came in of increasing Eoyalist ^^^l^J- 

activity in the Western Midlands. Herefordshire had fi-wh rov- 
111 1 ' T\ ^^ T TTT ""** move- 

declared strongly against Parliament. In Worcester- menta. 

shire the Sheriff, backed by Lord Coventry, was 

prepared to execute the Commission of Array. It was 

known on the following day that Lord Northampton 

liad announced his intention of pursuing the same 

course in Warwickshire. At York, the King had J"Jy^- 

granted Commissions for the raising of cavalry, and 

liad himself taken up a position at Beverley at the 

head of a small force under the command of the Earl of 

Lindsey, whom he had appointed general of his army.^ 

The Commons resolved that the army of io,ooo should Resolutions 

at once be levied.^ On the nth the Houses concurred moiw. 

^ D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clziii. fol. 259. I quote this speech 
in preference to Rudyerd*8, which seems to haye been delivered soon after 
it, because D'Ewes goes more to the root of the matter. 

' L. J. V. 192, 202. ^ C\ J. ii. 663. 





in a declaration that the King had actually begun 
war.^ On the 1 2th Essex was appointed to commi 
the Parliamentary army, and each member of the t' 
Ilouses was called on to declare his readiness to live and 
die with the new general ' in this cause for the safety 
of the King's person, the defence of both Houses of 
Parliament, and of those who have obeyed their orders 
and commands, and for the preservation of the true 
religion, laws, liberties, and peace of the Kingdom.' ' 
Incongruous as these phrases sound now, they were 
doubtless a true exjiression of the feelings of thoae 
who tlren uttered thera. d 

This resolution was accompanied by a fresh peti^ 
tion to the King, imploring him to accommodate 
difierences, Charles was not likely to pay lieed to 
such a petition now. He hoped at last that the day 
had arrived when Hull would be in his hands. It 
was true that he had no more than 2,500 men with 
him at Beverley, and that no sane man would espeoV. 
to capture a fortified town with so small a force. Bui 
it was not on force that Charles coimted. Shortl 
before his advance to Beverley, Digby had been with 
him bringing intelligence from the Queen. On Digby's 
return the small vessel in which he was, was captured 
and carried into Hull. He assumed the air and 
language of a Frenchman, and for a little time escaped 
notice. Knowing that he could not long preserve his 
disguise, he demanded with rare audacity to be 
brought before the Governor. Throwing himself on 
Hotham's generosity, he revealed his name and pur- 
pose, and urged him to play a glorious part in the 
restoration of peace to his country by surrendering 
Hull to the King. 

To all this Hotham listened. He was 

!Ofc. m 

I I. J. y. 2< 

He was no Furitu^fl 

= L. J. V. 30S, ^^ 


and he had been pushed on, without much considera- ^XT^T?• 
tion, into the position which he now occupied. Digby's ' — 7- — ' 
oflers of Royal favour touched him, and he consented juiyy.' 
to surrender the place if the King would but attack 
it in person. Charles had taken him at his word, 
and his advance to Beverley had been the result of 
the expectations thus held out. As usual, however, 
Charles procrastinated and lost the opportunity. 
During the four days that he remained at Beverley, 
Hotham had time to meditate on the difficulties of the 
enterprise to which he had hastily committed himself. 
He told Digby that his o^vn garrison would never juiyn. 
allow liim to give up the fortress. Digby was allowed changes his 
to escape, but the gates of Hull remained closed to ™*°^' 
Charles.^ Tlie King rode off to Newark and Lincoln 
after despatching an angry summons to Parliament to 
give up the town. Hotham sat down to write a 
despatch, in which he took credit to himself for the 
discovery of a plot to betray Hull to the King.^ 

At Lincoln the King encouraged by his presence J^ij 15. 
all who were inclined to resist the Militia Ordinance. »t unoofn. 
He found much support amongst the gentry of the 
county, who promised to come to his aid with 400 
horse. Money too, of which in spite of the liberality 
of Worcester and his son he was sorely in need, had 
been coming in at last. The University of Oxford sent Montjr 
him 10,000/., and the Cambridge University had spent 
6,000/. in the Royal cause.® On the 1 6th Charles was 
again at Beverley,* where he found Holland with a 
petition from the Houses for accommodation. No 
messenger could have been more ill-fitted for the task 
assigned to him. Amongst the Royalist party he was 

* Clarendon, v. 432. ' X. J, v. 209, 217. 

' Nicholas to Roe, July 20, 5^. P. 7)om. Cafatogue of moneys «m6- 
Moribedf Aug. 5 (669, f. 6.). * L, J, v. 224. 


justly despised as well as detested, and it was well 
• known in tlie North that the loss of Court favour had 
been the motive which had driven him at last into 
opposition. Ho lay under the imputation of cowar- 
dice, aa well as of vanity and greed, " I am in such 
a great rage with the Parliament as nothing will 
pacify me," wrote a lady in the North, on a false 
rumour that Holland had been appointed General of 
the Parliamentary forces, " for they promised as all 
sh ould be well if my Lord Strafford's head were off, and 
since then there is nothing better. We hear strange 
news from London, which is that many have offered 
to keep horses for the Parliament to fight against their 
King, and that my Lord of Holland is general, which 
puts me in the most comfort that we shall have 
peace, for he hath had good fortune not to fight 
hitherto. I hope lie will prove lucky still." The 
longing for peace was great indeed in every part of 
England. " Oh, that the sweet Parhament," the same 
lady had written in May, " would come with the olive 
branch in its mouth, it would refresh and glad all our 
hearts here in the North. We are like so mao] 
frighted people. For my part if I hear but a d^ 
creak, I take it to be a drum, and am ready to run 
out of that little valour I have." In the South the 
desire for peace was no less, though the blame was 
thrown elsewhere. " The Queen," wrote Lady Susses 
from Gorhanibury, "is pleased if she liave so many 
favourites with her. I doubt we shall all fare the 
worse for it. So many heads together will be busy 
in their plots against us. God's power is above all, 
who I hope in mercy will yet keep us from th%. 
miseries we may expect." ' Charles, who 
e 20 [P]. Ladj 


' Msrgnret Eare to Sir B. Vemey, Jur 
R. Vernoy, July 3 [?], IViifl/ MSS. 

us Jiuui [lU^.i 

k\io under a^H 
j&d; SuaMZ to ^^H 


circumstances would have been likely to return a soft chap. 


answer to tlie message, was perhaps provoked by > — r— I-' 
the sight of the messenger to impart a sterner tone to ^ ^^* 
his reply. The terms which he demanded were the Thefang'a 
dismissal of the Parliamentary troops, the surrender the petition 
of Hull and the fleet, the disavowal of any power to wmmo^ 
make laws without his consent, and the adjournment ^^°' 
of Parliament to some place outside London. When 
all this had been done he would discharge his own 
troops, and discuss all differences in a ParUamentary 

Tlic time for such manifestoes was rapidly draw- juiy 15. 
ing to a close. Already, on the 15th, the first blood JwdSi*ed 
of the Englisli Civil War had been shed at Manches- *hMter." 
tor. As the townsmen were engaged in carrying the 
MiHtia Ordinance into effect. Lord Strange, the heir 
of the Earl of Derby, a man of sustained loyalty and 
liigli courage, rode in amongst tliem at the head 
of a band of armed troopers. The townsmen were 
too weak to stand against his charge, and Richard 
Perceval, one of a number who were wounded in 
tlie struggle, died a few days afterwards of the in- 
juries tliat he liad received.^ 

Once more Charles tried the effect of his presence juiy 17. 
before Hull. The garrison salUed out, and his men movcmcHts 
retreated before their assailants, not without loss. He 
then returned to Leicester, where he arrived on the 
22nd. Town and county alike refused to assist him, juiyaa. 
and his demand for the surrender of the county 

* Jj. J, V. 235. 

« D'Ewes'B Diary, Jlarl, MSS. clxiii. fol. 293 b. (E. 108). A very true . , . 
relation of the . . .jHisBaf/ea at Manchester, Bushw, iv. 680. This last is a 
very dilTerent account i'rom that ^ven by D'Ewes. lu it all the blame ia 
thrown on the townsmen. It is sometimes said that men were killed at 
Hull before this, but as the sally from Hull is mentioDod in Salyetti*s 
hotter of ^^i^", it, no doubt, took place later. 


'HAP- magazine waa made in vain. He was forced to a com- 
-—•—-' promise, by which tlie arma were dispersed amongst 
luiyai. the inhabitants of the county, who were not likely to 
use them in his favour. Yet he was not without 
eome gleams of hope. Though the freeholders were 
against him, some of the gentry took his side. Much 
to his delight, too, he secured the person of Bast- 
wick, now a captain of the Leicester Trained Bands, 
and sent him ofl a prisoner to York.^ 
^_ The actual number of troops at Charles's disposal 

•as for ■^va3 not great. Yet it was evident that in the North 
and West the bulk of the country gentlemen were 
disposed to rally to his cause, and the Parliamentary 
leaders felt that the time was coiueto provide against 
imminent danger. Already plate and money were 
ruivw. t)6ing brought in large quantities. On July 30, 
Parliament resolved to borrow 100,000/., which had 
been set aside for the Irish war.^ On August 2, the 
iriianicn- Uouses issued a declaration of their reasons for taking 
119 tot up arms. The strength of their case lay in their 
■ni". retrospect of Charles's past government, and of his 
plots and intrigues since Parliament had met. Its 
lechnrge weakncss lay in their answer to the charge that they 
iment i> were themselves setting up an arbitrary government, 
Tn^rbfJirry and were interpreting the law at their pleasure. In- 
I mwC' stead of replying that the necessity which had thrown 

^^^1 on them the burden of government was none of their 

^^^1 creating, they met the accusation with a du-est denial. 

^^^1 No rational man, they urged, woidd believe * it to be 

^^^H true,' ' it being impossible so many several persons as 

^^^1 the two Houses of Parhament consist of — and, either 

Nieholg, Bill. «f Lncfttertkire, Va. Bpp. 38. Tmihe from Leieetler 
and Nt/tli'igham (669, f. 6). Nicholas to Hoe, July 27, S. P. Dom. 
L. J. V. 283. Forster to Ohavigny, Aiig. Ti> -4«A- (Im -^ff- Etr. xljj, fol. 



House of equal power — should all of them, or at ^^F- 
least the major part, agree in acts of will and tyranny ^ — -« — ' 
wliich make up an arbitrary government, and most Aug. a. 
improbable that the nobility and gentry of this 
kingdom should conspire to take away the law, by 
which they enjoy their estates, are protected from 
any act of violence and power, and differenced from 
tlie meaner sort of people, with whom otherwise they 
would be but fellow-servants.* ^ 

It was a most inadequate defence. No unpre- Howfw 
judiced person can go through the records of the SSfui?**^" 
Long Parhament without noticing countless occasions 
on whicli the temper and prejudices of the Commons 
were cast into the balance of justice. A Puritan 
clergyman and Laudian clergyman received very 
diflerent measure at their hands. Arguments which 
would never have been listened to, if adduced against 
their own supporters, were accepted as unanswerable 
against a RoyaUst. It was not that the Long Parlia- 
ment was especially arbitrary or tyrannical. It acted 
but as every large body of men is certain to act, 
when it is called upon to fulfil judicial functions in 
political cases. Yet, after all, the Long Parliament, 
objectionable as many of its proceedings were, had 
fallen far sliort of the tyranny of the Star Chamber. It 
liad deprived many clergymen of their benefices who 
were fitted to hold them, and had committed to 
prison many persons who had done no more than their 
duty according to their understanding. But it cut 
oir no ears, and it inflicted no scourgings. Its im- 
prisonments were usuaUy short. Bristol and the 
Attorney-General and the impeached bishops had 
been set at large again, after a few days, or at most 
weeks of confinement. The remedy for the evil lay 

' L. J, V. 258. 


CHAP, not in the eubatitution of an irresponsible King for 
■ — 7- — ■ an irresponsible Parliament, but partlyin the esta- 
Aug. a! blishment of that responsible ministry which Pym had 
sketched out ; partly, too, in securing that responsi- 
bility of ParUament to the nation, through perfect 
freedom of speech and writing, which Pym did not 
think of proposing, and which amidst the clash of 
opposing forces he could hardly, even if he had 
thought of it, have ventured to propose. 
o,.nng In the beginning of August bad news poured in 

Pi^ouiii from all sides to Westminster. Goring had discovered 
K'ng." that he had no place in Puritan aociety, and sought 
reconciliation with the King, whom he had betrayed 
in 1641, by betraying Parhament in 1642. He now 
held the important fortress of Portsmouth for the 
Nortimmp. King. In Warwickshire the Earl of Northampton 
\varwick- was stroHg ettough to stop some guns sent by Parlia- 
ment to Brooke for the defence of Warwick Castle, 
Auff. 3. Hertford, appointed by the King to command in the 
Sonii-rwi- West, had put himself at the head of a force raised 
by some of the gentry of Somersetshire. The Eoyalists 
were in high spirits. They I'eported that the Parlia- 
mentary army was weaker tlian it appeared, and that 
when it came to lighting many of the newly levied 
soldiers would desert rather than stand up against 
the King.^ 

Better news reached Westminster ere long. In 
Shrewsbury the Parliamentary party had gained the 
upper hand. In Somersetsliire the yeomen and 
manufacturers bore no good-will towards the gentry. 
Under the guidance of the Puritan gentlemen of the 

' /.. J. V. 278. D"EwB8'a Diary, KutI. MSB. cUir. fol. 1 59. Onrm- 
(ion, Ti. 3. Giufltinian to Ibe Doge, ^^^*, Aug. j",. A l)niadside gives the 
numbers of tlie men who appeared agniust Hertford m A, 
Prowsa to , Aug, 8 (669, f, 6). 



county, they mustered in such numbers as to make chap. 

. . XVII. 

Hertford's position at Wells hopeless, tliough he was ^^ — r— ^ 
allowed to withdraw unmolested to Sherborne, where Aug^^g.' 
he took up his quarters with about 900 men. 

On August o tlie King proclaimed Essex and his '^^ ^™- 

T mons swMX 

onicers traitors, though he offered a free pardon to to live and 

, , , . die with 

all who should within six days throw down their arms. Essex. 
Tlie Commons retahated by calling on every one of 
tlieir members to swear that they would live and 
die with Essex. On the 12th the Lords pronounced 
sentence on Gurney, directing him to be imprisoned 
during the pleasure of the House, and depriving him 
of the mayoralty which had enabled him to do good 
service for the King. The RoyaUst Recorder, Sir 
Thomas Gardiner, had been already impeached. 

Civil war was tlius virtually begun. One unlucky 
member asked for a Uttle time to consider his answer. 
He was told that it must be given at once. Plucking 
up courage, he refused to give the promise, but he 
was so soundly rated by the Speaker, that he 
offered in liis fright to answer with an Aye. He 
was told that his Aye would not be accepted now. 
Warned by the example, the few Royahst members 
who were still left in the House gave the promise Aug. is. 
required.^ On the i8th a declaration was issued by ^SStthe** 
tlie House denouncing as traitors all who gave as- SS&^ 
sistance to the King.^ ^'"^<»"- 

Every effort was made on the part of the Parlia- ^^^^ 
inentary leaders to carry on the war with energy. Parfiamen- 
Directions had already been given to lay siege to 
Goring in Portsmouth, and to Hertford in Sherborne. 
Brooke had occupied Warwick Castle, and had beaten 
ofl'liord Northampton. Hampden caught Lord Berk- 

' Rtishw. iv. 780. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl, MSS, dziy. fol. 261 b. 
- L. J. V. 303. 

I I 2 



shire as lie was preparing to execute the Commiseion 
of Array in Oxfordshire. Berkshire protested hia 
innocence, and assured Hampden that he had done 
nothing. Hampden repHed that he had been sent to 
prevent him doing anything, and despatched liim as 
a prisoner to London. Cromwell did even better 
service by seizing the college plate as it was being 
sent away from Cambridge to enrich the royal army- 

That the King must take the field had been for 
some time resolved at York. The Royal Standard 
must be set up as the sign that all loyal subjects were 
to rally round their King in his march against the 
traitors ; and Charles's means were scanty, and as yet 
his troops were few. There was much discussion 
what place should be chosen for the display. Lord 
Strange begged the King to take refuge in Lancashire. 
In that county, he said, his tenants and allies would 
soon enable liim to support his master with a force of 
10,000 men.* Others suggested York. The King's 
sanguine temperament gave the preference to Notting- 
ham, thougli he had received but a cold reception in 
that town on two previous visits, He wished to open 
the campaign as near to London as possible, and he 
still hoped to hear that Hertford had made himself 
master of the western counties, and had been able to 
hold out a helping hand to Goring. On the 1 2th he 
issued a proclamation inviting his loyal subjects to 
rally round the Standard, which was to be set up on 
the 22nd at Nottingham.^ 

Charles was still unable to divest himself of the 

' Mountefort to Potts, Aug. . Craim to Potts, Aug. 19 (incorrMtly 
eatalop^ed aa Aug, g). Tanner MSS. Ixiii. fol. 1 16, 125. L. J. y. 307. 

' Memvirt of the Souae of SUaUey, 72. 

• Clarmdon, v. 444. Piwilfltontioa Aug. ij. Bulej's AtmnU <^ 



belief that his mere presence would turn all hearts ^^l' 
towards him. On the 20th he appeared before the ' — 7 — ' 
walls of Coventry and demanded admission. He was Aug. acx 
told tliat he might come in alone if he chose, but that he 
must not bring his soldiers with him. In his attempt- 
ing to force an entrance a sally from the town drove 
off his men, and some of his followers were killed.^ 
On the morning of the 22nd, leaving his troops Aug. 22. 
behind him, he rode off for Nottingham. When he 
reached Nottingham in the afternoon, the Standard 
was borne out from the Castle. It had been entrusted 
to the charge of the Knight-Marshal, Sir Edmund 
Verney.^ With the King were the Prince of Wales, 
the Duke of York, and the fiery Eupert, who, with 
his brother, had lately landed in England, to devote 
himself heart and soul to his uncle's service. 

Even at this solemn moment Charles gave signs 
of that infirmity of purpose wliich weighed so heavily 

' Giustinian to the Doge, Aug. 26, Venice MSS. 

' " The King," writes Veraey's niece on the 23rd of her uncle, " hath 

given him the Standard." Dorothy Leeke to Sir R. Verney, Aug, 23, 

Vemey MSS. This, and the letter from a gentleman printed by Bailey ^ 

663, settled the question of the date of the erection of the Standard. 

Bailey, whose copy contains a serious misprint of " I came on Wednesday 

night last to Nottingham," instead of '' I came on Wednesday night last 

from the Court at Nottingham,*' as it stands in the original (669, fol. 6), 

with some reason conjectures the author to have been John Hutchinson. 

At all events he was an eye-witness. Rush worth's description is copied 

from a pamphlet of the time, A true and exact relation of the manner of 

Jits Majesty 8 setting up of the Standard at Nottingham, on Wednnday^ 

the 22nd of August, So at least it stands in Bailey's reprint (665). 

Wednesday is no doubt a misprint, as the pamphlet itself states Monday, 

the 22nd, to have been the day. The curious thing is that the description 

of the Standard is entirely different in the pamphlet and in the letter. 

The only way of reconciling the two accounts is to suppose that the 

narrative in the pamphlet was made up in London from yarious sources 

of local information. The Standard which Vemey carried at Edgehill 

must have been a different one from that which required twenty sup- 

port(>rs, and the informant of the author of the pamphlet perhaps de» 

Kcribed this smaller banner. 





> , ' 


Aupr. 22. 
The King 
his prochi- 

upon him. The Standard had been fixed in the 
ground, and the herald at arms was about to read a 
proclamation denouncing Essex as a traitor. A 
flourish of trumpets was to prelude this aimounce- 
ment. Before a note was sounded, Charles was 
struck vdih a suspicion that tlie wording of the pro- 
clamation miglit be in some respects defective. Call- 
ing for the paper, he corrected its phraseology.^ The 
lierald to whom it was returned had some difficulty 
in picking out tlie words so hastily inserted. When 
he had struggled liesitatingly to the end, those who 
stood around threw their hats into the air, shouting 
loudly, " God save King Charles and hang up the 
■Roundheads," in a tempest of loyal emotion. The 
Civil War, which had been practically begun when 
Hotham shut the gates of Hull against the King, was 
now openly avowed. England was about to learn 
tlirough suffering that wisdom which was to be found 
in neither of the opposing ranks. 

* Readers of the despatches amongst the Foreign State Papers will 
be familiar with his nmuerous verbal corrections, showing his senutiye- 
ness in point of style. 





ADAMITES, the, 268 
Additional instruction to the com- 
mittee in Scotland, proposed by Pyni, 
298 ; modified by him, 299 ; revolu- 
tioiiary character of, 300 ; the Lords 
postpone the consideration of, 315 

Almond. Lord (James Livingston), pro- 
posed as Treasured, 259 ; his part in 
the Incident, 261 

Annual Parliaments' Bill, the, brought 
in, 42 ; read a second time, 43 ; 
Charles's objection to, 47 ; becomes a 
Triennial Bill, 53. See Triennial 

Antrim, Earl of (Randal Macdonnell), 
receives messages from the King, 

Argyle, Earl of (Archibald Campbell), 
is accused by Montrose of plotting 
to depose the King, 209; procures 
the execution of Stewart of Lady- 
well, 226; asks that offices shall 
be given only with the consent of 
Parliament, 256; opposes Morton's 
promotion, 257; causes of the in- 
fluence of, 258; project for arrest- 
ing, 261 ; flight of, 263; returns to 
Edinburgh, 326 ; sources of his power 
in SoAjtland, ibid. ; is created Marquis 
of Argyle, 327. See Argyle, Mar- 
quis of 

Ai^le, Marquis of, influences the Scot- 
tish Council against the King, 456 

Armagh, taken by Sir Phelim O'Neill, 

Army Plot, the first, begins in a 
scheme for a petition, 108 ; Jermyn 
and Suckling's plan for, 1 13; the 
Queen informed of, 1 14 ; employment 
of Chudleigh in, 115; meeting of 


the designers of, 116; is betrayed 
by Goring, 118 ; further progress of 
126, 148; revealed by Fym, 164; 
committee appointed to investigate, 
165 ; evidence taken concerning, 182 ; 
Fiennes' report on, 194 

Arm^ Plot, the second, plan of, 211; 
failure of, 213 ; Chudleigh *s evidence 
on, 236 ; Pym*s statement on, 283 ; 
evidence of the King's participation 
in, 319 ; declaration by tne Commons 
of their belief in, 320 

Army, the English, Catholic officerf 
dismissed from, 30 ; is ready to dis- 
band through want of pay, 43; in- 
creasing wants of, 107 ; money 
transferred to the Scots which had 
been intended for, 108; plan to 
induce it to petition the King, ibid, ; 
proposal to bring it up to London, 
113; sends Chudleigh to complain of 
its grievances, 114; return of Chud- 
leigh to, 126; money sent by Charles 
to, 147 ; begins to disband, 241 

Army, the Irish, supposed danger from, 
9 ; Erie's reports on, 45, 85; its disso- 
lution demanded by the Commons, 86; 
its dissolution ask^ by the Lords,. 95 ; 

• alleged plan of Strafford to bring to 
England, 121 ; alleged intention of 
landing it at Ayr, 122; its disband- 
ment refused by the King, 125 ; re- 
newed charge against Strafford of 
intending to bring over, 128; refusal 
of Charles to dial^nd, 138 ; propi>sed 
summons of, to Portsmouth, 148 ; dis- 
bandment of, promised by the King, 
182 ; fresh attempt to bring to Lon* 
don, 211 ; the King hopes for aid 
from, 242 ; br^akin^g up of, 245 

Army, the Parliamentary, orders forth* 
raiaing of, 474, 475 

Army, the Beoltish, Btrengthens Parlia- 
ment bj ite presence, i ; learea Eng- 
land, 241; satisfaction felt nC tbe 
dspartore of, 244 ; dismissal of the 
last remPBUts of, 258 

Anayn, Sh William, appointed a Com- 
missioner to attend the Kiog in Scot- 
land, 239. 

Artificera petition, the, 420 

Ainndol, Eai-1 of (Thomas Howard), 
ap])ointed Lord Steward, and cbosen 
tompoTaty Speaker of the House of 
Lords, 100; his remarks on Yana'a 
cTidence at Strafford's trial, 121 -, is 
attacked b; the mob, 155 

Ashbnmham, John, takes part id b 
scheme for an army petition in fa- 
Tour of the King, loS 

Assembly of diriuesi nominated \<j the 
Commons, 452 

Astley, Sir Jacob, objecls t« being 
superseded by Goring, 127; mission 
of 0|Neill W, 211 i rofiisee to take 
part in the second Army Plot, 213 

Attainder Bill, the first readiog of, in 
the ComiDonB, 133 ; second reading 
of. 139; third reading of, 142; reiid 
n second time in the Lords. 146 ; 
read B third time in the Lords, 168: 
Royal assent giTen to. 175 

Ayr, allied to be the spot where the 
Iris)] arm; was to have landed, 122 

BAILLIE, Robert, compares tbe Pro- 
testation to the Covenant. l6t 

Oilfour, Sir William, refuses to admit 
Billingaley into the Tower, 153 ; at- 
tempt of Straflbrd to bribe, 174 ; re- 
fuses to allow Strafford to see Land, 
176; relinquiehea the Livntanancy of 
Iba Tower, 358 

Ballot, pcopo^ made in the Scottish 
Parliament (v rote by, 258 

Bankes, Sir John, becomes Chief Justice 
of the Common Pleas, 54 

Barberini. Cardinal, receives an appli- 
cation for money from Iho Queen, 31 

Barebone, Praise-God, disponnon of a 
congregation of Separatists at the 
house of, 356; pamphlet by, 356, 

Beole, Thomas, gives evidence of s plot, 
Bedolr, -William, Bishop of Kilmore, 


fugiticea Irom Belturbet, 

Bedford. Karl of (Francis Russell), an p- 
ports Pjm, 7 ; becomes a privy eonn- 
cillor, 89 : is informed of the Army 
Plot. 118; proposed appointment of, 
as Lord Treasnrer, 145 ; death of, 

Bedford, Earl of (William RusseU), np- 
pointed a commissiontr to attend the 
King in Scotland. 239 ; protests 
against the refusal of the Lords to 
communicale arewludoa tothe Com- 
mons, 253; declines <o go to Scotland, 

Belturbet, treatment of Ihe English 

Banjnn, Q-eoige, opposes the militia 
ordiunnce, 427 ; sentenced U> fine and 
imprisonment, 446 

Berkeley, Sir John, imprisonment of, 

Berkeley, Sir Robert, impeached for 
his conduct in the ship money case. 
G5 1 is laUen from the bench. 8G 

Berkshire, Eari of (Thomas Howard), is 
aoixcd by Hampden, 4S3 

Beverley, die Kii^a stay at, 476, 477 

Billingsley, Captain, attempts to seise 
the, 153 

Bisbopa. the, Charles annonnees that 
they are not to lose their votes in the 
House of Lords, 59 ; weakness of. as 
nominees of the King, 79 ; resolution 
of the Commons (hat they should not 
sit in Parliament or exercise tsmpomi 
functions. 96 ; Bill fur their exclosion 
from temporal functions, 152, 187; 
feeling of the oppoaents of, 189; 
opinion of Snyo and Taylor on tlia 
secular offices of, 189, 190; impaach- 
ment of thirteen, 230 : appdntmeot 
of new, 282 ; the opposition of tha 
Lords lo the Commons ascribed to 
Ihe infiuence of, 354 ; are warned Iiy 
Hertford of danger from the mob, 
370 ; protest of, 375; impeachment 
of 'he protesters amongst, 37S. Set 
Episcopacy: and Root and K'ancbBill 

Bishops' Eiclnsion Bill, the first, passes 
through the Commons, 152; amended 
in tbe Lords, 187 ; thrown ont by tha 
Lords, 192 

Bishops' Eiclnsion Bill, the second, 
passes through tJie Commons, 278 ; 

Eised by Lords, 423 ; receive* the 
yal assent, 42 Jj 
Borlase, Sir John, made one of Uw 
Lords Justices of Ireland, 286 

,m _ 





Borough bridge, meeting of officers at, 

Bristol, Earl of (John Digby), warns 
Charles not to resist Parliament, 41 ; 
recommends the acceptance of the 
Scottish demands, 51 ; becomes a 
privy councillor, 89; hopes to save 
Strafford, 143 ; urges Charles to in- 
tervene in Strafford's favour, 1 50; 
is attacked by the mob, 155; gives 
up his efforts to save Strafford , 168 ; 
admitted as a gentleman of the bed- 
chamber, 231 ; promotion of the 
friends of, 347; his policy, 351 ; 
named as an evil counsellor, 369 ; 
motion to remove him from the King's 
counsels, 371 ; imprisonment of, 443; 
relciise of, 457 

Brooke, Lord (Robert Qreville), rumour 
that he is to be a privy councillor, 
228 ; writes A Discourse &n Episco- 
f>acf/, 276 ; beats off Northampton from 
Warwick Castle, 483 

Brotherly Assistance, the, voted to the 
Scots, 64 ; payment of part of, 235 

Bro^vnists, Vane's objection to the Lon- 
don petitioners as, 36. See Separatists 

Buckinghamshire, petition of the gentry 
and freeholders of, 41 1 

Burgess, Cornelius, preaches before the 
House of Commons, 23 ; urges that 
the revenues of the Deans and Chap- 
ters may be applied to Church pur- 
poses, 188 

Burton, Henry, his liberation, 22 ; re- 
turns to lx)ndon, 30 ; reparation 
made to, 95 ; writes the Protestation 
Protested, 275 

Byron, Sir John, made Lieutenant of 
the Tower, 363 ; his removal re 
quested by Parliament, 411 ; is sum- 
moned before the Peers, 412; is su- 
perseded, 424 

CABINET Council, introduction of the 
expression, 89 

Cambridge, the University of, sends 
money to the King, 477 

Canons, the new, Holbome*s argument 
in favour of, 36 ; are declared by the 
Commons to be illegal, 37 

Capel, Sir Arthur, presents a petition 
on grievances, 8 ; objects to aelay in 
StnSbrd's trial, 88 ; supports a pro- 
posal that Pym shall give satisfaction 
to the House, 93 

Carlisle, Countess of, her relations with 
Pym, 184; informs Bssex of the 

King^s attempt on the five members, 

Catholics, the English, designs supposed 

to be entertained by, ix ; viewed by 
the House of Commons as conspira- 
tors, ibid, ; Rigby's charge against, 19 ; 
removed from their commands iu the 
army, 30 ; the Lords' distrust of, 55 ; 
their contribution inquired into, 61 ; 
their disarmament asked by the Lords, 
95; rumours of plots among, 183; 
renewed persecution of, 226 ; feeling 
of the House of Lords towards, 347 
Catholics, the Irish,Charles*s negot iat ion 
with, 94, 242; demand toleration, 
287 ; treatment of, by the Lords 
Justices, 296 ; terms proposed by, 
364 ; meeting of, at Swords, 366 
Cavaliers, origin of the name of, 373 
Cavan, behaviour of tlie rebels in, 310 
Charles I. opens the Long Parliament, 
3 ; assures Strafford of his protec- 
tion, 5 ; difficulties of his position, 
10 ; proposes to review the garrison 
of the Tower, 17 ; is passive during 
the preparation of Strafford's im- 
peachment, 22 ; struggles against the 
demands of the Scots, 29 ; connives 
at Windebank's flight, 31 ; agrees to 
his daughter's marriage with Prince 
William of Orange, and expects aid 
in return, 32 ; offer of the Ck>mmons 
to provide for the revenue, 39 ; effect 
of the proceedings of Parliament 
upon, 39 ; is probably acquainted 
with the Queen's intrigue with Rome, 
41 ; comes to a compromise with the 
Scots about the incendiaries, 42; 
difficulty of ascertaining the amount 
of his revenue, 43 ; is unwilling to 
dissolve the Irish army, 45 ; is ready 
to accept aid from the Prince of 
Orange, and objects to make certain 
concessions to Parliament, 47 ; hopes 
to gain by a dispute between the 
English and the Scots, 48 ; accepts 
the proposal for the marriage of the 
Princess Mary, 52 ; announces that 
the Judges shall hold office on good 
behaviour, 54 ; declares to Parlinr 
ment how much he is willing to con- 
cede, 58 ; objects to the exclusion of 
the Bishops from the House of 
Lords, and to the Triennial Bill, 59 ; 
weakness of his position, 60 ; justi- 
fies the reprieve of Goodman, 61 ; 
leaves Goodman to the judgment of 
Parliament, 64 ; announces the eon- 
dnsion of a marriage treaty with the 

Prince of Orange, E4 ; his coimectioD 
with a plan for bcinging Dutch troupB 
to England, iUiJ. ; posies thaTrienmal 
Act, 87 ; uppointfl new Privy Coun- 
dllora, 89 ; riopea to obtain support 
for S'Tsfford by doinff bo, 90 : comes 
to the Hoiifio of Lords ta hear Stnif- 
tord's answer read, 93 ; sppeBra as a 
spectator nt Strafford's trial, 101 ; 
support of the armj oBered by Percy 
to, 108; money offered b J the Pope 
lo, on condition that he will chinge 
his religion, 110; is inlbrmed ik the 
Anny Plot, 114; listens to Percy's 
plan, 115; racommends Percy to com- 
bine his plan with that of Suckling, 
116; rejects Suckling's Army Plot, 
117; refuties to disband the Irish 
army, 125; persiatsin the Amiy Plot. 
llG ; orders Tane's notes tu be burnt, 
131 r listens (0 Pym's reply to Straf- 
tard, and refuses to dissolvo the Irish 
army, 138; aiisurea Stmfibrd tbat be 
shall not suffer, 144; has an intei^ 
view with Fym, 145 ; cannot make 
up hie mind to relj on the Lords, 
146 ; sends money Co the Northam 
Aniiy,-I47* proposed aimed combina- 
tjoti in favour of, 148 ; resolves to 
intervene in Sttafliird'a favour, 150 i 
iiska the Lords to save Slrafford's 
life, 151 ; hopee to gain possession of 
the Tower, 1531 adraowledges thnt 
he ordered Billingslcy lo orcupy the 
Tower, 161 ; thinks of leaving Lon- 
don, 164 ; allows the escape of the 
army plotters, 167 ; receives a ile- 
nand for his assent to the Attainder 
Bill and the bill ngainst dissolntion, 
171 i his fears for the Queen's safety, 
173 ; hesitates Lo abandon Straffiird, 
173; consents to Strafibrd's death, 
174; appoinlB commicsionerl to as- 
sent to the Attainder Bill and the 
bill against dissolntioD, 175 ; pleads 
with the Peen for Strafford's life, 
ibid. ; makes appointments according 
Id the wishes of Parliament, 1S2 ; 
proposes to visit Scotland, 184 ; hesi- 
tates between the Queen's advice 
and Bristol's, 193 : o^otiatos with 
the Irish Catholics. 194; raises 
Digby to the peerage, 196; his con- 
versalion with Hyde, 198; protests 
Ihat he has no ill intention in going 
to Scotland. 310; engnges in a second 
Army Plot. 31 1 ; his views eipreased 
inn petition sent to the army. 313; 
abandonij hix claim to levy customs 

by prerogative, 313; is isolated by 
Ibe news of fresh danger from Scot- 
land. 314 ; makea partial coniessions, 
315 i his last interview with Rossetti, 
3l6; assents lo the abolirion of Ihe 
Star Cbiunber and the High Commift- 

favour of tbeFnlalinate, and informs 
the Oimmons that he liaowa of no iU 
counsellors, 219; refuses to be de- 
terred trom visiting Scotland, 330; 
sends Iionitonn to Scotland, 324; ex- 
pects help from the Scots, 315 ; an- 
nounces that be has resolrod ti> go to 
Scotland, 337 -. requests the Lords to 
abandon their remonstrance wilh The 
Conimoos, 339 ; insists on going ta 
Scotland, 330 ; consents lo a day's 
delay, 231; sets out for ScotUnd, 
332; arrives in Scotland. 340; cs- 
pscts the Scots to support him, iliid ; 
negotiates with the Irish Catholics, 
243 ; possibility of a reaction in 
favour of, a43 ; banqnet given to, in 
Edinburgh. 355; expects help from 
Aigyle and Leslie, 356 ; fails to in- 
duce the Scottish ParliBmenl_ to 
approv of officers of his nomination, 
257 ; depression of spirits of, 258 ; 
nominates Almond as 'TreBsurer, 159 ; 
offers to snbmit Montrose's charges 
to a number of Lords, 360 ; defends