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VOL. I. 

i,oxi>o\ I pniXTi::i ht 






I 637- I 649 







VOL. I. 
1637 — 1640 




All riijhti rtttrvid 


\ui% ►i-' 

rX , AV'-^ 




In the two volumes which are now given to the public, 
and more especially in the second, I have reached a 
part of my work to which all that I have hitherto 
done has been leading up, and of which all that I can 
hope to accomplish in the future can be but the de- 
velopment. If I have judged rightly the first fourteen 
months of the Long Parliament, I am likely to judge 
rightly the future course of the parties which then 
came into collision. If I have erred seriously here, I 
am not Kkely to find anything worth saying here- 

What the diflSculties of the task have been can 
only be fully known to those who have attempted 
to face a similar problem. It is not merely that 
the subject-matter is one which, even at the pre- 
sent day, strangely evokes the divergent sympathies 
and passions of Englishmen, and that it has been 
already attempted by writers of no mean reputation, 
some of whom have succeeded in convincing their 
readers that there is nothing more to be said about 
the matter ; but that even the richest materials fail 


to yield all that the historian requires. Again and 
again, however, the frontier of knowledge may be 
advanced, the enquirer is confronted by darkness into 
which he cannot safely penetrate. 

Yet in spite of all risks I have ventured to tell 
again a familiar tale. It has not, I hope, been for 
nothing that many years ago, as a young and unknown 
writer, I dehberately refrained from selecting a sub- 
ject more attractive in its own nature than the reign 
of James I. could possibly be. It seemed to me then, 
as it seems to me now, that it was the duty of a 
serious inquirer to search into the original causes of 
great events rather than, for the sake of catching 
at an audience, to rush unprepared upon the great 
events themselves. My reward has been that, whether 
the present work is well or ill done, it is at all events 
far better done than it could have been if I had 
commenced with the tale of the Puritan Revolution 
itself. Whether that tale will ever be told in its 
completeness by me, neither I nor any one can tell. 
To me personally, as a descendant of Cromwell and 
Ireton, it would be a special satisfaction to call up 
them and their contemporaries before me, and to 
learn the true secret of their success and failure. 
To the historian no more interesting period can be 
found than one in which men of virtue and ability 
strove with one another in seeking the solution of 
the highest problems at a time when the old chain of 
precedent had been violently snapped, and when all 
things seemed possible to the active intelligence. 

Whatever the future may have in reserve, this 
present work has constantly reminded me by how 


deep a gulf we are separated from the time when I 
commenced my labours, now some twenty-two years 
ago. Macaulay and Forster were then in possession 
of the field. The worship of the Puritans was in the 
ascendant, and to suggest that it was possible to make 
out a reasonable case for Bacon and Strafibrd was re- 
garded as eccentric. All this is changed now. Few 
are to be found to say a good word for Puritanism, 
and the mistakes of the Long Parliament are unveiled 
with an unsparing hand. A dislike of agitation and 
disturbance has in some quarters taken the place of 
a disKke of arbitrary power, whilst reverence for 
culture has often left little room for reverence for 

If I have striven, with what success I know not, 
to take a broader view of the deeds of the great men 
who made this England in which we live, and to 
realise and measure the greatness of Pym, as I have 
formerly attempted to realise and measure the great- 
ness of Strafibrd, it must not be forgotten that this 
has been in great measure rendered possible by the 
amount of new material which has come into my 
hands, and which till very lately was entirely inac- 
cessible. The invaluable diary of Sir Symonds 
d'Ewes, and the State Papers in the Public Kecord 
OflSce, have indeed been studied by previous inquirers, 
though I have found amongst them gleanings not 
wholly despicable. The Clarendon MSS., the Carte 
and Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Library have also 
been helpful. But even if these mines had been more 
thoroughly worked than they have been, little or 
nothing woukl have been found in them to fill up the 


great deficiency which every previous liistorian of 
the period must have felt. The suspicions enter- 
tained of Charles I. by the Parliamentary leaders 
forms the most prominent feature of the history of the 
Long Parliament. The whole narrative will be 
coloured by the conviction of the writer that these 
suspicions were either well or ill foimded. Yet 
hitherto there has been no possibility of penetrating, 
except by casual glimpses, behind the veil of 
Charles's privacy. What evidence has been forth- 
coming was too scattered and incoherent to con- 
vince those who were not half convinced already. 
Though even now much remains dark, consideral)le 
light has been thrown upon the secrets of Charles's 
policy by the copies, now in the Kecord Office, of 
the correspondence of Rossetti, the Papal Agent at 
the Court of Henrietta Maria, with Cardinal Barberini. 
The originals are preserved in the Barberini Palace, 
where the agents of the Record Office were permitted, 
by the courtesy of the librarian, Don Sante Pieralisi, 
to make the copies of them which have stood me in 
such good stead. I do not know any literary service 
for which I have had reason to be more profoundly 
grateful than that which was performed by these 
gentlemen by directions from the authorities at the 
Record Office, and of which I and my readers have 
been the first to reap the benefit. 

Scarcely less is the gratitude which I feel to Mr. 
Rawdon Brown, through whose kindness a great part 
of the Venetian despatches relating to this period 
were copied and sent to the Record Office. Those 
thus forwarded by him are referred to in these 


volumes as ' Venetian Transcripts/ The few with 
which I became acquainted through my own exer- 
tions are quoted as * Venetian MSS.' 

Of less importance only than these authorities are 
the French despatches in the National Library at 
Paris or in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs, the Dutch despatches and the letters of 
Salvetti, the agent of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, 
copies of which are to be found in the British 
Museum. References to other MSS. in that collec- 
tion will be found in their proper place. The 
recently acquired Nicholas Papers have already 
been of considerable service, and will probably be 
even more useful at a later period. It will be un- 
derstood that where the name of a printed tract in 
followed by the letter E. and a number, the reference 
is to the press-mark of the Thomason tracts in the 
Museum. A number without the preceding letter 
is a reference to the press-mark of other tracts in 
the same library. 

Outside the walls of our two national repositories, 
I have, with considerable advantage, had access, 
through the kind permission of the Library Committee 
at Guildhall, to the records of the Common Council of 
the City of London. Something too has been gained 
from the Register House and the Advocates' Library 
at Edinburgh. In the latter is to be found a full 
account of the proceedings of the Scottish Commis- 
sioners in London during the first months of 1641, 
which seems to have escaped the notice of Scottish 
antiquarians. Of a very different character are the 
Verney MSS. preserved at Claydon. After the close 



of 1639, when Mr. Bruce's selection, published by the 
Camden Society, ends, the correspondence of the 
Verney family deals less directly with pubHc afiaii's, 
and there are therefore fewer extracts quoted from 
them in the latter part of these volumes tlian in the 
former. But it would be a great mistake to measure 
the historical value of this correspondence by the 
number of references to it in these pages. After 
reading such a mass of letters from men and women 
of very different characters and in various positions 
in society, the mind of an historian becomes saturated 
with the thoughts and ideas of the time, in a way 
which is most helpful to liim, though he may not be 
making even a mental reference to the writers of the 
letters themselves, or to the subjects which interest 
them. Any regret that I have been unable to bring 
before my readers many of the topics of this most 
interesting correspondence, is quaUfied by the know- 
ledge that Lady Verney is engaged upon a sketch of 
the lives of the early members of the family, drawn 
from those papers which she has herself so admirably 
arranged, and with the contents of which she is so 
familiarly acquainted. No words of mine could ade- 
quately express my feeling of the kindness with 
which I have been received at Claydon by her and 
by Sir Harry Verney, and of the liberality with 
which they regard their possession of these inestimable 
treasures as a trust committed to them for the benefit 
of all who know how to make use of them. 

In one quarter only have I found any difficulty 
in procuring access to MSS. of importance. I regret 
that Lord Fitzwilliam has not considered it to b6 


consistent with his duty to^ allow me to see the Straf- 
ford correspondence preserved at Wentworth Wood- 

It would not be becoming to enter into a criti- 
cism of modern writers, as the points at issue could 
only be made intelligible at far greater length than I 
have here at my disposal ; but as it has been neces- 
sary in the interests of truth to speak clearly on the 
extreme carelessness of some of Mr. Forster's work, 
I should not like to be considered to be without sense 
of the high services rendered by him to students of 
this period of history, especially in quickening an in- 
telligent interest in the events of the seventeenth 
century. Nor will it, I trust, be presumptuous in me 
to record my admiration of the thoroughness and 
accuracy of the work of Mr. Sanford and Professor 
Masson. I have thought it due to their high repu- 
tation to point out in every case the few inaccuracies 
in matters of fact which I have detected, excepting 
where the fault lay in their not having before them 
evidence which has been at my disposal. 1 have 
little doubt that if my work were subjected to as 
careful revision it would yield a far greater crop of 

Unfortunately in the second, and part of the first, 
volume, I have no longer the benefit of Mr. Hamilton's 
calendar of the Domestic State Papers. Happily for 
me he had achieved the greater part of his work 
before I outstripped him in my ligliter labours. 
After the opening of the Long Parliament the State 
Papers decrease in volume and interest. 

The map at tlie beginning of the second volume 


is founded on the lists published by Mr. Sanford in 
his * Studies on the Great Rebellion.' The red lines 
denote not merely those who joined the King at the 
commencement of the Civil War, but also those who 
subsequently took his side. I have, however, allowed 
Sir Ralph Vemey's name to remain with a blue line, 
as Mr. Sanford was certainly wrong in speaking of 
him as having at any time gone over to the King. 
He simply went into exile because he refused to take 
the Solemn League and Covenant. 

I cannot conclude without especially thanking 
Mr. Reginald Palgrave, who kindly consented to look 
over these volumes in proof, and whose great know- 
ledge of the documents relating to the history of the 
time enabled him to supply me witli most valuable 
corrections and suggestions. 







1637 Ecclesiastical difficulties i 

Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton 3 

Their trial in the Star Chamber 6 

Laud's defence of himself 7 

Execution of the sentence on Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton 9 

The Press muzzled 13 

Laud and the Catholics 14 

Con as the Papal Agent at Court 15 

The Queen's support of the Catholics 16 

The Catholic converts . . 17 

Laud urges strong measures against proselytism . . '19 

Struggle between Laud and the Queen 20 

The Queen 8 triumph 22 

1638 The Earl of Newcastle appointed Governor of the Prince . 24 

English Puritanism — Milton's Lyndas 25 

John Hutchinson 27 

1637 John Lilbum 30 

His sentence in the Star Chamber 31 

George Wither 32 

1628 Bishop Williams prosecuted in the Star Chamber . . 33 

1635 His second prosecution 34 

The Holy Table, Name, and thing 36 

1637 Sentence on Williams . 37 

The Latitudinarians — Falkland 38 

Chillingworth 42 

The religion of Protestants 46 

John Hales of Eton 49 

1638 His interview with Laud 52 

Influence of Latitudinarianism not immediate . • * 53 





1637 Ship-moDej proyided for an actual want • 5S 

The expedition to Sallee 56 

Constitutional objection to ship-money • • • • 57 

Hampden*s case in the Exchequer Chamber . . 58 

1638 The decision of the Judges 65 

Extravagant language of Pinch 67 

Arrears of ship-money coUectftd 69 

The Forest (Courts 70 

Corporate monopolies 71 

Brickmakers 72 

Coal-shippers and soap-makers 73 

Salt works 74 

Starch-makers — maltsters and brewers -75 

Vintners 76 

City petition against the growth of Jjondon ... 78 

Demolition of houses 79 

The lx)ndonderry forfeiture 80 

The new Corporation 81 

Hackney coaches — the letter-post 82 

Drainage of Hatfield Chase 83 

Drainage of the Great Level 85 

Riots in the Fens 88 

Intervention of the King 90 

Charles's position in the country 91 

The City of London a type of the local organisations . 93 

Hopelessness of the King's aim 9^ 



1633 Feeling of the Scottish nobility towards the Bishops . 
The Scottish Church 

1635 Notes of an English traveller in Scotland 

1634 Charles resolves to introduce a new Prayor-I3ook 

The Church Courts 

1635 Preparation of Canons and a Prayer-Book 

1636 Issue of the Canons 

The Prayer-Book submitted to a few Bishops . 

It is disliked as English 

1637 It is sent to Scotland . . 

Temper of the nobility 








The tumult at St. Giles' 109 

Traquair*8 management 1 1 1 

The King^s annoyance 112 

Henderson 8 petition 113 

Charles unable to draw back i r4 

The Council does not support him 115 

The second riot at Edinburgh 116 

Persistence of Charles 117 

The third riot at Edinburgh 118 

Commissioners chosen by the leaders of the Opposition . 1 20 

Organised resistance 1 2 1 

1638 Traquair*8 visit to London 122 

Charles justifies the Prayer-Book 123 

Rothes appeals to the gentry of Scotland . . . .124 

The Tables 125 

The National (Covenant 126 

Scene in the Grey Friars* Church 1 30 

Traquair*s account to the King 131 

An Assembly and a Parliament demanded . . • . 133 

General circulation of the Covenant 133 

Ill-treatment of those who refuse to sign it . . . . 134 

Practical unity of the nation 136 

Charles resolves to negotiate in order to gain time . • • 137 

Hamilton appointed Commissioner 138 

He arrives in Scotland ........ 140 

His account of the situation 141 

His reception at Edinburgh . . . . . . . 143 

Charles prepares for war 144 

Hamilton offers to induce the King to consent to summon 

an Assembly and a Parliament 145 

The Divine Right of Assemblies 146 

Hamilton's intrigue with the Covenantors , , . . 147 

He returns to England 148 



1638 The English Council informed on Scottish affairs . 

1637 Wentworth's progress in the West of Ireland 

His Wews on the conduct of Prynne and Hampden . 

1638 His opinion of the Scottish Covenanters 
Suggests a policy to be pursued in Scotland . 

Early life of Montrose 

Montrose as a Covenanter 

The Aberdeen doctors 

VOL. I. a 








IIuDtlj and Argjle 160 

Montrose at Aberdeen 161 

Hamilton's second mission to Scotland 162 

He attempts to divide the Covenanters . . . . 1 63 

His return to England and tbird mission to Scotland . . 164 

Tbe King*s Covenant 165 

An Assembly and a Parliament summoned . . . . 165 

Resistance to tbe Eing*8 Covenant 166 

Election of tbe Assembly 167 

(^barles resolves to resist 168 

Tbe Bisbops cited before tbe Assembly 1 70 

Meeting of tbe Assembly at Glasgow 171 

It declares itself duly constituted 173 

Question wbetber tbe Bisbops are subject to censure by tbe 

Assembly 174 

Hamilton dissolves tbe Assembly 175 

Aigyle's position in Scotland 175 

Tbe Assembly continues sitting and abolisbes Episcopacy . 177 

1639 Hamilton*8 report on bis mission 179 

1638 Tbe Congress at Hamburg 180 

Unsuccessful expedition of tbe Elector Palatine . . . 181 

Secret negotiations at Brussels 182 

Mary de Medicis proposes to visit England . . . . 184 

Her arrival in London . 1 86 

Bembard of Weimar*8 successes on tbe Upper Rhine . . 1 87 

1639 Relation of tbe Scottisb troubles to Continental politics . 188 
Cbarles drifting into war . . . . . .189 

Preparations for levying an army 190 

Want of national support 191 

Cbarles asks that Spanisb troops may be sent to England 193 

Tbe Scottbb army 194 

Alexander Leslie 191; 

Tbe Scottisb manifesto 1 96 

Williams before tbe Star ('bamber 197 

Publication of tbe Zfir^s jDcc'/rfi'a^iVm 198 



1639 Tbe Covenanters take tbe castles of Edinburgb, Dumbarton, 

and Dalkeitb 200 

Morton^s success in the Nortb 201 

Huntly carried to Edinburgh 204 

Tbe King at York 205 

His financial difficulties 207 



Wentworth's review of the situation 208 

The King Appeals to the Scottish tenants . . . 209 

State of the King's army 210 

Disaffection of the English nohles 211 

The militajy oath . 212 

Feeling of the English army 213 

Hamilton in the Firth of Forth 214 

His despondency 215 

Failure of the King's appeal to the tenants . . . 216 

Hamilton proposes to negotiate 217 

Quality of Charles's army 219 

Hamilton's conference with the Covenanters . . 220 

The Trot of Turriff 222 

Montrose returns to the North 223 

The King at Berwick 224 

Arundel at Dunse . * 225 

The King prepares to take the agg^ressive . . . 226 

His financial position 227 

Attempts -to obtain money 228 

The Scots at Kelso 229 

Holland's march to Kelso 230 

Condition of Charles's army 231 

The Scots on Dunse Law 233 

They offer to negotiate 235 

Hamilton arrives at the Camp 236 

Opening of negotiations 237 

The King fails to obtain money from the City . . . 239 

Signature of the Treaty of Berwick 241 

Storming of the Bridge of Dee 243 

Project of sending a Scottish army to Germany . . . 243 

Obstacles in the way of carrying out the Treaty . . . 244 



1639 Charles summons the Bishops to the Assembly . . . 246 

Riot at Edinburgh 247 

The Covenanting leaders invited to Berwick . . . 248 

Traquair's instructions as High Commissioner . . . . 249 

Charles returns to Whitehall 250 

Secret protestation of the Scottish Bishops . . . 251 
The Assembly at Edinburgh confirms the abolition of EpfH 

copacy 252 

Parliament meets and proposes Constitutional changes . . 253 

Charles looks for support to Montrose 254 



lie refuses to rescind tlie Acts in favour of Episcopacy . • 255 

Argfyle's policy 256 

Legislative changes proposed • . 257 

Oharles determines to resist, and orders the adjournment of 

the Parliament 258 

The war in Germany 259 

Charles turns to a Spanish alliance 260 

Dispute with the Dutch about the right of search . . . 261 

A Spanish fleet sails for the Channel 262 

Is defeated by the Dutch in the Straits of Dover . . . 263 

Takes refuge in the Downs 264 

Charles's secret negotiation with Spain 263 

Bellievre's diplomacy 266 

The negotiation for Bemhard's army 267 

Oquendo and Tromp in the Downs 268 

The sea-fight in the Downs 272 

Imprisonment of the Elector Palatine 274 

Wentworth's case against Crosby and Mountnorris . . 275 

Case of Lord Chancellor Loftus 276 

Wentworth arrives in England and becomes the King*s 

principal adviser 278 

The Scottish Commissioners in London .... 279 

Prorogation of the Scottish Parliament 280 

Wentworth advises the King to summon a Parliament in 

England 281 

nis advice accepted 282 

The Privy Councillors' Loan 283 

Suspicions that Parliament is to be intimidated . . .284 

The political and ecclesiastical opposition . . . . 285 

Spread of the sects 288 

Trendall's case 289 

1640 Wentworth created Earl of Strafford — Preparations for 

war 291 

Finch Lord Keeper 292 

Lady Carlisle 293 

Vane replaces Coke as Secretary • 294 



1640 Release of Valentine and Strode — ^The Queen and the 

Catholics 295 

Charles's foreign relations 297 

Proposed application of the Scots to France . ... 300 



A letter of the Scots to Lewis XIIL falls into Oliarles^s 

hands 301 

Scottish Commissioners in England 302 

Strafford sets out for L^land 303 

The Irish Parliament 304 

The English Elections 306 

Opening of the Short Parliament 307 

The letter to the French King produced . . . . 308 

Grimston's speech 309 

Feeling against Laud in the House of Lords . . . . 310 

Pym's speech , 311 

Pym accepted as leader 317 

The three estates of the realm . . . . . .318 

The Houses summoned to Whitehall 319 

Strafford advises an appeal to the Lords .... 320 

The Lords support the King 321 

The Commons complain of the breach of privilege . .322 

The Lords maintain their position 323 

The King demands an immediate grant . . . •324 

Debate in the Commons 325 

Twelve subsidies demanded 326 

Ship-money and the military charges challenged . . . 327 

Vane's intervention 328 

Proposed petition against war with Scotland . . . . 329 

The Council votes for a dissolution 330 

Dissolution of the Short Parliament . . . . . 331 

Strafford's view of the situation 332 

Discussion in the Committee of Eight 333 

Strafford argues for an aggressive war .... 334 

Proposes to make use of tlie Irish army 336 

English feeling on the subject 340 

Unpopularity of Strafford 341 



1640 Imprisonment of members of Parliament .... 344 

Efforts made to obtain money 345 

Spanish Ambassadors arrive to negotiate an alliance . . 346 

Strafford asks for a loan from Spain . . ... 347 

Riots at Lambeth 348 

The Queen's intrigue with Rome 35a 

Concessions made ' 351 

Proposed negotiation with Scotland 352 

Financial difficulties 353 



Strafford's convenatiozi with Bristol 3S4 

Strafford's illness 35 S 

The war with Scotland persisted in 3S7 

Thelastcaseof judicial torture 358 

Convocation continues sitting 359 

It grants six subsidies and passes new Canons . 360 

Doctrine of the Canons on the Divine Right of Kings . . 362 

Laud on taxation 363 

The Etcetera Oath 364 

The convention of Estates at Edinburgh .... 366 
Kesistance to the King's order for the prorogation of the 

Scottish Parliament 367 

His deposition canvassed 368 

Session of Parliament 369 

Condition of the English army 371 

Failure of the attempt to collect ship-money in the City . 372 

The Second Session of the Irish Parliament . . . 374 

Opposition to the Government in it 375 

Financial difficulties in England 376 

Dissatisfaction of the soldiers 377 

Distrust of Catholic officers 379 

Murder of Lieutenant Mohun 380 

Cases of Chambers and Parget^r 381 

Proposed issue of Commissions of Array . . . .382 

Execution of a mutineer by martial law . . . • • 383 

Newcaatie left unfortified 384 

Astle/s report on the army 385 

Monro and Argyle in the Highlands 386 

Argyle'sraid 387 

Burning of the House of Airlie 388 

Resistance at an end in Scotland 389 



1640 Loudoun's mission 390 

Fresh schemes for raising money 391 

Proposal to seize the bullion in the Tower and to debase the 

coinage 392 

Mutinies in the army 394 

The City refuses to lend money 396 

Fresh efforts to obtain a loan Arom Spain .... 397 

• Proposal to bring in Danish soldiers 398 

Attacks on the Communion rails 399 



The Yorkshire petition 399 

The City again refuses to lend 400 

Communications between the English leaders and the Scots 401 

Sayile*8 forgery 402 

TheboudofOambemauld 404 

Vacillation at Court 406 

Strafford and the Irish army 407 

The Spanish loan again 408 

State of the forces in the North 409 

Scottish manifestoes 410 

The King resolves to go to York 411 

Tlie Scots cross the Tweed 413 

Money raised upon pepper 414 

Preparations for resistance 415 

Strafford appeals to the Yorkshire gentry . . . .416 

Conway and Astley at Newcastle 417 

The Rout at Newbum 419 

Newcastle occupied by the Scots 420 

The Scot« advance to the Tees 42 1 

Conference of the leaders of the Opposition . . . . 422 

The Peers demand a Parliament 423 

A Great Council proposed 424 

The Qreat Council summoned 426 

Strafford's view of the situation 430 

Public feeling in London 43 1 

The King is reluctant to call a Parliament . . . . 432 

Fall of the strong places in Scotland 433 

Opening of the Qreat Council 434 

The Peers give their security for a loan , . . .435 

Negotiations begin at Ripon 436 

Savile confesses his forgery 437 

Distiirbances in London 438 

The progress of the negotiation 439 

Strafford proposes to drive the Scots from Ulster . . . 440 

The treaty of Ripon 441 

The City loan 442 

Last meeting of the Great Council 443 

The King's expectation of a happy Parliament . . . 444 


The Borders from Berwick to Kelso 224 

The Tvne from Newcastle to Newbum 417 


Page 88, line 14, for •* Wisbech " read *' Wisbeach." 
t, 192, „ 7,./br " Andthe"r<;a(i"The." 
„ 225, „ 17, /or "his proclamation" r«ii"the proclamation which he 

had issued in April." 
„ 225. note 2, for " 171 " read " 177." 
„ 228, line 5, for " Mastership in Chancery " rc€ul " Mastership of the 

„ 249, „ 1 7, /or " Damfermline*'r<?a<i "Dunfermline." 
„ 284, „ 18, /or •' Councillor's " read " Councilloru'." 
286, „ 5 from bottom, /or " Officials'" read Official's." 
307, „ 18, c^fter '• Parliament " insert " Loudoun was soon removed to 

stricter confinement in the Tower." 
»» 307> footnote 2, /or *' Avenal " read " Avenel." 
„ 319, line 19, for •* fresh " read " Irish." 
»» 344. ». i9ffor " Earle" read " Erie." 
.. 399. ., 2 of note, for " Ulfield " read '• Ulfeld." 
». 399. .. 8 of note, for '• Fredericia " read ** Fridoricia." 






In the summer of 1637 more than eight years had c^p. 
passed away since a Parliament had met at West- ' — « — ' 
minster. During those years, in spite of threats of The ramit 
war which Charles had neither the nerve nor the ^2f ^ 
means to carry out, peace had been maintained, and ^"^'* 
with the maintenance of peace the material pros- 
perity of the country had been largely on the 
increase. But the higher aspirations of the nation 
remained unsatisfied. England had been without a 
government, in the best sense of the word, as truly as 
she had been without a Parliament. That pacification 
of hostile ecclesiastical parties which Charles had 
undertaken to bring about was further ofl* than when 
the doors closed upon the Commons after the last 
stormy meeting in 1629. The attempt to restore EodeiiMti- 
harmony to the Church by silencing Puritan doc- ties, 
trine, and by the revival of obsolete ceremonies, 
had only served to embitter still more that spirit of 
opposition which was bitter enough already. The 
enforced observance of rites enjoined by external 
authority had not as yet produced a temper of 
acquiescence. Yet it was in the firm belief that in 

VOL. I. B 



CHAP, this way alone could the spiritual welfare of the 

^ — ^ — ' nation be promoted, that men like Laud and Wren 

were labouring against the stream which threatened 

Wren's to swccp them away. " The Fountain of holiness," 

point at' wrote Wren, who as Bishop of Norwich found him- 

*• self in charge of one of the most Puritan districts in 

England, " is the Holy Spirit, God blessed for ever. 

God the Holy Ghost breathes not but in his Holy 

Catholic Church. The Holy Church subsists not 

without the Communion of Saints — no communion 

with them without union among ourselves — that 

union impossible unless we preserve a uniformity for 

doctrine and a uniformity for discipline." ^ 

Unity to b« What Laud and Wren were unable to perceive 

SJSS^ was that their attempt to reach unity through uni- 

unifonnity. fQi.nii(;y ^^s a sigu of wcakucss. They seized upon 

the bodies of men because they were unable to reach 

their hearts. Yet, as far as could be judged by the 

avowed ecclesiastical literature of the day, they were 

EcdesUati- everywhere triumphant. Wliite and Dow, Heylyn and 

ti^**^ Shelford, poured forth quarto after quarto in defence 

> Wren to (P), May 27. Tanner M88, Ixviii. fol. 92. The 

following paflsage from the sftme letter shows how Wren was prepared 
to carry out his principles in detail: — ^Here I must be bold to say 
plainly the breach of that unity and uniformity in the Church hath prin- 
cipally heen caused .... by lectures and lecturers. . . . Now, therefore, 
for the advandng the holy discipline of the Church, and for preserving 
uniformity therein, I am resolved to let no man preach in any place 
where he is not also charged with the cure ; thereby to put a straiter 
tie upon him to observe and justify the rites and ceremonies which the 
Church enjoineth ; and I shall be very careful, if any man be found oppo- 
site or n^ligent in the one, without any more ado to render him unfit 
and unworthy of the other. For the preserving of unity of doctrine I 
dare promise myself nothing where the preacher shall be forced to suit 
his business to the fancy of his auditors, and to say nothing but what 
pleases them, at leastwise nothing that may displease them ; and this 
needs he must do if his means have not some competency in it, and if a 
competency, then so much the worse if no certainty, but wholly depend- 
i^ on the will and pleasure of the hearers.'' 


of the festive character of the Lord's Day, or of the 
new position assigned to the Communion table. No 
writer who thought it sinful to shoot at the butts on ' 
Sunday or to kneel at the reception of the Communion 
was permitted to make himself heard. As might 
have been expected, indignation found a way. There The un- 
were presses in Holland which would print anything p^ 
sent to them ; presses too in London itself which did 
their work in secret. The risk to which the authors 
of unhcensed books were exposed imparted acrimony 
to their style. Many a pamphlet, sharp and stinging, 
passed rapidly and sefcretly from hand to hand. Laud 
found himself the object of fierce and angry vitupe- 
ration. No misstatement was too gross, no charge 
too insulting, to be believed against a man who refused 
to his adversaries all chance of speaking in their own 

Laud knew no other course than to persist in the Landw- 
path which he had hitherto followed. The terrors of rap^sMit. 
the Star Chamber and the High Commission must be 
evoked against the misleaders of opinion. Three 
pamphleteers — ^WiUiam Prynne, Henry Burton, and 
John Bastwick — were selected for punishment. 

Prynne's style of writing had not grown less 1636. 
bitter since his exposure in the pillory in 1634. dS^^ 
Under the title of A Divine Tragedy lately acted he ^^*^' 
clandestinely printed a collection of examples of God's 
judgments upon Sabbath-breakers. He told of the 
sudden deaths of young, men who had on that day 
amused themselves by ringing a peal of bells, and of 
young women who had enjoyed a dance on the same 
day. He went on to argue that this wickedness was but 
the natural fruit of the King's Declaration of Sports, 
and of other books which had been published by au- 
thority. He attributed a fresh outbreak of the 

B 2 


CHAP, plague to the special sin of Sabbath-breaking. In 
-—^ — ' another pamphlet, called News from Ipswich^ he 
Neicifi^ directed a violent attack upon Bishop Wren, after 
iptwieh. which he proceeded to charge the Bishops as a body 
with suppressing preaching in order to pave the way 
for the introduction of Popery. He called upon 
' pious King Charles ' to do justice on tlie whole 
episcopal order by which he had been robbed of the 
love of God and of his people, and which aimed at 
plucking the crown from his head, that they might 
' set it on their own ambitious pates.' 
Bnrton'8 Burtou was as outspoken as Prynne. On No- 

GodJid^^ vember 5, 1636, he preached two sermons which he 
"^* afterwards published under the title of For God and 
the King. In these he attacked the tables turned into 
altars, the crucifixes set up, and the bowing towards 
the East, with a fierce relentlessness which was certain 
to tell on the popular mind. The inference which 
would be widely drawn was that these innovations 
being the work of the Bishops, the sooner their office 
was abolished the better it would be for the nation. 
Bwtwick'a The inference at which Burton arrived was the 

euly life. . 

startmg-pomt of Bastwick. Born in Essex, and 

brought up, like so many Essex men, in the straitest 

principles of Puritanism, he had, after a short sojourn 

at Emmanuel College, the stronghold of Puritanism 

at Cambridge, left England to serve as a soldier, 

probably in the Dutch army.^ He afterwards studied 

medicine at Padua, and returned home in 1623 to 

practise his profession at Colchester. 

16^3. Ten years later he pubUshed his Flagellum Pon- 

gtUumPw^ tijicis iu Holland. It was an argument in favour of 

' Presbyterianism. He was, in consequence, brought 

^ This is nowhere stated ; but his constant use of the wordj^ groll ^ as 
a term of reproach indicates familiarity with the Dutch language. 


before the High Commission and sentenced to a fine chap. 
of i,cxx)/., to exclusion from the practice of medicine, 

and to an imprisonment which was to last till he saw ^^^ 
fit to retract his opinions.^ Ti»e 

-'- . , aentenoe by 

The Flagellum Pontijicis was a staid production, ^ Hij^h 
unlikely to inflame the minds even of those who were ^on. 
able to read the Latin in which it was couched. 
Bastwick's next book was the Apologeticus^ more fiery 1635. 
in its tone, but still shrouding its vehemence in Latin g^iaJr^ 
from the popular eye.^ At last he flung ofl* all 
restraint and struck fiercely at his persecutors. The ^ »J?7- 

T' fl T 1 Tk 'IT .11 TheZritonf. 

Litany of John Bastimck kept no quarter with the 
Bishops. " From plague, pestilence, and famine," he 
prayed, " from bishops, priests, and deacons, good 
Lord, deliver us ! " The Prelates, he said, were the 
enemies of God and the King. They were the tail of 
the Beast. They had opened *the very schools to 
ungodliness and unrighteousness, impiety and all 
manner of licentiousness.' The Church was * as full of 
ceremonies as a dog is full of fleas.' " To speak the 
truth, such a multitude of trumperies and grollish^ 
ceremonies are brought in by the Prelates as all the 
substance of religion is thrust out." Churchwardens 
were ordered to inform 'about capping, ducking, 
standing, and kneeling,' as well as to accuse persons 
wandering from their own parishes in search of more 
palatable doctrine than was to be found at home, and 
persons who met in private for mutual edification and 
prayer. Li Bastwick's eyes the Ecclesiastical Courts 
were altogether abominable. '* I shall ever be of this 
opinion," he wrote, " that there is never a one of the 
Prelates' Courts but the wickedness of that alone and 

' Sentence, Feb. 12, 1635. 8, P. Dom. cclxi. 178. 

* Its first title is Yrpd^ccr r&v iirurKoirwp, 

* Dutch, ' grollig/ fooEsh. 


CHAP, their vassals in it is able to bring a continual and 
^~^ — • perpetual plague upon the King's three dominions." 
AU manner of wickedness was there vendible, so that 
if men would but open their purses * remission of sins 
and absolution, with a free immunity from all dangers/ 
would be * with facihty granted them.' ** Take 
notice," he wrote in conclusion, " so far am I from 
flying or fearing, as I resolve to make war against the 
Beast, and every Umb of Antichrist, all the days of my 
hfe. ... K I die in that battle, so much the sooner I' 
shall be sent in a chariot of triumph to heaven ; and 
when I come there, I will, with those that are under 
the altar, cry, ' How long. Lord, holy and true, dost 
Thou not judge and avenge our blood upon them 
that dwell upon the earth ? ' " 
June 14. On June 1 4 the three assailants of the Bishops 

Chamber appeared before the Star Chamber to answer to a 
charge of Ubel. Even men who were attached to the 
existing system of government long remembered with 
bitterness the scene which followed. When Prynne 
took his place at the bar. Finch called upon the usher 
of the Court to hold back the locks with which he 
had done his best to cover the scars left by the 
execution of his former sentence. " I had thought," 
said the Chief Justice with a sneer, " Mr. Prynne had 
no ears, but methinks he hath ears." The execu- 
tioner had dealt mercifully with him three years 
before, and there was still a possibility of carrjdng 
out the sentence which Finch had made up his mind 
to inflict. The three cases were practically unde- 
fended. Burton's answer had been signed by his 
counsel, but was rejected by the Court as irrelevant. 
The answers of the other two were so violent that no 
lawyer could be induced to sign them. The three 
accused persons said what they could, but in the place 



in which they stood nothing that they could say was ch a.p. 
likely to avail them. "There are some honourable ' — 7*^ — ' 
Lords in this Court," said Bastwick, his old military j^^^ ' 
instincts stirring strongly within him, " that have 
been forced out as combatants in a single duel.^ It 
is between the Prelates and us at this time as between 
two that have been appointed the field; the one, 
being a coward, goes to the magistrate, and by virtue 
of his authority disarms the other of his weapons, 
and gives him a bukush, and then challanges him to 
fight. • If this be not base cowardice, I know not 
what belongs to a soldier. This is the case between 
the Prelates and us ; they take away our weapons — 
our answers — by virtue of your authority, by which 
we should defend ourselves; and yet they bid us 
fight. My Lord, doth not this savour of a base, 
cowardly spirit ? I know, my Lord, there is a decree 
gone forth — for my sentence was passed long ago — 
to cut ofi* our ears." 

The sentence was indeed a forgone conclusion. At The 

, wntoioo* 

Cottington's motion the three accused men were con- 
demned to lose their ears, to be fined 5,000/. apiece, 
and to be imprisoned for the remainder of their lives 
in the castles of Carnarvon, Launceston, and Lan- 
caster, where, it was fondly hoped, no breath of 
Puritan sympathy would reach them more. Finch 
savagely added a wish that Prynne, as a seditious 
libeller, should be branded on the cheeks with the 
letters S L, and Finch's suggestion was unanimously 

The speech which Laud delivered in Court was Laud on 

T • • rr^i • 1 • ^^ defence^ 

long and argumentative.* The mam charge agamst 

^ The reference was to the Earl of Dorset^ whose duel, when he was 
Sir E. Sackvilei with Lord Bruce is well known. 
' A brief relation. Harl, Mite, iv. 12. 
* Laud to Wentworth, June 28. Workif vii. 355. 


Jime 14. 


CHAP, him was that the ceremonies which he had enforced 
were innovations on established usage. His answer 
was in effect that they were not innovations on the 
established law. On many points of detail he had far 
the better of the argument. The removal of the 
Communion table to the east end he treated as a 
mere matter of convenience, for the sake of decency 
and order ; and he quoted triumphantly an expres- 
sion of the Calvinistic Bishop Davenant, " *Tis ignor- 
ance to think that the standing of the holy table 
there relishes of Popery." His own practice of bow- 
ing he defended. " For my own part," he said, " I 
take myself bound to worship with body as well as 
soul whenever I come where God is worshipped ; and 
were this kingdom such as would allow no holy table 
standing in its proper place — and such places some 
there are — yet I would worship God when I came 
into His house." He flatly denied that he had com- 
pelled anyone to follow his example. " Yet," he said, 
" the Government is so moderate that no man is con- 
strained, no man questioned, only religiously called 
upon — * Come, let us worship.' " True perhaps in the 
letter, this defence was not true in spirit. Even 
if those cathedrals and chapels, where the statutes 
inculcated the practice of bowing upon entrance, 
had been left out of sight, there was an almost irre- 
sistible influence exercised in favour of the general 
observance of the custom. 
QoMtionor To the question of the King's jurisdiction in 
jttrisdio- ecclesiastical matters Laud answered with equal firm- 
ness. One of the charges brought against the Arch- 
bishop was that he was undermining the Royal 
authority by laying claim to a Divine right for his 
own order. On this point the speech was most em- 
phatic. " Though our oflice," Laud said, " be from 


God and Christ immediately, yet may we not exercise chap. 
that power, either of order or jurisdiction, but as 

God hath appointed us; that is not in his Majesty's or j^^^^* 
any Christian king's kingdoms, but by and under the 
power of the King given us so to do." So pleased 
was Charles with the language of the Archbishop 
that he ordered the immediate publication of his 
speech. He also referred to the Judges the question 
whether the Bishops had infringed on liis prerogative 
by issuing processes in their own names, and the Jniyi. 
Judges unanimously decided that they had not.^ 

Whatever the Judges might say they could not Jone ^ 
meet the rising feeling that the poWer of the Crown ©f the 
was being placed at the disposal of a single ecclesias- Sw s"w ^ 
tical party. Large numbers of Englishmen leapt to ^^'"*^'- 
the conclusion that the object of that party was the 
restoration of the Papal authority. The three years 
which had just gone by — the years of the metro- 
political visitation — had effected a great change in 
the temper of the nation. In 1634, as far as any 
evidence has reached us, Prynne had suffered un- 
cheered by any sign of sympathy. There was no 
lack of sympathy now. As he stepped forth, with 
Burton and Bastwick by his side, on his way to the 
place where the sentence of the Star Chamber was 
to be carried out, he found the path strewed with 
herbs and flowers. Bastwick was the first to mount 
the scaffold. He was quickly followed by his wife. 
She kissed him on his ears and mouth. The 
crowd set up an admiring shout. " Farewell, my 
dearest," said her husband as she turned to descend, 
" be of good comfort ; I am nothing dismayed." 

For two hours the three stood pilloried, con- 
versing freely with the bystanders. " The first occa- 

' RymeTf xx. 143, 156. 


CHAP gion of my trouble," said Bastwick, " was by the 
^^ — ' Prelates, for writing a book against the Pope, and 
Juneaow ^^^ Pope of Canterbury said I wrote against him, 
and therefore questioned me ; but if the presses were 
as open to us as formerly they have been, we should 
scatter his kingdom about his ears." Prynne charac- 
teristically employed his time in explaining that his 
sentence was not warranted by precedent. The real 
cause of his coming there, he said, was his refusal to 
acknowledge that the Prelates held their office by 
Divine right. He was ready to argue the question 
against all comers, and, if he did not make his point 
good, to be * hanged at the Hall Gate.' Once more 
the people shouted applaudingly. Burton followed, 
thanking God that He had enabled him thus to suffer. 
Even the rough men whose duty it was to super- 
intend the execution were melted to pity, and sought 
to alleviate his suffering by placing a stone to ease 
the weight of the pillory on his neck. His wife sent 
him a message that * she was more cheerful of ' that 
' day than of her wedding-day.' " Sir," called out a 
woman in the crowd, " every Christian is not worthy 
of the honour which the Lord hath cast on you this 
day." " Alas ! " repUed Burton, " who is worthy of 
the least mercy ? But it is His gracious favour and 
free gift to account us worthy in the behalf of Christ 
to suffer anything for His sake." ^ 

At last the time arrived for sharper suffering. 
" After two hours," wrote a collector of news, " the 
hangman began to cut off the ears of Mr. Burton, and 
at the cutting of each ear there was such a roaring as 
if every one of them had at the same instant lost an 
ear." Bastwick, making use of his surgical know- 
ledge, instructed the executioner how * to cut off his 

* Harl, Misc, iv. 19. 


ears quickly and very close, that he might come chap. 
there no more.' "The hangman," wrote one who *— 7'^^ — ' 
recorded the scene, "burnt Prynne in both the , 

«/ June 30. 

cheeks, and, as I hear, because he burnt one 
cheek with a letter the wrong way, he burnt that 
again ; presently a surgeon clapped on a plaster to 
take out the fire. The hangman hewed off Prynne's 
ears very scurvily, which put him to much pain ; arid 
after he stood long in the pillory before his head 
could be got out, but that was a chance." ^ Amongst 
the crowd not all were on Prynne's side. "The 
humours of the people were various ; some wept, 
some laughed, and some were very reserved." A story 
got about which, whether it were true or false, was 
certain to be eagerly credited, that * a Popish fellow 
told some of those which wept that, if so be they 
would turn Catholics, they need fear none of this 
punishment.' On his way back to prison Prynne 
composed a Latin distich, in which he interpreted the 
S L which he now bore indeUbly on his cheeks as 
Stigmata Laudis^ the Scars of Laud.^ 

Well might Laud come to the conclusion that his Land's db- 
purposes were hindered rather than furthered by tion.**^ 
such an exhibition. " What say you," he wrote to 
Wentworth, " that Prynne and his fellows should be 
suffered to talk what they pleased while they stood in 
the pillory ? " ® Even here his policy of the enforce- 
ment of silence had broken down. The very execu- 
tioners had turned against him. 

The manifestation of popular feeling round the Jniya/. 
scaffold was repeated when the prisoners were led out triumphant 
of London to their far-distant dungeons. Of Bast- p'"*^'®^ 

' Not ' a shame/ as printed by Mr. Bruce. 

* Rossingham's Newsletter, July 6. Documents relating to Prynne^ 
Camd. Soc, 86. 

' Laud to Wentworth, Aug. 28. Straf, Letters, ii. 99. 




Julj 27. 

July a8. 

of im- 

wick's journey, indeed, no account has reached us. 
Prynne, as he passed along the Northern Boad, was 
greeted with the loudest declarations of sympathy, 
which were at the same time declarations of hostility 
to Laud. At Barnet friendly hands prepared for him 
a dinner. At St. Albans six or seven of the towns- 
men joined him at supper with hospitable greeting. 
At Coventry he was visited by one of the aldermen. 
At Chester he became an object of interest to the 
townsmen. When Burton left London by the Western 
Boad, crowds joined in shouting * God bless you ! ' as 
he passed with his gaolers.^ 

The conditions under which the three were im- 
prisoned were hard enough. The use of pen and ink 
was strictly prohibited. No book was allowed to 
enter the cells of the prisoners except ' the Bible, the 
Book of Common Prayer, and such other canonical 
books as were consonant to the rehgion professed in 
the Church of England.' Anxious as the Privy 
Council was for the orthodoxy of the prisoners, it was 
still more anxious that no voice of theirs should again 
be heard to lead astray the silly sheep who were 
unable to distinguish between the false shepherds and 
the true. Launceston and Carnarvon and Lancaster 
were far enough removed from the centres of popula- 
tion, but the keepers reported that they were unable 
to make adequate provision for the isolation of their 
charges from the outer world. Fresh orders were 
therefore issued to transfer the prisoners to still more 
inaccessible strongholds, where their persuasive 
tongues might find no echo. Bastwick was to be 
immured in a fort in the Scilly Isles. Burton was to 
be confined in Cornet Castle in Guernsey, Prynne in 

' Examinations of Maynard and Ingram, Sept. 22. S, P. Dom, 
ecclxyiii. 14. 


Mont Orgueil in Jersey. The object of the Council 
was not that they should be separated from the world, 
but that the world should be separated from them. 
Burton and Bastwick were married men ; and strict 
orders were given that their wives should not be 
allowed to land in the islands in which the prisoners 
were detained, lest they should ' be evil instruments 
to scatter abroad their dangerous opinions and de- 
signs.' ^ 

The three men, victims to Laud's terror rather 
than to his hatred, were thus doomed, to all appear- 
ance, to a life-long seclusion from mankind. Other 
voices took up their tale. Libels picked up in the Libels 
streets charged the Archbishop with being the cap- rSuSr 
tain of the army of the Devil in his war against the 
saints. A copy of the Star Chamber decree was 
nailed to a board. Its corners were cut off as the 
ears of Laud's victims had been cut off at Westminster. 
A broad ink-mark was drawn round his own name. 
An inscription declared that " The man that puts the 
saints of God into a pillory of wood stands here in a 
pillory of ink." ^ 

Laud could but press on to the end in the path stricter 
on which he had entered. The silence requisite for SSSiS. 
the success of his scheme must be enforced still more 
strictly. There must be no weak concession, no idle 
folding of the hands whilst the enemy was on the 
alert. The policy of 'Thorough' must take its 
course. As far as statute law was concerned, the 
English press was as free in the reign of Charles as it 
is in the reign of Victoria. It was muzzled by a 
decree of the Star Chamber, issued at the time when 
the throne of Elizabeth was assailed by bitter and 

' Documents relating to IVynne, Camd. Soo. 62-69. 
' Laud to Wentworth, Aug. ? Works^ viL 364. 


CHAP, unscrupulous attacks. That decree was now rein- 
forced by another still more sharp. The number of 

16^*7 . • 

jj'' printers authorised to carry on their trade in London 

star Cham- was to be Tcduccd to twcuty. Even books formerly 
on'thf^ licensed were not to be republished without a fresh 
^"^ examination. Any man not of the number of the 
privileged twenty who ventured to print a book was 
' to be set in the pillory and whipped through the 
City of London.' ^ 
ciindeatina The appetite for unlicensed literature was too 
SoM.^*" strong to be thus baulked. Clandestine presses con- 
tinued to pour forth pamphlets to be read by ad- 
miring and increasing crowds. Laud's attempt to 
silence his accusers only added fresh zest to the 
banquet of libel and invective. The decorous tones 
which issued from the licensed press to bewail the 
folly and ignorance of the times convinced none who 
were not convinced already. 
Land and Under uo circumstauccs was this system of re- 

tiw Catho- pj.ggg][Q,j likely to take permanent root in England. 

To have given it even a temporary chance of success 
it must have been apphed fairly on the right hand as 
well as on the left. The Cathohc must suffer as well 
as the Puritan. 

So much Laud clearly saw. He knew full well 
that the charge brought against him of complicity 
with the Church of Rome was entirely false ; and as 
he could not prove his Protestantism by tenderness to 
the Puritans, the only way open to him to convince 
the world that he was not a secret emissary of the 
Pope was to persecute the members of the Papal 
Church. For some time, therefore, he had been 
pleading earnestly with the Council to take steps to 

^ Hushw, ii. 450. App. 306. Lambe 8 List of Printers^ July. S, P. 
J)am. ccclxiv. zii. 


limit the freedom of action recently enjoyed by the chap. 
Catholics. ' — 7- — ' 

One invincible stumbUng-block stood in Laud's 
way. For no persistent course of policy was Charles's Chtries 
support to be relied on. With no imaginative insight Puritanat 
into the condition of the world around him, he did not 
share in Laud's prognostications of evil. Puritanism 
was not to him a wolf held by the ears, but simply a 
troublesome and factious spirit which needed to be 
kept down by sharp discipline, but which was not 
likely to be really formidable. His fear of danger ChMxim 
from the CathoUcs was even less than his fear of CaUioii«. 
danger from the Puritans. To him they were merely 
well-disposed, gentlemanly persons with improper 
notions about some religious doctrines, and more 
especially with some theoretical objections to the 
Eoyal supremacy, which were not very likely to in- 
fluence their practice. It never entered his head that 
familiarity with such pleasant companions was the 
most dangerous course which he could possibly 

The King's friendly intercourse with Panzani had Coo in 
been continued with Con, the Scotchman who suc- 
ceeded him as Papal Agent at the Queen's Court. 
Con dropped the subject of the reunion of the 
Churches, which had now served its purpose ; and if 
the negotiation for a modification of the oath of alle- 
giance was still occasionally heard of, it was more for 
the sake of appearance than from any expectation 
that it would be really possible to come to an under- 
standing with the King on this subject. Charles was 
quite satisfied to find in Con a well-informed and 
respectful man, ready to discuss politics or theology 
without acrimony by the hour, and to flatter him 
with assurances of the loyalty of his Catholic subjects, 





Court - 


and the 

without forgetting to point to the sad contrast exhi- 
bited by the stiff-necked and contemptuous Puritan. 

There were quarters in which ordinary Puritanism 
met with but little sympathy where offence was 
given by this unwise familiarity. At the festival of 
the Knights of the Garter the briUiant assembly was 
kept waiting for the commencement of the service in 
the Royal Chapel till the King had finished exhibiting 
his pictures to the representative of the Pope. On 
another occasion, when the Court was assembled to 
witness the leave-taking of the French Ambassador, 
Seneterre, the Privy Councillors occupied their 
accustomed positions at the King's right hand, Laud, 
in virtue of his Archbishopric, standing next to the 
throne. The Queen was on Charles's left, and next 
to her was Con. " Now," said a lady of the Court 
to the Scottish priest, " there is only a step between 
the Archbishop and you. Shake hands and agree to- 
gether." " Our Lord," answered Con significantly, 
" stands with his arms open to receive all men into 
the bosom of the Holy Church." ^ 

Panzani had striven in vain to win Charles to 
more than well-bred friendliness. Con turned his 
attention to the Queen. It had never hitherto been 
possible to rouse her to more than spasmodic efforts 
even on behalf of the Catholics. Averse to sustained 
exertion, and intervening only from some personal 
interest or momentary pique, she had contented her- 
self with the consciousness that the persecution under 
which the Catholics suffered had been gradually 
relaxed. Con wished to make her an active agent in 
the propagation of the faith, and he was seconded by 
Walter Montague, who had been recently allowed to 
return to England, though he was received more 

> Oon to Barberini, ^^i ^^7 if ^^- ^^^' ^S>390, fol. 246,346. 




warmly at Somerset House than at Whitehall. Be- chap. 
tween them they succeeded in securing the support 
of the Queen for that work of individual proselytism 
which was to supersede Panzani's fantastic scheme 
for the absorption of the Church of England. It is 
true that in the actual work of gaining converts 
Henrietta Maria took but little part ; but she showed 
a warm interest in the process, and she prided herself 
in protecting the converts made by others. It was her 
part to win from her fond husband, by arguments, by 
prayers, if need be by tears, their release from the 
consequences of a too open violation of the harsh laws 
which still held their place on the Statute Book, and 
which were supported by a widely diffused pubUc 
opinion. At one time she was closeted every morning 
with Con in eager consultation over the best means of 
swaying Charles's mind in favour of the Catholics. 

The protection of the Queen was invaluable to mw. 
Con. For active energy he looked elsewhere. The amverta. 
soul of the proselytising movement was Mrs. Porter, 
the wife of that Endymion Porter who had been 
employed in so many secret missions by James and 
Charles. By her mother she was a niece of Buck- 
ingham, and she had inherited the quick decision and 
the prompt impetuosity of the splendid favourite. 
One day she heard that her father. Lord Boteler, was Umrchi 
seriously ill. At once she drove down to his country ler. 
seat, hurried the old man into her coach, and carried 
him up to London. She then brought the priests 
around him, and was able, before he died, to boast of 
him as a convert. Her triumph was the greater be- 
cause her Protestant sister. Lady Newport, had also 
driven off to secure the sick man, and had arrived 
at his house too late, 

» Con to Barberini, ?^|?. Add. M8S. 15,390, fol. 213. 
VOL. I. C 





Lady New- 

The next object of Mrs. Porter's attack was the 
Marchioness of Hamilton, another of Buckingham's 
nieces. Her bright beauty had not long since been the 
theme of admiring tongues, which had celebrated her 
gentleness of heart as equal to the attractions of her 
person. She was now fading away under that wast- 
ing disease which carried her off a few months later. 
In this condition she was peculiarly susceptible to 
religious impressions, and she was plied with contro- 
versial books till she was almost ready to surrender. 
Her father, Lord Denbigh, * a Puritan ass,' as Con 
contemptuously called him, summoned the Bishop of 
Carlisle to his assistance. The old argument that 
iihere was no safety in the next world for those who 
died outside the pale of the Roman Church was 
plentifully used. The Bishop replied that if the lady 
remained a Protestant he would be ready to pledge 
his soul for her salvation.^ " It will profit you little, 
my sister," sneered Mrs. Porter, " that this old man's 
soul should keep company with yours in the Devil's 
house." Lady Hamilton's conversion, however, was 
never openly avowed, either because, as Mrs. Porter 
fancied, she shrank from giving pain to her relations, 
or because, as is more probable, the influences of her 
old faith were still living in her heart, and made 
themselves heard as soon as she was removed 
from the overpowering presence of her impetuous 

Other converts, ladies for the most part, followed 
in no inconsiderable numbers. At last the world 
was startled by the news that even Lady Newport 
had announced herself a Catholic. In an unguarded 
moment she had undertaken the part of a champion 

^ ' Che mettedk la sua anima per quella di lei.' 

* Oon to Barberini, Oct. g. Add. MSS, 15,390^ fol. 453. 


of Protestantism, for which neither her temperament 
nor her knowledge fitted her. Once engaged in 
argument with the priests, she was beaten from point 
to point till she laid down her arms. Her husband, 
the eldest son of the adulterous union between the 
Earl of Devonshire and Lady Eich, and thus the 
half-brother of Warwick and Holland, was high in 
Charles's favour. As Master of the Ordnance he 
held an important post in the service of the State. 
A Protestant by position and from a sense of honour 
rather than from a closely reasoned conviction, he 
felt his wife's change of religion as a slur upon 
his own good name. Hurrying to Lambeth, he Lord 
adjured Laud to punish the instruments of his mis- appeSLto 
fortune. Together with Con he named Walter Mon- 
tague and Sir Toby Matthew, though it would seem 
that the two latter had had no part in the afiair. 
Laud was eager enough to do as Newport wished. 
On the next Council day he spoke his mind freely on oct. aa. 
the unusual favours accorded to the Catholics, and spMch at 
begged the King to forbid Montague's access to Court, •^^^'^^^ 
and to allow proceedings to be taken against him in 
the High Commission. He knew well that he would 
himself be held accountable for these defections 
from the EngUsh Church. This time it seemed as 
if he would have his way. Charles expressed his 
displeasure at what had occurred, and declared his 
intention of providing a remedy. But Laud had 
counted without the Queen. Con had urged her to con applies 
stand up stoutly for her reUgion. When once Hen- q^^^ 
rietta Maria was really interested in a cause, difficulty 
and danger only produced on her an exhilarating 
effect. The language held by Laud in the Council 
was reported to her almost immediately. La the 
evening, when the King visited her in her apart- 




ments, she spoke her mind freely to him of the inso- 
lence of the Archbishop. Charles could not make 
up his mind to fly in his wife's face. " I doubt not," 
wrote Laud to Wentworth, after recounting what had 
taken place, " but I have enemies enough to make 
use of this. But, howsoever, I must bear it, and get 
out of the briars as I can. Indeed, my Lord, I have 
a very hard task, and God, I beseech Him, make 
me good corn, for I am between two great factions, 
very Uke corn between two mill-stones." ^ 
Land's »p- Li his distress Laud appealed to the King. 
King. Charles recommended him to seek out the Queen. 
"You will find my wife reasonable," he said. He 
did not see that his wife had made herself the centre 
of the opposition of which Laud complained. The 
Archbishop repUed by proposing in full Council that 
her chapel at Somerset House, as well as the chapels 
of the Ambassadors, should be closed against the 
entrance of English subjects. His proposal received 
warm support, and orders were given for the pre- 
paration of a proclamation against the CathoUcs. 
S«Bi* ^^ ^^^ warned of what had happened by his 

dispieMojre. fneuds in the Council, and the Queen was warned by 
Con. Henrietta Maria took up the quarrel so warmly 
that Con besought her to moderate her excitement. 
She felt that in defending the liberty of her chapel 
she was warding off insult from herself. 
Th^^itened Charles tried to effect a compromise with his wife, 
prodama- He would Icavc Somerset House alone ; but he in- 
iMick by sisted that something must be done with the chapels 
Queen. of the Ambassadors. Onate, the Spanish Ambassa- 
dor, who since his arrival in England had been 

* Con to Barberini, Oct. |§. Add. MiSS, 15,390, fol. 461. Laud's 
Diary, Oct. 22. Laud to Wentworth, Nov. i. WorkSf iii. 229, vii. 
378. Garrard to Wentworth, Nov. 9. Straf. Letters, ii. 128. 



making himself as disagreeable as he possibly could, chap. 
had lately given offence by announcing that he would 
build a larger chapel than the Queen herself could 
boast of. A proclamation therefore there must be. 
But Charles did his best to explain it away. " This 
sort of thing," he assured Con, " is done every year. 
No one would say a word against it if you would let 
my wife alone." Con had no intention of letting her 
alone. Her new position of protectress of her 
Church in England flattered her vanity. Her chapel 
was thronged with worshippers. The Holy Sacra- 
ment was on the altar till noon, to satisfy the devotion 
of the multitude of communicants. On festivals nine 
masses were celebrated in the course of the morning. 
The Queen strove hard to induce the King to refrain 
from issuing any proclamation at all. It was a 
struggle for influence between her and Laud, and she 
threw herself into it with all the energy of which 
she was capable. To his astonishment. Con found 
himself growing in favour even with men who were 
known as Puritans, as soon as he measured his 
strength with the man whom they most abhorred. 
He at least, they said, professed his belief openly, 
which was more than could be said of Laud.^ 

All through the month of November the struggle Dec. 
lasted. It was not till December that Con learnt that 
orders had been secretly given for the issue of the 
proclamation. He again begged Charles to withdraw 
it, and Charles answered that it was merely directed 
against the scandal given by indiscreet CathoUcs. 
" With your good leave," he said, " I wish to show 
that I am of the religion which I profess. . . . Every- 
one ought to know that the quiet which the Catholics 
enjoy is derived from my clemency. It is necessary 

* Oon to Barbermi, Nov, y\, J§. Add, M8S, 15,390, fol. 469, 476. 


CHAP, to remind them that they live in England, not in 

^—^ — ' Borne." Con tried to irritate him against Laud. He 

i^* replied that he was following the advice of the whole 

Council, not that of Laud alone. The proclamation, 

he added, would be moderate enough. In fact, as 

Con afterwards learnt, Charles had promised his wife 

to omit anything to which she might take exception. 

So complete was the Queen's triumph that she even 

consented to admit Laud to her presence, and to 

extend to him some qualified tokens of her favour.^ 

i^^'f\ Thus manipulated, the proclamation was at last 

prociama- issucd ou December 20. In its final shape it could 


hardly give offence to anyone. Even Con described 
it as * so mild as to seem rather a paternal admoni- 
tion to the Catholics than a menace.* The Puritans, 
he added, were of the same opinion. In fact, it con- 
tained nothing more than a tlireat that those who 
persisted in withdrawing his Majesty's subjects from 
the Church of England would do so * under pain of 
the several punishments ' provided by the law, and 
that all who gave scandal by the celebration of masses 
would be punished according to their offence. No 
definition was given of the amount of notoriety which 
was to constitute scandal.*^ 

Gentle as the admonition was, Henrietta Maria could 
i>ec. 25. not resist the temptation to treat it with contempt. On 

The mass . 

at the Christmas Day, by her special orders. Lady Newport 
chapel. and the other recent converts were marshalled to re- 
ceive the Communion in a body at Somerset House. As 
soon as the Queen returned to her apartments she called 
Con to her side. " You have now seen," she said to him 
triumphantly, "what has come of the proclamation."® 

' Con to Barberini, Dec. jg. Iht'd. fol. 498. Lauds Diary, Dec. 12. 
Worbtf iii. 230. * Proclamation, Dec. 20. Ri/mer, xx. 180. 

» Con to Barberini, ^^. Add, MSS. 15,391, fol. i. 


The Queen's open defiance of the proclamation chap. 
gave the tone to every priest in England. Never ^-r^^ — -* 
were masses more publicly celebrated in the Ambas- The procia- 
sadors' chapels, or with less concealment in the houses SJt."* ^ 
of the Catholic laity. " Before you came," said Lady j^s- 
Arundel to Con, " I would not for a million have 
entertained a priest at my table, and now you see 
how common a thing it is." The proclamation, in 
fact, had been merely wrung from Charles by Laud's 
insistence, supported by the special annoyance caused 
by the bravado of the Spanish Ambassador. He was 
too sure of his own position, too blind to the real 
dangers by which it was surrounded, to sympathise 
with Laud's perception of the risk which he would 
incur by holding the balance uneven between the 
Puritans and the CathoUcs. " The Archbishop," he 
said to Con, " is a very honest man, but he wants to 
have everything his own way." ^ 

There is no reason to regret that Laud did not in Amount or 
this case have his way. The danger from Some was 
less serious than it seemed. The bait held out by the 
Papal clergy appealed to the lower and more selfish 
side of human nature. Fantastic speculators Uke 
Sir Kenelm Digby, witty intriguers like Walter 
Montague, brought no real strength to the cause which 
they espoused ; whilst the gay Court ladies, whose Ufe 
had hitherto been passed in a round of amusement, 

^ Con to Barberini, June j\, July If, 1638. Ibid, fol. 164, 204. 
Laud*8 bewilderment at the charge brought against him of being secretly 
a Roman Catholic is well expressed by some words which he made use of 
nearly two years previously. '' Because," he said, ^* he strove to main- 
tain the old orders of the Church, the common people, who were enemies 
to all order and government, proclaimed him a Papist ; but (if he had 
been one) he had had reason enough — ^besides his ill-usage he had when 
he had no friend at Court but the King — to have left the Church and 
have gone beyond seas." Charles Lewis to Elizabeth, May 31, 1636. 
Fontter MSS,, in the South Kensington Museum. 


CHAP, were personaUy the better by submitting to a sterner 
— ^ — ' discipline than any which they had hitherto known. 
J ^ * The arguments by which they had been moved ap- 
pealed to motives too low to exercise any attractive 
force over the real leaders of the age, or to be other- 
wise than repulsive to the sense of honour which was 
the common property of Enghsh gentlemen. 
The Eari of Such a man, for instance, as William Cavendish, 
Earl of Newcastle, was entirely beyond the reach of 
Con. In the summer of 1638 he was selected by 
Charles to be tlie governor of his eldest son. " He 
was a fine gentleman," wrote Clarendon, who knew 
him well ; " active and full of courage, and most 
accomplished in those quahties of horsemanship, 
dancing, and fencing which accompany a good 
breeding, in which his deUght was. Besides that, he 
was amorous in poetry and music, to which he in- 
dulged the greatest part of his time. . . . He loved 
monarchy, as it was the foundation of his own great- 
ness ; and the Church, as it was constituted for the 
splendour and security of the Crown ; and reUgion, as 
it cherished and maintained that order and obedience 
that was necessary to both, without any other pas- 
sion for the particular opinions which were grown up 
in it and distinguished it into parties, than as he 
detested whatsoever was Uke to disturb the pubUc 
peace." ^ Con's report of Newcastle talUes almost 
exactly with that of the EngUsh historian. "In 
matters of rehgion," he wrote, '' the Earl is too in- 
different. He hates the Puritans, he laughs at the 
Protestants, and has httle confidence in the CathoUcs. 
In speaking with him, therefore, I have been obhged 
to touch upon first principles, and to bring him to the 
axiom that in things doubtful the safer part is to be 

^ Clarendon, yiii. 82. 


chosen." ^ It was to no purpose that the temptation chap. 
was held out to such a man as this. The careless, ' — ^—^ 
worldly temper of a Newcastle gave as little hold to 
Con as the higher virtue of nobler men. 

Enough was, however, done to alarm English EneUsh 
Protestants. The charge, indeed, which a later age abouuhe 
has to bring against Charles is not that he abstained Snver-*^ 
from persecuting the Catholics, but that he failed to "°°*' 
give fair play to the diverse elements of which the 
English Church was compounded. Catholic books 
passed from hand to hand. Puritanism was an object 
of derision to all who took their tone from Whitehall, 
and of stern repression in the Ecclesiastical Courts. 
Men who had no sympathy with Calvinistic dogma- 
tism were attracted by that stern morality which 
rebuked the solemn trifling which was the atmosphere 
of Charles's Court. 

To such a feeUng as this Milton at last gave ex- MUton's 
pression in that high satire which bursts forth, as 
if from some suddenly raised volcano, out of the 
smooth and graceful lamentations of the Lyddas. 
Nothing in Milton's past life gave warning of the in- 
tensity of his scorn. Nothing in the subject which 
he had chosen invited him to check the flow of his 
private grief that he might bewail the public sorrows 
of his time. Yet from these public sorrows he could 
not avert his gaze. As it had been with Dante, the 
poet of medieval Catholicism, so was it with the man 
who was training himself to be one day the poet of 
EngUsh Puritanism. The living interest in the joys 
and sorrows of the great world around him, even the 
mere official acquaintance with the dry details of 
public business, by which rulers attempt, if they rise 
at all to the height of their duty, to increase those 

» Con to Barlerini, Sept. jV Add. M8S. 15,391, fol. 235. 



CHAP, joys and to alleviate those sorrows, were to strengthen 
the Englishman as they strengthened the great Italian 
to seek for consolation in a serener and purer atmo- 
sphere than that in which the best and wisest of 
statesmen must be content to work. Milton had not 
as yet had any close insight into the difficulties of 
government. He saw the evil ; he could not descry 
the hindrances to good. Before the eye of his ima- 
gination rose the Apostle Peter, mournfully ad- 
dressing the dead Lycidas, lost too early to earthly 
service. The indignant poet cannot choose but to 
tell how * the pilot of the Galilean lake ' 

Shook his mitred locks, and stern bespake, 

'' How well would I have spared for thee, young man, 

Enow of such as for their bellies* sake 

Creep and intrude, and climb into the fold I 

Of other care they little reckoning make, 

Than how to scramble at the shearers' feast 

And shove away the worthy bidden guest. 

Blind mouths ! that scarce themselves know how to hold 

A sheep-hook, or have learnt aught else the least 

That to the faithful herdsman's art belongs, 

What recks it them P What need they P They are sped, 

And when they list their lean and flashy songs 

Grate on their scrannel pipes of wretched straw. 

The hung^ sheep look up and are not fed. 

But swoln with wind, and the rank mist they draw, 

Rot inwardly, and foul contagion spread. 

Besides what the grim wolf with privy paw 

Daily devours apace and nothing said.*' 

chaiiicter Miltou's indignation was not as the indignation of 

?ndigna^ Prjoine or Bastwick. He did not approach the Church 
^^ question from the ceremonial side. He did not as 

yet care to ask whether the Church ought to be 
Episcopalian or Presbyterian. There is still a touch 
of the poet of H Penseroso and of the Elegy on Bishop 
Andrewes in the * mitred locks ' of Peter. He is 
kindled to wrath by the moral results of Laud's 
discipline — results which he doubtless exaggerated, 


but which were certainly not entirely imaginary. He chap. 
saw that, whether Laud were consciously tending to- '— r^- — ' 
wards the Eoman Church or not, his superabundant 
care for the externals of religion was eating the heart 
out of English Protestantism. It invited the allegi- 
ance of men to whom nothing was easier than to 
assume a posture or to clothe themselves in a vest- 
ment. It repelled the allegiance of men who saw in 
that posture or that vestment a token of the sub- 
ordination to external forms of the spiritual life itself. 
Milton did more than denounce the system which 
he hated so thoroughly. He predicted its speedy 
overthrow. He announced that 

That two-handed engiDe at the door 

Stands ready to smite once and smite no more.^ 

The prophecy was doubtless intentionally left in 
vague and mysterious outline, but its general inten- 
tion was unmistakable. 

Milton's voice expressed the deepest feelings of 1638. 
the nation. Slowly and reluctantly the generation of Hutchin- 
serious Englishmen now advancing towards middle age *^"' 
was coming to the conclusion that the overthrow of 
the Laudian system was the one thing necessary for 

' It is impossible to be dogmatical on the precise meaning of the 
words, but the interpretation of its referring to the two Houses of Par- 
liament cannot be right. Not only was an impeaching Parliament out 
of the range of probability in 1637, but the engine was to be held by two 
hands, not to be two engines held by one. The idea of the axe laid to 
the root of the tree seems most natural. Professor Masson says {MUton^s 
Works, iii. 455) that the engine here ' is at the door of an edifice, not at 
the root of a tree/ Milton, however, may have meant to mingle the idea 
of smiting the system with the idea of smiting the persons who supported 
it. He may not have wished to be too definite, and the expression 'blind 
mouths ' shows that we must not look for rigid consistency. Perhaps, 
too, he was thinking in an indistinct way of the iron flail with which 
Talus stormed the castle of the Lady Munera, and wished to intensify the 
crushing nature of the] blow by turning the one-handed weapon of 
Spen>er into a two-handed engine. 


CHAP, the restoration of a healthy spiritual life. Tlie feeling 
^ — ^ — ' was all the stronger because all moral earnestness was 
' ^ ■ repelled by the loose follies of the Court. The growth 
of this feeUng may be traced in the career of John 
Hutchinson, whose character has been portrayed by 
his widow, under the mellowing light of wifely affec- 
tion. He was educated at Peter House, the college 
of Cosin and Crashaw, the college which, more than 
any other, attempted to exorcise the spirit of Puri- 
tanism. Yet he was able to boast that, after five 
years, he came away untainted with the principles or 
practices of the followers of Laud. On the other 
hand, he did not come away with any confirmed dis- 
like of the Church in which those principles and 
practices had taken root. He was * not yet enlight- 
ened to discern the spring of them in the rites and 
usages of the English Church.' His was the Puri- 
tanism of the poUshed and practical country gentle- 
man, versed from his youth up in the conduct of 
business, and accustomed to conduct it with a strict 
but not ungraceful moraUty, which left room for the 
ornaments and enjoyments of Ufe. At college 'he kept 
not company with any of the vain young persons, but 
with the graver men and those by whose conversation 
he might gain improvement. . . . For his exercise he 
practised tennis, and played admirably well at it ; for 
his diversion he chose music, and got a very good 
hand, which afterwards he improved to a very good 
mastery on the viol.' He danced and vaulted with 
grace and agiUty, studied eagerly, learning being 
regarded by him ' as a handmaid to devotion and as a 
great improver of natural reason.' His choice of the 
decorations of hfe was made under a sense of serious 
self-restraint. "In those things that were of mere 
pleasure he loved not to aim at that he could not 



attain ; he would rather wear clothes absolutely plain chap. 
than pretend to gallantry, and would rather choose 
to have none than mean jewels or pictures and such 
other things as were not of absolute necessity . . . His 
whole life was the rule of temperance in meat, drink, 
apparel, pleasure, and all those things that may be 
lawfully enjoyed, and herein his temperance was more 
excellent than in others, in whom it is not so much 
a virtue, but proceeds from want of appetite or gust 
of pleasure ; in him it was a true, wise, and religious 
government of the desire and delight he took in the 
things that he enjoyed. He had a certain activity of 
spirit which could never endure idleness either in 
himself or others, and that made him eager for the 
time he indulged it, as well in pleasure as in business ; 
indeed, though in youth he exercised innocent sports 
a little while, yet afterwards his business was his 
pleasure. But how intent soever he were in anything, 
how much soever it delighted him, he could freely 
and easily cast it away when God called him to some- 
thing else. He had as much modesty as could consist 
with a true virtuous assurance, and hated an im- 
pudent person. Neither in youth nor in riper age 
could the most fair or enticing women ever draw him 
into unnecessary familiarity or vain converse or dalli- 
ance with them, yet he despised nothing of the female 
sex but their follies and vanities ; wise and virtuous 
women he loved, and dehghted in all pure, holy, and 
unblamable conversation with them, but so as never 
to excite scandal or temptation. Scurrilous discourse 
even among men he abhorred ; and though he some- 
times took pleasure in wit and mirth, yet that which 
was mixed with impurity he never would endure. 
The heat of his youth a little incUned him to the 
passion of anger, and the goodness of his nature to 



CHAP, those of love and grief; but reason was never de- 
^- « -^ throned by them, but continued governor and mode- 
rator of his soul." 
Hntchin- Such was the character — for Hutchinson was but 

Sfthe'^^ a type of a large section of society — of the noblest 
rit^^"' ^^^^ ^^ EngUsh Puritans, of men who possessed their 
souls in patience, uttering no cry of scorn or anger. 
It was the steady and persistent refusal of these men 
to countenance the Court and its ways which made 
the opposition of such as Prynne and Bastwick really 
formidable, and which gave weight to the forlorn 
hopes which from time to time dashed themselves, 
apparently in vain, against the defences of the Govern- 
X637. Of such forlorn hopes there were enough and to 

Liiburn's Spare. Li the winter of 1637 it was the turn of 
. John Lilburn, a youth of twenty, who had just 
returned from Holland. A certain ChiUington, ac- 
cused of circulating Puritan books printed beyond the 
sea, saved himself by charging Lilburn with having 
them printed at Kotterdam. Lilburn was arrested and 
interrogated, but he absolutely denied that he had 
had anyhing to do with ChiUington's books. When 
asked questions on more general matters he refused to 
answer. No one, he said, had a right to make him 
criminate either himself or others. He was brought 
before the Star Chamber, and ordered to take the usual 
oath that he would answer truly to all questions that 
might be put to him. This he steadily refused to do. 
He came of a sturdy and self-willed race. His father 
was a Yorkshire gentleman, who was the last man in 
England to compel the unwilling judges to allow 
him to commit a lawsuit to the chances of trial by 
battle.^ Of this opinionativeness he had inherited 

^ The King, however, refused to allow the combat to proceed. The 
case in 1 81 8 did not proceed so far, as the dcmaDd was withdrawn. 



his full share. In the course of a stirring life he chap. 
was never in accord with any Government, and 
never missed an opportunity of making known to the 
world the grievances which he entertained against 
every Government. The claim which he now made 
went far beyond the doctrine ultimately accepted by 
English Courts that no man may be compelled to 
criminate himself. He refused to swear to answer 
truly to any questions of which he did not at the 
time of his oath know the import — a claim which, if 
admitted, would make it impossible to cross-examine 
any witness whatever. Like all the Courts, the Star 
Chamber was peculiarly sensitive to any attack upon 
its rules, and especially upon the system under which 
it had been for so many years in the habit of pro- 
curing evidence from unwilling witnesses. lilbum His sen- 
was accordingly sentenced to be whipped from the earned out. 
Fleet to Palace Yard, and then to be placed in the 
pillory. All along the Strand the lash descended on 
his back. Smarting with pain, he was placed in the 
pillory. In spite of his agony he exhorted the by- 
standers to resist the tyranny of the Bishops, and 
scattered amongst them a few copies of Bastwick's 
pamphlets which he had in his pockets. The Court 
of Star Chamber was in session hard by, and an 
angry order to gag him was issued at once. Another hu hank 
order directed the Warden of the Fleet to place him mwlu^ 
in irons on his return, and to keep him in soUtary 
confinement * where the basest and meanest sort of 
prisoners are used to be put,' to prohibit his friends 
from visiting him or supplying him with money. 
But for the persistent contrivance of his admirers 
Lilburn would have been starved to death. The 
Warden held • that it was no part of his duty to 
supply the prisoners with food. Those who had no 
money were accustomed to beg their food from the 





Laud too 



charitable who passed the door ; but Lilburn was 
debarred even from that wretched resource. The 
other prisoners, half-starved and ragged as they 
were, entered into a conspiracy in his favour. They 
shared their crusts and broken victuals with him, in 
spite of blows and kicks from the turnkeys. Some- 
times this precarious aid failed, and on one occasion 
the unfortunate man passed ten whole days without 
tasting food. Yet, broken in health as he could not 
fail to be, his indomitable spirit held up, and he sur- 
vived to unfold the horrors of his prison house to 
sympathising ears.^ 

It is the nature of a government like that of 
Laud to be too readily terrified to take advantage of 
the real strength of its position. Englishmen had 
not so changed since the days of Elizabeth as to be 
anxious to deUver themselves over to be manipulated 
by a Prynne or a Bastwick, or even by a Milton or a 
Hutchinson. There were many thousands who still 
regarded with reverent admiration the old Prayer 
Book, which they had learned to love as children. 
There were probably many more thousands who had 
no wish to see cakes and ale banished from life. 
The most popular verse-writer of the day was George 
Wither, and Wither was neither a Laudian nor a 
Puritan. Endowed with considerable poetic gifts, he 
had unfortunately mistaken his vocation in life. He 
had given up writing good songs in order to write 
bad satire. He derided alike new practices and ab- 
struse doctrines. His view of government was the 
simple one that kings ought not to be tyrannical and 
that parliaments ought not to be exacting. People 
were to be content with the rule in Church and State 
imder which they were born, provided that it made 

» state TriaUym. 1315. 



no very violent demands upon their conscience, and chap. 
provided that they could attain under it to a placid ^ 
and decorous virtue. Of this virtue, as far as can be ' ^ ' 
judged by Wither 's own example, the chief con- 
stituent was to be found in a self-complacent re- 
cognition of the extreme sinfulness of others and 
an equally self complacent assurance that this sin- 
fulness of others was certain to bring Divine ven- 
gence down upon the world. ^ 

Men of this temper — and there can be little doubt 
that the middle classes of the towns were very much 
of this temper — would have formed the best security 
that a government could have wished against Puritan 
violence. Laud's proceedings irritated them in every 
possible way, till they forgot that Puritanism could 
be irritating at all. 

The only man who was fitted by his mental quali- ^?*j*'**" ^ 
ties for the task of mediation in the dark days which wmiama. 
were approaching was unhappily disqualified for the 
work by his own moral defects as well as by the 
Bang's disUke. Bishop WilUams had been for many 
years an object of a Star Chamber prosecution, on 1628. 
the ground that he had betrayed some secrets en- b^pro«^" 
trusted to him as a Privy Councillor. The charge S«dMt 
seems to have been a frivolous one, and it was pro- 
bably only brought in order to frighten WiUiams 
into the surrender of the Deanery of Westminster, 
which he still held, together with his bishopric. In 
1633 the affair took an unexpected turn. A certain 1633. 
Kilvert, to whom the case against the Bishop had agaiDst 
been entrusted, and who was himself a man of low "*^^ 
moral character, discovered that one of Williams's 

^ See especially BrUairCB Remembrancer ^ published in 1628. The 
idea of the subject of predestination being one for the devils in hell to 
discuss appears here long before Paradise Last was written. 

VOL. I. D 




■ I 


false evi- 

Fresh pro< 
secntion of 

He has 
hopes of a 



witnesses, named Pregion, was the father of an ille- 
gitimate child, and he fancied that by attacking 
Pr^ion on this score he might succeed in discredit- 
ing his evidence in the Bishop's favour. 

Williams threw himself into the cause of his 
witness with characteristic ardour. It is possible 
that at first he may have regarded Kilvert's story as 
an impudent fabrication, but he can hardly have 
retained that opinion long ; and there can be little 
doubt that he demeaned himself to the subornation 
of false evidence in order to support the character 
of a man who was enlisted on his side in his own 
quarrel with the Court. ^ 

A fresh prosecution of Williams on the charge of 
subornation of perjury was now commenced in the 
Star Chamber, Williams saw his danger, and asked 
Laud to be his mediator with the King.^ He could 
hardly have expected Laud to throw much warmth 
into his mediation, and he turned with greater hope 
to Portland, and after Portland's death to Cottington. 
Cottington was importunate and Charles was weak. 
Before the end of 1635 ^^^ ^^g ^^^ promised to 
pardon the Bishop. The only question related to the 
rate at which the pardon was to be purchased. 
" Thus much," wrote Laud in despair, " can money 
and friends do against honour in movable Courto." * 

Suddenly WiUiams found the bark of his fortunes 
drifting out again to sea. Fresh evidence of his 

^ Notes of proceedings. May 27, June 16, 23, 1637. S, P. Ihm. 
occlvii. 104; cccbd. 99; ccclxii. 34. Uackefs narrative is too ioao* 
curate to be accepted as a firm foundation. I have drawn mj own 
conclusions from the evidence produced at the trial. Mr. Bruce appears, 
ftx)m his preface to the Calendar for 1637, to have come to much tlit 
same conclusion as I have. 

* L^ud to Williams, Jan. 10, 1635, Works, vi. 402. 

* Laud to Wentworth, Jan. J2, Oct. 4, Nov. 30. Ibid. vi. 138. 171, 



misdemeanours reached the King's ears/ and Charles 
withdrew his promise of a pardon. A few months 
later the King was again hesitating. Sir John Monson, 
who had been maUgned by Williams, and by whom 
the new accusations had been brought, was informed 
that Williams had been boasting that he was now 
reconciled to the King, and that those who appeared 
against him had better be careful of attacking a man 
who would soon be in full enjoyment of the Eoyal 
favour. Monson asked Charles if there was any 
foundation for this assertion. " The King," he after- 
wards informed Laud, " answered he would be free 
with me, and thereupon said it was true that he was 
in some treaty with the Bishop, who had enlarged 
his offers, and was now willing to yield his deanery, 
give 8,000/., and leave me to my course in law for my 
repair, but that he had not given him any assurance 
of his acceptance of these terms, nor would if my 
information were truth." Williams only looked upon 
his present rebuff as a mischance originating from his 
neglect to offer a bribe sufficiently high. He soon 
gained over Lennox as well as Cottington to his side, 
and, unless Monson was misinformed, he assured the 
courtiers who were pleading his cause that what- 
ever the sum might be which he was required to pay 
to the King, they should have as much again to 
divide amongst themselves. Monson took care that 
this should reach the King's ears, and told Charles 
that he would make a better bargain by allowing the 
law to take its course, and by taking all the money 
that could be got from Williams for himself. In the 
end this reasoning prevailed.*^ The whole negotiation 

^ Lambe to Laud, Dec. 3, 10 ; Monson to Laud, Dec. 1 1 ; Monson's 
petition. Lambeth MSS. mxzz. Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42. 

' Letters and Papers of Sir J. Monson, Aug. 1636. Idtmbeth MSS, 
Ibid, Nos. 47, 48. 



CHAP, did no credit to Charles. The lower side of Went- 

worth's * Thorough ' was perfectly inteUigible to him. 
The higher side he was unable to comprehend. 


^T; Stung by his failure to bribe his way to impunity, 

TaUt, Williams threw himself once more into ecclesiastical 
rAii^. controversy. A book recently published by Laud's 
chaplain, Heylyn, A Coal from the Altar^ had con- 
tained an attack upon Williams's well-known views 
about the position of the Communion table. To this 
he replied anonymously in The Holy Table^ Name and 
Thing} The authorship of the book was an open 
secret. It was one long argument in favour of that 
compromise whicli Williams had recommended from 
the beginning as the only legal arrangement ; the com- 
promise by which the table, usually standing at the 
east end of the church, was to be brought down to 
some place in the church or chancel at the time of 
the administration of the Communion. As might be 
expected, Williams preserved the courtesies of debate 
far better than Prynne or Bastwick. His work was, 
perhaps, all the more gaUing for that. Heylyn 
deemed it worthy of a serious reply, and Laud re- 
ferred to it bitterly in the speech which he delivered 
at the censure of Prynne ; but neither Laud nor 
Heylyn made any serious effort to refute its main 
1637. By this book Williams, who had sought to escape 

The case in bv the aid of the Catholics and semi-Catholics of the 
Chamber. Court,^ thrcw himself once more on the side of the 
Puritans and semi-Puritans. For the present his 
change of front was Ukely to avail him little. On 

^ Heylyn'B book was licensed May 5 ; Williams's licensed for his own 
diocese Nov. 30. 

? P^D;BaIU had hitherto regarded Williams as a friend of th« 


June 1 6, 1637, the next Court day after sentence had chap. 
been pronounced on Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton, * — 7 — ' 
his case was called on in the Star Chamber. The 
evidence for the prosecution was too strong to be 
resisted. When the day of sentence arrived, Williams's July h. 
old patron, Cottington, led the way by suggesting a tenoe. 
fine of 10,000/. to the King and one of 1,000 marks 
to Sir John Monson. The Bishop was also to be re- 
ferred to the High Commission for ecclesiastical cen- 
sure, to be suspended from the exercise of his 
functions, to be deprived of the profits of all his 
benefices, and to be imprisoned during the King's 
pleasure. This proposal was unanimously adopted, 
and the High Commission confirmed the decree of the 
Star Chamber so far as it related to matters within 
its special jurisdiction.^ 

Williams was sent to the Tower. The administra- Ang^ao. 
tion of his diocese was confided to his most bitter offered to 
adversaries. By the King's command Laud ofiered *°^ 
him the terms on which alone he could recover his 
freedom. He must either pay his fine or give good 
security for its payment. He must surrender his 
bishopric, receiving in return another either in Wales 
or Ireland, and must give up all his other benefices. He 
must further acknowledge that he had committed 
the crime imputed to him, and that he had erred in 
writing The Holy Table^ Name and Thing} Many weary 
months passed over the prisoner's head before he was 
ready to accept these hard conditions even in part. 

* JRushw, ii. 416. Commissioners for causes ecclesiastical to Wil> 
liams, July 18. Sentence of suspension, July 24. 8, P. Dom, cclxiv. 12, 
43. See also Rossingham^s Newsletters in Documents relating to Prynne 
(Oamd. Soc.) 

^ The paper containing these terms is in Laud*s hand, and endorsed, 
''The King commanded me to set them down.^ Aug. 30. Tximbeth 
MS8, mxxx. fol. 686. 


CHAP. In Williams the spirit of compromise, which was 

' — 7 — ' the characteristic mark of his genius, was marred by 
The Lati- ^^^ moral dcfccts. No such complaint could be made 
Sn™ ^^ * group of men who were working in the same 
direction, and who, if they failed to mould their own 
age after their image, have long been looked up to 
by later generations as the pioneers of thought. 
These men were Lucius Gary, Viscount Falkland ; 
William Chilhngworth, and John Hales. 
Lord^^k Lucius Gary was the son of the Lord Deputy who 

land. liad preceded Wentworth in Ireland. When he was 

but twelve years old he was taken by his father to 
Dublin, and was there educated at Trinity Gollege.^ 
As soon as he had completed his academical course 
he prepared for a soldier's Kfe, and, young as he was, 
was entrusted by his father's ill-judged weakness 
witli tlie command of a company. As soon as the 
Lord Deputy was recalled, the Lords Justices, glad 
to make a cheap exhibition of virtue at the expense of 
the son of a man with whom they had been at variance, 
deprived the lad of his military rank, and appointed 
1629. Sir Francis Willoughby, an abler and more expe- 
sir F. wii- rienced soldier ,2 in his place. Young Gary, being 
**"^ * ^' unable to reach the Lords Justices, sent a challenge 
to Willougliby, and was consequently committed to 
prison and threatened with a prosecution in the Star 
Ghamber. Gharles, however, set him free after a 
short confinement of ten days,^ allowing him the 
arrears of his pay and adding a special acknowledg- 
ment that he had lost his command through no fault 
of his own.* 

^ On Ills mysterious connection with St. Jolin^s, Cambridge, see 
Tolloch's national Theology i. 1 83. 

^ He did good service afterwards in defending Dublin Castle in 1641. 

* Lady Theresa Lewis, Lives of the Friends of Clarendon, i. 189. 

^ I found this in some formal document in the Record Office; I think 


The young man was doubtless gratified by the chap. 
comphment. He stood in no need of the money. ^ 

His mother, a violent and overbearing woman, the Be^tJ* 
daughter of Chief Baron Tanfield, had lately declared ^„^ ^ 
herself a CathoUc — a step which so annoyed her father ^^^^' 
that he passed her over in his will and left his estates 
directly to his grandson. As soon, therefore, as he 1631. 
came of age young Gary found himself master of 
Great Tew, in Oxfordshire. Scarcely was he settled 
there when he gave offence to his father by entering 
upon a marriage of affection with a portionless lady. 
With the warm impulsiveness which was the princi- 
pal charm of his character and at the same time the 
source of his greatest errors, he offered to resign the 
whole estate into his father's hands if only he might 
have a father's love. The offer was made in vain. 
The first Lord Falkland died in 1633, unreconciled 1633- 
to his son. The young man who now inherited the lom Faik- 
Scottish title of Falkland was as yet but little known 
to the world at large. For some years he devoted 2"%** 
himself to his books and his friends. Falkland's 
house was the meeting-place for wits and poets as 
well as for scholars and divines. Carew and Suck- 
Ung, Walter Montague and Sir Kenelm Digby were 
counted amongst his friends, whilst Sheldon and 
Morley knew how to lead the conversation to severer 
topics. Falkland himself played the part of host to 
perfection. All who had any serious purpose on 
hand had generous welcome at Great Tew. Univer- 
sity men from Oxford ' found their lodgings there as 
ready as in the colleges ; nor did the lord of the 
house know of their coming or going, nor who were 
in his house, till he came to dinner or supper, where 

in the enrolment of the Privy Seal granting the arrears ; but I have lost 
the reference. 


CH^^P- all still met ; otherwise there was no trouble, cere- 


mony, or restraint to forbid men to come to the 
house or to make them weary of staying there ; so that 
many came thither to study in a better air, finding 
all the books they could desire in- his Ubrary, and all 
the persons together whose society they could wish, 
and not find it in any other society/ ^ 
His Falkland's mind was as hospitable as his house. 

He was in the highest sense of the words a seeker 
after truth, and he was unable to conceive that any- 
thing could be true which was not pure and of good 
report. His virtues were accompanied by their at- 
tendant defects. He was more keen to detect faulti- 
ness than to provide a remedy. He missed being a 
great man by a little, but that little was enough. 
He was too large-minded to take a mere party mould, 
and he was not sufficiently large-minded to stand 
above party altogether. He swayed from side to 
side as the special evils of each struck him more 
vividly. It was characteristic of him that of all 
poets he rated Ben Jonson most liighly, and that in 
the catalogue of poetic gifts which he attributed to 
his favourite — 

Wit, judgment, learning, art, or industry, 

the highest of all, the supreme gift of imagination, 
was wanting. It is equally missing in Falkland's own 
versification, and in this his versification was but 
the expression of his life. He was too clear-sighted to 
make a great party-leader, like Wentworth or Pym. He 
could not work out the results of a special political 
principle, and push it to its extreme consequences 
regardless of other principles which might commend 
themselves to other minds. His gentle, loving heart 

^ Clarendon, Life, i. 41. There is a curious echo of this description 
in the account of Allworthy's hospitality in Tom Jones. 


longed to compose the differences of the world, and chap 
to bid the weapons fall from hands which were pre- 

pared for bitter war. But the comprehensiveness of 
his heart was not supported by comprehensiveness of 
brain. The desire for reconciliation vented itself in 
impulsive anger against those who at any given time 
stood forth as obstacles to reconciliation ; it did not 
lead up to the reconciling thought which would have 
satisfied the reasonable desires of both parties. 
When he chose a side he did not know half its 
faults. When he deserted it he did not know half 
its merits. 

Falkland had not yet thrown himself into oppo- ni«prai»e 
sition. In 1637 he went out of his way to praise * °^' 
the King, compUmenting him on the sovereignty of 
the seas in a way which was not very consistent with 
any strong feeling on the subject of ship money, 
though the fact tliat he was a defaulter in respect of 
at least one of his estates may be allowed to stand 
for something on the opposite side.^ Ben Jonson had 
just been carried to the grave full of years and 
honours. He, wrote Falkland, would have told in 
befitting verse 

How mighty Charles, amidst that weighty care 
In which three kingdoms as their blessing share 
( Whom as it tends with ever watchful eyes, 
That neither power may force nor art surprise, 
So, bounded by no shore, grasps all the main, 
And far as Neptune claims extends his reign). 
Found still some time to hear and to admire 
The happy sounds of his harmonious lyre. ^ 

It was on a question of religion that Falkland was is dnvn 
first drawn into the controversies of the world around wntro-* 
him. His mother, having changed her own religion, S^me.^'^^ 

* Arrears for Hertfordshire, 1637. S, P, Dom., ccclxxvi. 106. 

* FalfUarKTs Poeim^ ed. Qrosart. 




and Chil- 


was anxious to make proselytes of all upon whom 
her influence could be brought to bear. Assailed by 
the usual argument that there was no infaUibihty but 
in the Koman Church, and no salvation without in- 
falhbility, Falkland was driven to examine the grounds 
of his faith. Under no circumstances is it conceiv- 
able that a mind so rational and so candid could 
have accepted these propositions. But though Falk- 
land's tendencies of thought were his own, there was 
something in the very gentleness of his nature which 
led him at every important crisis in his life to seek 
out the support of a mind stronger and more self- 
reUant than his own. In difierent phases of his poU- 
tical cai'eer he rested alternately on Hampden and on 
Hyde. In his earlier days he rested on ChilUng- 
worth in their common- effort to free reUgious beUef 
from bondage to human authority.^ 

The two men so nearly akin in their aims dif- 
fered widely from one another in their mental cha- 
racteristics. In Falkland the reasoning powers were 
subordinate to the moral perceptions. In ChiUing- 
worth they exercised almost undivided sway. He 
was above all things a thinker. His singularly clear 
intellect met with but Uttle resistance from those 
sympathies and antipathies which with most men 
count for so much. When once he had made up his 
mind that any given course was dictated by reason, 
nothing except conviction by argument that he had 
been mistaken would deter him from acting on his 

ChiUingworth's early Ufe was passed in circum- 
stances which boded for him a prosperous career. 
Born at Oxford in 1602, he had Laud for his god- 

^ I am aware that the reverse has been asserted, but the relation of 
the two minds seems too dear to admit of any other view than this. 


father. He received a good education, and in 1628 
he became a Fellow of Trinity. Suddenly his friends 
learnt to their consternation that he had betaken him- 
self to Douai as a convert to the Papal Church. The 
Jesuit Fisher had laid before him the argument that 
an infallible guide in matters of faith was necessary 
for salvation, and that such a guide was only to be 
found in the Boman Church. Chilling worth was at a 
loss for a reply, and, as usual, he followed the superior 
argument. A very brief residence at Douai convinced 
him that he had not searched the question to the 
bottom. Books of Jesuit theology were in the habit 
of appljring the test of probability to moral action, 
and it is by no means unhkely that from them Chil- 
lingworth drew the unintended inference that, if it 
was enough to act upon the mere probability that 
the action was right, it might be enough to believe on 
the mere probability that the belief was true. If he 
accepted this as the best theory which he could form, 
it was evident that he had no further need of an in- 
fallible guide. 

In making up his mind to return to the English ijJlJl^*' 
Church ChiUingworth had been helped by letters worth, 
from Laud. The positions assumed by the two men 
were in the main identical. In his conference with 
Fisher, Laud had declared that it was unnecessary to 
require assent to more than the fundamental articles 
of the Christian faith.^ But it was not likely that 
any argument would fare in Laud's hands exactly as 
it would fare in ChiUingworth 's. Laud would be sure 

^ Such a sentence as the foUowing, for instance, has a very Chilling- 
worthian ring : ** The Church of England never declared that every one 
of her articles are fundamental in the faith ; for it is one tiling to say. 
No one of them is superstitious or erroneous, and quite another to say, 
Every one of them is fundamental, and that in every part of it, to all 
men*8 belief." Laud's Works, ii. 60. 


CHAP, to add something about the consent of antiquity and 
^^ — ^ — ' the practical advantages of submission to authority. 

* ^'* Chilling worth would leave it in its own naked sim- 


Chniing- ChilUngworth had not been long in England before 

pares mT" he began to prepare himself for that great controver- 

great work. ^.^ work by which he hoped to guide others along 

the path in which his own feet had stumbled. 
1630. In 1630 a Jesuit who passed by the name of 

jtfStoiL. Edward Knott had published a book under the name 

of Charity Mistaken^ in which he argued that, except 

under exceptional circumstances, there was no salva- 

163J. tion for Protestants. In 1633 Dr. Potter had answerpd 

reply. the book, and the Jesuit then replied to him in sup- 
port of his former reasoning. It was here that Chil- 
Ungworth intervened in the controversy. For three 
years he was laying the foundations of the book in 
which the great weapon of the Catholic armoury was 
to be put to the proof. 
1^35. The attraction of the library at Great Tew drew 

w«»rth at Chillingworth to Falkland. Intercourse quickly ripened 
into intimacy, and tradition tells how much of the 
arguments of the scholar was owing to the suggestions 
of the peer. Those who have read with attention 
the writings of the two men will probably come to 
the conclusion that the peer owed more to the scholar 
1636. than he gave. Falkland's reply to the letter in which 
Walter Montague announced his conversion goes 
over much the same ground as that which was sub- 
sequently occupied by Chillingworth. But the argu- 
ments are urged without that sharp incisiveness which 
marks the work of the stronger reasoner. 

Knott;* It is by no means unlikely that Chillingworth had 

k.'n. braced himself to his labours at Laud's instigation, 
though no evidence to that effect is in existence. At 



all events, before the book was published Laud had chap. 


ample reason to look upon it with interest. In a - 
short pamphlet Knott sought to discredit by anticipa- ' ^ ' 
tion the reply which he expected. He charged the 
author with Socinianism, and flouted him on his pre- 
tension to appear as the advocate of a reUgion which 
no longer dared to deck itself in its own colours. 
" Protestantism," he wrote, " waxeth weary of itself. 
The professors of it, they especially of greatest worth, 
learning, and authority, love temper and moderation, 
and are at this time more unresolved where to fasten 
than at the infancy of their Church." Their doctrine, 
he added, was undergoing a change : they now denied 
that the Pope was antichrist ; they had begun to pray 
for the dead, to use pictures, to adopt in many points 
the teaching of Eome. The articles were * impatient, 
nay, ambitious, of some sense wherein they might 
seem Catholic' Calvinism was * accounted heresy 
and Uttle less than treason.' The * once fearful names 
of priests and altars ' were widely used, and men were 
bidden to expound Scripture according to the sense 
of the Fathers — a practice which would evidently land 
them at the feet of the Pope, * seeing that by the con- 
fession of Protestants the Fathers were on the side 
of the Catholic Church.' ^ 

No wonder such words as these were gleefully chmri€8 
quoted by the Puritans. It was exactly what they Knott 
had been reiterating for years. No wonder, too. Laud 
and Charles were deeply annoyed by so imexpected 
an attack. Charles weakly allowed Windebank to 
apply to Con, asking him to express his displeasure 
to the audacious Jesuit.^ As might have been ex- 

^ In addition to ChiUingworth^s quotation, De Maiseauz gives an 
account of Knott's work, of which he had seen a copy. 
' Con to Barberini, ^^. Add. MS8. 15,389, fol. 384, 


CHAP, pected, Con expressed his inability to do anything of 



the sort ; and Laud, with greater wisdom, turned his 
attention to hastening the appearance of Chilling- 
worth's reply. ^ Towards the end of 1637, in the very 
heat of the excitement engendered by Lady Newport's 
conversion, Tlie Religion of Protestants was issued to 
the world. 
The Re- lu his main argument that ' nothing is necessary 

^K^i^ to be beheved but what is plainly revealed ' '^ Chilling- 
worth did Uttle more than put in a clearer and more 
logical form, with all its excrescences stripped away, 
the contention of Laud in the conference with Fisher. 
That which marks the pre-eminence of the younger 
writer is his clear sense of the subordination of intel- 
lectual conviction to moral effort. If men, he says, 
* suffer themselves neither to be betrayed into their 
errors, nor kept in them by any sin of their will ; if 
they do their best endeavour to free themselves from 
all errors, and yet fail of it through human frailty, so 
well am I persuaded of the goodness of God, that if 
in me alone should meet a confluence of all such 
errors of all the Protestants of the world that were 
thus qualified, I should not be so much afraid of 
them all as I should be to ask pardon for them.' ^ 

In these words, not in the counter-dogmatism of 
the Puritan zealot, lay the true answer to the claim 
to infaUibility which was so ostentatiously flaunted 
before the world by the Eoman missionaries. It was 
the old doctrine of Sir Thomas More and the men of 
the new learning coming to the surface once more, 
under happier auspices. It breathed the very spirit 
of mutual regard for zeal and earnestness in the midst 
of intellectual differences. It became men. Chilling- 

^ Chillingworth's reasons, Sept. 19. S, P, Dam, ocdzvii. 11 6. 
« Worki, i. 230. » llnd. I 81. 


worth held, to be very careful how they set up tlie chap. 
creatures of their own imaginations as if they were ^ — 7- — ' 
the veriest certainties of Divine revelation. "This 
presumptuous imposing of the senses of men upon 
the general words of God," he writes, " and laying 
them upon men's consciences together, under the 
equal penalty of death and damnation ; this vain con- 
ceit that we can speak of the things of God better 
than in the words of God ; this deifying our own 
interpretations and tyrannous enforcing them upon 
others ; this restraining of the Word of God from that 
latitude and generality, and the understandings of men 
from that liberty wherein Christ and the Apostles left 
them — ^is and hath been the only fountain of all the 
schisms of the Church, and that which makes them 
immortal; the common incendiary of Christendom, 
and that which tears into pieces, not the coat, but the 
bowels and members of Christ. . . . Take away tliese 
walls of separation, and all will quickly be one. Take 
away this persecuting, burning, cursing, damning of 
men for not subscribing to the words of men as the 
words of God ; require of Christians only to beUeve 
Christ, and to call no man master, but Ilim only ; let 
those leave claiming infalUbility that have no title to 
it, and let them that in their words disclaim it dis- 
claim it also in their actions." " Christians," he says 
again, " must be taught to set a higher value upon 
those high points of faith and obedience wherein they 
agree than upon those matters of less moment wherein 
they differ, and understand that agreement in those 
ought to be more effectual to join them in one com- 
munion than tlieir difference in other things of less 
moment to divide them. When I say in one com- 
munion,! mean in a common profession of those articles 
wherein all consent, a joint worship of God, after such 


CHAP, a way as all esteem lawful, and a mutual performance 


-^ of all those works of charity which Christians owe 
one to another." ^ 

Defects of It is uot giveu to any one man, even if he be a 

Chilling ® ^ 



worth*?" Chillingworth, to make out with complete fulness the 

remedies needed for the evils of his age. Dogmatism, 
too, has its functions to perform in the work of the 
world. The vain beUef in the possession of all truth 
is higher and more ennobling than the disbelief tliat 
truth exists at all ; and it is impossible to deny that 
to the mass of ChilUngworth's contemporaries the 
suspension of judgment, which was to him the ulti- 
mate goal of a keen and earnest search after truth, 
would seem to be the very negation of the existence 
of truth itself. Even calmer judgments might well 
doubt whether ChilUngworth's notion of a 'joint wor- 
ship of God after such a way as all esteem lawful ' 
was feasible, or whether, even if it proved feasible, it 
was at all desirable. ChilUngworth's mind was too 
purely intellectual to enable him to understand how 
any given ritual could either raise admiration or pro- 
voke hostiUty. He cared much whether a proposition 
were true or not. He had but a languid interest in 
forms of prayer. In his reply to Knott's last pamphlet 
he took up the defence of the recent charges. 
"What," he said, "if out of fear that too much 
simpUcity and nakedness in the pubUc service of God 
may beget in the ordinary sort of men a dull and 
stupid irreverence, and out of hope that the outward 
state and glory of it, being well-disposed and wisely 
moderated, may engender, quicken, increase, and 
nourish the inward reverence, respect, and devotion, 
which is due unto God's sovereign majesty and power ; 
what if, out of a persuasion and desire that Papists 

* WorkB^ ii. yj. 


may be won over to us the sooner by the removing 
of this scandal out of their way, and out of a 
holy jealousy that the weaker sort of Protest- ' ^^' 
ants might be the easier seduced to them by the 
magnificence and pomp of their Cliurch service, in 
case it were not removed — I say, what if, out of these 
considerations, the governors of our Church, more of 
late than formerly, have set themselves to adorn and 
beautify the places where God's honour dwells, and 
to make them as heaven-like as they can with earthly 
ornaments?"^ There is something contemptuous in 
such a defence as this. Above all, there is no 
acknowledgment by Chillingworth of the fact that 
moral influence may spread abroad from men who 
are very wrong-headed and very positive. The tole- 
ration which cheerfully grants free liberty to those who 
differ irreconcilably from us is the complement of the 
tolerance which seeks out by preference the points in 
which others agree with us rather than those in which 
they differ. The latter was Chillingworth's contri- 
bution to the peace of the Church and nation ; for the 
former we must look elsewhere, Yet, before we plunge i6j8. 
into the strife out of which the better thought was to ^Eton.*^** 
be evolved, we may well linger a moment to con- 
template the life of one whose nature was more com- 
plete, and whose personality was more altogether 
lovely, than that of the great controversialist. Eather 
than to Chillingworth, rather than to Falkland, the 
discerning eye is attracted to one who was in his own 
estimation less than either, but of whom those who 
knew him best loved to speak as the ever-memorable 
John Hales. 

The genial recluse, with his prodigious memory 
and his keen, rapier- like thrust of argument, was the 

» Worki, i. ?3. 
VOL. I. B 



CHAP, most loving and tender-hearted of men. In his Eton 
fellowship he found himself at home under the 
provostship of the large-minded Sir Henry Wotton. 
His views of life and religion were in the main 
identical with those of Chilling worth, but he ap- 
proached the subject from the other side. In 
Chillingworth the logical faculty was supreme. In 
Hales it was at the service of a singularly gentle and 
affectionate heart. Hence he began where Chilling- 
worth left off. He did not argue himself into the 
beUef that the intention to go wrong, and not the 
failure itself, was culpable. He rather made it the 
starting-point of his reasoning. "He would often 
say that he would renounce the rehgion of the 
Church of England to-morrow if it obliged him to 
beUeve that any other Christian should be damned, 
and that nobody would conclude another man to be 
damned that did not wish him so."^ " Every Christian," 
he wrote, " may err that will ; for if we might not 
err wilfully, then there would be no heresy, heresy 
being nothing else but wilful error. For if we 
account mistakes befalling us through human frailties 
to be heresies, then it will follow that every man 
siace the Apostles' times was an heretic." ^ Hence he 
could take but little interest in Chillingworth's search 
after fundamental truths. That men should err was, 
in his eyes, a necessity of their nature. The vener- 
able names of the Fathers of the ancient Church, the 
imposing solemnity of ecclesiastical councils, conferred 
no exemption from the universal law. "If truth 
and goodness," he wrote, " go by universality and 
multitude, what mean theu the prophets and holy 
men of God everywhere in the Scripture so frequently, 

^ CUrendoiii Zi/0, i. 54. 

3 On tbe Sacrament of the hotd*» Supper. Works, i. 6j» 


80 bitterly to complain of the small number of good chap. 
men careful of God and truth? Neither is the ' — ^ — ' 
complaint proper to Scripture; it is the common ' ^ * 
complaint of all that have left any records of an- 
tiquity behind them. Could wishing do any good, I 
could wish well to this kind of proof; but it shall 
never go so well with mankind that the most shall be 
the best. The best that I can say of argument and 
reason drawn from universality in multitude is this : 
such reason may perchance serve to excuse an error, 
but it can never serve to warrant a truth." 

Yet, for all this, the investigation of truth was Theeeaixjii 
the highest work of man. The words of the Apostle, 
" Be not deceived," were spoken not only to the wise 
and learned, but * to everyone, of whatever sex, of 
whatever rank or degree and place soever, from him 
that studies in his library to him that sweats at the 
plough-tail.' But the command is not obeyed by 
those who content themselves with storing their 
memories with opinions learned by rote. He that 
would not be deceived must not only know * what it is 
that is commanded,' must not therefore take his 
duties on trust from a Church claiming to be infallible, 
or from a venerated preacher, but must also know 
* wherefore — that is, upon what authority, upon what 
reason.'^ At last the new thought which was to 
form the modem world had reached its full and clear 

like Chillingworth, Hales too had his dream of ^^^^jj: 
Utopian harmony of worship. ** Were liturgies and 
public forms of service so framed," he argued, " as 
that they admitted not of particular and private 
&ncie9, but contained only such things as in which 
all Christians do agree, schisms in opinion were 

' Sennon on private judgment in religion. Wwh^^ iii. 141. 




CHAP, utterly vanished. For consider of all the liturgies 
that are or ever have been, and remove from 
them whatsoever is scandalous to any party, and 
leave nothing but what all agree on, and the event 
shall be that the public service and honour of 
God shall no ways suffer ; whereas to load our public 
forms with the private fancies upon which we differ 
is the most sovereign way to perpetuate schism unto 
the world's end. Prayer, confession, thanksgiving, 
reading of Scripture, exposition of Scripture, adminis- 
tration of sacraments in th^ plainest and simplest 
manner, were matter enough to furnish out a suffi- 
cient liturgy, though, nothing else of private opinion, 
or of church pomp, of garments, of prescribed ges- 
tures, of imagery, of music, of matter concerning 
the dead, of many superfluities which creep into 
churches under the name of order and decency, did 
interpose itself.*'^ 
Hales sent The tract ou schism in which these words occur 

Land. was circulated in manuscript in the spring of 1638. 
No wonder that when a copy fell into Laud's hands 
he sent for the author to Lambeth. And yet he 
could not but know that Hales, if not his ally, was 
at least the assailant of his enemies. A few years 
before, perhaps, he would have dealt harshly with 
him. He could not find it in his heart now to visit 
very severely a man whose thrusts were directed 
against Puritan and Papist alike. The two men 
walked up and down the garden in friendly, if some- 
times in warm, argument. Laud breathed a word of 
caution. The time, said the Archbishop, was * very 
apt to set new doctrines on foot, of which the wits 
of the age were too susceptible.' ^ ' There could not 

^ Tract concerning schism. Wbrkt, i. 114. 
' This is Clarendon's accoiint. Ja/c, L 55. 


be too much care taken to preserve the peace and 
unity of the Church.' As Hales came away he met 
Heylyn, and fooled him to the top of his bent,^ 
assuring him that the Archbishop had proved far 
superior in controversy, ferreting him ' from one hole 
to another till there was none left to afford him any 
further shelter ; that he was now resolved to be 
orthodox, and to declare himself a true son of the 
Church of England both for doctrine and disciphne.'* 
Hales, no doubt, was laughing in his sleeve at the 
pompous chaplain. Yet it must be remembered that 
it is not from men of Hales's stamp that vigorous self- 
assertion is to be expected. In writing to Laud he 
did not, it is true, retract any of his positive opinions, 
but he certainly explained away some of his utter- 
ances. Laud was satisfied with his explanation, and 
in the following year he procured for him a canonry 
at Windsor. 

In the days of conflict Falkland and Chillinffworth T^»e "»«•*- 

_-_ cnoe of La- 

and Hales would be found on Charles's side. In the titudinan- 
long run the spirit which inspired them would be immediate. 
found a far more powerful dissolvent of Laud's sys- 
tem than the Puritanism which he dreaded. Its time 
was not yet come. Two theories of the religious Ufe 
were in presence of one another, and those theories 
were entwined with a whole mass of habits which 
could not readily be shaken off. The strife was ap- 
proaching, and it was not till the combatants had 
measured their strength with one another that they 
would be ready to listen to the words of peace. Even 
when that time came the solution would not be alto- 
gether such as Hales would have approved. The 

^ Thia IB Principal Tulloch's explanation, and is, I have no doubt, the 
right one. 

' Heylyn, C^fpriamts Anglicus, 340. 



CHAP, religious conscience would demand a more definite 
creed, and a more definite ceremonial, than that for 
which he had asked. By the side of the idea of 
comprehension would arise the idea of toleration. 
The one would soften down asperities, and teach the 
assured dogmatist to put on something of that 
humility in which the controversialist of all periods is 
so grievously deficient The other would prepare 
room for the unchecked development of that indi- 
viduaUty which is the foundation of all true vigour in 
Churches and in nations. 




The ecclesiastical grievances were only felt by a part chap. 
of the community. Financial burdens were felt by — *^-^ 
everyone who had property. In the summer of 1 63 7 Pontiod 
the outcry against ship money had become general, gnev^noea. 

No unprejudiced person can deny that the exist- Shipmonejr 
ence of a powerful fleet was indispensable to the safety tuai need, 
of the State, or that the amount of money demanded by 
Charles for the equipment of that fleet was no more 
than the case required. The charge which has fre- 
quently been brought against him of spending the 
money thus levied on objects unconnected with its 
ostensible purpose is without a shadow of foundation ; 
and it is perfectly certain that, though the grant of 
tonni^e and poundage had originally been made in 
order to provide the Crown with the means of guard- 
ing the seas, the expenses of government had so far 
increased that if tonnage and poundage were to be 
applied to that purpose on the scale that had now 
become necessary, the Exchequer would soon be in a 
condition of bankruptcy. 

Even the most just and necessary taxation, how- Butwis 
ever, is sometimes received with murmurs. K such without the 
murmurs are not to lead to actual resistance, it is the t&x- 
incumbent on those who impose the tax to explain to ^^*"* 
the tax-payer the necessity under which they are 
placed, and if possible to find some way of obtaining 


CH^P- his consent. It was the very thing that Charles had 


not dared to do. He well knew that to summon a 
Parliament would be to endanger the success of his 
ecclesiastical policy, and he had no mind to run the 

SSTflS ^ "^^^ ^^^^ obtained by the levy of ship money had 
done nothing sufficiently striking to make men forget 
the faults of its origin. The maintenance of trade 
with Dunkirk in the face of threats of a Dutch or 
Trench attack upon that nest of privateers interested 
only a few traders in London or Dover, and the 
exploits of the King's ships amongst the Dutch fisher- 
men ^ in the summer of 1637 would, if the truth had 
been known, have awakened scorn rather than ad- 
miration. If a less inglorious success was achieved 
in the same summer by a squadron of six vessels 

Theexpedi- under Captain Eainsborough at Sallee, it was due to 

tion to 111 -IT n 1 T 1 

&aiee. other causes than the skill of tlie commander or the 
efficiency of the armament. Rainsborough was sent 
to deliver from slavery the European captives of the 
Barbary pirates, but his efforts to overcome their 
stronghold by attack or blockade were entirely 
ineffectual. Luckily, however, a civil war broke 
out amongst the Moors, and the King of Morocco 
purchased the neutrahty of the EngUsh fleet by 
the surrender of 271 prisoners.*^ 

Ship Yet it was not because ship money was badly 

money at- - , . ,. ^ ._,*'--_._. "^ 

tackMias spcnt that the impost was assailed inJtinffland. Voices 
were raised on every side declaring it to be utterly 
illegal. Ship money, it was loudly declared, was 

* Personal OouemmerU of Chaties 7., ii. 336. 

^ Brissenden to Nicholas, Sept. 21. Kainsborough's journal. S, P. 
Dmn. cccUviii. 6, ccclxix. 72; Carteret to Coke, Sept. 2i. Liat of 
prisoners released. S, P. Morocco, Ghirrard's statement {Straf. Letters^ 
ii. 118) that Rainsborough ' put the new town of Sallee into the King of 
Morocco's hands ' is exaggerated. 



undeniably a tax, and the ancient customs of the chap. 
realm, recently embodied in the Petition of Eight, had 
announced with no doubtful voice that no tax could 
be levied without consent of Parliament. Even this 
objection was not the full measure of the evil. If xheconsti- 
Charles could take this money without consent of jection. 
Parliament, he need not, unless some unforeseen 
emergency arose, ever summon a Pariiament again. 
The true question at issue was whether ParUament 
formed an integral part of the Constitution or 

A charge has sometimes been brought against the Atuch- 
EngUshmen of that day that they concerned them- ITaUoiTto * 
selves overmuch with legaUty and precedent. Un- ^^ *^^' 
doubtedly they loved to dwell upon the antiquity of 
the rights which they claimed. Antiquarians like 
Selden or Twysden expressed the tendencies of their 
age as truly as thinkers like Voltaire and Eousseau 
expressed the tendencies of theirs. But the legality 
which they cherished was the legaUty of a nation 
which had hitherto preserved unbroken the traditions 
of self-government. Spoken or unspoken, beneath 
all the technicalities of the lawyers, beneath all the 
records of the antiquaries, there remained an under- 
tone of reliance upon the nation itself. Parliaments 
had been estabhshed to gather into a focus the 
national resolve. Kings had been estabhshed to give 
prompt efficacy to the resolve which had been formed. 
It was a new thing that a king should treat the 
poUcy and religion of the nation as if they concerned 
himself alone. But the men who opposed it because 
it was new opposed it still more because it was 

Charles fancied that the question of the legality The ques- 
of ship money had been settled for ever in his favour money^a^ 

be argued. 



CHAP, by the declaration of the Judges.^ Lord Saye and 
John Hampden thought otherwise. They resolved 
that, whatever the result might be, the argument 
against ship money should be heard in open Court, 
and Charles was too confident of the justice of his 
cause to offer any opposition. 
Difficuiues For some unknown reason — perhaps because his 
in eway. ^^^^ ^^^ morc simple than that of Saye — Hampden's 

refusal was selected to test the opinion of the Judges. 
The counsel employed by him were St. John 
and Holborne, lawyers connected with the Earl of 
Bedford. They would have to argue with the full 
knowledge that the Court was against them, and they 
would have therefore to put forward just that side of 
the argument which would not call down the violent 
censure of the Judges. It would be far easier to 
show that Charles was politically in the wrong than 
to show that he was legally in the wrong ; but they 
were bound by their position to urge legal objections, 
only indirectly touching upon the political objec- 
tions, if they touched on them at all. They knew 
that the Judges had acknowledged the King to be the 
sole judge of danger from abroad, and they therefore 
did not venture to question a maxim adopted on 
such authority. 
Nov. 6. St. John accordingly began by making a great con- 

^gom»t! cession. He abandoned any attempt to draw a dis- 
tinction between the levy of ship money in the inland 
counties and its levy in the maritime counties. He 
acknowledged, too, that the King was the sole judge 
of the existence of danger. The law, he said, had 
given the King power, * by writ under the Great Seal 
of England, to command the inhabitants of each 
county to provide shipping for the defence of the 

* Pen. Gov. of Charles L^ ii. 322. 


kingdom, so that he might by law compel the doing chap. 
thereof/ The only question was in what manner he ' — r^ — ' 
was to exercise this power. St. John answered his jj^^^ 
own question by arguing that as the King could not 
set fines nor deliver judgment except through the 
Judges, so he could not raise money beyond his 
ordinary revenue except by ParUament. He showed 
that there were special reasons for this restriction. 
A representative assembly was likely to be a jealous 
guardian of the property of its constituents. The 
King was under no such bonds. K he could lay what 
charge he pleased on his subjects * it would come to 
pass that, if the subject hath anything at all, he is 
not beholden to the law for it, but it is left entirely 
in the mercy and goodness of the King.* 

The remaiader of St. John's argument may profit- 
ably be stripped of its technicaUties. It is a good 
thing, he said in effect, that there should be some 
one to keep an eye on the possibiUty of danger. It 
is also a good thing that property should be guarded 
against unnecessary claims. It was, therefore, well 
that the King, when he had discovered the danger, 
should, under ordinary circumstances, be compelled 
to apply to Parliament for the taxation needed to 
meet it. It might be, indeed, that the danger de- 
veloped so rapidly that time for an application to 
Parliament was wanting. In that case the rights of pro- 
perty would be simply in abeyance. If a French or a 
Spanish army landed unexpectedly in Kent or Devon- 
shire, no one would blame the Government because it 
seized horses from a gentleman's stable to drag artillery, 
or ordered its troops to charge across a farmer's corn- 
fields. It was a matter of notoriety, however, that 
in the present case no such danger had occurred. 
Writs had been issued in August for the purpose of 


equipping a fleet which was not needed till March. 
What possible reason could be alleged why ParUa- 
ment had not been summoned in the course of those 
seven months, to grant a subsidy in the regular 

A reason no doubt there was, to which St. John 
did not venture even to allude, but which his hearers 
were not Ukely to forget. A ParUament, once sum- 
moned, would have been certain to discuss other 
matters than ship money, and it would most probably 
demand an entire reversal of the civil and ecclesias- 
tical poUcy of the reign. 

St. John had supported his arguments by the 
usual store of antiquarian learning. He had been 
able to show that the Kings of England had frequently 
paid for services done in defence of the realm, even 
when they had been forced to borrow money to en- 
able them to do so. Surely, he urged, no king would 
have done this if he had been aware that he might 
legally impose the burden on his subjects. 

When St. John sat down he found himself famous. 
The crowded audience drank in every word that he 
said, listening as men would Usten who beUeved their 
property and their rights to be at stake. 
Nov. II. As SoUcitor General, Lyttelton undertook to reply. 

Lg^m«rt." I^ would have been strange if he had failed to find 
cases in which EngUsh kings had occasionally taken 
money irregularly. The struggle between Crown and 
ParUament had been a conflict of strength as well as 
a conflict of principle, and an advocate of the Govern- 
ment might easily go astray by quoting acts of aggres- 
sion as if they had embodied the very spirit of the 
law. When Lyttelton ascended from precedent to 
principle, the weakness of his case must have been 
manifest even to those who knew little of constitu- 


Nov. XI. 

tional law. He acknowledged that the King had no chap. 
right to impose ship money, excepting in time of 
danger, and he made the most of the argument that 
the rights of property were not weakened by taking 
so much of it as was needed for its defence. All laws 
must give way to the law of necessity, and in times 
of necessity it was impossible to appeal to Parliament. 
Forty days must elapse after the issue of the writs 
before Parliament could meet, and then would follow 
long debates and conferences between the Houses. 
Before an agreement could be arrived at the kingdom 
would be lost. 

Lyttelton's argument would have been an excel- 
lent one if it had had the slightest relation to the 
actual circumstances of the case. Even supposing 
that the seven months which passed between the issue 
of the writ and the assemblage of the fleet had been 
insufficient to enable Parliament to come to a decision 
on that year's supply, no such excuse could be pleaded 
on behalf of an exaction which was now being re- 
newed for a fourth annual period. Evidently the 
danger was considered at Court to be a permanent 
one, and to a permanent danger Lyttelton's reasoning 
had no application whatever. 

Holbome in a few words blew down the house of Dec. 2. 
cards which had been erected by the Solicitor General. arRum'^t 
The writ, he said, did not mention the existence of 
imminent danger. Then, rising to the occasion, he 
argued, amidst interruptions from the Bench, * that 
by the fundamental laws of England the King cannot, 
out of Parliament, charge the subject — no, not for 
the common good unless in special cases.' Not only 
could not the King do it ' for the guard of the sea 
against pirates, but he could not even do it for the 
ordinary defence of the kingdom unavoidably in 


CHAP, danger to be lost/ Then, going further than St. John 
'^ — -^ — had ventured to go, he refused to acknowledge that 

jj^^ the King was the proper judge of danger, unless when 
that danger was so closely impending that it was im- 
possible to consult ParUament at all. 

The great constitutional issue was raised more 
distinctly by Holborne than by St. John. For him 
Parliament, not the King, was the main organ of the 

Deci6. sovereignty of the nation over itself. Bankes, the 
of IauLu. Attorney General, refused to meet him on that ground. 
The Court, he argued, had no right to inquire under 
what circumstances the King could exercise his judg- 
ment. It was enough to know that it had been ex- 
ercised. His power of forming the necessary decision 
was * innate in the person of an absolute king and in 
the persons of the Kings of England ; so inherent in 
the king that it is not any ways derived from the 
people, but reserved to the king when positive laws 
first began.* 

i>oc.i7. In the course of his three days' argument Bankes 

had many precedents to show, in which the obligation 
of the subject to defend the realm in person, by land 
or sea, was often confused with the special obligation 
of dwellers on the coast to provide ships for its de- 
fence. Nor did he omit to quote a few cases in which 
in older times the inhabitants of inland counties had 
been compelled to find money for the provision of 
ships. But he was totally unable to show anything 
like a general contribution enforced from year to 

Dec i8. year. In the end he repeated his declaration that 
the King was an absolute monarch and the sole judge 
of danger. To 'distrust that he will command too 
great a power or aid, it is a presumption against the 
presumption of the law.' 

"My Lords," he said in conclusion, "if there 


were no law to compel unto this duty, yet nature and 
the inviolate law of preservation ought to move us. 
These vapours which are exhaled from us will again 
descend upon us in our safety and in the honour of 
our nation ; and therefore let us obey the King's com- 
mand by his writ, and not dispute. He is the first 
mover among these orbs of ours, and he is the circle 
of this circumference, and he is the centre of us all, 
wherein we all as the loins should meet. He is the 
soul of this body, whose proper act is to command." 

Bankes thus supplied whatever defects there might importance 
be in Holbome's argument. When he sat down it argument, 
must have been abundantly clear to all men that if 
his view was accepted as the true one, the old Parlia- 
mentary constitution of England was at an end. If 
that were the case, as they had already learned from 
St. John, no man could hold his property except on 
sufferance. Those who cared less for pelf, and more 
for the old constitutional inheritance of their race, 
learned from the glib utterance of a lawyer's tongue 
that the system under which they fondly believed 
that long generations of their ancestors had lived and 
died had never had any real existence. The assem- 
blies of early times before the Conquest, the Great 
Councils of Norman kings, the Parliaments of the 
Plantagenets were, it would seem, merely ornamental 
appendages to the substantial edifice of the monarchy. 
No doubt the King still professed his intention of 
ruling according to the law. No doubt the Great 
Charter, the confirmation of the Charters, and the 
recent Petition of Eight would still be quoted and 
wrangled over in Westminster Hall, but tlieir living 
force would be gone. The representative monarchy 
of Henry Viil. and Elizabeth would cease to be, as 
completely as the Parliamentary monarchy of the 



1 1 

which the 
claim to 
power WM 

House of Lancaster would cease to be. In its stead 
was to be raised the authority of a king ruling in 
accordance with his own inscrutable counsels, whilst 
the English people was to wait patiently for the 
decision of its master. His was the wisdom which 
foresees everything and arranges everything, which 
no contingency could take by surprise and no cala- 
mity find without resource. Theirs was the ignorance 
of a herd of cattle contentedly grazing in the fat 
pastures prepared for them till their owner thought 
good to send them forth to the slaughter-house of 

It is certain that, whether Charles were or were 
not possessed of the profound wisdom needed to 
make good the claim advanced in his name, no time 
could be conceived more unfitted for its general ac- 
ceptance. So far as the King's advocate demanded 
that complicated aSairs should be entrusted to the 
decision of the few rather than of the many, they 
merely asked what was in accordance with the neces- 
sities of human nature, though they left out of sight 
the fact that it is equally in accordance with those 
necessities that the decision of the few should be 
openly or tacitly submitted to the approval of the 
many. At the moment, however, the very success of 
Charles's fleet made the mystery in which he veiled 
his resolutions more unintelligible. When a great 
crisis arrives in the national fortunes, when an inva- 
sion by a foreign Power is impending and the means 
of resistance are scanty, it is far more important that 
the plans for meeting the danger should proceed from 
one brain, and that the forces of resistance should be 
concentrated in one hand, than that there should be 
a public ParUamentary discussion on the proper 
tactics to be pursued. Nothing of the kind was im- 


pending now. When EicheKeu determined to keep chap. 
his new fleet out of the English Channel, he struck a ' — r- — 
decisive stroke, though he knew it not, on behalf of ^^^ ^^ 
the Parliamentary liberties of England. If a com- 
bined French and Dutch fleet had attacked Dunkirk, 
and had threatened English commerce on the English 
coasts, all the patriotism in England would have been 
loud in demanding that the powers of Government 
should be increased, though it is quite possible that 
it might also have demanded that a thoughtful and 
able Government should be substituted for one which 
had proved itself shiftless and inefficient. As it was, 
there was no reason whatever that special powers 
should be conceded where no special reasons existed 
for their exercise. 

The decision of the Judges remained to be heard. 1638. 
As only two were to deliver their opinion on the same of the 
day, and in consequence of the claims of otlier busi- " *^^ 
ness, a considerable delay would intervene between 
the utterances of each speaker ; some months must 
elapse before the judgment of the whole bench could 
be known. 

It was not likely that the Judges would break 
away from their declaration of the preceding winter. 
On some of them no doubt the dependent position to 
which they had been reduced by Charles may have 
not been without its influence. But it must not be for- 
gotten that the question itself was rather one for 
political than for judicial settlement. Hampden and 
his supporters were only careful to establish a nega- 
tive. They saw clearly that the right assumed by 
the King was fatal to the Parliamentary constitution 
of England. The Judges might well ask what was the 
alternative proposed. Was a House of Commons, as 
yet unguided by any Cabinet and undisciplined by 

VOL. I. F 


CHAP, any party ties, to be expected to meet with wise fore- 
^ — ^ — ' thought all the exigencies of foreign affairs ? What 
was really wanted, if there was not to be a political 
revolution, was that the King should not only exercise 
his discretion, but should really be discreet, should 
only use extraordinary powers in extraordinary cir- 
cumstances, and should withhold his confidence from 
the nation no further than it might be in the interest 
of the nation that secresy should be maintained 
for a time. Unfortunately, such a consummation 
was beyond the power of any judicial decision to 
/utonent Something of this difficulty seems to have been 

felt by Baron Weston, who dehvered judgment first. 
He beUeved that the King had decided rightly in 
fitting out the fleet. If, indeed, it had been done by 
Parliament, it had been done by the happiest meand. 
But he could not lay down the law that it must 
always be done by ParUament. K the enemy had 
come ' before the Parliament had met, or before they 
had granted any aid, should the safety of the kingdom 
depend upon such contingencies ? * 
MdBe?^ This reluctance to acknowledge the existence of a 
keiey ; general prohibitory law was the strongest ground on 
which the King's supporters could rely. It was not 
likely that all of Weston's brethren would be content 
to give so half-hearted a support to the Crown. 
Crawley, who followed, declared that it was a royal 
prerogative * to impose taxes without common consent 
of ParUament.' Berkeley went further still. He fixed 
upon Holborne's argument that, by the fundamental 
policy of the realm, sovereigns who wished to exact 
money at their pleasure ought to be restrained by Par- 
liament. " The law," he said, " knows no such king- 
yoking policy. The law is of itself an old and trusty 


servant of the King's ; it is his instrument and means chap. 
which he nseth to govern his people by. I never read ""T^^"^ 
nor heard that Lex was Rex^ but it is common and 
most true that Rex is Lex^ for he is Lex loquem, a 
living, a speaking, an acting law." 

Vernon and Trevor followed on the same side. It of vernon, 
was not till five of the Judges had declared for the croke?"* 
King that one was found to take part with the de- 
fendant. Sir George Croke is said to have hesitated 
what he should say, but to have been encouraged by 
his wife to speak his mind without fear of conse- 
quences. The tale has no sufficient evidence to sup- 
port it, and he was hardly the man to need such an 
exhortation. However this may have been, he spoke 
distinctly and emphatically. It was utterly contrary 
to law, he said, to set any charge whatever upon the 
subject except in ParUament. Even under this con- 
dition the King could not possibly find any difficulty 
in providing for the defence of the realm. He had 
power to press into his service every single man and 
every single ship in England. ' The imagination of 
man,' he said, * could not invent a danger, but course 
might be taken till Parliament be had.' No example 
of such a writ as that before the Court could be pro- 
duced from thg whole course of English history. 

Of the remaining Judges Hutton followed deci- Seven 
sively in Croke's steps. Denham, who was ill, gave thefcrown. 
a brief judgment in Hampden's favour, and Bramp- 
ston and Davenport placed themselves, for technical 
reasons, on the same side. Jones and Finch pro- 
nounced for the King. Charles could count as his 
own but seven voices out of twelve, giving him the 
smallest of all possible majorities. 

Of all the arguments delivered on the side of the Finch's 
Crown none created so proiound an impression as tiomu 






CHAP, that of Finch. It had at least the merit of plain 
"• speaking, and the spontaneity of its tone is such as to 

1638. Y2Lise a suspicion that the Chief Justice of the Common 
Pleas, overbearing and brutal as he could be upon 
this occasion, was not the mere time-server that he is 
generally reckoned. Finch held, as all reasonable poli- 
ticians now hold, that in every State some man or body 
of men must exist above all human control, which may be 
wisely subjected to checks and hindrances, but which 
must be able in case of supreme necessity to brush aside 
those checks and hindrances without appeal. This 
power, which is now attributed to the constituencies, 
was by Finch attributed to the King. The law, he 
said, having given to the King the duty of defending 
the country, had of necessity given him the right of 
laying the charge which would enable him to fulfil 
the duty imposed upon him. " Acts of Parliament," 
he boldly added, " to take away his Koyal power in 
the defence of his kingdom are void. . . . They are 
void Acts of Parliament to bind the King not to com- 
mand the subjects, their persons and goods, and I 
say their money too, for no Acts of Parliament make 
any difference." ^ 

Effector ^^^^ ^^ ^' 1^^^* P^^^ speaking. After this, 

wwdS!' what was the use of going back to those ancient 
laws which were fondly regarded as the bulwarks of 
English liberty? Precedent and statute had been 
quoted in vain. There was, it seemed, a transcendent 
authority in the King which neither law nor Parlia- 
ment could fetter. No wonder men took alarm at 
so portentous a doctrine, and that those who claimed 
sovereignty for the law and those who claimed sove- 
reignty foi Parliaments were equally roused to indig- 
nation. " Undoubtedly," wrote Clarendon long 

^ SUUe TriaU, iH. 825. 


afterwards, "my Lord Finch's speech made ship chap 
money much more abhorred and formidable than all 

the commandments by the Council table and all the ^ ^ ' 
distresses taken by the sheriffs of England." ^ It did 
more than that. It taught men to know, beyond all 
possibility of mistake, that the reign of Parliament 
and the reign of law were indissolubly connected, 
and that the fond idea of an unparliamentary govern- 
ment acting under legal restraint must be cast aside 
for ever. 

The speeches of the popular lawyers, and the 
judgments of the popular Judges, were circulated 
from hand to hand. A settled conviction took pos- 
session of Englishmen that, if the majority of the 
Judges was against them, the weight of argument 
was on their side. Never had the authority of 
Charles sunk so low as after the victory which he 
counted himself to have won. 

Charles acted as if doubt were no longer possible. Arrears of 
TJie voice of the Judges, when it spoke in his own ^^^"^^ 
favour, was to him as the voice of the law itself. 
Sharp orders were at once issued for the immediate 
collection of the arrears. Sheriffs were to bring in 
the money on pain of a summons before the Council. 
Constables revising to assess, magistrates of towns 
refusing to collect, and men of standing refusing to 
pay were to be treated in the same manner. This 
pressure was not exerted entirely in vain. Even the 
sturdy Bichard Chambers, who had refused to pay 
ship money as he had refused to pay Tonnage and 
Poundage before, was liberated from prison upon 
payment of the loZ. charged upon him, though he con- 
soled himself by bringing an action against the Lord 
Mayor, who had assessed it, upon the ground of some 

* Clarendon,!, 71, 










The Forest 

technical informality.^ At the end of July 78,000/. 
were still in arrear. By the end of October 30,000/. 
of this sum had been paid in, though even this left 
the arrears twice as large as those remaining at the 
end of October 1637.^ K this, however, could be 
recovered there was no reason to despair of the 
Exchequer. Never since the accession of the Stuart 
dynasty had the finances been in so flourishing a 
condition as in the spring of 1638. The Great 
Customs, which had for some years been farmed for 
150,000/., were let afresh for 165,000/.^ The new 
burdens laid since Portland's death were beginning 
to tell, and with ordinary prudence the King would 
be certain to secure himself from a deficit. 

The great case of ship money was peculiarly 
adapted to bring into a focus all the political dissatis- 
faction which existed in England. The incidence of 
the tax was felt by all but the very poorest, and the 
question at issue, with its wide and far-reaching con- 
sequences, was capable of being summed up in a few 
terse words which would fix tliemselves in the 
dullest understanding. As was, however, to be ex- 
pected, the grievance of ship money did not stand 
alone. Other complaints were heard of mischiefs 
inflicted for the most part on special classes or special 
localities, which were each of them separately of less 
importance than that caused by the ship money, but 
which, taken together, were sufficient to cause a con- 
siderable amount of irritation. 

First of these was the complaint of the action of 

^ Rosaingham^s Newsletter, June 16, 1640. S, P, Dom. cccdviL 36. 

' Council Register f June 30, July 15. Russell's account, Oct. 27, 
1637, July 28, Oct. 27, 1638. 8, P. Donu ccclxx. 57, cccxlv. 93, 95, 
cccc. 114, 115. 

' Indenture, March 17, 1638. Patent RoU$, 13 Charles I., Part 41, 
No. I. 



the Forest Courts, the unwonted activity of which chap. 
had been in operation ever since 1634. In the 
course of three years Holland, as Chief Justice in 
Eyre, had held his justice seat in the Forest of Dean, 
in Waltham Forest, and in the New Forest.^ In 1637. 
1637 the turn of the Forest of Eockingham arrived, court m 
The fines set by Holland were enormous. The Earl ham^Foreat 
of Salisbury was called on to pay 20,cxx)Z., the Earl 
of Westmoreland 19,000/., Sir Christopher Hatton 
i2,oooZ. The boufids of the forest had been 
reckoned as measuring six miles in circumference. 
They were now to measure sixty .*^ As usually hap- 
pened, the fines actually levied were far less than 
those originally set. In November Commissioners xov. 4. 
were named to compound with all persons guilty Smi^^ 
of offences against forest law.^ After the Com- ®"^°- 
mission had been in action two years and a half, 
only 23,000/. had been brought by it into the Ex- 
chequer from all the forests in England.* The sum 
paid was indeed small enough when compared with 
the original demand, but it was large enough to cause 
considerable discontent in the minds of those who 
beheved themselves to be buying off, on compulsion, 
a purely imaginary claim. 

No public object was aimed at by Charles in these Corporate 
exactions. In the institution of new corporations ™**"°^ *** 
with exclusive rights of manufacture, or of sale, he, 
or those who acted in his name, were doubtless guided 
to a large extent by considerations of public benefit. 
The Monopoly Act of 1624 had been the result 
partly of the jealousy aroused amongst traders, who 

' Permmdl Govemtnent of Charles L, ii. 73, 76, 172, 182. 

■ Garrard to Wentworth, Oct. 9. Straf, Letters^ ii. 114. 

* GommiflBioxiy Nov. 4. Patent RoUs, 13 Charles I., Part 14, Dors. 6. 

^ Breriates of the receipt. 





The Brick- 

saw the profits of trade going into the hands of 
courtiers, and partly of the pressure felt in conse- 
quence of the violation of economic laws by those 
who could give no account of the true cause of the 
mischief. Not only had that Act left untouched the 
general power of the Crown to institute corporations 
with the right of monopoly, but it had not been 
accompanied, as the Free-Trade measures of our own 
time were accompanied, by any intellectual enlarge- 
ment of the traditional sphere of thought upon the 
subject. The Privy Council of Charles, therefore, 
not only beheved itself to be empowered by law 
to establish new corporations with the sole right 
of trade, but they shared the feelings of a generation 
which regulated trade in every possible way. 
Justices of the peace had long counted it to be a part 
of their business to settle the rate of wages and to 
keep down the price of food. Inhabitants of towns 
petitioning for the erection of a municipal corpora- 
tion were in the habit of ascribing all the vice and 
misery of over -populated districts to the * want of 
governance ' which allowed each man to come and 
go, to manufacture or not to manufacture, as he 
pleased.^ It is impossible for any candid person to 
read the numerous entries on the subject of trade 
which crowd the Eegister of the Privy Council 
without coming to the conclusion that they were the 
work of men desirous, perhaps, here and there to 
obtain a little fragmentary relief for the impoverished 
Exchequer, but who were desirous to have honest 
work done at low prices, and conspicuously failed 
in the attempt. 

In 1636, for instance, a Corporation of Brick- 

^ Several petitions state this in the Petition Books at Crowcombe 


makers was established for the benefit of the builders 
of London. These men were to make good bricks at 
the rate of six shillings the thousand. At the end of 
three years it was discovered that they made very 
bad bricks indeed, and that, though they sold them 
at the stipulated price, they kept the carriage of them 
in their own hands and charged exorbitantly for it.^ 

Still more difficult was the task of bringing the The coai- 
London coal supply to an ideal standard. The '^^"" 
owners of the coal ships were formed into a cor- 
poration, and bound themselves to pay one shilling 
to the King on every chaldron imported from New- 
castle. They also bound themselves never to charge 
more than seventeen shillings the chaldron in summer 
and nineteen shillings in winter. Yet, strict as were 
the rules laid down, the coal-shippers gave endless 
trouble to the Government. Again and again there 
was a scarcity in the London market, and prices rose 
in defiance of the Privy Council. Sometimes blame 
was attributed to a combination amongst the shippers 
to delay their vessels on the way from the North, 
in order to create an unusual demand, under the 
pressure of which they might run up prices in de- 
fiance of their agreement ; sometimes to improper 
regulations imposed in the London market ; some- 
times to the greed of the retailers. But, in spite 
of the reasoning and the activity of the Council, 
it was only at rare intervals that coals were not above 
the regulation price in London.^ 

The Corporation of Soap-makers, which had 1637. 

11. . /^ a -I The S«»ap 

caused such excitement m 1635,*^ underwent a com- makers. 

^ Patent HolU, 13 Charles I.^ Part 7, No. 5. Council JReffister, Apr. 

24, 1639. • 

* The State Papers and the Council Register are full of this business. 

' Personal Gov, of Charles L, ii. 165. 


CHAP, plete change in 1637. With Juxon as Treasurer 
^ — -^ — ' Laud at last had his way. The company formed of 
Portland's friends disappeared. The old independent 
soap-makers were erected into a corporation, buying 
out their predecessors with 43,000/., and agreeing to 
pay to the King 8Z. on every ton of soap manufac- 
tured by them. The very men who had raised the 
outcry against the search for illicit soap now made 
exactly the same use of their monopoly as that of 
which they had themselves complained. They con- 
stantly appUed to the Council to assist them in the 
suppression of unauthorised manufacture, and the 
Council seldom failed to comply with their request.^ 
1635. The original object of the incorporation of the 

Soap Company had been the encouragement of 
domestic industry. With the same object a company 
was formed at Shields for the production of salt. All 
port towns from Berwick to Southampton were 
ordered to provide themselves with this salt alone in 
place of that which came from the shores of the Bay 
of Biscay, and which was at that time regarded as 
the best salt in the world. The company was to pay 
to the King ten shiUings on every wey sold for home 
consumption, and three shiUings and fourpence on 
every wey of that coarser sort which was used by 
X636. fishermen.^ Complaints were soon heard. The owners 
of the Yarmouth fishing boats declared that they 
could not obtain salt in sufficient quantity, and that 
what they did receive was not as good as the old 
bay salt had been.® The King had a plan of his own 

* Agreement, July 3, 1637. Patent Bolls, 13 Oharles I., Part 39, No. 
10. There are also frequent entries relating to the subject in the 
Council Register, 

' Indenture, Nov. 4, 1635. Potent HoUs, 1 1 Charles I., Part 26, No. 4. 

' Bailiffs of Great Yarmouth to the Council, Not. 13, 1636. S, P. 
Dum» cocxxxv. 51. 


to meet the difficulty. A certain Nicholas Murford chap. 
had invented a new method of making salt, and had ' — t-t' 
obtained leave to establish his works in the neigh- 
bourhood of Yarmouth, with special permission to 
sell his salt in spite of the monopoly of the Shields 
manufacturers. An influential company was formed 1637. 
to carry out Murford's project. The King interested 
himself so deeply in the affair that he granted lands 
to the new company, which turned out to be the 
property of others, and was consequently compelled 
to retract his gift.^ 

The King's claim to levy impositions on soap and 
salt may have received a sort of justification as a mere 
demand for an equivalent for the loss of his customs 
caused by the prohibition of importation. Other 
interferences with domestic trade reposed simply on 
the ground that it was the King's business to see that 
his subjects were provided with articles of good 
quality, though even in these cases he did not disdain 
to make a profit for himself. The Company of Starch- starch- 
makers was to take care that good wheaten flour was ™* ^"^ 
not wasted in their unprofitable manufacture. In Maitstera 
order that grain might not be misused in brewing ^ 
beer unnecessarily strong, all persons except a certain 
number of licensed maltsters and brewers were pro- 
hibited from making malt and brewing beer. This 
last prohibition caused such an outcry that even 
Charles gave way before it and threw open the trade 
once more.* 

' Grant to Murford and Han worth, May 25, 1636. Patent Rolls, 12 
Charles I., Part 7, No. 6. The King to Wentworth and others, Jan. 18. 
Wentworth's petition, Feb. 22, 1637. Murford to Sherwood, 1637? 
8, P. Dam, occxliy. 35, ccczlvii. 80, ccclxxyii. 84. 

* Prockmation, July 9, 1637, June 18, 1638. Byiner, xx. 157, 234. 
Appointment of Brewers for Essex, Feb. 28, 1638. Patent liolls, 13 
Qhailet I., Part 18, No. 6. 



CHAP. For these encroachments some reason, however 

' — -^~' unsatisfactory, could, in every case, be alleged. For 
The Vint- Charlcs's interference with the wine trade no reason 

1632. whatever could be produced. As early as in 1632 a de- 
mand was made upon the sellers of wine in London for a 

1633. premium of 4Z. per tun. Upon their refusal, it was dis- 
covered that the Vintners were in the habit of dressing 
meat for sale to their customers, a mode of obtaining 

1635- money which was not authorised by their charter. A 
decree of the Star Chamber put a stop to the practice. 
At the Council Board the Vintners were urged to be 
wise in time. " It is folly in travellers," said Dorset, 
" to deny their purses to robbers upon the way, and to 
draw harm upon themselves thereby, when they have 
no sufficient force either to defend their purses or 
their own persons." A proposal was then made that 
if the Vintners would lend the King 6,000/. the pro- 
hibition should be relaxed for some months, and that 
then they should be secured from further molestation. 
They paid the money, but the promised security was 
not forthcoming. They complained to the Council, 
but met with no redress. " Will you not be satisfied," 
said Arundel, " with the word of a king?" Upon 
this they imagined that they would be allowed to 
dress meat, as they had hitherto done. They were at 
once called in question. The Attorney General offered 
to overlook the offence for the future if they would 
pay the King a penny on every quart of wine sold. 
On their refusal they were again prosecuted in the 

x637« Star Chamber for dressing meat. When the cause 
was ready for sentence. Alderman Abell, the Master 
of the Vintners' Company, came to a bargain with 
the King through the interposition of the Marquis 

1638. of Hamilton. To Hamilton had been granted the 
fines which were recoverable in the Star Chamber 


from the offenders in the matter of dressing meat. chap. 
He now explained to the Vintners that he had — ^*~^ 
no wish to ruin so many honest men, and that it 
would be far better for them to comply with the 
King's wish. His arguments were warmly supported 
by Abell, and by Kilvert, the wretch who had been 
the main agent in the ruin of Williams, and who was 
now currying favour at Court by providing for the 
increase of the revenue at the expense first of the 
Vintners and ultimately of the consumers of wine. 
Before this pressure the unfortunate Company gave 
way. They agreed to all that was asked. They were 
to be permitted to dress meat and sell beer. They 
were to be allowed to charge an additional penny on 
every quart of wine sold, and they were to grant to 
the King a payment of 20L on every tun, or, as was 
subsequently settled, a rent of 30,000/. a year.^ All 
the vintners in England were compelled by the Coun- 
cil to conform to the arrangements made with the 
London Company. Hamilton obtained 4,000/. a year 
from the rent, and 1,500/. a year more were assigned 
to two members of his family. No doubt Kilvert 
had his profit too.^ 

^ Riuhw. iii. 277. OmncU Register ^ March 2, 1635. Garrard to 
Wentworth, Jan, 8, 1636. Straf. Letters^ i. 507. Indenture, Sept. 7, 
1638, Patent JRoBs, 14 Charies I., Part 18, No. 2. This is no doubt the 
indenture aaaigned by Rush worth to 1634. See also The Vintnerif 
Answer to sovne Scandalous Pamphlets, 1642. (E. 140.) ''Those of the 
better sort which did give their counsel,'' says the writer of this 
pamphlet (p. 7), '' did it not with any true liking to the project, but 
merely to avoid ruin in the Star Chamber. For the shipwreck of the 
sonp-boilers and others was then fresh in view ; and that Court had then 
gotten them the same repute as a Timariot's horse has in Turkey, where 
they say no grass ever grows after the impression of his fatal hoof.** The 
early form of this saying, which is still current, with a slight change, is 

• Kilvert's remonstrance, HarL MSS, 1,219, ^"^l* 3' Grants to 
Ilamilton and others, Patent PoUsy 14 Charles I., Part 9, Nos. 25, 31, 32. 


CHAP. The great body of consumers of wine suffered in 

order that the King and the courtiers might increase 

The growth their profits. It is not always by the most hurtful 
actions that the greatest discredit is gained. In our 
eyes nothing could be so injurious as any attempt to 
limit the size of London by prohibiting the erection of 
new houses. England was growing in prosperity and 
wealth, and the effects of prosperity were felt in the 
increase of the population of the capital. In the early 
part of the reign houses began to spring up for the 
accommodation of the new comers, and a new and 
fashionable quarter arose in the neighbourhood of 
Drury Lane. To provide the requirements necessary 
for the maintenance of health would have taken some 
trouble and some thought. It was easier to say that 
no houses should be built than to regulate the mode 
in which they were to be erected. At lirst, indeed, 
the anxiety to restrain the increase of buildings gave 
way before the desire to fill the Exchequer, and fines 
were readily accepted in the place of the demolition 
of houses. When at last a serious effort was made to 
check the supposed evil, the initiative did not proceed 
Oct. 29. from the King. A petition from the Lord Mayor 
SlfiiS-' ^^^ aldermen drew the attention of the Council to 
^^^ the growing mischief. They alleged that swarms of 

beggars were attracted by the new houses. Prices 
had risen in consequence of the increasing demand 
for the necessaries of life. Many of the houses were 
built over water-pipes, and cut off the supply of 
water. The danger of infection was increased. Soil 
was carried down to the river, which threatened to 
impede navigation.^ 

* Qnmcil Register , Oct. 29, 1632. How strongly the corporation 
felt on this subject is shown by the presentation of a petition to the 
House of Commons on June 14, 1642, pi'aying that a Bill might be 
passed against new buildings. Common Council Journal Book, zi. 33. 


Doubtless something more than pure enthusiasm chap. 
for the public good was at work in the minds of the ^ — -^-^ 
petitioners. The population within the City looked 
on the population outside the Gty as its rival in 

After a year's consideration the Council responded ,533 
to the City petition. One valuable suggestion tliey xSwer oV 
made,butitwas made only to be dropped. They advised ^J»«Councii, 
that the streets and alleys which had grown up to the 
north of the Strand should be brought under muni- 
cipal government by being divided between the cities 
of London and Westminster. For the rest, they simply 
adopted the recommendations of the City. In order 
to ascertain the extent of their legal powers a test 
case was brought into the Star Chamber, when 
Attorney General Noy argued that though there was 
no statute to authorise the demolition of the new 
buildings, they might be proceeded against as 
nuisances under the Common Law. Coventry and 
the two Chief Justices accepted this doctrine, and 
orders were given to commence the demolitions.^ As 
long as Charles retained authority permission to build 
was seldom granted, though in a few exceptional 
cases the prohibition was relaxed on payment of a 

The natural result was the overcrowding of exist- 1637 
ing houses. To provide a remedy householders were crowdingto 
ordered to forbear from taking lodgers. It was not dfed*bTpro 
easy to enforce the order. A return made in 1637, fjd^*"* 
when the ravages of the plague had frightened the 
authorities, who were ignorantly doing their best to 
promote the dissemination of disease, shows how little 
their edicts were observed. In one house were found 
eleven married couples and fifteen single persons. In 

1 Council Register, Oct. 23, 1633. Add. MSS, 11,764, fol. 2. 






the Phyri- 


The Lon- 

another the householder had taken in eighteen 
lodgers ; and even the Company of Freemasons had 
cut up their common hall into tenements.^ The 
wisest were as far to seek as the most ignorant. In a 
report on the causes of the plague made by the Col- 
lege of Physicians, the chief blame is thrown not on 
restriction, but on the increase of building, ' by which 
multitudes of people are drawn hither to inhabit, by 
which means both the air is much offended and pro- 
vision is made more scarce.' It is true that this 
statement is followed by a list of nuisances to be 
abated. The sewers and ditches were not properly 
cleansed. Ponds which should have been filled up 
were left to collect refuse. The streets were not 
swept as they should be. Lay stalls were allowed to 
remain close to the habitations of man. Those who 
died of the plague were buried within the City, and 
some of the graveyards were so full that partially 
decomposed bodies were taken up to make room for 
fresh interments. Corn, meat, and fish unfit for con- 
sumption were sold to the poor. The physicians re- 
commended the erection of a Health Office to provide 
a remedy, a recommendation which no one attempted 
to carry into effect.*"^ 

For good or for evil it was dangerous to interfere 
with the great City commonwealth. The settlement 
of the affairs of Londonderry,^ though more favour- 
able to the City than had been at one time expected, 
was long cherished as a deadly grievance. The Irish 
lands, settled at tlie cost of so much labour and capi- 
tal, were forfeited to the Crown. The greater part 
of the fine imposed was indeed remitted, but 1 2,000/. 

' Returns, May 1637. S, P. Dom, cccliz. 

' The College of Physiciaus to the CouDcil, Aug. (P) 1637. S. P, 
Dom, occlxvi. 78. ' Pers. Oovemment of Charles /., ii. 1 52. 


were exacted for the use of the Queen,^ wlio happened chap. 
to be in want of that sum. Another subject of 

irritation was an arrangement for increasing the t/^V 
tithes due to the City clergy. On the face of the cJc'gj- 
matter, Laud, who pushed it on in the Council, had 
justice on his side. The tithes by which the clergy 
were supported had sunk to a mere pittance through 
under-valuation of the property on which they were 
charged, and Laud insisted on a more accurate valu- 
ation. The citizens regarded his demand from a very 
different point of view. If they were illiberal in the 
payment of tithe, they had been very liberal in 
irr^ular payments to preachers and lecturers. They 
liked, however, to select the recipients of their 
bounty — as Laud would have put it, to bring the 
clergy into subservience to themselves, or, as they 
would have put it, to take care that their ministers 
were not infected by the new ceremonialism. 

Collisions between the Council and the City were ,5,6. 
indeed of constant occurrence. Li [636 the failure co™rZ 
of the proposal to extend the municipal governments **^- 
of London and Westminster over the districts covered 
with recent buildings was followed by the estabhsh- 
ment of a new corporation for those districts, which, 
by establishing the usual trade regulations, should 
prohibit the intrusion of persons who had not served 
their regular apprenticeship. The citizens of London 
regarded the new arrangement with a jealous eye, and 
a proposal that apprentices who had served their 
time under the new corporation should be admitted 
to trade in the City found no favour in their sight.* 

' There is a Privy Seal to this effect. 

* Oharter, June 2, 1636. Patent HolU, I3 Obarles I., Part 20, 
No. 7. Proclamatioiiy Not. 22, 1637. Rymer, zx. 173. Coun/^l 
JUffitUr^ May 6, 1638. 

VOL. I. G 








The letter- 

The spirit of monopoly was everywliere vigorous. In 
1634, when an enterprising stable-keeper for the first 
time sent hackney coaches to stand for hire in tlie 
streets, many persons held up their hands in horror 
at the innovation. It was seriously proposed that no 
coach should be liired for less than a three miles 
journey, and that unmarried gentlemen should be 
forbidden to ride in tliem except when accompanied 
by their parents.^ The London watermen made ob- 
jections of a different kind. They were quite ready 
to see any number of coaches driving northwards 
towards Islington and Hoxton, but they held it to be 
intolerable presumption in them to compete with the 
wherries on the river by driving from the City to 
Westminster. For a time these objections prevailed. 
In 1636 a proclamation was issued forbidding the 
hiring of hackney coaches for a shorter journey than 
one of three miles. Too extensive a use of coaches, 
it was said, would block up the streets, break up the 
pavements, and raise the price of hay.^ It was not 
long before it was discovered that the coaches which 
had been so severely condemned were not without 
their use. Like the vintners, the coachmen applied 
to Hamilton to license fifty hackney coachmen for 
London and Westminster, and as many as he thought 
right for other places in England. Hamilton did not 
grant these licenses for nothing,® but he provided 
London with vehicles which were to be hired by all 
who wished to employ them. 

Another salutary innovation was the establish- 
ment of a post-office for the transmission of letters. 

* Paper of suggestions, May 5, 1634. S. P, Dom., cclxvii. 36. 

' Watermen*8 Petition^ June, 1634. S, P. Dom., cclzix. 52 ; Pro- 
clamation, June 19, 1636. Rymer^ zix. 721. 

' A bundle of these licenses are preserved amongst the Verney Papers 
at Clajdon. 



Hitherto, any one who wished to communicate witli chap. 
his friends, and who was not sufficiently weahliy to 
send liis letters by a private messenger, was obliged 
to entrust them to a carrier, who conveyed them over 
the miry roads at the rate of sixteen or eighteen miles 
a day. Under this system, the few persons who had 
communications with Scotland or Ireland were well 
content if they received an answer within two months. 
In 1635 ^^^ Government adopted a proposal for esta- 
blishing a regular post on the principal roads. Six 
days were allowed for going to Edinburgli and back. 
The other main routes were from London to Ply- 
mouth, and from London to Holyhead, but cross posts 
were established to serve the principal towns lying off 
the road. The charge for a single letter was two- 
pence for a distance of eighty miles.* By an arrange- 1637. 
ment with the King of France and the Cardinal 
Infant, the system was extended beyond the Channel, 
and merchants were able to send u single letter to 
Antwerp for eightpence, and to Paris for ninepence.'^ 

Like all the Stuart Kings, Charles took an interest i6a6. 
in those improvements which were hkely to increase Hatfield*^ 
the material prosperity of the country. In his father's "*' 
reign there had been many projects for reclaiming 
inundated lands, but it was not till after Charles's 
accession that anything serious was attempted. In 
1626 a commencement was made with Hatfield Chase, 
where 70,000 acres were flooded by the rivers whicli 
converge to form the Humber. A Dutchman, Cor- 
nelius Vermuyden, skilled in the art of raising em- 
bankments and cutting canals, was brought over from 

* Propoaitioii, June. S. P. Dotn., ccxci. 114, Proclamation, July 31, 
1635. IfyfneTf xix. 649. 

' CSominianon, April 5, 1637. Patent RoU)<f 13 C'harles I. Part 41, 
Bora. No. 3. 

o 2 









between the 
and the na- 


The Go- 
Attempts to 

Holland. Dutch capitalists were induced to provide 
money for the venture, and the strong arms of Dutch 
labourers, not without some admixture of Flemish 
refugees and French Huguenots, were ready to wield 
the pickaxe and the spade. The operation was cer- 
tain to be unpopular amongst the surroundinjr 
peasantry. Voices were raised in complaint that 
water was beincr forced over fields which had once 
been dry; and the grievances of landowners were 
echoed by the grievances of large numbers without 
avowed occupation, who had gathered round the 
waste grounds, and who made a livehhood by catching 
fish and snaring ducks, as well as by various other 
contrivances, for the cessation of which the under- 
takers of the works would hardly be able to find an 
exact pecuniary compensation. Jealousy of foreigners 
fanned the flame of hatred. The embankments were 
broken through and the workmen were attacked. 
The foreigners took up arms in self defence, and an 
Enghshman was killed in the struggle. Tlie sheriff of 
the county restored order, and Vermuyden, made 
wise by experience, offered to employ native labourers 
at high wages, and to compensate those whom he had 
unintentionally damaged. In 1629 Vermuyden was 
knighted, and received a grant of the lands which he 
had recovered on payment of a yearly rent, and a fine 
of [6,000/.^ 

The old difficulties were not yet at an end. The 
Government found it a hard task to keep the peace. 
The enthusiastic and quick-tempered Dutch engineer 
was apt to regard the Enghsh peasants in the light of 
ignorant and selfish obstructives. The peasants looked 

* Hunter, Hist, of the Deanery of D(mcaster,A, i6o. Aosbie to Buck- 
ingham, Aug. 21. Vernatti to St. Gilles, Oct. i6a8. S, P. Dam, cxiii. 
38; cxix. 73. 


upon every accidental injury as a premeditated wrong, ^^jf ^ 
At last, the whole dispute was committed to the " — 7 ' 
mediation of Wentworth and Hutton, the best men 
for the purpose to be found in England. After full 
inquiry, they drew up an award, which was sub- 
sequently confirmed by the Court of Exchequer, by 
which the rights of the tenants and the conmioners 
were fully protected. Vermuydon, in dudgeon, parted 
with his interest. The immigrants whom he had 
employed, about two hundred families of foreign 
origin, remained on the soil whicli they had rescued. 
Grass grew, and corn waVed, where a few years before 
Henry, Prince of Wales, had captured from boats a 
whole herd of deer swimming in the waters. Tlie 
neighbours still remonstrated that they were occa- 
sionaUy deluged by artificial floods ; but wlien once 
the drainage was fully completed, tlie inundations 
ceased.* From another kind of hardship the foreigners 
found no escape. They had been permitted to erect 
a chapel in which they might worship God in their 
native tongues, and they interpreted that permissicm 
as conveying a license to use the forms of their native 
land. Archbishop Neile was horrified to find that 1636. 
these Dutchmen and Frenchmen liad estabUslied a reignew 
Presbyterian congregation on Enghsli soil, tliat tliey to'oJSJi^m 
baptized infants without a font, and received the En^tsh 
Communion without kneeHng at the rail. Neile at ^'^**'*'**' 
once intervened. The strangers were compelled to 
dismiss their minister, to pull down their chapel, 
and to attend the parisli churches of the neighbour- 

The draining of Hatfield Chase was not the only ^^'^;^^ 

^ Hvmier, i. 162. 

• NeUe to Laud, June 23, Sept. 8, 1636 ; Neile's report. S, P. Doni, 
eccxxTii. 47, cccxxzi. 7i,cccxlv. 85, i. 5. 






with Ver- 


work of tlie kind accomplished in England during 
these years. Many thousands of acres were reclaimed 
in Lincolnshire. But of all the fens the largest was 
that known as the Great Level, which spread round 
the Lsle of Ely over some 36,000 acres, which was 
covered by the overflow of the Ouse, the Nen, and 
the Welland. What was in winter a vast expanse of 
water was in summer a dreary swamp. On the damp 
islets an ague-stricken population gathered a coarse 
hay and cut the willows to supply the basket-makers 
of England. Wild ducks and wild geese were to be 
captured by hundreds, and pike and other fresli- 
water fish were to be had in plenty. Men who 
passed half of their lives in boats, and who, when 
they left their boats, strapped on the long stilts which 
enabled them to stride from one piece of dry ground 
to another, were terrified when thev heard of a 
coming change. Tlieir scared feehngs were well 
expressed by words placed in their mouths by a 
rhymester of the day. 

Behold the great design, which they do now determine, 

Will make our hodies pine, a prey to crows and vermin ; 

For they do mean all fens to drain and waters overmaster, 

All will he dry, and we must die, 'cause Essex calves want pasture.^ 

The first serious attempt to deal with the Great 
Level was made in 1629 by the Commissioners of 
Sewers, a body composed of the neighbouring gentry 
acting under the authority of the Crown. They 
entered into a contract with Vermuyden to drain the 
level But the proposal to introduce foreigners was 
as unpalatable in Lincolnshire and Cambridgeshire 
as it had been in Yorkshire, and the Commissioners 
were forced by the public opinion of the district to 
rescind the contract. They urged the Earl of Bedford 

^ Dugdale*B Hist, of Embanking ^ 391, 


to place himself at the head of the work. On his ch^p. 
consent, it was arranged that 95,000 acres of the — 7 — ' 
drained land should be allotted to liim. Of this xheEariot 
share, however, he was to set apart 1 2,000 for the undwuk- 
Eing, and the profits of 40,000 were to serve as a ^°^' 
security for keeping up the works after their com- 
pletion. The amount of land which he was actually 
to enjoy would therefore be reduced to 43,000 acres. 
He divided the undertaking into twenty shares, and 
in 1634 the shareholders were incorporated by Royal 1634. 
Charter. The work proceeded rapidly, and in October 
1637 the Commissioners of Sewers decided tliat it had 1637. 
been completed, and adjudged the stipulated reward pieUonof 
to the Earl and his associates.^ announced. 

The associates, however, were not satisfied. They The work 
complained that Bedford had pursued his own in- adenUy 
terests at their expense, and they threatened him with ^^^^' 
a prosecution in the Styr Chamber unless he treated 
them more fairly.^ Vermuyden too, who had been 
employed by Bedford, was equally discontented. 
Bedford, it was alleged, had claimed his reward 
before he had fully carried out his contract. In 
summer the reclaimed land was tolerably dry. In 
winter, the streams swelled as before, and the waters 
poured over the level plain. Bedford, it would seem, 
had done aU that was in his power to do. lie had 
spent 100,000/. on the undertaking. Yet, unless more 
were done, his labours w^ould have been almost in 

On April 12, 1638, a new body of Commissioners, 

' Cole, CoUection of Lawt, tkui, 

* Ck>mplaiiit8 of the shftreholdere, Oct. 1637. Harl, AtSS. 501 1, 
foL 37. 

' This is distinctly stated by VenDuyden, A Discourse touching the 
Drmmnfff &c. Compare Dugdale, 411, and the Act of 1649, which shows 
that the drained land was even then under water in winter. The accounts 


CHAP, appointed for the purpose, opened a session at Hunt- 
' — *^ — ' ingdon. Whilst they were still sitting, they received 
Apni.* from the King a letter in which, with his accustomed 
Iff^to*^ indiscretion, he announced that he had formed a 
^it^'^wY^ decided opinion that the works were incomplete; and 
then added that he was prepared to take them into 
Action of his own hands.^ The Commissioners took a personal 
missionere survey of tlic works, and obtained verdicts from 
'^**"* seven different juries. Upon this evidence they de- 
clared the drainage to be unfinished.^ Whether they 
were acting under pressure or not, they were, neces- 
sarily, after the reception of the King's letter, 
Uable to the imputation of doing so. At their next 
May. meeting at Wisbech in May, they imposed a taxation 
varying from 10^. to 40cs*. an acre, to support the ex- 
pense of carrying out the original plan. 
Riots in the The moucy was to paid at their next meeting at 
***** Huntingdon in July.^ Before the appointed day 

arrived, other voices made themselves heard. Im- 
perfect as it was, Bedford's work had created sore 
discontent amongst many of the inhabitants of the 
district.* Landowners complained that they were 
worse off than they had been before his intervention. 
The whole tribe of fishermen and willow-cutters 

usually given, as for instauce in Oole's CoUection of Laws, ignore this 
)rround of the King's interference. Wells reprints Cole's ohjurgations, 
though he interlaces them with remarks of his own, conceived in a 
different spirit, giving, however, no intimation which are Cole's sentences 
and which are his own. 

^ We have only the abstract of this letter in Cole xxviii. He mis- 
dates it as written in 1639. 

' Inrolments of the laws of sewers. Part i. It, O, 

' DugdaUy 411. 

^ A pamphlet, the Anti-JhrojectoTf written after 1649, asserts that 
Bedford's grant was illegal ; and that, whereas by the Act of 43 Eliz. 
Cap. 1 1, a lord of the manor was bound to obtain the consent of the 
majority of owners and commoners before commencing drainage works, 
he had falaelv stated that this had been obtained. 


proclaimed themselves grievously wronged. Their <JHap. 
commons, as they called the swamp, had been taken '^T'T^ 
from them, and at the best they would have to betake j| ' 
themselves to an uncongenial life of hard agricultural 
labour. From the moment that the Commissioners 
declared against the Earl, a vague hope spread 
that the King luiglit be on their side. In May, 
Bedford's workmen were interrupted by a disorderly 
mob.^ On June 4 the magistrates of the Isle of Ely Juue4. 
were informed that there had been an assemblage of 
forty or fifty men, at which it had been resolved to 
collect at least six hundred on the following day, on 
the pretext of a football match, to* destroy the 
drainage works. Two of the ringleaders were ar- 
rested. The next day was rainy, and only two Junes. 
hundred persons appeared to begin the work of 
destruction. There were more arrests, and the mob 
was dispersed. One of the prisoners gave expression 
to the thought wliich was doubtless present to the 
minds of all. He would not leave his commons, he 
said, tiU he saw the King's hand and seal. He would 
obey God and the King, and no one else, for they 
all were but subjects. " What," he asked, " if one 
might be inspired to do the poor good, and help 
them to their commons again ? " ^ 

' Windebank to Peachy, May 16. S, P, Dom. cccxc. 89. 

' Joaticea of the Peace to the Oounci], Jaoe 9. S, P. Dom, cccxeii. 
45. It 18 difficult to aay what Oroiiiwell had to do with the matter. 
Sir Philip Warwick*a statement that he threw himself into opposition to 
the King has led every one astray. Probably Warwick, when he wrote 
hia Memoirs, could not conceive Cromwell as acting except in opposition 
to the King. Mr. Forster in his lAfe of Cromwell has a highly imagina- 
tive narrative of Oromweirs proceedings which has no support in any 
known evidence. If Cromwell had really bearded the Court, his name 
wouM have appeared on the Council Register as a prisoner. Mr. Sanford 
{Shtdm of the Oreat JRebellion, 253) is far more moderate ; but even he 
tuggeata that Cromwell appeared on behalf of the commoners, ' turning 
that amount of popular opinion against the King*s undertaking, which 





«, — — ^ 


July 18. 

The King 
it to under- 
take the 

When the Commissioners met on July 18, it was 
to declare their determination to enforce the taxation 
which they had ordered, and to announce that the 
inhabitants were to continue in possession of their 
lands and commons till tlie drainage was completed. 
Nor were Bedford and his partners to liave any reason- 
able cause for dissatisfaction. By the original arrange- 
ment, after providing 1 2,000 for the King and 40,000 
to form a provision for the maintenance of the works, 
they would have had 43,000 to divide amongst them- 
selves. They were now offered 40,000 without tlie 
obUgation of finishing the works at all. If, as is said, 
the annual value of the reclaimed land was 305. an 
acre, they would obtain a yearly income of 6o,coo/. 
by a capital expenditure of ioo,oco/. Tliey had cer- 
tainly no reason to complain. 

The King himself was to undertake tli^ work, 
receiving 57,000 acres in return. Little was, how- 
ever, done by him. Troubles were coming thickly 

had been created to resist his illegal proceediDgs ; so that the Commis- 
sioners, afraid of meeting the whole of the parties, made an order to 
permit the landholders to take the pro6t8 of the lands, and to the gene- 
rality granted commonB of pasture over the whole of the acreage. . . . 
Both these concessions, without doubt, were owing to the skilful oppo- 
sition of Oliver.' The, simple answer to this hypothesis is, that the 
Commissioners met on July i8, and that Charles had on July lo 
announced his intention of making these concessions (Bankes to Winde- 
bank, July 21. S. P, Dom. cccxcv. 77), when he can have had no fear 
of Oliver before his eyes. Nevertheless, it is highly probable that Crom- 
well did take the part of these poor men. If he did so, he must have 
been on the King's side against Bedford, and not, as is always asserted, 
on Bedford's side against the King. This would be the more cit)dit- 
able to him, ns political motives would have drawn him to Bedford, 
and his cousin St. John was Bedford's counsel and one of the 
adventurers. There is nothing whatever to connect the nickname 
* Lord of the Fens ' with these proceedings. It simply occurs as one of 
the many names for the lending Parliamentarians in the Mercurnu 
AuiieuB of Nov. 6, 1643. Sir H. Vane appears as 'an old New Eng- 
land man,' Rudyerd as 'a grave senator,' &c. &c. All that can be 
meant is, that Cromwell lived in the fens. 


upon Charles, and he had neither money nor time to chap. 
bestow upon the fens. Possibly he might not have 

succeeded even under more favourable circumstances. , , I 

July x8. 

He selected Vermuyden as his engineer, and even then 
voices were raised to argue that Verm uy den's ideas 
were unpractical. Modern engineers have decided 
that the objections then brought were of great weight.^ 

The story of the first attempt to effect the drainage Beharionr 
of the great fens is worthy of notice by the historian ^ " ' 
as well as by the engineer. It brings out into clear 
relief both the merits and the defects of Charles's 
character. It is evident that he was anxious to carry 
out a work of real importance, both when he en- 
trusted it to Bedford and when he took it into his 
own hands. It is evident, too, that he desired both 
that the rich should be benefited and that the poor 
should not be wronged. Yet he gained no credit for 
his good intentions. He took his decision in private 
before any inquiry had been held, and he stultified 
his Commissioners by announcing to them his decision 
just as they were starting to make the inquiry upon 
which it was ostensibly to be based. When all this 
parade of investigation ended in the assignment of a 
large number of acres to himself, it was easy to leap 
to the conclusion that the sole object of the whole 
proceeding was to fill the Exchequer at the expense 
of a popular nobleman, whose advocates before the 
Commissioners were St. John and Holborne, the very 
men who had recently been retained by Hampden. 

From whatever side Charles's conduct is ap- i«»i«uonof 

^ Charles. 

proached, the result is the same. He failed because 
morally, intellectually, and politically he was isolated 

* Barrel], Exception» againtt VermvydetCs Viaccurae. " One of the 
principal lalMurs of modem engineers has been to rectify the errors of 
Yermnjden and his followers.'^ Smiles* Livet of the Engineers , i, 56. 


CHAP, in the midst of his generation. He had no wish to 

" erect a despotism, to do injustice, or to heap up 
^ ' wealth at the expense of his subjects If he had 
confidence in his own judgment, his confidence was 
not entirely without justification. He was a shrewd 
critic of other men's mistakes, and usually succeeded 
in hitting the weak point of an opponent's argument, 
though it often happened that, taken as a whole, the 
argument of his opponents was far stronger tlian his 
own. Especially on theological questions, he was 
able to hold his own against trained disputants. On 
all matters relating to art, he was an acknowledged 
master. His collection of pictures was the finest and 
most complete in Europe. He had tliat technical 
knowledge which enabled him instinctively to dis- 
tinguish between the work of one painter and another 
He was never happier than when he was conversing 
with musicians, painters, sculptors, and architects. 
He treated Rubens and Vandyke as his personal 
friends. But the brain which could test an argument 
or a picture could never test a man. Nothing could 
ever convince him of the unworthiness of those with 
whom he had been in the long habit of famihar 
intercourse. Nothing could ever persuade him of 
the worthiness of those who were conscientiously 
opposed to his government. There was no gradation 
• either in his enmity or his friendship. An Eliot or a 
Pym was to him just the same virulent slanderer as 
a Leighton or a Bastwick. A Wentworth and a 
Holland were held in equal favour, and some Avho 
were ready to sacrifice their lives in his cause were 
constantly finding obstacles thrown in their path 
through the King's soft-hearted readiness to gratify 
the prayers of some needy courtier. 
B««iidor. Iii his unwarranted self-rehance Charles enor- 


mously under-estimated the difBculties of government, 
and especially of a government such as his. He 
would have nothing to say to * thorough/ because he eBUmites 
did not understand that thoroughness was absolutely ^*J^f*®*^" 
essential. He would not get rid of slothful or in- 
competent officials, would not set aside private 
interests for great public ends, would not give 
himself the trouble to master the details of the 
business on which he was engaged. He thought that 
he had done everything in ridding himself of Parlia- 
ments, though in reality he had done but little. He The local 
did not see that Parliaments had roots in the local SSTofthe 
organisations of the country, and that, as long as S^toShed. 
these organisations remained intact, they would be 
ready to blossom into Parliaments again at the first 
favourable opportunity. Sheriffs and Justices of the 
Peace, no doubt, were appointed by the King. In 
his name they administered justice or executed the 
directions of the Council. But they were not, as the 
Intendants of the old French Monarchy or the Prefects 
of the Empire, entirely dependent upon the master in 
whose name they acted. They were country gentle- 
men with the same habits of thought, the same feel- 
ings of independence, as their neighbours around them. 
If they collected ship money, they collected it un- 
willingly, and there were few indeed amongst them 
who did not sympathise with the gallant resistance of 

In the towns the local organisation was far more The city of 
independent of the government than it was in the 
counties. Such a city as that of London, for instance, 
contained a potential force which it would be hard 
to beat down. It was no mere assemblage of in- 
dividual units, content to store up wealth, or to 
secure their daily bread. It had an organisation of 


^HAP. its own, reaching from tlie highest to the lov\rest. Its 


Lord Mayor, its Aldermen, its Common Council, and 
Common Hall constituted a municipal republic. Its 
great merchant societies were busily engaged in 
pushing back the limits of English commerce in 
the most distant lands. At home the great City 
Companies maintained the traditions of trade and 
manufacture, and looked with a jealous eye on all 
attempts made by those outside their pale to partici- 
pate in their profits. If the richer merchants were 
sometimes tempted into subserviency by the timidity 
of wealth and by the allurements of such gains as 
were attainable by a farmer of the Customs, or a 
shareholder in one of the new monopolies, the mass 
of the citizens had nothing directly to hope or fear 
from the Crown ; whilst the habit of participating in 
the election of those by whom the affairs of the City 
were directed, and in the actual decision of more 
important questions, inspired them with that mutual 
reliance which is the ripest fruit of community of 
action. Nor was that action confined to speech and 
counsel. The defence of the City was not confided 
tc an army paid and commanded by the central 
authority of the State, but to the trained bands com- 
posed of its own citizens. The protection of life 
and property was not entrusted to a salaried police. 
The citizens themselves kept watch and ward. When 
trouble was abroad, when apprentices were likely to 
be riotous, or when some unwonted pageant attracted 
denser crowds than usual into the streets, the house- 
holder was still required, as in days of remote 
antiquity, to be answerable for the conduct of every 
member of his household, and to pay the penalty for 
the wrong-doing of his children and servants.^ 

' The Jourmd Book of the Court of Common Council is full of infor- 
mation on these points. 


Such a people — and if other town corporations chap. 

were far behind the capital in wealth and population, — ^ — ' 

they were not far behind in self-reUance — was not q,,^j,^.J 

likely to endure for ever to be entirely excluded from f*«J^» 

.... . . lio|)ele8S 

all participation in the direction of the national one. 
policy, especially as the freeholders and gentry of the 
counties were very much like-minded with the in- 
habitants of the towns. 

''The blessing of Judah and Issacliar," wrote 
Bacon, " will never meet, that the same people or 
nation should be both tlie lion's whelp and tlie ass 
between burdens . . Although the same tribute 
and tax laid by consent or by imposing be all one to 
the purse, yet it works diversely upon the courage." 
From the wisdom which had dictated these words 
Charles had gone very far astray. 

Yet it is no matter of surprise that the inevitable The Revo- 
resistance was so long delayed. In the midst of uJJS*^ 
material prosperity there was no sharp sting of 
distress to goad the masses to defiance of authority. 
Men of property and education had, in the inter- 
mission of Parliaments, no common centre round 
which they could rally. Those who were united in 
political opposition to the Crown were divided by 
their rehgious sympathies. The feeling of irritation 
against Laud's meddlesome interference with habitual 
usage was indeed almost universal ; but Puritanism 
was, after all, the creed only of a minority. Many 
of those who detested the High Commission most 
bitterly would be no partners in any violent or revo- 
lutionary change. 

If the nation, however, was not ready to over- rhe naUon 
throw its government by force, it was not prepared "mpuise*" 
to make any effort to sustain it. How long this state outT ^**** 
of things would have endured, if no impulse had 
come from without, it is impossible to say. The 


CHAP, impulse came from a quarter fi'om which Englishmen 

^ had long ceased to expect either good or evil. In 
^ ' 1636, Scotland, with its scanty population and its 
hardy poverty, was as seldom mentioned in London as 
the Republic of Genoa or the Electorate of Branden- 
burg. In 1638 it was in the mouths of all men. 
Charles had inflicted on the Scottish nation a blow 
which it deeply resented, and its resentment hac? 
•already led to avowed resistance. 





Scotsman as he was by birth, Charles knew even less chap 
of his Northern than of his Southern kingdom. ' — 7 — ' 
Since his early childhood he had only paid one brief ch«ric8«nd 
visit to Scotland. That visit had witnessed an out- ***® ^^^ 
burst of dissatisfaction amongst the nobility with that 
Episcopal Government which they had eagerly assisted 
James to impose on a Presbyterian Church. 

The nobles had discovered that in placing a yoke The no- 
on the'necks of the clergy they had raised up rivals theKehope. 
to themselves. Everywhere in Scotland the Bishops 
were thrusting them aside. The Archbishop of St. 
Andrews was Lord Chancellor of Scotland. Other 
Bishops were members of the Privy Council. Wlien- 
ever Parliament met, the Bishops had in their hands 
the selection of the Lords of the Articles, and ex- 
perience had shown that resistance to the decisions of 
the Lords of the Articles was not likely to be success- 
ful. Li the country districts the Bishops claimed 
that respect and submission whicli the earl or the 
lord believed to be due to himself alone. Although 
Charles had given to the holders of Church property 
an indefeasible title to the estates which their fathers 
had usurped, and had actually purchased lands with 
English money to serve as an endowment for the 
revived Bishoprics, it was hard for him to allay the 
suspicion that he intended sooner or later to recon- 
fiscate to the use of the Church that which had been 

VOL. I. H 


CHA^. confiscated from the Church by an earUer generation 
of landowners. The greater part of the nobility, 
therefore, hated the Bishops thoroughly, and those 
few who did not hate them were not incUned to move 
a finger in their behalf Of all the Scottish lords 
not one was more loyal than Lord Napier, the son of 
the inventor of logarithms. But he was as intolerant 
as Rothes or Loudoun of the poUtical eminence 
into which the Bishops had been thrust. "That 
Bishops have a competence," he wrote, " is agreeable to 
the law of God and man ; but to invest them into great 
estates and principal oflScers of the State is neither con- 
venient for the Church, for the King, nor for the State."* 
The If Charles could have been content to leave the 

ChilJ^. Scottish Church as he found it at the time of hia visit, 
it is hardly likely that the nobles would ever have 
gathered courage to resist him. It is true that theit 
power over their tenants was far greater than that 
possessed by English landowners, but it was less than 
that which had been possessed by their fathers. The 
middle classes had been growing in importance and 
cohesion, and even the peasants looked for guidance 
to their minister rather than to their lord. Till very 
recently the bulk qf the clergy was tolerably con- 
tented. Here and there was to be found a man who 
had remained faithful to the extreme Preflbyterianism 
of a former generation, and a large number felt the 
Articles of Perth to be a serious grievance. But 
their material comfort had been greatly increased by 
Charles and his father, at the expense of the neigh- 
bouring landowners. The Bishops interfered but 
little with their parochial ministrations. Above all, 
they were free to preach the whole Calvinistic creed, 
and to fulminate anathemas against Popery and 

' Napier, MemoriaU of Montrose, i. 70, 


Arminianism to their hearts' content. No Royal chap. 

•^ III. 

Declaration bound them, as it bound the Southern 
clergy, to abstain from enlarging on controverted ^ ^^ 
topics. No canons or rubrics existed which could be 
quoted as sanctioning an obsolete ceremonial. 

The direction of the Articles of Perth to kneel at Kneeiingat 
the reception of the Communion roused, it is true, no mmiion. 
little opposition. It sometimes happened that when 
a minister asked the congregation to kneel, they 
flocked out of the church, leaving him alone at the 
table.^ But in general, either by the connivance of 
the Bishops or by the submission of the congrega- 
tions, there was less trouble caused by this injunction 
than might have been expected. Here and there, varieties 
under the shelter of episcopal authority, there were Lid cere- 
even to be found islands of a faith and practice which ^^^^' 
contrasted strangely with the level waters around. 
The colleges of Aberdeen were notorious for their 
adherence to a more tolerant creed than that of the 
rest of the clergy. At the King's Chapel at Holyrood, 
at one of the colleges at St. Andrews, and at some of 
the cathedrals, the EngUsh Prayer Book was used 
without giving offence.^ If matters had been allowed 
to take their course, it is not impossible that the 
Church of Scotland would have been the first to give 
an example of that comprehensive tolerance which 
was the ideal of Chillingworth and Hales. 

Of no such elasticity in doctrine and practice was charies de- 
Charles likely to approve. When Laud accompanied ^JeThe^ 
the King to Scotland, he was struck by the mean chwJh. 
aspect of many of the Scottish churches. Some of 
them were plain square buildings, looking, as he said, 
very like pigeon-houses. The galleries inside re- 

1 This happened at Ayr. Breret<nC$ Travels, Chetham Society, I2t. 
* hargt Declaration, 20. 

H 2 


CHAP, minded him of seats in a theatre.' On one occasion- 
in. ... 
^ — r^ — ' when he found an old Gothic building thus mal- 

'^^' treated, and was told that the change had been made 
at the Reformation, he answered sharply that it was 
not a reformation, but a Deformaticm.^ 
1635. This carelessness about external propriety was no 

reiMrks on doubt to be attributed in great part to the prevalence 
Sthe*^''" of Calvinism. Yet it cannot be altogether dissociated 
^^^*' from tliat carelessness about the external decencies of 
life which was simply the result of poverty. The 
England of the seventeenth century was assuredly 
/ar behind the England of our own times in sanitary 
precautions. An English traveller who visited Edin- 
burgh in 1635, spoke with amazement of the filth 
which was allowed to accumulate even in the best 
houses. " This city," he wrote, " is placed in a dainty, 
healthful, pure air, and doubtless were a most health- 
ful place to live in, were not the inhabita-nts most 
sluttish, nfisty, and slothful people. I could never 
pass through the hall, but I was constrained to hold 
my nose ; their chambers, vessels, linen, and meat 
nothing neat, but very slovenly." Linen which had 
been washed was in much the same state as dirty 
linen would be in England. * To come into their 
kitchen, and to see them dress their meat, and to 
behold their sink ' was * a sufficient supper, and ' would 
* take off the edge of the stomach.' The writer is the 
more to be credited, because in higher matters he is 
extremely laudatory. "The greatest part of the 
Scots," he declares, " are very honest and zealously 
religious. I observed few given to drink or swearing ; 
but if any oath, the most ordinary oath was 'Upon my 

> Wcrks, iii. 365. 

' This fling at the ugliness of the Scottish churches is usually quoted 
by writers who ought to know better, as if it implied that the Scotch 
had been better off under the Pope. 


soul.' The most of my hosts I met withal, and others ^?,|^- 
with whom I conversed, I found very sound and ortho- "- 

dox, and zealously religious. In their demands they do 
not so much exceed as with us in England, but insist 
upon and adhere unto their first demand for any com- 
modity." ^ 

For all this hard-headed zeal and honesty, Charles j^^^^^ 
had no admiration. His eye did not penetrate beneath The king's 

■^ ^ ^ intentions. 

the external crust of Scottish life. To him, as to 
Laud, a Reformation which had produced churches 
so ill-built, and a ritual so unadorned, was no better 
than a Deformation. The long extemporary prayers 
of the ministers amioyed him, as they have annoyed 
many an Englishman since.* For all this he had a 
fitting remedy. "We," he wrote to the Scottish 
Bishops soon after his return to England, " tendering 
the good and peace of that Church by having good 
and decent order and discipline observed therein, 
whereby religion and God's worship may increase, 
and considering that there is nothing more defective 
in that Church than the want of a Book of Common 
Prayer and uniform service to be kept in all the 
churches thereof, and the want of canons for tlie 
uniformity of the same, we are hereby pleased to 
authorise you as the representative body of that 
Church, and do herewith will and require you to con- 
descend upon a form of Church service to be used 
therein, and to set down canons for the uniformity of 
the discipline thereof" ^ 

* Breretan^B Trauds, 102, 106, no. ^ Large Declaration, 15. 

• The King to the Bishops, May 13. Sprott'e Scottish Liturgies^ 
Introd. zlviiL Oompare Eeble's feeling when he visited Scotland. 
" The kirks, and the manner in which they defile and insult the sacred 
places, e.g. Jedburgh Abbey, are even more horrid than I had expected. 
I would not be in one of them at service time on any consideration. They 
proclaim aloud, every inch of them, * Down with the altar. ' " Coleridge, 
Memoir of KehU, 350. 


CHAP. Officially, no doubt, the Bishops might be held to 

' — 7 — ' be ' the representative body of that Church/ Of the 
The religious heart and soul of Scotland they were in no 

and the seusc the representatives. Even in relation to the 
Cowu organisation of the Church, their position was very 
different from that of their English brethren. An 
English Bishop had the Church Courts at his disposal. 
The churchwardens, as English Puritans bitterly com- 
plained, were bound by oath to present offenders 
against Church law before authorities entirely in- 
dependent of the parishioners. In Scotland, the 
Episcopal jurisdiction had taken no such deep root. 
In the general management of ecclesiastical affaii-s the 
Bishops had taken the place of the assembly, but the 
local management of parochial affairs was still in the 
hands of elected officers. Deacons were chosen by 
the parishioners to take charge of the provision for 
the poor, and elders to take cognisance of moral 
faults committed by members of the congregation. 
The deacons and elders held weekly meetings with 
the ministera to consult on the affairs of the parish. 
Acts of immorality were punished, as in England, by 
exposure on the stool of repentance in the face of the 
congregation. Persons loitering in the streets or 
tipphng and gaming during service time were sent 
to prison.^ 
PoiiHcai In this way the Scottish middle class received its 

of the mid- political cducatiou. Men learned to act together 
in the Church Courts, where they were not over- 
shadowed, as they were in their single House of 
Parliament, by great lords and ministers of State. It 
was not an education which would encourage variety 
of character. The established principles of morality 
and religion were taken for granted in every discus- 

^ BreriiofCi Travels, lo6. 



sion. But if the system bred no leaders of thought, chap. 
it bound man to man in an indissoluble bond. 

Such courts necessarily placed themselves in op- qJ^^^^^ 
position to the Bishops, who were every year be- op^^Jo" 
coming more distinctly the instruments of Laud. As p»«y- 
the Bishops of the stamp of Patrick Forbes died, they 
were succeeded by men after Laud's own heart, such 
as Wedderburn and Sydserf. Yet, even these men 
would hardly have entered on a hopeless struggle 
with the popular feeling, but for the urgency of Laiid. 
Laud, indeed, was far too strong an advocate of Laud and 
ecclesiastical propriety, to attempt to interfere as Bi^ops. 
Archbishop of Canterbury with the Scottish Church. 
But if the King asked his advice as a private person, 
he saw no reason why he should decline to give it. 
Nor did he see any reason why he should not convey 
the King's directions to the Northern prelates, if 
Charles asked him to do so. As the King's secretary, 
he conveyed instructions to the Bishops, remonstrated 
with proceedings which shocked his sense of order, 
and held out prospects of advancement to the zealous. 
Scotchmen naturally took offence. They did not 
trouble themselves to distinguish between the secre- 
tary and the Archbishop. They simply said that the 
Pope of Canterbury was as bad as the Pope of Eome. 

Li the meanwhile, preparations for applying a 1635. 
remedy to the evils which were supposed to afflict and th?^"' 
the Church of Scotland were strenuously urged on in ^^ 
London. A draft of the new canons was submitted 
by the King to Laud and Juxon, and a draft of 
the new Prayer Book to Laud and Wren. The 
alterations proposed were forwarded to Scotland for 
the approval of the Scottish Bishops ; but the brain 
which had conceived them was that of the restless 
Archbishop of Canterbury. 



CHAP. The Canons authorised in 1635 were issued in the 


' following year. In them is to be discerned an 
las^e of the attempt to bridge over the gap between the Bishops 
^^^^^ and the Parochial Courts. There were to be diocesan 
and national synods ; and such synods, if fairly consti- 
tuted and fairly treated, might have gone far to keep 
the existing constitution of the Church in working 
order. But the mode in which these canons were 
issued was in itself an unmistakable intimation that 
Charles had no intention of seriously consulting either 
the clergy or the laity. They came forth to the 
world on the Royal authority alone. Even High 
Churchmen in the next generation shook their heads 
at the shght shown to the Church. Two or three of 
the Bishops had been privately consulted on the 
matter, and that was all.^ 

The canons thus sent into the world contained 
some good advice. Ministers were directed to abstain 
from long and tedious sermons, and to inculcate the 
duty of righteousness of life as well as that of doc- 
trinal orthodoxy. Other commands there were, which 
no one who had the shghtest respect for the feelings 
of Scotsmen would have thought of inserting. The 
Communion Table was to be placed * at the upper 
end of the chancel or church.' Though * sacramental 
confession and absolution ' had in some places been 
abused, all who felt their consciences burdened were 
to be encouraged *to confess their offences to the 
bishop or presbyter.' In every department of minis- 
terial work the minister was to be strictly subordi- 
nated to the Bishop, and above the Bishops stood the 
King, whose authority was to be exercised in all 
ecclesiastical causes in the same way as that which 
* the godly kings had among the Jews, and the Chris- 

' Burton^ Siit, of Scotland, vi. 397. 


tian emperors in the Primitive Church.' The Prayer chap. 

Book, as' yet unpublished, was already placed under - — r^ — ' 

the guardianship of the law of the Church. To assert ' ^ * 
that it contained ' anything repugnant to the Scrip- 
tures,' or that it was ' corrupt, superstitious, or un- 
lawful,' was to incur excommunication.^ 

like the Canons, the Prayer Book was submitted The Prayer 

, n Book di»- 

to no ecclesiastical body whatever.^ Of the few ukedia 
Bishops who had been consulted, not one had any ^^" 
knowledge of the temper of the nation ; and one of 
them, Wedderburn, Bishop of Dumblane, had spent 
many years of his life in England. He strongly 
advocated the omission, from the sentences spoken at 
the Administration of the Communion, of the clauses 
which owed their origin to the second Prayer Book 
of Edward VI. These clauses, he said, seemed * to 
relish somewhat of the Zwinglian tenet that the 
Sacrament is a bare sign, taken in remembrance of 
Christ's passion.' This argument, as a mere matter 
of reasoning, may have been good enough. The 
clauses from the first Prayer Book of Edwai'd VI. 
which he proposed to retain lent themselves easily to 
the Calvinistic doctrine of a real, though spiritual 
presence. What was wanting to Wedderburn was 
the imaginative eye which could see beyond the 
shelves of his episcopal library to the manses of 
the country clergy, and the ability to discover that 
any unnecessary change was certain to arouse sus- 
picion.' Nothing can be more unfair than to argue 

^ Oanons. Lauds Works, y. 583. 

• For the earlier history of this Prayer Book, see Pers, Oovemment of 
Charles L, i. 354. 

' Lauds Works, iii. 357. Wedderburn, however, was not the first 
to originate the proposal. It is acted upon in the MS. corrections, pro- 
hahly made in 1628, to a Prayer Book now in the British Museum. 
E^on MSS., 2417. 






Book dis- 
liked as 


that the authors of this unlucky liturgy had any 
intention of approximating to the Roman ritual ; but 
they could hardly have given greater offence if 
they had introduced the missal at once. If the old 
forms of prayer contained in Knox's Book of Common 
Order were to be abolished, it was only natural that a 
bewildered people, who had not even been consulted 
on the subject, should ask themselves what was the 
hidden object with which the change had been made. 

Other alterations, slight in themselves, pointed in 
the same direction as the omission of the strongly 
Protestant clauses in the Administration of the Com- 
munion. Another defect was almost equally fatal. 
Whether the book were Popish or not, there could be 
no doubt that it was English. It had been touched and 
re-touched by English hands. The knowledge that this 
had been the case was enough to make it odious in Scot- 
land. K the gift offered by Laud had been one of price- 
less value, it would have been dashed scornfully aside. 

In such a cause as this, the clergy and their con- 
gregations were certain to be of one mind. Here and 
there, no doubt, there were a few men who, like 
Eobert Baillie, of Kilwinning, had done their best to 
fit themselves into the scheme of Church government 
which existed around them, but who kept themselves 
as much as possible aloof from Bishops on the one 
side, and from fanatics on the other. It was precisely 
men of this class that Charles was doing everything in 
his power to alienate. Yet there is every reason to 
believe that neither Charles nor Laud had any con- 
ception that the new Prayer Book would meet with 
any serious opposition. It has sometimes been asked 
whether Charles was urged on by love of despotism 
or love of religion. It does not need much knowledge 
of his character to see that neither of these formed 



the motive power. What he was doing he did from ^j^^- 
a love of order, combined with sheer ignorance of 
mankind. He could see nothing in the book but the 
decent comeUness of its arrangements and the well- 
chosen suitability of its expressions.^ 

To the very last, Laud thought more of polishing ^^^'®- 
the language of the Prayer Book than of securing for enforce the 
it a favourable reception. It was printed and reprinted, Prayer 
till it seemed to have reached typographical perfec- 
tion. In October 1636, Charles wrote to the Privy 
Council informing them that, * having taken the coun- 
sel of his clergy,' he thought fit that the book should 
*be used in God's pubUc worship.' In December a ^^^ 
proclamation ordered every parish to adopt it, and to 
procure two copies of it before the following Easter.^ 

Easter came, and still the book was not ready, jy^^- 
Bumours were rife that it had been seen in England, its appew- 
and that it differed from the English Prayer Book 
*in addition of sundry more Popish rites.' Others 
whispered that it was merely the Mass in disguise. 
As time went on, the impending danger grew more 
terrible in its vagueness. Yet it is worthy of notice 
that there was as yet no thought of resistance. The 
utmost to which extreme Puritans ventured to aspire 
was permission to form themselves into a non-con- 
formist body, worshipping apart with the connivance 
of the Government.* 

At last, in the spring of 1637, the long-dreaded May. 

* One of the parts of the book which gave o£^ce was the direction Scotland. 
font the position of the minister at the consecration. See Burton, Hut. of 
Sooiland, yi. 434. The book at Lambeth, which has Laud*s annotations, 
differs from the Scottish book In directly ordering the eastward position. 
Poaribly, though the handwriting is Laud's, the suggestion may have 
heen Wren's. 

' The King to the Oouncil, Oct. 18. Balfour, ii. 224. The Preface 
tc tke Prayer Book. 

> BiOiU, i. 4. 


CHAP, volume reached Scotland. In May every minister 
' — -^ — ' received orders to buy two copies on pain of out- 
^^ ' lawry. The Bishops, though they had never consulted 
their synods on the preparation of the book, now called 
them together to urge them to obedience. Openly 
no word of resistance was heard. It was hard for a 
single minister to expose himself to certain ruin. But 
in private men spoke their minds more freely. The 
Book, they said, was more Popish than the English one. 
It had no authority either from Assembly or Parlia- 
ment. The Scottish Puritan feeling and the Scottish 
national feeling were rising higher every day. 
Temper of It was hardly likely that the temper thus aroused 

biuty. would be suffered to die away for lack of leadership. 
With one or two brilliant exceptions, the Scottish 
nobles of that day were not remarkable for ability. 
But they had the habit of authority which had long 
been lost by the English Peers, and they would ill 
brook the continuance of a system which placed the 
Bishops above their heads. It is easy to speak of the 
zeal of men like Eothes and Loudoun as sheer hy- 
pocrisy. It is far more likely that they felt strongly 
in a direction in which it was their interest to feel 
strongly. Men of advanced age could indeed remem- 
ber that the yoke of Presbytery had once been as 
heavy as the yoke of Episcopacy. Men even of 
middle age knew nothing of Presbyterianism except 
by report. They saw the Bishops outvying them in 
the Eoyal favour, and reducing them to comparative 
insignificance even on their own estates. Whatever 
religious feeling was in them had been nurtured 
through the old Calvinistic doctrine, and jealousy 
for the national honour of Scotland burnt in them 
as strongly as in their tenants and dependents. 
Jane. It is impossible to say with certainty what truth 


there may be in the story that a meeting in which ^^,^^- 
some of the malcontent nobles took part with the ^ 

leading clergy and a few of * the devouter sex/ was ju„e ' 

held in Edinburgh for the purpose of organising resist- ^^^ ^t 
ance.^ Attachment to tried religious forms is always •Edinburgh, 
stronger in women than in men, and it may well be 
that some of the Edinburgh ladies stirred up the 
indignation of the fishwives and serving-women of the 
city. But no mistake would be greater than to 
imagine that they created the spirit which they 
directed. The insult to the Scottisli nation and the 
Scottish Church was one' to kindle resentment in the 
humble and the exalted alike. 

July 23 was at last fixed as the day on which the July 23. 
patience of the citizens of Edinburgh was to be put to ing of the 
the test, in the hope that the submission of the capital 
would furnish an example to the rest of the country. 
The confidence felt by the Bishops received a rude 
shock. At St. Giles', recently erected into the Ca- 
thedral Church of the new diocese of Edinburgh, a 
large number of maid-servants were gathered, keep- 
ing seats for their mistresses, who were in the habit 
of remaining at home till prayers were over and the 
preacher was ready to ascend the pulpit. The Dean 
opened the book and began to read. Shouts of dis- The tumult 

^ , ^ . . atStGilea*. 

approbation from the women drowned his voice. 
The Mass," cried one, "is entered amongst us." 
Baal is in the Church," called out another. Oppro- 
brious epithets were applied to the Dean. Lindsay, 
the Bishop of Edinburgh, ascended the pulpit above 
the reading desk, and attempted to still the tumult. 
He begged the noisy zealots to desist from their pro- 
fanation of holy ground. The words conveyed an 

* The story comes from Quthry's Memoirs, 23. It was written down 
after the Restoration, and is certainly inaccurate in its details. 




CRA.P. idea which was utterly abhorrent to the Puritan mind, 
' — 7 — and the clamour waxed louder under the ill-judged 
Juiyaa. exhortation. A stool aimed at the Bishop all but 
grazed the head of the Dean. At this final insult 
Archbishop Spottiswoode called on the magistrates to 
clear the church of the rioters. The noisy champions 
of Protestantism were with much difficulty thriist 
into the streets, and the doors were barred in their 
faces. They did not cease to knock loudly from 
without, and to fling stones at the windows. Amidst 
the crash of broken glass, the service proceeded to 
the end. One woman, who had remained behind 
unnoticed, stopped her ears with her fingers to save 
herself from the pollution of the idolatrous worship, 
whilst she read her bible to herself. Suddenly she 
was reused by a loud Amen from a young man 
behind her. "False thief! "she cried, dashing her 
bible in his face, *^ is there no other part of the kirk 
to sing Mass in, but thou must sing it in my lug ? " 
When the doors were at last thrown open, and the 
scanty congregation attempted to withdraw, the 
crowd outside dashed fiercely at the Bishop. But for 
the intervention of the Earl of Wemyss, he would 
hardly have escaped alive. 
Iwn*2r^ Qnch Privy Councillors as could be hastily con- 

vioe. vened gave immediate orders to the magistrates to 

protect the afternoon service. Guards were marched 
to the church, and a select few were alone permitted 
to enter. Special directions were given that no woman 
should be allowed to pass the doors. The Earl of 
Koxburgh drove the Bishop home in his coach 
amidst a shower of stones. His footmen were obliged 
to draw their swords to keep off the mob.^ 

' Setting aside later narratives, we have two contemporary accounts 
to rest on, one firom the King's Lar^e DecUtration, the other, written in a 


The next day the Council met. It can hardly be ^^j|^- 
doubted that its lay ihembers sympathised heartily -■ 


with any kind of resistance to the Bishops. Sir ^^ 
Thomas Hope, the Lord Advocate, is said to have IJj^^ 
been one of those who instigated the disturbance. sirT.Hope. 
Lord Lome, the heir of the Catholic Earl of Argyle, Lome. 
a man of scheming brain, and consummate prudence, 
is not likely to have gone so far. But he shared in 
the prevalent feeling, and had recently come to high 
words with the Bishop of Galloway on the subject of 
the imposition of fine and imprisonment on one of his 
followers by the High Commission.^ For the present, 
however, the guidance of affairs rested in the hands 
of the Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Traquair. ti after Traqoair. 
times Traquair was accused of playing a double game. 
It is more probable that he sympathised with neither 
party. A cool and wary man of business, immersed 
in the details of government, he fell a victim to his 
attempt to play the moderator in the impending col- 
lision of fanaticisms. He had opposed the Bishops 
when they attempted to force their own ideas on an 
unwilling Church, especially as he had reason to be- 
lieve that one of their number. Bishop Maxwell, was 
intriguing to supplant him as Treasurer of Scotland. 
But by instinct and position he disUked the domina- 
tion of a mob, and especially of a mob with clerical 
backers. Such a man was capable of conveying words 
of common sense to Charles's ear, though it was most 
improbable that they would ever penetrate to his 

yiolent Puritaii spirit, printed in tbe Appendix to Rothea^ Proceedingi, 
On the whole tbey agn^ee yerj well together. Both agree that only one 
stool was thrown. The tradition which names Jeanie Qeddes as the 
heroine of the day has long heen abandoned. See Burton's Hist, of Scot' 
landy yi. 443. Gordon's account is a mere copy of the Declaration with 
A few additions, > Ba^ie^ i, i6t 



CHAP. The Council, in appearance at least, took instant 

— -^— measures to carry out the King's wishes. Six or 

' ^'* seven of the rioters were arrested. The Edinburgh 

iUonof ministers were assured that they miorht read the 

•. prayers without danger, and the magistrates were 

ordered to protect them in so doing. As far as words 

could go, the Council had done its duty. Words,- 

however, would not suffice. Some of the ministers 

had no wish to read the book, and those who were 

willing to read the book did not wish to risk being 

torn in pieces by the mob. They declared tliat they 

had no confidence in the power of the magistrates to 

preserve order, and it is not unlikely tliat most of 

the councillors were of the same opinion. At Spottis- 

woode's motion, both the old and the new forms of 

prayer were suspended in Edinburgh till the King's 

pleasure could be known. The sermons were to be 

delivered as usual^ 

sMUsfiic- The King was not likely to be satisfied with such 

n^f the |.|,^jjj|.y Q£ ^Y^Q difficulties of his representatives in 

Scotland he understood nothing. He ordered strict 
measures of repression to be taken. He forgot to 
inquire whether the Government had force enough 
at its disposal to enable it to carry out his orders. 
As soon as the magistrates attempted to do as they 
were bidden, they found that the rioters had all 
Edinburgh at their backs. The Privy Council gave 
to the magistrates but a lukewarm support. Its lay 
members threw the blame on the Bishops. The 
^^.7. Bishops threw it back on the laymen. Laud, writing 
m of the by the King's orders, distributed it equally between 
both. He scouted the idea of abandoning the Prayer 
Book because a band of secret conspirators had 
hounded on an unruly mob against it. It was un- 

* BailUe, i. 18, 447. Gordon, Hist.of Scots Affairs^ i. 12. 


Aug. 7. 

worthy of the Bishops, he said, to disclaim the book ^^**- 
as their own. It was their work, and it was for them 
to support it. " Will they now," he added, " cast 
down the milk they have given because a few milk- 
maids have scolded at them ? I hope they will be 
better advised." ^ 

It was easy to write thus in the safe privacy of Aug. 19. 
Lambeth. It was hard to obey the command at enforoetiM 
Edinburgh. The magistrates stated plainly that no ^^ 
one would read the service on any conditions. They 
had offered a large sum of money to any one who 
would do so, but none had been found sufficiently 
hardy to accept the offer /^ 

The viragoes of St. Giles' were backed by the 
population of Edinburgh. If Edinburgh were backed 
by Scotland, Oharles would have work enough before 
him. A threat of outlawing the ministers who had 
refused to purchase their two copies of the Prayer 
Book, put the feeling of the country clergy to the 
test. Petitions drawn up in due legal form began to 
drop in upon the Council. The only one which has Aug. 93. 
reached us was drawn up by Alexander Henderson, ion's pea- 
Minister of Leuchars. Its wording carried the con- 
troversy out of the region of passion into the region 
of argument. Henderson descended into the strife 
as a champion worthy of a great cause. He had not 
leapt forward impatiently to testify his displeasure at 
the proceedings of the Bishops. He had not been 
hasty to judge the practice of kneeling at the Com- 
munion as ^together evil. The time had now come 
when it behoved every honourable man who beUeved, 
as be believed, in the old Scottish creed, to lift up 
his voice on behalf of his Church and nation. Hen- 

^ Laud to Traquair, Aug. 7. Works, yi. 493. 

' The Magistrates to Laud, Aug. 19. Large Declaration, 28. 

VOL. I. I 


CHAP, derson would not be the more likely to hang back in 
' — --r^ — ' the end, because his protest was studiously moderate 

Aiw 23. ^^^* ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ®^y» ^ ^^ many others were saying, 
that the new Prayer Book was actually Popish, but 
he professed his readiness to argue that it contained 
matters * far from the form and worship and reforma- 
tion ' of the * Kirk,' and * drawing near in material 
points to the Church of Rome.' It was not in this 
reasoning, however, that the main stress of his argu- 
ment lay. The old form of worship, he said, had 
been recognised by Assembly and Parhament. The 
new form of worship had been recognised by neither. 
Further, the Church of Scotland was free and inde- 
pendent. Its own pastors knew best what was suit- 
able to their people, who * would be found unwiUing 
to the change when they should be assayed.' ^ 
Meaning of In thcse sobcr words, Henderson raised a standard 
ton's pro- of resistaucc for the Scottish people. He did not 
plead the cause of Presbyterianism against Episco- 
pacy. He simply announced that the religion of a 
people was under its own guardianship. 
^^J» Charles was in a great strait. Humiliating as it 

drawbtck, would have been, a frank acknowledgment of his 
mistake would doubtless have been his wisest course. 
But the diock which his authority would receive 
would not be Umited to Scottish ground. What was 
true in Scotland was also true in England, and the 
artificial edifice of the Laudian Church would feel the 
blow struck at the house of cards which had been 
built up beyond the Tweed, Nor was it easy to per- 
suade Charles that the riot in Edinburgh had been a 
genuine result of popular indignation. He saw in it 
only the concealed hands of the angry nobles, grasp- 
ing at Church lands, and at the dignities worthily 
accorded to men who were better than themselves. 

' Supplication. BaiUie, i. 449. 


Yet how was Charles to procure obedience in chap. 
Scotland? Military force he had none, and the > ^"' -^ 
Scottish Council was Ukely to yield him but a half- ^^3^* 
hearted support, even if it yielded him any support The&S- 
at all. Only in five or six places was the Prayer ropp^ ^ 
Book read. When Henderson appeared before the **""' 
Council, he was accompanied by a crowd of gentry. 
Letters which poured in from distant parts left no 
doubt that the feeling in his favour was not confined 
to the neighbourhood of the capital. Even if the 
Council had been willing to take severe measures, it 
would have been helpless to overcome resistance. 
Henderson was told that he had been ordered to buy 
the books, not to read them. " We found ourselves," Aug. 35. 
wrote the Council to Charles, " far by our expectations tothaKing 
surprised with the clamours and fears of your Majesty's 
subjects from almost all the parts and comers of the 
kingdom, and that even of those who otherways had 
lieretofore lived in obedience and conformity to your 
Majesty's laws, both in ecclesiastical and civil busi- 
ness, and thus we find it so to increase that we con- 
ceive it to be a matter of high consequence in 
respect of the general murmur and grudge in all 
sorts of people for urging of the practice of the 
Service Book, as the like hath not been heard in this 
kingdom." They could therefore only leave it to his 
Majesty, * in the deepness of his Eoyal judgment, to 
provide a remedy.' ^ 

Charles had no remedy to provide. He sent back sept. la 
a scolding answer, in which he found fault with SmwS!*' 
everyone except himself, and ordered the immediate 
enforcement of the use of the Prayer Book. No 

^ Act of Council, Aug. 25. The Scottish Council to the King, 
JBmai§, I 449, 451. Traquair to Hamilton, Aug. 27. Burnet, Livet of 
the Duk^ of Hamikan, ii. 18. 

I 2 



CHAP, magistrates were to be allowed to hold office in any 
' — -^ — ' borough who would not give their support to the 

new service.^ 

Sept i8. In Edinburgh a few partisans of Charles's ecclesi- 

Sair'^h ^^-^^^ system were still to be found amongst the 
official class. Sir John Hay, the Clerk Eegister, was 
thrust as Provost upon the unwilling townsmen. 
Nowhere else was such an arrangement possible. 
" If it were urged," wrote BaiUie, " we could have in 
all our towns no magistrates at all, or very contempt- 

Genenire- iblc oues." ^ Those ministers who in any place tried 
to read the book were roughly handled, especially by 
the women. When the Council met to take the 
King's last letter into consideration, it was evident 
that nothing could be done to carry out his orders. 
Petitions poured in from every quarter. Twenty 
noblemen, with a crowd of gentlemen and ministers 
in their train, appeared to enforce by their presence 
Septaa the language of the petitions.^ The Council coul^ 
but assure Charles that they had done their best, 
sending him, at the same time, the petitions, sixty- 
eight in number, for his perusal.* 

^)t9^. Before long there was worse news to be told. 

in Edin- The uew Provost had attempted to hinder the town 
"^ ' from sending in a petition against the Prayer Book. 
An angry mob burst into the Tolbooth, where the 
Town Council was in session. "The Book," they 
shouted, " we will never have." They forced the 
magistrates to promise that the petition should be 
sent. This second entry of the mob upon the scene 
shocked some even of those who had no love for the 
Bishops. " What shall be the event," wrote Baillie, 

> The King to the Council, Sept. 12. BmUU, i. 452. 

« Ibid. i. 25. » Bathes, 7. BaiUie, i. 33. 

* The CJouncU to the King, Sept. 20. BaUUe, i. 453. 


" God knows. There was in our land never such an ^?,f ^• 
appearance of a stir. The whole people thinks 

Popery at the doors. ... No man may speak any- 
thing in public for the King's part, except he would 
have himself marked for a sacrifice to be killed one 
day. I think our people possessed with a bloody 
devil, far above anything that ever I could have 
imagined, though the Mass in Latin had been pre- 
sented. The ministers who have the command of 
their mind do disavow their unchristian humour, but 
are no ways so zealous against the devil of their 
fury as they are against the seducing spirit of the 
Bishops." 1 

If such was the language of a Scottish minister. Persistence 
what must have been Charles's indignation ? The 
courtiers at Whitehall might persuade themselves 
that but for Laud's interference he would have given 
way.^ It is far more likely that, whether Laud had 
been there or not, he would have persisted in the 
course which he beUeved to be the course of duty. 
" I mean to be obeyed," were the words which rose 
to his Ups when he was interrogated as to his inten- 

Even Charles, however, could see that he could oct. 9. 

Ill TT ^" direo- 

not expect to be obeyed at once. He must postpone, tions to the 
he wrote, his answer on the main subject of the 
petitions. For the present, therefore, the Council 
were to do nothing in the matter of reUgion. But 
they must try to punish the ringleaders of the late 
disturbances, and they must order all strangers to 
leave Edinburgh on pain of outlawry.* Another xheCoun- 

° ^ ^ cilandthe 

Court of 
» BaUUe, i. 23. Session to 

» Correr'e Despatches, Sept. if, ^r- Venetian MSS. removed. 

* Con to Barberini, Oct. || ; Add, MSS., i5i39o, fol. 453. 
^ The King to the GouncU, Oct. 9 ; Balfour, ii. 23. 


CHAP, letter directed the removal of the Council and the 
- — r^— ^ Court of Session — ^first to Linhthgow, and afterwards 
i^^^- to Dundee.! 

Oct 9. 

If Charles had had no more than a riot to deal 
with, it would have been well that the offending city 
should learn that the lucrative presence of the organs 
of government and justice could only be secured by 
submission to the law. Because he had more than a 
riot to deal with, his blow recoiled on himself. He 
had chosen to fling a defiance in the face of the 
Scottish nation, and he must take the consequences. 

Johnston of When these letters arrived in Edinburgh the 
petitioners had returned to their homes, not expect- 
ing so speedy an answer. But they had left behind 
the shrewdest of lawyers, Archibald Johnston of 
Oct 17. Warriston, and Johnston at once gave the alarm. On 

mmtion^ Octobcr 1 7 they were back again, black-gowned 

ministers and gay noblemen, waiting for what might 

befal. In the evening the substance of the King's 

orders was proclaimed from that Market Cross,^ 

where, according to legend, a ghostly visitant had 

taken his stand to summon Charles's ancestor from 

the field of Flodden to the judgment-seat of God. 

The simple oflScer who read the formal words of the 

proclamation was as truly the messenger of ill to 

Charles. He was pointing to the track which led 

to the battle-field, the prison, and the scaffold. 

Oct. x8. The next morning all Edinburgh was astir. The 

riot at city had not, like London, an independent commercial 
Edinburgh, jyj^ ^£ ^^ ^^^^ rp^ j^g^ ^j^^ CouncU and the Court of 

Session was to dwindle to the insignificance of a 
provincial town. The inhabitants, whose very means 

' This letter has not been preservedj but is referred to in a subse- 
quent proclamation. 

' Proclamations^ Oct. 17 ; Large Declaratiotiy 33. 


of livelihood was at stake, raved against the Bishops ^^jf ^• 
as the cause of the mischief Bishop Sydserf, of 

Galloway, who was reported to wear a crucifix be- q^^ ^J 
neath his dress, was driven by an angry crowd to 
take refuge in the Council House. Another crowd 
surrounded the magistrates, and insisted on their 
joining in a protest. The magistrates, glad to escape 
with their lives, did all that was required. The mob 
still thronged the streets, shouting, " God defend all 
those who will defend God's cause, and God confound 
the Service Book and all the maintainers of it." Tra- 
quair came out to quell the tumult. Hustled and 
thrown down, he struggled back with loss of hat and 
cloak, as well as of his white rod of office. Sydserf 
was still a prisoner in the Council House. The 
Provost declared that he was unable to help him. 
No one else ventured to move a finger in his 
behalf One course, dishonourable as it was, re- 
mained to be tried. The noblemen and gentry who 
had been ordered the day before to leave Edinburgh 
were sitting in consultation on the best way of 
opposing the King's orders. To them the King's 
Council sent, begging them to use their influence 
with the enraged multitude. What the King's repre- 
sentatives were powerless to effect, his opponents did 
with the greatest ease. The Lord Provost of Edin- 
burgh and the whole body of the Privy Council, 
including the fugitive Bishop, only reached their 
homes under the protection of the men who were 
treated as rebels by their master.^ 

Forty-one years earlier, Charles's father had Contrast 


quelled a Presbyterian riot by the removal of the charie« 

and his 
^ Rothes J 19. Large Declaration^ 35. Gordon again ramply borrows 

from the Declaration. It is quite a mistake to treat him, as Mr. Burton 

doeSy as an original authority for these events. 



CHAP. Council and the Court of Session from Edinburgh. 

He had been able to do so because he had the nobility 

and the country at large on his side. The men who 

guarded his Councillors through the streets were no 

longer, as their fathers had been, on the side of the 

King against the Capital. 

Ti» The reply of the petitioners was a General Suppli- 

Suppiica- cation, in which the Bishops were pointed at as the 

authors of the calamities of the Church. Charles 

was asked to allow them to be put on their trial, and, 

as they were now parties in the case, to prohibit 

them from sitting in the Council as judges of matters 

relating to the present dispute.^ 

Thepeti- The petitioners had thus changed their defence 

Bume the into an attack. Not we, they said in effect, but the 

ensive. jjjgj^Qpg ^j.q ^]jg breakers of the law. The demand 

that the Bishops should not be judges in their own 
case was the same as that which, four months before, 
had been received with derision when it proceeded 
from the Ups of Bastwick in the EngUsh Star 
Chamber. In the heat of discussion before the 
Council, Bishop Sydserf and Hay threw out a sug- 
gestion which had unexpected consequences. Why 
should not the mass of the petitioners return home, 
leaving behind a few of their number to speak in 
their name? The petitioners took them at their 
They word. They chose a body of Commissioners from 
mieeionera. amougst thcmsclves. From that moment, if the 
nation rallied round the new Commissioners, it would 
have a government, and that government would not 
be the King's. There were no more riots in 
Oct 19. To a man of practical instincts, like Traquair, the 

proi^.' outlook was indeed pitiable. "I am in all things," 

' Large Declaration, 42. • Mothei, 17. BailUe, 35, 38. 


he wrote, " left alone, and, God is my witness, never ^^u^' 
so perplexed what to do. Shall I give way to this ' — r- — ' 
people's fury which, without force and the strong octi9. 
hand, cannot be opposed ? " It was hard for him to 
believe that a compromise was no longer possible. 
Why, he asked Rothes, could they not agree to accept 
the English Prayer Book as it stood ? Rothes would 
not hear of it, and the resolution of Rothes was the 
resolution of his countrymen.^ 

On November 15, the petitioners returned to ^^^jj^. 
Edinburgh. Their Commissioners, hastily chosen, tionofthe 
were to give way to a more permanent body, com- sionew. 
posed of six or more noblemen, two gentlemen from 
each shire, one townsman from each borough, and 
one minister from each Presbytery. Traquair, seeing 
that authority was sUpping out of his hands, remon- 
strated warmly ; but Sir Thomas Hope, the Presby- 
terian Lord Advocate, gave an opinion that the 
petitioners were acting within their rights, and further 
opposition was impossible.^ 

In the persons of the Commissioners, Scotland Scotland 

• J • • 1 /• in iT^i 1 waits for an 

waited, not impatiently, for an answer, if Charles *n»wer. 
could frankly abandon the Service Book, as EUzabeth 
had once abandoned the monopolies, he might, 
perhaps, have saved some fragments of authority for 
the Bishops. lie could not even make up his mind 
to announce his intentions plainly. On December 7, Dec. 7. 
a proclamation issued at Linhthgow, where the mationat 
Council, in obedience to the King, was now sitting, gow. 
/ declared that, on account of the riots at Edinburgh, 
the answer to the suppUcation would be delayed. 
All that Charles had to say was, that he abhorred 
Popery, and would consent to nothing which did not 

^ Traquair to HaniiltoD, Oct. 19 ; Hdrdw. St, 1\ ii. 95. RotheSf 22. 
' Ibid. 23. 


CHAP, tend to the advancement of the true religion as it was 

* presently professed ' in Scotland. " Nothing," the 
^ proclamation ended by saying," is or was intended to 
be done therein against the laudable laws of this His 
Majesty's native kingdom." ^ 
Dec2f. Scotsmen had made up their minds with almost 

cation*and complete Unanimity that those laudable laws had 
been broken. In vain Traquair begged that the 
King should be propitiated. The deputation from 
the City of Edinburgh might wait on him at White- 
hall, * offering him their charter and the keys of their 
gates,* as a mere matter of course.^ The Com- 
Dec.8. missioners would not hear of the suggestion.^ It 
must be settled once for all, whether it was in accord- 
ance with the law of Scotland that a king could 
change the forms of worship without the sanction of 
any legislative assembly whatever. 
Dec 21. At last, on December 2 1 , a copy of the General 

Bfpdnst the SuppUcatiou which had been drawn up in October, 
iiiidn£g in was formally handed in by the Commissioners to the 
Privy Council, accompanied by a formal demand that 
the case between themselves and the Bishops might 
be judicially determined, and that the Bishops might 
in the meanwhile be removed from the Council. 
i6|8. Before long, Charles sent for Traquair, to hear 

Traquair from his owu mouth his opiuiou on the state of affairs 
in Scotland. It would have been well if he had more 
seriously attended to that cool and dispassionate 
adviser. The Lord Treasurer assured him that the 
Scottish people had no wish to cast off his authority, 
but they would not look on idly whilst their reUgion 
was assailed. Above all, they were proud of their 

' Proclamation, Dec. 7 ; Lar^e Declaration, 46. 

' Rothes, 43. 

' Bill and Declinator, Dec. 21 ; IM. 50. 

in London. 


ancient independence, and they would not take orders ^^^^' 
from the Archbishop of Canterbury.^ His Majesty ' — t^^t^ 
must plainly understand, that if he wished the new j.^ ' 
Prayer Book to be read in Scotland, he must support 
it with an army of 40,000 men. 

To withdraw the Service Book and to assert his 
civil authority, was the substance of this advice. 
Charles listened, but was not convinced. Traquair 
was sent back with orders to issue a proclamation 
which was virtually a declaration of war.^ 

That proclamation was read on February 19, in Feb. 19. 
the streets of Stirling, where the Council, after defimoedf 
leaving linUthgow, had been allowed to take up its B«>k. ^' 
quarters, rather than in the more distant Dundee. 
Charles truly asserted that he, and not the Bishops, 
was responsible for the issue of the Prayer Book. 
" As much," he said, " as we, out of our princely care 
of maintenance of the true religion already professed, 
and for beating down of all superstition, having 
ordained a Book of Common Prayer to be compiled 
for the general use and edification of our subjects 
within our ancient kingdom of Scotland, the same 
was accordingly done, in the performing whereof we 
took great care and pains so as nothing passed therein 
but what was seen and approved by us, before the 
same was either divulged or printed, assuring all our 
loving subjects that not only our intention is, but 
even the very book will be a ready means to maintain 

' Zonca's Despatches, Jan. ||, Feb. ^, 5^5. F«t. TramtcripU, 
' " Your Lordship can best witness how unwilling I was that our 
master should have directed such a proclamation ; and I had too just 
grounds to foreteU the danger and inconveniences which are now like to 
ensue thereupon." Traquair to Hamilton, March 5 ; Hardw, St, P. ii. 
1 01. Mr. Burton must have overlooked this passage when he wrote that 
the proclamation was ' too nearly in the tone of the advice which Tra* 
quair had given.' HisL of Scotland, vi. 477. 


Feb. 19. 

CHAP, the true religion already professed, and beat out all 
superstition, of which we in our time do not doubt 
but in a fair course to satisfy our good subjects." His 
Eoyal authority, he proceeded to say, was much im- 
paired by the petitions and declarations which had 
been sent to him. All who had taken part in them 
were liable to * high censure, both in their persons 
and their fortunes, as having convened themselves 
without his permission. He was, however, ready to 
pass over their fault, provided that they returned 
home at once, and abstained from all further 
meetings. K they disobeyed, he should hold them 
liable to the penalties of treason.' ^ 

TiwProtea- Charles could not see why, if the Prayer Book 
had satisfied himself, it should not satisfy others. 
The objection that it had no legal authority he 
treated with contemptuous disregard. AU the more 
tenaciously did the Scottish leaders cling to legal 
forms. As soon as the herald had finished his task, 
Johnston stepped forward to protest against it in 
their name. They treated the proclamation as the 
work of the Council alone, and announced that from 
that body they would accept no orders as long as the 
Bishops retained their places in it. They demanded 
to have recourse to their * sacred sovereign, to pre- 
sent their grievances and in a legal way to prosecute 
the same before the ordinary competent judges, civil 
or ecclesiastical.* ^ 

Rothee'a If this appeal to the law was to have any weight 

crtoar. ^.^^^ Charlcs, it must be supported by an appeal to 

the nation. Rothes, who had been placed by his 
energy and decision at the head of the movement, 
despatched a circular letter to the gentlemen who 

' Proclamation, Feb. 19; Large Declaration, 48. 
' Protestation, Feb. 19 ; Ibid. 50. 


had not hitherto supported the cause, urging them to ^^A^' 
lose no time in giving in their adhesion. The next ^ 

step was to complete the work of organisation. The j-^,, , 
Commissioners appointed in November had been found TheTibfcs 

^* set up. 

too large a body to act as a central authority. From 
time to time a select Committee had been appointed 
to communicate with the Council, and that Committee 
had been naturally selected from the different classes 
of which the nation was composed. Four separate 
Committees were now appointed ; one formed of all 
noblemen who might choose to attend, the other three 
of four gentlemen, four ministers and four borough re- 
presentatives respectively. These Committees might 
meet either separately or as one body. Sometimes 
to them, and sometimes to the larger body of the 
Commissioners, the name of The Tables was given, in 
the popular language of the day.^ 

These Committees might form an unauthorised Feb. 93. 
government, and the Commissioners an unauthorised to°the^ 
parliament. But unless more were done, they would SScMBary. 
speak in their own name alone. Even Eothes's cir- 
cular had been directed only to the upper classes. 

' The question of the exact meaning of The Tables is not easy to 
answer. Row {Hist, of the Kirk, 486) speaks of the Commissioners bj 
this name. GK>rdony who is followed hj Mr. Burton, confuses the 
Commissioners with the Committees. The Large Declaration puts the 
appointment of The Tables at this date, limiting the number of the 
noblemen to four. I follow Rothes, in whose Rdation the gradual de- 
velopment of The Tables can be traced. The Commissioners were chosen 
on Nov. 15 (p. 23). On Nov. 16 thirteen were solicited to wait on the 
Council (p. 26). On the 18th six of the gentry and some representatives 
of the boroughs remained in Edinburgh (p. 32). In December six or seven 
noblemen met with four out of each of the other classes to hold commu- 
nication with the Council (p. 34). On Dec. 19 we hear of only twelve 
performing this office (p. 38). On Feb. 22 we are told, ' there was one 
Committee chosen of four barons, four boroughs, and four ministers, to 
join with the noblemen,' the number not being specified (p. 69). This 
seems to have been the ultimate form taken. At one important meeting 
on June 9 (p. 146) there were six noblemen present. 


CHAP. It was necessary to touch the multitude. The thou- 
' — j^~^ sands to whom it was a matter of indifference whether 
Feb. 23. *^^ Church were ruled by Bishops or by Presbyters, 
had been deeply wounded by the threatened inter- 
ference with their worship. The plan by which this 
inarticulate dissatisfaction was converted into a de- 
finite force was suggested by Archibald Johnston. 
PropoMi to I^ ^^^ days in which life and property had found 
corSaS'of ^^ security from the law, the nobility and gentry of 
'580- Scotland had been in the habit of entering into 

* bands ' or obUgations for mutual protection. In 
1 58 1, when the country was threatened by a con- 
federacy of Catholic noblemen at home, supported by 
a promise of assistance from Spain, James had called 
on all loyal subjects to enter into such a * band ' or 
covenant. Those who had signed this covenant 
pledged themselves to renounce the Papal doctrines, 
to submit to the discipline of the Scottish Church, 
and to * defend the same according to their vocation 
and power.' Johnston and Henderson were now 
entrusted with the composition of additions to this 
covenant appropriate to the actual circumstances, in 
order that the whole might be sent round to be sub- 
scribed by all who wished to throw in their lot with the 
resistance of the upper classes. As soon as Johnston 
and Henderson had completed their work it was revised 
Feb. 27. by Kothes, Loudoun, and Balmerino, and on the 27th 
it was laid before the two or three hundred ministers 
who happened to be in Edinburgh at the time.^ 
The addi- Th® additions proposed consisted in the first place 

IS S^ t^* of a long string of citations of Acts of ParUament 
passed in the days of Presbyterian ascendency. To 
touch the heart of the people, something more than 
this was needed. "We," so ran the words which 

Feb. 27. 


were soon to be sent forth to every cottage in the chaf. 
land, "Noblemen, Barons, Gentlemen, Burgesses, ^ — • — ' 
Ministers, and Commons undersubscribing, consider- p^^^J 
ing divers times before, and especially at this time, 
the danger of the true reformed religion, of the 
King's honour, and of the public peace of the King- 
dom, by the manifold innovations and evils generally 
contained and particularly mentioned in our late 
suppUcations, complaints, and protestations, do hereby 
profess, and before God, His angels, and the world, 
solemnly declare that with our whole hearts we agree 
and resolve all the days of our life constantly to 
adhere unto and to defend the foresaid true rehgion, 
and — forbearing the practice of all novations already 
introduced in the matters of the worship of God, or 
approbation of the corruptions of the pubUc go- 
vernment of the kirk or civil places and powers of 
kirkmen, till they be tried and allowed in the 
AssembUes and in ParUaments — to labour by all 
means lawful to recover the purity and Uberty of the 
Gospel, as it was estabhshed and professed before the 
foresaid novations. And because, after due examina- 
tion, we plainly perceive, and undoubtedly believe, 
that the innovations and evils contained in our sup- 
phcations, complaints, and protestations, have no 
warrant in the Word of God, are contrary to the 
articles of the foresaid confessions, to the intention 
and meaning of the blessed reformers of reUgion in 
this land, to the above-written Acts of ParUament, and 
do sensibly tend to the re-establishing of the Popish 
rehgion and tyranny, and to the subversion and ruin 
of the true reformed reUgion and of our liberties, 
laws, and estates ; we also declare that the foresaid 
confessions are to be interpreted and ought to be 
understood of the foresaid novations and evils, no less 


CHAP, than if every one of them had been expressed in the 
' — r^ — ' foresaid confessions, and that we are obUged to detest 
' ^ ' and abhor them amongst other particular heads of 
papistry abjured therein; and therefore from the 
knowledge and conscience of our duty to God, to our 
King and country, without any worldly respect or 
inducement, so far as human infirmity will suffer, 
wishing a further measure of the grace of God for 
this effect, we promise and swear, by the great name 
of the Lord our God, to continue in the profession 
and obedience of the foresaid rehgion, that we shall 
defend the same and resist all these contrary errors 
and corruptions, according to our vocation, and to 
the uttermost of that power that God hath put in our 
hands all the days of our life ; and in Uke manner 
with the same heart, we declare before God and men 
that we have no intention nor desire to attempt any- 
thing that may turn to the dishonour of God, or to 
the diminution of the King's greatness and authority ; 
but on the contrary, we promise and swear that we 
shall, to the uttermost of our power with our means 
and lives, stand to the defence of our dread Sovereign, 
the King's Majesty, his person and authority, in the 
defence of the foresaid true religion, liberties, and 
laws of the kingdom ; as also to the mutual defence 
and assistance, every one of us of another in the same 
cause of maintaining the true rehgion and his Ma- 
jesty's authority, with our best counsel, our bodies, 
means, and whole power, against all sorts of persons 
whatsoever ; so that whatsoever shall be done to the 
least of us for that cause shall be taken as done to us 
all in general and to every one of us in particular ; 
and that we shall neither directly nor indirectly suffer 
ourselves to- be divided or withdrawn by whatsoever 
suggestion, combination, allurement, or terror from 


Feb. 27. 

this blessed and loyal conjunction, nor shall cast in ^^/^^ 
any let or impediment that may stay or hinder any 
such resolution, as by common consent be found to 
conduce for so good ends ; but, on the contrary, shall 
by all lawful means labour to further and promote 
the same, and if any such dangerous and divisive 
motion be made to us by word or writ, we and every 
one of us sliall either suppress it, or if need be 
shall incontinent make the same known, that it may 
be timeously obviated ; neither do we fear the foul 
aspersions of rebelhon, combination, or what else our 
adversaries from their craft and malice would put 
upon us, seeing wliat we do is so well warranted and 
ariseth from an unfeigned desire to maintain the true 
worship of God, the majesty of our King, and the 
peace of the kingdom for the common happiness of 
ourselves and the posterity ; and because we cannot 
look for a blessing from God upon our proceedings, 
except with our profession and subscription we join 
such a hfe and conversation as beseemeth Christians 
who have renewed their covenant with God, we 
therefore faithfully promise for ourselves, our fol- 
lowers, and all others under us, both in public, in our 
particular families and personal carriage, to endeavour 
to keep ourselves within the bounds of Christian 
liberty, and to be good examples to others of all god- 
liness, soberness, and righteousness, and of every 
duty we owe to God and man ; and that this our 
union and conjunction may be observed without 
violation, we call the living God, the searcher of our 
hearts, to witness, who knoweth this to be our sincere 
desire and imfeigned resolution, as we shall answer 
to Jesus Christ in the great day and under the pain 
of God's everlasting wrath, and of infamy and of loss 
of all honour and respect in this world ; most liumbly 

VOL. I. K 


CHAP, beseeching the Lord to strengthen us by His Holy 
' — r^ — ' Spirit for this end, and to bless our desires and pro- 
y^^' ceedings with a happy success, that rehgion and 
righteousness may flourish in the land, to the glory of 
God, the honour of our King, and peace and comfort 
of us all." 1 
The Cove- The Covenant thus worded was cheerfully ac- 

bvtheno- ccptcd by the ministers to whom it was proposed.^ 
gente/r On the 28th it was carried to the Grey Friars' Church, 
to which all the gentlemen present in Edinburgh had 
been summoned. Henderson and Dickson, a minister 
even more enthusiastic than himself, were prepared 
to give satisfaction to all who expressed doubt. Few 
came forward to criticise, and tliose few were easily 
persuaded. At four o'clock in the grey winter even- 
ing, the noblemen, the Earl of Sutherland leading the 
way, began to sign. Then came the gentlemen, one 
March i, after the other, till nearly eight. The next day the 
cierg}- ; ministers were called on to testify their approval, and 
nearly three hundred signatures were obtained before 
night. The Commissioners of the boroughs signed at 
the same cime.^ 
March 2, On the thii'd day the people of Edinburgh were 

peopi^ * called on to attest their devotion to the cause which 
was represented by the Covenant. Tradition long 
loved to tell how the honoured parchment, carried 
back to the Grey Friars, was laid out on a tombstone 
in the churchyard, whilst weeping multitudes pressed 
round in numbers too great to be contained in 
any building. There are moments when the stern 
Scottish nature breaks out into an enthusiasm less 
passionate, but more enduring, than the frenzy of a 
Southern race. As each man and woman stepped 
forward in turn, with the right hand raised to heaven 

* Large Declaration, 57. ^ Ji^thes^ 71. ' Ibid, 79. 


before the pen was grasped, every one there present chap. 
knew that there would be no flinching amongst that 1638. 
band of brothers till their reUgion was safe from March 2. 
intrusive violence.^ 

Modern narrators may well turn their attention 
to the picturesqueness of the scene, to the dark rocks 
of the Castle crag over against the churchyard, and 
to the earnest faces around. The men of the seven- 
teenth century had no thought to spare for the earth 
beneath or for the sky above. What they saw was 
their country's faith trodden under foot, what they 
felt was the joy of those who had been long led 
astray, and had now returned to the Shepherd and 
Bishop of their souls. 

No one in Scotland had so much reason as Feb. as. 
Traquair to regret the King's ill-advised persistency, leuer! 
" Many things have been complained on," he wrote 
on the first day of signature ; " but the Service Book, 
which they conceive by this proclamation, and the 
King's taking the same upon himself, to be in effect of 
new ratified, is that which troubles them most ; and 
truly, in my judgment, it shall be as easy to estabUsh 
the missal in this kingdom as the Service Book, as it 
is conceived. The not urging the present practice 
thereof does no way satisfy them, because they con- 
ceive that what is done in the delaying thereof is but 
only to prepare things the better for the urging of 
the same at a more convenient time ; and, believe me, 
as yet I see not a probability of power within this 
kingdom to force them ; and whoever has informed 
the King's Majesty otherwise, either of the Book 
itself or of the disposition of the subjects to obey his 

^ The general signature is not described in contemporary accounts. 
The 28th and 1st were too fully occupied, and I have therefore assigned 
it to the 2nd, though ihere is no direct evidence about the date. 

K 2 




"^ * — — ' 


March i. 
Opinion of 
woode's ; 

M nrch 2, 
and of the 

An Asiein- 
blj and 

to give 

March 11. 
from Court. 

Majesty's commandments, it is high time every man 
be put to make good his own part." ^ 

Such views were not confined to Traquair. 
Spottiswoode, speaking on behalf of the Bishops, 
avowed to the Council that peace was hopeless unless 
the Service Book were openly withdrawn. The 
Council itself was of the same opinion, and they 
despatched one of their number to the King to im- 
plore him to listen to the grievances of his subjects, 
and to suspend all those orders which had given rise 
to the late disturbances." ^ 

It is hardly likely that even the promptest accept- 
ance of this advice would now have appeased the 
Scottish nation. The Covenant had appealed to 
Assembly and Parliament as the legal basis of tlie 
national religion, and no mere withdrawal of the 
obnoxious orders would now suffice. An Assembly 
and Parliament must meet to pronounce those orders 
to have been utterly and scandalously illegal. 

Even the lesser demand of the Council met with 
apparently insuperable resistance in Charles's mind. 
He knew well that it was not the fortune of Scotland 
only which was involved in his decision. Englishmen 
about him, he believed, in all probability with truth, 
were already in correspondence with the Northern 
malcontents, and were hoping that the example which 
had been set at Edinburgh might one day be foUowed 
in London. His Scottish servants were not lacking 
in sympathy with their countrymen. One poor 
example was made. Archie Armstrong, the King's 
fool, railed at Laud in his cups as a monk, a rogue, 
and a traitor. Laud was unwise enough to complain 
to the King. The unlucky jester was called before 

> Traquair to Hamilton, Feb. 28 ; Hardw. St. P., ii. 99. 

' ExtractA from the Register of the Privy Council. Baillie, i. 458. 


the Council, sentenced to have his coat pulled over ^?j4^* 
his ears, to be discharged from the King's service, 
and to be sent before the Star Chamber for further 
punishment. The Star Chamber would probably 
have ordered him to be soundly flogged, but Laud at 
last interfered, and Archie escaped the lasli.^ 

Others besides Archie bore ill will to Laud as the TheEngUsh 
adviser of tlie King's refusal to content the Scots, throw the 
The English Privy Councillors protested that they L*ud. 
were not responsible for conduct on which their 
advice had not been asked. Charles was only 
annoyed at their evident belief that he had been act- 
ing under Laud's dictation. In an angry voice he 
assured the Council that he had never taken the ad- 
vice of any Englishman in the afiairs of Scotland.^ 

It needs no proof to show that Charles's policy of The King's 

*^ . procrasti- 

procrastination was indeed liis own. Week after naUon. 
week passed away, with no resolution taken. The 
Covenanters were not so remiss. By the end of April Apru. 


well-nigh the whole of Scotland had rallied to their tionofthe 
cause, in every town, m every village, m every 
secluded nook, the most influential landowners, the 
most eloquent preachers were ready to pour, their 
arguments into wilUng ears. No doubt, as in every 
such movement, much is to be laid to the account of 
the excellence of the organisation provided by its 
leaders. Much of the reasoning used would hardly 
bear the test of a critical examination. Charles's 
Service Book certainly did not deserve all the hard 
things that were said of it. None the less was the 
resistance of Scotland the result of a determination to 
be true to the motto of the Scottish Thistle. Scotland 

* 0)uncil Register y March 1 1, 17. Garrard to Wentworth, March 20. 
8traf, Letters, ii. 152. Rushw. ii. 47. 

> Zonca's Despatches, ^^^ f ^J . Fen. Transcnpts. 



CHAP, has never at any time distinguished itself as the 
' — 7-^—^ originator of new ideas in religion or government ; 

ApriL ^^^ ^^ ^^® ^^^^ shown itself to be possessed of the 
most indispensable quality of a hardy and vigorous 
people, the determination to be itself, and not what 
The Scot- external force might choose to make it. The Scottish 
g^'oT*- nation had done well to pay a heavy price in the 
thirteenth century for its poHtical independence. It 
did well in the seventeenth century to pay a heavy 
price for its ecclesiastical independence. For the sake 
of that, it renounced the wide sympathies of the cul- 
tured intellect, and hardened its heart like a flint 
against all forms of spiritual religion which did not 
accord with the fixed dogmatic teaching which it had 
borrowed from Geneva. Calvinism had but scant 
regard for the hberty of the individual conscience. 
Its preachers felt themselves called upon to set forth 
the unalterable law, and the law which they preached 
came back to them in the voice of their congregations. 
In the many there was no sense of any restriction placed 
upon themselves. To the few it became an insupport- 
able tyranny — a tyranny which would be more than 
ordinarily felt in the hours of danger through which 
Treatment the uatiou was then paesinff. To reject the Covenant 
whorefuaed was uot merely to differ in belief from the multitude ; 
it was to be a traitor to the country, to be ready to help 
on the foreign invasion which would soon be gather- 
ing in the South. Those who still held out were met 
with dark looks and threatening gestures. "The 
greater that the number of subscribents grew," we 
hear from one who remembered that time well, " the 
more imperious they were in exacting subscriptions 
from others who refused to subscribe, so that by 
degrees they proceeded to contumelies and reproaches, 
and some were threatened and beaten who durst re- 


fuse, especially in the greatest cities — as likewise in ^^j^^- 
other smaller towns — namely, at Edinburgh, St. 

Andrews, Glasgow, Lanark, and many other places, ^^j' 
Gentlemen and noblemen carried copies of it about in 
their portmantles and pockets, requiring subscription 
thereunto, and using their utmost endeavours with 
their friends in private for to subscribe. It was sub- 
scribed pubhcly in churches, ministers exhorting their 
people thereunto. It was also subscribed and sworn 
privately. All Imd power to take the oath, and were 
licensed and welcome to come in, and any that 
pleased had power and hcense for to carry the Cove- 
nant about with him, and give the oath to such as 
were wiUing to subscribe and swear. And such was 
the zeal of many subscribents that, for a while, many 
subscribed with tears on their cheeks, and it is con- 
stantly reported that some did draw their own blood, 
and used it in place of ink to underscribe their names. 
Such ministers as spoke most for it were heard so 
passionately and with such frequency, that churches 
would not contain their hearers in cities. . . . Nor 
were they scrupulous to give the Covenant to such as 
startled, at any point thereof, with such protestations 
as in some measure were destructive to the sense 
thereof; so that they got subscriptions enough there- 
unto ; and it came to that height in the end, that 
such as refused to subscribe were accounted by the 
rest who subscribed no better than Papists." ^ 

If honour be due to the nation which refused to ca«e of 
shift its rehgion at the word of command, honour is SicheiL 
also due to those who, from whatever conscientious 
motive, refused to sign their names to a he for the 
sake of peace. Such men went about the streets of 
Edinburgh in fear of their lives. David Michell, one 

' Gordon, 45. 







unity of the 

thouglit of 
the Coven- 

April 13. 
Lord Ad- 

of tlie recusant ministers, was dogged by gentlemen 
with drawn swords. The cry of " If we had the 
Popish villain *' was thrown at him as he passed.^ Yet 
it is worthy of notice that these threats led to nothing 
worse. No bloodshed, except in avowed war, stained 
the cause of the Covenant. 

Practically the nation was united. A few great 
landowners stood aloof from the movement. A few 
amongst the clergy took alarm. Scholars like 
Drummond of Hawthornden dreaded the rising flood 
of popular passion which threatened to overwhelm 
their quiet studies. Some there were who signed in 
defiance of their conviction, and many more who 
signed in ignorance of the meaning of their promises. 
But on the whole the nation swayed forward under 
the influence of strong excitement, as the cornfield 
sways before the breeze. 

To the King the Scottish Covenant was much 
more than an assertion of Puritanism. By its appeal 
from himself to Parliament and Assembly, it was in 
his eyes something very like a declaration of Ee- 
publicanism. Yet, resolved as he was to resist such 
pretensions to the uttermost, he knew not where to 
turn for the force which he needed. Though he had 
little idea how deep the dissatisfaction in England 
was, he knew enough to be aware that there were 
many of his subjects wlio would not fight very 
enthusiastically in this cause. Army he had none, in 
the sense of a disciplined body of men, ready to act 
independently of the state of popular opinion, and his 
fleet would not be of much avail unless it could be 
used in support of an army. 

It was at least possible to do something to improve 
the organisation of the navy. The Navy Commission 

* Michell to the Bishop of Eaphoe, March 19, liaiUie, i. 263. 


which had been appointed on Buckingham's death ^^j^* 
was still in office, and Charles had perhaps intended ' — 7T^ 
that it should remain in office till his second son, AprUia. 
James, whom he had created Duke of York, and who 
•was not yet five years old, should become capable of 
performing the duties of a Lord Admiral. In view 
of the approaching conflict, it was necessary that some 
other arrangement should be made. Northumberland, 
who had commanded the fleet on its last year's cruise, 
was therefore created Lord Admiral during the King's 
pleasure. At the same time an instrument conveying 
the office to the young Prince was executed, and con- 
signed to the safe recesses of the Council chest, to be 
drawn forth whenever the King wished it to be put 
in force. ^ 

Northumberland fell ill shortly after his appoint- qJ^^^- 
ment, and was therefore unable to command the fleet wives to 
in person. Even if it had been otherwise, no scheme 
of warUke preparation had been framed in which the 
fleet could possibly have taken part. Charles fell back 
on diplomacy. It was necessary for him ' to gain time ' 
till he miglit be able to intervene with effect. Yet 
it would be to misunderstand his character and posi- 
tion, to auppose, as has been so often supposed, that 
he had made up his mind to deceive the Scots by 
offering concessions which he never intended to make. 
He knew that he must abandon the position which 
he had taken up in the previous summer. He would 
modify the Court of High Commission, and would 
give assurance not to press the Canons and the Ser- 
vice Book, except in ' such a fair and legal way as ' 
should satisfy his subjects ; that he intended no 
* innovation in religion or laws.' So far he was pre- 

^ Northumberland s appointmeDty April 13; Patent Rdhf 13 Charles I., 
Part 38. Council Register y April 18. 






pared to go. But he^was strongly of opinion that the 
Scots would not be content with this. He believed 
that their leaders at least were bent upon throwing 
off his lawful authority. The Covenant must there- 
fore be surrendered as a standard of rebelUon.^ 
Spottiswoode sensibly told him that this demand 
would make all negotiation impossible. He answered 
curtly, that till the Covenant were abandoned he had 
no more power than a Doge of Venice.^ The request 
he plainly believed to be a righteous one. It was 
the fault of the Scots if they did not see it in the 
same light. The mere demand would give him time 
to push on his preparations. If that were to his ad- 
vantage, the blame would lie with those who rejected 
such reasonable terms. 

As the bearer of this overture, Charles selected 
the Marquis of Hamilton, whom he had for many 
years consulted on every subject relating to Scotland. 
Of all men living he had the greatest share of the King's 
confidence, and was probably the most unfit to be 
trusted with the difficult task now assigned to him. 
Hischarac- The charge which was often brought against him by 
contemporaries of wishing to seat himself upon his 
master's Scottish throne, as the next heir after the 
Stuart line, is doubtless without foundation.^ Every- 
thing that we know of him lends itself to the sup- 
position that he felt a warm personal affection for 
Charles. But even a warm personal affection may 
easily be clouded over by other passions. When the 
chivalrous Montrose assured the lady of his heart 
that he could not love her so much unless he loved 
honour more, he laid down a principle which holds 
good in other relations of life than those which exist 

to go as 

^ Burnet, Lives of the HamiltonSf 43. 
' Pers. Gov, of Charles /., i. 222. 

« Ibid. 46. 


between man and woman. Attachment arising out ^?j4^- 
of personal admiration, or out of the amenities of — TT^ 
personal intercourse, is Uable to interruption or decay. ^ ' 
Attachment arising out of community of sentiment 
and community of sacrifice for a common object is 
subject to no such danger. The enduring loyalty of 
Wentworth saw in Charles not merely a gracious 
sovereign, but the symbol of a great political prin- 
ciple. The loyalty of Hamilton saw in Charles a 
blindly devoted master, who had been the founder of 
a great part of his personal fortune. He wished to 
support and maintain the King's authority, but he 
wished still more to foster his own wealth and state 
under the shadow of that authority. He would serve 
the King, but he could not serve him with a perfect 
heart. To the King he owed the high position which 
set him apart from other Scottish subjects, and which 
exposed him to the jealousy of his brother nobles. 
But the permanent supports of his family, the broad 
estates, the attached hearts of followers and depen- 
dents, were to be found in the rich valley through 
which the Clyde poured its stream, under skies as 
yet undimmed by the smoke of a mighty industry. 
Every feeling of his heart, every demand of his 
interest urged him to be the pacificator of the strife. 
But he might easily be led to seek the accomplish- 
ment of his object by means which might possibly do 
credit to his impartiality, but which were by no 
means befitting an ambassador trusted by one of the 
parties in the quarrel. 

To the religious aspect of the strife Hamilton was Hia indif- 

fcroncd to 

profoundly indifferent. If only the Scots would keep the reii- 
quiet, it mattered nothing to him whether they read ©me di^ 
their prayers out of the new book or not. It was ^^^ 
the indifference of contempt, not the indifference of 


CHAP, wisdom. He was just the man to advocate a com- 
^ — T^T^ promise, just the man too not to see on what terms a 
^^ * compromise was possible. He would shift his ground 
from day to day because, if lie did not take his stand 
on the principles of either of the contending parties, 
he had no principles of his own to secure him against 
the attraction or repulsion of every accident that 
HwdespuL- It is not Unlikely that this want of settled principle 
i>cr. expressed itself, unconsciously to himself, in that 

gloomy despondency for which he was notorious. He 
never undertook any work without rapidly coming to 
the conclusion that success was only attainable by an 
entire change of plan. He was frequently engaged 
in war and in diplomacy. Whenever he was engaged 
in war he became absolutely certain that negotiation 
would give him everything that he wanted. When- 
ever he was engaged in diplomacy he was sure that 
war, and war only, would accomplish the ends which 
he had been sent to obtain by negotiation. 
Hwniiton^ Already, before he could set out from England, 
success. he felt the difficulties of his task. '• I have no hope 
in the world of doing good," he said to Con, " with- 
out coming to blows. Our countrymen are possessed 
by the devil. The judgment of God is to be seen in 
the business ; for though the King is ready to pardon 
them, and to do all that they want, they continue to 
make new demands, and have now published orders 
that none of the Covenanters shall meet the King's 
Commissioners." ^ 
June 4. It was too truc. Hamilton was made to under- 

inScllSlnd. Stand that he was to treat with the Covenanting 
leaders, and must not pass them over to address their 
followers. Dalkeith was appointed as the place of 

» Con to Barberini, June j^, Add, MSS., 15,391, fol. 164. 


meeting. Before he reached it, an affair occurred Cf 
which inflicted on him a fresh indignity. A vessel — 
laden with warUke stores for the King's garrison in j^ 
the Castle of Edinburgh arrived at Leith. The JjJjJ^ 
Covenanters would not allow it to land its cargo. •^^^ 
At last Traquair carried off* the gunpowder on 
board and stowed it away in Dalkeith House. The 
Covenanting leaders at once refused to go near so 
dangerous a spot, and set guards round the Castle to 
hindej- the introduction of tlie powder.^ 

On June 7 Hamilton was able to give an account J« 
of the state of affairs. He had an interview with intei 

• with 

Eothes, and had told him that if the terms which he Roth 
brought were rejected, the King would come in per- 
son to Scotland with 40,000 men at his back. Eothes 
did not appear to be terrified. All that Scotland 
wanted, he said, was that their reUgion might be so 
securely established that no man might alter it here- 
after at his pleasure.^ 

Before leaving England, Hamilton had received Ji 
from Charles two alternative forms of a declaration ace© 
which he was expected to publish. In the one the tio*oI 
demand for the surrender of the Covenant was plainly 
worded. In the other it was shrouded in vague 
exhortations to obedience. Hamilton now assured 
the King that it was only in the latter form that it 
would be possible to read the declaration at all.* 
The Covenanters would be content with nothing short 
of an aboUtion of the obnoxious forms, including the 
Articles of Perth, by an Assembly and ParUament, 
together with a limitation placed upon the authority 
of the Bishops. The King must therefore be prepared 

* Itothes, 112, 129. ' Iltid.y 135. 

^ I suppose this is what he means by dividing the Declaration. At 
all events, this is what he resolved on two days later. 



CHAP, to invade Scotland with a royal army. He was cer- 
tain to gain a victory, but he must remember that it 
would be gained over his * own poor people/ and he 
might perhaps prefer ' to wink at their madness.' As 
long as that madness lasted, they would ' sooner lose 
their Uves, than leave the Covenant, or part from their 
demands — impertinent and damnable as they were.' 
If the Covenanters could not force him to give way, 
they would call a ParUament themselves. " Be con- 
fident," he added, "they, by God's grace, shall neither 
be able to do the one nor the other in Iiaste, for what 
I cannot do by strength I do by cunning." ^ 
juneii. Hamilton was, perhaps, using his cunning to 

iMtruc- frighten Charles into those further concessions which 
now appeared to him to offer the only chance of 
peace. Charles, however, did not take the hint. He 
repUed that he was hastening his preparations. " In 
the meantime," he continued, " your care must be 
how to dissolve the multitude, and — ^if it be possible 
— to possess yourselves of my castles of Edinburgh 
and Stirling, which I do not expect. And to this end 
I give you leave to flatter them with what hopes you 
please, so you engage not me against my grounds — 
and in particular that you consent neither to the call- 
ing of Parliament nor General Assembly, until the 
Covenant be disavowed and given up ; your chief 
end being now to win time that they may not commit 
public follies until I be ready to suppress them." ^ In 
the main point, in short, there was to be no con- 
cession, but on matters of lesser importance Hamilton 
was to spin out the negotiation as long as he could. 

* Hamilton to the Kiog, June 7. Hamilton Papers, 3. 

' The King to Hamilton, June 11. Burnet, 5J. The letter is a 
reply to the one of the 7th, not to the one of the 4thy mentioned in the 
beginning of it. 


Before this letter was written, Hamilton had en- ^?ij^- 
tered Edinburgh. The whole population of the town, — '?~r^ 
swollen by numbers who had flocked in from the junes. 
country, appeared to receive him. He reported that ^^*®" 
at least sixty thousand lined the roads. Five hundred Edinburgh, 
ministers in their black gowns were there. Eluding 
their purpose of greeting him with a public speech, 
he made his way to Holyrood to hear what they had 
to say in private. So pleased was he with liis re- 
ception, that he requested the King to put off any 
warhke effort till he had seen what he was able to 
accomplish in Edinburgh. The Covenanters, it was 
true, were not to be induced to surrender the Co- 
Tenant at once, but it would be possible to obtain 
other concessions which fell short of that.^ 

In less than a week Hamilton discovered that June 15. 
even these modified hopes had been far too sanguine, pomtiumt. 
On the 15th he wrote that even the Councillors of 
State declared the Covenant to be justified by law^ 
' which,' he added, ' is a tenet so dangerous to mon- 
archy, as I cannot yet see how they will stand to- 
gether.' All that was to be done was to stave off the 
inevitable rebelUon till the King was ready to crush 
it. He had not dared to publish the Declaration even 
in its curtailed form. Nothing short of the imme- 
diate meeting of an Assembly and Parliament would 
satisfy tiie Covenanters. On any terms short of this 
it was useless to continue the negotiation. Of the 
chance of a successful resistance he was equally hope- 
less. He had sent Huntly and a few other loyal 
noblemen to their homes to form the nucleus of op- 
position. Lord Antrim, who as a MacDonell had 
claims to lands in the Western Highlands, might bring 
an Irish force to the King's aid. But the immediate 

^ Hatnilton to the King, June 9. HamiUon PaperSy 7. 




CHAP, prospect wcis most gloomy. Edinburgh Castle would 
^ — -r^ — ' soon be lost. There was not much comfort to be 

jan^i given. " When your power comes," wrote Hamilton, 
" I hope in God, He will give you victory ; but, be- 
lieve me, it will be a difficult work and bloody." ^ 

June 16. The next day Hamilton suggested a fresli way out 

suggests of the difficulty. Might not the Covenanters add an 
Covenan- explanation to the Covenant, declaring that they had 
«-xpiJin the HO wish to infringe on the authority of the King ? *^ 
Covenant. Qhaj^i^g^ liowcvcr, shruuk from acknowledging a 

defeat so plainly. No explanation would conceal the 
fact that he had given way because he could not cope 
with the forces arrayed against him. He therefore 
replied that he was making ready for war. In six 
weeks he should have a train of artillery consisting 

Joneaa of forty pieccs of ordnance. Berwick and Carlisle 
preparesfor would soou bc sccurcd agaiust attack. He had sent 
to Holland for arms to equip 14,000 foot, and 2,000 
horse. The Lord Treasurer had assured him that he 
would have no difficulty in providing 200,000/. He 
was about to despatch the fleet to the Firth of Forth, 
and 6,000 soldiers should be sent with it, if Hamilton 
could make sure that they would be able to land at 

June 25. A few days later Charles was still resolute. "I 

will only say," he wrote, " that so long as this Cove- 
nant is in force — whether it be with or without ex- 
planation — I have no more power in Scotland than 
as a Duke of Venice, which I will rather die than 
suffer ; yet I commend the giving ear to the explana- 
tion, or anything else to win time, which now I see is 
one of your chiefest cares." He added that he should 

^ Hamilton to the King, June 15. HnmUton Paper 8 ^ 9. 

' Bw-net, 58. 

' The King to Hamilton, June 20. Bunut, 59. 



not be sorry if the Covenanters even proceeded to call ^^,^^' 
a Parliament and Assembly without authority from 
him. By so doing they would only put themselves 
more completely in the wrong. ^ 

Hamilton had already discovered that it was not June 24. 
so easy to win time as Charles imagined. He threat- talks of 
ened to break off the negotiation, to return to toEn^d. 
England, and to advise the King to take another 
course. At last he obtained an engagement from the 
Covenanters that they would disperse to their homes, 
and would take no forward step for three weeks, 
during his absence, on the understanding that he 
would do his best to induce the King to summon an 
Assembly and a ParUament. 

In announcing this arrangement to Charles, Ham- 
ilton made the most of the delay that he had gained. 
It was possible, he said, that having once dispersed, 
the Covenanters would return in a better frame of 
mind. They would certainly not surrender the Cove- 
nant, but they would perhaps ' not so adhere to it ' 
as now they did. He had also something to say 
about the impending war. He could not secure the 
landing of the proposed force of 6,000 men, but a 
lesser number might be brought in the fleet to make 
incursions in Fife and the Lothians. Dumbarton was 
already in safe hands, and he was in treaty with the 
Earl of Mar for the surrender of Edinburgh Castle. 
Yet he could not deny that the Covenanters were also 
active, and were importing arms freely from the 

In reply, Charles gave the required permission to June 29. 
return. The Commissioner was to promise nothing hastoaTTto 
which would afterwards have to be refused. He ^'"^ 

^ The King to Hamilton^ June 25 ; Burnet, 60. 

^ Hamilton to the Eing, June 24. HamtUcn Papers, 14. 

VOL. I. L 


CHAP might, however, recall the law courts to Edinburgh, 

' — *^ — and give some vague hopes of a future Assembly and 

T^ ^ * Parliament. On the other hand, the Declaration in 

its amended form must be published before he left 


Hamilton had already set out for England when 
this letter reached him. He at once turned back, 
Juiv4. and on July 4 the King's Declaration was read at tlie 
raUonread, Market Cross at Edinburgh. Covenanting Scotland 
was informed that the Canons and Service Book 
would only be pressed in a fair and legal way. 
Another Ouce more, as soon as the herald had fulfilled his 

tion. task, a Pi'otestation was read in reply. The Cove- 

nanters again appealed to Assembly and Parliament 
as the only lawful judges of their cause. Nor did 
they fail to make it known that the Assembly which 
they contemplated was a very different one fi-om 
those gatherings which had ratified the will of James 
with enforced subserviency. Bishops were to Iiave 
no place there excepting as culprits to give an ac- 
count of their misdeeds. Of this Assembly they 
began to speak in terms to which a servant of King 
Charles could hardly dare to listen. It was openly 
said that the right to hold Assemblies came direct 
ri^hufAs* ^^^"^ God, and tliat no earthly Prince might venture 
Bembiies. to interrupt them.*^ 

The long controversy was slowly disentangling 
itself. The claim of Charles to cast the religion of 
his subjects in the mould which seemed fairest in his 
eyes was met by the stern denial of his right to 
meddle with religion at all. 
The Coun- This outburst of Scottish feeling penetrated to the 
part Council Chamber itself. Before nightfall many of the 

against the o j 

J^^- ' The King to HamUton, June 29 ; Bunuty 61. 

'•* Protestation, Larffe DecUtrationf 98. 


July 4. 


Privy Councillors, who in the morning had given an chap. 
official approval to the Declaration, signified their 
determination to withdraw their signatures. Unless 
this were permitted, they would sign the Covenant at 
once. To save himself from this indignity, Hamilton July s- 
tore up, in their presence, the paper on which their 
approval had been recorded.^ 

Whilst the Lord Commissioner was still arguing Deputa- 
with the Council, a deputation from the Covenanters thTcovcn- 
arrived to remonstrate against the language of tlie *'*'*"* 
Declaration. Hamilton rei)hed with firmness. The 
Council, he said, ' knew what they did, and would 
answer it.' ^ When the members of the deputation 
took leave, he followed them out of the room. " I They w^ 
spoke to you," he is reported to have said as soon as by Hamit 
he was in private with them, " before those Lords of 
the Council as the King's Commissioner ; now, there 
being none present but yourselves, I speak to you as 
a kindly Scotsman. If you go on with courage and 
resolution, you will carry what you please ; but if you 
faint and give ground in the least, you are undone. 
A word is enough to wise men." ^ 

" What I cannot do by strength," he had explained 
to Charles, " I do by cunning." Hamilton's cunning 
was as inefiectual as his strength. It is not necessary 

^ Hamilton to the King, July 4 ; Hamilton Papers^ 21. Burnet, 64. 

' RotheSj 175. 

* These words are given by Gutbry (Memoirs, 40). He says that he 
heard the story on the same day from a person who had been told it by 
Cant, who was himself one of the deputation, and heard it again, * in the 
very same terms/ that evening from Montrose, who was another of the 
deputation. It does not follow that the very words are accurately set 
down by Guthry when he came to write his Memoirs. The belief that 
he was playing a double game was too common in Scotland not to have 
had some foundation. The English author of the curious narrative 
printed in the Appendix to the Hamilton Papers (263), says that * he 
gave them advice as his countrymen to keep to their own principles, lest 
the English nation .... should encroach upon them.' 



CHAP, to suppose that he wished to ruin his master. He 
' — 7«-^ probably wanted simply to be on good terms with all 
July 5. parties, and thought, as was undoubtedly the case, that 
it would be better for Charles as well as for Scotland, 
that he should accept the terms which appeared to 
be inevitable. With this object in view, it was to him 
a matter of indifference whether Charles frightened 
the Scots into surrender, or the Scots frightened 
Charles into concessions. As the first alternative 
appeared to be more than ever improbable, he now 
Hamuton's took his joumev southward, with the hope that 
England Charlcs would give way more readily than his sub- 
jects. He was prepared to urge him to give his con- 
sent to the meeting of Assembly and Parliament, to 
allow them to give a legal condemnation to the 
recent ecclesiastical innovations, and even to place 
the Bishops for the future under the control of the 
General Assembly. It might well be doubted whether 
Charles would be prepared to yield so much. There 
could be no doubt whatever that the Scots would not 
be content with less. 




On July I , a few days before Hamilton set out for chap. 
England, Charles for the first time broached the ' — r^-^ 
subject of thfe Scottish troubles in the English Privy j^^ ' 
Council. The necessity of placing Berwick and y^^J^^Li 
Carlisle in a state of defence, made it impossible to informed of 
treat the matter any longer as one m which England «flWiB. 
was wholly unconcerned. The King spoke of his wish 
to have brought about a religious uniformity between 
the two kingdoms. He explained that he had now 
found it necessary to entrust Arundel with the work 
of strengthening the Border fortresses, but that he had 
no intention of dealing hardly with the wild heads in 
Scotland, if they went no farther than they had done 
as yet. Beyond this vague statement he did not go. 
No opinion was asked from the Privy Councillors, 
and none was given. Charles was doubtless not un- 
conscious of the difficulty of gathering an adequate 
military force. That weary look, which, transferred Th« King^i 
to the canvas of Vandyke, gained for Charles so many dency." 
passionate admirers, was now stealing over his 
countenance. For the first time in his life he left 
the tennis-court unvisited, and, except on rare oc- 
casions, he avoided the excitement of the chase. He 
announced that, this year, his progress would be but 
a short one, and that he would return to Oatlands 
before the middle of August at the latest.^ 

* Oarrard to Wentworth, July 3. Str<rf, Letters, ii. 179. Zonca's 
Despatchi July ^, Ven, Tran$cript», 





The Com- 
mittee on 

drawn to 


progress in 
the west of 

If the Council as a body was not consulted, a 
special Committee was formed from amongst its 
members, to discuss the practicability of an armed 
interference in Scotland. The Committee was soon 
hopelessly divided in opinion. The Catholics and 
semi-Catholics, Arundel, Cottington, and Windebank, 
were for instant war. Vane, Coke, and Northumber- 
land hesitated in the face of its enormous difficulties. 
The promise of 200,000/. made by Juxon a few 
weeks before had melted away. Only. 200/. were at 
the moment in the Exchequer. The utmost that 
could be raised by borrowing was 1 10,000/., a sum 
which would go but a Uttle way towards the main- 
tenance of an army. What was of more consequence 
was, that, the recent decision in the ship-money case 
had revealed the discontent of the English people, 
and it was freely acknowledged that they were more 
Ukely to support the Scots than to draw their swords 
for the King.^ 

In these desperate circumstances, it was natural 
that the thoughts of those who cared for the main- 
tenance of the King's authority should cross St. 
George's Channel. There at least was a man who 
had shown that it was possible to educe order out of 
chaos. Might not the force which liad curbed 
Ireland be employed to restore discipline in Scotland ? 

Never had Wentworth been so hopeful of the 
success of his great experiment as in the summer of 
1637. In August, just as the Scottish resistance was 
growing serious, he set out for the West. In a letter 
to Conway he described, with much amusement, the 
triumphal arches erected in his honour, and the long 
speeches of welcome inflicted on him by the magis- 
trates of the towns through which he passed. He 

' Northumberland to Wentworth, July 23. Straf, Letters^ ii. 185. 


was well satisfied with the .more serious business of ^^^p- 

his journey. " Hither are we come," he wrote ^ 
from Limerick, " through a country,, upon my faith, if ^ug. 
as well husbanded, built, and peopled as are you in 
England, would show itself not much inferior to the 
very best you have there. The business we came 
about is most happily effected, and His Majesty now 
entitled to the two goodly counties of Ormond and 
Clare, and, which beauties and seasons the wctrk ex- 
ceedingly, with all possible contentment and satisfac- 
tion of the people. In all my whole life did I never 
see, or could possibly have beUeved to have found 
men with so much alacrity divesting themselves of 
all property in their estates, and, with great quietness 
and singleness of mind, waiting what His Majesty 
may in his gracious good pleasure and time determine 
and measure out for them. I protest I that am, to 
my truth, of a gentle heart, find myself extremely 
taken with the manner of their proceeding. They 
have all along, to the uttermost of their skill and 
breeding, given me very great expressions of their 
esteem and affection, so as 'I begin almost to be per- 
suaded that they here could be content to have me 
the minister of His Majesty's favour towards them as 
soon as any other." ^ 

Such a letter shows Wentworth at his best. It Onnond 
is probable that the days of this summer progress Sckard.'*' 
were the last of unalloyed happiness that he ever 
enjoyed. He could hardly doubt what was the cause 
of this unexpected loyalty. At Galway, two years 
before, he had acted in defiance of the great tribal 
lord the Earl of Clanrickard. At Limerick he was 
acting with the warm support of the Earl of Ormond. 
Whether it would have been possible by patience 

* Wentworth to Gonway, Aug. 21, 1637. S, P. Ireland, Bundle 286. 







▼iew of 
Iruih pro- 

Oct. x8. 
view «f 

to bring the other lords to follow Orraond's example^ 
it is impossible now to say. Patience was no part of 
Wentworth's character. In any case, the impulse 
to improvement must have come from the Crown, 
and the improvement to which he looked was 
rather to be found in the benefits derived by the 
poor from orderly government, than in the increased 
activity of the rich. "It is most rare," he wrote 
about this time, " that the lower sort of the Irish 
subject hath not in any age lived so preserved from 
the pressures and oppressions of the great ones as 
now they do ; for which, I assure you, they bless 
God and the King, and begin to discern and taste the 
great and manifold benefits they gather under the 
shadow, and from the immediate dependence upon 
the Crown, in comparision of the scant and narrow 
coverings they formerly borrowed from their petty 
yet imperious lords." ^ 

Such work was not likely to conduce to the 
formation of a correct judgment on English and 
Scottish affairs. "Mr. Prynne's case," he wrote in 
October, " is not the first wherein I have resented 
the Inimour of the time to cry up and magnify such 
as the honour and j ustice of the King and State have 
marked out and adjudged mutinous to the Govern- 
ment, and offensive to the belief and reverence the 
people ought to have in the wisdom and integrity of 
the magistrate. Nor am I now to say it anew .... 
that a Prince that loseth the force and example of his 
punishments, loseth withal the greatest part of his 
dominion, and yet still, methinks, we are not got 
through the disease — nay, I fear, do not sufficiently 
apprehend the mahgnity of it. In the mean time a 
liberty thus assumed, thus abused, is very insufferable ; 

* Went worth to Coke, Aug. 15. Straf, Letters, ii, 88. 


but how to help it I know not, till I see the good as chap. 

resolute in their good as we daily observe the bad to ^ — r^ — ' 
... . . . \(hi*i 

be in their evil ways, which God of His grace infuse oct /s^ 

into us ; for such are the feeble and faint motions of 

human frailty, that I do not expect it thence." ^ 

To Wentworth, Hampden's case appeared no xoy.a/. 
better than that of Prynne. "Mr. Hampden," he 
complained to Laud, "is a great Brother, and the 
very genius of that nation of people leads them always 
to oppose civilly as ecclesiastically all that ever 
authority ordains for them ; but, in good faith, were 
they right served, they should be whipped home into 
their right wits, and much beliolden they should be 
to any that would thoroughly take pains with them 
in that kind." " In truth," he wrote some months 16^8. 
later, " I still wish . . . Mr. Hampden and others to ^ '**' 
his likeness were well whipped into their right senses ; 
if that the rod be so used that it smarts not, I am the 
more sorry." ^ 

Whatever may have been the exact form of punish- juiy as. 
ment which Wentworth designed for Hampden, there wonh's re- 
can be no doubt that he was ready to expend all his S^ELuf 
energy on the Scottish Covenanters. One plan, indeed, '^*'*™- 
which had been suggested in London, that the Earl 
of Antrim, who had married Buckingham's widow, 
should be allowed to raise a force to attack the West 
of Scotland, found no favour in his eyes. He told 
the King that he thought but meanly of Antrim's 
'parts, of his power, or of his affections.' It would 
not be safe to trust him with arms. If he did not mis- 
use them himself, the Scottish colonists were strong 
enough to seize upon them for their own ends. The 
Irish Government could not spare a man of its small 

> WentworUi to Laud, Oct. 18. Straf, Lettas^ ii. 1 19. 

'* Wentworth to Laud, Nov. 27, Apr. 10. Straf, Letters, ii. 136, 156. 


CHAP, army for service in Scotland. Three or four thousand 
foot, however, might be levied for the purpose. If 
this were done, the greater number ought to be of 
English birth. If Irishmen received a military train- 
ing in Scotland, they might be dangerous after their 
His opinion When Wcutworth wrote this letter, he had in his 
venant hand a copy of the last Protestation of the Scots. It 
left no doubt on his mind that they were aiming at 
a change in the basis of government. One of his 
chaplains had recently visited Edinburgh. An at- 
tempt, Wentworth said, had been made to force him 
* to sign and swear something whicli ' he thought they 
called ' their Covenant with God.' If it be such, he 
sneeringly added, 'it will learn them obedience to 
their King very shortly.' ^ 
July 3a As yet Wentworth 's advice on the policy to be 

the policy pursued towards the Scots had not been asked. He 
soed;'^"'^" therefore unbosomed himself in a private letter to 
Northumberland. If the insolency of the Scots, he 
said, were not ' thoroughly corrected,' it was impos- 
sible to foresee all the evil consequences that would 
follow. It was true that the preparations in England 
were not sufficiently advanced to justify an immediate 
declaration of war. But there should be no further 
concessions to the Scots. *To their bold and un- 
mannerly demand ' for a Parliament, * mixed with a 
threat that otherwise they ' would ' betake themselves 
to other counsel,' His Majesty should reply that * it 
was not the custom of the best and mildest of kings 
to be threatened into parliaments, or to be circum- 
scribed with days and hours by their subjects.' Their 
present conduct, he should say, was ' more than ever 
he expected from them which profess the religion 

* Wentworth to the King, July 28. Straf, Letters, ii. 187. 

wENTWoimrs military counsels. 155 

which decries all such tumultuous proceedings of 
people against their sovereign.' He should ask what 
they would have thought * if the Papists of England 
or Ireland ' had done the like, and should inform 
them that he would give them leisure ' to consider 
the modesty, the reverence, wherewith they were to 
approach God's anointed, and their King, and so to 
frame their petitions and suppUcations as that they 
might be granted without diminution to his height 
and Royal estate.' 

To prepare for the worst, Berwick and Carlisle and rag- 
must be garrisoned, and the troops there, as well as S^ni* *" 
the trained bands of the northern counties, must be war!"^^ * 
diligently exercised during the winter, so as to have 
a disciplined army ready at the commencement of 
the summer, without any previous expense to the 
exchequer. It the Scots continued refractory their 
ports could then be blockaded, and their shipping 
seized. Under this stress, their new unity would 
speedily be dissolved. Partisans of the King would 
spring up on every side. No unnecessary cruelty 
must delay the work of submission. Seditious minis- 
ters must be merely imprisoned. There must be no 
death on the scaffold, however richly it might be 
deserved. Scotland would soon prostrate itself at the 
feet of the King. 

Then — for Wentworth never failed to form a clear Hia uiti- 
conception of his ultimate aim — would come a new "**^ **"' 
day of government for Scotland. It was to be ruled 
as Ireland was ruled, by a Council of its own, acting 
in strict subordination to the English Privy Council. 
The religious difficulty was to be settled on much the 
same principle No extemporary prayers, no Book 
of Common Order was to be tolerated. Neither was 
any new-fangled Liturgy to be forced upon the 






1 638. 

July 3a 

He holds 
that the 
safety of 
the peo]^ 
is the hi^- 
est law. 

No middle 
course pos- 

Youth of 

people. But they must be content to accept the 
time-honoured Prayer Book of the English Church, 
the Protestantism of which was beyond dispute. 

If Wentworth, as he undoubtedly did, under- 
estimated the strength which a struggle for national 
existence would give to Scotland, he overestimated 
still more the devotion of the English people to their 
King. He imagined that his countrymen were still 
animated by that fiery loyalty which was peculiarly 
his own. " Your Lordship," he wrote in conclusion, 
" may say : — How shall money be found to carry us 
througli the least part of this ? In good faith, every 
man will give it, I hope, from his children, upon such 
an extremity as this, when no less verily than all we 
have comes thus to the stake. In a word, we are, 
God be praised, rich and able, and in this case, it 
may be justly said, Salics populi suprema lex, and the 
King must not want our substance for the preserva- 
tion of the whole." ^ 

Such was Wentworth's confession of faith. He 
believed in his heart of hearts that to fight for the 
King in this cause was to fight ' for the preservation 
of the whole.' 

It may well be that in Scotland no middle course 
between a complete conquest and an absolute. re- 
linquishment of power was in any way possible. 
After all that had passed, it was hopeless to expect 
that Charles's authority would ever again strike root 
in the heart of the Scottish nation. One man indeed 
there was who, in after years, was to beUeve it pos- 
sible, and who was destined to dash himself to pieces, 
in the Koyal cause, against the rocky strength of 
Covenanting Scotland. That man was still a fiery 
youth, throwing himself heart and soul into the cause 

^ Wentworth to Northumberland , July 30. Straf, LeiterHf ii. 189. 


of the Covenant. James Graham, Earl of Montrose, was ^^^^• 

bom in 161 2, and succeeded to his father's title as a — TT^ 

. 1038. 

mere lad in 1626. Educatedat St. Andrews, he was easily 
supreme in those bodily exercises in which youths of 
gentle birth sought distinction. He bore away the 
prize for archery ; he was noted for his firm seat on 
horseback, and for the skill with which he managed 1626. 
his arms. Married at the early age of seventeen, 1629. 
after four years of wedded happiness, he sought 
pleasure and instruction in a prolonged tour on the 1633. 
Continent. When he returned in 1636 he passed 1636. 
through England, and asked Hamilton for an intro- utncked 
duction to the King. Hamilton, if report speaks ^^n."*™*^ 
truly, was jealous of the young man, and played off 
on him one of his master-pieces of deception. TelUng 
him that the King could not endure a Scotchman, he 
prepared him for an unfavourable reception. He then 
warned the King that Montrose was likely to be dan- 
gerous in Scotland. The traveller was therefore re- 
ceived with coolness, and returned home highly 
discontented. The man with whom he was most 
closely connected, his brother-in-law, the •excellent 
Lord Napier, and his kinsman, the Earl of Airth, 
were at the same time loyal to their Sovereign and 
hostile to Hamilton, whom they regarded with dis- 
favour, as withdrawing the management of Scottish 
affairs from Edinburgh to Whitehall, and against 
whom they were embittered by one of those family 
feuds which were still potent in Scotland.^ 

' The story of Hamilton's treatment of Montrose comes from Hejlyn 
(lAfe of Laudf 350). It is there connected with a story about another 
Graham, Earl of Menteith, who had a kind of claim to the throne of 
ScoUand on the ground of the questionable legitimacy of Robert III., 
through whom the Grown had descended. The King, through a legal 
process, had deprived him of his titles, though he subsequently granted 
him the Earldom of Airth by a fresh creation. The whole of his 
story will be found in Masson*s Drummond of Hawthomden, 185. 






Before 1637 came to an end, Montrose was in 
the thick of the opposition. When once he had 
chosen his side, he was sure to bear himself as a 
Paladin of old romance. If he made any cause his 
own, it was not with the reasoned calculation of a 
statesman, but with the fond enthusiasm of a lover. 
When he afterwards transferred his affections from 
the Covenant to the King, it was as Romeo transferred 
his affections from Eosaline to Juliet. He fought for 
neither King nor Covenant, but for that ideal of his 
own which he followed as Covenanter or Royalist. 
He went ever straight to the mark, impatient to 
shake off the schemes of worldly-wise poUticians and 
the plots of interested intriguers. Nature had marked 
him for a Ufe of meteoric splendour, to confound and 
astonish a world, and to leave behind him an inspira- 
tion and a name which would outlast the ruin of his 

In 1637 Montrose could be nothing but a patriotic 
iiVicwcn- Scotsman, and as a patriotic Scotsman he threw him- 
self without an afterthought into the whirl of poUtical 
strife. He detested and distrusted Hamilton, as he 
afterwards detested and distrusted Argyle. He had 
been one of those who had listened to Hamilton's 
appeal to the ' kindly Scots,' and the incident had 
made a deep impression on his mind. When a de- 

Heylya says that Hamilton told the King that Montrose was ' of such 
esteem amongst the Scots, by reason of an old descent from the Royal 
family, that he might take part in supporting his kinsman's claim.' It 
must be remembered that though Hamilton did not put in any claim to 
the throne against Charles, he was in the line of succession, and was 
therefore personally interested in Uie putting down any claim by Men- 
teith. Mr. Napier has pointed out that Heylyn probably derived his 
information from Lord Napier. It is difficult to say what amount of 
credit is due to the narrative printed in the Appendix to the JBamiUan 
Papers, but the rivalry between Montrose and Hamilton, there alleged to 
have existed, falls in very weU with Heylyu^s story. 



cision was to be taken or a protestation read, he was ^^^^• 
certain to be foremost.^ The Covenanting leaders ^ 

knew how to make good use of his fervid energy. j^. 
Scarcely had Hamilton turned his back on Edinburgh, 
when they launched Montrose against Aberdeen. 

A great national uprising makes scant account of The Aber- 
corporate privilege or individual liberty. He who tw». 
stands sneeringly, or even hesitatingly apart from it, 
is soon regarded as a possible traitor, if not as an 
actual traitor, who waits for an opportunity to strike. 
Ministers who had refused to sign the Covenant had 
been silenced, ill-treated, and driven from their homes. 
Only in one place in Scotland did they gather thickly 
enough to hold their own. The Aberdeen doctors, 
indeed, were no enthusiastic supporters of Charles's 
ill-fated Prayer Book. They felt no attraction to 
Laud and his Beauty of Holiness. They were faith- 
ful disciples of the school which had been founded by 
Patrick Forbes. The danger which they foresaw was 
that which is inseparable from every popular excite- 
ment, and especially from every popular religious 
excitement. They feared for their quiet studies, for 
their right to draw unmolested their own conclusions 
from the data before them. They were EoyaUsts ; 
not as Laud and Wren were Eoyalists, but after the 
fashion of Chillingworth and Hales. Under the name 
of authority they upheld the noble banner of intel- 
lectual freedom. Under Charles they had such liberty 

^ Gordon's story (i. 33) may be true, though it looks as if it were 
dressed up after the event, and was certainly written after 1650. '' It is 
reported that at one of these protestations at Edinburgh Cross, Montrose 
standing up upon a puncheon that stood on the scaffold, the Earl of 
Rothes in jest said unto him, ' James,' says he, ' you will not be at rest 
tin you be lifted up there above the rest in three fathom of rope.' .... 
This was afterwards accomplished in earnest in that same place. Some 
say that the same supports of the scaffold were made use of at Mon- 
trose's execution." 



CHAP, as they needed ; under the Covenant they were not 
' — 7--^ likely to have any liberty at all. 
j^ ' So matters looked at Aberdeen. It was impossible 

So°*^be ^^^^ *^^y should be so regarded in Edinburgh. The 

dcen. liberty of the Aberdeen doctors might easily become 
the slavery of Scotland. If the Northern City were 
occupied by the King's forces, it would become to 
Covenanting Scotland what La Vendue afterwards 
became to Eepublican France. The risk was the 
greater because Aberdeen had other forces behind it 
than those which were supplied by the logic of its 
colleges. It lay close to the territory occupied by 
the powerful Gordon kindred, at the head of which 

HuQtiyMd was the Marquis of Huntly. Huntly in the north- 
^^^ east, like Argyle in the south-west, was more than an 
eminent Scottish nobleman. These two were as kings 
within their own borders. Each of them had autho- 
rity outside the mountains. Each of them was a 
Celtic chieftain as well as a Peer of the realm. Far 
away from Ai'gyle's castle at Inverary, far away from 
Huntly's castle at the Bog in Strathbogie, the frontiers 
of rival authority met. 

Huntiy*B Of the two, Huutly's power was less Celtic than 

that of Argyle, and was therefore more exposed to 
attack from the southern populations. An invading 
army might easily keep clear of the mountains by 
clinging to that strip of lowland country which 
stretches along the shores of the Moray Firth. 
Huntly's family had risen to power by the defence of 
this more civiUsed district against lawless attacks 
from the dwellers in the hills. It was a district 
scarcely less isolated from Southern influences, and 
Huntly's immediate predecessors had retained the 
faith of the ancient Church. They had therefore 
looked with jealousy upon any government seated at 



Edinburgh, and in proportion as the King had be- chap. 
come estranged from the sentiments prevailing in the ^ 

south of Scotland, he would be regarded as the j^^ * 
natural ally of his subjects in the North. Huntly's 
own position was such as to place him at the head of 
a struggle for local independence. The victory of 
the national party would reduce his power to that of 
an ordinary nobleman. To a messenger sent to urge 
him to throw in his lot with his countrymen, he re- 
pUed that ' his family had risen and stood by the 
kings of Scotland, and for his part, if the event proved 
the ruin of this king, he was resolved to lay his life, 
honours, and estate under the rubbish of the King's 
ruins.' ^ 

On July 20, Montrose entered Aberdeen. Accord- July ao. 
ing to the custom of the place, a cup of wine was at Aber- 
offered to him as an honoured guest. He refused to *^* 
drink it till the Covenant had been signed. He 
brought with him three preachers — ^Henderson, Dick- 
son, and Cant. All the churches closed their doors 
against them. They preached in the streets in vain. 
The men of Aberdeen would not sign the Covenant. 
In the neighbourhood signatures were obtained 
amongst families which, like the Forbeses, were jealous 
of Huntly's power. Their example and the pressure 
of military force brought in a few subscribers. Two July 39- 
ministers appended their names with a protest that 
they remained loyal and obedient to the King ; and 
the reservation was accepted, not only by Montrose, 
but by Henderson and Dickson as well.^ 

Such a reservation, to be differently interpreted in _Jui^ 27 
different mouths, would probably have been accepted 

Ha*mltoo a 


* Gordon, i. 49. 

' Oeneral Demands concerning the Covenant, Aberdeen. 1662. 

Spalding, i. 93. 

VOL. I. M 




July 27. 

sion of 


Aoj^. la 
second mis- 


by all Scotland. No such simple means of saving his 
' own dignity would commend itself to Charles. After 
consultation with Hamilton, he gave way so far as to 
authorise the meeting of an Assembly and a Parlia- 
ment. Hamilton was to do his best to obtain as much 
influence for the Bishops in the Assembly as he pos- 
sibly could. He was to protest against any motion 
for the abolition of their order, but he might consent 
to any plan for making them responsible for their 
conduct to future Assemblies. K this were objected 
to, Hamilton was ' to yield anything, though un- 
reasonable, rather than to break.' 

Diflicult as it would probably be to obtain the 
consent of Scotland to this compromise, it was made 
more diflicult by a gratuitous obstacle of Charles's 
own invention. The Covenant was neither to be 
passed over in silence nor explained away. It was 
to be met by the resuscitation of a Confession of Faith 
which had been adopted by the Scottish Parliament 
in 1567, and which, though strongly Protestant in 
tone, naturally passed entirely over all controversies 
of a later date. To this Confession Charles now added 
clauses binding those who accepted it to defend * the 
King's Majesty's sacred person and authority, as also 
the laws and liberties of the country under his 
Majesty's Sovereign power.' This document was to 
be circulated for subscription in Scotland, not in ad- 
dition to, but in substitution for, the National Cove- 
nant. All ministers expelled for refusing to sign the 
National Covenant were to be restored to their 
parishes. All ministers admitted to a parish without 
the intervention of the Bishop were to be expelled.^ 

With these instructions Hamilton started once 
more for Scotland. On August 10 he reached Edin- 

* Bumetf 65. 


burgh. He found himself at once involved in a contro- chap. 

versy on the constitution of the Assembly which he ^ 
had come to announce. What Charles proposed was / ^ 
an exclusively clerical Assembly, in which the Bishops 
should, if possible, preside. The Covenanting leaders 
would not hear of the arrangement. They were 
hardly likely to forget how Spottiswoode had 
threatened the ministers with the loss of their 
stipends at the Perth Assembly, and they knew 
enough of what was passing in London to distrust 
the King's intentions. Whether there be truth or not 
in the story which tells how Scottish grooms of the 
bed-chamber rifled the King's pockets after he was in 
bed, so as to learn the contents of his secret corre- 
spondence,^ there can be no doubt that his projects 
were known in Scotland even better than they were 
known in England. Hamilton's efforts to divide the Hiseflrorts 
King's opponents served but to weld them together the Coven- 
in more compact unity. When he talked to the 
nobles of the folly of reimposing on their own necks 
that yoke of Presbytery which their fathers had been 
unable to bear, he was told that Episcopacy was not 
the only means of averting the danger. Lay elders 
formed a part of the Presbyterian constitution, and 
under that name it would be easy for noblemen and 
gentlemen to find their way into the Church Courts, 
where they would have no difficulty in keeping in 
check any attempt at clerical domination. It is true 
that this prospect was not altogether pleasing to the 
ministers, and that many of them were somewhat 
alarmed at the growing influence of a nobiUty which 
would probably become lukewarm in the cause of 

^ It is in favour of this story that Henrietca Maria, after she left 
England in 1642, advised her husband to be careful of his pockets, ti here 
he then kept the key to the cypher used between them. 

M 2 

1 64 



Aug. za 

Au^. 13. 
and the 

Aug. 25. 
He returns 
tu England. 

Sept. 17. 
third mis- 

the Church as soon their own interests were satisfied. 
But the nobles told the clergy plainly, that if their 
support was wanted it must be taken on their own 
terms, and the chance that Charles would keep the 
engagements to which he had advanced with such 
hesitating steps was not sufficiently attractive to in- 
duce the clergy to abandon those protectors who had 
stood by them hitherto without flinching. 

On August 13 Hamilton laid before the Privy 
Council his scheme for the pacification of Scotland. 
All extraordinary assemblies of the clergy and laity 
were to be broken up, and Bishops and expelled 
ministers were to be protected in their lawful cures. 
At the elections to the Assembly no layman was to 
have a vote, and the Council was ' to advise to give 
satisfaction anent the Covenant, or to renounce the 
same.' So unfavourable was the reception of these 
proposals, that Hamilton returned once more to Eng- 
land for further instructions ; having first obtained 
from the Covenanters a promise that they would not 
proceed to any self-authorised elections till Sep- 
tember 21, by which time he hoped to be back in 

When, on September 1 7, Hamilton appeared for 
the third time in Edinburgh, he brought with him 
what must have seemed to Charles unlimited conces- 
sions. He was to issue a summons for the meeting 
of the Assembly and Parliament, and to content him- 
self, as far as the elections to the former body were 
concerned, with coming as near as was possible to 
the forms observed in the preceding reign. He was 
to declare that the King absolutely revoked 'the 
Service Book, the Book of Canons, and the High 

' JBaillie, i. 9$. Spalding, i. 98. Burnet, 69. Large Beclaratum, 



Commission,' that he suspended the practice of the ^^^p- 
Articles of Perth, and was ready to consent to their 


entire abolition, if Parliament wished him to do so. g^^^^ ^^ 
Episcopacy was to be limited in such a way that the 
Bishops in future would be responsible to the 
Assembly for their conduct. 

Charles did not stop here. It is true that he no The King's 

*■ _ Covenant. 

longer directly asked for the surrender of the National 
Covenant. He abandoned also the idea of sending 
round for signature the Confession of 1567. But he 
seems to have thought it necessary to preserve his 
dignity by sending round for signature some docu- 
ment of his own. This time it was to consist of the 
Confession drawn up in 1580, which formed the basis 
of the National Covenant. Naturally, Johnston's ad- 
ditions were to be omitted, and they were to be 
replaced by a certain Covenant which had been 
drawn up in 1 590, the signers of which had bound 
themselves to stand by the King in ' suppressing of 
the Papists, promotion of true religion, and settling 
of His Highness' estate, and obedience in all the 
countries and corners of the realm.' ^ 

On the 22nd the Privy Councillors, after some o5f'I**'' 
hesitation, signed the King's Covenant. The same tionofthe 
day a Proclamation was made at the Cross. It andPariu- 
began by announcing the concessions intended. It 
then called on the people to sign the new Covenant, 
not because any fresh attestation of their own faith 
was needed, but in order that the King might thereby 
assure his subjects that he never intended ' to admit of 
any change or alteration in the true reUgion already 
established and professed.' Finally, an Assembly was 
summoned to meet at Glasgow on November 2 1 , and 
a ParUament on May 15.^ 

» Burnet, 75. » Peterkin's Mecords, 81. 


CHAP. By a few Scotsmen who, like Drummond of Haw- 

" thornden, had watched with anxiety the leagues of 

Sept 22 ^^ nobles and the violence of the clergy, the Pro- 
clamation was hailed as a message of peace.^ By 
the mass of Drummond 's countrymen it was received 
Another with profouud distrust. As its words died away, 
ti^ *" there followed another Protestation, more sharp and 
defiant than any before. Scotland had made up its 
mind to have no more to do with Bishops, whether 
their power were limited or unlimited. The introduc- 
tion of a new Covenant without apparent reason was 
in itself certain to arouse suspicion. The question at 
once arose, for what purpose were their signatures 
demanded ? The explanation given by the King was 
Why unintelligible. "If we sliould now enter upon this 
another ncw Subscription," said the Protesters — their words 
besiglied? were in all probability the words of Henderson^ — 
" we would think ourselves guilty of mocking God, 
and taking His name in vain ; for the tears that began 
to be poured forth at the solemnising of the Covenant 
are not yet dried up and wiped away, and the joyful 
noise which then began to sound hath not yet ceased ; 
and there can be no new necessity from us, and upon 
our part pretended, for a ground of urging this new 
subscription, at first intended to be an abjuration of 
Popery, upon us who are known to hate Popery with 
an unfeigned hatred, and have all this year bygone 
given large testimony of our zeal against it. As we 
are not to multiply miracles on God's part, so ought 
we not to multiply solemn oaths and covenants upon 
our part, and thus to play with oatlis as children do 
with their toys without necessity."^ 

* Drummond's Irene, Works, 163. 

« This b the suggestion of Prof. Masson, Life of Milton, ii. 33. 

' Peterkin*8 Records, 86. 


Together with the controversy about the King's chap. 
Covenant appeared another controversy more serious 

still. Charles thought he had done much in offering g^ ^^ 
to place the Bishops under limitations. He was told i» not the 

^ f- , ABsembiy 

that all such questions were beyond his competence, aupreme? 
The Assembly would deal with them as it saw fit. It, 
not the King, was divinely empowered to judge of all 
questions relating to the Church. 

Such was the declaration of war — it was nothing TheProtcB- 
less — issued by the Scottish Covenanters. At the declaration 
heart of the long appeals to Scripture and to Presby- 
terian logic lay the sense of National independency. 
Episcopacy was a foreign substance, which had never 
been assimilated by the Uving organism into which it 
had been introduced by force and fraud. 

The attempt to procure signatures to the King's Few 
Covenant was almost a total failure. Loyal Aberdeen King's co- 

• venant. 

and its neighbourhood produced 12,000 signatures; 
only 16,000 more could be obtained from the rest of 
Scotland. A mad woman named Margaret Michelson, 
^ who went about saying that she was inspired to de- 
clare that the National Covenant came from Heaven, 
and that the King's Covenant was the work of Satan, 
was very generally regarded as a prophetess.^ 

In the face of such evidence of popular feeUng, it ^^*J^" 
hardly mattered much under what system the votes chinery. 
in the election of members of the Assembly were re- 
corded. The Covenanters, however, treated it as a 
matter of course that an Act passed by an Assembly 
held in 1597 was to be accepted as the constitutional 
rule, all later acts being lield to have been null and 
void. Hamilton's efforts to introduce jealousy be- 
tween the gentry and the clergy were without effect. 
The constituencies in each Presbytery were composed 

* Burnet, 81. Gordoti, i. 131. 


CHAP, of the minister and one lay elder from each parish. 
-^ — -^—^ By this constituency three ministers were chosen to 
Sept. 22. represent the Presbytery, whilst the gentry of the 
same district returned a lay elder to represent them- 
selves. Edinburgh was separately represented by two 
members, and the other boroughs by one member 
strength of It would havc puzzlcd the sharpest logician to 

the Assem- . x o 

biy. give any satisfactory reason why a body, brought 

into existence by this particular kind of electoral 
machinery, should be held to speak with Divine 
authority, rather than a body brought into existence 
in some other way. But there could be no doubt that 
it could speak with a national authority as no merely 
clerical assembly could have spoken. Whatever 
Scotland was, in its strength and its weakness, in its 
fierce imcompromisiiig dogmatism, in its stem reli- 
gious enthusiasm, in its worldly ambition and hair- 
spUtting argumentativeness, in its homely ways and 
resolute defiance of a foreign creed and of a foreign 
worship, was reflected, as in a mirror, in the Assembly 
which was now elected in the teeth of the King's 
Charles re- Charlcs could hardly avoid taking up the glove 
tokeupthe throwTi dowu. To allow that he had neither part 
^*^* nor lot, either in the constitution of the Assembly or 
in the decisions to which it might come, would be to 
acknowledge that the kingly authority was no more 
than a cypher in Scotland ; and he knew instinctively 
that if he gave way in Scotland he would soon be 
called upon to give way in England as well. The 
only question now was on what ground the chal- 
lenge was to be accepted. The Scottish Bishops, 
knowing what was before them, advised that the 
very meeting of the Assembly should be prohibited. 


Hamilton argued, that if this were done, the ^^^• 
Covenanters would allege that the King had never ^ — '^— 
seriously intended that any Assembly should meet ^^' 
at all; and Charles was of the same opinion as 

Hamilton's plan was, that the Assembly should Oct aa.^ 
be allowed to proceed to business. His first care advice, 
would be to lay before it the scheme of modified 
Episcopacy which had been foreshadowed in the 
late Proclamation. If this were rejected, as it would 
certainly be, and if the Bishops were summoned 
as culprits to the bar, he would then dissolve the 
Assembly and declare those who concurred in this 
course to be traitors to the King.^ The Bishops, on 
their part, would be ready with a Declinator, de- 
nouncing the Assembly as unconstitutionally elected, 
and as disqualified, in any case, from passing sentence 
upon Bishops. 

At last, the position taken up by Charles was TheKing'i 
clearly marked. There was no thought now of 
gaining time by spinning out negotiations which 
were to come to nothing. If the Scots would have 
accepted Charles's oflfer of limited Episcopacy, 
and have left the question of sovereignty untouched, 
he would probably have been content to see his con- 
cessions put in force, however unpalatable they were 
to himself. He knew well, however, that the ques- 
tion of sovereignty was at stake, and he doubtless felt 
the less anxiety on the score of the largeness of the 
concessions which he had made, because he believed 
that they were certain to be rejected. " Your com- 
mands," Hamilton had recently written to him, " I 
conceive, chiefly tend at this time so to make a party 
here for your Majesty, and once so to quiet this mad 

^ Ilainlltou to tbe King, Oct. 22. Hamilton PaperSf 46. 



CHAP, people, ttat hereafter your Majesty may reign as 

— 7^ — ' kingj and inflict the due punishment on such as have 

^^ so infinitely ofiended against your Majesty's sacred 


Ceruinty The Scottish leaders, if they knew what was 

unS!*^ passing in the King's mind, as there can be little 

doubt that they did, had every reason to make the 

breach irreparable. They were not hkely to have 

much difficulty with their followers. Large bodies of 

men, when once they are set in motion, acquire a 

momentum of their own, and every scrap of news 

which reached them from England confirmed them in 

the belief that the King meditated an attack upon 

Scotland, whether his terms were accepted or not. 

Signs of It was known that Hamilton had purchased from 

Mar the command of Edinburgli Castle ; and that it 

was only owing to the strict watch kept upon it by 

the citizens that it had not been provided with those 

warUke stores without which its garrison would be 

unable to stand a siege. It was known, too, that a 

trusty officer had been despatched to take charge of 

Dumbarton, that preparations had been made for 

holding Berwick and Carhsle in force, and for creating 

a magazine of miUtary stores at Hull. There had 

also been widely circulated a forged speech, which 

the Duke of Lennox was said to have deUvered in 

defence of his native country, in the EngUsh Privy 

Council, from which the inference was drawn that 

the English CouncD entertained designs hostile to 


Oct 34. As had usually happened in the course of these 

Bi^ops distractions, the Covenanters took the aggressive. 

uie A8M^ On October 24, they appeared, in due legal form, 

^^^' before the Edinburgh Presbytery, to charge the pre- 

' Hamilton to the King, Oct. 15. ffamilfan Papers^ 42. 



tended Bishops with having overstepped the limits of ^^ap. 
their powers, and even with acts of dishonesty and "- » - ^ 
profligacy, and requested the Presbytery to refer their ^t 
cases to the Assembly. As might have been ex- 
pected, this request was at once complied with, and 
the accusation was ordered to be read publicly in all 
the churches of Edinburgh.^ 

The step thus given induced Charles to resort to Nov. 17. 
threats. " You may take public notice," he wrote to an^ow^ 
Hamilton, " and declare that, as their carriage hath preparLJg 
forced me to take care to arm myself against any in- '^*'* 
solence that may be committed, so you may give 
assurance that my care of peace is such that all those 
preparations shall be useless, except they first break 
out with insolent actions." As for the threatened 
proceedings against the Bishops, ' it was never heard 
that one should be both judge and party.' The 
very legality of the constitution of the Assembly 
was at issue, and that was no matter to be determined 
by the Assembly itself. He was still ready to per- 
form everything that he had promised, and was pre- 
pared to summon * a new Assembly upon the amend- 
ment of all the faults and nullities of this.' ^ 

The Assembly, too, might well have asked whether Nov. 21. 

Ail 1 1 . li. 1 1 .1 Meeting of 

(Jnarles himself was not a party rather than a judge, the AMem. 
It preferred action to recrimination. On November ^' 
2 1 , it met in the Cathedral of Glasgow, the only one 
amongst the Scottish cathedrals which had been 
saved from destruction and decay by the affectionate 
reverence of the townsmen, and which had survived 
to witness the new birth of Presbytery. In spite of 
Hamilton's efforts to take the lead into his hands, the 
Assembly remained master of itself. The speech 

' Largt Dedarationt 209. 

' The King to Hamilton, Not. 17. Burnet, 99. 


CHAP, which he had prepared for the occasion remained 
' — -^r—^ unspoken.^ His demand that the question of the 

Novfai. elections should be immediately taken up, was 
promptly refused. His proposal that the Bishops' 
DecUnator should be read was received with con- 
tempt. The Assembly asserted its right to exist by 
proceeding to the choice of a Moderator.^ That 
Moderator was Alexander Henderson. The clerk 
was Johnston of Warriston. 

Nov.aa.^ The qucstiou being thus decided against him, 

report Hamilton's only object was to put off the evil hour of 
dissolution as long as possible. The account which he 
gave the King was gloomy beyond measure. '* Yester- 
day, the 2 1st," he wrote, " was the day appointed for 
the downsitting of the Assembly. Accordingly we met, 
and truly, sir, my soul was never sadder than to see 
such a sight ; not one gown amongst the whole com- 
pany, many swords but many more daggers — most of 
them having left their guns and pistols in their 
lodgings. The number of the pretended members are 
about -^60; each one of these hath two, some three, 
some four assessors, who pretend not to have voice, 
but only are come to argue and assist the Commis- 
sioners ; but the true reason is to make up a great 
and confused multitude, and I will add, a most 
ignorant one, for some Commissioners there are who 
can neither write nor read,^ the most part being 
totally void of learniug, but resolved to follow the 
opinion of those few ministers who pretend to be 
learned, and those be the most rigid and seditious 
Puritans that hve. What, then, can be expected but 
a total disobedience to authority, if not a present 

* Compare Burnet, 94, with Baillie, i. 124. 

^ Answering to the Speaker in the English House of Commons. 

' This probably rafers to some of the lay members of the Assembly. 


rebellion ? Yet this is no more than that which your chap. 
Majesty hath had just reason this long time to look * — <^ — ' 
for, which I would not so much apprehend if I did ^ ^ ' 
not find so great an inclination in the body of your 
Council to go along their way ; for, believe me, sir, 
there is no Puritan minister of them all who would 
more willingly be freed of Episcopal governance than 
they would, whose fault it is that this unlucky busi- 
ness is come to this height." ^ 

By general confession, Hamilton played well the Hi» con- 
part which he had undertaken. His attempt to get iSl^mWy.* 
up a clerical movement against the lay elders failed 
entirely. On the 27th, the Assembly declared itseli Nov 27. 
duly constituted, and set aside three scantily signed wy coiwti-* 
petitions against the lay elders as unworthy of notice. 

Hamilton knew that the breach could not be Hamaton's 
averted much longer. " So unfortunate have I been tSe^iSein- 
in this unlucky country," he wrote to the King, " that ^^^' 
though I did prefer your service before all worldly 
considerations . . . yet all hath been to small purpose; 
for I have missed my end in not being able to make 
your Majesty so considerable a party as will be able to 
curb the insolency of this rebellious nation without 
assistance from England, and greater charge to your 
Majesty than this miserable country is worth." In 
his annoyance at the approach of that open quarrel 
in which he expected to be the first to sufier, he dealt 
his blows impartially around. Everyone, excepting 
himself and the King, appeared to have been in Hit attack 
fault. The Bishops had done things which were * not Biahops. 
justifiable by the laws.' * Their pride was great, but 
their folly was greater.' Some of them were not 
* of the best lives.' Others were * inclined to simony.' 
He then, with characteristic confidence in schemes 

^ Hamilton to the King, Nov. 22. HamUton Papers^ 59. 





'■* » ■"* 


Nov. 07. 
His advice 
on the oon- 
dact of the 

Nov. 28. 


and the 

as yet untried, assured the King that success would 
be easily secured. By blockading the seaports he 
would ruin the commerce of the country. So far he 
was of one mind with Wentworth. But he believed, 
what Wentworth did not believe, that it was still 
possible to raise a force in Scotland to fight on 
Charles's side. Huntly, he argued, should be named 
as the King's Lieutenant in the North. Traquair or 
Eoxburgh should hold the same authority in the 
South. There should be a Royal Commissioner — no 
doubt, himself — at the head of both. It would be dif- 
ficult to carry arms and ammunition into Edinburgh 
Castle, but it would be easy to secure Dumbarton by 
sending soldiers from Ireland. " I have now only one 
suit to your Majesty," he ended by saying, " that 
if my sons live, they may be bred in England, and 
made happy by service in the Court ; and if they 
prove not loyal to the Crown, my curse be on them. I 
wish my daughters be never married in Scotland." ^ 

On the 28th, the day after this letter was written, 
the crisis arrived. The Bishops' DecUnator was pre- 
sented. Henderson put it to the vote whether the 
Assembly was a competent judge of their cause, 
notwithstanding their assertion to the contrary. 
Before the answer was given, Hamilton rose. He 
read the King's ofier, that all their grievances should be 
abolished, and that the Bishops should be responsible 
to future AssembUes. But he refused to acknowledge 
the legaUty of the Assembly before him. The only 
Assembly which he would acknowledge was one 
elected by ministers alone, and composed of ministers 
alone. Li a long speech Henderson ascribed to the 
King very large powers indeed, even in ecclesiastical 
matters. The constitutional point raised by Hamilton 

^ Hamilton to the K\ng, Nov. 37. Hardw, ^, P., ii. 113. 


Nov. 98. 

he altogether evaded. No Assembly Ukes to hear ^^^^' 
an attack on the basis upon which it rests. This one 
refused to re-open a question which it probably con- 
sidered as settled by its previous rejection of the 
petitions against the lay elders. Hamilton pleaded 
in vain for further delay. " I must ask," said the 
Moderator, " if this Assembly finds themselves com- 
petent judges." A warm debate ensued. "If the 
Bishops," said Loudoun, " decUne the judgment of a 
National Assembly, I know not a competent judgment 
seat for them but the King of Heaven." " I stand to 
the King's prerogative," repUed the Commissioner, "as 
supreme judge over all causes civil and ecclesiastical, 
to whom I think they may appeal, and not let the 
causes be reasoned here." 

No common understanding was any longer pos- Hamilton 

. diasolves 

sible. After a few more words, Hamilton declared theAwem- 
the Assembly to be dissolved in the King's name, and ^' 
left the church. As soon as he was gone, the 
Assembly resolved that it was entitled to remain in 
session in spite of anything that had been done. Its 
first act was to pass a vote claiming competency to 
sit in judgment on the Bishops. 

At the moment of Hamilton's departure an incident Argrie's 
occurred from which the Assembly must have derived tion. 
no slight encouragement. Argyle, Uke Huntly, was a 
potentate exercising almost royal power. He could 
bring 5,000 Highlanders into the field. Like Huntly, 
he came of a family which had long kept up its 
attachment to the Papal Church, and his father, who 
had lately died, h ad been for many years in the mili- 
tary service of the King of Spain in the Netherlands. 
During his father's absence he had exercised over the 
clan the authority which he now bore in his own 
name. Throwing off his father's religion, he adapted 


Nov. 28. 


CHAP, himself to the habits and the ideas of the inhabitants 
of the Southern Lowlands. He was often to be seen 
in Edinburgh, and he took his place as a member of 
the Privy Council. He thus early became a national, 
rather than, like Huntly, a local politician. As a 
nobleman, he shared in the jealousy of the Bishops 
which was common to his class. But he was politic 
and wary, not willing to commit himself hastily to 
any cause, and tied to more than ordinary caution by 
his rank as a Privy Councillor. He was ambitious of 
power, and unscrupulous in his choice of means. 
Unlike the other noblemen of the time, he was abso- 
lutely without personal courage. He eould not look 
upon a hostile array without being overcome by 
sheer terror. Something of this feeling was mani- 
fested in his political career. He had the sure 
instinct which led him to place himself on the side 
of numbers, the pride, too, of capacity to grasp 
clearly the ideas of which those numbers were dimly 
conscious. In times of trouble, such capacity is 
power indeed. Then, if ever, the multitude, certain 
of their aim, uncertain of the means by which that 
aim is to be reached, look for the guidance of one in 
whose mental power they can repose confidence, and 
whose constancy they can trust. Such a man was 
Argyle. It is probable enough that there was no 
conscious hypocrisy in the choice which he was now 
to make. He would hardly have maintained himself 
in power so long as he did, if he had not shared the 
beHefs of those around him. He was probably as 
incapable of withstanding a popular belief as he was 
of withstanding an army of his foes. At all events, 
the time was now come for him to declare himself. 
When Hamilton swept out of the church, followed 
by the members of the Privy Council, Argyle alone 


remained behind. He took the part of the many chap. 

against the few. " I have not striven to blow the - — -^ — 

bellows," he said, "but studied to keep matters in as ^q}^, 
soft a temper as I could ; and now I desire to make 
it known to you that I take you all for members of 
a lawful Assembly, and honest countrymen." 

Till December 20 the Assembly remained in Dec 

A n • 1 Further 

session. As a matter of course, it swept away the proceed- 
Service Book, the Canons, and the Articles of Perth. ASemWy. 
It received with boundless credulity every incredible 
charge reported on the merest hearsay against the 
Bishops. • It declared Episcopacy to be for ever 
abolished, and all the Assembhes .held in Episcopal 
times to be null and void. It re-established the 
Presbyterian government, and ejected those ministers 
whose teaching had not been consonant with Cal- 
vinistic orthodoxy.^ 

The challenge thus uttered by the Scottish compaH- 
Assembly was in the main the same as that which tween the 
had been uttered by the EngUsh Parhament in 1629, AaaemWy 
and which was to be uttered again by it in 1 640. The Sgiiah 
Assembly demanded that the rehgion recognised by the ^^*" 
nation itself should be placed beyond all contradic- 
tion, and that neither the King nor anyone else should 
venture to modify its ceremonies or its creed. Many 
conditions were present in the North to make the 
outbreak occur in Scotland earUer than it did in 
England. Charles's attack upon the rehgion of 
Scotland had been more sweeping and more provoca- 
tive than anything that he had done in England. 
The Scottish nation, too, was more ready to combine 
than the EngUsh nation was. Government in Eng- 
land was a present reality. In Scotland it was but 

' Pet«rkiii*8 Records, 128. Bailiie^ i. 165. Hamilton to the King, 
Dec. I ; Hamilton Palters, 62. 

VOL. I. N 




CHAP, the shadow of an absentee sovereign. In the people 
itself, the influence of the Calvinistic clergy produced 
a strange uniformity of thought and character. Even 
the noblemen appear to have been cast very much in 
a common mould. It is true that Argyle and Mont- 
rose stand out amongst their fellows with distinct 
characters. The rest are scarcely more than names. 
To pass from a history which tells of Wentworth and 
Northumberland, Cottington and Portland, Essex and 
Saye, to a history which tells of Bothes and Loudoun, 
Balmerino and Lindsay, is like passing from the many- 
coloured life of the Iliad to the Gyas and Cloanthus 
of the ^neid. The want of originahty of character 
made combination the easier. It made it the easier, 
too, to place the real direction of the movement in the 
hands of the ministers. Whatever forces were 
behind, the revolution which had been effected was a 
Presbyterian revolution. The preacher was and re- 
mained the guide and hero of Scottish nationality. 
The preacher was strong because he appealed to an 
ideal conviction larger and nobler than his logic. 
Bishops were to be proscribed, not because particular 
Bishops had done amiss, but in the name of the prin- 
ciple of parity amongst all who were engaged in the 
ministration of the same truths. The influence of 
the King was to be set aside in the Church, not 
because Charles had been unwarrantably meddlesome, 
but because the Church knew but one Heavenly 
King. It is impossible to doubt that the Scottish 
people grew the nobler and the purer for these 
thoughts — far nobler and purer than if they had 
accepted even a larger creed at the bidding of any 
earthly king. Of liberty of thought these Scottish 
preachers neither knew anything nor cared to know 
anything. To the mass of their followers they were 



kindly guides, reciprocating in their teaching the ^^^p. 
faith which existed around them. But Scotland was 
no country for eccentricities of thought and action. 
Hardihood was there, and brave championship of the 
native land and the native religion. Spiritual: and 
mental freedom would have one day to be learned 
from England. 

On January 15, Hamilton told, before the English 1639. 
Council, the story of his bootless mission. The dis- Hmmiitcm's 
cussions which followed were long and anxious. " ^ 
Charles incUned to continue the negotiation. Disaffec- 
tion, as he well knew, was widely spread in England, 
and any attempt to levy money would be met by re- 
doubled outcries for a ParUament.^ 

Charles might wish for peace, but, unless he had w«r in- 
been prepared to sacrifice all that he had ever 
counted worth struggUng for, he could not avoid 
war. For him the saying attributed to his father, 
" No Bishop, no King," was emphatically true. He 
had not chosen Bishops in Scotland amongst men who 
were imbued with the rehgious sentiment around 
them. He had rather sought for those who would 
serve as instruments in imposing his own religious 
practice upon an unwilling people. It is true, that 
before the Assembly met at Glasgow he had sur- 
rendered all the original objects of contention. 
Liturgy and Canons, Articles of Perth, and irrespon- 
sible Episcopacy had been given up. It is true that 
between Charles's moderate Episcopacy, responsible 
to Assemblies, and the direct government of the 
Assemblies themselves, the difference does not seem 

^ Salvetti's NewtUtter, Jan. |f. BellieTre to Be Nojen, Jan. }{, 
JSi" ^ ^f^' de9 Aff, Etr, xlvii., fol. 341, 351. Joachimi to the States 
General, Jan. ||, Add, MS3,, I7fi77 Q' fol. 10. Giuslinian to the Doge, 
Jan. |}, Ten, Tran»cripti, 

V 2 


^JiAV to have been very great. * But to a man like Charles 
the appearance of victory was of greater importance 

Jan. 15 ^^^^^^ victory itself. He could not yield honourably 
and gracefully as Edward I. and Elizabeth would 
have yielded. He therefore felt that all was lost if 
he acknowledged that he had yielded to force what 
he had not been ready to yield to argument. The 
danger would not be confined to Scotland alone. His 
authority in England rested not on armed force, but 
on traditional conviction that he was supreme over all 
causes ecclesiastical and civil. If the Scottish 
Assembly claimed for itself the supremacy in ecclesi- 
astical causes, it would not be long before the same 
claim woukl be put forward by an English Parliament. 
The question between Charles and his subjects was 
no longer one of forms of prayer and of Church 
government. It had become one reaching to the 
very foundations of poUtical order. 
charics'8 Nor wus it Only upon his relations witli England 

forciffn re- */ ± o 

lations. that Charlcs was compelled to cast his eyes. He 

knew that his position in the face of the Continental 

Powers was seriously weakened by the Scottish 

troubles, and he believed that those troubles had 

X638. been fomented by the French Government. His 

press at diplomacy had been as unsuccessful in the past year, 
*"* ^^^' on the Continent, as it had been in Edinburgh and 
Glasgow. His hopes of recovering the Palatinate for 
his nephew seemed as little likely to be realised as 
they had ever been. The meeting of Ambassadors at 
Hamburg, to which had been referred the conditions 
of the treaty which had been under negotiation at 
Paris in 1637,^ was long delayed, and it was not till 
the summer of 1638 that Sir Thomas Eoe was de- 
spatched to meet the plenipotentiaries of France and 

* Pers. Government of Charles L, ii., 333. 




Sweden in that city. Eoe soon found that he could ^^ap. 
accomplish nothing. Charles still asked for an 
engagement from France and Sweden, that they 
would make no peace without the full restoration of 
the Palatinate, and those Powers still refused to 
comply with his wishes unless he would bind 
himself to join them in war by land as well as by 


With this result Eichelieu was well satisfied. He ChaxWs 


knew that Charles, with the Scottish dispute on his j»tb 
hands, would be unable to take part against France. 
More than that he had long ceased to expect.^ 

Charles himself was less clear-sighted. He had He wishes 
already lent himself to schemes for placing his nephew nephew, 
at the head of an army in the field at the very moment 
when he was looking in vain for the means of levying 
an army against the Scots. Charles actually sent the 
young man 30,000/. to raise troops, and Charles 
Lewis used the money to buy the allegiance of the 
garrison of Meppen. The Imperialists in the neigh- Seizure of 
bourhood took the garrison by surprise, and the|*/m- ^ 
occupied the town without any serious resistance. ^^ 
In the summer the young Prince started from the 
Netherlands, at the head of a small force, to join the 
Swedes. The Swedes were not anxious for his 
assistance, and left him unaided in the face of the 
enemy. He himself escaped to Hamburg, but his Sffiiector 
brother, Prince Eupert, with Lord Craven and others P*i»tine. 
of his principal officers, were taken prisoners. 
Charles, however, did not relax his efforts. He JJ^.'**''*' 
kept up for some time a negotiation with Eichelieu, 
with the object of inducing the Cardinal to share 
with him the expense of procuring the services of a 

* Roe's Despatches, 8, P. Oermany, 

' Chavigny's Despatches, BihL Nat, Fr. 15,915. 




CH^P- small army under General Melander, which was at 
that time waiting to sell itself to the highest bidder. 
Richelieu, however, preferred to acquire the army 
for himself, and Charles was doomed to a fresh dis- 
CharieB*8 Earlier in the year, as soon as Charles had 

with Spain, discovcrcd that no very zealous assistance was 
to be expected from Eichelieu, he turned in the 
direction of Spain. Under the name of a private 
merchant, he sold 3,000 barrels of powder to the 
Government of the Spanish Netherlands, and lent the 
services of his fleet to convey them safely to Dunkirk. 
Secret ne- Then followcd a long secret negotiation, carried on 
atBnuseia. at Brusscls through Gerbier, with the Princess of 
Pfalzburg, a sister of the exiled Duke of Lorraine, 
with the sanction of the Cardinal Infant. The 
scheme of an alliance with Spain split on much the 
same rock as that on which the conference at Ham- 
burg had spUt. The Spaniards required that Charles 
should immediately declare war against France, 
and Charles required that the Emperor and the 
Spaniards should immediately deliver up to his 
nephew so much at least of the Palatinate as was 
actually in their hands.^ In the Council of State at 
Madrid, OUvares scornfully asked how it was that 
Charles, who had his hands full at home, could talk 
of affronting France and Holland. No doubt, he 
added, the whole negotiation was mere trickery.^ 
Charles and Charlcs had much to do to conceal from the 


^ Despatches in S, P. Holland and Oermany, Chavigny to BeUievre, 
Nov. 12, Dec. 14. Bibl Nat, Fr. 15,91$, fol. 208,230. 

' Some notices of this negotiation are in the Clarendon St. P, 
A full account may be derived from Qerbier^s own despatches. S. P, 

' Consulta of the Council of State, Dec. |f . Simancas MSS., Est. 



world the fact, that all through the summer and c^^^- 
autumn of 1638 he was simultaneously ofiering his 
alliance to France and to Spain. A despatch written 
by Cardenas, the Spanish Resident in London, fell into 
the hands of the Swedes. It contained a statement 
that the Emperor was negotiating with the King of 
England, with the expectation that all difficulties 
about the Palatinate would soon be settled at a Con- 
ference at Brussels. Luckily for Charles, Cardenas 
knew nothing of the real negotiation in the hands of 
the Princess of Pfalzburg, and had only been informed 
of a project put forward without authority by Taylor, 
the English Resident at Vienna, and disavowed by 
Charles as soon as it came to his ears. Charles was 
therefore able with literal truth, though with no more 
than literal truth, to protest loudly to the world that 
he had been grossly calumniated, and- that Taylor 
had acted in defiance of his instructions.^ Cardenas 
was suspended from all intercourse with the Court,*^ 

* Windebank to Hopton^ Dec. 27, 1638. Windebank to Taylor, 
Jan. II. Taylor's Relation, Apr. 4, 1639, Clarendon MSS., 1161, 11 70, 
1218. Writing to Gerbier, Windebank blames him for not at once 
disavowing the story. " This," he adds, " you might safely have done 
without fearing to be guilty of Sir Henry Wotton's definition of an 
ambassador, seeing you know there is no direct treaty at all between His 
Majesty and them, and that all that has been done hath been by way of 
proposition moving from that side and managed by second hands, His 
Majesty neither appearing nor being engaged nor obliged to anything ; 
and to this purpose His Majesty hath answered the French Ambassa- 
dor ; namely, that some propositions have been made to him from that 
side ; but hath absolutely disavowed any formal or direct treaty at all, 
or that ever any letters to this purpose have passed between himself and 
them ; and this, besides that it is a truth, His Majesty had reason to do, 
unless he were more sure of the success of that which hath been proposed 
from your parts, for by avowing that to be a treaty, he is sure to 
dissolve that with France, and so he may run hazard to lose both." 
Windebank to Gerbier, Jan. 4, 1639, ^- -P- Flanders, 

^ In the S, P. Spain is a copy of the intercepted despatch, together 
with the correspondence with Cardenas on the subject. 


^HAP. and Taylor was recalled and committed to the 
— -^ — Tower. ^ 

March. Though neither France nor Spain entertained any 

Richelieu's i r» -jn r^i t *i 

oTcrturesto hope ot senous aid irom Charles, there were many 
the Queen. ji^(jipg(,|^ ways in which his good will might be of use. 

Both OKvares and Richelieu, therefore, were anxious 

to be on friendly terms with the Queen. In March 

the Cardinal conceded to her the boon for which she 

had been so long begging, and released De Jars 'from 

April, captivity.^ In April a heavier weight was thrown 

Duchess of iuto the oppositc scale. The Duchess of Chevreuse, 

inE^iand. gay, witty, and Kcentious, arrived to plot against the 

Cardinal from the secure distance of the English 


The The arrival of the Duchess was the precursor of 


Mother at the arrival of another visitor of more exalted rank. 
The Queen Mother had long been weary of exile 
from France. All hopes of her restoration by the 
help of an insurrection of her partisans had long 
since passed away, and now that she had ceased to 
be serviceable to Spain, she was treated with cold 
courtesy at Brussels. The pension doled out to her 
was irregularly paid, and she looked back with fond 
regret to her old sumptuous life at Paris, where 
courtiers and artists had rivalled one another in 
domg her honour. 

She debires gj^e could uot bcUeve that it was out of Charles's 

to return to 

France. powcr to obtain for her permission to return. Charles, 
at her entreaty, put the question to the French 
Government. The response was unfavourable. Mary 
de Medicis attributed the failure to her presence on 
Spanish soil. Under the pretext of a visit to Spa, 

* Windebank to Hopton, Sept. 29, 1639, Clarendon St, P,n. 71. 
« Clavigny to Bellievre, |^*i, March ^, Bibl. Nat. Fr. 15,915, fol. 
93, 97. See Pers, Oovemment of Charles /., ii. 197. 


she left Brussels in the beginning of August, and chap. 
crossed the frontier into the Dutch Netherlands. She > — r^ — - 
was there received with every sign of respect by the a^4. 
Prince of Orange and the States General. Her pre- g^^ *^® 
sence soon caused a misunderstanding between the ^"'ntier 
Dutch Government and the French Ambassador. 
The design of proceeding to England, which had propoaeato 
probably been formed long before, took entire pos- £fd.^°^' 
session of her mind. 

Charles had always steadily refused her permis- 
sion to land in his dominions. He knew that her 
mere presence would help to embroil him with 
France, and that the men whom she most trusted, 
Cogneux, Fabroni, and Monsigot, were steeped in 
intrigue, and were Kichelieu's bitterest enemies. He ctiSL'i^ 
therefore at once sent instructions to Boswell, his monstrates. 
agent at the Hague, to remonstrate with her. Bos- 
well's remonstrances were coldly received. At last ^««- a©- 
he learned that she was making secret preparations 
for the voyage. He appealed to Fabroni, and Fa- Sept. 24. 
broni protested that there was no truth in the report. 
The next day the Queen Mother embarked for Sept-^s. 

On September 30 Monsigot presented himself j^^^^^ 
before Charles to announce that his mistress was nawwon. 
already on the way, and that, unless he turned her 
away from his ports, she would soon be on shore in 
England. Charles had not the heart to repel her, 
but he would willingly have seen her land without 
her disreputable train. Henrietta Maria's pleadings 
against this insult to her mother bore down his 
opposition, and orders were given that the mother of 
the Queen of England should be received with all 

' Coke to Boswell, Aug. 13 ; Boswell to Fabroni, Sept. 25 ; Boswell 
to Wmdebank, Aug. 9, Sept 8, 26, 27, S, P, Holland. 





Oct 4. 
opinion of 
the pro- 
posed visit. 

Oct 19. 
The Queen 
Mother in 

New neffo- 
tiation for 
her return 
to France. 


the honours due to her exalted rank. No one, 
except her daughter, wished to see her in England. 
" I pray God/* wrote Laud, " her coming do not 
spend the King more than . . would content the 
Swedes." ^ There was no remedy. Her arrival, said 
Windebank, "is so flat and sudden a surprisal as, 
without our ports should be shut against her, it is 
not to be avoided." 

Mary de Medicis landed at Harwich on October 1 9. 
On her way to London she was received with every 
sign of a cordial welcome. The King met her at 
Chelmsford. As she passed through London, the 
Lord Mayor offered her his hospitality. The streets 
were lined with scaffoldings hung with rich cloths, 
and thronged by citizens ready to do honour to their 
guest, or at least to satisfy their own curiosity. At 
St. James's she was received by the Queen, who had 
parted from her thirteen years before. With motherly 
pride she presented her children to their grand- 
mother. St. James's Palace was assigned to her as a 

In vain Charles urged Lewis to allow his mother 
to return to France, on her engagement to meddle 
no more with poHtics. Li vain did she entreat Bel- 
li^vre, the French Ambassador, to plead her cause 
with the Cardinal. The haughty widow of Henry IV. 
humiliated herself to no purpose. She was told that 
if she would betake herself to Florence a provision 
suitable to her rank would be bestowed upon her. 
In France she had always been troublesome, and she 
could not be admitted there. Such an offer was unac- 

' Laud to Roe, Oct. 4., Works, yii. 486- 

' Salvetti^s Newsletter , Oct. ^, Nov. ~. La Serre Histoire de FEntrie 
de la Reine-Mhre. It is not necesaary to believe all that the writer says 
about the eDthusiasm with which the Queen was greeted. He says that 
the French Ambassador welcomed her, which is certainly untrue. 


ceptable. Eather than revisit the home of her chap. 
childhood, where she would find herself a stranger '^ 

amongst strangers, she preferred to remain in Eng- ^^ * 
land, a burdensome pensioner on Charles's bounty.* 

The year 1638 did not end prosperously for The 
Charles. His overtures had been rejected both by for^ 
France and Spain. The Congress at Hamburg, with- S^^ 
out results for him, was not without results for 
others. A fresh compact was made between France 
and Sweden for a renewed attack upon the here- 
ditary lands of the Emperor. Equipped with French 
subsidies, Bemhard of Weimar fell upon those Aus- 
trian lands upon the Upper Rhine, which barred the 
way of the French armies. Before the year came to 
an end he had won a great victory at Rheinfelden, 
and had forced the strong fortress of Breisach to sur- 
render. To Richelieu, the surrender of Breisach 
brought the power of entering Germany at his 
pleasure. It implied, too, the power of cutting off 
supplies sent by land to the Spanish Netherlands. 
Richelieu felt that the great objects of his ambition 
were already within his grasp. A few months before, 
the birth of the Dauphin, who was afterwards 
Lewis XTV., had come to strengthen the basis of his 
power. It would be a son of the master whom he 
had served, who would be the next ruler of France, 
not his enemy Gaston, or any ally of the exiled Mary 
de Medicis. 

The news of Bernhard's successes was almost as Charles's 
unwelcome at WhitehaU as the news of Hamilton's tion. 
failure at Glasgow. France was now strong in that 
very part of Germany from which the Palatinate 
might most easily be overawed. Nor was this aU. 

' Bellievre to Chavigny, Dec. |f, A^rh, des Aff, Etr, xlvii. 305. 
Memoir for Bellievre, JaD. Jg, BibL Nat. Fr. 15,91 Si fol. 258. 





CHAP. The danger by land was more than matched by the 
danger by sea. The French navy was growing in 
numbers and efficiency. One French fleet had burnt 
Spanish galleys in the Bay of Biscay. Another 
French fleet had repulsed Spanish ships in the Gulf 
of Genoa. It was by no means improbable that 
before long a triumphant French Armada would sail 
up the Channel to join the Dutch in the long-projected 
attack upon Dunkirk. No wonder Charles looked 
with wondering bitterness upon the swelKng tide of 
Eichelieu's success. No wonder that he fancied that 
he saw the hand of Richelieu in the Scottish troubles. 
Every loyal subject wished heartily that those troubles 
might be allayed. Till peace were established in 
Scotland, England could speak with but a feeble voice 
on the Continent. " The news of Scotland," wrote Roe, 
" is mortal to our reputation abroad. I hope it is 
not so ill as malignity spreads it." ^ 
1639. With the opening of the New Year, therefore, 

theScotti»h Charlcs had to face a Continental difficulty as well as 
Continen- a Scottish difficulty. Nothing would ever persuade 
him that the two were not far more closely connected 
than they really were. The Scottish resistance 
seemed to him so entirely incomprehensible, that he 
could not account for it, except on the supposition 
that RicheUeu was at the bottom of the whole move- 
ment, stirring up rebelHon in the North, in order to 
keep England from interfering pn the Continent. Li 
reahty, Richelieu was doing nothing of the kind. 
Thoroughly convinced that Charles was rushing upon 
his own ruin, he did not think it worth while to 
interfere to stir the coals of an insurrection which 
was burning brightly enough without any aid from 
him. The very suspicion, however, was enough to 

* Roe to Coke, Dec. 14, S. P, Oermany. 

tal politics. 


increase Charles's anxieties. In one way or another, chap. 

the Scottish troubles must be brought to an end, if ^ 

his rule were not to become as despicable abroad as it ' ^^' 

was insecure at home. 

Step by step, therefore, pushed on by fate, which p^^*"- 
is but the consequence of past errors, Charles moved tions for 
slowly and unwillingly towards war. Even before 
Hamilton's arrival, Sir Jacob Astley, a veteran who 
had served long in the Netherlands, was sent down 
to the North to muster the trained bands, and to 
bring them to due efficiency.^ It was, indeed, 
officially stated that the object of these precautions 
was resistance to a possible invasion,^ but it was 
hardly likely that such an announcement would be 
seriously believed. On January 17, the Committee J«n. 17. 
on Scottish Affairs recommended the King to select 
from the trained bands a force of 30,000 men. It 
was arranged that the King should go to York in 
April, to treat or fight as occasion might serve, and 
that Newcastle and Hull should be placed in a state 
of defence.^ Arms and munitions of war were brought 
over from the Continent in large quantities. 

Men and arms alone were not enough. " If Financial 
money is to be found, and the Puritans kept quiet," 
wi'ote a disinterested onlooker, " all will go well."* ' 
Whatever the Puritans might do at some future time, 
they showed no signs of stirring now. For the navy, 
of course, ship-money was still available ; yet, either 
because the excitement roused by the result of 
Hampden's trial had alarmed the Court, or because, 
in view of the probabihty that money would be 

* Astley to Windebank, Jan. 4, 11, S. P» Dom. ccccix. 24, 65. 

^ The King to the Lords Lieutenants^ Jan. 11, Ihid, ccccix. 59. 
' Minutes of the Committee, Jan. 17, Ibid, ccccix. 106, 107 

* Salvetti*8 Newsletterf *°b. 4 • 


CHAP, needed for land-service, it was thought wiser to de- 

^— ^^ — ' crease the burdens caused by the fleet, as much as 
^^' possible, no writ of ship money was issued at the 
Ship money usual time in the autumn of 1638. When January 
came, the writs were indeed sent out, but only 
69,000/. was asked for : about a third of the amount 
levied in former years. It was calculated that this, 
would be sufficient to fit out the eighteen vessels 
which it was proposed to despatch to the coast of 
Scotland under Pennington's command.* 
Jan. 96. I^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^sy *^ fi^^ means for the equipment 

bmty ^ and payment of the army. Early in the year, calcu- 
caiied on to latious wcrc made of the expense which would be 
TheEng- entailed by the army of 30,000 men whom it had 
• been originally intended to place on the borders. 
Such an army, it appeared, could only be maintained 
at the rate of 935,000/. a year.* So large an expen- 
diture was beyond Charles's means, and he therefore 
resolved to content himself with a smaller force. 
One scheme there was which recommended itself as 
as in some small measure an alleviation of the burden. 
By their feudal tenures, the nobility were bound to 
follow the King to war when his banner was dis- 
played before him. It was true that many years had 
passed since the fulfilment of this duty had been re- 
quired ; but the King, who had replenished his 
exchequer by enforcing the antiquated obligation to 
take up knighthood, might very well replenish his 
army by enforcing the antiquated obligation to per- 
sonal service. Every Peer of the realm was therefore 

^ Order in Council, Jan. 23, 8, P. Dom, ccodx. 194. 

' S, P, Dom. cocczY. 1 19. Mr. Hamilton dates this paper oonjec- 
turally in March. The project had been abandoned bj that time, and it 
can hardly have been drawn up much later than the end of January. 
In his Preface he speaks erroneously of the number of y>fioo being that 
which actually marched. 




directed to appear in person in defence of the borders, chap. 
bringing with him such a following as his dignity re- 
quired. It was gleefully calculated at Whitehall, that 
in this way the Royal camp would receive an accession 
of at least i ,200 horse without any payment whatever.^ 

Early in February, orders were given for the levy Feb. 
of 6,000 foot and i ,000 horse, to form the nucleus thouwmd 
of the larger force which was to gather round the Swed. 
Royal standard. To these were to be added 4,000 
of the trained bands of Yorkshire, Durham, and 
Northumberland. Charles would thus, after taking 
account of the cavalry furnished by the nobihty, have 
an army of about 12,000 men, disposable for service 
in the field. For garrison duty at Berwick the Earl of 
Lindsey was to bring 2,000 men from Lincolnshire, 
and the Earl of Cumberland was to command at 
Carlisle with a force of 800 soldiers, of whom 300 
were to be supplied from Wentworth's Irish levies. 
A little army of 5,000 men from the Eastern Counties 
were to follow Hamilton on shipboard, to be landed 
at Aberdeen, to join Huntly in the North. Taken 
altogether, the forces at the King's disposal might be 
reckoned as not far short of 20,000 men.* 

Such a force would probably have been insuffi- |?j5^*" 
cient for the work in hand, even if Charles had been 
assured of national support. Of this, however, there 
was no sign. The nobility, indeed, had either obeyed 
his summons, or had sent money in lieu of service in 
cases of sickness or old age. Wentworth, detained 
in Ireland by his official duties, had directed his 

^ The King to Lord Grey of Werk, Jan. 26. Northumberland to 
Oonway, Jan. 29, S, P. Dom, ccccx. 24^ 80. 

^ The details will he found in the accounts of the Treasurer of the 
Army, Audit Office Declared Accounts, Bundle 301, Roll 1 148. Hamil- 
ton's men are there g^ven as 4,500. Hamilton himself reckons them at 
5,000, perhaps counting officers, artillerymen, and supernumeraries. 





— » 



General of 
the Horse, 
and Essex 
second in 

asked for. 

steward to pay 2,000/. to the King as soon as he 
appeared in the North. The CathoUc Marquis of 
Winchester sent 500/. On the other hand, the 
Puritan Lord Brooke, when summoned to attend the 
King, repKed that he ' did not apprehend himself 
obhged to any aid of that nature but by ParUament.'^ 
And the equally Puritan Lord Saye returned a some- 
what similar answer. The letter of the law was, 
however, clearly against them, and on second thoughts 
they expresssed their readiness to attend His Majesty, 
at least within the realm of England. 

For the army thus constituted it was necessary to 
provide commanders. The general-in-chief was to 
be the Earl of Arundel, a stately nobleman, who was 
a Catholic by conviction, and who therefore hated 
the Presbyterian Scots, but who had never looked on 
the face of war. It had been originally intended to 
confer the command of the horse upon the Earl of 
Essex, who had seen some service in the Netherlands.* 
But the Queen begged this post for her favourite, the 
Earl of Holland, the most incompetent of men, and 
Essex had to content himself with the less brilliant 
office of second in command of the entire army. The 
seeds of jealousy were thus sown before a single 
regiment was formed. Arundel vowed that he 
would throw up his command rather than see Holland 
in a post of such authority, and it was only upon the 
warm intercession of the King that he was induced 
to withdraw his resignation.^ 

Even if Charles succeeded in fiUing up his ranks 

' Minutes by Nicholas, Feb., S, P, Dom. ccccxiii. 117. 

^ His service in the Palatinate, of which historians are fond of talking, 
was next to nothing. 

' Northumberland to Wentworth, Jan. 29, Straf, Letters f n. 276. 
The. King to Arundel, Feb. 9, 8.P. Dom, ccccxii. 74. Oon to Barberini, 
Feb. ^, Add. MSS. 15,392, fol. 39. 


to the number of 30,000 — which was in those days ^^^' 
considered to make up the largest force which could j^\^ ^ 
safely keep the field without a failure of supplies, 
unless it was intended, Uke the hordes of Wallenstein, 
to subsist upon organiseH plunder — his army would 
leave much to be desired in point of training. 
A body of veterans, if such a body could be found, 
would form a nucleus round which the raw English 
levies would soon acquire the consistency of a dis- 
ciplined force. Such veterans were to be found in 
Flanders, and even i^ the summer of 1638 a proposal 
had been made to the Spanish Government for the 
loan of a body of troops. On that occasion Cardenas 
had been instructed to refuse the request. So in- 
curable was the distrust which Charles had sown 
around him, that Olivares feared lest a victory in 
Scotland might be followed by a league between 
England and France, in the same way that EicheUeu 
feared lest it might be followed by a league between 
England and Spain.^ 

The scheme, dropped for a time, was revived a 1639. 
few months later. In January 1639, a certain Gage's 
Colonel Gage, a Catholic officer in the Spanish service, ^'°*****^ 
communicated to the English Government his belief 
that the Cardinal Infant might be induced to supply 
Charles with a veteran force for his Scotch campaign, 
if he were allowed to raise from year to year a large 
number of recruits in England and Ireland by volun- 
tary enlistment. A special emissary was accordinfflv Feb. 
sent to Brussels to carry on the negotiation. The ardacan 
Cardinal Infant received him politely, but assured ^aied. 
him that, menaced as he was by French armies, he 
could not spare a single man.^ 

* Pliilip IV. to Cardenas, Sept. j\, 1638. Sinumeas MSS., Est. 2575. 

* Col. Gage to G. Qsge, f^y • InstructioiiB to Col. Gage, Feb. 5. 
VOL. I. O 


^^5* Charles was thus saved from the consequences of 

' — 7 — ' the most ruinous step which he had hitherto contem- 
1039. *- 

Feb. plated. It can hardly be doubted that if these 
Spanish regiments had set foot in England, the whole 
country from the Cheviots to the Land's End would 
have broken out into instant rebellion. 
Scottish Trained and war-worn troops, the value of which 

Sm*the ^^^ ^^^^ *^^® recognised by Charles, were not want- 
^5^ ing to Scotland. The very poverty of the Scots, 
through no prevision of their own, had made them 
strong. For many a year, a stream of needy, stal- 
wart adventurers had been flowing over from Scot- 
land into Germany to be converted into hardy 
warriors by Gustavus Adolphus and his lieutenants. 
Many a man had returned, bringing with him his 
share of the plunder of Germany, together with an 
enthusiasm for the Protestantism which had been to 
him a war cry leading to fortune, as well as a 
strengthening faith in the hour of peril. Small as 
the population of Scotland was, when the hour of 
battle came, she would be able to oppose to the 
loose ranks of untrained peasants which were all 
that Charles could bring into the field, an army 
which comprised at least a fair proportion of prac- 
tised soldiers. 
The com- No Special credit is due to the Covenanting 

soottiMh ^ leaders for being ready to make use of the instrument 
of war which circumstances had placed in their 
hands. But credit is due to them for avoiding the 
fault into which a proud and high-spirited nobility is 
most apt to fall. Very early they resolved that no 
Eothes or Loudoun should contest, as Essex and 
Holland were contesting, for those posts of military 

Col. Gage to Windebank, Feb. |{. G. Gage to Windebank, ^g^. 
darendm St. P. ii. 21. 



trust to which they were unequal. The professional ^^yf • 
army of Scotland was to have a professional com- ^^' 

The leader of whom they were in search was ^J®^*^' 
found in Alexander Leslie, an illegitimate son of a 
Mfeshire laird. Deformed in person, and of low 
stature, he had served with credit in the German 
wars, and, if he had not gained high renown as a 
strategist, he was skilled in the arts by which recruits 
are trained into soldiers, and posts are occupied 
and held. In the spring of 1638, when he was in 1638. 
command of a force in the Swedish service in Pome- hu ^dt to 
rania, he visited Scotland in order to fetch away his 
wife and family. On his way he was presented to 
the King in London, and told Roe that, if his present 
masters could spare him, he would be happy to 
undertake the command of the army which it was 
at that time proposed to raise for the Elector Pala- 
tine.^ Thrown into the midst of the excitement then 
spreading over his native country, he may even in 
the spring of 1638 have seen his way to a position 
which promised more than the service of the feeble 
Charles Lewis. It is not probable that he was him- 
self very enthusiastic in the cause of the Covenant, 
or in any other cause whatever. For that very 
reason he was the better fitted to ,take the command 
of an army in which there were many enthusiasts. 
No doubt he entered into communication with Rothes, 
the head of the family of Leslie ; and, whether any 
actual oflfer of command were made to him at this 

^ B06 to Eli^beth, March 22; Elizabeth to Boe, Apr. 2, 8, P. 
Oermany. Zonca to the Doge, Apr. 6, Ven, Tran9cript8, This puts an 
end to the story which has been copied from Spalding by most writers, 
that Leslie came home with the intention of settling in Scotland. On 
the faUe of his inalnlity to write, see Masson^s Life ofMUton, ii. 55. 






^- » — -^ 


Retarns to 

Takes the 

Feb. 14. 
The Scot- 
tish Mani- 

time or not, Rothes was not likely to forget so useful 
a kinsman. . 

Leslie returned to the Continent. Before the end 
of the year he was again in Scotland, slipping 
through the watch of the English cruisers in a small 
bark. He was able to gladden the hearts of his 
fellow-countrymen by the announcement that he had 
induced large numbers of Scots arriving in Germany 
tQ take the Covenant, and that he had procured large 
stores of mihtary supplies for the use of the Scottish 
army at home.^ From time to time arms and powder 
were conveyed across the sea. Some of these sup- 
plies were intercepted by Charles's agents, but the 
greater part was safely landed. Soon after the con- 
clusion of the sittings of the Assembly of Glasgow, 
Leslie was invested with the rank of general. Active 
preparations for defence were made on every side. 
" We are busy," wrote a Scotchman in February, 
" preaching, praying, and drilHng ; could His Majesty 
and his subjects in England come hither, they will 
find a harder welcome than before, unless we be 
made quit of the Bishops." ^ 

On February 14 the Covenanters brought matters 
tQ a crisis. They appealed from the King to the 
English people. They were loyal, they said, to their 
sovereign, and most anxious to remain on good terms 
with their brethren in the South. All the mischief 
which had happened had been the fault of some 
'Churchmen of the greatest power in England.' 
These men had introduced innovations into their own 
Church, had fined and banished those who strove to 
resist the Church of Rome, and had finally inter- 
fered with the Scottish Church in order to create a 

' Bedliie, i. iii. 

" Craig to Stewart, Feb. 12, S. P, Dom. cceczii. 103. 


precedent for similar work in England. Was the ^^yf' 
English nation willing to fight in such a cause? \^\q 
Already Papists — Arundel, whose secret convictions Feb. 14. 
were well known, was clearly pointed out — ^were 
placed in command of the army preparing against 
Scotland. If war there was to be, it would be war 
for the re-establishment of the Bishops. If ah 
English Parliament were convened, it would approve 
the equity and loyalty of the Scots. ^ 

Charles was stung to the quick. The appeal to Charles's 
an EngHsh Parliament was specially annoying, and '^'"'"'• 
the assertion that he was showing undue favour to 
the Catholics would be widely circulated in England. 
He had long been contending against the belief that 
Laud was a friend of the Papacy in disguise, and, in 
order to refute it, he had recently directed the Arch- Feb. lo. 
bishop to publish his narrative of the Conference in of Laud's^" 
which, fifteen years before, he had upheld the doc- wuiFtS^. 
trines of the English Church against the Jesuit Fisher. 
The book appeared on February lO, only to be 
received with jeers by Catholic and Puritan.^ Laud 
could no longer count upon equitable consideration. 
At this very moment he was exposing himself to 
fresh obloquy by an unwise Star Chamber prosecu- Feb. 14. 
tion, directed against his old antagonist. Bishop J^iJ^*™' 
Williams. Certain letters, written by a schoolmaster s^hiSi- 
named Osbaldiston, were found in Williams's house at **^' 
Buckden. In these letters an unnamed personage was 
irreverently styled ' the little urchin,' and * the little 
meddling hocus-pocus.' There can be no reasonable 
doubt that Laud was intended. Williams suggested 
that the words referred to one Mr. Spicer. Williams 

^ RuthtDorthf ii. 798. 

* Laud*B Diary, Feb. 10, Workt, iii. 231. Oon to Barberini, J^^ 
Add, MSS. IS,392| fol. 52. 


^^v^' ^^^^ however, condemned to pay a fine of 5,000/. to 
~j5' ' the King, and 3,000/. to the Archbishop, for having 
Feb. 14. these letters in his possession. Osbaldiston, who was 
present in Court, slipped away as soon as he heard 
how matters were likely to go, and eluded all pursuit. 
He left behind him a written explanation that he had 
fled beyond Canterbury.^ 
m^iS^s Charles was able to fine and imprison his EngUsh 
g^^*- subjects. The Scots were beyond his reach. On Feb- 
ruary 27 he published a proclamation in reply to the 
Scottish manifesto. It was untrue, he said in effect, 
that the religion of Scotland was attacked. It was per- 
fectly safe in his hands. The Scots were aiming at 
the destruction of monarchical government. They 
had been tampering with his English subjects, and 
were now preparing to invade England, in order that 
their leaders might repair their broken fortunes by 
the plunder of the South .^ If he was now compelled 
to levy an army, it was not merely to vindicate his 
rights in Scotland. The very safety of England was 
at stake. "The question," he said, "is not now 
whether a Service Book is to be received or not, nor 
whether episcopal government shall be continued or 
Presbyterial admitted, but whether we are their King 
or not." This proclamation was appointed to be read 
in every parish church in England.' It was speedily 
The followed by the Large Declaration^ as it was called, 

DJSara- a portly volume in which the whole story of the mis- 
deeds of the Scots was set forth at length from the 
King's point of view. The writer, a Scotchman, 
named Dr. Balcanqual, had accompanied Hamilton to 

* Ruahw, ii. 803. 

' Oharles had said much the same thmg of Eliot, when he described 
him as ' an outlaw desperate in mind and fortune.' 
' Rushw, ii. 850. 



Glaagow as his chaplain. He now received the ^^^• 
Deanery of Durham as the reward of his advocacy. ' — 7^ — ' 

Jja one point at least Charles was undoubtedly Feb.' 
fight. The coming war would be a struggle for or the 
supremacy. Monarchy, as it had been hitherto un- *^** 
derstood, was now challenged by the principle of 
national sovereignty clothed in ecclesiastical forms. 
The issue thus raised could hardly be fought out in 
Scotland alone. As the Scottish manifesto declared, 
the future of England was involved in the strife which 
was now opening in the North. 





CHAP. War was now universally recognised as inevitable. 
' — ^ — ' The plan of campaign adopted by Charles was to a 

Man! g^^^^ extent the same as that which had been sug- 
pianofthe gested bv Wcntworth. Carlisle and Berwick were 

eampaign. ^ /» i 

to be firmly held, and an army on the borders was 
to protect England from invasion. Pennington's ships 
were to hover about the Firth of Forth to cut off the 
petty commerce which enriched Fife and the Lothians. 
The great blow, however, was to be struck, not at 
Leith, but at Aberdeen. Hamilton was to carry a 
force of 5,cxx> men to Huntly's support. As soon as 
he arrived, the two marquises would move south- 
wards together, collecting as they went those scattered 
bodies of loyalists who were supposed to be burning 
to throw off the yoke of Covenanting tyranny.^ From 
Hamilton's point of view, it was necessary that he 
should appear at the head of a Scottish party. To 
land simply in command of an English force was a 
course reconcileable neither with his feelings nor with 
his interests. He could not treat Scotland, as Went- 
worth treated it, as a mere land of rebels. 
The Cove- In the midst of Charles's deUberate preparations, 

^ Se the Covenanters suddenly assumed the offensive. The 
SSSii^h walls of the castles- of Edinburgh and Dumbarton 
SJj^^J^" were strong, but their garrisons had no heart to fight 
against their countrymen. At Edinburgh the outer 

' BwHMi^ 113. 



gate was burst open with a petard, and the walls chap. 

were scaled, whilst the soldiers within looked on in ^T- — ' 


stupefied amazement. The strongest fortress in Scot- March, 
land was *won without a stroke.' At Dumbarton 
the Governor was so much at his ease that he took 
some of his men with him to perform their devotions 
in a church outside the fortifications. He and his 
men were seized, and the rest of the garrison capitu- 
lated on the following day.^ Stirling was still in the 
friendly keeping of the Earl of Mar. 

At Dalkeith, Traquair had hoped to make a stand. March 34. 
The regalia of Scotland were there, and powder and tu!^^^ 
arms had been stored up in the cellars for the use of 
that Royalist army which was to be raised in the 
Southern counties as soon as the King reached the 
Borders. Unluckily for the scheme, the place was 
not defensible by any means at Traquair's disposal. 
The Covenanters from Edinburgh climbed over the 
walls, and bore off the crown and sceptre with every 
sign of reverence.^ Other fortified houses belonging 
to the loyal nobility were easily reduced to submis- 
sion, and before the end of March Nithsdale's castle 
of Caerlaverock was the only defensible position un- 
taken to the south of the Tay. For Charles the result 
was no mere military disaster. Nowhere amongst his 
few followers in the Southern Lowlands had there 
been found that desperate fidelity which springs from 
devotion to a great cause cheerfully embraced. 
The King who in time of danger is unable to awaken 
enthusiasm is lost already. 

Worse news still came from Aberdeen. All through Feb. 
February, Montrose had been busy, levying men and JS^'* 
money in his native Forfarshire. Once he dashed ^^^ 
northwards as far as Turriff, to rally the gentry of 

^ BaiUie, i. 195. ^ Rwifiw. ii. 906. 





Muroh 16, 
March 17. 

March 25. 
Hantly at 

March a6. 
He dinnifl- 
868 hia 

in Aber- 

March 3a 

the district, who were good Covenanters because they 
feared Hnntly. In March he had sterner work before 
him. On the i6th Huntly received a commission of 
Lieutenancy from the King, and the next day a large 
consignment of arms followed. He was ordered to 
take the aggressive.^ Neither Charles nor Hamilton 
had any notion of the value of time in war, and they 
seem to have fancied that the Covenanters would be 
as slow in their preparations as they were themselves. 

On the 25th Huntly was at Inverury at the head 
of 5,000 men. The Covenanters, he was told, were in 
full march to the North. Without succour from 
England, he was no match for the enemy. Amongst 
the gentry of the neighbourhood, the Frazers and the 
Forbeses, the Covenanting army was sure of a welcome. 
If Huntly had been a Montrose, he would have struck 
one stroke for the King in spite of the odds against 
him. Huntly was not a Montrose. He called a council 
of war. On its advice, he dismissed his troops and 
left Aberdeen to its fate.^ 

In the town everything was in confusion. Sixty 
of the principal citizens, accompanied by the greater 
number of the Doctors, shipped themselves to offer 
their services to the King. Others took reftige in 
friendly houses in the neighbourhood. On the 30th 
Montrose marched into Aberdeen with LesUe at his 
side, and 6,000 men at his heels. His allies from the 
country round made up 3,000 more. The young 
commander had a keen eye for the value of a symbol 
or a flag. He heard that the Gordons had adopted a 

^ Oord<m, ii. 213. Bunut, 113. 

' Gh>rdon*8 story that HamUton sent a direct message to Huntly to 
dismiss his troops may, I think, be rejected. There nuty have been 
orders not to fight tiU Hamilton arrived. We have no actually contem- 
porary evidence, and must be content with probabilities. 


red ribbon as a mark of loyalty. Montrose bade his ^^^^f^' 
men sling blue scarfs over their shoulders, or to tie ^5' 
bunches of blue ribbons on their bonnets. Montrose's March 9a 
whimsies, as they were called, were soon to become mm''"*** 
famous when the blue bonnets crossed the border. '**^**^ 
He did not neglect more serious work. Leaving a 
garrison behind him, he pushed on for Inverury, 
where he quartered his men on the opponents of the 
Covenant. Meal chests were broken open and cattle 
slaughtered. Houses standing empty were stripped 
of their contents. The language was enriched with 
a new verb * to plunder ' ^ imported by Leshe and his 
followers from the German war, as the synonymous 
verb ' to loot ' has, in our days, been imported from 
the plains of Northern India. 

Despairing of aid from the South, Huntly sought p^^g- 
an interview with Montrose. On April 5 a compro- of tiw 

, TT 1 1 1 . North. 

mise was arrived at. Huntly was to throw no hm- 
drance in the way of any of his followers who were 
pressed to sign the Covenant. Those of them who 
were unwilling to do so, and especially the numerous 
Catholics amongst them, were to enter into an engage- 
ment to maintain the laws and liberties of Scotland. 
On these conditions they were to be left without 
molestation as long as they remained quiet. Huntly 
himself was allowed to return to Strathbogie.^ 

As far as the mass of the population was con- 
cerned, the compromise thus arrived at was emi- 
nently wise. No possible good could have arisen to 

' Latham's Jahruon gives the word ou Fuller's authority as having 
been introduced in 1642. Gordon, however, says of this expedition, ' this 
they called for to plunder them ' (u, 229). It is used in a MS. letter of 
Sir H. Vane in 1640. 

' Spalding^ L 160. Gordon, ii. 224. The evidence of the latter is 
worth more than usual here, as his father was engaged in the negotia- 


ci^. the national cause from the compulsory signature of 
' — 7 — ' the Covenant by friend or foe. It does not follow 
April. ^^^^ ^^ ^^® equally wise to leave Huntly and his sons 
at liberty to form a centre of resistance as soon as 
pressure was withdrawn. So, at least, thought the 
Northern Covenanters, whose quarrel was rather with 
the Gordons than with Episcopacy. On the plea that 
without his aid it was impossible to arrive at a per- 
manent settlement, the Marquis was invited to 
Aberdeen under a safe-conduct signed by Montrose 
and the other leaders, assuring him full Uberty to 
return home a^ soon as the conference was over. 
Hmti 'S ^^ ^^^ ^ ^^^ Huntly was at Aberdeen. The next 

Aberdleen. day, Moutrosc's language was that of a man seeking 
^ for a pretext to excuse in his own eyes a breach of 
his plighted word. He began by preferring un- 
expected demands. Would Huntly pay the expenses 
of the Covenanting army ? Would he seize certain 
Highland robbers in the neighbourhood ? Would he 
give the hand of friendship to his brother's murderer, 
Crichton of Frendraught? The last request could 
only be made to be refused. Between Crichton and 
Huntly lay the bitter memory of the night when the 
young Lord Meldrum, coming on an errand of mercy, 
was decoyed into the Tower of Frendraught only to 
be awakened by the roaring flames. Montrose's re- 
quest was met, as it could not but have been met, 
HonUv with an unhesitating refusal. " My Lord," said Mont- 
Edinburgh, rose, " seeing \ve are all now friends, will ye go South 
to Edinburgh with us ? " After some further con- 
versation, Huntly asked a plain question : Was he to 
go as a captive, or of his own free will ? " Make your 
choice," was Montrose's reply. In that case, said 
Huntly, he ^ould rathet not go as a captive. The 
form of liberty made little difference to the fact of. 


compulsion. Montrose may have been, as has been chap. 
suggested, overruled by the Committee by which he ' — -^ — ' 
was controlled ; but whether this were the case or ^^, 
not, he had played but a mean and shabby part. 

It had been intended that Huntly should have 
been accompanied by his two eldest sons — ^Lord 
Gordon and Lord Aboyne — who alone of his nume- 
rous family had reached man's estate. Aboyne asked 
leave to go home and fetch money for his journey ; 
and Montrose, ashamed perhaps of his treatment of 
the family, gave the required permission on promise 
of a quick return. Aboyne, regardless of an engage- Aboyne'i 
ment made to one whose faith had not been kept, ^^'^'^ 
took the opportunity to place himself beyond the 
reach of pursuit. His father and elder brother were 
conducted to Edinburgh. There Huntly was pressed xpni ao. 
to take the Covenant. " For my own part," he re- R^^to 
plied, " I am in your power, and resolved not to cSi^t 
leave that foul title of traitor as an inheritance 
upon my posterity. You may take my head from 
my shoulders, but not my heart from my Sove- 
reign. * 

On March ^o, the day on which Montrose entered M"S ^ 

. o The King 

Aberdeen, the King rode into York.^ Already as he atYork. 
had journeyed northwards he had been met by bad 
news from Scotland. He would soon learn that 
Montrose had brought ruin upon his whole plan of 
operations. The party which Hamilton had promised 
him in Scotland was incapable of affording any serious 
assistance. Charles must fall back on Wentworth's 
plan now. If Scotland was to be conquered, it must 
be conquered by a purely English force, and he 
already knew that if it was comparatively easy to 

> Oardanf ii. 232. Spalding , i. 168. 

' Cojce to Windebank, March 31, S, P, Dom, ecocxv. 78. 




* r-.« 


The City 
asked for 

April 9. 
A general 
tioQ de- 

Sale of the 


comet in 

raise the troops which he required, it was a task of 
enormous difficulty to pay them. 

The first impulse of every Government in financial 
straits was to apply to the City of London. In 
February the citizens had therefore been asked for a 
free contribution. After a month's delay it was found 
that no more than 4,800/. had been paid, in spite of 
the personal entreaty of the Lord Mayor and Alder- 
men. A fresh and more urgent appeal in March pro- 
duced a bare 200/. in addition. The whole amount 
was so small that it was contemptuously refused.^ 

In spite of this discouraging experience, the de- 
mand for a free contribution was extended to the 
whole country. In order to increase the chance of a 
favourable response, a proclamation was issued by 
which a considerable number of the new monopolies 
was revoked. Several, however, remained in force, 
and amongst these were some of the most obnoxious.* 
To provide for immediate necessities, the Mastership 
of the Eolls had been put up to auction. Sir Charles 
Caesar bade higher than his competitors, and obtained 
the prize for 15,000/.' 

It was a bad omen for the success of the general 
contribution, that ship money was coming in more 
slowly than ever. Though only 69,000/. had been 
required this year, on April 13 the payments had 
not exceeded 17,000/.* 

At the beginning of April, therefore, Charles 

' Oomiwm Oowncil Journal Book, Feb. 16, March 15, 21, xxzviiL 
208&. ; 229 ; 297. Roe8iiigliam*8 Newsletter, Apr. 2. Add, MSS. ii/HS* 
foL 9. 

' JBtiiAic. iiL 910, 915. 

* Garrard to Oonway, March 281 S, P. Dom, occcxv. 65. RosBing- 
hani*8 Netoeletter, Apr. 2, Add, MSS, Iip45, ^o^- 9* 

^ Account of the Txvaaurers of the Navy, Apr. 13. S, P, Dam, 
cccczYii. 90. 



found hhnself at York with an insufficient army, and chap. 
with very little assurance that he would be able to 

find money to pay even that army for more than a wmt^ 
limited time. As the news of the disaster in Scotland ™**'*^ 
dropped in, the cry of treachery was lightly raised. Siupidoni 
Charles himself imagined that the hand of Eichelieu cheiy." 
was to be seen in all that had occurred. Others 
threw the blame on the Scots themselves. When the 
capture of Edinburgh Castle was announced, Dorset 
told Hamilton in full Council that he deserved to lose 
his head as a traitor. Nothing but treason could be 
accepted as the explanation of Huntly's tame sur- 
render of Aberdeen. Traquair had no sooner set 
foot in York, than he was placed under arrest for the 
loss of Dalkeith, though he was set free after a short 
detention. At the English Court it wa^ impossible 
to judge fairly of the difficulties of Scottish loyalists 
abandoned to themselves amidst the waves of a great 
national movement, because it was not the fashion 
at the English Court to believe that there was any 
national movement in Scotland at all. Treachery 
undoubtedly existed ; but it was the treachery of the 
Scottish gentlemen of the bedchamber who listened 
to Charles's unguarded talk, and forwarded his secrets 
to their countrymen across the border. In this way 
the Scots received inteUigence of every decision 
almost as soon as it was taken.^ 

From Ireland, too, the news was not encouraging. Antfim'i 
Charles had confidently looked to the Earl of Antrim Lpeditum 
to land 10,000 men in the Western Highlands in 
order to overpower Argyle. Wentworth called 

1 Con to Barberini, ^^xj ^^* ^^^' '5392> ^o^* '<»• 3°^^ ^ 
Penoiiig^n, Apr. 4. Arundel to Windebank, Apr. 4, 8. P. Ihm, 
ccccxTU. 26, 29. Ilo88ingham*8 Newsletter, Nov. 23, Add, MSS. i ipSf 
fol. 14. 


CHAP. Antrim before him, cross-examined him as to his 
^ — -^ — ' means and intentions, and reported to the King 
AMiL ^^^^ ^^^ lEiSirl had neither 10,000 men at his disposal, 
v^ith'8 ^^^ ^^^ capacity to guide such a force if it were 
ritSItiwL** entrusted to his charge,^ Wentworth's view of 
the situation was very much what it had been the 
year before. He knew, what Charles did not know, 
that it was impossible to improvise an army. He 
considered that Chp,rles's officers were as inex- 
perienced as his men. Looking at Arundel and 
Holland, he found it hard to understand that men 
were * born great captains and generals.' He did not 
think that they were likely to become so on a day's 
warning. The best thing he thought would be for 
the army to keep the Scots in check on the borders, 
attending \p its own drill and discipline, whilst the 
fleet blockaded the Scottish ports. If Berwick and 
Carlisle were well secured, it might * keep our blue 
bonnet to his own peck of oatmeal — which they say 
the lay elder is to provide every soldier of, with a 
satchel to put it in — without tasting of our better 
fare, lest he might grow too much in love with it/ 
Such a plan would doubtless require more money 
than the King had at his disposal. It could not be, 
however, that Englishmen would grudge five or six 
months' service at their own cost. When the winter 
came it would be necessary * to think of a constant 
revenue,' or, in other words, to summon Parliament.* 
If only Englishmen had felt towards the Scottish 
insurgents as Wentworth felt, there could be no 
question of the wisdom of his advice. 

' Wentworth to WindelMiik, March 20, Straf, Letten, ii. 300. 

' He had already written: "For Parliament I see not how that 
can be this summer, it being resolved His Majesty will be at York oo 
early in the spring." Wentworth to Northumberland, Feb. 10, Stntf, 
LtUen, ii. 279. 


Charles was too impatient for immediate success chap. 
to be guided by such counsels. The news of the 

surrender of Aberdeen reached him on April 4. If Apru^ 
it was useless to send Hamilton to Aberdeen, he might ^^toThe 
be sent elsewhere. Nothing could eradicate from l^^l\^^^ 
Charles's mind the notion that,* if he could only 
pierce through the hostile crust, he would find a 
loyal Scottish nation beneath. Hamilton was there- 
fore to betake himself with his three regiments to the 
Firth of Forth, to make one more appeal to the 
people of Scotland against their leaders. It would 
be long before Charles could be brought to open his 
eyes to the fact that he was contending against 
Scotland itself. 

On April 7, therefore, a new proclamation was April 7. 
drawn up to enlighten the eyes of the misguided pn^ia^a- 
peasants and tradesmen of Scotland. In it Charles 
assured his subjects of liis intention to stand by tlie 
promises made in his name at Glasgow. Nineteen 
of the leaders — ^Argyle, Rotlies, Montrose, Leslie, 
and others — were excepted from pardon, though a 
promise was added that if they submitted within 
four-and-twenty hours after the publication of tlie 
proclamation, their cases should be taken into favour- 
able <5onsideration. After that time had elapsed, a 
price would be set on their heads to be paid to any 
one who put them to death. A free pardon should 
be granted to all others who had participated in 
rebellion. More than this, all vassals and tenants of 
persons in rebelUon were to keep their rents in their 
own hands, one-half to be paid to the King, and the 
other to be retained by themselves. All tenants of 
rebels taking the King's side were to receive a long 
lease of their lands from the Crown at two-thirds of 
their present rent. Disloyal tenants of a loyal land- 
VOL. I. p 





April la 
tion of the 

April 15. 

The forces 
in the 

lord were to be expelled from their holdings. In one 
resj^ect, this proclamation was modified before it was 
finally issued. The Scots about the King remonstrated 
against the clauses offering a reward for assassination, 
and he therefore substituted for them a general threat 
that all rebels not laying down their anns within 
eight days would be held to be traitors, and as such 
to have forfeite<l theii* estates and goods. To Hamil- 
ton Charles explained his reason for the alteration. 
" As for excepting some out of the general pardon," he 
wrote, " almost every one now thinks that it would 
be a means to unite them the faster together, whereas 
there is no fear but that those who are fit to be 
excei)ted will do it themselves by not accepting of 
pardon, of which number I pray God there be not 
too many.'' ^ 

On tlie 15th Hamilton was at Yarmouth, pre j)ared 
to take on board his men. He complained bitterly 
of the rawness of the levies provided for him by the 
magistrates. Of the whole number no more than 
200 had ever had a gun in their hands. The muskets 
provided were not of the same calibre. The men, 
however, were strong and well clothed, but it could 
not be expected that they would be fit to take the 
field with less than a month's training.^ 

At York the impression was gaining ground that 
the conquest of Scotland was not to be effected by 
proclamations. On April 19 tidings came that the 
Scottish army on the Borders would soon be 10,000 
strong. Another report declared that LesUe had 
threatened to meet the King on the Borders to parley 

' Draft Proclamation, Apr. 7, enclowjd by Hay to Windebank, Apr. 
15. ProciamatioD, Apr. 25,*'. I\ Dvin, ccccxvii. 94, i., ccccwiii. 50. 
The King to Hamilton, Apr. 5, 7, 10, Burnet, 1 19. 

^ Hamilton to the King, Apr. 15, 18, Ham, Papers, 72, jy 


with him at the head of 30,000 men. Charles's own 
forces were now marching in. There had been some 
disorders on the way. The Essex men had murdered 
a woman and had phmdered houses as they passed. 
At Boston a pressed man sent his wife with one of 
his toes in a handkerchief as evidence that he could 
not march. ^ There was certainly no enthusiasm for 
the war. But neither was there any distinct animosity 
against the cause for whicli the war was fought. 
Ploughmen and carters would far rather have re- 
mained at home. But the stratum of society from 
which they came was not stirred very deeply by the 
Puritan movement. Amongst the trained bands of 
the northern counties there were even observable 
some sparks of the old feud with Scotland which 
had flamed up in many a Border conflict in the olden 
days. The mass of the army was listless and un- 
disciplined, but it is not altogether impossible that 
good officers might after a time have succeeded in 
inspiring it with something of the military feeling.*^ 

Charles had, however, taken care to gather round Disaflec- 
him elements of hostility to his enterprise. Dragged English 
against their will to the Borders, and long deprived 
of the part in the Government which they held to be 
their due, the English nobles bore no good will to a 
war which, if it were successful, would place them 
more completely than ever at the feet of their sovereign. 
K Charles had been quicksighted to perceive that 

* LincUey to Windebank, Apr. 6, 7. Windebank to Read, Apr, 19. 
Norgate to Read, Apr. 19, S. P, Dom, ccccxvii. 41, ccccxviii. 78. 

^ I have come to this conclusion after a 8tudy of all the contem- 
porary letters to which I have had access. As long as it was believed 
that the King had 30,000 men with him on the Borders from the first, 
his inactivity needed the active disaffection of the army to explain it. 
Now that it is known that he could put less than 12,000 into the field, 
such an explanation is unnecessary. 

F 2 


HAP. concession in Scotland would bring with it concession 

^ — ^ — ' in England, they were no less quicksighted to per- 
^^ ^.?' ceive tliat the overthrow of the Scottish Covenanters 


would draw wuth it the erection of an absolute 
April 21. monarchy in England. Tlie first test of their feeling 

taryolth. wus a proposal of a military oath binding them to 
flight in the Kind's cause ' to the utmost hazard of 
tlieir life and fortunes.' They asked whether these 
words bound them to place their whole property at 
the Kings disposal. The obnoxious words were 
accordingly clianged for ' tlie utmost of my power and 

Saycand liazard of uiv lifc.' To this all consented except 

Brooke re- , 

fuse to take Sayc and Brooke. These two Puritan lords flatly 
refused to take even the modified oath. They were 
committed to the custody of the Lord Mayor of 

Saye and Brooke were subsequently permitted to 
retire to their homes. Tlie King was not without 
hope that some legal means of punishing them might 
be found. But the law officers of tlie Crown advised 
him that they had not committed a punishable 
offence. They suggested, however, a means of meet- 
ing the difficulty. It was probable, they thought, 
that the two lords had arrived at York without 
proper military equipment. In that case a fine might 
legally be imposed upon them. Charles thought the 
suggestion a good one ; but, as nothing was done, it is 
not unlikely that inquiry only served to demonstrate 
that Saye and Brooke had taken good cai'e to comply 
with the letter of the law.*^ 
Cooiuess The two lords found no imitators at York. But the 

ttJe^pwrs. King soon discovered that the nobility had (:ome rather 
as spectators tlian as a(rtors. Amongst them Arundel 

' Uossingham's XewslHter, Apr. 30, S, P. Born, ccccxviii. 99. 
* Windebank to the King, May 21, Clar, St. P, ii. 45. 


stood almost alone in urging him to carry on the war ci^p. 
with vigour. On the 24th a letter, written on the ' — -^ — ' 
19th, was handed to Essex from the Covenanters. . ^.j „ 
They protested that they cherished no design of in- 2i?ntS^^ 
vasion. They wanted only to enjoy their liberties in ^e ^ 
accordance with their own laws.^ Essex handed the 
letter unopened to the King ; but, as the messenger 
had brought with him an open copy, its contents 
were soon known. Arundel said that it was ' full of 
insolence ; ' but this was far from being the general 
opinion. The Knight Marshal, Sir Edmund Verney, Opinion of 
thought that it was ' expressed with a great deal of Edmund 
modesty,' and Sir Edmund Verney was a typical *™*^* - 
personage. Attached to the King by long service 
and ancestral loyalty, he was ready to do whatever 
duty might require, and to fight, if need be, against 
the Scots. But he had no heart in the quarrel, no 
confidence in the undisciplined mob which his master 
called an army. Laud's proceedings in England he 
thoroughly disliked, and he could take no pleasure 
in a war which had been brought about by very 
similar proceedings in Scotland. For him, as for 
multitudes of his countrymen, the war, in spite of all 
that Charles might say about its political character, 
was Bellum episcopate^ a war waged to restore 
Bishops to their misused authority. He had heard a 
Scotchman say, as he wrote in one of his letters to his 
son at home, that ' nothing will satisfy them but the 
taking away all Bishops.' ' I dare say,' he added, * the 
King will never yield that, so we must be miserable. ""^ 

On May i Charles advanced to Durham. The Mayi. 
Scottish Eoyalist lords who had fled before the Cove- mationsent 
nanterswere summoned to hear the proclamation read, land. 

* The Covenanters to Essex, Apr. 19, S, P. Dom, ccccxyiii. 9. 

* Verney to R. Verney, Apr. 25, May 5, Verney Panerif 225, 231. 


CHAP, and were ordered to return to their estates and to dis- 


perse copies amongst their friends in Scotland. Special 

^ orders were sent to Sir James Balfour, Lion King-at- 

Arms, to read it at the Cross at Edinburgh, and to 
depute heralds to read it publicly in every shire. 
Charles was not long in discovering that he had 
reckoned on more obedience than he was likely to 

Its reading find. Not a siimle Scotchman would take upon 
himself the odium of reading such a proclamation.^ 

Scottish Tlic attempt to put pressure on the Scots by 

seized. the iutorruptiou of their commerce had already been 
made. S(*ottish sliipping arriving in England was 

iiamiiton arrcstcd. Ilamilton on his voyage northwards seized 

FirtiTof so many Scottish vessels as to be unable to man them, 
and contented himself afterwards with disarming 
those which he overtook.'^ On May i he had sailed 
up the Forth. Leith was now strong enough to resist 
attack. Every hand tliat could be spared had been 
busily employed in working at the fortifications. 

Lfith forii- Women hurried down from Edinburgh to carry earth 
and stones. Hamilton's own mother appearal with a 
pistol in her hand, and vowed that she would be the 
first to shoot her son if he landed to attack the fol- 
lowers of the Covenant. Nor had he much more 

Popular re- chaucc of military success in the open country. The 
men of Fife and the Lothians turned out in over- 
whelming numbers to defend their homes, and boast- 
fully sent back, as unnecessary, a reinforcement of 
twelve hundred men which had been sent to their 
aid by 'the Western shires.'^ Nothing was wanting 
to raise the zeal of the defenders of their country. 
Preachers assured them that the cause of national 

* Order iu Council, May i, S. P. Dom. ccccxx. i. 

* Ilarailt-on to the King, Apr. 29, Ham. Papers^ 76 
' Baillie, i. 201. 


resistance was the cause of God. The women of chap. 
Scotland spoke with no uncertain voice. Mothers ' — 7 — ' 
bade their sons go forth and quit themselves well Mayi! 
in the quarrel which had been forced upon them. 
Wives cheerfully surrendered their husbands to the 
uncertainties of war ; whilst every youthful volunteer 
knew well that it would fare ill with him if, after 
stepping aside from the conflict, he dared to pour his 
tale of love into the ear of a Scottish maiden. What 
had Hamilton to oppose to this band of brothers 
fighting in what they deemed the holiest of causes ? 
His men were utterly undisciplined, and they had no 
heart in the cause for which they had been sent to 
fight. He landed them on the two islets Inchkeith 
and Inchcolm, and there he did liis best to turn them 
into soldiers, whilst he attempted to negotiate, with 
the hostile multitudes on shore.^ 

Whatever hopes he brought with him were soon jj^'T 7-, 
at an end. " Your Majesty's afiairs," he wrote on the despair. 
7th, " are in a desperate condition. The enraged 
people here run to the height of rebellion, and walk 
with a blind obedience as by their traiterous leaders 
they are commanded ; and resolved they are rather 
to die than to embrace or accept of your proffered 
grace in your last most gratious proclamation. You 
will find it a work of great difficulty and of vast 
expence to curb them by force, their power being 
greater, their combination stronger, than can be 
imagined." He himself could do Httle for a long 
time to come. If the King was in no better condi- 
tion, he might ' think of some way of packing it 
up.' The Scots seemed ready *to offer all civil 
obedience.' If the King was able to ' suppress them 

' De Vic to WindebftDk, May 7. Norgate to Read, May 9, 16, S. P. 
Dom. ccccxx. 77, 121, ccccxxi. 34. 






May 7. 

May 8. 
offers to 
rouse the 

May 9. 
Veniey a 
oftinion of 
the posi- 

from Scot- 

in a ])owerful way/ he would do his part, 'wliicli 
will only be the stopping of their trade, and burning 
of such of their towns as' are 'upon the coast.' Even 
tliis he could not promise to do for any length of 
time, as his provisions would soon be exhausted. ^* 

Before this lugubrious despatch reached him, 
Charles had been hstening to young Aboyne, who 
had come to offer to rouse the North if only money 
and arms were placed at his disposal. Charles sent 
him on to tlie Forth, directing Hamilton to give him 
wliat assistance he could in men, but to be careful 
not to engage him in further expense. He calculated 
that he liad money enougli to keep on foot his exist- 
ing force till the end of the summer. More than this 
he could not do.*^ 

Others around him were not even so sanguine as 
this. " Our army," wrote Yerney, " consists of two 
thousand horse and twelve thousand foot, and that is 
the most, and more by some reascmable proportion 
both of horse and foot than we shall have with us, 
or tluit will come to us, unless Marquis Hamilton's 
forces come to us. Our men are very raw, our arms 
of all sorts nauglit, our victual scarce, and provision 
for horses worse ; and now you may judge what case 
we are in, and all for want of money to help us till we 
may be better men, or to bring more men to us. I 
will write to you again as soon as I hear wdiat the 
Scots will do in obedience to the proclamation, which 
certainly will come to nothing."^ 

The ])rocltmiation indeed had already come to 
no tiling, but only the vaguest possible rumours of 
the state of the country across the Borders readied 

* IlamiltOD to the King, ^fay 7, Ham, Papers, 78. 

'^ The KiDg to Hamilton, May 13, Burnet, 136. 

' Verney to K. Verney, May 6, Vef*ney Pape?'$, 232. 


the King's ear. Some said that the Scotch were armed chap. 
to the teeth. Others declared that their leaders had ' — 7 — ' 
failed to raise the necessary suppHes for the mainte- ^^^ * 
nance of an army. " Though many come from those 
parts," wrote Coke to his brother-secretary, " yet we 
find so much variety amongst their reports that we 
know not whom to credit, or what to expect." ^ 

Already, therefore, Charles was hesitating between May 14. 
negotiation and war. On May 14 he signed a fresh second pro- 
proclamation, in startling contrast with the one which 
had threatened death and confiscation a month 
before.^ lie now assured his Scottish subjects that 
he would not think of invading Scotland if only civil 
and temporal obedience were secured to him. They 
must, however, abstain in their turn from invading 
England ; and, to give him assurance of this, they 
must not approach within ten miles of the Border. 
If this condition were violated, his general would 
proceed against them as open traitors.^ 

It was Charles's habit to couch his demands in itsinten- 
general terms, the intention of which was seldom tidn.""**'^" 
defined even in his own mind. The requirement of 
civil and temporal obedience was perfectly compa- 
tible with a reassertion of all the demands which his 
Commissioner had made at Glasgow. But it was also 
compatible with much less ; and on the very day on 
which this proclamation was drawn up, Hamilton was Hamilton's 
writing a despatch in which he urged his master to S![?render. 
content himself with very much less. If the Scots 
would lay down their arms, surrender the King's 
castles, express repentance for their faults, and pro- 
mise to respect his Majesty's civil authority, they 

* Windebank to WindebaDk, May 8. Coke to Windebank, May 9, 
S. P. Dotn. ccccxx. 106, 120. '^ P. 209, 

' ProclamatioD, May 14, Peterkin's Becords, 220. 





— - 1- ■ 

May 14. 

May 17. 





might then be allowed to express their objections to 
Episcopacy in Parliament, when these objections, as 
well as those which had been produced at the 
Glasgow Assembly, might, ' as their desire shall seem 
just or unjust, receive a ratification or denial.' ^ 

Sucli a concession cost Hamilton nothing. He 
was quite as ready to put himself forward, in 1639, 
as the vindicator of the Royal authority, by taking 
the initiative in throwing over modified Episcopacy, as 
he had been to throw over absolute Episcopacy in 
1638. It is quite possible, too, that he had taken 
care again to sound the Covenanting leaders as to 
their acceptance of a scheme which he now regarded 
as the only chance of restoring the kingly authority 
in any shape whatever. By sufch a course he might 
gain friends on both sides, as he had attempted to do 
in the previous year. Such at least, in the absence 
of positive evidence, is a probable explanation of the 
increasing rumours that he was playing a double part. 

For the present, Charles evaded an absolute de- 
cision. He instructed Hamilton to go on with the 
negotiation on the basis which he had laid down, 
and to abstain from any immediate attack, unless a 
Scotch army should march to the Borders in such 
strength as to make it absolutely necessary that a 
diversion should be created He did not say, and in 
all probability he did not know, whether he meant 
Hamilton's negotiation to be carried on seriously, or 
merely with the object of gaining time till his own 
preparations were ready.^ 

How inadequate those preparations were, he was 
himself now painfully conscious. In spite of his 

* Hamilton to the King, May 14, Ham. Papers, 80. Burnet,, 131. 
' The King to Hamilton, May 17. Note by the King, May 16, 
Bwmet, 131. 



acknowledgment that he had not money to keep on chap. 
foot additional troops, he wrote to order the levy "*" 

of a reinforcement consisting of 4,000 foot and 300 May 17I 
horse. All his hope of supporting them when they 
arrived lay in the prospect of a favourable response 
to his demand' of a general contribution for the war, 
and as yet no signs had appeared that such a re- 
sponse would be given. Fictions, however, cost 
nothing, and Windebank was directed to terrify the 
Scots by spreading rumours that this levy of 4,300 
would consist of no less than 14,000 men.^ 

The quality of Charles's army was not such as to stnteofihe 
make amends for the deficiency of its numbers. " If *™^* 
the Covenanters meant foul play," wrote an official 
attached to the Court, " they might make foul work ; 
for our people are not together, and are most un- 
ready and undisciplined, as every one says here. 
The Scotch Bishops are as detested here as by their 
own, who have expelled both their persons and 
order. The tales they told at London, that the 
Scots would disband and run away at our ap- 
proach in the North, are every day disproved more 
than other, for they are 40,000 strong at least, 
and may go where they please, and do what they 
list. I think that no man, who loves the honour 
of his prince and safety of his country, but must be 
sensible of the loss and danger of both by this fatal 
business, wherein all men are losers, but the King 
most." 2 

In spite of these alarms, Charles announced his Mav22. 
intention of advancing in person to Berwick. Bris- solves to 
tol, who had retained in his old age that habit of nJIdck. ** 
looking facts in the face which in earlier life had 

' The King to Windebank, May 17, Oar, St. P. ii. 42. 
' Norgate to Read, May 16, 8. P. Dom. ccccxxL 34. 


2 20 





Mav 22. 

Rink iucuF' 

ordered to 
be ready 
to return. 

May 21. 
with the 

ruined his prospects at Court, said plainly that it 
would be folly to trust the person of the King so 
near the enemy with a dispersed and undisciphned 
army. The mihtary leaders concurred with Bris- 
tol. But there are moments when there is no choice 
between rashness and irremediable disaster, and 
Charles, who, irresolute as he was in the face of 
the necessity of decision, was no coward to abandon 
the post of danger, firmly persisted in his resolu- 

Whether necessary or not, the resolution was 
hazardous in the extreme. If LesUe had not 
around him the 40,000 men with which he was 
credited at Newcastle, he had at least at his com- 
mand a well-appointed force of half that number, 
against which Charles could at this time bring no 
more than at the utmost 15,000 men. So gloomy 
did the situation appear, that on the 22nd Charles 
wrote to Hamilton to be ready at a moment's notice 
to bring back his forces from the Firth to join the 
army on the Borders.^ 

Before these orders reached him, Hamilton had 
penned another despatch even more despondent than 
the last. He had been engaged in conferences with 
the Covenanthig leaders, and had taken upon himself 
to explain the meaning of the civil obedience required 
by the King's latest proclamation. His Majesty, he 
said, was not bound to relinquish his negative on the 
acts of an ecclesiastical assembly, but he was * con- 
fident, that whatsoever should be agreed on by such 
an assembly, called by his Majesty's command, and 
when the members should be 'legally chosen,^ his 

* Mildmay to Windebank, May 24, S, P. Dom. ccccxxi. 169. 

* The King to Hamilton, May 22, Burnet, 133. 

' This hints at the abolition of the lay elders as electors. 


Majesty would not only consent unto them, but have chap. 
them ratified in Parliament.' ^ - — ^ — ' 

Hamilton's letter to the King is so involved as May «. 
to give rise to the suspicion that he wanted to tothJTKing. 
frighten Charles into the acceptance of these terms. 
The Scots, he said, would admit of no peace ' unless 
it be the ratification of their mad acts made in the 
late pretended General Assembly.' They were re- 
solved to force a battle. The best thing would 
therefore be for him to send two out of his three 
regiments to reinforce the Eoyal army, keeping only 
one to burn villages on the Firth. Above all things, 
the King should avoid an encounter. If he kept 
quiet, the rebels could not keep their forces long 
together. On the other hand, they might pass round 
his army and cut him off from his base of supplies at 
Newcastle. If his Majesty were 'well-strengthened 
with foot,' this might be hindered. " They find," lie 
went on to write, " they are not able to subsist, and 
therefore take this desperate course ; for already they 
are pinched by stop of trade, and see in fine they 
must be miserable. Now, hoping in the weakness of 
your Majesty's army, they intend to venture that 
which shortly, themselves acknowledge, they must 
lose, and, for ought I can learn, will either make 
themselves a commonwealth or a conquered king- 

Hamilton at least did not wisli to see Scotland 
either a commonwealth or a conquered kingdom. At 
the moment he would certainly have preferred to 

' Account of the conference by De Vic, Burnet, 133. The paper is 
not dated ; but there is mention of conferences in a letter of May 24 {S. P. 
Dom, ccccxxi. 176) ; and it is about this time that Burnet places it. The 
conference cannot have taken place after Hamilton received orders, on 
the 22nd, to be ready to return, as he states that he will be found where 
he is ' a month hence.' 





May 21. 

May 23. 
Two regi- 
ments to 

May 28. 

May 14. 
The trot of 

appear as tlie champion of Monarchical governmen t 
in the State and of Presbyterian government in the 
Church, an arrangement which would at least have 
tlie advantage of securing to him both his - Scottish 
estates and the Eoyal favour. If this interpretation 
be the right one, his concluding paragraph can only 
be regarded as an awkward attempt to appear as if 
he sliared his master's probable indignation. He was 
quite ready, he said, to begin hostihties as soon as he 
was ordered to do so. He had no hope of any treaty 
now, and had only engaged in one at all in order to 
amuse the Scots. ^ 

One suggestion at least in this letter took im- 
mediate effect. On tlie 23rd orders were sent to 
Hamilton to send the two regiments, numbering 3,000 
men, to Holy Island. These instructions were at once 
executed, and on the 28th the mucli-needed reinforce- 
ment arrived off the coast of Northumberland. ^ 
Hamilton himself remained to seize Scottish mer- 
chantmen, and to threaten more damage than he was 
able to do. 

On the day after tlie order to send the regiments had 
been despatched, news reached Newcastle * which must 
have made the King wish that he had larger forces to 
leave in Hamilton's hands. In the North, Huntly's 
friends had risen a^^ainst their Covenanting neighbours, 
had fallen upon a body of them at Turriff on the 14th, 
and had driven them out of the place. The Trot of 
Turriff, as this first skirmish of the long Civil War was 
called, inspirited the victors to follow up their advan- 
tage, and the Gordons pushed on to occupy Aberdeen, 

* Hamilton to the King, May 21, Ilam. Papers, 83. 
^ Note by the King, May 23, Burnet^ 133. De Vic to Windebank, 
May 26, S, P. Dom, ccccxxii. 28, 62. 

3 Mildniay lo Windebank, ^lay 24, Ibid, ccccxxi. 169. 


where they lived at free quarters on the few partisans ciiap. 
of the Covenant in the place. Their triumph did not 

last long. On the 24th they were driven out by the j^^/, * 
Earl Marischal. On the 25th Montrose was back T^eGor- 

^ dons at 

again with a strong force to occupy the town. Acts Aberdeen, 
of pillage were committed by the soldiery ; but Mont- MoiItr<Me* 
rose refused to give up to a general plunder even thetown. 
that hostile city which, as the Presbyterians were 
never tired of asserting, had earned the fate of Meroz 
in refusing to come to the help of the Lord against 
the mighty. 

It was long before the news even of the Trot May 29. 
of Turriff reached Ilamilton's fleet. It was un- with 
known on the 29th, when Aboyne arrived with a 
number of Scottish lords sent by the King to get what 
help they could. Ilamilton had now only one regi- 
ment left, and, even if he wished to help Aboyne, it 
was Httle indeed that he could do. If the King, he 
wrote, would send 5,0(X) men, and money to pay an 
equal number of Scots, something might be done. 
He himself, as the King well knew, had neither the 
men nor the money. Two days later Hamilton had m«j' 31. 
heard of the rising in the North. He sent off Aboyne . a^kTfor'an 
without delay, and he asked the King to despatch the *""^* 
force which he had mentioned in his last letter. Of 
this force he wished to take the command in person. 
With ten or twelve thousand pounds he could do 

Charles would have been sorely puzzled to spare Mig^25. 
such a sum from his meagre resources. Yet, difficult tiahaiwwer 
as his position was, he was not despondent. His last p^rociam" 
proclamation had received an answer which can hardly ^^^' 
have been to his mind. The Scots declared themselves 
quite ready to keep the prescribed distance of ten 

^ Hamilton to the King, May 29, 31, Ham, PaperSj 89, 90. 


miles from the Borders, if he would on his part with- 
■ draw Ills army and his fleet.' Leslie in the mean- 
wliile had taken up his post at Dunglas, between Ber- 
wick and Dunbar, ready for peace or negotiation. 


I^M Mil.. 





* i>-^^3*W\ 

\ XOItT/r 





^""°^^~L Af 


Ch'T'^t ^^^ negotiation as between equal and equal, 

Berwick. Charles was not yet prepared. As he rode into Ber- 
wick on the 28th lie could witness the landing of 
Ilaniilton's nien,^ and lie felt himself safer than be- 
MRV30. fore. On tlie 30th he left Berwick for the Birks, a 
in camp, piece of grouiid on Tweedside, about three miles 
above the town, and took up his quarters under can- 
vas in the midst of his soldiers. Once at the head of 
liis men, lie fretted at the tame submission which so 
many of his counsellors recommended. All that day 
he was on horseback, riding about to view the quarters 
of the men. Raw and untrained as they were, these 
hasty levies warmed with the prospect of a combat. 
*' One thing," wrote an onlooker, '* I must not conceal, 
which I care not if all Europe knew, that no nation 

' The Scottish Nobility to Ilollfuid, May 25, Peterkin'a Rceoria, 222, 
' Borough to WindebaDb, May 38, & P. Dam. ccccszii. 63. 



in the world can show greater courage and bravery 
of spirit than our soldiers do, even the meanest of 
them, in hope of fight, which they extremely desire ; 
upon the first intimation of the Scots' approach, and 
their dislodging and new camp upon the face of the 
enemy, they cast up their caps with caprioles, shouts, 
and signs of joy, and marched by force in the morning 
to their new station with fury." ^ 

At the head of such men Charles might well be- 
lieve that in time everything would still be possible. 
In the immediate present very little indeed was pos- 
sible. He could not send his enthusiastic but un- 
discipHned levies to storm LesUe's camp at Dunglas. 
He would therefore make one more effort to win over 
the Scottish peasants in his vicinity by those tempting 
offers of a diminution of rent which had been embodied 
in his proclamation,^ and which, as he beUeved, needed 
only to be heard to be accepted with joy. As an 
Edinburgh preacher expressed it, he was eager to 
address the humble Scottish Covenanter in the words 
of the Satanic temptation : " All these things will I 
give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me." ^ 

Charles determined that the first experiment May 31. 

-^ Arundel 

should be made at Dunse. No lesser personages wntto 
than Arundel and Holland, the commander of the 
whole army and the General of the Horse, were to 
be the bearers of the King's gracious declaration to 
the peasant, and of his fierce denunciation of the 
landlord. When Arundel rode into Dunse in the Junex. 
early morning, not a man was to be seen. The 
women came out into the street, threw themselves on . 
their knees, as their grandmothers had doubtless 
done to the leaders of many a Border foray, cursing 

' Norgate to Windebank, May 28, S, P, Dom, ccccxxii. 62. 
' Newsletter, ^Aj 24, Ilnd, ccccxxi. 171. 

VOL. I. Q 


Leslie and beseeching the English general * for God's 
sake not to burn their houses, kill their children, nor 
bring in popery, as Leslie had told them the King 
meant to do/ Arundel spoke them fairly, assuring 
them of his protection, and ordering that the pro- 
clamation should be read in their hearing. When the 
ceremony was over, a few men stole out of their 
hiding-places, and a market was soon established. 
Arundel did his best to create a good impression in 
the country by directing his men to pay for everything 
that they took, and the Scotchmen took good care to 
ask exorbitant prices for the stock of milk and oaten 
cakes which was all that they possessed. 

Want of Of such scrviccs Charles's army was not incapable. 

But it had no confidence in its leaders, no habitual 
restraint under the rules of military life. The men 
fired off their guns at random in the camp. Officers 
complained of bullets perforating the canvas of tlieir 
tents. Even the King's pavilion was pierced by a 
June 2. shot. For all this he was strangely confident. He 

prepares to rcfuscd, iudccd, Hamilton's request for men for a 

take the • • 

aggressive, grcat expedition to the North, but he refused it on the 
ground that he was himself on the point of assuming 
the aggressive. Not a few of the Lords beyond the 
Border had already been gained over to his side, and 
it would be a shame to be idle. " Wherefore now," 
he ended, " I set you loose to do what mischief you 
can do upon the rebels for my service with those men 
you have, for you cannot have one man from hence." ^ 

Numbers of Thc uumbcrs of Charles's army had lately been 
considerably increased. With the new reinforcements 
and with the regiments returned from the Firtli, he 

* Borough to Windebank, June 3, 7. Windebank to Windebank, 
June 3. Norgateto Read, June 3, S, P. Dam, ccccxxiii. 12, 13, 16. The 
King to Hamilton, June 2, Burnet, 138. 



could now reckon upon 18,000 foot, and 3,000 horse.^ chap. 
But the very improvement in one respect brought with ^ — ^ — 
it a fresh danger in another. The larger the army j„nf 2' 
grew, the more difficult it was to maintain it. Before Financial 
the end of May the Lord Treasurer and the Chan- ^ ^' 
cellor of the Exchequer had lost all hope. The 
revenue, they declared, was completely Qxhausted. 
Cottington averred that even before the King left 
London he had in vain ' searched every corner from 
whence any probabiHty of money could be procured.' 
The only chance of finding pay for the army lay in 
that general contribution which had been demanded 
in April. The Council had long ceased to be sanguine 
of a favourable reply. "Hitherto," wrote Winde- 
bank, "we have very cold answers, which, though 
they be not direct refusals, are almost as ill ; for they 
bring us no relief nor no hope of it. Some petty 
sums, and those very few, have been oflered. So that 
my lords begin to apprehend this will be of little 
consideration, and to use compulsory means in these 
distempered times my lords are very tender, and 
apprehend it may be of dangerous consequence." '^ 

It was hard to say what answer could be made to 
this. By leaving just claims unpaid, and by antici- 
pating the revenue to the extent of about 150,000/., 
the army had hitherto been kept on foot, though its 
expenditure after the late reinforcements might be 
approximately reckoned at the rate of 750,000/. a 
year. As to the general contribution of which 

* The account given by Hushvrorth (iii. 926) is, after deducting the 
Carlisle garrison of 1,300 men, in exact figures 18,314 foot and 3,260 
horse. It is shown by comparison with the account of the treasurer of 
the army (see note at p. 191) to belong to the first days of Jime. Some 
of the forces mentioned are not borne on the Treasurer's accounts, and 
were probably paid from special funds in Charles's hands. 

' Windebank to the King, May 24, Gar. St. P. ii. 46. 




CHAP Wiiidebank spoke so despondingly, it was found at 
the end of July, when money ceased to come in, to 
have amounted in all to 50,000/. Of this 15,000/. 
'^^^ , were produced by the sale of the Mastership in 

general . . 

wntribu- Chancery to Sir Charles Ciesar.^ Of the remaining 
35,000/., 2,200/. came from a nobleman too sickly to 
follow the King in person, and 24,395/. were paid by 
the clergy, the class of all others most deeply interested 
in the King's success, and most amenable to pressure 
from above. The whole amount contributed by the 
laity of England barely exceeded 8,400/., and the 
greater part even of this was provided by judges and 
otlier legal officials, who were almost as amenable to 
pressure as the clergy. The unofficial contributions 
certainly did not exceed 3,000/., if indeed they 
readied anything like that sum.^ 
The Catho- One sourcc of supply, indeed, was still open. The 
bution. Queen had urged tlie Catholics to testify tlieir grati- 
tude by a donation to tlie King in his time of need. 
She did not find them in a Uberal mood. They 
counted the reduced lines wliich they were still forced 
to pay, as so much injustice, and tliey had some sus- 
picion that tlie Puritans might after all get the upper 
hand. Walter Montague, too, who was employed as 
the Queen's Agent in the matter, was not much more 
popular with the old Catholic families than hot- 
headed converts usually are with those whose religion 
is inherited from their ancestors. But a demand 
made by the Queen was hardly to be rejected, and, 

* I have no absolute evidence of this ; but I find that Uvedale, the 
Treasurer of the Army, paid into the exchequer a sum of 15,207/. ys. on 
March 30. Two days after we learn from Garrard of Caesar s payment. 
Unless there had been something to conceal, Uvedale would have kept 
this money in his own hands, and it does not appear how it rt^ached 

' Breviates of the Receipt, 


after a long discussion, they agreed to present the chap. 

▼ • 

King with 10,000/. at Midsummer, and a similar sum - — 7 — ' 
at Michaelmas.^ Such a sum would not support the Proposi'd 
army much more than a week. Anotlier plan of the |n?5^o?.°" 
Queen's did not achieve even this amount of success. 
She proposed that the ladies of England should com- 
bine to. present the King with a substantial token of 
their regard.*^ Eitlicr the ladies took no great interest 
in tlie lloyal cause, or their purses were too much 
under the control of their husbands to open readily. 
No money readied tlie King from this quarter. 

In this stress tlie King w^'Ote to his Council in June 4. 
London to send liim 10,000/. at once, and to require beap'pii!^/ 
the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to provide a loan, as loan.' * 
a matter in wliicli his Majesty w^ould take no denial.^ 

Charles's power of making use of tlie army which June a. 
he found it so difficult to maintain w^as soon to be 
brought to the test. On the 3rd news came into the Junes, 
camp that a considerable Scottish force had estab- atKciso. 
lished itself at Kelso — an indication that the Scots 
considered themselves released by Arundel's raid upon 
Dunse from any obligation to keep within the limit of 
ten miles from the Border which had been imposed 
upon them by the King. Orders were therefore given 

* Cone letters are full of this affair. Compare RwOiwitrth, ii. 820 
The letter printed at p. 821, a8 a letter from the Pope to his Nuncio, is 
an evident forgery, as it states that the ('atholics had been offering men 

for the Northern expedition, which is untrue. Rospetti, writing on ^^^» 
1 64 1 (R. O. Transcripts), says that a forged letter, said to be brought by 
him to Toby Matthew, was printed about this time, and I suspect that 
this is the one. 

' Kossingham's Newsletter , Add, MSS. 11,045, ^ol. 9. 

* Windebank to the King, June 8. The King's letter is not pre- 
served, but it seems to have reached London on the 6th, and so to have been 
written on the 2nd. According to Salvetti, orders were given to levy 
ten or twelve thousand men (Salvettis Ke^vsleitet-f June |J), but this is 
doubtless only the echo of the false rumour which Windebank was to 
give out. See p. 219. 





June 3. 
march to 


to Holland to take with him 3,000 foot and 300 horse 
to drive them out. 

Tlie day was hot and dusty, and the infantry 
straggled along weary and footsore. Yet their 
officers believed that, inexperienced as they were, 
they would have acquitted themselves well if 
they had come to blows.^ That day no opportunity 
was given them to display their courage. Riding 
hastily forward at the head of his horse, Holland 
found himself face to face with a Scottish force ad- 
vancing to meet liim. His men perhaps exaggerated 
tlie numbers of the enemy as six, eight, or even ten 
thousand, and it was averred by some that an addi- 
tional force of 3,000 Highlanders was lying in ambush 
armed witli bows and arrows.'^ Holland at first pro- 
posed to fall back on the infantry, and to make the 
attack with both arms. But lie soon discovered that 
he w^as far outnumbered, and preferred to send a 
trumpeter to tlie Scots to ask them what they were 
doing within the ten miles limit. The Scots asked 
him scornfully in return, what he was doing in their 
country. He had better be gone, or they would 
teach him the way. There was nothing for it but to 
retreat to the camp beyond the Tweed.^ 

Holland was but a car])et knight, and contempo- 
raries and posterity have combined in jeering him on 
his failure. Yet it may be doubted whether the 
most practised soldier would have acted otherwise. 
He was entrusted with a reconnaissance in force, and 

' Dymocke to Windebank, July 5, iS". P. Dom. ccccxxv. 21. 

'^ Account of the Campaign, Bodl. Lib. JRaxclimon HISS, B. 210. 
These ai'e the only archers I know anything about. Mr« Peter 
Bayne says there were some on the King's side, but gives no reference. 

* Coke to Windebank, June 4. Mildmay to Wmdebank, June 4. 
Norgate to Read, June 5. Weckerlin to Conway, June 6, S. P. Dotn. 
ccccxziii. 21, 22, 29, 49. 


finding the enemy too strong to be prudently at- CHi\i\ 
tacked, he brought his men back in safety. In any ^-^^ — ' 
ordinary army such a proceeding would be taken as june 3. 
a matter of course. But Charles's was not an ordi- 
nary army. It had nothing but its reputation to 
subsist on, and its reputation was not enougli to 
endure even an apparent check. 

In fact, it was not merely the retreat which spread June 4. 
alarm m the camp. Men began to ask one another de .cy in 
how it was that the Scots had been prepared to meet 
Holland's movements. A suspicion arose, which was 
probably justified by fact, that every movement of the 
English army was known to Leslie, whilst the ma- 
noeuvres of the Scottish army were covered by a wall of 
impenetrable darkness. " The truth is," wrote Verney 
to his son, " we are betrayed in all our intelhgence, 
and the King is still made to beUeve in a party that 
will come to him, but I am confident he is mightily 
abused in it, for tliey are a people strangely united. 
... I think the King dares not stir out of his 
trenches. What counsels he will take, or what he 
will do, I cannot divine ; but if this army be lost that 
we have here, I beUeve the Scots may make their 
own conditions with England, and therefore I could 
wish that all my friends would arm themselves as 
soon as they could. We want money to exercise our 
army, and the strength we have here will only defend 
ourselves. I do not conceive it of force to do any 
harm to them, so we daily spend our money and our 
honour together." ^ 

The day which witnessed Holland's retreat brought Leslie 
still more alarming tidings. Leslie, it was said, had hb^«mp.^ 
broken up his camp at Dunglas, and was in full 
march to the Border. In hot haste a messenger was 

* Sir E. Verney to R. Verney, June 4, Veimy Fajters, 243. 







June 4. 

of the Eng- 
lish no- 
bility to 

despatched to Hamilton, bidding him to desist from 
all warlike operations, and to come in person to Ber- 
wick to advise the King. His Majesty, he was told, 
was now resolved to keep on the defensive.^ 

The resolution thus taken was not altogether 
voluntary. Before leaving him at Whitehall, Hamilton 
had warned Charles that Englishmen would not fight 
in this quarrel, and Charles now ruefully acknow- 
ledged that the prediction had proved true.^ Above 
all, the English nobility had no wish to prolong the 
war. Even those who had no sympathy with Puri- 
tanism were deeply aggrieved by their systematic 
exclusion from all posts of influence, and they had no 
desire to aid the King to a triumph which would 
make the prospect of a Parliament more distant than 
ever. Others again were loth to strike a blow 
against tlie opponents of Episcopacy in Scotland, 
whilst Bishops in England were exercising powers so 
Stoteofthe unwoutcd and so harsh. The common soldiers, too, 
when once the excitement of impending combat was 
removed, sunk into listless dissatisfaction. Their con- 
dition at the Birks was not one of comfort. They 
were left all night to lie on the bare ground, with such 
shelter from the wind as they could make by throw- 
ing up walls of turf, and laying branches of furze 
across them. Not a tree was to be found for many 
miles to offer timber for the construction of huts. 
The Tweed, where they were, w^as too salt to drink, 
and beer was sold at 3^. the quart — a price equiva- 
lent to at least a shilhng now. The smallpox broke 
out amongst these ill-cared-for troops, and carried off 
its victims. The deserters were numerous. The 
chief employment of those who remained was the 

* Vane to Hamilton, June 4 (misprinted July), Burnet, 139. 

* Bufmetj 140. 


chase after the vermin by which their persons were ^hai'- 

infested, and which were known as Covenanters in the ' — ;•— ' 


rude language of the camp. 

On June 5, when the discouragement caused by Junes. 
Holland's failure was at its height, Leslie appeared Dunse law. 
on the scene. The army from Dunglas, some 12,000 
strong, tramped into Dunse, the little town where 
Arundel had read the King's proclamation to the 
women less than a week before. Leslie at once took 
up his position on Dunse Law, an isolated hill which rose 
just in sight of the King's camp, eleven or twelve 
miles distant. Charles received the inteUigence with 
his usual imperturbability. Stepping in front of Jiis 
tent he examined through a telescope the dark figures 
swarming on the hill. " Come, let us go to supper," 
he said at last ; " the number is not considerable." ^ 

Counting the troops at Kelso and the neighbouring The Sc«n 
villages, Leslie had an army of 20,000 men upon the "* ""'•^' 
Borders. In mere numbers the King's forces had a 
slight superiority, but the Scots made up in the 
quality of their men for the numerical deficiency. 
There was no lack in their camp either of money or 
provisions. Tlie taxation levied by the Tables had 
been on the whole cheerfully paid, and the rents of 
those who refused to take the Covenant had been 
seized for the use of the defenders of the country. 
The voluntary contributions of the citizens of Edin- 
burgh did the rest. The ' stout young ploughmen ' 
who had come forth to fight round the banners which 
bore the rallying cry, " For Christ's Crown and Cove- 
nant," were well pleased to satisfy their hunger on 
the wheaten bread and the legs of lamb which * w^as 
a dainty world to the most of them.' Not every thing, 

^ Account of the campaigD, Bodl. Lib. Kawlinsim MSS. B. 210. 
Weckerlin to Conway, June 6, S, P. Doni. ceccxxiii. 49. 





Jane 5. 
of the 

of the 

indeed, in tliis Covenanting army was to the mind of 
the pious ministers who had left their parishes to fan 
the flame of zeal amongst the soldiers. In that army 
were to be heard the singing of psalms and the fervent 
accents of prayer. But there was also to be heard 
the sound of ' swearing and cursing and brawling.' ^ 
If piety was not everywhere to be found in Leslie's 
camp, there was at least miUtary discipUne. The 
Scottish nobiUty set an excellent example of suboi-di- 
nation. EngUshmen who carried messages from 
Hamilton's fleet to the Covenanting leaders remarked 
with surprise that high-born nobles sat uncovered in 
the presence of tlie dwarfish and deformed man whom 
they had chosen to be their master in the art of war.^ 
Baillie, who had come to act as chaplain to the host, 
was unable to restrain his admiration. " Our soldiers," 
he wrote, " grow in experience of arms, in courage, 
in favour daily ; every one encouraged another, the 
sight of the nobles and their beloved pastors daily 
raised their hearts, the good sermons and prayers, 
morning and even, under the roof of heaven, to which 
their drums did call them for bells ; the remonstrances, 
very frequent, of the goodness of their cause, of their 
conduct hitherto by a hand clearly Divine ; also 
Leslie's skill and fortune, made them all so reso- 
lute for battle as could be wished. We were feared 
that emulation among our nobles might have done 
harm when they should be met in the fields ; but such 
was the wisdom and authority of that old, little, 
crooked soldier, that all, with an incredible submis- 
sion from the beginning to the end, gave over them- 
selves to be guided by him as if he had been great 
Solyman. Certainly, the obedience of our nobles to 

* Baillie, 212. 

* I)e Vic to WindeLauk, May 23, S. P, Dom, cccczzii. 28. 



that man's advices was as great as tlieir forbears' wont chap. 
to be to tlieir King's commands ; yet that was the - — -^ — ' 
man's understanding of our Scots' humour, that gave j^J^' 
out, not only to the nobles, but to very mean gentle- 
men, his directions in a very homely and simple form, 
as if they had been but the advices of their neigh- 
bour and companion ; for, as he rightly observed, a 
difference would be used in commanding soldiers of 
fortune, and of soldiers volunteers, of which the most 
part of our camp did stand/' ^ 

What had Charles to bring against this combination The Scou 

x» •!•. ji**T 1 A* 1 1 T* shrink from 

01 military disciphne and national and religious en- invading 
thusiasm ? Brave as his English followers individually ^^^*"^ 
were, Leslie, if he had chosen to attack them in their 
bivouac at the liirks, would have driven them like 
chaff before the wind. But there were shrewd heads 
in the Scottish camp, who knew better than to court 
the perilous victory. They were now contending 
with Charles. If English soldiers were driven in 
headlong rout, and if the tramp of a Scottish army 
were heard on English soil, it might very well be 
that they would have to contend with an insidted 
nation. In Parliament or out of Parliament, suppUes 
would no longer be withheld, and the invaders would 
meet with a very different force from that which 
was now before them. 

Whilst the Scots were in this frame of mind,^ one 
of the King's Scotch pages visited their camp and 
recommended his countrymen to open a negotiation. 
They at once sent the Earl of Dunfermline to request The offer to 
the King to appoint Commissioners to treat, and to 

* BaUlie, i. 213. 

^ As early as the beginning of the month there had been talk of a 
negotiation, but the King would admit of no treaty unless his hou^ieB and 
castles were first given up. Widdrington to Lord I'airfax, June 3, Fair- 
fax Curretpondence, i. 367. 


assure the English nobiUty that they liad no wish to 

throw off their allegiance to the Crown. Charles laid 

it down as a condition of the negotiation that they 

must first read his proclamation denouncing their 

leaders as traitors. As usual, they were perfectly 

The prociR- ready to give obedience in the letter. A few of the 

vSy read" vcry mcu wlio wcre denounced assembled in a tent to 

hear the proclamation read. On them the threat of 

the confiscation of their lands was not likely to make 

much impression. Yet with this hollow form Charles 

was forced to content himself The disposition to 

avoid a battle, which had long prevailed amongst the 

men of rank in th.e Enghsh camp, had now spread to 

The Eng- the commou soldiers. They had learned by this time 

lii^h rehict< . . , i 1 i i 

nntiofight. that money was runnmg short, and they knew by 
experien(*e that bread and beer were growing scarce. 
** A great neglect there hath been," wrote one who 
was on the spot, '' in those who had the charge of 
providing for the soldiers, for they have wanted ex- 
ceedingly since their coming, yet have been very 
patient, but now there is strange doctrine spread in 
the camp and swallowed by the officers and soldiers, 
so that it is time to make an end of this work. The 
clergy that are in this camp doth carry themselves so 
indiscreetly, as also the Scottish Bishops and clergy 
here, that I assure you they do much hurt his 
Majesty's affairs by their violence." Bristol bluntly 
spoke out what was doubtless in their thoughts. 
Most of the Lords, he said, were resolved to petition 
for a Parliament. The Lords, indeed, disclaimed any 
such intention. But the unspoken thought was, we 
may well believe, in the minds of all of them.^ 
June 7. On the afternoon of the 7th Hamilton appeared in 

at'the ^ Charles's camp. He had to tell how Aboyne had 


* Mildmay to Windebank, June lo, S. P, Dom. ccccxxiii. 67. 


reached Aberdeen, and liad driven the Covenanting chap. 

forces to retire by his mere presence in the roads. ^ 
But he could not say that this diversion was hkely to june 2. 
be of any permanent benefit to tlie Eoyal cause. IbeSeen.^' 
Aboyne had written to lihn urgently for supphes. Jane/. 
Even if he had had supplies to give, he was already ia^buto 
on his way to Berwick by the King's orders before he wm^*^ 
receivc-d the letter.^ 

Hamilton had every reason to be satisfied with xheneiro- 
the temper of his Eoyal nuister. The negotiation theBordew. 
which had already been informally opened on the 
Borders was merely a continuation of that wliich had 
been set on foot by himself He would now be 
j)resent to watch over its progress. The day after 
the illusory reading of tlie Proclamation at Dunse, 
Dunfermline returned to ask for a safe conduct for 
the Scottish negotiators. Hamilton was tlicre, to Hamilton's 
wliisper that it would be wise to consent to the ^*^* 
abolition of Episcopacy, and even to the Covenant 
itself In time tlie discontented nobility would be 
gained over by favours, and better times would 

Such advice was too consonant with Cliarles's 
nature not to find entrance into his mind. He may 
not have intended foul play. But lie was not likely 
frankly to acknowledge errors of w^hich he was 
perfectly unconscious. He doubtless believed firmly 
that the Presbyterian experiment would before long 
prove intolerable, and he did not wish to bar the 
door against the restitution of the more perfect sys- 
tem. A man of a larger mind might have felt in 

* Burnet, 140. SpnUlinfff i. 200. Spalding charges Hamilton with 
having de.«erted Ahovne in deiianco of orders from the King. This is 
plainly a mivtake. Even when Aboyne was in the Forth, Hamilton had 
but one regiment with him. 

' Burnet, 140. 


CHAP, precisely the same way. But he would have declared 


openly what his hopes were, and in so doing he 

would have inspired confidence where Charles only 

inspired distrust. 

June II. On the nth the conference was opened in 

the confer- ArundcFs tcut between six Commissioners from the 


Scots and six Commissioners from the King. Scarcely 

had the negotiators taken their places, when Charles 

The King himsclf Stepped in. He assumed that tone of superi- 

SSE^rtin ority which was natural to his position. He was 

•tLS!^^' there, he said, to show that he was always ready to 

hsten to his subjects, and he expected them to act as 

was becoming to subjects. 

From this position he never departed. He had 
come not as a diplomatist but as a judge. " I never 
took upon me," he said, " to give end to any differ- 
ence but where both parties first submitted themselves 
unto my censure, which if you will do, I shall do 
you justice to the utmost of my knowledge, without 
partiality." "The best way," he said afterwards, 
" were to take my word, and to submit all to my 
His diaiec- In the discussion which followed, Charles showed 
tirai skill. gpg^|. dialectical skill. He seized rapidly on the weak 

points of the Scottish case, and exposed them without 
ostentation or vindictiveness. The strength of the 
Scottish case lay outside the domain of dialectics. 
All sorts of questions might arise about the composi- 
tion of the Assembly, about the vote of the lay elders, 
and about the pressure exercised by the Tables at 
the time of the election. The arguments by which the 
Scots were ready to prove that the decisive authority 
in ecclesiastical matters resided in the Assembly which 
had met at Glasgow were neither more nor less con- 
vincing than the arguments by whicli Charles was 



ready to prove that it resided in himself. Tlie true ^^^i*- 
answer for the Scots to have made would have been, ^ — ^7 — - 
that whatever might have been the legality of the j^^^,,'^ 
forms observed, the Assembly had had the nation 
behind it. This, however, was precisely what the 
Scottish Commissioners never thought of saying, and 
by leaving it unsaid they left the honours of the dis- 
pute with Charles. 

What was wanting to the Scots in argument was The miii- 
amply made up to them by the presence of Leslie's tion. 
army on Dunse Law. Whether the Scottish nation 
had the right to settle its own affairs in the teeth of 
Charles might be open to argument. It was clear 
enough now that it was strong enough to do so. • 
Charles's own army was no more ready for battle 
than it had been before, and every day brought him 
worse news from the South. Without fresh supplies 
of money his army would soon dissolve from want of 
pay, and he had not much hope left that those 
supplies would be forthcoming. 

Windebank's report of a fresh attempt to obtain a June 7. 
loan from the City was most discouraging. The Mayor 
Council, indeed, had been busily employed in forcing couuciu 
all Scotchmen resident in England to take an oath, of 
Wentworth's invention, bhiding them to renounce the 
Covenant.^ Oaths, however, brought no money into 
tlie Exchequer. On the 7th the Lord Mayor, 
having been summoned by the Council, appeared 
with such a scanty following of Aldermen, that 
he was ordered to go back and to return on the loth 
with all his brothers. When the Aldermen at last 
made their appearance, they were told that the June 10. 
King expected from them a loan of 100,000/. The manded.*" 

* Council Reffister, June 5. Roftsingham's Newsletter ^ June 18, Add, 
MSS, 11,045, fol. 29. 


CHAP, war was even more unpopular in London than in 

^ — ^ — ' other parts of England. Trade was suffering, and the 

, recent confiscation of the Londonderry charter was 

June 10. ^ ^ , •' 

rankling in the minds of tlie Aldermen. They re- 
plied tliat it was impossible to find the money. The 
Council told tliem that it must be done. Cottington 
said they ought to have sold tlieir chains and gowns 
before giving such a reply. They were ordered to 
appear once more on the 1 2tli with a final answer. 
winde- Evcu withiu the Council there were signs of dis- 

vicc.* satisfaction at this high-handed course. Coventry 
and Manchester sat silently by whilst threats were 
used. " The rest," wrote Windebank, " are of opinion 
that either your Majesty should command the City to 
furnish 6,000 men at their own charge for the rein- 
forcing your army, or else send for six or eight 
Aldermen to attend you in person at the camp, which 
the other two lords do not like, but hold dangerous 
in these times ; and in case the City should refuse the 
former, they know not how they can be comjKilled to 
it. I am Immbly of opinion that botli should be 
done, and if the former be refused, tlie chief officers 
of tlie City are answerable for so high a contempt : if 
the latter, the Aldermen whom you shall summon 
to attend are finable." ^ 
The Queen Whilst Windcbauk was suggesting counsels so 

vtaititer- wild as these, the Queen was trembling lest the two 
armies should come to blows. At the suggestion of 
the adventurous Duchess of Chevreuse, she proposed 
to hasten to the camp that she might adjure her 
husband not to expose his person to the risks of 

* The King to the Lord ^layor and -fVldermen, June 4, S, P, Dom, 
ccccxxiii. 20. Windebank to the King, June 8, 11, Clarendon St, P, 

". 53, 54. 

' Con to Barberini, June J J, Add. MSS. 15,392, fol. 176. 



The contents of Windebank's despatch saved cilvp. 
Charles from this embarrassing proof of wifely affec- ' — -- — ' 
tion. On the 1 2th he learned that the Lord Treasurer , 

June 10. 

had scraped together 20,000/. for the needs of the i>e«ciency 

r n ' I of supplies. 

army.^ By the 15th he must have known that no- TheScot- 
thing was to be had from the City,^ and on that day accepted, 
he despatched an answer to the Scots in which he 
practically accepted their terms. There was still 
some haggling over details, and it was not till the 
17th that his answer assumed its final shape.^ On ^J^ne 18. 

' , ^ Signature 

the 1 8th the treaty was signed. of the ^ 

By this treaty the Scots engaged to disband their Berwick, 
troops, to break up the Tables and all unlawful com- 
mittees, and to restore the royal castles to the King's 
oflScers. In return Charles engaged to send back liis 
soldiers to their homes, and to issue a declaration in 
which he was to assure his subjects that, though he 
could not ratify the acts of the pretended Assembly 
of Glasgow, he was pleased that all ecclesiastical mat- 
ters should be determined by AssembUes, and all civil 
matters by ParUaments and other legal judicatories. 
On August 6 a free General Assembly was to be 
held at Edinburgh, and on August 20 a Parliament 
was to follow. In this Parliament, in addition to 
other acts, an act of pardon and oblivion was to be 

The pacification of Berwick came just in time to The war la 
save from extinction the last remnants of a Royalist 
party in the North. On the very day on which the 
treaty was signed, Montrose fell upon Aboyne at the 

* Note by the King, June 12, Clarendon St. F. ii. 54. 

^ Windebank's letter of the nth must have reached him by that 

' Oompaie the first draft (^S*. P. Dom. ccccxxiii. 107) with the final 
treaty, Burnet ^ 141. 

^ RubHw. iii 944. 

VOL. I. R 


ci^p. Bridge of Dee close to Aberdeen. Aboyue's High- 
— 7 — ' landers withdrew in terror before the mother of the 
June i8 i^usket, as they styled Montrose s cannon. But the 
men of Aberdeen and the Eoyalists of the Northern 
Lowlands held out firmly, and it was not till the after- 
noon of the second day that the position was forced.^ 
stofmin^of ^'^^ storming party was led by Middleton, a rude 
'f D^^* soldier for whom a strange destiny was reserved. He 
lived to receive an Earldom without any special 
merits of his own, to preside over the execution of 
Argyle, and over the reverent consignment to Chris- 
tian burial of the shrivelled remains of the body of 
Monrrose Yov the tliird time the Covenanting army entered 

spares Aberdeen. Montrose had brought with him orders 

Aberdeen. ^ , . , . 

to sack the town. He disobeyed the pitiless mj unc- 
tion, and Aberdeen was saved, 
tbnfn^" ^^^ further hostilities were stopped by the news 

Kngiand at frQi^x Bcrwick. lu England the utmost satisfaction 

the news of o 

the Treaty, ^^s cxprcssed. It was kuowu that the peace had 
been to a great extent the work of tlie English nobi- 
lity,*^ and few were aware how powerfully the King's 
financial difficulties had contributed to the result. 

^ It is generally supposed that Colonel Gun, who had been sent with 
Aboyne by Hamilton, was a traitor, and helped on the defeat. We 
have not his defence, and he may have been simply a methodical soldier, 
unused to Montroses dashing ways. He had been recommended by 
Elizabeth for service, which would hardly have been the case unless he 
bore a good reputation abroad. Hamilton*8 double^ealing naturaUy 
brought suspicions upon him of any kind of villainy. See BaiUie, i. i86. 
Gordon f ii. 269. Spalding, i. 209. 

^ '* UOonte diOlanda . . . parla . . . con grand' avantaggiodelleragioni 
die mossero li Scozzesi all* armi in modo che bisogna attribuire le buone 
conditioni date al loro non tanto all' alTetto del lid verso la patria, quanto 
air inclinatione della nobilt^ Inglese alia causa loro, essendo vero che 
eccettuato il generale et il Oonte di Bristo, . . . quasi tutti gli altri hanno 
favito alle pretensioni de' Scozzesi vergognosamente.*' Con to Barberiniy 
July ^'j, Add, MSS. 15,392, fol. 191. 


For Henrietta Maria the mere cessation of danj?er to chap. 

her husband was enough, and those who looked ii^ " ^ 
her beaming face could see her happiness there.^ jnne. 

The King's sister Elizabeth had reasons of her own Project of 

*-' o -I sending a 

for being equally well satisfied. She fondly hoped Scottish 
that something would at last be done for the Pala- Germany, 
tinate. So assured were Leslie and the Covenanting 
leaders that all danger was past, that they offered to 
provide ten or twelve thousand Scottish soldiers for 
the service of the Elector Palatine. Charles was 
merely to furnish ships to transport them to the Con- 
tinent, and to provide them with provisions till they 
reached their destination. Immediately on the signa- 
ture of the treaty, Charles assured Leslie that he 
would agree to these terms. Before long, however, 
Leslie came to the conclusion that such conditions 
were insufficient. He required that Charles should 
ask the Scottish Parliament to provide pay for the 
army, and this request Charles refused to make.^ 

By this time indeed the prospect of a good under- Vagnenew 
standing had already been clouded over. In accept- danSion. 
ing the King's declaration tlie Scots had been guided 
rather by their wishes than by their intelligence. Two 
capital points had been entirely passed over. Nothing 
was said in it either of the constitution of the future 
Assembly, or of the course to be pursued if the As- 
sembly came to resolutions obnoxious to the King. 
With a man of Charles's character, ever ready to claim 
all his formal rights, such omissions were likely to 
lead to serious consequences. The Scots had pro- 
bably taken it for granted that he was merely seeking 
a decent veil to cover the reality of his defeat. They 

> Con to Barberini, i^|^, Add. MSS, 15,392, fol. 182. 

' Elizabeth to Hoe, July 2, 11. Cave to Roe, July 11, 61 JP. Ger- 
many, Salvetti's NewMter, July /g. 

B 2 






tical diffi- 


asserted that he had used words which implied as 
much, having assured them that * he would not pre- 
limit and forestall his voice, but he had appointed a 
free Assembly which might judge of ecclesiastical 
matters, the constitutions whereof he would ratify 
in the ensuing Parliament.'^ The accuracy of the 
paper which contained these words was indeed 
denied by the King, but it is not probable that it was 
substantially untrue. The difficulty vanishes if we 
suppose that the King regarded the exercise of his 
veto as a most important part of the legislation of the 
Assembly, and that his subjects imagined that no such 
veto was to be heard of. Nor is it at all unlikely 
that Charles really believed that if the question of 
Episcopacy were seriously discussed, his views of the 
matter would gain the upper hand,^ 

The ecclesiastical difficulty was dangerous enough. 
The pohtical difficulty was still more dangerous. With 
the best possible intentions, the Scottish people could 
not restore that fabric of ancient authority which had 
crumbled in the dust. If Charles was ever to exercise 
power in Scotland again, he would have to toil pain- 
fully at Its reconstruction. Either he must throw 
himself, as the too subtle Hamilton recommended, on 
the side of a nobility which was Certain to have cause 
enough of discontent under the sway of the Presby- 
terian clergy ; or else, as Montrose not long after- 
wards advised, he must accept the ecclesiastical settle 

* Peterkin's Records, 230. 

^ llow$ingham, who picked up the newa floating in the camp, tells 
us that * Thoro wa.s much ado whether there should be Biahops, yea or 
The King pressed to have Bi6ho{)Sy and the Scotch ComniissioDers 


.... most humbly presented it to Ilis Majesty that the order of BiahopB 
was against the law of the land which His Majesty had promised to 
maintain ; wherefore at last, as I hear, His Majesty was >ri^<-*iouslT 
pleased to have that about the Bishops to be disputed in their next 
Assembly.* Newsletter, June 2$, Add, MiSS. 11,045, foL 316. 


ment now proposed as final, in order to win back the 
good will of the nation itself by trying to promote its 
welfare within the lines of its own conceptions. 
Charles would hear nothing of either plan. He 
claimed authority as a right, not as the ripe fruit of 
helpful labour. He could not understand that resist- 
ance to himself had given rise to a new political 
organisation which could not at once drop out of re- 
membrance for any words which might be inserted 
in a treaty. He looked for reverence and submission 
where he should have looked for an opportunity of 
renewing that bond between himself and his subjects, 
which, through his own fault, had been so unhappily 







June 24. 
at Edin- 

The Castle 

Charles at 

July I. 
to the As- 

The full difficulties in the way of the execution of 
the Treaty of Berwick did not immediately appear. 
On June 24 Hamilton received the keys of Edinburgh 
Castle, and installed General Ruthven, a stout soldier 
and a firm Eoyalist, as its governor. It was difficult 
to make the policy of surrender inteUigible to the 
Edinburgh citizens. When Hamilton visited the 
Castle he was followed by four or five hundred 
persons who jostled him in an unseemly manner. 
Scornful cries of " Stand by Jesus Christ " were raised, 
and the Lord Commissioner was branded as an enemy 
of God and his country.^ 

Cliarles was still at Berwick. He intended to 
preside in person over the Assembly and Parliament 
which he was about to summon. Before long he 
saw reason to change his purpose. The first serious 
oflence came from himself. On July i a Proclama- 
tion ordering fresh elections for an Assembly which 
was to meet at Edinburgh was read at the Market 
Cross. It invited all Ai-chbishops and Bishops to 
take their places there. As might have been ex- 
pected, the Proclamation was met by a Protestation. 
Once more the two parties stood opposed in mutual 
defiance.^ Charles might have argued that Episco- 

' Burnet, 144. Norgate to Read, June 27, 30, S, P, Dom, ccoczxIy. 

77, 96. 

^ Proclamation and Protestation, July i, Peterkin*8 RecortU, 230. 


pacy was not as yet legally abolished, and that the 
presence of the Bishops was necessary to the fair 
discussion which he contemplated. He did not un- 
derstand that he was called on to sanction the results 
of a revolution, not to preside over a ParUanientary 

If the Proclamation took for granted the illegality Julys- 
of the acts of the Glasgow Assembly, the Protestation Edinburgb, 
took for granted their legality. The feelings of the 
populace were expressed in a rougher fashion. 
Aboyne, who unwisely ventured to show himself in 
the capital, was chased through the streets by an 
angry mob. Traquair's coachman was beaten. His 
Treasurer's staff was broken, and his coach pierced 
with swords. One of the judges, Sir William Elphin- 
stone, was struck and kicked.^ 

Charles's displeasure may easily be imagined. But Julys- 

1 1 . ^l. The king's 

he was even less prepared to carry on war now than displeasure. 
he had been in June. Hamilton told him plainly 
that the Scots would have no Bishops. K he meant 
to force Episcopacy on the nation, he must summon 
an Enghsh Parhament, and be prepared for all the 
consequences which might flow from that step. 

Charles was the more angry because he discovered July 6. 

. Believes 

that a paper had been circulated in Scotland, pur- himself to 
porting to be a report of conversations held with miLepre- 
himself, in which he was said to have consented **" 
tacitly to abandon the Bishops. Possibly the account 
may have been too highly coloured. Possibly, too, 
his own recollection may have fallen short of his 
actual words. At all events, he beheved himself to 
have been foully misrepresented. His feeling was 
rather one of astonishment than of anger. *' Why," 

* BaiUie, i. 220. Borough to WindelaDk, July 5, S, P. Dom, 
ccccxxv. 22. 



CHAP, he complained to Loudoun, " do you use me thus ? " ^ 
' — 7 — ' Yet, if he had no choice but to give up the Bishops, he 

juiv6. coiJlJ ^^ot bring himself to pronounce the fatal words. 
tl.e*ilncn^ "^'^^ intention of appearing in person at Edinburgh 
tionof ^-as abandoned. Hamilton, too, had no mind to 

foinjf to 
dinburgh. exposc liimsclf again to obloquy. He resigned his 

Hamiitoi Commissionership, and Traquair was appointed in his 

re^itniB the 9 

Commi8- room.^ 

Monewhip. j^ ^|^^ Coveuanters complained of Charles for his 

nanting^ coutinucd support of the Bishops, Charles had to 
leaders sent ^.Qj^^phiiji of them that in somc respects the Treaty of 

BerAvick had not been put in execution. The Tables 
had not been at once dissolved. Hindrances had been 
placed in the way of the entrance of stores into 
Edinburgh Castle. A regiment was still kept on foot 
under Colonel Monro, and the fortifications of Leith 
were not demolished. Leslie still behaved as if his 
commission as general retained its force. Charles 
accordingly sent for the Covenanting leaders to confer 
with him at Berwick. Those for whom he sent did 
not all obey the summons. Argyle sent a hollow 
excuse. The Edinburgh citizens prevented others 
from setting out on what they believed to be a peri- 
lous journey. Six only of the number, Rothes and 
Montrose amongst them, appeared at Berwick.^ 
juij- 16. During the days of this visit to Berwick, Hamilton 

communi-*' had becu busy. He was authorised by a special 
with them. Warrant to enter into communication with the Cove- 
nanters in order that he might learn their plans. He 
was to gain their confidence by speaking as they 
spoke, and that he might do this fearlessly he was 


* Unsigned Letter, July ii, S, P. Dom. ccccxxv. 51. 
^ Burnet y 144, 146. 

' De Vic to Windebank, July 15. l^rough to Windehank, July 21, 
S, P, Dom. ccccxxv. jy^ ccccxxvi. 22. 


exonerated from all penalties to which he might make c"^^- 
himself liable by traitorous or seditious expressions.^ ' — 7 — ' 

Into the dark mysteries of Hamilton's intrigues, j^^j^. ' 
it is impossible to enter further. As matters stood, {^}^^^^\V^ 

^ ^ ' between the 

no real understanding was possible. Between the 5^¥""** 
King and Eothes there was a bitter personal alterca- 
tion. Charles twice called the Earl to his face an 
equivocator and a liar. To the King's demand that 
all that could be said in favour of Episcopacy should 
be freely urged at Edinburgh, Eothes replied that if 
his countrymen were not allowed to rid themselves of 
the Bishops at home, they would be forced to open an 
attack upon the Bishops of England and Ireland.^ 
On the 2 1 St Eothes and his companions were sent Juiyai. 
back with orders to return on the 25th, together with July 25. 
those who had been detained in Edinburgh. On the demiution 
25th Dumfermline, Loudoun, and Lindsay arrived *' **^**^ * 
alone. They promised to dismiss the troops and pull 
down the fortifications of Leith. But mutual confi- 
dence was altogether wanting, and Charles informed 
them that he had given up his intention of appearing 
at Edinburgh in person.^ 

The Covenanters believed that Charles was still July 27. 
hankering after the restoration of Episcopacy. They inatmc- 
were not altogether in the wrong. In the instructions 
given to Traquair, on the 27th, Charles declared that 
he had commanded the Bishops to absent themselves 
from the Assembly, and that he was ready to agree 
to the abolition of Episcopacy if it were not declared 
to be positively unlawful, but only ' contrary to the 
constitution of the Church of Scotland.' Such a 
reservation might appear to be no more than the 


' Warrant, July 17, Hardxc. St, P. ii. 141. 

' Rothes to Murray, Aufr., Ham. Papers, 98. 

' De Vic to Windebank, July 16, S, P, Dom, ccccxxvi. 50. 



CHAP, satisfaction due to a scrupulous conscience. There 
can be little doubt that it was more than that. Un- 
less we are misinformed, Traquair told the King that 
in the absence of the Bishops the proceedings in 
Parliament would be null and void, and that he would 
therefore be able, without violation of the law, to 
re-introduce Episcopacy whenever he felt himself 
strong enough to do so.^ 
Auk. 3- There can be little doubt that the prospect thus 

retunwto opened was pleasing to Charles. On August 3 he 
was once more at Whitehall. There he was sur- 
rounded by those counsellors who were most hostile 

Laud't to the Scots. "For the Scottish business," Laud 

opinion of — ^ . 

the pro- wrote to Roc, " 'tis true I sent you the happy word 
SrotiaSd.*" of peace, but what the thing will be in future I know 
not. Had I liked the conditions at the very first, I 
would have been as ready to have given you notice 
of them as of the peace itself. But I knew they 
would come soon enough to you, and I had no great 
joy to express them. 'Tis true that things were re- 
ferred to a new Assembly and Parliament, but in 
such a way as that, whereas you write that the per- 
fection of wisdom will consist in the conduct of them, 
there will certainly be no room left for either wisdom 
or moderation to have a voice there; but faction 
and ignorance will govern the Assembly, and faction, 
and somewhat else that I list not to name,'^ the Par- 
liament ; for they will utterly cast off all episcopal 
government, and introduce a worse regulated parity 
than is anywhere else that I know. How this will 
stand with monarchy, future times will discover ; but, 

* This rests on Burnet's testimony. He had many documents before 
him ^hich are now lost, and his care in giving the suhatanee of those 
TV'hich have been preserved speaks in his favour. 

^ *' Treason " is probably meant. 



for my own part, I am clear of opinion the King can ^^^^• 
have neither honour nor safety by it ; and consider- ' — r — ' 
ing what a faction we have in England which leans j^^ 
that way, it is much to be feared this Scottish vio- 
lence will make some unfitting impressions upon both 
this Church and State, which will much concern the 
King both in regard of himself and his posterity to 
look to." 1 

Charles's first act after his return was one of Aug. 4. 
defiance to the Scottish leaders. He found that the uah report 
report which they had issued of liis conversations ^^li^'^i^t 
with them at Berwick was circulating in England, be blrnV** 
He ordered that it should be burnt by the public 
hangman ? ^ His next step was to direct the Scottish Aug. 6. 
Bishops to draw up a protest against the legality of BUhop* to 
the approaching Assembly and to place it privately ^eiJret pnn 
in Traquair's hands. "We would not," wrote the ^^^<>"- 
King to Spottiswoode, *' have it either read or argued 
in this meeting, when nothing but partiality is to be 
expected, but to be represented to us by him ; which 
we promise to take so into consideration, as becometh 
a prince sensible of his own interest and honour, 
joined with the equity of your desires ; and you may 
rest secure that, though perhaps we may give way 
for the present to that which will be prejudicial both 
to the Church and our own Government, yet we shall 
not leave thinking in time how to remedy both." ^ 

Charles, in short, was to cozen the Scots by 
appearing to yield everything, whilst he was secretly 
preparing an excuse which would justify him in his 
own eyes in taking back all that he had yielded, 

* Laud to Roe, July 26, Works, vii. 583. 
' Act of State, Aug. 4, S, P, Dom, coccxzvii. 14. 
' The King to Spottiswoode, Aug. 6, the Bishops* Declinator, Aug. 
10, II. Burnet, 154. 




Aug. 6. 

Au^. xa. 
0)ieDmg of 
the Aa- 

Aug. 17. 

The Cove- 
nant to be 

Aug. 3a 


whenever he was strong enough to do so. He was 
too conscientious to tell a direct falsehood, but he 
Avas not conscientious enough to abstain from con- 
veying a false impression. The student of these 
transactions may perhaps be able to comprehend the 
meaning of that dark saying of Luther : " K thou 
sinncst, sin boldly." 

Of all this as yet, the Scottish people knew 
nothing. They believed that they had at last attained 
the object of their desires. On August 12 the 
Assembly was opened in due form by Traquair at 
Edinburgh. No pubhc notice was given of the 
Bishops' protest. On the 17th Episcopacy and all 
its attendant ceremonies were swept away as ruth- 
lessly as they had been swept away at Glasgow. Old 
men who had known the evil days shed tears of joy 
as they looked upon * a beautiful day, and that under 
the conduct and favour of the King. "Blessed for 
evermore," cried one of those who was present, " be 
our Lord and King Jesus, and the blessing of God be 
upon his Majesty, and the Lord make us thankful." 
When Traquair signified his assent to the Act in his 
master's name, the enthusiasm of the assembly knew 
no bounds. " We bless the Lord," said Dickson, the 
Moderator, " and do thank King Charles, and pray 
for the prosperity of his throne and constancy of it 
so long as the sun and the moon endure." 

Before the Assembly dispersed, it showed its re- 
new^ed loyalty by adding a Eoyalist explanation to the 
Covenant, and then asked that every Scottish subject 
might be called on to subscribe it in this amended 
form. To this, too, Traquair gave his assent.^ 

Against this unwarrantable interference with the 
conscience of individual Scots, Traquair raised no 

* Peterkin's Hecords, 204. Burnet, 157. 


protest. Before the Assembly separated, however, ^^^p- 
he protested, as Charles had directed him to do, that — 7- — ' 
the King would not engage to call AssembUes annu- ^^ ^ 
ally, and that he would not accept the abolition of 
Episcopacy as * unlawful within this kirk,' unless the 
illegaUty were defined as arising merely from its being 
'contrary to the constitution thereof.' Otherwise 
Charles might be urged to draw the inference that what 
was unlawful in Scotland was unlawful in England 
as well.^ 

ParUament met on August 31. A constitutional Auff. 31. 
question of the highest importance was immediately of the 
raised. The absence of the Bishops brought with it benconsti- 
not merely the loss of fourteen votes to the King, but 
it disarranged the artificial machinery by which the 
nomination of the Lords of the Articles had been left 
practically in the hands of the Crown. This Com- 
mittee, having complete authority over the amend- 
ment and rejection of Bills, whilst the mere final vote 
of Aye or No upon the Bills in the form in which the 
Lords of the Articles passed them, was all that was 
left to Parliament as a body, was of far more import- 
ance than Parliament itself. It was evident that in 
some way or other it must be extensively remodelled, 
and that on the mode in which it was remodelled the 
future constitutional influence of the Crown would to 
a great extent depend. 

For the present Parliament a temporary com- 
promise was arrived at. Traquair selected eight 
members of the nobility, and was wise enough to 
choose a majority of the eight from the supporters of 
the Covenant. These eight then chose eight from 
the estate of the Barons or country gentlemen, and 
eight from the estate of the Burgesses. 

* Peterkin's Itecords, 235. 


CHAP. A permanent arrangement was more difficult to hit 

' — r^ — ' upon. Looking forward, as he did, to the ultimate 
sepL I'estoration of Episcopacy,^ Charles would gladly have 
seen the fourteen Bishops replaced by fourteen 
ministers,^ whom he doubtless hoped ultimately to 
convert into Bishops. It was not likely that such a 
proposal would obtain any support whatever. It was 
obnoxious to the ministers, who had no wish to see 
some of their number elevated above the rest ; and it 
was equally obnoxious to the nobihty, who had no 
wish to share their power in Parliament with any of 
the clergy. Charles was therefore obUged to fall 
back upon a plan supported by a party amongst the 
Covenanters, of which Montrose was the leading spirit, 
which urged that the place of the Bishops should be 
taken by a body of fourteen laymen to be appointed 
by the King, and who, if, as must be supposed, they 
were to play the same part in the selection of the 
Lords of the Articles that had formerly been played 
by the Bishops, would have restored to the Crown 
the control of that important Committee.^ The re- 

' '' n R^ 8ta tuttavia di buon animo, sperando che le cose possino 
passare per adesao in qualche maoiera tollerabile con pensiero poi al sua 
tempo d'accomodarle a modo suo.'* Oon to Barberini, Aug. ||, Add, 
MSS. I5;392, fol. 223. ^ Instructions to Traquair, Burnet, 150. 

' The vague statements in Airth^s letter (Napier, Memw's of Man" 
trose, i. 226) may be elucidated from Rossingham's Netosletter of Oct. 7, 
Add. MSS. ii)045, fol. 61. ''There is no agreement concerning the 
third estate jet. . . . The King hath a party in the Parliament that 
pleaded hard for the King that he may not lose the Bishops' fourteen 
voices, and therefore there hath been some propoei lions how to supply 
this third estate by introducing fourteen laymen to supply the Bishope 
which are included, but it does not take, many objections being urged 
against it. . . . The Earl of Montrose, the Lord Lindsay, two very 
active Covenanters, are body and soul for Ilis Majesty in Piu^Uament, in 
that particular of settling the third estate ; so are divers others of the 
known Covenanters." This letter does not say that the fourteen were to 
be chosen by the King, but, if they were to be a substitute for ' The 
Bishops' voices,' this must have been intended. 


mainder, and, as it proved, the majority of the Coven- chap. 
Enters, and especially the Barons and the Burgesses, — 7*-^ 
were anxious to diminish the powers of the Lords of the g^ * 
Articles, and to make them a more exact representa- 
tion of the House itself. 

The parties thus formed were of permanent sig- Fonnation 
nificance in Scottish history. Montrose and his Montrow't 
friends wished to break with Episcopacy for ever. ^^^* 
They were jealous of the popular movement which 
had made Episcopacy impossible, and they sought 
in the Crown a counterpoise, and more than a coun- 
terpoise, against the power which would be acquired 
by any members of their own order who chose to 
rest upon popular support. As might have been 
expected, Montrose's conduct exposed him to general 
distrust. The popular feeUng was alarmed, and took 
expression in a placard which was affixed to his 
door : " Invictus armis^ verbis vincitur'' It could not 
be, it was thought, that the hero of the Covenant 
should have adopted the cause of the enemy of the 
Covenant, unless he had been beguiled by flattering 
words at his interview with Charles at Berwick. 

In this charge there was doubtless much injustice. 
But it was not entirely unjust. Montrose could not 
understand, as Wentworth could never understand, 
how hard it was to work successfully for Charles. 
He presupposed that Charles intended to make a fresh 
start, and would reconcile himself to Scottish Pres- 
byterianism. On October i Charles wrote to Tra- octi. 
quair, announcing that though he had consented to refuiefto 
the aboUtion of Episcopacy, he would not consent to ^\n *^* 
any act rescinding the existing laws by which Epis- Epb^Jp^y 
copacy had been established. " We cannot," he wrote, 
** consent to the rescinding any acts of Parliament 
made in favour of Episcopacy ; nor do we conceive 


^HAP. that our refusal to abolish those acts of Parliament is 

-^ contradictory to what we have consented to, or that 
Oct. I. we were obhged to. There is less danger in disco- 
vering any future intentions of ours, or, at the best, 
letting them guess at the same, than if we should 
permit the rescinding those acts of ParUament which 
our fathers with so much expence of time and industry 
established, and which may hereafter be of so great 
use to us." ^ 

Surely, in vain the net is spread in the sight of any 
bird. The King's refusal to consent to a rescissory Act 
was an advertisement to all Presbyterians that they 
had nothing to expect from him. Montrose's poUtical 
design was rendered hopeless from the beginning. 
Artie's Montrose's opponents found a leader in Argyle. 

With the eye of a statesman, he perceived that the 
political meaning of the Presbyterian victory lay in 
the increased weight of the iniddle classes. Their 
ideas had prevailed in the Church, and their ideas 
must prevail in the State. The constitution of the 
Lords of the Articles must be made to give expression 
to this all-important fact. Montrose might try to 
support the nobihty upon the unsafe foundation of 
the Eoyal power ; Argyle would fall back upon the 
leadership of the middle classes. 

It was difficult to carry the change which Argyle 
advocated through the Lords of the Articles, as they 
had been selected by Traquair. In the end it was 
voted by a bare majority of one, that each estate 
should in future choose its own Lords of the Articles. 
In this way the Barons and Burgesses would be re- 
presented by sixteen votes, the nobiUty by only eight, 
and the King by none at all. No Eeform Bill in our 
own days has ever brought about anything approach- 

» The King to Titwiuair, Oct. 1, Burnet, 158. 




ing to the political change which was the result of chap. 
tliis decision.^ Henceforth the business of Parliament 
was to pass into the hands of a body fairly represent- 
ing Parliament itself, whereas it had hitherto been in 
the hands of a body craftily contrived to represent 
the King. 

Tlie legislative changes proposed by the Lords of Legislative 
the Articles were as distasteful to Charles as the con- propoaed. 
stitutional changes. Episcopacy was to be abolished 
as * unlawful within this Kirk/ and the Bishops were 
to be deprived of their votes in Parliament. A 
general taxation was to be levied to cover the 
expenses of the late war ; and not only were the few 
Eoyalists in the country to be called on to pay their 
share of the burden of a defence which Charles styled 
rebellion, but that defence was expressly said to 
have been entered on for the sake of the laws and 
liberties of Scotland. The command of the castles of 

* Rossingham's Newalettei-y Oct. 28, Add, MSS, 11,045, fol. 68. In 
an earlier letter of Oct. 2 1 the political situation is more fully depicted : 
" The Barons allege great mischiefs arise in their not choosing their own 
Commissioners for the Articles, so do the Burgesses, and the Nohility are 
divided ahout it. The Commissioners for the shires gave instructions to 
the Commissioners for the Articles requiring such things as quite over- 
turn the very constitution of all future Parliaments, hesides that they 
would choose the clerk of the Parliament, as all inferior judicatories do, 
which the King hath ever made choice of. Then they would have all 
the Bills and Supplications given to the Lords of the Articles hy any 
memher during the sitting in Parliament, that they may he read and 
answered accordingly ; for they allege that the Lords of the Articles 
receive and reject what they please, to the great grievance of the whole 
kingdom, which they desire should he amended for time to. come. 
Another of their propositions is that there be no puUic conclusion of any 
article which is to be passed or not passed for a law at the day of 
voicing ; that before the conclusion a copy of every such article be given 
to every estate to be advised on by them with the representative body, 
that they may be more maturely advised on before the day of voicing, 
and that on the day of voicing, after one article is read, any member of 
Parliament may reason for it or against it, which hath not been the 
custom ever heretofore in that kingdom." 

VOL. I. S 



Edinburgh, Stirling, and Dumbarton was to be en- 
trusted to none but Scottish subjects, and though these 
governors were still to be selected by the King they 
were not to be admitted to exercise their authority 
until they had been approved by the Estates.^ Taken 
as a whole, the new legislation implied that Parliament 
and not the King was to be the central force in Scot- 
ch.ries land. Before the end of October Charles had made 
hu i^nd*to up his mind to resist. It was not the government of 
'***"'' the Church alone that was at stake. Civil obedience, 
he held, was no longer to be had in Scotland. He sent 
orders to Traquair to pi-orogue Parliament till March. 
Oct 31. Traquair was met by the assertion that the King had 
ment of HO right to proroguc Parliament without its own con- 
nient.*" scut. So stroug was the opposition, that Traquair con- 
sented to a short adjournment to November 14, to 
give him time to consult Charles afresh. Two lords, 
Dumfermline and Loudoun, were despatched to Eng- 
land to plead the cause of Scotland before the King.^ 
The day of the adjournment was signalised by a 
distribution of favours amongst those who had taken 
Charles's part. Hamilton's brother became Earl of 
Lanark ; Lord Ogilvy was created Earl of Airlie ; 
Lord Dalziel appeared as Earl of Carnwath. Amongst 
the newly-created lords was Euthven, the Governor 
of Edinburgh Castle, who was now to assume the 
title of Lord Ettrick.^ It was impossible for Charles 
to signify more clearly that opposition to the national 
will was the surest road to such honours as he had it 
in his power to distribute. He had done all that 

» Acts of Pari, of Scatl, (new edition), v. 595. JRiuhw. Hi. 1040. 
Gordon, iii. 64. 

« Sir T. Hope's Diary, 1 10. Lockhart to Traquair, Nov. 8, JIaiU 
MemoriaU, 76. SjKilding, i. 230, 235. Balfour, ii. 361. Rossetti to 
Berberini, Nov. j\, R, O. TroMcripU, Salvetti*8 NetaletterB, Nov. ^f, y\ 
II » Balfour's Annals, ii. 362. 


could be done to arouse suspicion. He had done chap. 

nothing whatever to increase his chance of being able ^ — --^ — ' 
to carry his intentions into effect. Oct. * 

Cliarles's misfortunes never came alone. The same Charles's 
want of perception of the conditions of action which had whh tSe 
baffled him in Scotland baffled him in his dealing with S"powek 
the Continental Powers. The year had been a year of 
gloom for him in every direction. Early in the spring Feb. 
he had learned from Eoe that there was no likehhood 
that any such treaty as that which he had sent him to 
negotiate would ever be obtained.^ Before long the Banerin 
Swedish General Baner, careless of the fortunes of the '^^°'*'^« 
Elector Palatine, was pushing forward in triumph 
through Thuringia, if a commander can be said to 
triumph who marches forward unchecked through 
scenes of havoc and desolation. " It is no more war, 
but spoil," wrote the English Ambassador, " without 
difference of friend or foe, and therein also I give it 
a civil name. . . Men hunt men as beasts for prey 
in the woods and on the ways." Charles indeed was 
hopeful, but his hopefulness was not for Germany or 
for humanity. The one thing he cared for, amidst 
these horrors, was to regain the Palatinate for his 
nephew. He assured his sister that when he had 
gained that victory in Scotland to which he was at that 
time looking forward with confidence, his power to 
assist her son would be as free as his will. Dis- 
appointed of. aid from Sweden, Charles turned his 
eyes wistfully to Bernhard of Weimar. Like Charles ^«™^*«J 
Lewis, Bernhard was a dispossessed prince. Like 
Charles Lewis, he had good cause to be jealous of the 
French Government. He knew that, if he had won 
victories by RicheUeu's aid, Richelieu coveted for his 
master the cities and lands of Alsace which had been 

* See p. 180. 
8 2 


CHAP, the spoils of victory. Charles Lewis, therefore, 
' — r-^ — ' invited Bernhard to make common cause with him 
A ri? against their common enemies. Bernhard naturally 
replied by asking what assistance the Elector could 
give. Could he, for instance, supply a force of 4,000 
men, and a round sum of money with which to 
support them ? Such assistance it was beyond the 
power of Charles Lewis to give, and he soon began 
to suspect that Bernhard was more anxious to win 
territory for himself than for others.^ 
June 28. The young man's suspicions were never put to the 

Bernhard. test. Bernhard crossed the Rhine at the head of a 
well-appointed army, with the fairest expectations of 
success. In a few days he was stricken down by mortal 
sickness, and before June was over he was dead.^ 
Chiiriea With Bcmhard's death passed away the last chance 

toirards of chcckiug tlic advaucc of French authority towards 
^ °' the Rhine. Everything concurred to inspire Charles 
with animosity against France. He was firmly con- 
vinced that Richelieu was at the bottom of the Scot- 
tisli troubles. He therefore once more sought the 
alhance of Spain. It may indeed be doubted whether 
Charles was likely to receive more help from Spain 
than he had received before, but it is certain that Spain 
had more need of Charles than it had had before. 
Now that the Rhine valley was closed by Bemhard's 
victories against the passage of Spanish troops, the 
freedom of the navigation of the Channel was more 
important than ever. Reinforcements and supplies 
must come in that way from Spain to Flanders, or 
they would liardly come at all. 

» Elizabeth to Roe, Feb. 25, S. P. HoUand, Roe to Coke, Jan. 29, 
Feb. 6. The Elector Palatine to Roe, Apr. 16, June 7, 8. P, Chr- 

2 Jane s* 
JulyH * 


Early in the summer it was known in England ^^^^^• 
that Enghsh ships had been chartered to bring troops ^ 

from Spain to Dunkirk, and that Tromp, the new j^^^J 
Dutch admiral, was cruising off Portland to intercept ^Xen^iB 
them. As the vessels came up they were boarded by ^^^ 
the Dutchmen. The English sailors were treated juiy. 
with all possible courtesy, but the Spaniards were xromp. ^ 
carried off. To Northumberland and Pennington 
this appeared to be no more than a fair exercise of 
the rights of war. Charles was of a different opinion. 
He directed Pennington to maintain his sovereignty in 
the Channel. A small band of Spanish soldiers 
which had taken refuge in the Western ports was 
allowed to march on foot to the Downs, whence it 
was safely conveyed to a Flemish harbour.^ 

Against these proceedings Joachimi, the Dutch Aug. 
Ambassador, protested. After some hesitation miae'^p^ 
Charles proposed a compromise. He could not, he Siarie/ 
said, admit the right of search claimed by the Dutch, 
but he would prohibit his subjects from convoying 
soldiers if the States General would prohibit their 
subjects from selling their assistance to their own 
enemies in the Mediterranean. Charles possibly 
imagined that the Dutch habit of bargaining even 
with an enemy was too ingrained to be got rid of, 
and intended his compromise merely as a polite form 
of refusal. The progress of events was too rapid for 
any agreement on the subject.^ 

* Hopton to Windebank, May 8, S. P. Spain, Povey to Penmng- 
ton, June 3. Carteret to Pennington, June 3. Smith to Pennington, 
June 8. Pennington to Windebank, July 13. Northumberland to 
Windebank, July 15. Windebank to Pennington, July 16, 8, P. Dam, 
ccccxxiii. 17, 18, 56, ccccxxv. 61, 78, 81. Cardenas to Salamanca, 
Jnne IJ,'^^, July j\, ||. Cardenas to the Card. Infant, July i, 
Brussels MSS, Sec, Esp, cclxxix. fol. 243, 301, 309, 325, 292. 

* Northumberland to Pennington, Aug. 11, S, P. Dom. ccccxxvii. 





J Illy. 
fleet at 

offers to 

All through the summer, a great Spanish fleet had 
been gathering at Corunna. Thirty huge galleons and 
thirty-six transports, eight of the latter being the 
property of Enghsh owners, were preparing to 
convoy to Flanders 10,000 soldiers and a large quan- 
tity of money. Magnificent as these preparations 
were, the Spanish statesmen had no longer the con- 
fidence in their naval power which had inspired 
their predecessors in the days when the Armada was 
launched against Elizabeth. They knew that their 
ships were ill-found and ill- provided, and that their 
seamen were no match for the sailors of the Dutch 
Eepublic. They humbled themselves to apply to 
Charles for a convoy.^ 

When tlie application was made, Charles was in 
the heat of his controversy with the Dutch about the 
right of search. He ordered Pennington to protect 
the Spaniards from all attack.^ 

40. Joachimi to the States General, Aug. ||. The Prince of Orange to 
the States General, ^^*^, Add. MSS, 17,677, Q. fol. 75, 79- 

' Bushw. (iii. 973) has printed a paper which he supposed to contain 
an account of this fleet, hut an irspection of the numher of the ships and 
the names of the commanders shows that it can have nothing whatever 
to do with it. The mention of the Archduke settles its date as belonging 
to the lifetime of the Archduke Albert. I strongly suspect that it refers 
to the expedition planned against Algiers in 16 19. See Prince Charles 
and the Spanish Marriage, i. 274. 

3 '' Muy conteuto estoy del huen suceso que ha tenuto la diligencia 
que per orden de $u Mag^ hize con este Key, para que su Armada fran- 
quease el Canal con fin de que la gente que havia de venir de Espana en 
los vajeles de Dunquerque pueda con mayor seguridad hazer su viaje, 
a que oy me respondio el Snr Windevanch que su Mag^ de la Gran Bre- 
tana havia dado orden a su Vizalmirante sail con los vajeles de su 
Armada que han venido de Escocia, y que limpiase el Canal sin consentir 
en el desorden ni hostilidad alguna, y que ya ha salido a executarlo.*' 
Cardenas to Salamanca, Aug. f^, Brussels MSS, Sec. Esp. cclxxx. fo). 
16. Windehank tried afterwards to shuffle out of this engagement. 
'* It is very true," he wrote, " that Don Alonso gave some intimation 
.... that some vessels were preparing in Spain for transportation of 
forces into Flanders, and desired his Majesty would not take apprehen- 


Thus encouraged, the great fleet sailed from ^^^P- 
Corunna on August 26.^ On September i the eight ^ — 7 — ' 
English transports with 2,000 men on board put Aug.a6. 
into Plymouth. The inhabitants of the Western j^Pg ^';;j. 
Port were startled by the news that a fleet of huge ""^^ off ^ 

•/ D Plj'mouth. 

galleons would soon be in the offing. Their thoughts 

recurred to the day on which Drake and Hawkins 

finished their game of bowls on the Hoe ; and when 

they saw the Spanish hulls rising above the horizon, 

they believed for the moment that the unwelcome 

visitors would soon be in the Sound. If the Spanish 

Admiral, Oquendo, had any such intention, it was 

soon abandoned. On the 6th his course was waylaid Sept. 6. 

by the Dutch Vice- Admiral with seventeen ships. All 

the next day a running fight was kept up as he made his 

way to the eastward. . On the evening of the 7th the two Sept. 7. 

fleets were ofi* Dungeness, the smaller Dutch squadron fiX°in^he 

keeping well to windward. Tromp, who was block- "^^ 

ading Dunkirk, heard the sound of the firing, and on 

the 8th he joined his Vice-Admiral with fifteen sail.* Sept.8. 

rrn 1 1 ^111 -r^ T The batUe 

Inat day there was a fierce battle between Dover and in the 


Calais. One Dutch ship blew up. Of the Spanish 
galleons three were sunk and one taken.^ Before 
nightfall the Spaniards had fired away all their 
powder, and Oquendo did not venture to pursue his 
course to Flanders. With the shattered remnants of 
his fleet he put into the Downs for shelter, with 
Tromp following hard behind him."* 

sion of it, but that tbey might have a friendly reception .... but be 
spoke not of so great a number nor sucb a strength." Windebank to Hop- 
ton, Sept. 29, Chr, St. P. ii. 71. 

* Hopton to Oottington, Sept. 2, S. P. Spain. 

^ Account of the action, Nalson, i. 258. Aitzema, Saken van 
Staet en Ooriogh^ ii. 609. Oquendo to Cardenas, Sept. ||, Brussels 
MSS, Sec. Esp. cclxxx. fol. 86. 

' According to other accounts, two were taken and one sunk. 

* Manwood to Suffolk, Sept. i, S. P. Bom. ccccxxviii. 52. Cave to 


CHAP. The Spanish Admiral met with a rough greeting 

from Pennington. The EngUsh Vice-Admiral bade 

Sept. 9. him lower the golden standard of Spain in the presence 
M^fn^e of his Majesty's flag. He had no choice but to obey. 
Downs. Pennington then insisted that Tromp, who was 
pressing on to follow up his victory, should abstain 
from hostilities and keep to the southern part of the 
anchorage, whilst the northern part was assigned to 
Sept. 12. the Spaniards. Three days after his arrival, Oquendo 
took advantage of the distance which separated him 
from the enemy, to send off to Dunkirk, under cover 
of the night, fifteen of liis smaller vessels laden with 
^PTK'nHo Oquendo and Tromp appealed, through their re- 

spective ambassadors, to Charles. Then ensued an 
auction, the strangest in the annals of diplomacy, in 
which Charles's protection was offered as a prize to 
the highest bidder. As a prelude to the main 
bargain, Charles was not ashamed to make a huck- 
sterer's profit out of the distress of the fugitives who 
liad taken refuge in his port. Cardenas appHed 
to the Master of the Ordnance, the Earl of Newport, 
for permission to purchase gunpowder from the 
King's stores. Newport told him that he might have 
the powder, if he were willing to give a handsome 
present in addition to the regular price. Cardenas 
remonstrated. " The King of Spain," replied New- 
port, " is very rich, and it is of no importance to him 
how much he gives for the powder of which he is so 

Roe, Sept. 23, S. P, Oetftianf/. Rossingham's IVewdetter, Sept. 9, 
Add, MSS. iip4Sf ^ol. 53. Cardenas to Windebank, Sept. |§. Car- 
denas to the Card. Infant, Oct. —y Brussels MSS, Sec, Esp, cclxxx. fol. 
1 06, 129. Salvetti's Newsletter, Sept. ||. Windebank to Hopton, Sept. 
29, Oar, St.P, ii. 71. 

* Oquendo to Cardenas, Sept. yV- Cardenas to the Card. Infant, 
jSept. IJ, Brussels MSS, Sec, Esp, cclxxx. fol. 88, 78. 



greatly in need." In the end, Cardenas was forced 

to pay 5,000/. to the King, and i,oco/. to the Earl, ^^' 

beyond the value of the powder. Those who are sept. 12. 

aware of this incident will not find much diflSculty 

in understanding how it was that Lady Newport 

found her husband's rehgion unsatisfactory.^ 

Before the powder could be conveyed on board, Xenns 
fresh difficulties had to be met. Charles, indeed, spain. 
appeared willing to concede all that the Ambassador 
could demand. He would allow the Spaniards to 
sail two tides before Tromp was permitted to leave 
the Downs, so as to enable them to reach Dunkirk 
without further opposition.^ Suddenly, however, Scpt 15. 
Charles altered his tone. Northumberland informed tone 
Pennington that the delay of two tides was never ^ ^^ 
granted to so large a fleet. At the same time an 
embargo was laid upon all ves3els in the Thames, in 
order that they might be pressed into the King's 
service for the purpose of strengthening Pennington's 
fleet, and a special prohibition was issued against the 
employment of any English ship in carrying troops to 
Flanders.' These measures, however, which were secret n©. 
taken upon the advice of the Privy Council, were but withsp«in. 
the screen behind which was concealed a secret nego- 
tiation with Spain. Windebank told Cardenas, that 
as long as his master did so little for the Elector 
Palatine he must not expect many courtesies in 
England. Then came a formal demand for money. 
If the King of Spain would give 1 50,000/. his ships 

' Cardenas to Salamanca, Sept. J|, fg, Brussels MSS, Sec, Esp. 
cclzxx. fol. 97, 107. Order to Newport, Sept. 20, S, P. Dom. ccccxxviii. 


* Joachimi to Van Tromp, Sept. |J, Add. MSS, ii,677» Q- ^o\. 39. 

' Northumberland to Pennington, Sept. 16, S, P, Dom, ccccxxviii. 
93. Joachimi to the States General, Sept. |5, Add. MSS, 17,677, Q. 
dol. 94. 




— -, — ^ 

Sept. 15. 

Sept. 17. 
to be en- 

Sept. 30. 

Sept. 25. 

should be placed in safety. The next day Cardenas 
told Windebank that he had suggested to liis master 
the payment of ioo,cxx>/., but that he might as well 
have asked for a milUon. It would have been as 
easy to procure the one sum as the other. ^ 

The King proclaimed his intention of enforcing 
strict neutrality. He told Joachimi that not an 
English ship or an English man should render assist- 
ance to either side. There was a talk of compelling 
both fleets to put to sea together to try their fortune 
there.^ There was no doubt which of the two 
would gain the mastery. Tromp had been heavily 
reinforced from Holland, and by the end of Sep- 
tember he mustered some eighty sail, well manned 
and supplied. His crews were full of warlike ardour. 
Pennington would be hard put to it if he were called 
on to defend the helpless Spaniards against so 
overpowering a force. In the meanwhile the King's 
directions grew more contradictory than ever. 
Northumberland was fairly puzzled. To a friend of 
Pennington's, who begged for more precise orders, he 
replied *that he had often pressed his Majesty to 
declare his resolution, but never could get any.*' 
Northumberland was not in the secret. He did not 
know that Charles was only waiting for the answer 
from Madrid to his demand for 150,000/. as the price 
of his assistance. 

The French Ambassador, BelUevre, had been no 
less active than Cardenas. He had waited, indeed, 
till Tromp's reinforcements arrived, before he broached 

* Cardenas to the Card. Infant, Sept. |g. Cardenas to Salamanca, 
Sept. |g, Brussels MSS. cclxzx. fol. 98, 107. Windebank to Hopton, 
Sept. 29, Clar. St. P. ii. 71. 

« Joachimi to the States General, Sept. ||, ^- *S Add. MSS. 17,677, Q. 
fol. 103. 

' Smith to Kensington, Sept. 30, S. P. Dom. ccccxxix. 83. 


the subject. Then he commenced operations by c^^^- 
winning the Queen over to his side. How he accom- - — 7 — ' 
plished this feat is a mystery which he did not care g^ ^' 
to reveal. In the beginning of the month Henrietta 
Maria was a passionate supporter of Spain. At the 
end of the month she was a passionate supporter of 
France. She told BeUievre that the Spanish offers Sept. 26. 
were magnificent, and that he must be prepared with aasUta S. 
offers more magnificent still. The King had assured 
her that his intention was to convoy the Spanish fleet 
to a place of safety. So well did she play her part, 
that a few hours later Charles declared himself ready 
to abandon the Spaniards to Tromp if the French 
Government would place his nephew at the head of 
the army which had been commanded by Bernhard 
of Weimar. BeUievre urged the Queen to ask that Sept. 27. 
the Elector might carry with him ten or twelve 
thousand English troops in Charles's pay. Charles 
had no money to spare, and he answered that the 
utmost he could do would be to send over six 
thousand men to be paid out of the French treasury. 
In return, Lewis was to bind himself to make neither 
truce nor peace without comprising the rights of the 
Elector. Charles was ready to promise that he SepL28. 
would conclude nothing with Spain till a fortnight 
had elapsed, in order to allow time for the considera- 
tion of his terms in France.^ 

Charles could hardly have made a proposal to Thenejjo. 
which Eicheheu was less likely to consent. Ever Bemhaiii'B 
since Bernhard's death he had been engaged in *^^' 
winning over the officers of his army by lavish ofiers 
of money. During the whole of September, the 
negotiation had been going briskly on, and on the 
29th, the very day on which Bellievre's despatch left 

^ BeUievre to Bullion, ^g;f , Arch, des Af. JEtr. xlvii. fol. 558. 


England, the articles were signed by which the 
colonels of the army sold themselves and the strong 
places of Alsace and the Breisgau to the King of 

Charles Sincc the beginning of August, Charles Lewis had 

England, bccu in England urging his uncle to obtain for him 
the command of this very army. So little did Charles 
understand the realities of his position, that he 
fancied that the Elector had but to present himself at 
Breisach to be received with enthusiasm as the 
Oct 4. successor of the great Duke. On October 4 the 

France. hclplcss youug man sailed from the Downs disguised 
as Lord Craven's valet, hoping to make his way 
through France to Alsace.^ For a few days Charles 
fancied himself master of the situation. He had but 
to choose between a gift of i5o,ocxd/. from Spain, 
and a binding promise from France, to support 
vigorously his nephew's claims in the Palatinate, 
whilst in any case the young Elector was to put 
himself without trouble at the head of the finest 
army in Europe. 

Newport's In the meanwhile Cardenas was plavinff his own 

bargain , , x •/ o 

withcardc- game. His negotiation for the purchase of gun- 
powder had given him some insight into Newport's 
character, and he now concluded a bargain with the 
Master of the Ordnance for the transport of the 
Spanish soldiers to Dunkirk at the rate of thirty 
shillings a head, in direct defiance of the King's 
prohibition. It was Newport's business to send boats 
laden with munitions to Pennington's fleet in the 
Downs, and he now promised that these boats should 

* Molitor, Der Ven'oth von Breisach, Jena, 1875. 

' Bellievre to Ohavigny, Oct. ^, Arch, des Af, Etr. xkii. fol. 572. 
Memoir for Bellievre, BM. Nat, Fr. 15,913, fol. 381. PennlBgton to 
SuflTolk, S, P, Dom,, Oct. 5, ccccxxx. 35, i. 



be placed at Oquendo's disposition as soon as they ^"^^• 
had accomplished their legitimate task. It is true ^ — 7 — ' 
that nothing was done by Ne^vport to carry out this ^^^ 
promise, and it is possible that, on second thoughts, 
he considered it to be too audacious to be put in 
practice. That such a bargain should ever have been 
contemplated, however, is sufficient evidence of the 
low tone of morality which prevailed at Charles's 

A day or two later Cardenas reported home that oct. s. 
he had gained a step with Charles. Orders had been sputiaids 
given to Pennington to protect Oquendo from any tecteZ"^ 
hostile attacks as long as he remained in the Downs.^ 
If, indeed, the ambassador had been allowed to read 
the despatch in which these orders were conveyed, he 
would hardly have been as sanguine as he was. " I Penning- 
have made his Majesty acquainted with that part of Btrnctions. 
your letter," wrote the Lord Admiral to his subordi- 
nate, " which concerns your demeanour between the 
Holland and the Spanish admirals, unto which his 
Majesty's answer is this, that you are to let the Hol- 
land admiral know that his Majesty is now celebrating 
the feast of St. George at Windsor, but within four 
days will return to London, and is then resolved to 
appoint a short time for both fleets to depart the 
Road ; and upon the assurance which the Holland 
Ambassador hath given his Majesty, he rests con- 
fident that in the meanwhile no acts of hostihty will 
be committed by them in that place. This being 
done, you are to send to the Spanish admiral to 
inform yourself in what state they are to defend 
themselves, and to resist that great force of the Hol- 
landers which now threatens them. If, when the 

^ Cardenas to Salamanca, Oct jY Cardenas to the Card. Infant, 
Oct. l\, BruHtis MSS, Sec, Esp. cclxxx. fol. 129, 147. 


Oct. 8. 


CHAP. Hollanders assault the others, you see the Spaniards 
defend themselves so well that, with the help of those 
few ships that are with you, they shall be able to 
make their party good — which the King, upon the 
reports of some, is well inchned to believe — then are 
you to give them your best assistance, otherwise you 
must make as handsome a retreat as you can in so 
unlucky a business." As far as any inference can be 
drawn from directions so incoherent, it would seem 
that Charles, at the moment, hoped more from France 
than from Spain. " More particular instructions," 
added Northumberland, " I cannot get for you, which 
you must manage to your best advantage." ^ 
The Kind's To do Charles justice, he did not leave Cardenas 
Cardenas entirely in the dark. He sent Endymion Porter to 
tell him that * tlie King hath showed his care of the 
Spanish fleet with all the kindness that could be 
expected, and that, if the wind sit where it doth, it 
will be impossible for his ships to come to protect 
them against the Hollander ; but his Majesty will do 
the best he can. Howsoever, he would have the 
Spaniards prepare tliemselves for the worst, for they 
cannot imagine but that he will have to Umit a time 
for their abode in his port. In the mean time, he 
shall keep them from hostihty, if it be possible, and 
his Majesty liath given the best order he can to that 
purpose.' Cardenas was also to be told * how great a 
prejudice it would be to the King if they should fight 
in the harbour, for if any ships should miscarry, and 
be sunk there, it would be the ruin of the best 
harbour in the kingdom.' " But," reported Porter, 
" it seems the Spaniard regards nothing but his own 
accommodation, nor will they look about them until 
the King assign him a day to set sail, the which will 

* Northumberland to Pennington, Oct. 8, 8, P. Dam, ccccxzz. 47. 


be required from him ; and when they are out of the chap. 
port they must trust to their own force, for his 

Majesty will protect them no farther." ^ ^^' 

If, in short, the Spaniards were to be sunk, they Oct. 10. 
ought to oblige the King by choosing deep water to expected, 
be sunk in. Charles, however, was prepared to face 
even the disagreeable alternative of a combat in the 
Downs. On tlie loth Suffolk was directed, as Lord 
WardFen of the Cinque Ports, to provide board and 
lodging for any Spaniards who might take refuge on 
shore, in case of a fight, at least as long as they were 
able to pay for his hospitality.^ 

A man who is so uncertain of his intentions, as Oct 12. 
Charles had shown himself to be, ceases to have the carfenas. 
power of making his intentions respected. On the 
1 2th Cardenas was occupied with Windebank in 
drawing up an engagement, by which a considerable 
sum of money was to be secured to Charles in return 
for his protection, when unexpected news arrived 
from the Downs.* The reply of the French Govern- 
ment to Charles's overtures was written on the 8th. Oct. 8. 
Of his demand, that his nephew should be placed in repiy.'*"*^** 
command of Bernhard's troops, it took no notice ; but 
it distinctly asserted, that if France was to enter into 
any engagement with respect to the Palatinate, the 
six thousand men offered in return must be paid by 
Charles as well as levied. If he allowed the Spanish 
fleet to escape, the statesmen of Madrid would laugh 
at him as Gondomar had laughed at his father.^ 

Eichelieu had long ago taken the measure of Reinforce- 
Charles's capacity for aid or resistance. He did not 0quendo[ 

> Porter to W^indebank, Oct. 9. Windebank to SuflTolk, Oct. 10 
S. P. Dotn, cccczxx. 57, 60. 

^ Cardenas to the Card. Infant, Oct. ||, Bruueh M88, Sec, Egp 
cclxjix, fol. 1 52. Gajfe to Windebank, Oct. ||, Clar, St, P. ii. 79. 

• Memoir to BeUievre, Oct. ^, Bibl. Nat, Fr. I5>99S» foL 373. 


CHAP, wait, as Cardenas was obliged to wait, for Charles's 

" — ^ — ' resolution. There can be little doubt that Tromp 

\^^^ acted under advice from the Cardinal. Whether 

this were so or not, the Dutch admiral knew that his 

enemy was growing stronger under his eyes. Thirty 

sloops arrived from Dunkirk laden with reinforce- 

Oct lo. ments for Oquendo, In the evening of the icth the 

brouS»t *' barrels of powder, which had been purchased at so 

Downs.* exorbitant a price, were at last alongside his ships. 

The night, however, was closing in, and the Spaniards 

did not venture to bring them on board by the light 

of a candle.^ 

But httle of that powder ever reached the holds 
of the Spanish ships. Tromp knew that there was 
no time to be lost. He had a hundred armed vessels 
with him now, besides fire-ships ready to be let loose 
on the disabled foe. On the evening of the loth a 
shot, accidentally fired from on board a Spanish vessel, 
had killed a Dutch sailor. Tromp charged the 
Oct II. Spaniards with a breach of the peace. In the mom- 

The sea- . . . 

fight in the ing of the nth, whilst the Spanish powder was still 
owns. ^^ ^^^ boats, Tromp ranged up alongside of his out- 
numbered and unprepared antagonists. At eight, 
Pennington was roused by the boom of cannon-shot 
sounding out of the fog which lay heavily on the 
water. It was impossible for him to know which fleet 
had been the first to fire, and he tried hard to per- 
suade liimself that the Spaniards had been the aggres- 
sors. He knew that he could do but little good by 
thrusting himself between the Dutchmen and their 
prey, whilst the orders which he had received had 
been too incoherent to justify him in exposing his 
men to slaughter in a cause so unpopular. In an 

* Pennington to Northumberland, Oct ii, 8, P. Dom. ccocxxz. 77. 
Salvetti's Newsletter, Oct. if. 


hour's time the firing came almost to an end. Some c^^^- 
twenty Spanish vessels had run ashore to escape 
from their pursuers. The rest made off towards the 
South Foreland, chased by the Dutch. By this time 
Pennington had placed himself to windward, and after 
firing some shots at the victorious Dutch ships, 
returned to protect the stranded vessels, one of which 
was already blazing, and to seize upon two of 
Tromp's ships which had run ashore in the fog. Of 
the remaining Spaniards not a few were taken or 
sunk. The rest — numbering, according to various 
accounts, from ten to eighteen — reached Dunkirk in 

Charles was highly indignant. His golden dream The King's 
of a choice between 1 50,000/. from Spain, and the 
command of Bernhard's army for his nephew, had 
vanished in the smoke of Tromp's guns. His boasted 
sovereignty of the seas had been flouted in his very 
harbour by the audacious Nether landers. Yet it was 
not in his power to take revenge. The barrenness of 
the Exchequer, which had checked his march across 
the Tweed, would hardly allow him to embark upon 
a war with the Dutch. He ordered Pennington to 
get off the stranded Spanish vessels and to convoy 
them to Dunkirk. More than that he could not do.^ 

Damaging as was the true story of the fight in the Rumoura 
Downs to Charles's reputation, it was concealed from spaniah 
the eyes of his subjects. But its place was taken by 
a cloud of rumour no less damaging. Oquendo's 
fleet, it was believed, had been intended to land troops 
not in Flanders, but in England. Men sapiently in- 

' Relation by PenDington and others, Oct. 11. Newdettery Oct, 12, 
S. P. Dom, ccccxxx. 74, ccccxxxi. 4. Account of the action, Nialgon, i. 
258. Extract from a letter, S, P. Flanders, Rushw. ill. 969. 

' Salvetti^s Newsletter, Nov. jj. 

VOL. I. T 


CHAP, formed one another that the Governor of the Isle of 


Wight — the heir of Lord Treasurer Portland, who was 

himself suspected to be a Catholic in disguise — had 
shot away all liis powder as a salvo at the drinking of 
healths, with the evident intention of leaving the 
island without the means of resistance ; and that the 
arms of the county of Kent had been, with a similar 
intention, exhausted in supplying its trained bands on 
the Borders. The Governor of Dunkirk, it was said, 
had been so astonished at the arrival of the first ship- 
loads of escaped soldiers, for which he was entirely un- 
prepared, that he had at first refused them admission. 
From all this it was easy to conclude that England 
had been saved by the gallant Dutchmen from a 
grave peril — a peril all the more dangerous because 
the invaders, unlike the invaders of 1588, had the 
Sovereign of England on their side.^ Unfounded as 
the suspicion was, it cannot be said to have been 
absurd. Only a few months before, Charles had 
been planning how to obtain the services of 6,000 
Spanish veterans for his war against the Scots, and 
the notion was ah-eady ripening in the minds of 
Englishmen, that an attack on Scotland was equi- 
valent to an attack on England. 
Oct. 14. Another disappointment was in store for Charles. 

meStof the His ueplicw had made his way in disguise through 
PiSfttine. Paris, and had reached Moulins on the road to 
Breisach. He was there arrested and detained, on the 
plea that he carried no passport. lie was taken to 
Vincennes and kept in strict custody. To Charles, 

^ Rutfhw. iii. 969. ExamiaatioQ of Dominey, Sept. 16, S, P, Dom. 
ccccxxviii. 94. Salvetti, in his Newsletter of Oct. ^^, says that the idea 
was spread by the French and Dutch Puritan faction, and speaks of it aa 
an ' artifizio che se bene non ha colpito in quelli che gOTemono, ha non- 
dimeno intossicato talmente il popolo che malamente si pud loro riduRft 
a credere il contrario.' 


the imprisonment of his nephew was scarcely less chap. 
offensive than Tromp's attack in the Downs, but he - 

was equally powerless to q^^' 

With Scotland in all but open insurrection, and wentworth 

• •i 1 • •,. . . \ A. ' r,' as Charles'* 

With his maritime supremacy set at nought m his own counsellor, 
ports, Charles felt the need of a counsellor who could 
reveal to him the secret of success. That counsellor 
he hoped to find in Wentworth. It happened that 
the Lord Deputy was at the time in England. He 
had long been exposed to petty annoyances from 
Irish officials and English courtiers, and though, 
whenever he stood at bay, he had no difficulty in 
routing his enemies, he was unable to shake them off 
entirely. One case in which he was concerned had His com 
been brought to an issue in the preceding May. c^wbyand 
Li November 1634 a man named Eobert Esmond norSs. 
had been summoned before Wentworth in DubUn 
for having refused to carry on board his vessel some 
timber belonging to the King. Wentworth was in an 
ill temper, shook his cane at Esmond, and after 
having, according to some accounts, actually struck 
him, committed him to prison. After a short im- 
prisonment the man, who had long been suffering 
from consumption, was allowed to go at large, but he 
died a few days after his release. 

The moment at which this unlucky affair occurred 
was one in which Wentworth had surrounded him- 
self with bitter enemies. Crosby had just been 
ejected from the Privy Council, and Mountnorris was 
at the height of his feud witli the Lord Deputy. 
Crosby and Mountnorris busied themselves with the 
collection of evidence to prove that Esmond's death 
had been caused by the severity of the blows ad- 
ministered to him, with the intention of bringing a 
charge against the Deputy before the King. Went- 

T 2 


CHAP, worth, as usual, anticipated the blow, and accused 
^ — ^— ' Crosby and Mountnorria and some of their con- 
'oi^ federates, before the English Court of Star Chamber, 
as the propagators of scandalous falsehoods to his 
May. At last, in May 1639, the case was ready for a 

clTambcr hearing. The evidence that Wentworth had not 
proceed- actually touched the man was extremely strong. 
Mountnorris escaped punishment through defect of 
proof, but Crosby and others were sentenced to 
various fines. ^ 
Case of the I^ 'W'as uot the Only case in which Wentworth 
Chancellor ^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ time iuvolvcd. In the first years of his 
of Ireland, government he had found a strong supporter in the 
Chancellor, Lord Loftus. In 1637 the two men were 
deadly enemies. According to Wentworth's story, 
tlie Lord Chancellor, having covenanted to settle 
certain estates on his eldest son upon his marriage, 
had broken away from his word. He was summoned 
before the Irish Privy Council, and, answering in- 
solently, was placed under restraint. What justifi- 
cation Loftus may have had cannot now be ascer- 
tained. He fell back on his political friends at Court, 
and by their intercession he obtained leave from 
Cliarles to cross St. George's Channel, that he might 
plead his own cause in England. From that moment 
his fault must have assumed a peculiar heinousness in 
Wentworth's eyes. The permission given him was a 
direct challenge to the poUcy of "Thorough." A 
highly-placed offender was, it seemed, to be per- 
mitted to set at nought the judgment of the Irish 

^ The Hccount in Mushw, (iii. 888) is very incomplete. It may be 
supplemented by a fuller, but also incomplete, account in the State 
lepers (Dom, ccccxx. 36), and by a statement by Loxd Esmond (S, P, 
Ireland f Undated). It was given in evidence, that Esmond when in 
prison distinctly denied that he had been struck by WentwortL 



Privy Council because Arundel and Holland, and all chap. 
the courtiers who had a grudge against the Lord 
Deputy, had placed themselves on his side. Went- 
worth took the daring step of vindicating the King's ^^38. 
authority against the King himself. He resolved 
that if Loftus went to England he should not go as 
Chancellor. Acting upon instructions which had not 
hitherto been put in force, he summoned him before 
the Council, and took the Great Seal out of his 

For many months Charles hesitated between the 1639. 
pleadings of the courtiers and Laud's advocacy of 
Wentworth. Wentworth lashed himself into rage at 
the obstacles raised against him. He declared the 
Chancellor to have been guilty of the worst oppres- 

* The King to Wentworth, Apr, 9. Wentworth and the Irish 
Oouncil to the King, Apr. 20. Wentworth to the King, Apr. 22, 168, 
Straf, Lettern, ii. 160. I have said nothing in the text about the alleged 
intrigue between Strafford and Lady Loftus. Olarendon's assertion is no 
evidence, and Sir G. Radcliffe^s testimony, coming firom a friend so inti- 
mate, is conclusive. '^ He was defamed for incontinence, wherein I have 
reason to believe that he was exceedingly much wronged. I had occasion of 
some speech with him about the state of his soul several times, but twice 
especially, when I verily believe he did lav open unto me the very 
bottom of hi» hewt Once was when he was" in a very great affliction 
upon the death of his second wife ; and then for some days and nights I 
was very few minutes out of his company. The other time was at 
Dublin, on a Good Friday, his birthday, when he was preparing himself 
to receive the Blessed Sacrament on Easter Day following. At both 
these times I received such satisfaction as left no scruple with me at all, 
but much assurance of his chastity.*' Straf, Lettersy ii. App. 435. Straf- 
ford*8 own language, too, in speaking of the lady is inconsistent with the 
charge, whilst the respectful admiration which it reveals would account 
for the rise of scandalous rumours. '' We have sadly buried my Lady 
Loftus, one of the noblest persons I ever had the happiness to be 
acqiuiinted with ; and as I had received greater obligations from her 
ladyship than from all Ireland beside, so with her are gone the greatest 
part of my affections to the country ; and all that is left of them shall be 
thankfully and religiously paid to her excellent memory and lasting 
goodness.** Strafford to Conway, Ibid, ii. 381. 



CHAP, sion in the exercise of his office, and to be unworthy 
of serving the Crown in any capacity whatever. His 
opponents naturally set down his indignation to mere 
passion. At last Charles decided substantially for 
Wentworth. He allowed, indeed, the Chancellor to 
come to England to plead his cause. But he forced 
him first to submit to the decree of the Irish Council 
against him, pending the result of his appeal. Went- 
worth was allowed to visit England to conduct his 
case in person. The English Council declared itself 
to be convinced by the arguments of the Deputy, and 
ordered that Loftus should be prosecuted in the Star 
Chamber. It is possible that the Chancellor deserved 
his fate, but the decision of a body composed as the 
Privy Council was could carry little weight.^ 
wTtwOTth Wentworth had arrived in London on September 
inEngiand. 2 2. From that time lie became, what he had never 
been before, the trusted counsellor of Chai'les, so far 
at least as it was possible for Charles to trust any one. 
During the fourteen months which followed he was 
the great minister, striving with all the force of his 
iron will to rescue his master fi'om the net in which 
his feet were inextricably entangled. To some extent 
the blame of failure must lie with the King hhnself. 
Charles was not easy to save. He was too incon- 
sistent in carrying out a settled policy, too readily 
inclined to listen to personal claims and personal 
attachments, to be able to cut his way sternly and ruth- 
lessly through opposing ranks. But, after all, the 
main cause of failure lay in Wentworth himself. His 
want of sympathy with his generation is fatal to his 
claim to the highest statesmanship. He could criti- 

* The King to Wentworth, July 23. Wentworth to Conway, Aug. 
13, Ihid. ii. 372, 381. Salvetti's Newsletter, ^^. Council Regkter^ 
Oct. 13. 


cise incisively the organised ecclesiastical democracy ^^^p- 
of the Scottish Assembly, but he had nothing to sub- - — 7 — ' 
stitute for it which could give him any hold on the g^p^^* 
hearts of the Scottish people. For the Scottish 
people, indeed, he took but little thought. It was 
enough for him if he was able to subdue them, and in 
order to subdue them it was necessary to rally 
Englishmen round the throne. In truth, he knew 
England hardly better than he knew Scotland. He 
could not comprehend how honest men could look 
on the Scottish resistance from a point of view 
different from his own. K Englishmen would but 
open their eyes to the foulness of that mad rebellion, 
they would rejoice to be the rod in the King's hand 
to exercise righteous judgment on his enemies. 

During the first few weeks of Wentworth's sojourn 
in England, disaster had followed disaster. The 
lesson which Wentworth saw in the disgrace of the 
conflict in the Downs, and in the scornful imprison- 
ment pf the Elector by Bichelieu, was the necessity of 
showing a firm front to the Northern traitors, whose 
rebellion had made it impossible to avenge such 
insults. On November 7 two commissioners from Nor. 7. 
the Scottish Parliament, the Earls of Loudoun and ti8hCom. 
Dunfermline, arrived in London to ask that the acts m London, 
of the Scottish Parliament might receive confirmation 
by the King.^ The question was referred to a com- The Com 

mittee for 

mittce of eight Privy Councillors which had recently Scottish 
been formed for consultation on the affairs of Scotland. 
Of that Committee, the Junto- or Committee of eight, as 
it was frequently called, Wentworth was the ruling 
spirit. Its other members were Laud, Hamilton, 
Juxon, Northumberland, Cottington, Windebank, and 

1 n 

Guthriff 69. 




Nov. 7. 

The Scot- 
tish Com- 
sent back. 

Nov. 14. 
The Scot- 
tish Parlia- 
ment pro- 

tion to the 

Vane.^ From such a committee the Scottish demands 
were not likely to meet with much consideration. 
By a considerable majority of its members, Charles was 
urged to send Loudoun to prison, on the ground that 
he had circulated that account of the King's conver- 
sation at Berwick which had been burnt as false by 
the hangman in England.^ With this recommendation 
Charles did not comply ; but he ordered Loudoun and 
Dunfermline to return at once, on the ground that 
their commission had not been signed by Traquair. 
He declined, in short, to treat with the Parhament of 
Scotland as an independent body.^ 

The dismissal of the Commissioners had been 
anticipated by an order to Traquair to prorogue the 
Parliament — not, as had been before intended, to 
March, but to June 2. This time the prorogation 
was accepted at Edinburgh, though not without a 
protest. Parliament separated, after appointing a 
committee to sit in its absence to consider the answer 
which Loudoun and Dunfermhne were at that time 
expected to bring back from London. 

Tliis contemptuous rejection of the Scottish de- 
mands at the instance of a committee of which only 
one member was of Scottish blood, was certain to irri- 
tate the Scottish national feeling. " The Scots," wrote 
an Englishman who made it his business to collect 
information on passing events, "have lately declared 
their great jealousies that the kingdom of Scotland is 
designed to be made a province of England, and to be 
governed by orders and directions from the Council 
of England, which they protest against, that they will 
never consent unto it, but to be governed by their own 
laws formerly made, and hereafter to be made, in their 

' Cardenas to Salamanca, Nov. ^, Brvsseh AfSS, Sec, Esp, 'cclxzx. 
200. » Salvetti's Keirsletter, Nov. ||. » Spaldinff, i. 235. 


own Parliament, and by themselves, but to be con- ^"^^- 
firmed by his Majesty." * ' — 7 — ' 

Wentworth's advice had at last been taken. Lest j^^^, ' 
every movement in opposition to Charles's govern- 
ment in England should find encouragement and sup- 
port in Scotland, Scotland must be ruled directly from 
England. Proudly and unhesitatingly, Wentworth 
stepped forward towards the end which he had long 
foreseen to be the only alternative which it was pos- 
sible for the King to adopt. Of the loyalty of England 
he still believed himself to be secure. The order to 
prorogue the Scottish Parliament had been despatched 
on November 8. On the loth it was decided that Nov. 10. 
ship money should be collected, not at the reduced toix5*cor^ 
rate of the preceding year,^ but at the full amount of ^^^^' 
the earlier assessments. Ship money alone, however, 
would not suffice to conquer Scotland. On the 27th xov.27. 
Traquair, who had returned from Edinburgh,^ told nar?a"twe.' 
before the Committee of eight, the long story of 
Scottish disobedience. That Scotland must be coerced, 
was accepted as a necessity. But there were long Dec. 
debates as to the best means of effecting this object, the means 
Some of the members of the Committee talked, as Privy ^a?!*^*"^ 
Councillors had talked twelve years before, of 
establishing an excise by prerogative. Others sug- 
gested that the precedent of ship money should be 
applied to the land forces, and that each county should 
be required to support a certain number of soldiers. 
Wentworth 's voice rose clearly above this Babel of 
tongues. He insisted that a Pariiament, and a ParHa- wentworth 
ment alone, was the remedy fitted for the occasion. f>^u^ 
Laud and Hamilton gave him their support. He 

' Roesingham's Newsletter, Nov. 12, Add. MSS. 11,045, ^^^' 72. 

* See p. 190. 

' Ros8ingham*8 Newsletter , Dec. 3, Add. MSS. 1 1,045, fol. 78. 



Dec. ^. 
relation tu 
the Privy 


carried his point with the Committee. What was of 
more importance, he carried it with the King. 

It is not to be imagined for a moment that Went- 
wcrth had any intention of Icwcrirg the flag of the 
monarchy in the presence of the representatives of 
the nation. Wliat lie proposed was but an experiment 
and nothing more. "The Lords," as Windebank 
expressed it, *' being desiioiis that the King and his 
people should meet, if it were possible, in the ancient 
and ordinary way of Parliament, rather than any other, 
were of ojrinion his Slajesty should make trial of that 
once more, that so he might leave his people Avithout 
excuse, and have wherewithal to justify himself to 
God and the world that in his own inclination he 
desired the old way ; but that if his people should not 
cheerfully, according to their duties, meet him in that, 
especially in this exigent when his kingdom and 
person are in apparent ^ danger, the world might see 
he is forced, contrary to his own inclination, to use 
extraordinary means rather than, by the peevishness 
of some few factious spirits, to suffer his state and 
government to be lost." ^ 

On December 5 the discussion was transferred to 
the Council itself Traquair made a formal report of 
his mission. He painted the disobedience of the 
Scottish Parliament in the blackest colours ; all the 
blacker perhaps because he knew that he was regarded 
at Court as an accomplice of the Covenanters, and 
that it was reported that he had said at Edinburgh 
that his Majesty desired but the shadow, but would 
be content to quit the substance. Wentworth's 
advice was unanimously accepted by the Council. 
Those members who were in any way favourable to 

* Tn tho old sense of ' eTident.' 

'^ Windebank to Hopton, Dec. 13, Clar, St. P. 11. 81. 


the Scots were also tliose who desired most heartily chap. 
to see another Parliament at Westminster. ^- — •- — ' 

Before giving his formal consent to the proposal, Dec. 5. 
Charles requested the Council to advise him on the JJ^®,^?""' 
financial situation. It was certain that no further help i***"*- 
was to be expected from the City. The loan which 
had been demanded in the summer had been ab- 
solutely refused, and repeated pressure had only 
produced an offer of 10,000/. as a gift : an offer which 
was at first rejected as insufficient, and only accepted 
when it became evident that no more was to be had.^ 
The King now asked the Councillors whether, 'if 
the Parliament should prove as untoward as some 
have lately been, the Lords would not then assist 
him in such extraordinary ways in the extremity as 
should be thought fit.' They unanimously voted in 
the aflSrmative. On this the King announced that 
Parliament should be summoned for April 13, and 
that Wentworth should first proceed to Ireland to hold 
a Parhament at Dublin, wliich would doubtless set a 
good example to the English Parliament which was to 
follow.*^ It is impossible not to recognise the hand of 
Wentworth here. It was no mere financial operation 
that was in question. Parliament was to be made to 
feel that the King did not rely on its vote alone. Be- 
fore the Council broke up, it was resolved that its 
members should at once offer a loan to the King. 
Wentworth led the way with 20,000/. Coventry, 
Manchester, and Newcastle followed with ip,oco/. 
apiece. The whole loan was fixed at 300,000/. In a 
few days the subscriptions amounted to 150,000/., and 
50,000/. more were gathered before Christmas.^ 

' RossiDgbam's Newsletter, Aug. 6, 13, Add.MSS. 11,045, fol. 43, 45. 
' Windetank to Ilopton, Dec. 13, Clar. St, P. ii. 31. 
5 The King to the Lords of the Council, Dec. 6, S, P. Dom. 
ccccxxxv. 37. RoBgetti to Barherini, Dec. |§, B, O. Transcripta. , 





* 1 ' 


The Scots 
invited to 
give satis- 

of the news 
in £ngland. 

of tne 
Kin^s in- 

Wentworth's next care was to preserve the appear- 
ance of magnanimity. The Scots were not to have it in 
their power to say that the King had refused to listen 
to them. In spite, therefore, of the dismissal of 
Loudoun and Dunfermline, Traquair was directed to 
return to Edinburgh, and to inform the Committee 
left behind by the Parliament, that if they still wished 
to send a deputation to the King they were at liberty 
to do so. 

In England the unexpected announcement of 
a Parliament was received with joyful surprise. The 
surprise was not accompanied with any feeling of 
gratitude to the King. The very precautions which 
had been taken were certain to arouse suspicion. It 
might reasonably be argued that if Charles had pur- 
posed a thorough reconciliation with his people, he 
would not have thought it necessary to fortify himself 
with the Privy Councillor's loan. Graver rumours 
too were floating in the air. It was whispered that 
tlie army was to be raised, not to fight the Scots, but 
to intimidate ParUament. The members would be 
called on to deliberate amidst the clash of arms, 
and would be called upon to vote away under dur- 
ance the ancient liberties of Enghshmen. Any one 
who ventured to raise his voice against the Court 
would pay for his audacity with his head.^ It is easy 
to say that such suspicions were unfounded and un- 

Aerasens to the Prince of Orange, Dec. ||, Arch, de la Maison dOrange^ 
Nassau, Ser. 2, ii). 155. The payments cannot be traced on the Exche- 
quer Books, as they were secured as anticipations on payments hereafter 
to be made by the subscribers, and anticipations do not appear on these 
books. Wentworth's money, for instance, was secured out of the 
Northern Recusancy fines, of which he was the collector, and wliich he 
would keep in his own hands till the 20,000/. had been pud off. 
There is, however, a complete list of the payments in S. P. Dom, 
ccccliii. 75. 

* Bellievre to Chavigny, Dec. ig. Arch, des Aff. Etr, xlvii. 65a 


reasonable, but it is impossible to deny that it was chap. 
natural that they should be entertained. ' — ^^ — ' 

Both Charles and Wentworth underestimated the ^^^^ 
strength of the opposition against their policy too JJf^^n^^ 
much, to make them even think of recurring to vio- ^"J^*^*" 
lence. Nor is it at all likely that even those who felt strength, 
most bitterly against the Government were aware 
liow strong was their position in the country. In 
the seventeenth century, when Parliament was not 
sitting, our ancestors were a divided people. Each 
county formed a separate community, in which the 
gentry discussed politics and compared grievances 
when they met at quarter sessions and assizes. Be- 
tween county and county there was no such bond. 
No easy and rapid means of communication united 
York with London, and London with Exeter. No 
newspapers sped over the land, forming and echoing 
a national opinion from the Cheviots to the Land's 
End. The men who grudged the payment of ship 
money in Buckinghamshire could only learn from 
uncertain rumour that it was equally unpopular in 
Essex or in Shropsliire. There was therefore Uttle 
of that mutual confidence which distinguishes an 
army of veterans from an army of recruits, none of 
that sense of dependence upon trusted leaders which, 
gives unity of purpose and calm rehance to an eager 
and expectant nation. 

If the sense of union was wanting to the oppo- The eccio- 
nents of thq existing political system, it was still opposition, 
more wanting to the opponents of the existing eccle- 
siastical system. Disinclination to pay money which 
is not regarded as legally due is a very simple feeling. 
The dishke felt for Laud's ecclesiastical pohcy was by 
no means so simple. Many persons wished to see the 
Prayer Book replaced by the unceremonial worship 


CHAP, of New England or Geneva. A larger number wished 
' — ^ — to retain the Prayer Book with certain alterations, 
j^* Others again would leave the Prayer Book itself un- 
touched, but would interpret the rubrics as they had 
been interpreted in the days of their boyhood, when 
the Communion table stood in the centre of the 
church. Behind all these there was a body of resist- 
ance not called forth by any ecclesiastical or religious 
feeling whatever, but simply arising from the dis- 
satisfaction of the gentry with the interference of the 
Laud'^ How widely spread the latter feeling was, neither 

Charles nor Laud had any notion. Laud's certificate 
of the condition of the Church during the past year 
was written in a cheerful tone.^ The Bishop of 
Peterborough had stated that few of the laity were 
factious, excepting where they were misled by the 
clergy. " This," noted Laud, " is too true in most 
parts of the kingdom." If Laud had been right in 
this, his task would not have been as hopeless as it 
was. A little more care in weeding out clergymen 
of the wrong stamp, and a steady persistence in 
scrutinising tlie character of candidates for ordina- 
tion, would have reduced England to the proper 
ecclesiastical pattern. 
The Ec- Nor was evidence wanting which might seem to 

desiastical . . 

Courts. encourage a hopeful view. During the last months 
of 1639 and the first months of 1640, the Act Book 
of the High Commission Court only records the depri- 
vation of one clergyman, and that for open and un- 
blushing drunkenness.^ The books of the Officials' 
Court of the Archdeaconry of Colchester tell much 

* Works, T. 361. 

' Sentence on Rawson, Feb. 6. High Commission Book, S. P. Donu 
cccczxxiv. fol. 92. 


the same tale. It is true that many persons were ^^ff- 
summoned before it for absenting themselves from --p- — ' 
church ; but their excuses and promises of amend- j^ 
ment were readily admitted, and the time of the 
Court was mainly occupied with those cases of im- 
morality which would have been even more severely 
visited by the Puritan clergy than by the Laudian 
Courts. Amongst the charges brought were com- 
plaints against persons who behaved indecently in 
church,. who refused to bow at the name of Jesus, 
who worked in the fields on saints' days, and even on 
one occasion on the day of Gunpowder Plot. Women 
were reprimanded for chattering or sewing in church, 
and more frequently for refusing to appear veiled 
when returning thanks after childbirth : a practice on 
which Laud insisted with unusual vehemence, and to 
which they objected strongly, apparently from the 
imaginary resemblance of the required veil to the 
linen sheet worn in penance by the unchaste. The 
fines imposed were small, and penalties infrequent, 
but they undoubtedly caused considerable irritation 
whenever they were inflicted.^ 

The dissatisfaction called forth amongst the Puri- 
tan clergy was suppressed rather than overcome. 
Hundreds unwillingly administered the Communion 
at the rails. In one part of England the ill-feehng 
of the clergy was pecuharly strong. Wren had Thedioceae 
lately been removed from Norwich to Ely, and the wich. 
Puritan diocese of Norwich was handed over to 

* The Act Books are kept in a room over the porch of the parish 
church at Colchester, and are in the charge of the registrar. I have to 
thank the Rev. Sir J. Hawkins, Bart., and F. T. Veley, Esq., for their kind 
assistance in helping me to see these books at a time when the illness of 
the late registrar made it ditficidt for me to procure access to them in 
the ordinary way. Extracts from the books are given by Archdeacon 
HaleSi in his Series of Precedents and Proceedings, 


CHAP. Montague, the chief mover in the scheme for the 

reconciliation of the Churches of Rome and En^^rland. 
1630, ^ . ° 

Dec. Yet even Montague was deceived by the external 
signs of quiet. " This diocese," wrote Laud in his 
report, " my lord the Bishop assures me is as quiet, 
uniform, and conformable as any in the kingdom, if 
not more ; and doth avow it that all which stood out 
in Suffolk as well as Norfolk at his coming to that 
see, are come over, and have now legally subscribed 
and professed all conformity, and, for aught he can 
learn, observe it accordingly. Yet his lordship con- 
fesses that some of the vulgar sort in Suffolk are not 
conformable enough, especially in coming up to re- 
ceive at the steps of the chancel where the rails are 
set ; but he hopes by fair means he shall be able to 
work upon them in time." 
indicimcnt Souic, indeed, whether of tlie vulgar sort or not 
miuister. docs not appear, attempted a counter-stroke. They 
indicted at the assizes a minister who had declined to 
administer the Communion to them in their seats. 
The Judges, as might have been expected, refused to 
interfere in a matter purely ecclesiastical, but the 
attempt was significant of the spreading feeling that 
the institutions of the Church ought to be brought 
into closer harmony with the reUgion of the laity. 
Aug. The sullen ill-feeling of the gentry and middle 

fheocte.^ class gavc encouragement to the wilder and more 
vehement Puritanism of those whom Laud con- 
temptuously styled the vulgar sort. The excitement 
amongst these men was evidently rising. The Arch- 
bishop was forced to confess that even in his own 
diocese the Church Courts were unable to keep down 
the Separatists and the Anabaptists, and that if they 
were to be got rid of it would be necessary to force 
them to abjure the realm. ^ Li London one of these 

* Works, V. 361. 


men died in prison. His corpse was followed by two chap. 
hundred members of his own sect. To questioners '•- — r^ — ' 
who inquired the name of the deceased, they \^ 
answered fiercely, that he ' was one of the Bishop's 
prisoners.' When they reached the burial-ground 
* they, like so many Bedlams, cast the corpse in, and, 
with their feet instead of spades, cast and thrust in the 
mould till the grave was almost full ; then they paid 
the grave-maker for his pains, who told them that he 
must fetch a minister ; but they said he might 
spare his labour.' ^ 

The feeling engendered by such manifestations in 
the minds of the supporters of established order was 
one of angry vexation at the presence of an unpala- 
table evil against which it was impossible to guard. 
Even the Privy Council was at one moment carried 
away so far as to meditate an act of abnormal cruelty. 
In July information was brought to Laud that a Trendairs 
certain stonemason of Dover, named John Trendall, ^^' 
had refused to take the Oath of Supremacy, and had 
expounded the Scriptures in his own house. Further, 
he had denied that the Lord's Prayer ought to be 
used, had expressed disapproval of the Creed, and 
had kept away from church on the ground that it 
was against his conscience to worship under the 
authority of the Bishops. Laud referred the matter 
to the Council, and, after consultation with the At- 
torney and Sohcitor General, the Council actually Aug. 3. 
applied to Archbishop Neile, who had been Bishop of suu^.^'"' 
Lichfield at the time when Wightman and Legate 
were burnt in his diocese in 1 6 u , to certify them of 
the nature of the proceedings in their case.* 

^ Memorandum to Dr. Alsop, Aug. ^1, S, P. Dam, ccccxxvii. 107. 

' The Mayor and Jurats of Dover to Laud, July 27. Examination 
of Trendall, July 27, S, P. Dom, ccccxxxii. 27 i. 27 I. i. Council Beyit" 
ter, July 31, Aug. 2. 



CHAP. Neile was not content to give a simple answer to 

' — -^ — ' the question put to him. He not only gave a full 

^^ narrative of the circumstances attending the execu- 

Precedents fcion of the two hcrctics, but he declared his convic- 

for burning 

heretics, tiou that the punishment of the two men * did a great 
deal of good in this Church.' " I fear me," added the 
Archbishop, " the present times do require like ex- 
emplary punishment." ^ 
Subsequent By the time that Neile's report arrived, the Council 
Trendau. had returned to a better frame of mind. Trendall 
was ordered to take the Oath of Supremacy, and this 
time he did not refuse. Subsequently he was sent to 
give an account of himself before the High Commis- 
sion. At first he refused to acknowledge the juris- 
diction of the Court ; but, as its records are silent on 
his subsequent fate, it is probable that he gave way 
and was released.^ At all events, there was no longer 
any thought of sending him to the stake, and there is 
reason to beheve that he became a Puritan minister 
under the Long Parliament and lived on into the reign 
of Charles II? 

Little did Charles imagine that such men as Tren- 
dall would be a power in England before many years 
were over. If he felt any apprehension for the 
coming Parhament, it was of a different kind. What- 
ever that apprehension may have been, he looked with 
confidence to Wentworth to overcome opposition in 
England as he had formerly overcome opposition in 

* Neile to Laud, Aug. 23. Becher to Mottershed, Nov. 9, 8. P. 
Dom, ccccxxvii. 78, ccccxxxii. 27. 

« Council Regider, Aug. 18. Day to Coke, Aug. 25, & P. Dom, 
ccccxxvii. 80. The extracts from the High Commission Book are in Mr. 
Hamilton's Preface. 

' A petition from a John Trendall to Charles U., asking not to be 
turned out of his cure, has recently heen discoyered by Mrs. Evei^tt 


Ireland. At last he was prepared to confer upon his chap. 
faithful Minister that token of his confidence which - — ^^ — - 
he had twice refused before. On January 1 2 Went- j^n^^^a. 
worth received the Earldom of Strafford, and a week ^5e*EMi* 
later he exchanged the title of Lord -Deputy of Ireland of Strafford, 
for the higher dignity of Lord-Lieutenant, which had 
last been borne by Devonshu'e when he lived in 
England and governed Ireland by a deputy. 

Before the new Earl left England arrangements Jan. 10. 
were made for levying the army which was to march be raised, 
against Scotland in the summer. According to the 
scheme adopted by the Council of War, it was to 
consist of 23,000 men.^ This time there was to be no 
attempt to save a few thousand pounds by calling 
upon the peers to serve at their own expense. Neither 
-Aiundel nor Essex nor Holland were to receive a 
command. The Lord-General was to be the Earl of Appoint- 
Northumberland, in whom Strafford placed his con- com- 
fidence. Another iriend of Strafford's, Lord Conway, ""* *^ 
the son of the Secretary of Charles's earlier days, was 
to command the Horse. Strafford himself was to serve 
as Lieutenant-General under Northumberland, and to 
take the field with a force of 8,000 men, which were 
to follow him from Ireland. Sir John Conyers, a 
military man of reputation in the Dutch service, was 
to take the command of the garrison at Berwick.* 
With such appointments there was likely to be less 
personal rivalry between the superior officers than in 
the preceding year. 

Civil offices which fell vacant about this time were 
less wisely filled. On January 14 the death of Lord Jan.i^. 
Keeper Coventry deprived Charles of the services of Coventry. 

' Besolutions at the Council of War, Jan. 10, S, P, Dom, 
ccccxli. 83. 

* Gave to Boe, Jan. 10. Northumberland to Conyers, Jan. 12, 
8. P. Dom, ccccxli. 92, 1 10 i. 

u V 




Jan. 14. 

Jan. 23. 
Finch Lord 


with dis- 

as his 

the most prudent amongst his counsellors. As a 
lawyer of the old school, he was on the side of the 
prerogative against the new ideas of Parliamentary 
supremacy, but he had always shrunk from the ex- 
travagant applications of his own theory which were 
urged upon him by men of observation inferior to his 
own. Only a few months had passed since he had 
opposed in Council the wild projects suggested for 
the support of the army ; and, if a not improbable 
report is to be trusted, he conjured the King on his 
death-bed to endure patiently any opposition which 
might arise in the coming ParUament, and to * suffer 
it to sit without any unkind dissolution.' ^ Charles 
showed how little he appreciated the advice given 
him by appointing Finch as his successor, who, as 
Speaker, had been held down in the chair in 1629, 
and who, as Judge, had passionately advocated the 
King's claim to ship money in its most extreme form. 
Another vacancy had to be filled up about the 
same time. Sir John Coke's tenure of the Secretary- 
ship had long been regarded as uncertain. He was' 
growing too old for his work. Other causes besides his 
age affected his position. Many counted him a Puri- 
tan, or, in other words, an opponent of the existing 
ecclesiastical system. He was suspected of drawing 
a pension from the Dutch Government, and since the 
attack in the Downs all friends of the Dutch Govern- 
ment were in ill odour at Whitehall.^ In November 
Strafford had been favourable to his removal, and had 
supported the claims of Leicester, the Ambassador at 
Paris, to the vacancy which would be created. 
Leicester was married to Northumberland's sister, 
and, like Northumberland, he belonged to that section 
of the nobility which was distinctly Protestant without 

> Hacket, ii. 137. 

3 Sslvetti*8 Newsletter, Jan. |;. 


being Puritan, and which was disposed to support the chap. 
King against rebellion, without favouring an arbitrary ' — 7^ — ' 
exertion of the prerogative. Strafford was well aware j^' 
of the importance of concihating this class of men, 
and he had special reasons for favouring Leicester. 
Leicester's cause was pleaded by his wife's sister. Lady Advocacy 
Carhsle. Lady Carlisle had now been for many years cJiwe. 
a widow. She had long been the reigning beauty at 
Court, and she loved to mingle political intrigue with 
social intercourse. For politics as a serious occupa- 
tion she had no aptitude ; but, in middle age, she felt 
a woman's pride in attaching to herself the strong 
heads by which the world was ruled, as she had 
attached to herself in youth the witty courtier or the 
agile dancer. It was worth a statesman's while to 
cultivate her acquaintance. She could make him a 
power in society as well as in Council, could worm 
out a secret which it behoved him to know, and could 
convey to others his suggestions with assured fidelity. 
The calumny which treated Strafford, as it afterwards Lady 
treated Pym, as her accepted lover, may be safely 2d s^afc 
disregarded. Neither Strafford nor Pym was the ^^^ 
man to descend to loose and degrading debauchery. 
But there can be no doubt that purely personal 
motives attached her both to Strafford and Pym. For 
Strafford's theory of Monarchical government she called 
as little as she cared for Pym's theory of Parliamentary 
government. It may be, too, that some mingled 
feeling may have arisen in Strafford's breast. It was 
something to have an ally at Court ready at all times 
to plead his cause with gay enthusiasm, to warn him 
of hidden dangers, and to offer him the thread of that 
labyrinth which, under the name of *the Queen's 
side,' was such a mystery to him. It was something, 
too, no doubt, that this advocate was not a grey- 





The Queen 





Feb. 3. 

haired statesman, but a woman, in spite of growing 
years, of winning grace and sparkling vivacity of eye 
and tongue. 

The Queen, too, was enhsted on Leicester's side, 
probably through Henry Percy, Northumberland's 
brother, who was also a brother of Lady Carlisle and 
Lady Leicester, and who stood high in her favour. 
Yet, in spite of his wife's pleading, Charles would not 
hear of her candidate. Whatever the cause may 
have been, Northumberland singled out Laud as the 
author of the mischief. " To think well of the Ee- 
formed reUgion," he wrote, " is enough to make the 
Archbishop one's enemy." ^ 

A new combination was now proposed. At Hamil- 
ton's suggestion the Queen put forward Vane. Strafford 
knew him as an inefficient self-seeking courtier. He 
had also given Vane personal offence, which he was 
not Ukely to forget. Though the estate of Eaby was 
in Vane's possession, Strafford had chosen the barony 
of Eaby to give a subsidiary title to his earldom.^ 
Eather than see Vane in office, Strafford urged that 
Coke should be retained. He was borne down by the 
influence of Hamilton and the Queen, and on Feb- 
ruary 3 Vane became Secretary of State.^ Vane's son 
had been brought, in the preceding spring, to some 
outward show of conformity, and, as Joint Treasurer 
of the Navy, was engaged, amongst other occupa- 
tions, in reckoning up the payments of ship money as 
they came slowly in. 

^ Northumberland to Leicester, Nov. 21, Dec. 13, Sydney Ptqfert, 
618, 623. 

' Cave to Roe, Feb. 7, S, P. iJatn. ccccxliv. 54. 

* Clarendon's account is borne out by Rossetti's despatches. 




It was not likely that Charles would even attempt to 
remove the real obstacles to a good understanding 
between himself and his people. He could hardly, 
however, venture to face a Parliament without 
liberating Valentine and Strode, the two of the com- 
panions of Ehot's imprisonment who still remained in 
custody. They had been the confessors, as Eliot had 
been the martjrr, of the Parhamentary faith. After 
a seclusion from the world of almost eleven years 
they stepped forth into freedom.^ 

Whilst Charles was calculating the chances of a 
Parliamentary grant for his Scottish war, the Queen 
was, naturally enough, alarmed at the probability 
that Parliament would ask for a renewal of the per- 
secution of the Catholics. Con, who had pleaded 
their cause with her so successfully, had left England 
in the preceding autumn, and had died soon after his 
arrival in Eome. His successor was an Italian 
prelate, the Count Rossetti. Eossetti's first impres- 
sion of England had been one of amazement at the 
liberty enjoyed by the Catholics, and more especially 
at the language of Windebank who, though osten- 
sibly a Protestant, spoke to him 'like a zealous 


*- — . — — ' 

Release of 
and Strode. 


The (jueen 
about the 


Rossetti at 


' EossiDgham's Kewdetter^ Jan. 24, Add, MS8, lipAS* ^ol. 87. I 
was quite unaware, when I wrote my last yolomes, that their imprison- 
ment had not come to an end, as has been supposed by others, much 





Asks pro- 
against the 


Plans for 
the Ca- 


The Catho- 
lic Peers to 
be allowed 
to sit and 

The Queen 
applies to 

Catholic/ and offered to give him every information of 
which he might stand in need.^ As soon as he heard 
of the approaching meeting of Parliament, he appealed 
to the Queen for protection against the very probable 
demand of the Commons for his own dismissal. The 
Queen carried his representations to her husband, 
and returned with comforting assurances. Charles 
had told her, that if the point were raised he would 
reply that her right to hold correspondence with 
Rome was secured by her marriage treaty. " This," 
she explained to Eossetti, " is not true, but the King 
will take this pretext to reduce to silence any one 
who meddles witli the matter."^ Before long this 
precious scheme broke down. The necessary secrecy 
was not observed, and the project reached the ears of 
Coke. Coke, who was out of humour at his own 
dismissal, went about assuring all who would listen to 
him that the treaty did not contain a word about a 
correspondence with Eome. Another scheme which 
presented itself to the Queen's mind was still more 
unwise. Many of the Catholic Peers were prevented 
from taking their seats in the House of Lords by their 
refusal to take the Oath of Allegiance. It was now 
suggested that the Lords had no right to hnpose this 
qualification, and it was hoped that in this way the 
Catholics would be better represented in Parliament 
than had hitherto been the case. Yet the Queen 
could not but feel that, even if she had her wish in 
this matter, the prospects of the Catholics were very 
unfavourable. She applied to Strafford for help. 
Strafford answered civilly, but his civil answers did not 

* Rosaetti to Barberini^ Sept. ^, M, 0. Transcripts. 
'"II che se bene non h vero, vuole nondimeno valersene il Rd per 
pretesto per ribatiere cbiunque sarti per trattarli di questo fatto." 

Rossetti to Jferberini, ^^, Ibid. 




inspire confidence. He was always an enigma to the chap. 
Queen and her friends. Eossetti was not quite sure whe- 
ther he was a Protestant or a Puritan, but was incUned, 
on the whole, to regard him as a Puritan.^ K he 
meant, a3 he probably did, that Strafford had no wish 
to favour the Catholics, he was doubtless in the right. 

So slight were Charles's hopes of a successful 1639. 
issue of the Parhament which he had summoned, that chariM'e 
he was already looking abroad for the support which ^^S*°"' 
was likely to fail him at home. Since the sea-fight ^'*°^» 
in the Downs and the detention of the Elector 
Palatine, he was more alienated from France than 
before, and more convinced that EicheHeu was at 
the bottom of his Scottish troubles. His relations and with 
with the States General were equally unsatisfactory, lan.i?.^****'" 
Aerssens, indeed, had arrived on a mission of ex- 
planation ; but his explanations consisted simply in an 
assertion that Tromp had been doing good service to 
Charles by destroying the fleet of the common 
enemy ; and that, at all events, he had only followed 
the precedent set by Charles himself in 1627, when 
he seized a French ship in the neutral harbour of the 
Texel.^ Charles showed his displeasure in his recep- p^opoBed 
tion of a proposal made to him at this time for STTn^iflh 


a son 

a marriage between his eldest daughter Mary with 

and the only son of the Prince of Orange. He told phd^ of 

Heenvhet, the confidential agent of the Prince, that ^^^ 
• . . 1640, 

if he asked for liis second daughter, Elizabeth, he J»n- 
might take the request into consideration. As the 
child was only four years old, the change was not 
likely to give satisfaction at the Hague.^ 

* Rossetti to Barberini, ^^*, ~^f^ March if, E, O. Transcripts, 

* AersseDS and Joochimi to the States General, Dec. §5, Add, M88, 
^7f^77j fol. 146. England under BuckingJiaim and Owrles L, ii. 150. 

' HeenTliet to the Prince of Orange, ^;?, Jan. jj, Groen van 
Prinsterer, Archives , Ser. 2, iii. 159, 169. 





s.— , 



Feb. 7. 

Feb. x8. 
Afiflwer of 

Charles had, in fact, another alliance in view- 
That veteran intriguer, the Duchess of Chevreuse, had 
suggested that Charles's eldest son and daughter 
should be united to the daughter and the son of the 
King of Spain. It was known that a new Spanish 
Ambassador, the Marquis of Velada, would soon be in 
England to join Cardenas in urging Charles to revenge 
the insult which had been offered him by the Dutch. 
Sir Arthur Hopton, the English agent at Madrid, was 
instructed to hint that if Velada brought proposals for 
a new Spanish marriage, they would be favourably 
received.^ It was not, indeed, likely that the overture 
would be really made. As usual, Charles took care 
to make the Spaniards understand how little his 
alUance was worth. Hopton was to say that his 
master found ' himself in a great strait ' in con- 
sequence of the occurrence in the Downs. It would 
be as dangerous to show * a sense equal to the affront ' 
as to show * none at all.' If he demanded reparation 
from the States, there would be no course open to him, 
in the probable event of a refusal, short of a declara- 
tion of war ; and, as matters stood, a declaration of 
war was simply impossible. What he wanted, in 
short, was that Philip should help him out of his 
present difficulty, on the understanding that Charles 
would help him in turn when he was in more pros- 
perous circumstances. 

The reply made by Olivares was not encouraging. 
He would hear nothing of an aUiance unless Charles 
would actually declare war against the Dutch. In 
that case the old secret treaty, negotiated by 
Cottington for the partition of the Netherlands, should 
be revived, and Charles might choose any part of the 

* Aerssens to the Prinoe of Orange, ^^q, Groen van Prinaterer^ 
Archives, Ser. 2, iii. 165. 


Dutch territory which suited him best. If this oflfer ^^^j^- 
were accepted, the King of Spain would do that ^—7- — ' 
which had been asked in -vain in the preceding j.^^^ * 
summer. He would lend Charles eight or ten 
thousand veterans in exchange for the same number 
of recruits. On the subject of the marriage Ohvares 
was extremely reserved. 

In reporting this conversation Hopton warned March 12. 
Charles that he had httle to expect from the 
Spaniards. They had now but few ships and less 
money. Their habit was to promise mountains and 
perform molehills.^ 

These overtures to Spain were perhaps to some 1639- 
extent owing to Charles's prior conviction that the J^*>^»» 
Scottish troubles were the result of EicheHeu's in- Scotland 
trigues. As a matter of fact, Kichelieu had taken no 
part in them. It is true, indeed, that in May 1639 a 
certain WiUiam Colvill had been instructed by the 
Covenanting leaders to visit the Hague and Paris, in 
order to ask for the mediation of the States General 
and the King of France, whilst another agent was to 
go with a similar object to the Queen of Sweden and 
the King of Denmark. Scruples, however, against 
the propriety of asking for foreign intervention pre- 
vailed ; and, though the letters which these agents 
were to have carried were written, they were not 

In proposing to make application to France, the 
Scots did but revive the old policy of their ancestors. 

^ Windebank to Hopton, Feb. 7. Hopton to VTindebank, Feb. 18, 
Marcb 12, Clarendcn MSS, i,3Sif if3S3f i>362. 

* BailUe, I 190. Draft to the King of France, HaUes^i Memorials, 
60. The letter ultimately written ib printed in 1,119. In 
Mazure's Bitt. de la J^volutum, ii. 405, where it is alec printed, it is 
followed by an instructipn which is of a later date, and has no connection 
with the abortive mission of 1639. 




« ■ ' 



Ime and 

refuses to 

The memory of the ancient league had not died away. 
Scottish archers still guarded the person of the King 
of France, and Scottish visitors to Paris in need of 
protection were in the habit of going straight to 
Kichelieu's Scottish chaplain Chambers, seldom trou- 
bling themselves to pay even a visit of ceremony to 
the English Ambassador. Even in our days it has 
sometimes happened that a Scotsman can procure 
unwonted attention in Paris by the mere mention of 
his nationality. 

The poUcy of giving active assistance to the 
Covenanters liad a warm advocate in Bellievre. He 
had long ago entered into communication with their 
leaders, and had sent emissaries to Scotland to 
watcli tlie course of affairs. Wlien Dunfermline and 
Loudoun arrived in London at the end of the year, 
they sent to the Aml^assador to ask for French sup- 
port in case of need. Li return, they were ready to 
engage to make no furtlier treaty with Charles in 
wlii(*h their alliance witli France was not recognised, 
as well as to stipulate for the admission of Scots to 
the Committee of Foreign Affairs,^ where they would 
be in a position to give warning of anything which 
might be contemplated to the prejudice of that 

BelHevre would gladly have fallen in with this 
proposal. Eichelieu would not hear of it. All 
through the summer he had been warning the Am- 
bassador that it would be unwise to enter into any 
engagements with the Scots. The sagacious Cardinal 

' This proposal was based on a suggestion made by Bellieyre in the 
autumn. Ranks, who was the first to teU the story, missed the point of 
thb demand by translating the ' Conseil des Affaires Etrangdres' by the 
Privy Oouncil. A man might be a Privy Oouncillor, and know nothing 
of importance. 


held that Charles would ruin himself without any ^5A^- 
elffort on the part of France. He now positively ' — 7- — ' 
ordered BeUievre not to meddle in the affairs of j^' 
Scotland. It was probably in consequence of this 1640- 
rebuff* that BeUievre was recalled at his own request. Beiiievii's 
Early in January he returned to Paris.^ 

In the beginning of February Traquair arrived in Feb. 
London, bringing with him the Scottish Commis- commis- 
sioners who had been deputed to lay the case of their LondbD!** 
countrymen before the King. By neither side could it 
be seriously expected that any good would result from 
their mission ; and Charles was more especially distrust- 
ful because Traquair had come into possession^ of the The letter 
letter which the Covenanters had intended to send to foils into 
France by Colvill in the preceding spring. When hands. 
Charles saw it he was confirmed in all his suspicions. 
Now, he thought, he would be able to prove to all 
men that rehgion had been but the pretext under 
which the Scots had cloaked deUberate treason. 

Nor were the Scots more lioi>efiil of a satisfactory Feb. is. 

Til A fvorvt 

issue. They did not, indeed, break out into open son of 
resistance, and they even allowed a hundred Enghsh casUe re- 
soldiers to enter the Castle of Edinburgh as a rein- "^°'^**^ 
forcement of Ettrick's scanty garrison.^ Yet they 
knew that they must be prepared for the worst, and, 
on the day after the soldiers entered, Colvill was Feb. 19. 
despatched to France with a second letter asking for despatched 
the mediation of Lewis in the name of the ancient '*"**" 

* Ohavigny to Bellievre. LewiB XIU. to Bellieyre, Apr. y^, 

Dec. |§, ^~, Bibl. Nat. Fr. 15,915, fol. 302, 393, 398. Bellievre to De 

la Barde, ^=|f , Arch, des Af. Etr. xlvii. 510. 

' Balfour, iii. 76. 

' Ettrick to the King, Feb. 18, S. P. Dom, ccccxlix. 58. 

* The Covenanters to Lewis XIII., Feb. 19, Bibl Nat. Fr. 15,915, 
fol. 410. The instructions printed by Mazure, ii. 406, refer to this mission. 






Hope's con- 

sion is 


To this letter Montrose's signature was appended. 
If he was tending towards Charles, he had not yet gone 
over to him altogether. It was necessary to keep up 
appearances, and in December he had been compelled 
by popular clamour to refuse an invitation to Court 
which had reached him from Charles himself.^ Yet 
it would probably be unjust to ascribe his conduct 
simply to a wish to keep up appearances. It may 
very well be that Charles's reluctance to throw the 
Bishops frankly overboard had its effect upon Mont- 
rose as well as upon others. How much Charles's 
hesitation on this point contributed to give strength 
to his political opponents is evident to all dispassion- 
ate inquirers. Sir Thomas Hope was one of the most 
fanatical of the Covenanters. " My lord," he said 
one day to Eothes, who had assured him that the 
King meant to restore the Bishops, " let no reports 
move you, but do your duty. Put his Majesty to it, 
and if it be refused then you are blameless. But if 
on these reports ye press civil points, his Majesty will 
make all Protestant princes see that you have not 
religion for your end, but the bearing down of mon- 
archy." ^ If Charles expected to derive any strength 
from the monarchical sentiment which was still living 
in Scotland, he must agree quickly with the Presby- 

Unluckily for Charles, it was to England rather 
than to Scotland that he was looking for help. In 
his discussions with the Scottish Commissioners he 
showed no alacrity to win the hearts of Scotsmen by 
any plain declaration on the subject of Episcopacy. 
After some preliminary fencing, he took up the posi- 
tion that ' the supreme magistrate must have authority 

' Montrose to the King, Dec. 26, Napier, Memain of Mcmtrom^ i, 
228. ' Hope'fl Diary f Jan. 14, 115. 



to call assemblies and to dissolve them, and to have a chap. 


negative voice in them as is accustomed in all 
supreme powers of Christendom.' ^ He truly felt 
that the proposed Acts contained nothing less than a 
political revolution. But he had nothing positive to 
offer. Even when the Commissioners observed that, 
after all, the Bills had not yet passed the Articles, 
and were consequently still open to revision, he made 
no attempt to seize the opportunity by announcing 
his readiness to assent to the Bill for repealing the 
Acts by which Episcopacy had been legalised. No 
wonder the Commissioners were left under the im- 
pression that his reservation of the negative voice 
implied a purpose, to restore Episcopacy at the first 
favourable opportunity.^ 

These discussions, meaningless in themselves, were Feb. 
carried on in the midst of warUke preparations. On SSTfoV 
February 24 arrangements were made for pressing ^^' 
30,000 foot from the several counties south of the 
Humber,' the northern shires being excused as having 
borne the burden heavily in the last campaign. At Occur- 
Edinburgh an appeal to arms was no less imminent. Edinburgh. 
On the 25th some ill-built works which had been 
erected as a defence to the castle, fell down, and the 
population of the town refused to allow Ettrick to 
carry in the materials needed to repair the damage. 
A few days later the Earl of Southesk, Sir Lewis March. 
Gordon, and other noted Koyalists were seized and 
imprisoned.* The struggle for sovereignty in Scot- 
land was evidently about to recommence. 

One gleam of hope shone upon Charles's path. On March 16. 
March 16 Strafford crossed the Irish Sea, suffering, as SSiTontfor 

^ Rushw, iii. 1,035. ' Ibid, iii. 994, 1,018. 

' NichoWs Minutes, Feb. 24, S. P, Dom. cccczlv. 6. 

^ Ettrick to tlie King, March 2, ii, 25, Ibid, ccccxlTiL 6, 89, 

ccccxlviii. 81. Spalding, i. 260. 

March z6. 


CHAP, he was from his old disease, the gout. " Howbeit," 
he gaily wrote as he was preparing to embark, " one 
way or other, I hope to make shift to be there and 
back again hither in good time, for I will make 
strange shift and put myself to all the pain I shall 
be able to endure before I be anywhere awanting to 
my master or his affairs in this conjuncture; and 
therefore, sound or lame, you shall have me with you 
before the beginning of the ParUament. I should 
not fail, though Sir John Eliot were Uving." ^ 
MectinKof Strafford kept his word. On the i8th he landed 
Parliament iu Ireland. The Parliament had been already two 
days in session. A body so equally divided was 
always at the disposal of a strong ruler. With his 
httle phalanx of officials well in hand, he could throw 
the majority in the House of Commons on which 
side he pleased. In 1634 he had thrown it on the 
side of the colonists of English birth. In 1640 he 
threw it on the side of the native Irish. Predisposed 
by their religious ties to dread the victory of the 
Covenanting Scots, the L-ish Catholics would be ready 
to follow Strafford at least so long as he could con- 
vince them of his power. When he left England he 
had intended to ask for six subsidies, a grant which 
was estimated as equivalent to 270,000/. On the 
recommendation of the Council, however, he con- 
tented himself with asking for four, or i8o,oooZ., on 
condition that the Commons would supplement it by 
a declaration that, if more were required, more 
should be given.*^ 

^ Strafford to P March 16, Straf, Letter Bj ii. 303. The editor 

gives this letter as written to Secretary Coke, though Ooke was no 
longer Secretary. I suspect Conway to have been the man. 

3 The King to Strafford, March 2, 3. The Irish Ck>ancil to Winde- 
bank, March 19, 23, Straf. Letters, ii. 391, 394, 396^ 397. Orumwell to 
Conway, March 31, S, P. Dom, ccccxlix. 47. 


The demand was made on the 23rd. Never was ^^^' 

there a greater appearance of unanimity. Abhor- ^ 
rence of the Covenanters expressed itself in every ^i^,^^^ 
word which was uttered. The King was thanked for ^p" »«^- 

^ . dies voted. 

not having taken what he needed by a simple act of 
the prerogative. He was assured that his Irish sub- 
jects would supply his needs if they left no more 
than hose and doublet to themselves. When the 
vote was taken, not a single negative was heard. 
Hands were stretched aloft and hats flung into the 
air in a burst of enthusiasm. Those who witnessed 
the scene declared that if one part of the assembly 
was more vehement than another, it was that in which 
the native Irish were to be found. 

This exuberant loyalty found full expression in a 
declaration by which the grant was accompanied.^ Its 
phrases sound unreal enough now. Yet they were 
doubtless not altogether unreal to those who uttered 
them. The zeal of the Irish CathoUcs, at least, was 
quickened by a lively anticipation of future favours. 
K they took the lead in the overthrow of the King's 
enemies, what could possibly be denied them ? 

In Strafford's eyes the declaration was a simple act March 04. 
of confidence in himself. The Irish, he wrote, would amy to be 
be as ready to serve with their persons as with their 
purses. By the middle of May he would be ready to 
take the field at the head of an army of 9,000 men, 
if only money were sent from England to enable him 
to make the first payments before the subsidies began 
to come in.^ The Session was speedily brought to an 
end, and the Lord-Lieutenant recrossed the sea in 
hope to be as successful at Westminster as he had 
been at DubUn. 

' Journals of the Commons of Ireland, i. 14 t. 

' Strafford to Windebank, March 24, Strqf, Liters, ii. J98. 

VOL. I. X 




' r— ' 


March 24. 

The King 
advieed to 
lue force. 

He expects 
much from 
the letter uf 
the Scots 
to Lewis. 

The English elections were held in March. The 
returns were not to the satisfaction of the Court. 
Suspicion was doing its work among the electors and 
the elected. Men spoke of the cavalry which was 
being raised for the Northern war as if it were in- 
tended to keep Parliament in check. When the mem- 
bers arrived in London, it was evident that they did 
not quail before the danger. Their talk was of Umi- 
tations to be placed on the prerogative, and of calling 
in question the Ministers by whom it had becjn unduly 
exalted. The work of the Long Parliament was 
already in their minds.^ On the other hand, coun- 
sellors were not wanting to urge Charles to be pre- 
pared to resort to force, and, in the belief of those 
who were likely to be well informed, he cherished the 
idea as at least a possible resource in the not impro- 
bable event of a refusal of supplies.* As if to give 
warning of coming danger, he appointed a consider- 
able number of Catholics as officers in his new army, 
whilst all who were tainted with Puritanism were 
sedulously excluded.^ 

It was no immediate blow that Charles contem- 
plated. He placed great confidence in the effect 
likely to be produced even upon the new House of 
Commons by the revelation which he had in store for 
them. On the back of the letter which Traquair had 
brought him was an address Au Rot. It was evident 
to Charles not only that the Scots had committed 
treason in addressing Lewis as their King, but that 
every reasonable person was certain to come to the 
same conclusion. The opinion of the House of Com- 
mons would in this way be gained over to his side. 

1 Salvetti's Netwletter, March |g. 

* Giustinian to the Doge, March ||, March |g, Ven. TVarucr^. 

» Rossetti to Barberini, ^^f, E. O. TrantcnpU. 


A copy of the letter was first sent to the King of ^"^^^ 
France.^ Lewis, of course, disavowed having ever — 7 — ' 
seen it before ; and, as the letter which he had seen ^^^.j j* 
was a difierent one, he was able to make this dis- '^^ ^^^^J - 

' com mum- 

avowal with at least literal truthfulness. Eichelieu fated to 


congratulated himself that he had kept clear of all 
negotiation with the Scots. " By this event," he 
wrote, " M.' de Bellievre will see that we have been 
more prudent than he."^ 

Of those whose signatures were appended to the ^D^***^ 
letter, one only was in Charles's power. Loudoun <*®"^- 
was one of the Scottish Commissioners in London. 
He was at once committed to the custody of one of 
the sheriffs, and the other Commissioners shared his 
fate, though they had nothing to do with the letter. It is 
probable that Charles's real motive is to be found in 
his anxiety to cut off all communication between them 
and the members of the EngUsh ParUament. 

Li spite of the hopes which he founded on the ^^Y«S 
effect of the letter which he had in his hands, Charles ^oney. 
was depressed and anxious. The Privy Councillor's 
loan had been all too httle for his needs. In vain he 
called on the citizens to lend him ioo,oooZ. at eight 
per cent, for the necessary defence of the realm. Two 
days before the date appointed for the meeting of 
Parliament, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were 
summoned before the Council. Manchester assured 
them not only that they were sure to have the money 
repaid, but that they ought to be grateful to the King 
for offering such advantageous terms. The citizens 
were not to be persuaded by his- eloquence.^ 

Parliament was opened on April 13. The new 


^ The King to Leicester, Apr. 1 1, Sydney Letters, ii. 645. 

Richelieu to ChaTigny, ^^, Averud, vi. 689. 
* Rofi8iiigham*8 Newsletter, Apr. 14, 8, P. Ihm, ccccl. 88. 

X 2 


CHAP. Lord Keeper, who had recently been raised to the 
^ — 7-—' peerage as Lord Finch of Fordwich, set forth at length 

Apru I ^^^^ disloyalty of the Scots, dwelt upon their unnatural 
^j^'» conduct in opening negotiations with foreign States, 
*'**»« , and pointed out that, now that L-eland had been 

opening of •'• 

Pariia- civiliscd, Scotlaud was the only quarter from which 
England was open to attack. It was in defence as 
much of his subjects as of himself, that thie King had 
been compelled to raise an army. For the payment 
of that army money was urgently needed. Li order 
to anticipate any dispute about tonnage and poundage, 
a Bill had been prepared, in which those duties would 
be granted from his Majesty's accession. When this 
and a Subsidy Bill had been passed. Parliament would 
have some time to devote to the consideration of 
grievances, and, if the season of the year did not 
allow sufficient opportunity, another Session should be 
held in the following winter. 

The letter As soou as the Lord Keeper had finished his 

to toe 

French spccch, the King called on him to read the intercepted 
duced. letter. " The superscription," said Finch, " is this — 
Au Roi, For tlie nature of which superscription, it 
is well known to all that know the style of France 
that it is never written by any Frenchman to any but 
to their own King ; and therefore, being directed Au 
Hoi, it is to their own King ; for so in effect they do 
by that superscription acknowledge him." 

As the letter itself bore no intimation of any such 
acknowledgment, the whole evidence of treasonable 
intention lay in the superscription ; and it is needless 
to say that this evidence was far too flimsy to support 
the weight which it was intended to bear.^ Even if 

* No doubt, Au lioi was not in any proper sense a direction. Several 
letters would be included in one packet, and marked Au B<n, Au CanU- 
ruUf &c.| for the mere instruction of the bearer. 


the superscription had been treasonable, there was ^y^^- 

nothing to connect it with any one of those by whom * — 7 — ' 

the letter had been signed. On the 14th Loudoun ^p^^ * 

was examined. He asserted that he was completely J^^JJ^ 
ignorant of the French language, but that, so far as 
he knew, the letter was harmless. At all events, it 
had never reached its destination. 

The Kinff had gone too far to draw back. On April is. 

_ . . . The Com- 

the 1 6th the letter was read by Windebank in the monapro- 
House of Commons. It made no impression whatever bLmesa. 
there. The Commons were far more interested in 
noting that Finch had not had even a passing word 
to spare for the all-important subject of ship money. ^ 

The intercepted letter was therefore simply ignored Grimaton's 
by the Commons. Harbottle Grimston, the member 
for Colchester, was the first to break the ice/^ He 
argued that, bad as a Scottish invasion might be, the 
invasions made upon the Uberties of the subjects at 
home were nearer and more dangerous. Not only 
ought these grievances to be remedied, but an ex- 
ample ought to be made of those men with whom 
they had originated.^ 

Grimston was an excellent specimen of that crreat Grimston a 

. type of a 

middle party, on whom devolved the burden of main- party, 
taining in its essential parts the old constitution of the 
country. Born the second son of a baronet, he 
devoted himself in early manhood to the study of the 
law. On his elder brother's death he gave up his 

^ Roflsfngham's Newsletter, Apr. 14, S. P. Dom, ccccl. 88. The 
scanty notices of this Parliament which are to be found in Rnshworth may 
be largely supplemented from Rossingham's letters and notes. There is 
also a separate set of notes in Harl, MSS, 4,931, foL 47, and there are 
special reports of speeches amongst the State Papers. 

^ This phrase, used by Clarendon of Pym is here restored to Grim- 
ston, to whom it properly belongs. CIarendon*s account of this session is 
nearly worthless. 

• liushw, iii. 1,128. 


CHAP, profession as standing no longer in need of its emolu- 
' — 7 — ' ments. Soon afterwards he met and admired the 
April x6. daughter of Croke, the judge, who was to render 
good service to the State by his judgment in Hamp- 
den's case. He found that the old lawyer would not 
hear of a son-in-law who had turned aside from the 
legal plough, and, to gain a wife, young Grimston 
returned to the practice of the law. In 1638 he was 
appointed Eecorder of Colchester, and he now sat in 
the Commons as member for that borough. He lived 
long enough to be able to boast that he had refused 
to take the Solemn League and Covenant, and that he 
had stood up alike against Cromwell and against 
Laud. He was a fitting Speaker of that Convention 
Parliament which recalled Charles H. without sharing 
in tlie violent intolerance of its successor, the Long 
Parliament of the Eestoration, and he died at an ad- 
vanced age two years before the accession of James H. 
Pious without fanaticism, and charitable without 
ostentation, he was naturally distrustful of all that 
was new and unexpected, and in this he did no more 
than reflect those conservative instincts which in 
every nation stand in the way of too rapid change.^ 
Speeches of Grimstou was followed by Seymour, in a speech 
and more especially directed against the ecclesiastical 

" ^*' * grievances. After that Kudyerd discoursed, in his 
usual benevolent way, on the virtue of moderation, 
and proved decisively that he had grown neither 
wiser nor more resolute since he sat in the Parliament 
of 1628. As far as we know, no one rose in defence 
of Charles's government. 
The Lords Whilst the tide was thus running strongly against 

alyo^nh Charles's system in the Commons, it received an un- 
expected blow in the Upper House. At the end of 

* Collins' Peerage , viil 214. 


the sitting, Laud moved, as usual, that as the following ^^j^^- 
day was appointed for the sitting of Convocation, the ' — 7-—' 
House should adjourn over it, on account of the en- ^^ ^1x6 
forced absence of the Bishops. Saye objected, on the 
ground that the presence of the Bishops was unneces- 
sary to give validity to the proceedings of the Peers. 
Laud modestly answered that he asked for the ad- 
journment not of right, but of courtesy. Finch came 
to the support of the Archbishop, stating that he was 
liimself out of health, and that it would be difficult 
for him to attend, upon which the adjournment was 
voted solely on account of the Lord Keeper's inability 
to be present. It was evident that the Bishops were 
as unpopular amongst the Lords as they were amongst 
the Commons. " The Lower House," was Northum- The Lorda 
berland's comment on that day's proceedings, " fell Ltta4 the 
into almost as great a heat as ever you saw them in "^^^' 
ray Lord of Buckingham's time, and I perceive our 
House apt to take fire at the least sparkle."^ 

The next day petitions from several counties, com- April 17 
plaining of grievances of every kind, were presented SMfroin 
to the Commons. The courtiers described them as J^^^*^"**" 
the Scottish Covenant * wanting only hands.' 

K the petitions wanted hands, Pym gave them a Pym's 
voice. He spoke for nearly two hours, a length to '***^ 
which the Commons of those days were unaccustomed. 
The speech itself, sustained as it was by the fervour 
of strong conviction, had nothing of the poetic ima- 
gination for which members of earUer Parliaments 
had never looked in vain to Eliot or Wentworth. 
Those who sympathised with Pym most thoroughly 
feared lest his long argumentative reasoning should 
strike coldly upon the ears of his hearers. When he 
sat down, they knew that their fears had been un- 

' Northumberland to Conway, Apr. 17, S, P. Dom, ccccl. loi. 





.*_ — , * 


April 17. 
lu merits. 

Vym on 

founded. The general sense of the House was ex- 
pressed by cries of "A good oration."^ 

The House was in the right. Pym's speech was 
one of those which gain immeasurably by subsequent 
study. Its greatness consists far more in what the 
speaker left unspoken than in what he said. Others 
could have summed up the well-known catalogue of 
grievances as well. The words of the petitions were 
too distinct to allow much room for addition. That 
which marks Pym from henceforth as a leader of 
men is the moderation combined with firmness with 
which every sentence is stamped. It was easy enough 
to start with an assurance that the King would be 
strengthened rather than weakened by granting the 
relief demanded. The Scotch Covenanters had done 
as much as that. But it was not easy to say things 
which must have been diametrically opposed to all 
the King's ideas, and yet so to say them as to give as 
little offence as possible to men who had no sym- 
pathy with fanaticism or violence. It may possibly 
have occurred to Pym's hearers — ^it will certainly 
occur to his readers — that the cause which Pym and 
Eliot had alike at heart had gained not a little by 
the sad fate which had condemned the stainless 
martyr to an early grave. 

The first words with which Pym touched on the 
great question of Parliamentary privilege showed 
how thoroughly he was in accord with Eliot's prin- 
ciples. The ' powers of Parliament,' he said, * are to 
the body pohtic as the rational faculties of the soul 
to a man.' The whole spirit of the coming revolution, 
at least on the poUtical side, was to be found in these 

^ " The best feared it would scarce have taken because it was so 
plain ; but at the end of it all cried out, A good oration.* HarK MSS, 
4,931, fol. 47. 


words. They made, indeed, the task of this Parlia- chap. 
ment hopeless from the first. It was the contention 
of Charles against the Scots that he, and no assembly, 
civil or ecclesiastical, was the soul of the body 
politic. What would it advantage him to receive 
subsidies and to gather armies to impose his authority 
on Scotland, if he were compelled to yield at West- 
minster all that he claimed at Edinburgh. It was 
therefore to the nation rather than to Charles that 
Pym's appeal was* addressed. If once this first prin- 
ciple were admitted, all the rest of his argument 
would follow. The complaint was justified, that the 
events of the last day of the Session of 1629 and the 
treatment of the imprisoned members had been distinct 
violations of the privileges of the House, and even 
that the sudden and abrupt dissolution of Parlia- 
ments before their petitions were answered was ' con- 
trary to the law and custom.'^ 

On turning to the ecclesiastical grievances, Pym On f^- 
stepped upon more uncertain ground. Till the novatioM. 
question of Church government were solved in the 
sense of religious liberty, there could be no permanent 
solution of the constitutional problem. Yet for Pym 
or for any other man to solve it yet was altogether 
impossible. The sense of irritation which had been 
roused by Laud's unwise proceedings had been con- 
ducive to a temper predisposed to treat Laud and his 
allies as the enemies of the Church and country. It 
might have been expected that, after the occurrences 
of the last eleven years, Pym would have called for 
measures far more stringent than had satisfied the 
last Parliament. Exactly the contrary was the case. 

' The ground on which the Scots had opposed the prorogation of 
their Parliament was that the matters were still dependent before the 
Lords of the Articles, and therefore neither accepted nor denied. 


CHAP. In 1 6 29 Eliot led the House in asking for the proscrip- 
' — 7 — tion of all but Calvinistic opinions. In 1 640 Pym after 
Apru 17. speaking of the danger from Popery, touched lightly 
upon the support which had been given in public to 
' the chiefest points of religion in difference between us 
and the Papists.' Abstaining from any attempt to set 
up a new doctrinal test, he commented less upon the 
opinions of his opponents than upon their ceremonial 
innovations. He spoke of ' the new ceremonies and ob- 
servances, which had put upon the churches a shape 
and face of Popery,' of the introduction of * altars, 
images, crucifixes, bowings and other gestures,' the 
preferring of the men who were most forward in 
setting up such innovations, and tlie discouragement 
of the ' faithful professors of the truth.' Matters of 
small moment had been taken hold of * to enforce 
and enlarge those unhappy differences,' and * to raise 
up new occasions of further division.' Then, too, 
there had been ' the over rigid prosecution of those 
who ' were ' scrupulous in using some things en- 
joined,' which were yet held by those who enjoined 
them to be in tliemselves indifferent. Pym's remedy 
for the mischief lay at least in the direction of 
Uberty. "It hath ever been the desire of this 
House," he said, " expressed in many Parliaments in 
Queen Elizabeth's time and since, that such might be 
tenderly used. It was one of our petitions delivered 
at Oxford to his Majesty that now is ; but what little 
moderation it hath produced is not unknown to us 
all. Any other vice almost may be better endured 
in a minister than inconformity." That there might 
be no doubt to what he referred, he enumerated the 
cases in which punishment had been inflicted * with- 
out any warrant of law.' Men, he said, had been 
brought to task for refusing to read the Declaration 


of Sports, for not removing the Communion table to ^Jiff- 
the east end, for not coming to the rails to receive ^ — -^ — 
the Sacrament, for preaching on Sunday afternoons ^ .^ ^ 
instead of catechising, and even for using other ques- 
tions than those which were to be found in the 
authorised Catechism. Finally, there had been abuse 
in the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. 

It cannot be denied that to grant Pym's demands 
would have broken up the Church system of Charles 
and Laud. But though some of the more extreme 
ceremonial forms would undoubtedly have been pro- 
scribed, the whole tone of his speech was in favour 
of a liberal and comprehensive treatment of the 
Cliurch question. The unnecessaiy restrictions upon 
conscientious rehgion held far the largest space in his 
argument. Even when Pym spoke of practices to 
which he took objection, it was the compulsion 
even more than the practices which he held up to 

Finally, came the long enumeration of the poli- The civil 
tical grievances. The enforcement of tonnage and 
poundage, and impositions without a Parliamentary 
grant, which had been the subject of contention in 
preceding Parliaments, was naturally placed first. 
Pym distinctly asserted that in attacking these he 
had no wish to diminish the King's profit, but 
merely to establish the right in Parhament. Then 
came the grievances of the past eleven years — the en- 
hancement of the customs by the new book of rates, 
the compositions for knighthood, the monopolies in 
the hands of the new companies, the enforcement of 
ship money, the enlargement of the forests, the 
appeal to obsolete statutes against nuisances in order 
to fill the exchequer, whilst no attempt was made to 
abate the nuisances themselves ; and last of all, those 


«April 17. 

CHAP, military charges which were now for the first time 
treated as a grievance. Pym gave a history of the 
way in which these last charges had grown. Coat 
and conduct money, or the expenses of clothing newly 
raised levies, and of taking them to the place of 
rendezvous had originally been borne by the Crown. 
Elizabeth in her need had sometimes asked the coun- 
ties to advance the money till she was able to repay 
it. By degrees the exception had become the rule, 
whilst the engagement to repay the advance had 
ceased to be observed. New customs were already 
springing up. Not only were men pressed against 
their wiD, but the counties were compelled to furnish 
pubUc magazines for powder and munitions, to pay 
certain officers, and to provide horses and carts for 
the King's service without any remuneration what- 

As Pym knew, the strength of the King's authority 
lay in his being able to fall back upon the Courts of 
Law. As yet no one was prepared to strike at the 
root of the evil. Pym contented himself with pro- 
testing against ' extrajudicial declarations of judges,' 
made without hearing counsel on the point at issue, 
and against the employment of the Privy Council 
and the Star Chamber in protecting monopolists. 
Many of the clergy had thrust themselves forward to 
undertake the defence of unconstitutional power. It 
was ' now the high way to preferment ' to preach 
that there was ' Divine authority for an absolute 
power in the King ' to do what he would with * the 
persons and goods of Enghshmen.* Dr. Mainwaring 
had been condemned in the last Parliament for this 
offence, and he had now * leapt into a Bishop's 

Then, returning to the point from which he 

Tiie intr*" 
mission of 


started, Pym pointed to the source of all other griev- ^^j^^- 
ances in ' the long intromission of ParUaments, con- — 7 — ' 
trary to the two statutes yet m force, whereby it is ^p^j ^^ 
appointed there should be Parliaments once in the 

How then was the mischief to be remedied? The 
Here Pym refused to follow Grimston. He refrained '*"*^^- 
from requiring that any individual minister should 
be called to account. Let them ask the Lords to 
join in searching out ' the causes and remedies of 
these insupportable grievances,' and in petitioning the 
King for redress.^ 

Such a speech, so decisive and yet so moderate, 
carried the House with it. It laid down the hues 
within which, under altered conditions, the Long 
ParUament afterwards moved. It gave no offence 
to the hesitating and timid, as Ehot had given 
offence by summoning the King's officers to the bar, 
and by his wild attack upon Weston. It seemed as 
if both Houses had agreed to follow Pym. The next April is. 

. . Procced- 

day the Lords called in question the appointment ingsmboth 
of Mainwaring to a Bishopric, whilst the Commons 
placed Grimston in the chair of a Committee of the 
whole House, sent for the records of the case of 
Eliot and his fellow-prisoners, and appointed a Select 

^ I cannot agree witli Kanke in holding that the draft in the State 
Paper Office is more accurate than that given hy Kushworth. It leaves 
out all about the privileges of Parliament. The printed speech in the 
Eing*s Pamphlets, uscmI by Mr. Forster, is not perhaps to be taken ^ being 
literally Pym's as it was spoken. There was no thorough system of 
shorthand in those days. But it has every characteristic of Pym, and 
most probably was corrected by him, or by some one present on the 
occasion of its delivery, and I have quoted from it as from something 
better than ** a later amplification." The report given in Ru$hw, iii. 21, 
is, as Mr. Forster has pointed out, another report of this speech. 
But Mr. Forster was wrong in taying that Pym did not speak on 
Nov. 7. 




""^ r - 



The three 
estates of 
the realm. 

The King 
to be an 

April 21. 

obliged to 
beg pardon. 

Committee to draw up a narrative of the proceedings 
against them. Before the House rose, it had ordered 
that the records of the ship-money case should 
also be brought before it. 

The feeling against the Bishops was perhaps even 
stronger in the Lords than in the Commons. There 
was more of personal jealousy there, as there had 
been among the nobility of Scotland. It was in the 
House of Lords that, for the first time since the days 
of LoUardism, the old constitutional doctrine, that 
lay peers, the clergy, and the. Commons were the 
three estates of the realm was brought in question. 
The Bishops were distinctly told that the three estates 
were the King, the Barons, and the Commons. " The 
Bishops then, it was said, would make four estates or 
exclude the King." ^ 

The words thus defiantly spoken did not touch 
the Bishops alone. The notion that Parhament was 
the soul of the body poUtic, had been welcomed by 
the Lords. The King was no longer to reign su- 
preme, summoning his estates, as Edward I. had 
summoned them, to gather round his throne. He 
was to be no more than a first estate, called on to 
join with tlie others, but not called on to do more. 
To such a pass liad Charles brought himself by his 
resolution to walk alone. The time was not far off 
when even so much participation would be denied 

On the 2ist the feeling of the Peers was even 
more strongly manifested. Bishop Hall had recently 
attracted attention to himself by publishing, at Laud's 
instigation, a work entitled * Episcopacy by Divine 
Eight,' in which he had argued that the primitive cha- 
racter of Episcopacy stamped it with Divine autho- 

* Uarl MSS. 4,931, fol. 47. 



rity.^ He now rashly spoke of Saye as one who ^iJA^- 
* savoured of a Scottish Covenanter/ He was at 

once ordered to the bar. " If I have offended," he 
said, " I cry pardon." The words were received with 
a shout of "No ifs," and Hall was forced to beg 
pardon in positive terms. 

In the meanwhile, the Lower House was busy with The Lower 
its grievances. Preparations were made to petition busy with 
the King on the breach of privilege in 1629, and to ^•^"***^ 
draw up a statement of the case against the Crown 
on ship money and the impositions. 

On this, both Houses were summoned to White- ^}^P^ «?- , 

^ • 1 1 • plairw that 

hall. In the King's presence, Finch explained the the King 
absolute necessity of a fleet, and declared that the any other 

WftV of 8I1D' 

King * was not wedded to this particular way ' of sup- porting a 
porting it, and that if the Houses would find the '^^^' 
money in some other manner, he would readily give 
his consent to the change. Then, after holding up the 
example of the fresh Parliament as worthy of imita- 
tion. Finch turned to the Lords. His Majesty, he 
said, did not doubt * that, if the House of Commons 
should fail in their duty,' the Lords would concur 
with him to preserve himself and the nation. 

The appeal to the Lords was followed by an g^g^di^ 
appeal to a body upon which the Commons looked J?^^ 
with no slight jealousy. On the 22nd, at Laud's tion. 

^ Professor Masson is rather hard upon Hall all through this alTair 
(Life of Milton, ii, 124). It should be rememhered that the book was 
intended not as a private venture of Hairs, but as a manifesto of the 
English Church. It was therefore perfectly reasonable that Laud, being 
invited to comment.| should do as he was asked. After all, the comments 
were merely those which would suggest themselves to a mind rather 
more resolute and thorough than that of Hall, and HaU did himself no 
discredit by accepting them. There is nothing in them in the slightest 
degree discordant with Hallos own system, which may be seen briefly 
in a paper of propoisitions sent by him to Laud (Lauds WarkSf iy. 


CHAP, request, Convocation unanimously granted six sub- 
sidies from the clergy.^ These subsidies would, in 
the usual course, require the confirmation of Parlia- 
ment before they could be levied, but it was natural 
that the Commons should not be very well pleased 
with the contrast between the alacrity of the clergy 
and their own deliberate hesitation. 
April 23. The next day, accordingly, the House went into 

ofthed^m- Committee on the message deUvered by the Lord 

tHk^grier- Kccpcr, and resolved to demand a conference with 
.nces first ^y^^ j^^^^^ ,, rj^jy ^.j^^ liberties of the House and 

kingdom were cleared, they knew not whether they 
had anything to give or no." ^ 
Couwii^*" When the news of this resolution reached the 
King, he was at supper. He rose angrily from the 
table, and summoned the Council to meet at once. 
That evening he had his sternest counsellor once more 
by his side. In spite of gout, Strafford had come 
back from Irelanjl. He found that his opponents at 
Court had taken advantage of his absence to complain 
of him as the main author of the summoning of so 
untoward a Parliament.^ He Uttle heeded their 
words. He fiercely urged that Charles should go 
down to the House of Lords the next morning before 
the message of the Commons had been deUvered, and 
should urge the Peers to declare that it was right that 
the satisfaction to be given to the King should pre- 
cede the presentation of grievances.* 
chirii^* Strafford's advice was taken, and at the opening of 

JJP^J^ the next morning's sitting, Charles appeared in the 
Upper House. This time he spoke with his own 

' Unison, i. 36. 

» HarL MSS, 3,931, fol. 47, 6. 

» Rossetti to Barberini, ^^S R, O. Transariptn, 

* MontreuU to Bellieyre, ^—^^ Bihl. NaL Fr. 15,995, &!• 81. 


mouth. The Commons, he said, had put the cart ciiap 
before the horse. His necessities were too serious to 

admit of delay. K the Commons would trust him, ;^ q ' 
he would make good all that Finch had promised in 
his name, and hear their grievances in the winter. In 
the other alternative, he conjured their lordships not 
* to join with them, but to leave them to themselves.' 

In an attack upon the Bishops, the Lords were The Lords 
ready to go at least as far as the Commons. But tSe^^g. 
they were too accustomed to support the Crown to 
fall into opposition on such an appeal as this. In 
a House of eighty-six, of which eighteen were 
Bishops, sixty-one yoted that the King's supply 
ought to have precedency of grievances. The mi- 
nority of twenty-five contained the names of Hert- 
ford and Southampton, who afterwards took the side 
of the King in the Civil War, as well as those of 
Bedford, Essex, of Brooke and Saye.^ 

Strafford had done neither the King nor the Lords 
service in thus thrusting the Upper House forward in 
opposition to the Lower. What he did amiss sprang 
from his fundamental misconception of the situation. 
Like Wellington in 1831 and 1832, he saw the con- 
stitution threatened by a change which would shift 
completely, and for ever, the basis of power. BeUev- 
ing in his heart that this change would be prejudicial 
to the country, he was ready to resist it witli every 
instrument that came ready to his hand. Like Wel- 
lington, he would appeal first to the House of Lords 
in the hope that the voice of the Lords would serve 

* The minority were Rutland, Southampton, Bedford, Hertford, 
Essex, Lincoln, Warwick, Clare, Bolingbroke, Nottingham, Bath, Saje 
and Sele, Willoughby of Parham, Paget, North, Mandeyille, Brooke, 
Robartes, Lovelace, Sayile, Dunsmore, Deyncourt, Montague of Bough- 
ton, Howard of Eecrick, and Wharton. Note by Windebank, 8, P. 
Dam, ccccli. 39. 




CHAP, as a rallying cry for the well-affected part of the 
nation. But there can be httle doubt that he would 

^^^' have refused to be controlled by any numerical 
majority whatever, and would have fallen back upon 
an armed force if necessary, to beat down a resist- 
ance which he believed to be destructive of all that 
was most valuable in the country. 

It was a fatal mistake, fatal if only because it was 
out of Strafford's power to keep erect that mingled 
system of law and prerogative which stood for the 
Enghsh constitution in his eyes. If the Commons 
persisted in their opinion, the only choice would be 
between a military despotism and the supremacy of 
the Lower House. If Pym could not in the face of 
Charles call back into existence the whole of the 
Elizabethan constitution, he was at least standing up 
in defence of its nobler and better part. The claim 
of Englishmen to determine their own poUcy, and 
not to be the humble recipients of bounties at the 
good pleasure of the King and the Bishops, was the 
question at issue. Pym might not produce a complete 
and perfect work. He might sometimes be harsh in 
his judgments and defective in penetrating motives; 
but, for all that, it was the voice of Pym and not the 
voice of Strafford which appealed to the memories of 
the great England of the past, and which reached 
across the gulf of time to do, as Ehot would have 
said, the work of posterity, and to call into being the 
greater England of the future. 
April 27 Strafford had to content himself with the appro- 

moMd^ bation of the Court. Charles said openly that he 
breach of* trustcd him more than all his Council. Even the 
privilege. Qu^^j^ y^Q^ wou. She told him ^ that she esteemed 

him the most capable and faithful servant her 

> Montreuil to Bellievre, ^^ ^*^' ^^' ^^' ^Sf99S* fo^. 81. 


husband had. The Commons were not likely to chap. 


regard his performances in the same light. For a ' — r^—^ 
moment, perhaps, the thought of averting a collision ^ ^' 
gained the upper hand. Might it not be possible to 
vote money to the King with the proviso that it 
should not be used against the Scots ? Pym had little 
difficulty in showing the absurdity of the proposal ; 
and the House, recovering its balance, took up as a 
breach of privilege the suggestion about supply which 
had been made by the Peers, and demanded repara- 
tion of the Lords. Before the question, thus raised, 
came to an issue, Charles learned how little he could 
count even upon the Upper House on ecclesiastical 
matters. It needed his special intervention to hinder 
the Lords from passing a fresh censure on Main- 

On the 2Qth the Lords resolved to maintain their April 20. 
position. But the resistance of the Commons had not msinuin 
been without its effect. This time the King's majority ^ ^*' ^*" 
had dwindled from 36 to 20. The resolution of the 
Upper 'House let loose men's tongues. For the first 
time in EngUsh history its composition was unfavour- 
ably canvassed. Li that House, it was said, ' there 
were few cordial for the Commonweal ; ' its members 
spoke ' so cautelously as doth not become a free 
Commonwealth.' The votes of the Bishops and the 
Councillors were at the King's disposal. It was 

^ '' The HouBe be^s to proceed to censure Mainwaring; but the 
King sent word that they shoidd desist^ or not censure him so far as to 
make him incapable of his Bishopric. 

'' The Archbishop affirmed that, if the Parliament did deprive a man 
of his Bishopric, it was in the Eangfs power to remit that censure. Some 
said that he pleaded his own case. 

'' My Lord Saye spoke nobly for the kingdom, but he had many adver- 
saries. He answered the Lord Keeper, the Archlnshop, &c., but none 
was found a match for him but the Deputy of Ireland." HarL MSS. 
4,931, fol. 48. 





■ 1 — -^ 

April 29. 

May X. 
Dr. Biieale 
sent for. 

Shots fired 


May 2. 
The king's 

well known that a heavy pressure had been put on 
the Lords by the King. Carlisle and others ac- 
knowledged that they had voted against their con- 
sciences. Holland had been urged to speak on 
behalf of the King. He had given a silent vote and 
had retired to Kensington in disgust. Newport, on 
the other hand, declared that he had been so agitated 
as to vote against the King by mistake. " They of 
the Upper House," it was bitterly said, " were fully 
fitted for slavery." ^ 

On May i the first division of the Session was 
taken in the Commons. Pym stated that Dr. Beale, 
the Master of St. John's at Cambridge, had asserted, 
in a sermon, that the King had power to make laws 
without the help of ParUament, and moved that he 
should be sent for to account for his words. An 
amendment that the evidence should first be referred 
to a Select Committee was lost by a majority of 109. 
It was impossible to have a plainer indication of the 
temper of the Commons on ecclesiastical matters.^ 

That same day news arrived from Scotland which 
made Charles more impatient than ever for an imme- 
diate grant of money. The first blood in a new civil 
war had been shed at Edinburgh. The citizens had 
thrown up a work opposite the Castle Gate, and 
Et trick had repUed by firing upon them with his 
cannon. Four of the townsmen had been slain and 
some houses injured.^ 

Upon this the King himself intervened, asking for 
an immediate answer to his request for money. In 
the Lords, Strafford distinctly announced that a 

1 Harl.MSS. 4,931, fol. 486. Montreuil to Bollievre, ^-^ BQtL 
Nat Fr, 15,995, fol. 32. 

' Commons Jotumals, ii 18. Rossingham's Newsletter, May 4, & P, 
Zhm, cccclii. 20. 

' Bossingham's Newsletter, May 5, Add, M88, i l/HS^ fol. 1 14. 


refusal would be followed by a dissolution, and there chap. 


can be little doubt that Vane conveyed the same — ^^—^ 
intimation to the Commons. The House went at w 

May 2. 

once into Committee, and broke up at the unusually ^^^, '^"^ 
late hour of six in the evening without coming to any 

Though no vote was taken, the general feeling of ^^^^ ^^ 
the House was to be ascertained without difficulty. 
The impression left by the debate was that the 
Commons would have been quite ready to leave to 
some future time the discussion of their ecclesiastical 
grievances, and of that invasion of their privileges 
which they held to have taken place in 1629. 
But they were unwilling to vote money until the 
question of arbitrary taxation had been fully cleared 
up. It must be finally settled, they thought, that 
the King had no right to take what they were 
prepared voluntarily to offer. Not only must the 
money required for the navy be levied by a Parlia- 
mentary grant, but the money needed for the army 
as well. The military charges, especially coat and 
conduct money, must no longer be fixed upon the 
subject by the sole authority of the King.^ 

The next day was a Sunday. At the Council Mays. 
Board Strafford recommended the King not to allow taken in 
snip money to stand in the way of a reconcination 
with the Commons. Charles consented that the 
ship money judgment should be carried before the 
House of Lords upon a writ of error, where it would 
undoubtedly be reversed. No better way of making 
the concession could possibly be devised. On Ccmtest 

• IT between 

another point Strafford found him less yieldmg. Strafford 
When Vane argued that no less than twelve subsidies, 
or about 840,000/., should be fixed as the price of 

* Rossingham^B NewtXetter^ May 5, Add, MSS. 1 1>045, fol. 1 14. 


CHAP so great a concession, Charles seemed inclined to 

^ — T'— ^ agree with him. Strafford, in the very spirit of 

May3» B^^con, urgcd that there should be no haggling in 

the matter. He told the King, * that the said offer to 

the Commons' House ought not to be conditional,* 

but that he should * put it upon their affections for 

supply.' Charles answered, hesitatingly, that he 

feared less would not serve his occasion. Before 

Strafford's repeated warnings, however, he gave 

way at last and consented to be satisfied with eight. ^ 

ovw^iSe'^* Strafford's urgency was entirely thrown away. 

King. It was impossible to rely upon Charles for any steady 

and consistent policy. It is exceedingly probable — 

though no evidence of the fact exists — that after the 

Council was dismissed. Vane drew away the King 

from the conciliatory attitude recommended by 

Twei^^* Strafford. At all events, he was able to appear in 

subsidies his placc in Parliament the next morning to deliver 

demanded. ■*• . , , *-' . , 

a message, distinctly asking for twelve subsidies as 
the price of the abandonment of ship money, 
batein ^^^^ Housc was again in Committee. Hampden 

Committee, askcd that the question might be put whether the 
King's request, ' as it was contained in the message,* 
should be granted. Edward Hyde — then, as ever, 
anxious to step forward as the mediator between ex- 
treme opinions — asked that the question should be 
simply whether supply should be given at all.^ He 

' The only distinct information we have is from Strafford's interroga- 
tories (Whitakei^s Life ofRaddiffe, 233). It is evident that they do not 
all relate to the same discussion. The last five interrogatories are 
plainly connected with the later Council, at which a dissolution was re- 
solyed on. 

' So far, I suppose, we may trust Clarendon (ii. 72). His account of 
this Parliament, however, is so inaccurate that I dare not use his narra- 
tive of the debate. His memory only served him to show the figure of 
Vane as frustrating an agreement which, but for Vane's delinquencies, 
would have been brought about by himself. 


might reasonably expect that many members who ^^^^• 
would vote in the negative on Hampden's motion, 

would vote in the affirmative on his. ^ 

The debate which followed only served to bring 
out the difficulties of an agreement in a stronger light 
than Strafford had supposed to be possible. The 
dread of an early dissolution, indeed, had great effect. 
As far as the amount of the subsidies was concerned, 
those who most strongly objected to even a tacit 
acknowledgment of the legality of ship money, were 
prepared to vote at least six subsidies ; and Strafford, 
at all events, was ready to advise the King to accept 
the offer. Glanville, the Speaker of the House, a 
lawyer of no mean repute, inveighed bitterly against 
taxation by prerogative. The judgment of the 
Exchequer Chamber, he said, * was a senseless judg- 
ment.' All the arguments contained in it 'might 
easily have been answered.' K it were allowed to 
stand upon record, ' after ages would see the folly of 
their times.' It was ' against law, if he understood 
what law was.' ^ Yet even Glanville recommended 
that supply should be given. An understanding 
would doubtless have been come to on the basis laid 
down by Strafford, if there had been no other ques- 
tion but that of ship money before the Committee. 
As the debate went on, however, greater prominence Demand 
was given to the demand for the abolition of the aboution 
military charges which had been mooted on the pre- Siiiitiy 
ceding Saturday. One of the members for Yorkshire, **"*^ 
Sir William Savile, said that his constituents would 
not care how many subsidies were voted if only they 
were relieved of ship money. He was at once con- 
tradicted by Bellasys, the other member for the same 

' The last sentence is from Clarendon. The rest from Harh M8S. 
4,931, fol. 49. 




Hay 4. 

Vane in- 
sists on the 
of the 

county, who, some years before, had suffered im- 
prisonment for his insolence to Strafford. The men 
of Yorkshire, he now said, ' required to be eased of 
coat and conduct money, and other such military 
charges.' Unless their representatives brought them 
that relief they dared not return home. Another 
Yorkshire man, Sir John Hotham, put the case as 
strongly as possible. Ship money, he said, had cost 
the coimtry but 1 2,000/. The miUtary charges cost 
it 40,000/. Others again attacked the whole system 
of impressment which Selden had attacked in 1628.^ 

Such speeches, received with evident approbation 
by the House, drew forth a fresh declaration from 
Vane. He rose to state that the King would accept 
nothing less than the twelve subsidies which he had 
demanded in his message. Upon this the Committee 
broke up without coming to a resolution, postponing 
further consideration of the matter to the following 

It is incredible that Vane should thus have acted 
without express authority from Charles.^ The ques- 

' Rossingham to Conway, May 12, S. P. Dom, ccccliii. 24. 

^ By entirely omitting tiie matter of the military charges Clarendon 
reduces the whole affair to a personal question. My account is founded 
on two completely independent statements. There are amongst the State 
papers some notes (S, P. Dom, ccccl. 94) which I belieye to have been 
drawn up by Bossingham for circulation amongst his correspondents. In 
these we are told that * the sense of the House was that not only ship 
money should be abolished, but also all military taxes or other taxes for 
the future, by what name or title soever it might be called, shotdd be 
provided against before that twelve subsidies were granted, so that no 
positive answer was this day given to his Majesty.' Northumberland, in 
a letter to Conway, of May 5 (Ibid, cccclii. 33) is equally explicit. " The 
King,'' he wrote, ** did yesterday offer the House of Commons to relin- 
quish absolutely the shipping money if they would at this time supply 
him with twelve subsidies. This gave them not satisfaction. Thej 
desired to be also eased of the military charge, as they termed it, which 
was from the pressing, coating, and conducting of soldiers. Innovations 
in religion they likewise insisted much upon. Other grievances they 


tion of the military charges affected the King far ^^^^• 
more deeply than even the question of ship money. 

Charles knew well that whether ship money were May4. 
levied by the prerogative or not, England could no ^^^^ 
longer endure to be without a navy. At that very demand, 
moment Barbary pirates were cruising off the mouth 
of the Channel, scuttling English ships and dragging 
English sailors into a miserable captivity. But if the 
Commons could not refuse to supply the Government 
with a navy, they might very weU refuse to supply it 
with an army. If Charles assented to their present 
demand, the machinery by which he had been in the 
habit of collecting a mihtary force, would be hope- 
lessly disarranged. Nor was this all. Though it 
does not seem that any word of direct sympathy 
with the Scots was spoken in that day's Committee, 
it must have been evident to the Privy Councillors 
present that the war itself found but Uttle support 
amongst the members of the House. Already, indeed, 
the leaders of the popular party had opened commu- 
nications with some of the Scottish Commissioners, 
asking them to lay the grievances of their country- 
men before the Commons. To this the Commissioners 
had repUed that, as their lives were now at the 
King's mercy, they could not venture to take such 
a step, but that if the House of Commons, after 
reading their printed Declaration, chose to send for 
them and to inquire into the truth of its allegations, 
they would be ready to reply to any questions which 
ndght be asked. The English leaders, in fact, had ac- Propo«ed 
cepted this proposal, and had fixed the 7th as the day against 

I Do war. 
trenched upon, but these were the main ones they complained of; and 

had they been well advised I am verily persuaded they might in time 

have gained their desires^ but they in a tumultuous and confused way 

went on with their businesses^ which gave so great offence unto his 

Majesty^ that this morning he hath dissolved the Parliament." 




CHAP, on which the Scots' Declaration should be discussed. 
The debate of the 4th, however, changed their plans. 
After Vane's threatening language it was impossible 
to doubt that a dissolution was imminent. That 
evening, therefore, it was resolved that Pym should 
bring forward the subject as soon as the House met 
on the following morning. A petition, it would seem, 
was to be drawn up to beg the King to come to 
terms witli the Scots, and it is probable that the 
Lords were to be asked to concur in this petition.^ 

TheCouncii Somc ouc who could uot bc trusted was present 
at this meeting. That very evening the King received 
inteUigence of Pym's plan of operations. He at 
once summoned the Privy Council to meet at the 
unusual hour of six on the following morning. He 
sent for the Speaker and forbade him to take his 
place, lest the dreaded petition should be voted be- 
fore he had time to intervene.^ 
Miry 5. When the Council met the next morning the King 

votes fo?*s announced his intention of proceeding to a dissolu- 

^ Heylyn's statement {Cypriantu Angh 396) that the Commons 
' came to a resolution of yielding somewhat towards his Majesty's supply, 
but in the grant thereof blasted his Majesty's expedition against the 
Scots/ only puts the intention into positive terms. " Our Parliament,** 
writes a Scotchman in London, ''hath yet settled nothing. They 
are this day about to petition his Majesty to hearken to a recondliation 
with you, his subjects in Scotland." Johnstoun to Smith, May 5, 8, P. 
Dam, cccclii. 46. A few days later we hear that the members of the 
dissolved Parliament spoke freely of their disinclination to grant money 
for a Scottish war, and said that the cause of the Scots was in 
reality their own. Salvetti's Newsletter, May {^^, The greater part of 
what I have stated is drawn from an anonymous deposition and a paper 
of interrogatories founded on it {S, P. Dom. ccccliL 114, 115). We 
there learn that ' it was otherwise resolved on Monday night that the 
next morning the book should have been produced, as he conceived, by 
Mr. Pym, who should have spoken then also in that busineBS.' Mr. 
Hamilton is to be congratulated on this important discovery, which first 
appeared in his Calendar for 1640. 

' ''Lest that they should urge him to prefer any petition to the 
Upper House," Harl. MSS, 4,931, fol. 49. 




tion. Strafford, who arrived late, begged that the ^S,4^- 
question might first be seriously discussed, and that 
the opinions of the Councillors, who were also mem- 
bers of the Lower House, might first be heard. Vane 
declared that there was no hope that the Commons 
* would give one penny/ On this tJie votes were 
taken. Northumberland and Holland were alone in 
wishing to avert a dissolution.^ Supported by the 
rest of the Council the King hurried to the House of 
Lords and dissolved Parliament. 

The Short Parliament, for by that name this End of the 

Shnrt Pur 

assembly is known in history, had sat for three weeks, liament. " 
As far as actual results were concerned it accom- 
plished nothing at all. For all that, its work was as 
memorable as that of any Parliament in our history. 
It made England conscious of the univeraaUty of its 
displeasure. Falkland, we are told, went back from 
this Parliament full, of dissatisfaction with the Court,^ 
and doubtless he did not stand alone. The chorus of 
complaint sounded louder when it was echoed from 
Cornwall to Northumberland than when it seemed to 
be no more than a local outcry. Nor was this Par- 
liament more memorable for the complaints which it 
uttered than for the remedies which it proposed. 
The work which it assigned to itself was of no less 
import than that to which the Long Parliament sub- 
sequently addressed itself. Its moderation consisted 
rather in the temper in which it approached its 
labours, than in the demands which it made. What Revolution 
it proposed was nothing short of a complete change by It 
in the relations between the King and the nation. 
It announced through the mouth of Pym that Par- 
Uament was the soul of the Commonwealth, and there 

* Laud's Works, iii. 284. Whitaker^s Life of Itaddife, 233. 
' Clarendon f vii. 222. 



CHAP, were some amongst its members who sought for that 
* — 7 — soul in the Lower House alone. 

May s! •'■*' ^^^ impossible that such a body should long 

A dissoiu- have escaped a dissolution. From the very first the 
avoidable, resolutiou had been taken at Court to break up the 
Parliament unless it would give its support to the 
war. When it laid hands upon fleet and army, and 
seemed likely to give its voice for peace, the mo- 
ment foreseen in Charles's Council had arrived. It 
needed all Hyde's bland conviction that contradictory 
forces were to be reconciled by his own lawyer-like 
dexterity to throw the whole blame of the dissolu- 
tion upon Vane. Oliver St. John understood better 
what the facts of the case really were, when he said 
* that all was well, and that it must be worse before 
it could be better ; and that this Parliament would 
never have done what was necessary to be done.' 
St. John knew full well what he wanted. Hyde 
never knew what he wanted beyond some dream of 
his own, in which Charles and Laud were to come to 
a happy compromise with all moderate men, and 
t jranny and sedition were to be renounced as equally 
Strafford's Straflord, at least, had no notion of coming to a 

dtaltion. compromise with a ParUament which was bent on 
peace with Scotland, and which was determined to 
place the whole miUtary force of the Crown at its own 
disposal. The knowledge of Pym's intercourse with 
the Scots, which he doubtless acquired in the course 
of the day, changed his longing for conciliation to 
bitter hostihty. The King, he thought, might leave 
his subjects to provide support for the navy, but he 
could not safely depend on them for the very exist- 
ence of an army. If Charles gave way now, a modi- 
fication of the whole constitution of England would 




be the result. The English Parliament would claim chap. 
all the rights which the Scottish Parliament had 
asserted. The country, he may well have thought, 
would be handed over to the persuasive rhetoric of 
factious adventurers. The functions of government 
would be at an end. He saw all the weak points of 
the Parliamentary system without seeing any of its 
strong ones. He had no belief in the possibility that 
a better organisation might arise out of the chaotic 
public opinion of his day. The secret of the future, 
the growth of cabinet government, was a veiled 
mystery to him as it was to the rest of his genera- 

In conversation with his friends he made no ^^SJ^ 
secret of his conviction that the summoning of Par- J^^^y, 
liament had been an experiment to which he indeed 
had heartily desired success, but that it had been 
nothing more than an experiment. The King's cause, 
he said to Conway, * was very just and lawful, and if 
the Parliament would not supply him, then he was 
justified before God and man if he sought means to 
help himself, though it were against their wills.^ 
Much the same language had been used by him to 
Ussher whilst he was still in Ireland. The crisis 
which he then contemplated had now arrived. It 
was absolutely necessary for the common safety 
that the King should ward ojQT the approaching 
danger from Scotland in spite of the refusal of the 
House of Commons to support him.^ 

As soon as the King returned to Whitehall, a TheCom. 
meeting was held of that Committee of eight which Sght. 
had been appointed in the preceding winter to take 
special cognisance of Scottish afiairs. Charles asked 
the advice of this select body on the course which it 

» Bushw. Straf. Trial, 536. » Ihid. 535. 


^vir5' ^^^ behoved him to take. Vane argued, not without 
' j5' ~^ support, that to defend England against invasion was 
May 5. all that was now possible.^ StrajQTord was too clear- 
wgSL for sighted not to perceive at once the hopelessness of 
deSi'd' such a course. Only a fierce blow, sharp and de- 
cisive, would save the King now. England would 
never bear the long contribution of enforced supplies 
to an inactive army on the Borders. Let the City, he 
Strafford said, be required to lend 100,000/. to the King. Let 
aggrearive ship moucy be vigorously collected. This would 
suffice for a short campaign, and it was clearly his 
opinion that a few months of invasion would bring 
Scotland to its knees. " Do you invade them," was 
his closing admonition.^ 

' This rests on Vane's own evidence. Rushw, Straf, Trial, 546. 
' I have no hesitation in accepting the fonn of Vane's notes printed 
in the Sist, MSS, Cammissionera^ JRepart, iii. 3, against that ^ven by 
Whitelocke. All external evidence b in favour of a copy found in tlie 
House of LordS; and the internal evidence goes in the same direction. 
The heading which appears in Wbitelocke's copy might easily have been 
added ; but it would be difficult to account for the presence of Northunoi- 
berland's speech, or the characteristic saying of Strafford's about Saul 
and David in the House of Lords' copy while they are absent from 
Whitelocke's, unless the former were taken as genuine. Clarendon's account 
agrees with neither, and was doubtless g^ven merely from memory, like 
his account of the debates in the Short Parliament The existence of a 
copy amongst the State Papers corresponding with that in the House of 
Lords is in itself almost decisive, as it is hardly to be imagined that both 
the King and the peers would content themselves with anything but a 
real copy. 

The notion that Vane's paper was stolen, and therefore could not 
have found its way into the House of Lords, will not bear the test of 
investigation. According to Lord Bute's MS., Whitelocke states that 
* this and all the rest of the papers concerning the charge against the 
Earl were entrusted to the care and custody of Whitelocke, the chairman 
of the Close Committee, and being for a time missing at the Conunittee, 
and because the Earl answered so fully, some were jealous of Whitelocke 
that he had let see it, the better to make his defence and to oblige the 
Earl.' He then goes on to show, not very conclusively, that Digby and not 
himself was the culprit. As, however, the reply of Strafibid referred to 
was on AprU 5, and the paper was produced in the Commons on the 
10th, it is plain that it cannot have been actually lost at the time referred 


Northumberland took up the word. In the ch^ 
morning he had voted against the dissolution, and he — -^ 
now gave his reasons for wishing the King to hold j^^j 
his hand. He belonged to a class of pohticians ^^ 
whom enthusiastic partisans always despise at their ®^J®*^* 
peril. He was not in the habit of thinking deeply on 
any subject, and had taken the command of the army, 
as he had before taken the command of the fleet, 
without any strong persuasion of the righteousness of 
the cause for which he was about to draw his sword. 
Personally he admired Strafibrd, and he Uked his 
own position as a great nobleman at Court. He felt 
no attraction towards the aggressive Puritanism of 
the Commons ; but he had an instinctive feeling that to 
enter on a war without the support of the Commons, 
was a rash and headlong proceeding, which would 
probably end in disaster. How, he asked, could 
they * make an ofiensive war ' if they had no better 
means at their disposal than those which Strafford had 
just recited. They were in a difficulty whether * to 
do nothing or to let them alone, or go on with a 
vigorous war.' 

Strafford's fierce, resolute spirit waved the objec- straff 
tion haughtily away. " Go on vigorously," he cried, ^^ ^' 

to, and it is not unlikely that Whitelocke's account of the matter heing 
written down long after the event was not altogether correct. It cer- 
tainly differs considerably from that given in D'Ewes's Diary, No one 
need he surprised that the paper in the House of Lords is in a clerk*s 
hand, as both the original paper and the younger Vane*s copy had been 
previously destroyed. I fancy that Whitelocke's copy was merely one 
set down from memory by some one who had only heard it read. 

It is of course quite a different question whether the notes, granting 
them to be Vane's, were really trustworthy. Vane had reason to bear 
hard upon Strafford ; but there is something very characteristic in each 
utterance, and I am ready to accept the paper as substantially correct, 
though it is impossible to say more than this. Verbally accurate they do 
not even profess to be. The question of the Irish army will be discussed 




CHAP, and we can fancy how his eyes flashed as he spoke, 
" or let them alone." The broken, disjointed notes 
are all that remain to us. " No defensive war ; loss 
of honour and reputation. The quiet of England will 
hold out long. You will languish as betwixt Saul 
and David. Go on with a vigorous war, as you first 
designed, loose and absolved from all rules of govern- 
ment ; being reduced to extreme necessity, everything 
is to be done that power might admit, and that you 
are to do. They refusing, you are acquitted towards 
God and man. You have an army in Ireland you 
may employ here to reduce this kingdom. Confident 
as anything under heaven, Scotland shall not hold out 
five months. One summer well employed will do it. 
Venture all I had, I would carry it or lose it. Whether 
a defensive war as impossible as an ofiensive, or 
whether to let them alone." 
Opmions of Strafiord's vehement words were echoed by Laud 
Cottin^n. and Cottington. "Tried all ways," said the Arch- 
bishop, " and refused all ways. By the law of God 
and man you should have subsistence, and ought to 
have it, and lawful to take it." Cottington followed 
with an argument that, as the Scots were certain to 
enter into leagues with foreign Powers, an attack 
upon them was in reahty * a defence of this kingdom.' 
" The Lower House," he added, " are weary both of 
King and Church.^ All ways shall be just to raise 
money for this unavoidable necessity, therefore to 
be used, being lawful." Strafibrd again struck in. 
Commissions of array were to be put in execution. 
Those to whom they were issued would be bound to 
bring the men to the Borders at the charge of the 

^ Ranke {Bng, Transl. u, 196) speaks of this as a mere party state- 
ment It IS, however, quite true that the Ck)mmons wanted to get rid of 
kingship, as Charles and Cottington understood kingship. 


counties. " If any of the Lords," he added, " can chap. 
show me a better way, let them do it." To this some ' — 7 — ' 
one feebly answered that the town was ' full of nobi- ^^ ' 
lity, who ' would * talk of it.' " I will make them 
smart for it," was Strafford's contemptuous reply. 

Eleven months afterwards, when the notes which Wm the 

Irish army 

were taken by Vane of these speeches were laid before to be em- 
the Long Parliament, opinion fixed upon the words EngUnd? 
relating to the employment of the bish army in 
England as the most offensive to Enghsh feehng. 
Strafford then asserted that, as far as his memory 
served, he had never said anything of the kind ; and 
Northumberland, Hamilton, Juxon, and Cottington, 
the only witnesses whom it was then possible to pro- 
duce, gave similar evidence. No such project, they 
added, had ever been in contemplation. 

On the other hand, there is strong reason to 
believe that the charge did not arise from Vane's 
hostile imagination, or from more deliberate falsi- 
fication. The suspicion was certainly abroad only 
two days after the meeting of the Committee, " The 
King of England," wrote Montreuil, who had been 
left by Bellievre to act as French Agent till the ap- 
pointment of an Ambassador, " thinks of making use 
of the 10,000 L-ishmen as well to bring to terms his 
English subjects as for the Scottish war." ^ There is 

^ Montreuil to Bellievre, Mftj ^, Bibi. Nat, Fr. 1 5,995, fol. 84. In 
the following August Strafford was authorised to command an ' army or 
armies hoth to resist and withstand all invasions, tumults, seditions, 
conspiracies, or attempts that may happen in our Kingdoms of England 
and Ireland, or our Dominion of Wales, to be made against our kingdom, 
state, safety, crown, or dignity, and also to be led into our kingdom of 
Scotland.' Strafford's patent, Aug. 3, Carte MSS. i. fol. 247. These 
words, however, as Strafford- afterwards stated, were merely copied from 
Northumberland's patent, which is printed in JRytner xx. 364. The only 
difference between the paraUel passages is the insertion of Ireland as a 
sphere of octiony which woold not be fitting in Northumberland's caee^ 

VOL. I. Z 




^\n'' ^* ^^^^^ ^ strong probability that this language was 
• ' inspired by some knowledge of Strafford's speech in 
the Committee. It is at least certain that in the 
formal document in which the command of the Irish 
army was subsequently conferred upon Strafford, the 
contingency of its employment against rebellion in 
England was specially provided for. 

and the verbal substitution of the word ' kingdom ' for ' person.' Probably 
this was a set form. I have sought in vain for ArundePs patent given in 
1639. It seems never to have been enrolled. Even the Privy Seal is not 
to be found at the Record Office. Strafford^s argument at his trial that 
no Irish army was in existence is worthless. There was always a smaU 
army, and the new one was to have been ready by May 18. 

In Vane*s notes the sentence about the quiet of England is followed 
by: " They refusing/' i.e. the English, " you are acquitted before God and 
man ;" and it seems to me likely enough that this outburst about the Irish 
army may have sprung to Strafford's lips at the bare thought of English 
refusal, though it was not quite in accord with what he had said before. 
The acquittal before God and man referred to acquittal for conduo.t 
towards the English, and the words about the Irish army would 
naturally also apply to the English. But I wish to be clearly understood 
as not giving any positive opinion on the matter. Vane's jottings will 
not bear dogmatism on either side. In fairness to those who accept an 
interpretation different from my own, I should add an extract from a 
letter written by Windebank to the King, after his flight in 164 1. ''I 
have received a signification of your Majesty's pleasure to declare and 
test fy (upon my allegiance to your Majesty) whether in a debate in 
Council at a Committee about a defensive and offensive war with the 
Scots, I do remember that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland did say to 
your Majesty that, having tried the affections of your people, you were 
absolved fiK)m all rules of government, and were to do ever3rthing that 
power would admit, since your subjects had denied to supply you, and 
that in«80 doing you should be acquitted both of God and man, and that 
your Majesty had an army in Ireland, which you might employ to 
reduce this kingdom to obedience ; to which, upon my allegiance to your 
Majesty, I do most humbly make thiB direct, clear, and true answer 
^which your Majesty may well remember) of that which passed in 
debate from time to time in Council at the Committee about a defensive 
and offensive war with the Scots, I do not remember that my Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland did say to your Majesty the words above men- 
tioned, or any other to that purpose, being confident that in a business so 
remarkable, and of so great moment, I could not but have remembered 
them if they had been spoken. And, further, I do not remember that 
ever I so much as heard the least speech that the anny in Ireland was to 


Yet, in spite of this, it may be reasonably doubted chap. 
whether any deUberate purpose of preparing for an — r-^-^ 
Irish occupation of England was ever entertained. ^^^^ 
Not only does no trace remain of any counsels, save strati? 

, . . probably 

those already mentioned, in which such a design had formed 
formed a part, but everything that we learn of Straf- minate 
ford and Charles induces us to believe that neither of ^ "* 
them had any real expectation that such a course 
would be necessary. To the end Strafford under- 
rated the forces opposed to him. He believed that, 
apart from the ambition of the House of Commons, 

he employed to reduce the kingdom of England to obedience ; and either 
I misunderstood the sense of the Ck>mmittee from time to time, or else 
the consultations of the Committee concerning the disposing and employ- 
ing of the Irish army did ever bend whoUy another way." Windebank 
to the King, May 16, 164.1, S. P. Dam, 

This letter, like the evidence of the other members of the Com- 
mittee given at the trial, asserts far more than the mere transference 
of the proposed employment of the Irish army from England to Scotland. 
It asserts that the writer had no recollection of the whole passage which 
preceded the words about Ireland. , Is his inability to recollect all this 
to make us give up Vane*s notes altogether ? The passage quoted from 
Montreuil shows at least that the proposal to attack Ireland was talked 
of at this time. But, leaving this out of the question, it is impossible not 
to lay weight on the fact that Charles saw the notes before the meeting of 
the Long Parliament. The elder Vane stated in the House of Conmions, 
April 12, 1 64 1, according to D'Ewee, that Charles had sent for these notes 
and had ordered them to be burnt. According to the Vemey Notes {yj) 
Vane said that he had himself ' moved the King to bum the papers, and 
the King consented to it.' Whichever of these two accounts is right, it 
is clear that Vane spoke of the King*s knowledge of the notes as some- 
thing beyond question. And it is also certain that, as far as we know, 
Charles never denied the statement. This would imply that they really 
were taken at the time, for the King's use. Private notes, forged, to be 
subsequently flung at Strafibrd, would not come to the knowledge of the 
King. Ib it not incredible that the whole of the passage from the 
assertion that the King was loose and absolved from all rules of Govern- 
ment down to the sentence about Ireland, should have been put in with- 
out ground, when Vane must have known that the King might call for 
the notes at any moment P Verbal inaccuracies there must have been, 
and perhaps misapprehension of the drift of a sentence, but surely not the 
pure invention of whole sentences. Yet that is what the argument from 
the want of memcnrj of the members of the Committee really comes to, 





May 5. 

the real England was on his side, and would rally 
round him as soon as it learnt how grossly deluded it 
had been. With these feehngs he was not likely to 
plan an Irish invasion of England. But it does not 
follow that he did not contemplate it as a distant 
possibihty. Pushed hard in the discussion in the 
Committee to justify his confidence, he might fall 
back upon the forces in Ireland as a convincing proof 
that alarm was needless, just as he would have the 
clause relating to England inserted in his patent in 
order to provide for all eventuahties, without expect- 
ing those eventualities to occur. 

Even Vane's paper of notes conveys the impression 
that the thought of employing this Irish army for the 
repression of resistance in England did not enter 
largely into Strafford's plans. His words point to no 
knot worthy of such a solution. He had been argu- 
ing that the Scots would be overpowered in a single 
campaign, and that the quiet of England would hold 
out long. It was only as the refusal of the Commons 
presented itself to his thoughts that he flashed out 
into threats of this last resource. Nor is it likely that 
he at all understood what his countrymen would 
think of such a threat. To him the thought of an Irish 
irtehilmy. army conveyed no impression which was not satis- 
factory. The small force which was already in ex- 
istence was distinguished for its discipline and good 
behaviour. He had every reason to believe that the 
larger force which he now contemplated would be 
distinguished by the same quahties. He did not 
reahse the feeling of horror which the very notion of 
an Irish army conveyed to the mass of Englishmen. 
Pride of race and pride of religion combined in 
regarding the mere suggestion of the introduction of 
such a force as a deadly insult. The English people 

view of an 

The popu- 
lar view. 


resented it as the Americans resented the employment ^yf^ 
of Indians against them in 1776, and as the Germans — - — 
resented the employment of Turcos against them in ^^^ ^ 
1870. To bring over Irishmen to crush their liberties 
was in their eyes to let loose a horde of pitiless Popish 
savages upon the sober Protestant, God-fearing popu- 
lation of England. To have planned such an atrocity 
was sufficient to exclude the contriver from the cour- 
tesies of civihsed existence. 

That the suggestion of bringing over the Irish PodUon 
army, when once it came to be known, added bitter strSoiJ. 
intensity to the feehng of hatred with which Strafford 
was now beginning to be regarded, is beyond dispute. 
That hatred dates from the day of the dissolution of 
the Short Parhament. From thenceforth the name 
of Strafford, of black Tom Tyrant, as he was some- 
times called, was coupled with that of Laud in the 
popular imagination, as the bulwark of arbitrary and 
despotic government. 

The popular imagination was in the main right. 
No doubt Strafford would have rejected the charge. 
It was the Commons, he thought, who had failed to 
do their duty. The case was one in which, as he 
afterwards expressed it, the King might * use as the 
common parent of the country what power God 
Almighty hath given him for preserving himself and 
his people, for whom he is accountable to Almighty 
God.' This power, he then added, could not * be 
taken from him by others ; neither, under favour, is 
he able to take it from himself*^ Somewhere or 
another in every Constitution a power must be lodged 
of providing for extreme necessities, irrespective of 
the bonds of positive law, and this power had, at 
least for some generations, been lodged in the Crown. 

* Rttfhtp, Straf. Trial, 559. 

Mav 5. 


CHAP. What Strafford failed to see was that the King had 


- — r-^— ' brought that power into contempt by constantly using 
^^^^" it to provide for necessities which were not extreme. 
Men were slow to beUeve that a special emergency 
existed when that emergency had been appealed to 
to justify an unparhamentary government of eleven 
years. Strafford was undoubtedly in earnest in desir- 
ing to put an end to this evil system. If he had no 
wish to anticipate the constitution of the eighteenth 
century, he at least wished to bring back the Consti- 
tution of the sixteenth. It was precisely this which 
he was powerless to do. If his master had returned 
victorious from the Northern war at the head of a 
devoted army, no result but the estabhshment of a 
military despotism would have been possible for him. 
Against this the great national party, with Pym at its 
head, now numbering the vast majority of educated 
Englishmen, raised its voice. They were no reformers, 
no followers of new ideas, by which the hves of men 
might be made brighter and happier than of old. 
They wished to worship as their fathers had wor- 
shipped, to believe as their fathers had beheved, and 
to live as their fathers had lived. They did not wish 
to be harassed by constant changes, of which they did 
not understand the import, and of which they mis- 
trusted the tendency. To them ParUaments were not 
an instrument of improvement, but an instrument to 
avert unpopular alterations. ParUamentary supre- 
macy would give full expression to the inertia which 
appeared to Strafford to be the most dangerous quality 
of human society. To Strafford, the active-minded 
reformer, impatient of restraint, the very thought of 
Parhamentary supremacy was abominable. He did 
not, could not, rise up into the knowledge that accept- 
ance of the Umitations imposed by the national 


temper was the only condition under which perma- chap. 

nent reforms could ever be accomplished. He did 
not even acknowledge to himself that the national ^^^^' 
temper was truly reflected in the Parliament which 
had been so recently dissolved. 

May 5. 









Os May 5 two systems (rf govemment entered upon 
the final struggle for supremacy in England. Each 
of these systems had its own representative leader. 
The voice of Pym was silenced for a time. It was 
for Strafford to do what in him lay to encourage his 
fainting allies, to stand forward as the saviour of 
monarchical govemment in its hour of trial. 

At once a Declaration was issued in the King's 
name for general circulation. Subjects were re- 
minded that of old time it had been held to be the 
duty of Parliament to support their kings in time 
of war, not to abuse their power of control over 
suppUcs to extort the surrender of the rightful 
prerogatives of Sovereigns.^ Orders were also issued 
to tlie Tjords Lieutenants to postpone the departure 
of the new levies till June 10, so as to gain a 
httle time for financial preparation/^ The studies 
of Tjords Saye and Brooke, of Pym, Hampden, and 
Earlc, were searched, doubtless in the belief that 
evidence would be secured of criminal intelligence 
with the Scots. No compromising matter was dis- 
covered, and no further proceeding was taken. Three 
Mtv 8 other members did not escape so easily. Crew, the 
I'ftrtUnwit Chainnan of the Committee on Religion, was sent 
" ^ '^"' to the Tower for refusing to deliver up the petitions 
entrusted to his charge. Sir John Hotham and Henry 

i)f the (io- 

' RiisAtr, in. 1,160. 

Ibid, iii. 1,170. 



Bellasys were questioned about their speeches on the 
military charges. Both declared that they neither ^^— ^ 
* could nor would remember ' words which they had ^^^. ^ 
spoken in Parliament. Both were committed to 
prison on the ground that they had given undutiful 
answers to the Council ; and in this way, at least, the 
appearance of an attack on the Privileges of ParUa- 
ment was avoided. 

The Council then turned its attention to the finan- ^^^ 
cial difficulties of the Crown. Sheriffs, who had been "»i«^- 

^ ' ^ dact money 

remiss in the collection of ship money, were subjected enforced, 
to stem questioning by the Attorney-General, and 
orders were sent to the Deputy-Lieutenants to see that 
coat and conduct money was duly paid.^ 

On the 7th the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were lo^'^/* 
summoned before the Council. The King told them «»d Aider- 

C3 mf n re- 

that he expected from them a loan of 200,000/. If jj^j^ *<> 
they did not provide the money, 'he would have 
300,000/. of the City.' They were to return on the 
loth with a hst of such persons in their several 
wards as they beheved to be capable of bearing 
their part of the loan, rated according to their 
means. On the appointed day they came with- stoLXrf^s 
out the hst. Strafford lost his temper. " Sir," he said **^^*^ 
to the King, " you will never do good to these citizens 
of London till you have made examples of some of 
the Aldermen. Unless you hang up some of them, 
you will do no good with them."^ The King ordered 
the Lord Mayor Garway to resign his sword and 
collar of office ; and though, at the intercession of the 
bystanders, he relented and restored them, he com- 
mitted to prison four of the Aldermen — Soames, Rain- 

> Rushw, iii. 1,167. Roflsingham's Netoidetter, May 12, S, P. Ihm. 
ccccliii. 24. Roseetti to Barberini, May ^, -R. O. TranicriptB, 
« Rushw. Straf. Trial, 586. 



^Yul' ton, Geere, and Adkins — who had been specially firm 
' — -y — ' in their refusal. One of them, Alderman Soames, gave 
May lo. particular offence. " I was held an honest man whilst 
m"S[^four I was a commoner," he told the King to his face, 
Aidermeiu « ^^^ J would continuc to be so now I am an Alder- 
man." The other Aldermen professed their readiness 
to give in the names of the richer citizens, though 
they objected to rate them according to their means.^ 
straflford From the London citizens Strafford turned to the 

and the 

Spanish Spanish Court. He had always supported an alhance 
with Spain, and the recent occurrence in the Downs 
had strengthened him in his desire to break the 
maritime superiority of the Dutch. For the present, 
however, the conflict for empire must be waged in 
Scotland, and it was to gain the money rather than 
Spanish the flccts of Spain that his efforts were directed. There 
doM in were now no less than three Spanish ambassadors m 

England. _ m-i-»«- • /»ttii t ^ •%*■ 

England. The Marquis of Velada and the Marquis 
VirgiUo Malvezzi*^ had come to the assistance of 
Cardenas, who, though he had been re-admitted to 
his right of audience, was in no good odour at the 
Enghsh Court. So great a diplomatic display was 
regarded by Charles as a sign that the new ambassa- 
dors were instructed to accept the proposals of 
marriage, of which he had communicated hints to 
Olivares a few months before.® On this point, how- 
ever, the ambassadors remained obstinately silent. 
They declared that the object of their mission was 
solely to treat of a league against the Dutch. Before 

^ Salvetti's Newsletter, May i\* Council Begitter, May lo. Boesiiig^ 
ham's Newsletter, May 12, 8. P. Dom, ococliiL 24. Eoeaetti to Bar- 
berini; May ||, JR. O. Thmscr^. 

. ^ This visit explains Milton*s reference to him as ' their Malveui, 
that can cut Tacitus into slivers and steaks.' Mef, of Ckwrck Qw, Mal- 
vezzi must have been a well-known personage in London. 

» P. 298. 


the dissolution, Commissioners, of whom Strafford S^.f/"- 

was the leading spirit, had been appointed to nego- 
tiate with them on this subject. At once it appeared ^^^ ' 
that there was a radical difference of opinion between Negotiar 

f tioQ on the 

the two parties. The Spaniards insisted that, by ^p<^ 
accepting the secret treaty of 1630, the English 
Government should bind itself to an open rupture 
with the States General with a view to the ultimate 
partition of the territoiy of the Eepubhc. The English 
diplomatists preferred to start from Necolalde's articles 
of 1634, which would not involve an avowed breach 
with the Dutch. 

Under ordinary circumstances this radical differ- 
ence of opinion would probably have brought the 
negotiation to an end. But on May 10, the day of the 
imprisonment of the Aldermen, Strafford discovered 
how very doubtful was the prospect of obtaining any 
considerable sum of money from the City. The next g^^J^" 
morning, he visited the Ambassadors in person. His «8it« for a 

^ * . . loan from 

master, he told them, was ready, as soon as it was m Spain, 
his power, to join them in that league against the 
Dutch, which was the object of their wishes. But it 
was not in his power to do so as long as Scotland was 
unconquered. To conquer Scotland a large sum of 
money was needed. Why should not the King of 
Spain lend 300,000/. for that purpose ? As soon as 
Scotland was subdued war should be declared against 
the Dutch. Even for the present the English fleet 
could be used in conveying supplies to Flanders, and 
in protecting Dunkirk against a siege. Permission, 
too, would be given for the levy of 3,000 Irishmen 
for the Spanish service. The King of Spain should 
have ample security for the repayment of the loan, 
and, even if that failed, Philip might easily recom- 
pense himself by the seizure of the property of Eng- 





May II. 

of Charles. 

May 6. 

May iz. 

lish merchants whose vessels happened at the time 
to be in Spanish harbours.^ 

The end of his tragic struggle against the world 
must have been drawing very near before even 
Strafford could have ventured on so audacious a pro- 
posal as this. The days which followed must have been 
for him the saddest in his Ufe, far sadder than those in 
which, after the lapse of a year, he stood proudly con- 
scious of the rectitude of his cause on the scaffold on 
Tower Hill. In vain was the iron will and the ready 
wit given him if he could not breathe his own hardi- 
hood into the breast of the man without whom he 
was as powerless as an infant. In the very crisis of the 
struggle Charles hesitated and drew back. Strafford 
stood alone as the champion of the cause of monarchy. 
It was not entirely without reason that Charles 
was terrified. On the 6th papers were posted up 
calling on the apprentices to join in hunting ' William 
the Fox ' for breaking the ParUament.^ Three days 
later a placard was placed up in the Exchange invit- 
ing all who were faithful to the City, and lovers of 
Uberty and the Commonwealth, to assemble in St. 
George's Fields in Southwark, on the early morning of 
the 1 1 th. Warned in time, the Council ordered that 
St. George's Fields should be occupied on the 1 1 th 
by the Southwark Trained Bands.^ The apprentices 
were not so easily baffled. They waited quietly till 
the Trained Bands had retired in the evening. A 
little before midnight a mob of some five hundred 
persons, for the most part journeymen and appren- 

» Windebank to Hopton, May 11, Cfar. St. P. ii. 83. Velada to 
the Cardinal Infant, Apr. ||, May ^, ^. Velada to PhiUp IV, May U, ||, ||t 
IS, BrusseU M88. Seer. d'Etat Esp. cclzxziy. foL 153, 201, 2i4i 24^, 
258, 268, 276. 

' Laud's Works, iii. 284. 

■ Itu$hw, iiL 1 173. 



tices, answered to the summons. In this class the chap. 


general dislike of Laud was sharpened by its own 

special grievances against the new monopoUes.^ Ma'*^ 
With a drum beating in front, the rabble took its : 

way to Lambeth. Laud, warned in time, had placed 
his house in a state of defence, and had crossed the 
river to Whitehall for safety.^ The rioters, finding that 
their prey had escaped them, retired with threats of 
returning to burn down the house. Next morning May la. 
the Council gEfve directions that watch should be 
kept by night as well as by day, and that the Trained 
Bands of Middlesex and Surrey should be called in 
to help in preserving order. Several persons were 
arrested on suspicion. Insulting placards continued to insoiung 
be posted in the streets, threatening an attack on the p*****^ 
apartments of the Queen's mother at St. James's, and 
calling on the mob to pull down her chapel and do 
what mischief they could to her priests. Others 
urged that Laud should be dragged out of Whitehall 
and murdered. One went so far as to announce that 
the King's palace was to let. Nor were these tumults 
confined to the mob alone. At Aylesbury some 
soldiers mutinied againt their officers, and twenty-two 
houses were burnt down before the disturbance was 
quelled. In Kent the yeomen and farmers who had Mav xa. 
been pressed declared that they were not bound to 
go beyond the limits of their county, and left the 
ranks in a body. On the night of the 14th the 
Court was startled by a fresh outrage. The prisons 
in which the rioters were confined were broken 
open by a mob, and the prisoners were set at 
liberty. It was plain that something must be 
done if the country was not to lapse into an- 

' Joachimi to the States General, May ||, Add. MSS. 17,677 Q. 
fol. 190. ^ Laud*8 Workt, iii. 284. 



CHAP, archy. Orders were given to the Deputy-Lieu- 
' — 7 — ' tenants and the Justices of the Peace of several 
M«v li counties who happened to be in London, to return 
^^, home to preserve order. Doubts, however, were 
freely expressed whether the guardians of the peace 
could be depended on. It was said that they had 
been sent from London to keep them from the temp- 
tation of imitating the Covenanting Tables. The sup- 
port of the lower ranks was still more doubtful. 
The recent imprisonment of the Aldermen had been 
felt by the City as an insult. The freeholders and 
farmers of Middlesex and Surrey had no love for 
Laud. They were heard to mutter that if they must 
fight they would rather fight against the Government 
than for it. The defence of the Queen's mother was 
especially distasteful. It was known that she had 
urged her daughter to use her influence with the 
King during the sitting of the late ParUament, and it 
was taken for granted that this influence had been 
used to hasten the dissolution. For the first time in 
the reign the name of Henrietta Maria herself was 
drawn into the political conflict.^ It could not well 
be otherwise. It had been so natural for her to take 
the part of her husband's Roman Catholic subjects ; 
so natural, too, for her to urge their cause in contemp- 
tuous disregard of a public opinion, of which she 
neither understood the meaning nor estimated the 
The Queen ' weight. Yet, when all allowance has been made for 
Pope for the ignorance of a woman and a foreigner, it is difli- 
cult to speak with patience of the rash act of which 
Henrietta Maria, if not Charles himself, was now 

^ Laud's Diary, Works, iii. 235. Buthw, iii. 1,173. Hosaetti to 
Barberim, May |f, B. O. Transcripts, Salyetti*8 Newsletter^ May |{. 
Giu8tiiiian*8 Despatch, May If, Ven, Transcripts, Roesiiigham^s News- 
letter, May 19, Sloans MS8, 1,467, foL 198. Deputy-Lieatenanta of Kent 
to tHe Oouncil, May ii, S. P. Dom, ococliii. 1 1, 




May 14. 

guilty. At the height of the alarm Windebank chap. 
appeared before Eossetti, conjuring him to write to 
Eome for help in money and men. The Pope, it was 
probably thought, would be ready to assist a King 
who had given some protection to the CathoUcs 
against subjects who were exposing them to danger 
and persecution.^ 

Whilst overtures so ruinous were being made to straffoni 
Eome, other voices were raised at Whitehall in .con- *°*^ 
demnation of Strafford. Why, it was asked, had he 
brought things to such a pass without sufficient forces 
at his disposal to compel submission.^ The attack M«y 15. 
on the prisons brought matters to a crisis. Six ctutionr' 
thousand foot were ordered up from the Trained 
Bands of Essex, Kent, and Hertfordshire. It was 
impossible to fall back thus on popular support with- 
out conceding something to the popular agitation. On concessiona 
the 15th, the day after the attack on the prisons, ™***^ 
Hotham and Bellasys, together with the four Aldermen, 
were set at liberty, though the latter were required 
to enter into bond to appear in the Star Chamber 
when called on. The next day, when the Lord 
Mayor and Aldermen repeated their refusal to 

^ Ro88etti*8 letter of May |{ is not to be found amongst tlie Record 
OfEce Transcripts, but its purport is clear from Barberini's reply of June 
1^, and from Bossetti's answer to Barberini of Aug. |§. Windebank is 
directly stated to have made the overture. It ia impossible that he 
should have done so without orders from the Queen or Uie King. That 
the Queen knew of this seems made out, by the fact that Bossetti 
as a matter of course communicated Barberini's reply to her, and also 
by the part she subsequently took in pressing for similar help in the 
course of 164 1. On the other hand, the long conversation with Winde- 
bank, related in the last-named letter, turns so entirely on the King's 
proceedings, that it seems very likely that the secretary was originally 
commissioned by him. Indeed, if the Queen had opened the negotiation 
without her husband^s knowledge she would hardly have employed a 
Secretary of State. 

» Montreuil's Despatch, May JJ, Bib. Nat. Fr. 15,99$, fol. 87. 






May 16. 

The loan 
not prettaed. 

May 17. 


ment of 

rate any man to the loan, they were sent away 
without further reproaches. On the 1 7th the Sheriffs 
of London were ordered to make a bonfire of a large 
number of Eoman Catholic books which had recently 
been seized. Even a party of young lawyers, who had 
drunk confusion to the Archbishop, were dismissed 
by the Council on the plea, suggested to them by 
Dorset, that they had been really drinking confusion 
to the Archbishop's foes. There was even talk of 
taking up again the dropped negotiation with Scot- 
land. With the exception of Loudoun, the Scottish 
Commissioners were set at liberty.^ Traquair was 
asked whether he would undertake a mission to Edin- 
burgh to preside over the ParUament which was to 
meet in June. On Traquair 's refusal, Hamilton was 
requested to go. The King, however, proposed to 
delay Hamilton's journey, and to prorogue the Scottish 
Parliament for another month on the characteristic 
ground that by the middle of July he would know 
whether he was to have a loan from Spain which 
would enable him to make war on Scotland.^ 

Such was the end of Charles's first attempt to do 
all that power would admit. Though a Ust of 
names of those quaUfied to lend was sent in by the 
Aldermen, the project of forcing a loan from the 
London citizens was tacitly abandoned. Efforts 
would still be made to enforce the payment of sliip 
money and coat and conduct money; but even if 
ship money and coat and conduct money were col- 
lected with more regularity than was Ukely to be the 

1 Montreuirs Despatch, May |1, BOf. Nat. Fr. IS,99S> ^L 87. Ibid. 
fol. 89. Giu8tiiiian*8 Despatch,)^. Fen. Transcripts. CouncUEegis- 
ter, May 1 5 . Bu^w. iii. i , 1 80. 

» Montreuil's Despatches, May |i,J^^, Bibi. Nat. Fr. IS,99S, fol. 

89, 91. Qiu8tinian*8 Despatch, f^^^ , Ven. Transcripts. Rossingham'a 
Newsletter, May 26, Shane MSS. 1467, fol. 1 12, b. 





case they would not pay the army in the field. By ^^j^,^- 
pressure upon official persons the loan which had 
been begun with the Privy Councillors was raised by 
May 15 to 232,530/.^ But this sum had been already 
spent, and except in the very unlikely case of a loan 
from Spain no way appeared to meet the necessities 
of war. The feeling with which Strafford's violence 
was regarded by loyal but unenthusiastic subjects 
was well expressed by Northumberland. " The May is. 
nature of most men/' he wrote to Conway, who had beriands 
already been sent to drill the cavalry in the North, omway. 
" is not willingly to acknowledge an error until they 
needs must, which is some of our condition here 
at this time. We have engaged the King in an ex- 
pensive occasion, without any certain ways to main- 
tain it ; all those that are proposed to ourselves have 
hitherto failed, and though our designs of raising this 
great army are likely to fail, yet are we loath to 
pubUsh that which cannot many days be concealed. 
In plain terms I have little hope to see you in the 
North this year, which I profess I am extremely sorry 
for, conceiving it will be dishonourable to the King, 
and infamous for us that have the honour to be his 
ministers, when it shall be known that he shall be 
obliged to give over the design." * 

Strafford was no longer at hand to inspire courage 
into the fainting hearts at Whitehall. For some 
days he had been absent from the Council table, 
suffering from an attack of dysentery. On the first strafrord*i 
news of the tumults, Bristol had sought him out, and Mtion^ 
had urged him to give his voice for another Parlia- BristoL 
ment. To the calm, good sense of Bristol, the policy 

^ Account of the Loan, S, P. Dom. ccccliii. 14. 
* Northumberland to Gonwaji May iS, S, P. Dom. 




CHAP, of adventure into which the King had been drawn, 
seemed devoid of all the higher elements of states- 
manship. When, some months later, Bristol gave an 
account of his conversation with Strafford on this 
occasion,^ he stated ' that he never understood by the 
discourse of the Earl of Strafford that the King should 
use any force or power of arms, but only some strict 
and severe course in raising money by extraordinary 
ways for his supplies in the present danger.' To 
Bristol's plea for another Parhament, he was entirely 
deaf. He did not, indeed, show any ' disUke of the 
said discourse, but said he held it not counsellable at 
that time, neither did the present danger of the king- 
dom which was not imaginary, but real and pressing, 
admit of so slow and uncertain remedies ; that the 
Parliament, in this great distress of the King and 
kingdom, had refused to supply the King by the 
ordinary and usual ways, and, therefore, the King 
must provide for the safety of the kingdom hy such 
ways as he should hold fit, and this examinant remem- 
bereth the said Earl of Strafford used this sentence, 
Salus reipuhlicce suprema lex. This examinant Ukewise 
thinketh that at the same time the said Earl of Straf- 
ford used some words to this purpose, that the King 
was not to suffer himself to be mastered by the fro- 
wardness or undutifulness of the people, or rather, he 
conceived, by the disaffection of some particular men/ 
Bristol proceeded to depose that, according to the best 
of his memory, Strafford added, * that when the King 
should see himself master of his affairs, and that it 
should be seen that he wanted not power to go through 
with his designs — as he hoped he would not do — then 
he conceived that ' it would be advisable to call a 

^ The date is fixed as being not long after the dissolution, and also by 
the reference to the Lambeth tumults and the mutinies of the soldiers. 


Pdriiament, * and nobody should contribute more 9?nf • 
than himself to all moderate counsels/ ^ 

When these words of high courage, worthy of a ^ * 
better cause, were uttered, Strafford's health was Strafford's 

, . . unpopu- 

already giving way. The violence of the disease was i*n<y- 
doubtless aggravated by all that was passing around 
him. The scowling discontent of the gentry, the sup- 
pressed hatred of the London citizens, the growing 
detestation of the populace, coupling his name at last 
with that of Laud in their anger, might have been 
met calmly and defiantly, if the assailed minister had 
been sure of support from his Sovereign. Strafford 
knew that his adversaries were not inactive; that 
Holland, and Pembroke, and Dorset were sounding 
out his faults in Charles's ear ; ^ that Privy Councillors, His secrets 
in spite of their oath of secrecy, had some days before 
betrayed to members of the House of Commons the 
resolution taken to dissolve Parliament before it was 
publicly announced ; ® and that the secret of his 
negotiation with Spain had been no better kept.* 

The strain was too great for the weakly body in His he»ith 
which that will of iron was enshrined. In Ireland, 
during his last visit, he had been racked by gout and 
dysentery. On his return he had been borne to 
London in a litter. When he found himself once 
more at the centre of affairs, he had shaken off his 
weakness. He had stepped without an effort into a 
commanding position in the Council. He had orga- 
nised the House of Lords in resistance to the Commons. 
Then, when the Dissolution came, it was he who had 
taken the lead in the higt-handed compulsion which 

^ Bristoro Deposition^ Jan. 14, 1641, Sherborne MSS, 
> Montieuil'B Despatck^ May |f, BUd. Nat, Fr. 1,599, ^^l- ^9* 
' Form of oath, May 27, S, P, Dom. cccclv. 11. 
^ Salvetti^s Newsletter, May ^, |{. The security oiTered on the mer« 
chants' goods, however, seems to have remained a cecret. 

▲ ▲ 3 







was to gather up the resources of an unwilling nation 
to be used for purposes in which it took no pleasure. 
In a week after the Dissolution, the excitement of the 
conflict had told upon him, and he was again sufiering. 
Then came the bitter disappointment of failure. On 
the 1 5th, the day on which the Aldermen were released, 
he was forced to receive the Spanish Ambassadors in 
bed.^ Two or three days later, his life was in immi- 
nent danger. In some few the knowledge called 
forth expressions of bitter sorrow. One royalist poet, 
ignorant of what another year was to bring forth, 
called upon him to live not for his own sake, but for 
the sake of his country.^ His personal friends were 
broken-hearted with grief. Wandesford, left behind 
as Lord Deputy to rule L'eland in his name, passed 
on the bitter tidings to Ormond. *' The truth is," he 
wrote, " I am not master of myself, therefore I cannot 
enlarge myself much. If you did not love this man 
well of whom I speak, I would not write thus much." 
Then came days on which hope returned, and on the 
▼i^oenoe. 24th the King visited him, to congratulate him on 
his convalescence. In the presence of the King, 
Strafford had no eyes for the vacillation of the man. 
To him Charles was still what Elizabeth had been to 
her subjects, the Uving personification of government, 
at a time when government was sorely needed. True 
to his ceremonious loyalty, the convalescent threw oft 
his warm gown to receive his Sovereign in befitting 
guise. His imprudence went near to cost him his life. 
Struck down again by the chill, it was only after a 
week in which the physicians despaired of recovery, 

May 24. 
His con 

' Velada to PhUip IV., May ||> BrusaeU M8S. Sec. d'Etat Esp. 
oclzzxiv. 258. 

' This curious poem, probably the work of Cartwright, ia in MS. in 
the library of Corpus Ohristi College, Oxford. 


that hope could again be spoken of to his friends. It chap. 
was not thus that he was to pass from this world of ^ — -> — ' 
toil, of error, and of sin.^ 

Before Charles visited Strafford, he had already May 2a 
repented of his hesitation. The forces which he had with 
called to his aid had been sufficient to prevent any pereisteiiin. 
repetition of the tumults. On the 20th it was resolved 
in Council that the proposed negotiation with Scot- 
land should be abandoned. A violent attack written 
by Baillie, against Laud and his system,^ which had 
just reached the King's hand, made him more than 
ever averse to an accommodation. But the difficulty 
of finding means to conduct the war was as insuper- 
able as ever. By the end of the month the amount Difficulty 
of ship money collected barely exceeded 20,000/., less ingship 
than one-tenth of the sum required,^ and every letter '"**"*^ 
to the Privy Council from the country carried news 
of the impossibility of obtaining more. Constables 
refused to assess, and even when this difficulty had 
been surmounted those who were assessed refused to 
pay. If distresses were taken, the articles seized were 
either rescued by violence, or were left on the hands 
of the officers because no one would buy them. In and coat 
many parts of the country the levy of coat and con- SSct****" 
duct money was equally unpopular. Sometimes it was ^^*^' 
directly denounced as illegal, and, where that was not 
the case, payment was refused on the score of poverty. 

Against this spirit of insubordination, the Council Measures 

1-1 11 1 1 . of the 

wnicn met on the 20th took such measures as were m council 
its power. A Special Committee was formed to watch 

* Wandesford to Ormond, May 26, 29, June 4, 7, Carte MSS, i. 
197, 199, 200, 203. 

' Ladensium avTOKoroKpuriSf an answer to LysimctchuB NicanoTf by 
whom the Covenanters were charged with Jesuitry. Bossingham's 
Newsletter, May 26, Sloane MSS, 1467, fol. 1 12, b. 

' Account of ship money, May 30, S, P. Dom, cccclv. 92. 




May 21 

The riots 



May 33. 
of a rioter. 

May 31. 

and execn- 
1 ion of 

over the enforcement of ship money ,^ and orders were 
given to prosecute in the Star Chamber those amongst 
the Sheriffs who were held to have been more than 
ordinarily remiss. Equal severity was to be used to 
gather in coat and conduct money ; and five Deputy- 
Lieutenants of Hertfordshire, who had expressed 
themselves doubtfully as to the legaUty of the impo- 
sition, were summoned before the Board.^ How much 
remained to be done may be gathered from the fact 
that, out of 2,600/. demanded from Buckinghamshire, 
only 8Z. I05. had been collected ; and, though this was 
an extreme instance, other counties were not far in 

The day after these resolutions were taken, one 
of the leaders of the Southwark tumults was tried 
before a Special Commission. The judges laid it 
down that the disturbances amounted to High Treason, 
and supported their decision by a precedent from the 
reign of Elizabeth. The prisoner, a poor sailor, was 
therefore sentenced to be quartered, as well as hung, 
and the sentence was carried into execution at South- 
wark, though the authorities mercifully allowed him 
to hang till he was dead, before the hangman's knife 
was thrust into his body. 

John Archer was less fortunate. His part had 
been to beat the drum in advance of the crowd which 
marched to the attack upon Lambeth. A glover by 
trade, he had been pressed into the King's service to 
go with the army as a drummer, and, for some reason 
or other, it was supposed that he could give informa- 
tion against persons in high position, who were 
beUeved to have instigated these tumults. Orders 

' Rushw, iii. 1,184. 

' RossiDgham's Newsletter, May 26, Sloans MSS, 1467, fol. 112, b. 

* Crane to Crane, May 29, Tanner MSS. Ixv. 78. 


were accordingly given to put him to the torture. ^yJjT' 
The last attempt ever made in England to enforce 

confession by the rack was as useless as it was bar- ^^^y ' 
barous. Archer probably had nothing to disclose, and 
he was executed without making any revelation.^ 

These stern measures were not without effect. The cxdte- 
For some time extraordmary precautions were needed, out 
On the 27th a placard was fixed up in four places in 
the City, caUing on the defenders of the purity of the 
gospel to kill Eossetti. The King was insulted even 
within the walls of his palace. Some one scratched 
with a diamond on a window at Whitehall : " God 
save the King, confound the Queen and her children, 
and give us the Palsgrave to reign in this kingdom."^ 
Charles dashed the glass into fragments with his 
hand. But there was no further disturbance in the 
streets, and after some little time the Trained Bands 
summoned to the aid of the Government were sent 
home or countermanded, and the capital resumed its 
usual appearance. 

During these days of disturbance. Convocation n^*^^ 
had been busily at work, in spite of the Dissolution tioncon- 
of Parliament. It was none of Laud's doing. The situng. 
Archbishop shared the general opinion, that the end 
of the Parliament brought with it the end of the 
Convocation, and applied to the King for a writ to 
dismiss the ecclesiastical assembly. To his surprise, 
the King answered that he wished to have the grant 
of subsidies completed, and that the canons, the dis- 
cussion of which had been begun, should be finally 
adopted. He had spoken to Finch, and Finch had 

^ Warrant to torture Archer, May 21, S, P, Datn, ccccliv. 39. Jar- 
dine's Reading on the Use of Torture, 57, 108. Rossingham's Newsletter, 
May 26, Sloane MSS. 1467, fol. 112, b. 

^ I retranslate from Rossetti's Italian. Ropsetti to Barberini, ^^", 
H, O, Tratucriirts, 





May 13 

May 14. 
The law- 
yers pro- 
nounce it 

M»7 15- 

May t6. 


granted as 
a bene\'o- 

The new 
agreed on. 

assured him that the continuance of a session of 
Convocation after the Dissolution of Parliament was 
not prohibited by law. Laud expostulated in vain. 
He was irritated that the King had conferred with 
the Lord Keeper, rather than with himself, in a matter 
which concerned the Church, and he had reason to 
fear that the proceeding would not be so well ap- 
proved of by public opinion as it was by Finch. 
When the King's mind was made known in Convo- 
cation, some members of the Lower House expressed 
doubts of the legality of the course pursued, and 
Charles laid the question formally before a Committee 
of lawyers for their opinion.^ The opinion of the 
la\vyers coincided with that of Finch, and on the 
15th, the day on which the King was giving in on 
everything else, it was announced to the two Houses 
that they were to meet on the next day for business. 

On the 1 6th Convocation took into consideration 
a precedent of 1587, when their predecessors had 
granted a benevolence to EUzabeth in addition to the 
subsidy which had received Parhamentary confirma- 
tion. They, therefore, renewed their grant of 20,oooZ. 
a year for six years, only, instead of calUng it a sub- 
sidy, they called it a benevolence, or free contri- 

Having thus expressed their loyalty, the Laudian 
clergy published in seventeen new canons its manifesto 
to a disloyal generation. Those canons, indeed, were 
not wanting in that reasonableness which has ever 
been the special characteristic of the Enghsh Church. 

^ The Committee consisted of Finch, Manchester, Chief Justices 
Bramston and Lyttelton, Attorney-General Bankes, and Sergeants Whit- 
iield and Heath. 

' JSaUon, i. 365. Laud's Works, iii, 285. Strype's Life of Whityift, 
1497, iii. 196. Parliament was still sitting when this grant was 


They do not simply fulminate anathemas. They con- ^^j^- 
descend to explain difficulties, and to invite to cha- ^ — ,' — ' 
ritable construction. The canon relating to the ^ay. 
ceremonies began with a declaration that it was ^th^^ 
'generally to be wished that unity of faith were °*^^**- 
accompanied with uniformity of practice . . . chiefly 
for the avoiding of groundless suspicions of those who 
are weak, and the mahcious aspersions of the pro- 
fessed enemies of our religion.' It went on to say 
that the position of the Communion Table was ' in its 
own nature indifferent,' but that the place at the east 
end being authorised by Queen Elizabeth, it was fit 
that all churches ' should conform themselves in this 
particular to the example of the Cathedral or mother 
churches, saving always the general Uberty left to 
the Bishop by the law during the time of the ad- 
ministration of the Holy Communion.' This situation 
of the holy table did not imply that ' it is or ought 
to be esteemed a true and proper altar, wherein 
Christ is again really sacrificed ; but it is, and may 
be called an altar by us, in that sense in which the 
primitive Church called it an altar, and in no other.' 

As this table had been irreverently treated, it was 
to be surrounded with rails to avoid profanation, and, 
for the same reason, it was fitting that communicants 
should receive at the table, and not in their seats. 
Lastly, the custom of doing reverence and obeisance 
upon entering and quitting the church was highly 
recommended, though in this the rule of charity was 
to be observed ; namely, ' that they which use this 
rite, despise not them who use it not, and that they 
who use it not, condemn not those that use it.' 

It can hardly be disputed that there is more of 
the liberal spirit in this canon than in the Scottish 
Covenant. It is fairly justifiable as a serious effort to 



CHAP, find a broad ground on which all could unite. Its 
^- — r-^ fault was, that it sought to compel all to unite on the 
^^^^' ground which it had chosen. No doubt this was a 
common fault of the time. In the British Isles at 
least no one, with the exception of some few despised 
Separatists, had seriously advocated the idea that 
worship was to be tolerated outside the National 
Church. What was fatal to the canon on the cere- 
monies was that the worship which it advocated was 
not in any sense national. It approved itself to the 
few, not to the many, and the many who objected to 
it had other reasons for being dissatisfied with the 
authorities by whom it was imposed. 
ri*h ^"* ^^^ canons were therefore at every disadvantage 
king^ in comparison with the Covenant, as far as their 
subject matter was concerned. They were no less at 
a disadvantage in the sanction to which they ap- 
pealed. The Covenant claimed to be, and in the 
main was, the voice of the Scottish Church and 
people. The canons were only, in a very artificial 
sense, the voice of the English Church, and they were 
in no sense at all the voice of the English people. 
They were therefore driven to magnify the authority 
of the King from whom alone Convocation derived it^ 
title to legislate. In the forefront of the argument, 
therefore, was placed the inculcation of the obedience 
due to kings. " The most high and sacred order of 
kings," it was declared in a canon ordered to be read 
in churches four times in every year, " is of Divine 
right." It was founded in the prime laws of nature, 
and clearly established by express texts both of the 
Old and New Testaments, that God had Himself 
given authority to kings over all persons ecclesiastical 
or civil. Therefore it was treasonable against God, 
as well as against the King, to maintain ' any inde- 


pendent coactive power either papal or popular/ ^yiti** 
whilst ' for subjects to bear arms against their kings, ^ 

offensive or defensive, upon any pretence whatsoever,' ^ ' 
was ' at the least to resist the powers which are 
ordained of God,' and such as resisted would ' receive 
to themselves damnation.' 

In this language there was nothing new. It had New im- 
been used in the sixteenth century to attack the ITnjfuage* 
claims of the Pope. It would be used again in the ^^^' 
latter half of the seventeenth century to attack the 
claims of the Presbyterians. Where Laud erred was 
in faiUng to see that an argument always derives its 
practical force from the mental condition of those to 
whom it is addressed. The Divine right of kings had 
been a popular theory when it coincided with a sup- 
pressed assertion of the Divine right of the nation. 
Henry Vlii. and Elizabeth had prospered not because 
their thrones were established by the decree of 
Heaven, but because they stood up for the national 
independence against foreign authority. Chai'les and 
Laud had placed themselves outside the national 
conscience, and their Divine right of kings was held 
up to the mockery of those to whom their assertions 
were addressed. 

Nowhere was Laud's feeble grasp on the realities 'fhe qaes- 
of life shown more than in the clause relating to uxaUon. 
taxation. It was the duty of subjects to give ' tribute 
and custom, and aid and subsidy, and all manner of 
necessary support and supply' to kings, 'for the 
public defence, care, and protection of them.' 
Subjects, on the other hand, had ' not only possession 
of, but a true and just right, title, and property to and 
in all their goods and estates, and ought so to have.' 
A more innocuous proposition was never drawn up, 
if it implied that the subjects were to be the judges 






The etce- 
tera oath. 

Its unpopu- 

whether their money was needed for the public 
defence. If, on the other hand, it implied that the 
King was to be the judge, it erected a despotism as 
arbitrary as that which existed in France. What 
was the bearing of such high-sounding platitudes on 
the question really at issue — whether an invasion of 
Scotland was or was not necessary for the public 
defence and protection of Enghshmen ? 

In one point, at least, the new canons directly 
imitated the Covenant. It was impossible that the 
effective force of the oath which bound Scotsmen 
together could have escaped the eye of Laud. The 
Church of England, too, should have its oath, not 
enforced by lawless violence but emanating from 
legitimate authority. " I, A. B.," so ran the formula, 
" do swear that I do approve the doctrine and dis- 
cipUne, or government, estabUshed in the Church of 
England, as containing all things necessary to salva- 
tion, and that I will not endeavour by myself or any 
other, directly or indirectly, to bring in Popish 
doctrine contrary to that which is so estabUshed, nor 
will I ever give my consent to alter the government 
of this Church by archbishops, bishops, deans, and 
archdeacons, &c., as it stands now estabUshed, and as 
by right it ought to stand, nor yet ever to subject it 
to the usurpations and superstitions of the See of 

This oath, soon to be known to the world as the 
etcetera oath, was hardly Ukely to serve the purpose 
for which it was intended. The ridicule piled on the 
demand, that every clergyman, every master of arts 
who was not the son of a nobleman, all who had 
taken a degree in divinity, law, or physic, aU regis- 
trars, actuaries, proctors, and schoolmasters, should 
swear to make no attempt to alter institutions, which 


the very framers of the formula omitted completely to ^yit/*' 
specify, would have had little effect if the oath had in ^ — 7 — ' 
any way given expression to the popular sentiment. ^^^^ 
It is true that, even in this unlucky production, all 
was not amiss, and in these days we may contemplate 
with satisfaction the spirit which demanded no more 
than a general approval of the doctrine of the Church 
as containing all things necessary to salvation. After 
all, the main fault to be found with the oath is that it 
was intended to be imposed on those who did not 
want to take it ; whilst the C!ovenant, at least in its 
earlier days, was intended to bind together, in con- 
scious unity, those who approved more or less 
zealously of its principles.^ . 

The very existence of this C!onvocation, after the The right 
Dissolution of Parliament, was in itself a special tiontoMt. 
offence. It accentuated the distinction, already sharp 
enough, between the laity and the clergy. The 
clergy, it seemed, were to form a legislature apart, 
making laws in ecclesiastical matters, and even laying 
down principles for the observance of Parliaments in 
such essentially secular matters as the grant of subsi- 
dies. No doubt it was the Tudor theory, that Con- 
vocation was dependent on the King and not on 
Parliament, just as it was the Tudor theory that the 
Eoyal supremacy in ecclesiastical matters was vested 
in the Crown antecedently to Parliamentary statutes. 
The time was now come when the sujficiency of these 
theories to meet the altered circumstances of the 
time would be rudely put to the test. 

Even in Convocation itself, the question was raised. May 29. 
Bishop Goodman of Gloucester, who had retained his Goodman, 
bishopric in spite of his conversion to the Roman 
Catholic Church, took umbrage at a canon directed 

^ CnnoBB, in Laud's Works, y. 607. 


CHAP, at those professors of his creed who were more honest 

^-^ — --^ than himself. ' He would be torn with wild horses,' 

^ ^^' he told Laud, ' before he would subscribe that canon.' 

May 39. ' 

When he reached the place of meeting his courage 
failed him. He fell back on a denial of the right of 
Convocation to make canons when Parliament was not 
sitting. Laud waved aside the objection and told 
him he was obhged to vote for or against the canons. 
On his refusal to do either, the Archbishop, with the 
consent of Convocation, suspended him from his 
office. In the end, Goodman gave way and signed 
the canons as they stood. As soon as the King heard 
what had passed he committed the Bishop to the 
Gate-House, to answer for his offence in entering into 
communications with Eome whilst he remained a 
Bishop of the English Church. 
Dissolution Charles and Laud were, before all things, anxious 
cation. to clear themselves from the stigma of friendliness to 
Rome. When Convocation was dissolved, on the 
29th, the Archbishop protested that the King * was 
so far from Popery that there was no man in Eng- 
land more ready to be a martyr for our reUgion than 
his Majesty.' ^ 
ApriL Li such a case protests could avail little. They 

of Estates could uot Call out the national enthusiasm, without 
burgh?" which Charles's cause was hopeless. Of such enthu- 
siasm there was no lack in Scotland. A Convention 
of Estates, a kind of informal Parliament, had sat in 
Edinburgh in April. It had taken every precaution 
against surprise. Lord E^linton was directed to 
watch the coast from the Clyde to the English 
Border against the landing of the bish army. 

* Laud's Works, ill. 287, vi. 539. Roasingham's NewdetUTf June 2, 
. 9. Sloane MSS. 1,4679 fol. 117, 121. Identical canons were passed by 
tbe Convocation of York. 


Argyle was naturally entrusted with the defence of P^j^,^- 
the Western Highlands. As in the preceding year — 7-^ 
the main difficulty lay in Aberdeen. On May 5 the ^^ 
Earl Marischal marched in, imposed a fine on the 2J^^^JJ 
EoyaUst town, and enfoi'ced the signature of the ^^^- 
Covenant.^ In Edinburgh, Ettrick had continued Ettrickin 
firing on the town from his impregnable position in cwTk!''*^'* 
the Castle, and had killed some thirty of the inha- 
bitants in the gtreets.'^ An attempt was made to 
undermine his defences, but the rocks on which they 
were built were so hard that the project was soon 
abandoned. At sea Charles's cruisers were let loose 
on Scottish commerce, and a large number of vessels 
were brought as prizes into Enghsh harbours. 

The Scottish ParUament had been prorogued to The ap. 
June 2. A decision would soon be taken upon the sesnon at 
attitude to be observed towards the King. No doubt ^ ^^ ' 
could be entertained what that decision would be. 
Every letter from the South brought confirmation of 
the belief that England was not with Charles. It 
was openly said at Edinburgh, that as soon as Parlia- 
ment met the Castle would surrender, and 2o,cxx5 
Scots would cross the Border to support the demands 
which had been made by their Commissioners. 

In such a temper the Scots were not Ukely to The King 
respect the King's order for the prorogation of J(^Si<m?" 
ParUament till the beginning of July, an order which, 
as they rightly judged, was only intended to gain 
time for the completion of the English mihtary pre- 
parations. TheCovenanting leaders consulted the prin- opmionf 
cipal divines and lawyers of their party on the course jfiijjrs. 
to be pursued, and received assurance that Parlia- 

^ Spalding f i. 267. 

' The Marquis of Douglas to Guthrie, May 21. Ernley to Oonwaji 
May 22. Intelligence sent to Conway, May 25, S, P. Donu cccdiy. 51, 



CHAP, ment might lawfully sit without the presence either of 
• — 7^-^ the King or his Commissioner.^ Tliey were even in- 
^ ' formed that a King who sold his country to a stranger, 
The King's who dcscrted it for a foreign land, or who attacked 

deposition , , . ^ . , 

canTused. it with an invading force, might lawfully be deposed.* 

StartUng as the question was, it was one which 
Such a could not but force itself on the minds of the Scottish 
impossible, leaders. There was something ridiculous in the 
phrases of devoted loyalty with which they besprinkled 
a King whom they were preparing to attack with 
force of arms. Yet, illogical as their position was, 
it was not in their power to abandon it. To do so 
would be to introduce hesitation into the hearts of 

* Burnet, 165. "The Scots estates," writes Mr. Burton, "did not 
admit the irresponsihilitj of the Sovereign. We have seen them bringing 
James III. to task, and the precedent was made all the more emphatic 
by the attempt of the lawyers of the 17th century to conceal it by muti- 
lating the record in which it is set forth. The punishment of bad 
Sovereigns is a thing in which the literature of the country deals in a 
tone evidently directed towards practice. We find the estates of Scot- 
land dealing with many things now deemed the peculiar function of the 
executive. They kept in their own hands the power of making peace 
and war. . . . We shall find that at the time we have now reached/' 
».e. the first years of Mary Stuart, "a critical question was standing 
over. Whether the Crown had a veto on the acts of the estates ; in other 
words. Whether the consent of the Sovereign was necessary to an Act of 
Parliament, and down to the Union with England this question was not 
decided." Hist, of ScotL iv. 93. 

' The evidence for this is a deposition by Sir T. Steward that Argyle 
had said in his presence that at Edinburgh Mt was agitatt . . . 
whether or not ane Parliament might be hold&ne vdthout the King or 
his Commissioner, and that a King might be depositt being found guilty 
of any of thir three: i. Venditio, 2. Desertio; 3. Invam'o,^ Napier, 
MetnariaU of MovUrose, i. 266. This seems to me credible in itself, and 
it is borne out by the deposition of John Stuart even before his recant- 
ation {Ibid, i. 297, 299). It is evident, too, from the following phrase in 
a letter from Johnston, immediately to be quoted, that something of the 
kind was in agitation. " Montrose did dispute against Argyle, Rothes, 
Balmerino, and myself, because some urged that, as long as we had a 
King, wie could not sit without him ; and it was answered that to do the 
less was more lawful than to do the greater." Napier, Memain of Man'- 
trote,i, 236. 



their countrymen, when hesitation would have been ^y\f^' 
ruinous, and would perhaps even raise qualms of 
conscience in their own bosoms. They therefore fell 
back on a technical informality in the manner in which 
the King's orders were presented to them. Montrose 
urged obedience on the ground that as long as they 
had a king they coidd not act without him. Argyle, 
Balmerino, Eothes, and Johnston significantly repUed, 
* that to do the less was more lawful than to do the 
greater,' ^ They held that it was better to act without 
their sovereign than to d^ose him. 

Montrose and his friends submitted. They were June a. 
prepared to support the Royal authority if Charles Pariia- 
showed himself ready to comply with the require- ™*^ 
ments of the Scottish nation. They were not ready Montroae'i 
to desert the cause which they had hitherto upheld 
in the face of a bearing so ambiguous as that of the 
King.^ Charles had as yet given no engagement to 

^ Napier, Memoirs of Montrose, L 236. 

' ^'Bat the members of the said Parliament/' wrote Montrose in 
1645, ^ some of them having hi designs unknown to us, others of them 
having fomid the sweetness of government, were pleased to refuse the 
ratification of the Acts of the Assembly, with the abjuration of Episco- 
pacy and Court of High Gkrmmisaon, introduced by the Prelates, unless 
they had the whole alleged liberty due to the subject, which was, in 
fact, intrenching upon authority, and the total abrogation of his Majesty's 
royal prerogative ; whereby the King's Oommissioner was constrained to 
rise and discharge the Parliament, and was urged to levy new forces to 
suppress their unlawful desires ; and, fearing lest their unlawful desires 
and our flat refusal of his Majesty's ofier conform to the conference fore- 
said, should have moved his Majesty to recal what he had condescended 
unto, to the prejudice of religion and liberties of the subject ; and, on the 
other hand, calling to mind the oath of allegiance and covenant sub- 
scribed for the maintenance of his Majesty's honour and greatness — 
wrestling betwixt extiemities, and resolved rather to sufier with the people 
of God for the benefit of true religion than to give way to his Majesty 
in what then seemed doubtsome, and boing most unwilling to divide from 
them we were joined with in Covenant, did still undertake with them ** 
(Napier, MemorUds of MmUrote, i. 218). Whether this is a perfectly 
correct account of Montrose's state of mind five years before may perhap 

VOL. I. B B 


June a. 


CHAP, assent to the Acts abolishing Episcopacy. Nor were 
other causes wanting to determine Montrose's action 
at this juncture of affairs. Sharing, as he did, to 
some extent in Strafford's ideas on the place 
of monarchy in constitutional government, though 
laying more stress than Strafford did on the duty 
of kings to take into consideration the wishes of 
their subjects, he was more under the limitations of 
nationality than Strafford was. Monarchy was not to 
him an authority disposing of the forces of the three 
kingdoms for the coercion oT any one which happened 
to resist the wisdom of the Government. It was a 
purely Scottish institution. Beyond Scottish territory 
and Scottish men his thoughts did not travel. 
Whether Charles were right or wrong he was to be 
resisted if he attempted to enforce his views by means 
of an army of Enghsh foreigners. 
June II. Montrose, therefore, a halfhearted CJovenanter 

paied.^** it might be, was a Covenanter still. His fellow- 
countrymen became Covenanters, if possible, more 
resolutely than ever. The Scottish ParUament made 
short work of the questions at issue. It speedily 
converted into laws, as far as it was possible to do 
so without the Royal assent, all the Bills which had 
received the approbation of the Lords of the Articles 

be doubted ; but it is at all eyents significant that he ezpresseB doulits 
whether the King might be induced to withdraw the concesdons which 
he had made at Berwick. In writing to Charles in 1641 Montrose dis* 
tinctly admits that the cause of the mischief was not to be sought only in 
the conduct of the subjects. They, he tells the King, are likely to fall 
from himself if, by removing the cause and by the application of whole* 
some remedies, it be not speedily prevented. *' They/' he goes on to say, 
"have no other end but to preserve their religion in purity and thfdr 
liberties entire." He even speaks as if some moderate alteration in tlie 
Acts ought to satisfy the King. "Any difference that may arise upon 
the Acts passed in the last Parliament your Majesty's presence and the 
advice and endeavours of your faithful servants will easily acoommodatB ** 
(Ibid. i. 268). 


before the prorogation in November. On June 11 chap. 
the new constitution — ^it was nothing less than that — 

was formally approved of, and ParUament separated, j„^^°i 
leaving behind it a numerous Committee of Estates, J^^^* 
empowered to conduct the government of the country The Com- 

*, mitteeof 

m Its name. Esutes. 

Of these Acts an enthusiastic Covenanter declared 
that they exhibited * the next greatest change in one 
blow that ever happened to this church and state these 
six hundred years by-past ; for in effect it overturned 
not only the ancient state government, but fettered 
monarchy with chains, and set new limits and marks ^ 
to the same beyond which it was not legally to 
proceed.' * 

If such was the view taken of these Acts at Edin- May. 
burgh it was not likely that they would be acceptable of ship 
to Charles. Yet it was hard to say what he could "^™*^' 
do. His army was still to be formed. Conway's 2,cxx) 
Horse at Newcastle was the only force as yet dispos- 
able against the enemy. Conway's account of their sute of 
condition was most depressing. The pistols which hoiIu 
had been sent down to them were absolutely unser- 
viceable, and, as no money was to be had from London 
to meet the expense of repairing them, he had to give 
orders that twopence a day should be deducted from 
the pay of the troopers. A mutiny was the result ; 
and Conway, who had scant time to think of the 
Petition of Right, ordered one of the ringleaders to be 
shot. The soldiers themselves were not such as to be 
easy of guidance. " I am teaching," wrote Conway, 
" cart horses to manage, and men that are fit for Bed- 
lam and Bridewell to keep the ten commandments ; so 
that General LesUe and I keep two schools. He hath 
scholars that profess to serve God, and he is instruct- 

* t.0. bouodltries. ' Balfowr, ii. 379. 

B B 2 




CHAP, ing them how they may safely do injury and all im- 
piety. Mine to the uttermost of their power never 
kept any law either of God or the King, and they are 
to be made fit to make others keep them." ^ 
June 9 Almost as soon as the news of the determination of 

^wid to the Scottish Parliament to continue in session reached 
minlyl^ the King, a desperate efibrt was made to extract ship 
money from the city of London. On June 9 the Lord 
Mayor and Sheriffs were before the Council. The Lord 
Mayor was asked why he had not collected the money. 
He replied that he had done his best. " Why," asked 
the King, " did you not distrain ? " The poor man 
pleaded that one of his predecessors was the de- 
fendant of an action brought against him in the 
King's Bench by the indefatigable Bichard Chambers, 
for his conduct in collecting ship money, and that 
he did not wish to be in the same position. " No 
man,^' said Charles peremptorily, "shall suffer for 
obeying my commands." Lord Mayor Garway was 
hardly the man to hold out as Alderman Soames had 
held out in the case of the loan. He was himself one 
June 10. of the collectors of the new impositions, and had made 
the attempt good profit out of an unparhameutaiy levy. The 
next day, accompanied by the Sheriffs, he went from 
house to house to demand the money for the King. 
In the whole City only one man was found to pay 
it. The Lord Mayor then bade the Sheriffs to dis- 
train the goods of the refusers. They told him 
that this * was his business, not theirs.' Entering a 
draper's shop, he took hold of a piece of linen. The 
owner coolly asked to be allowed to measure the 
stuff before he parted with it. When he had ascer- 

^ Oonway to Laud, May 2a Conway to Northumberland, May 20. 
Conway to the Counteaa of Devonshire, May 28, 8, P. Dam, coodir. 


tained its length, he named the price of the goods, 9^iff * 
and said that he should charge it to his lordship's 


account. june II. 

On the nth the Common Council met to consider ^duct^ 
another demand which had been recently made upon STcSy? 
them. They had been required to furnish 4,o(X) men 
to the army, and to comply with the usual requisition 
for coat and conduct money. After some discussion 
the meeting separated without returning an answer, 
and this postponement of a resolution was almost 
tantamount to a refusal.'"* 

Such a rebuff left Charles almost as much irritated c^Sy ^ 
with the City as he was with the Scottish ParUament. thinks of 

. ^ , using force 

The ease with which he had gained the mastery over ^th the 
the turbulent apprentices brought the notion into 
his head that it would be possible to use armed force 
to compel the City to minister of its fulness to the 
necessities of the State. In his eyes the refusal of 
ship money and of coat and conduct money was a 
distinct rejection of legal obligations, and compulsion 
would thus only be used to bring offenders upon their 
knees. Such fancies remained with Charles no more 
than fancies. To carry them out would take time, 
and it might be that, before he had effected his pur- 
pose, a Scottish army would cross the Borders to 
throw its sword into the scale. It would therefore and of 
be necessary to take up once more the scheme of a wlSthe"*^ 
negotiation with the Scots. A peace with the north- 
ern kingdom might be patched up on the best terms 
which could be obtained, in the expectation that 
sooner or later an excuse would be given for recom- 
mencing the war with better chances, and for re- 

* Roadngliani's Nttcsletter, June 16, S, P. Dam, ococlvii. 36. 
' The Council to the Lord Mayor, May 31, Rushw, iii. 1,188. Ccm^ 
mon Council Journal, xxxix. 97, Corporation Records. 



^vitr ducing Scotland to the obedience which it owed to 
— 7-^ its rightful King.* 

June i! Before Charles could resolve to take one course 

SwL^f^ or another, even worse news than that which had 
p^rr*^** readied him from Edinburgh was spreading across 
ment. the Irish Channel. The Parliament of Ireland met 
for its second Session on June i. The enthusiasm, 
real or factitious, with which the subsidies had been 
granted in March had long since died away. Strafford 
was no longer in DubUn to warn and to encourage. 
Nor was the situation the same in June as it had been 
three months before. Not only was there a differ- 
ence between the time of payment and the time of 
promise, but there was no longer reason to behave 
that the Irish who supported the King would be on 
the winning side. Nor was the House of Commons 
quite the same as it had been in March. An Irish 
House of Commons was a very artificial production. 
Care had been taken that neither the Boman Catholic 

^ This rests on the testimony of Rossetti. He would be weU 
informed by the Queen of what waa passing*. After speaking of the 
guards placed by the King on Somerset House and St. James's, he says 
that this was done * poiche ayrebbe volutOi sotto questo colore di repri- 
mere tali seditioni, unire insieme le sue forze per meglio tenere in offitio 
la cittAy e costringerla formatamente & dargli qualsussidio di danaro che 
per via parlamentaria non ha potuto ottenere. . . . Ma perchd per 
essere la stagione troppo inanzi, e questo dissegno del Bd solamente 
meditato, difiicilmente o con molto progreaso potrebbe effettuarlo in 
quest' anno, si h inteso di piu che egli voglia pacificare in qualche buon 
modo gli Scozzesi per hora et intanto aggiustare le cose dlnghilterra per 
non haver impedimento dietro le spalle, e proyedersi di danari e d'altre 
cose necessarie per poter essere in termini k tempo piu maturo di muo- 
versi contro la Scotia, et per condurre S. M'* piu cautamente il tutto 
credessi che pensi di yoler and are con aparecchio pacifico alle firontieri 
di quel Regno, accommodarsi in qual miglior modo che si potesse con li 
Scozzesi, e yeder poi a suo tempo di ridurgli & perfetta obbedienza coll* 
arm!.' He goes on to say that, in spite of the King's irritation about the 
news from Scotland 'nondimeno credesi che egli yoglia per hora con 
Parte pitl che con la forza procurare di ridurre a qualche quiete le cose.' 
Hossetti to Barberini, June ||, R, O, Transcripts* 


members nor the independent ProtestaAt members ^y{j^' 
should form a majority. By means of the knot of T* ' 
civilian and military officials the Government could j^^^ ' 
convert either of these minorities into a majority, and 
it was, therefore, in the interest of both parties to 
court the good-will of that Government which could 
do so much to serve them or to injure them. For 
the moment, however, this source of authority was no 
longer available. Wandesford, the new Lord Deputy, 
was an honourable and loyal man, but he was not a 
Strafford. Even if he had been all that Strafford was, 
it is doubtful whether success would have been within 
his reach. Many of the official members were absent 
from their posts, actively employed in raising troops 
and in preparing for the coming campaign.^ 

Protestants and Roman Catholics might be at objectioiu 
issue on many pomts, but they were agreed m dis- of levying 
liking to pay large sums of money. In 1634 the *" * ^ 
Lord Deputy had bethought himself of a new way of 
collecting the supplies voted. He and his Council 
came to the conclusion that each subsidy ought to be 
worth a certain sum, and this sum was then dis- 
tributed amongst the counties, each county being left 
to assess its own share upon its inhabitants. This 
precedent had been followed by Wandesford. The June i^. 
Commons now drew up a declaration, in which they of the 
alleged that each man's property '^ should be rated ™™^'°*- 
to pay a certain proportion, whether the whole 
sum came up to the Deputy's expectations or not. 
The first subsidy voted might be gathered in as 
Wandesford had proposed, but the others must be 
collected 'in a moderate ParUamentary way.' To 
this demand Wandesford was forced to give his 

* Carte's Ormond, i. 99. 

' Irish CommoTis^ Journals, i. 146 



CH^.P- consent, and the Houses were then prorogued tifl 

' — 7 — ' October.^ 
j^me* In spite of this rebuff Wandesford was still hope- 

wmy."^^ ful. The full value of the first subsidy would now 
be paid. The anny, which was waiting for supplies, 
would be able to rendezvous at Carrickfergus by the 
end of July. By that time Strafford would be suffi- 
ciently recovered to cross the sea, and with him as 
their leader the long-expected blow would at last be 

Smau value The pecuniary loss to the Irish Treasury was 

■ubsidies. cvcu greater than the Lord Deputy anticipated. 
The first subsidy, indeed, collected on Strafford's plan 
brought in 46,000/. The second and third subsidies 
together brought in only half that sum. The fourth 
subsidy was never collected at all.^ 

It was as well that it should be so. Strafford's 
plan deserved to fail. To call upon Ireland, poor as 
it was, to bear a burthen out of all proportion to that 
which England had ever consented to bear, was to 
make a demand beyond the bounds of reason. Nor 
was it fair upon Ireland to place it thus in the fore- 
front of the battle. Victorious or vanquished, she 
would but bring down upon herself the hatred of her 
more powerful neighbour. 

Proposed Whilst Ireland was drawing back and Scotland 

Genoese . i t^ t i % 

and French was mcuacmg, the English (government was in 
desperate straits for money. Early in June an agent 

^ In a BulMequent petition of the Commons {8, P. Ireland, Bmidle 
cclxxxvi.) it ie said that estates were valued at the tenth part, and that 
they then paid 4«. in the poand in lands and 2$, 8<^. in goods, and that 
this was higher than the rates used in England. This helps us to under- 
stand how a suhsidy of nominally 4«. in the pound was borne. ^ 

' V^^'andesford to Ormond, June 7, 10, 12, 30, Carte AfSS, i. fol. 203, 
206, 209, 211. Radcliffe to Oonway, July 4, S, P. Irdand, Bundle 



of Cottington's offered the most advantageous con- ^^^f- 
ditions to the Fi-ench Government in return for a 
loan, ancl at the same time an effort was made to 
obtain a similar advance from the financiers of Genoa. 
Neither attempt was successful. Richelieu had no 
wish to help Charles out of his difficulties, and the 
Genoese were hardly Hkely to be satisfied with any 
security which the English Government had in its 
power to give.^ Anothei: plan was to squeeze money Attempt to 
out of the unfortunate CathoUcs. Orders were given ftom Se*^ 
to arrest all the priests who were to be found, as well 
as such of the laity as frequented the chapels of the 
CathoUc ambassadors. The Queen's influence, how- 
ever, was once more brought to bear upon her hus- 
band, and these proceedings were stopped on the 
understanding that the CathoUcs would follow the 
precedent of 1639 by making a voluntary contribution 
towards the expenses of the war.* 

Alarming news began to pour into Whitehall from Condition 
those who were entrusted with the mihtary prepa- anny. 
rations. There had always been a strong beUef at 
Court that the opposition to the King was for the 
most part confined to the upper classes — at all events 
amongst the rural population. The thfeory was not 
entirely without foundation. Puritanism had no deep 
root in the minds of the agricultural poor. Country 
gentlemen and small freeholders might be averse 
to Laudian innovations in the Church and to un- 
parliamentary exactions in the State, but the labourers 
and the small handicraftsmen of the country-side 
cared very Uttle about the matter. They wanted to 
be let alone that they might be allowed to earn their 

1 Memorandum, June, i9. P. 2>om. cccclviii. 75. Montreuil's DeBpatch, 
June 4, BUL Nat, Fr. IS1995, foL 93. Giustinian's Despatches, Jane 
TSf al> ^^' TranacripU. 

^ Rossetti to Barberiniy June ||, R, O. TratucripU. 



CHAP, daily bread in peace. It was the great mistake of 
' — 7*'"' the Gtovemment to imagine that this passive sub- 
junl niission could be easily converted into active loyalty, 
and that it was possible to pass over the opposition of 
the intelligent classes, because those classes were of 
necessity only a minority of the whole population. 
The moment the carters, the blacksmiths, and the 
labourers were ordered to put on a uniform and to 
march far away from their cottages and their families 
they would be full of dissatisfaction with the Govern- 
ment which tore them from their homes to expose 
them to danger, and perhaps to death, for a cause 
which inspired them with no interest whatever. 
Something of this feeling is sometimes manifested in 
modem armies whenever the reserves are called out 
for actual war. But in modern armies the feeling is 
always shortlived. Enthusiasm for the cause at stake, 
military habits created early in life, and, above all, the 
influence of a body of oflScers accustomed to com- 
mand, and of comrades accustomed to obey, combine 
to create the military habit of discipline and obedience 
which has been for a time put off* amidst the cares 
and emulation of civil life. To Charles's army all this 
was lacking. There was no enthusiasm whatever. 
In the new-levied ranks there were none but raw 
recruits, and the alienation of the country gentlemen 
made it impossible to appoint men whose local in- 
fluence would inspire confidence, and in some way 
redeem their want of military knowledge. OflScers 
who had served in Holland or Germany were mingled 
with officers who had never served at all. Scarcely 
one of either class had any knowledge of the men 
whom they were designed to lead. Fresh from Court 
they arrived to take the command of companies in 
which every soldier was in a state of irritation at 


having to serve at all, and in which not a single 9J?,^^- 
soldier had any reason to hold them in the slightest — 7 — ' 
respect. Even in the preceding year something of j^^' 
this inconvenience had been felt. But in 1639 the 
bulk of the army had been drawn from the trained 
bands of the counties north of the Humber, who were 
consequently under the orders of the gentlemen of 
their own shires. In 1640 the trained bands were 
not called out at all, and the Northern counties were 
excused from a service to which they had contributed 
so much in the preceding summer. The pressed men of 
the shires south of the Humber, who formed the army 
of 1640, were both more indiflFerent to the chances of 
a Scottish invasion, which was not likely to reach 
their own homes, and were themselves drawn from a 
lower class. 

Nor did the danger end here. The sixteenth giatnwtof 
century had left behind it as a legacy an indelible, if catholic 
somewhat unintelligent, hatred of the Eoman Catholic 
Church. With few exceptions, high and low were 
actuated by a common feeling of abhorrence. Charles, 
indeed, had himself a firm determination never to 
acknowledge the Papal claims ; but in his dread of 
Puritan ascendency, he fancied that he could trust 
the Catholics, and that he could trust very few others. 
Even before the Short Parliament Rossetti boasted 
that many Catholics were placed in military com- 
mands from which Puritans were strictly excluded.^ 
Charles forgot that such an arrangement would loosen 
still more the ties of discipline, already loose enough. 

It is possible that if pay had been constant, such Want of 
seeds of mischief might, not without much difficulty, ^^' 
have been eradicated. But the financial troubles of 
the Government made themselves felt everywhere, 

> Rossetti to Barberini, ^^^, B. O. Transcripts. 





CHAP. When at last, early in June, the men started on the 
march for the rendezvous at Selby, it was often with 
a feeling of doubt whether the money due for their 
services would ever really be paid. 

Want of Tales of disorder at once began to pour in from 

^'™^ every side. In Wiltshire a company roved about 
stealing poultry and assaulting honest countrymen 
who refused to satisfy the demands of the soldiery. 
Another body of men in the same county were 
filled with the universal fear of Popish intrigue. 
They asked their captain whether he would re- 
ceive the Communion with them. On his refusal, 
they told him * that if he would not pray with 
them, they would not fight with him,' ^ and declined 
to follow him further. In Sufiblk the deputy- 
lieutenants announced that the mutinous soldiers had 
threatened ' to murder them.' In the City of London, 
in Kent, Surrey, Essex, Herts, Buckinghamshire, and 
Bedfordshire, resistance to the levy was almost uni- 
versal. On the 1 6th Northumberland complained that 
June 17. desertions were so numerous that scarcely half the 

Lieutenant numbcrs raised would appear at Selby.^ Before long 
the Government and the country were startled by 
the news that an officer had been actually murdered 
by the Dorsetshire men at Faringdon. Lieutenant 
Mohun had given an order to the drummer. The 
boy refused to obey, and insolently raised his drum- 
stick to strike him. Mohun drew his sword, and 
slashed at the drummer's wrist, almost slicing away 
his hand. The news quickly spread. Mohun was 
chased to his lodgings by the angry soldiers. His 
brains were dashed out with their clubs, and his 

' J. Nicholas to Nicholas, June i. Boasingham's NewdeUer, June 8, 
S. P. Dom. cccclvi. 44. 

' Deputy-Lieutenants of Suffolk to the (Council, June 8, foL 2. 
Northumberland to Conway, June 13, 16, Ihid. cccdTi. 4St 77 ; oocclTii. 



June 17. 

body, after it had been dragged through the mire, ^SA^- 
was suspended to the pillory. The authors of the 
outrage dispersed in every direction. Many of them 
were subsequently captured and committed for trial, 
but the organisation of the force was hopelessly 
broken up.^ 

Other regiments were nearly in as bad a condition. June aa. 
Lunsford complained that the Somersetshire men in in wai^ 
his charge refused to obey his orders. " Divers of ^****"*^ 
these," he wrote from Warwick, " in troops returned 
home, all in a forwardness to disband, and the coun- 
ties rather to foment their disUkes than to assist in 
punishment or persuasions. Hues and cries work 
no effect. We want orders to raise the power of the 
countries, are daily assaulted by sometimes five 
hundred of them together, have hurt and killed some 
in our own defences, and are driven to keep together 
upon our guard." ^ 

Whilst the soldiers were thus breaking out into June aa 
open mutiny, the Court of King's Bench, the great chamben. 
prop of Charles's government, was showing signs of 
uneasiness. When the counsel for Chambers, in his 
ship-money case, had been heard. Heath applied, on 
behalf of the defendant, to postpone his argument 
till after the Long Vacation, and the concession, 
though made by the Court, was only made with con- 
siderable hesitation. On another case of still greater 
importance, the judges were more peremptory. A caseof 
Northamptonshire gentleman, named Pargiter, had *'^**'' 
been committed for refusing the payment of coat and 
conduct money. He applied for a writ of habeas TiMiegtfity 
corpus, and the Court, in accordance with the Petition MidT* 


' The Sheriff of Berks to the Council, Jane 2a Roadngham's Ifeum' 
letter, June 23, S, P, Dom, ococlvii. 104. 

3 Lunafoid to Northumberland/ June 22, S, P. Dom, occdh&^u 


CHAP, of Right, required that the cause of his committal 
should be signified. The counael for the Crown asked 
for delay, and, though his request was not absolutely 
refused, he was told that cause must be shown before 
the end of the month.^ 


June 90. 

Thediffi- This occurrcucc placed the Government in no 


Govern. * sUght difficulty. It seemed as if another monster 

trial, similar to that of Hampden, was inevitable. 
The lawyers of the Opposition would argue, with 
the sympathy of the nation again on their side, that 
coat and conduct money was an illegal exaction. The 
existing system was of such recent introduction, 
that this time the judges might possibly not be in 
favour of the Crown. It was certain that, whether 
the judges decided in favour of the Crown or not, 
very little money would be paid whilst their de- 
cision was pending. The prospect of meeting the 
Scots in the field with a sufficient army, bad as it 
was already, would be altogether at an end. 
June 114. From this difficulty Charles was saved by his 

usSe^ legal advisers. In the reign of Henry IV., it had 
dSSHf heen decided in Parliament that, when an invasion 
Anray. ^^ impending, the King might issue Commissions of 
Array. All who were capable of bearing arms would 
be bound to march in person to the defence^ of 
the realm. Those who were incapacitated by age or 
infirmity would be bound to contribute both to the 
equipment of this force, and to its support till it 
passed the borders of the county in which it had been 
levied. After that, it would be taken into the iQng*s 


The Attorney-General was therefore ordered to 
prepare such Commissions of Array. Not only had 

' Council Register, May 22. Roasiiigham's Newdetters, June 16, 23, 
S. P. £hm, occclvii. 36, 104. 


Charles found a legal basis for the exaction which ^Si^- 
had been questioned, but he would be freed from the ' — 7 — ' 
obhgation of repaying the sums which had been j^' 
expended in the counties.^ 

There can be httle doubt that this resolution was stniffofd»8 
applauded by Strafford, who was now suflSciently 
recovered to take part in public affairs, though he 
did not sit in Council till some days later.^ But, 
though he was glad to find that the law would cover 
strong measures, he was still of opinion that the 
crisis demanded strong measures whether the law 
would cover them or not. Conway, at Newcastle, 
was much vexed by Northumberland's anxiety to 
keep within the law. The Lord General had been 
especially alarmed by the intelligence that Conway 
had executed a mutineer by martial law. He con- Question 
suited the lawyers, and the lawyers told him that law. 
both he and Conway must receive a pardon from 
the Crown if they wished to escape punishment.' 
Conway complained to Strafford, as certain of his janeas. 
sympathy. How, he asked, could discipline be main- 
tained on such conditions ? A soldier was then in 
prison charged with a brutal murder. " If he be not 
executed by martial law, but that we turn him over 
to the law, it vdll utterly lose all respect and power. 
If martial law may be executed, let me know it ; if it 
be not, and that the King cannot find a remedy for it, 
it will not be possible to keep the troops together." * 

' Council Begister, June 24. Bolls of Parliament^ iii. 526. Stubbe, 
Const. Hist, iii. 262. 

' On July 5. Joacbimi to tbe States General, July H, Add, MS8, 
17,677, 2. fol. 216. 

' Tbey beld tbat martial law could still be exercised ' wbero an army 
is in a body drawn together and near an enemy/ which was not tbe case 

* Conway to Straflford, June 281 8, P. Dom, cccclL 58. 


CHAP. Charles, as Strafford would have said, was lost by 


halting between Saul and David. He had neither 
J ^^' the advantage of popular support nor of self-reliant 
NewcasUe dictatorship. In vain Conway pointed out the ab- 
tortified. solute ncccssity of fortifying Newcastle, and begged 
to be allowed to lay an imposition on the townsmen 
for the purpose. Northumberland hesitated in face 
of the obvious illegality of the proposal. It was, he 
said, a good work, but he doubted * whether these 
distempered times ' were * proper for such a business.' 
Jiineaa " When all levies that have formerly been paid," he 
gSiiS?" wrote to Conway, « are now generally refused, what 
JJ[^JJ^ hope is there of raising money by any such way till 
there come a fitter season ? I will keep your proposi- 
tion by me, and make use of it as I see occasion." The 
occasion never came till it was too late. To Northum- 
berland, all the efforts made by his more warlike 
colleagues were hopeless from the fiirst. " To your 
lordship," he went on to say, " I must confess that 
our wants and disorders are so great that I cannot 
devise how we should go on with our designs for this 
year. Most of the ways that we relied on for sup- 
pUes of money have hitherto failed us, and for aught 
I know we are likely to become the most despised 
nation of Europe. To the regiments that are now 
rising we have, for want of money, been able to 
advance but fourteen days' pay, the rest must meet 
them on their march towards Selby, and for both 
horse and foot already in the North we can for the 
present send them but seven days' pay. We are 
gallant men, for this doth not at all discourage us. 
We yet make full account of conquering Scotland 
before many months pass." ^ 

Amongst these gallant men who were not to be 

* Nortliumberlaiid to Conway, June 30, S. P. Dam. ccodL 58. 


discouraged was Windebank. To him all the dis- ^^Af- 
order amongst the troops was but the work of a few 
evil-disposed persons in the higher ranks of society. 
"Some restiveness appears in some counties," he ^^1j 
wrote, " in raising the forces, and sundry insolences wtisfaction. 
are committed by the forces when they are levied, 
most of which have been redressed upon repair of the 
Lords Lieutenants in person to the counties, so that 
the people are not in themselves refractory, but when 
the Lords Lieutenants are well affected and diligent, 
the service succeeds without diflSculty.' ^ 

The Secretary's optimism was not shared by Sir Jaiy^. 
Jacob Astley, the veteran to whom was entrusted the report, 
task of receiving the recruits as they arrived at Selby. 
On July 9, he reported that 4,000 had then arrived, 
* the arch knaves of the country.' He had only 
money enough to pay them for a week. Large 
numbers of them straggled over the country, beating 
their officers and the peasants. On the nth, 2,000 Juiyn. 
more came in. Unless he had more money soon, he 
declared, the whole force would break up. The 
men came ill-clothed from their homes. Many had 
neither shoes nor stockings. The captains were 
constantly going to York to ask for money to pay 
their men, when they ought to have been drilling 
them, if they were ever to convert them into 

Whilst the English army was fallinff into a state The Scnts 
of dissolution, the Scots were taking advantage of the to cofroe 
time afforded them to master all resistance in the 
rear. This time the hand of the Committee of 
Estates was to fall heavily on the North. With them, 
as with Strafford, there was a firm resolve that all 

' Windebank to Conway, July 6. Astley to Couway, July g, ii, S, 
P. Dom. cccclix. 41^ 64, 84. 



CHAP, should be done that power would permit. If the 

VIII. ^ '^ 

North could not be conciliated it must be coerced. 
1040. j|j;ontrose's visionary notion that gentle treatment 

would avail must be laid aside. 

May 28. Tliis time the command of the force destined for 

A^^^e^; the North was assigned to Monro, a rough soldier 

fresh from the school of violence which had been set 

up in Germany. On May 28 he joined the Earl 

June xo. Marischal at Aberdeen. The inhabitants were driven 

by military compulsion to sign the Covenant, those 

who refused being sent to Edinburgh as prisoners. 

A hundred and fifty of the stoutest men in the place 

were pressed into the army. The country around 

was subjected to visitation. The doors were broken 

open, the furniture was burnt, and the horses 

carried oflF. 

and"in ^' ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Gordons came in July. On the 

l^th- jth Monro was in Strathbogie. Huntly had sought 
refuge in England, and his tenants paid the penalty. 
Their sheep and cattle were driven away, or restored 
only on payment of money, and heavy fines were 
imposed upon themselves. The unpaid soldiers 
lived at their ease at the expense of the inhabitants 
of the district.^ 
Argjiein Further south, Argyle had his interests as a 

era High- Highland chieftain to serve as well as his interests as 
a Covenanter. At Edinburgh he was the wily states- 
man directing every move of the game, whilst 
keeping himself studiously in the background, and 
not even taking a place in the Committee of Estates. 
In the Western Highlands he was the head of the 
Campbells, eager to push the authority of his family 
over an ever-widening circle of once independent 
clans. The character borne by the Campbells in the 

* SjHilding, i. 272-307. Balfour^ ii. 381. 




Highlands was not a good one. Their favourite 9^j^f- 
tactics, it was said, had been to urge their neighbours 
to resistance against the king of the day, and then to 
obtain powers from the king to suppress the rebellion 
to their own profit. Each of the subdued clans was 
forced to forsake its own organisation, and to merge 
its very name in that of the Campbells.^ The 
opportunity had now come for carrying out this 
process in the name not of the King but of the 
Covenant. Very few, if any, of the dwellers in those 
rugged glens cared for either King or Covenant. 
But where the influences of Argyle and Huntly met 
in the very centre of the Highlands, those who feared 
and detested Argyle were necessarily the partisans of 
Huntly and, in some sort, of the King. 

The first act of the new Committee of Estates had June la. 
been to issue to Argyle a commission of fire and sword oommii- 
against the Earl of Athol, the Earl of Airlie, and 
various Highland clans whom it was determined to 
reduce to submission. Argyle set out from Inverary 
on June 18, with a following of 4,000 Highlanders. 
Athol had but 1,200 to oppose to him. The two 
forces met near the spot on which Taymouth Castle 
now stands. Athol was inveigled by a promise of 
safe return to an interview with Argyle. Argyle Juneis. 
tried to win him over by considerations of personal raid.* 
interest. He told him significantly that he had himself 
claims upon his lands, and that there had been a talk 
at the late Parliament of deposing the King, from 
which Athol was probably intended to infer that he 
might have a difficulty in making out his title to the 
satisfaction of a new and hostile Government. As 
Athol did not take the hint, he was seized, as Huntly 
had been seized the year before, and sent a prisoner 

> Skene, The Higklnndirs of Scotland, i. 138. 

c'c 2 


^\m' ^^ Edinburgh, in defiance of the pledge given by his 

^^--— ' host.^ 
July." Argyle pushed on into Angus, the Forfarshire of 

Hf^capi- modem geography. The Earl of Airlie was awaj 

ifll^u!)^! with the King, but he had fortified his house, leaving 
it in the keeping of Lord Ogilvy, his eldest son. The 
news that Argyle and his dreaded Highlanders were 
on the march for the uplands which swell towards 
the Grampians from broad Strathmore struck terror 
into the hearts of CSovenanter and anti-Ck>venanter. 
The gentry of Angus and Perthshird called on Mon- 
trose to provide a remedy. Montrose, it is true, had 
been one of those who had signed the terrible com- 
mission to Argyle.* But it was well understood that 
his heart was not with Argyle. He soon gathered 
the forces of the neighbourhood, obtained from Lord 
Ogilvy the siu'render of the house, and placed in it a 
small garrison, to hold it for the Committee of Estates. 

Argyie'i When Argyle arrived it seemed as if nothing 

remained to be done. The intervention of Montrose, 
however, goaded him into savage exasperation. He 
was too shrewd not to perceive that Montrose's policy 
of reconciling the King with the nation was thoroughly 
impracticable, and he had none of those generous in- 
stincts which lay at the root of Montrose's error. As 
Montrose was beyond his reach, he wreaked his ven- 
geance on the property and tenants of the owner of 
the lands of Airlie. The * bonnie house ' was burnt 
to the ground. Another house belonging to the Earl 
of Airlie at Forthar shared the same fate. Plunder 
went hand in hand with destruction. The wild High- 

* Sir T. St«wart*B Deposition. Answers to J. Stewart's Deposition. 
Exoneration of Arprj-le. Napier's Memorials of Montrose , i. 257, 266 j ii. 


^ Commiwiion, June 12, Hitf. MSS. Com. Rep, \\. 491, 


landers stripped the fields of sheep and cattle, and chap. 
drove them 06* to stock the valleys of the Campbells — -^-^ 
in the West.^ '^''* 

Having done his work on the edge of the Low- }^J\j^ 
lands, Argyle turned his course homewards along the ^^^^ 
fringe of his own dominions, Braemar and Badenoch 
felt the terror of his coming. There was plundering 
and burning and slaying in those distant glens. The 
Camerons of Lochaber, on the other hand, were treated 
with special favour. They had grown weary of their 
dependence on Huntly, and were ready to transfer 
their allegiance to Argyle.^ 

For the immediate purposes of war, Scotland was Conditkm 
now a realm at unity with itself. This time there 
was no risk of repeated diversions in the stricken 
North. In the South the Eoyalists were few and 
easily suppressed. The lands and houses of all who 
opposed the Covenant were taken by force. It was 
not long before Ettrick on the castled crag of Edin- 
burgh was alone in upholding the banner of the 

' Oordan, iii. 165. Spaidiiuf, i. 291. Memorials of Montrose, i. 256, 
264, 330, 358. In a letter to Dugald Oampbell, of Inverawe {Notes and 
Queries, 5th ser., ix. 364), Argyle gave the foUowing instractioiis : — " See 
how ye can cast off the iron gates and windows, and take down the 
roof ', and if ye find it will be longsome, ye shall fire it well, that so it 
may be destroyed. But yoa need not let know that ye have directions 
from me to fire it ; only ye may say that ye have warrant to demolish it, 
and that to make the work short ye will fire it.** This keeping back his 
own part in the matter is quite in character. I have not inserted 
Gordon's story about Argyle's expulsion of Lady Ogilvy Arom Forthar 
when near her lying-in, as it is stated in a letter from Patrick Drum« 
mond of Sept. 12 {S. P. Dom,) that Argyle accused Montrose of having 
suffered the lady to escape, which is inconsistent with Go|^on*s aooount, 

' Gordon, iii. 163. 




CHAP. Strong for the present moment, Argyle was raising 
^^' up enemies to give him trouble at some future day. 

^^^o. His rival Montrose had one fatal weakness. The 
Argyle and comer-stoue of his poKcy was the chance that Charles 
would at last be frank and consistent. In reality, 
Charles was wavering from day to day. Before the 
end of June Hamilton had won him over to another 
Jane 27. attempt to conciliate Scotland. On the 27th Loudoun 
andmisrioD was set free and despatched with instructions which 
^^' were vague enough in themselves, but which seem to 
have been explained to mean that Charles would now 
bind himself to carry out the Treaty of Berwick after 
the Scottish interpretation ; and that, although he 
refused to acknowledge the vaUdity of Acts of the late 
session, he would promise not to interpose his veto 
upon the Acts for the establishment of the Presby- 
terian Constitution, if they were presented to him in 
a regular manner. On the other hand, Loudoun was 
to do his best to prevail with his countrymen ' that 
the King's authority should not be entrenched upon 
nor diminished.' ^ 

As he passed through Durham, Loudoun gave out 
freely that he was carrying peace to Scotland.^ When 

' InBtnictions and Memorandumy June 26. Lanark to the Lords, 
June 26, Burnet, 170. Compare Giufitinian's Despatch, July ^j, Ven. 

^ Duncou to Windebank, July 9, S, P, Dom. cccclix. 61. 


he arrived in Edinburgh he found that the terras ^^^^• 
which he brought would no longer give satisfac- — 7^— ' 
tion. The question which had come to an issue since j^, * 
he had been thrust into the Tower was whether 
or no the ParUament had the right of making 
laws in dej&ance of the King. On this the leaders FaUureof 
declared themselves to have no intention of giving tut^T^ 
way.^ During the first week in July, whilst Monro 
was harrying Strathbogie and Argyle was harry- 
ing Angus, Leslie was gathering the nucleus of 
an army, and preparing for the invasion of Eng- 

A Scottish army could support itself, at least for 
a time, on taxes levied by the orders of the National 
Government, eked out by voluntary contributions and 
the confiscated property of the opponents of the 
Covenant. Charles had none of these resources. The Jaiy 4. 

t\\M^ Anil 

Commissions of Array were now supported by fresh conduct 

orders for the collection of coat and conduct money, ^^ST 

and on July 5 the Attorney-General was directed to July 5. 

prosecute the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for their tion of 

the I.iOrd 

neglect in the collection of this money. Some relief. Mayor and 
indeed, had been obtained before the end of June by *" 
an advance made by the farmers of the customs of 
more than 44,000/., and other loans obtained from 
officials and men of position had raised the sum ob- 
tained in this way to little less than 60,000/.^ But 
the necessities of the army were too great to be per- 
manently supplied thus, and if England was to be 
defended recourse must be had to one or other of 
those extraordinary measures which had been so often 
talked of. 

The first plan attempted appears to have been 

' The Lords, &c.y to Lanark, July 7, Burnet, 172. 
* Account of Loans, June 23, Brcviates of the rerrijft. 




^- r— — ' 


July 4. 
seizure of 
bullion at 
the Tower. 

July 6. 
Protest of 
the Mer- 
chant Ad- 

July II. 
of the 

suggested by Hamilton.^ For some years the King* 
had derived profit from a percentage upon the coinage 
of Spanish bullion, which he afterwards transported 
to Dunkirk. This bullion was now seized in the 
Tower, to the amount of 130,000/., on promise of re- 
payment six months later. 

Such a blow startled every merchant in the City. 
Those who had money or stocks in foreign cities 
dreaded reprisals, which would put an end to commerce. 
The great Company of the Merchant Adventurers 
took the lead in protesting. They sent a deputation 
to call Strafford's attention to the mischiefs which 
were certain to result. Strafford told them bluntly 
that it was the fault of the City of London that the 
King had been brought to such a pass. The remon- 
etrances of the merchants, however, were too well 
founded to be thus dealt with. The Council was told 
that if the King's faith were broken so flagrantly, all 
the profits which both he and his subjects had 
derived from making England the buUion-mart of 
Europe, would come to an end. At last a compro- 
mise was arrived at. The merchants agreed to lend 
the King 40,000/. on the security of the farmers of 
the customs, a security which they justly considered 
to be better than his own.^ 

More than this was needed, and it was now pro- 
posed to find the necessary resources in a debasement 
of the coinage. The officers of the Mint were directed 
to produce shillings the real value of which would be 

' The Spanish ambassadors give this as a rumour (Velada, Malvezzi, 
and Cardenas to the Cardinal Infant, July |f, Brussels MSS, Sec. Esp. 
cclxxxv. foL 32), but it is borne out by Strafford's disclaimer of baying 
been the originator of the idea. 

* Rushw, iii. 1,216. Straf. Trials 589. Montreuil*8 Despatches, July 
Tff» §!» -®'*'- ^'<^- Fr. 15,995, fol. 97, 99. Salvetti's Newsletter, July J§. 
GiuBtinian's Despatch, July W^ Few. Transcripts, 


threepence each, and which were to bear as a motto ^^^^• 
in Latin the confident words, "Let God arise, let 

His enemies be scattered." ^ Of these coins the officers juiy u. 
declared they would be at once able to turn out the 
nominal amount of 14,000/. a week, and after a little 
preparation they would be able to turn out 30,000/. a 
week. Strafford recommended that the soldiers should 
be paid, at least for some time, in good money, but 
that all other payments out of the Exchequer should 
be made in bad money .^ As soon as the project was 
known there was a loud outcry. The citizens declared 
that nothing would induce them to accept the rubbish 
to which it pleased the King to give the name of shil- 
lings. The officers of the Mint asserted that their men 
would not work if their own wages were to be paid in 
the new coins. Strafford could but answer by threat- 
ening the workmen with the House of Correction. To 
the citizens he had already replied, by telling them 
that Frenchmen were worse dealt with than they, and 
that the King of France had recently sent round com- 
missioners to search the books of the Paris merchants 
in order to levy contributions on them." 

Even in the Privy Council, the miserable scheme Roe*i op- 
met with warm opposition. Sir Thomas Eoe, who p^**®^ 
had recently been added to the Board, argued 
forcibly that it would be as disastrous to the Crown as 
to the people. Strafford had now ceased to have eyes 
for anything save the immediate present He broke 
out into a rage, and rated Eoe soundly for his meddling. 
The King announced that the debasement was un- 
avoidable. The Attorney-General was directed to 

^ Exurgat Deus, dissipeniur inimici, 

^ Notes of the proceedings in the Oommittee^ July 11, S, P, Datn. 
cccclix. 77. 

' Btuhto, Straf, Trud, 596. Strafford here is described as sick, so that 
the question was probably iirdt mooted earlier than it came openly forward. 





>. — , — — 

July 13. 

July la. 
Murder of 

Mutiny at 

draw up a proclamation on the subject, and orders 
were given to prepare the new dies at the Mint.^ 

Every day marked Strafford more clearly than 
before as the author or supporter of all violent and 
ill-considered actions. Men with less burning heat 
in the cause could see what he could not see. " The 
keeping of disorderly and new raised men," wrote 
Northumberland, whose languid interest in the struggle 
enabled him to cast his glances around him with the 
impartiality of a mere spectator, " and the coining of 
copper money, are shrewd signs that money is not so 
plentiful as it ought to be at the beginning of a war. 
. . . I pray God those that were the advisers of it 
do not approve themselves more ignorant in the ways 
of governing an army than they would seem to be." ^ 

The disorders of the men on the march were still 
continuing. On the 1 2th the Devon men halting at 
Wellington, in Somersetshire, murdered Lieutenant 
Eure, a Catholic officer, who refused to accompany 
them to church. The population of the town and 
neighbourhood sympathised with the perpetrators of 
the crime. Not a man would stir to arrest the mur- 
derers. Even the neighbouring magistrates gave no 
assistance. The appointment of Catholic officers had 
not been by any means the source of strength which 
Charles had expected it to be. An indefinable feel- 
ing of uneasiness and suspicion was spreading through 
the ranks of the ignorant peasants on whom Charles 
had rested his cause. At Daventry, five or six hun- 
dred Berkshire men broke out into mutiny. Some 
of them said they would not fight against the Gospel. 

' Montreuirs Despatch, July J|, Bibl, Nat, Fr. 1 5^995, foL 99. 
Rttshw, iii. 1,217. Straf, TriaU^ 591. 

* North umberlaDd to Conway, July 13. Northumberland to Aatley, 
July 14, 8. P. Dom, cccclix. 97, cccclx. 3. 


Others declared that they would not be commanded ^^^• 
by Papists. The determination not to serve under ^ — 7 — * 
Catholic officers threw whole regiments into disorder, jaiy i* 
In a force intended to serve under Hamilton on the 
east coast of Scotland, a full half of the officers 
were Catholics, and it was only by calling out the 
trained bands to seize the mutineers, and to thrust 
them into the House of Correction, that order was 
restored at all.^ 

Amongst men so ignorant and unruly it some- Jniyn. 
times happened that a clever officer gained an ascen- Wm^bank 
dency which raised him above suspicion. Winde- men." 
bank's son heard that tlie men of his company had 
sworn to murder all Popish officers. He at once 
ordered them all to kneel down and sing psalms, told 
one of his subalterns to read some prayers, and ended 
the scene by serving out beer and cheap tobacco at 
his own expense. The plan was perfectly successful. 
" They all now," he wrote to his father, " swear that 
they will never leave me as long as they live, and 
indeed, I have not had one man run from me yet in 
this nine days' march ; but other captains of our regi- 
ment which marched a week before us, are so fearfiil 
of their soldiers that they dare not march with them 
on the way ; their soldiers having much threatened 
them, and have done much mischief in all places they 
come, by steaUng and abusing every one, their officers 
daring not to correct them ; but I thank God, I have 
all my men in so great obedience, that all the country 
as I go pray for me, saying they never met with so 
civil soldiers."^ 

' Gibson to Conwaj, July 14. Byron's relation, July 14. Byron to 
Conway, July 20. Deputy Lieutenants of Devon to the Council, 
July 21, iS. P. 2)<w;i. cccclx. 5, 50, 52. 

* F. Windebank to Windebank, July 19, J}nd, cccclx. 46. 



CHAP. Under the evil news which came so thickly upon 

' — 7 — ' him, Charles's resolution waxed and waned from day to 

July II. day,^ whilst he was listening to counsellors of war or 

irrwoiutf pcacc, as indignation or fear predominated in his mind. 

July 19. On the loth news arrived from the North that the 

News from iti» ri^T i r\ • 

Seotiand. Scots Contemplated the seizure of Newcastle. Once m 
possession of the coUieries there, they would be able 
to dictate their own terms, as London could not en- 
dure the deprivation of the supply of coal.* Charles 
saw in this intelligence the means of working upon 
the Londoners through their interests. On the 22nd 
the Lord Mayor was ordered to summon a Common 
July 23. Council for the following day. On the 23rd Cotting- 

•ndVanein tou and Vauc appeared in the City, the bearers of a 
^' letter from the King, in which assurances were given 
that if the long-asked-for loan of 200,000/. were now 
agreed to, nothing more should be heard of the 
debasement of the coinage. Leaving the Common 
Council to discuss the demand, the Privy Councillors 
amused themselves by strolling through the Cloth 
Exchange at Blackwell Hall. The owners of cloth 
gathered quickly round them. They hoped, they 
said, that they were not to be compelled to sell, for 
copper, goods for which sterling silver had been paid. 

The loan After a debate of an hour and a half Cottington and 

agam re- ^ 

fnaed. Vane were re-admitted, to be informed that the Com- 
mon Council had no power to dispose of the money 
of the citizens. 
I^nt 0^^ Charles was highly displeased with the stiff-necked 
ooiiii«« to obstinacy of the City. He at once ordered the officers 

proceed. '' '' 

' *' Ad ogni modo provocata la M^ sua dall' ardore della propria 

indignatione in yedersi ogni giomo pi^ offesa da nuove cause, confuaa 

neir isteasime risolutioni, viva piena di perpleseiti in appigUarsi all' 

ultimo partito, per non sapere il migliore.*' Rossetti to Barberini, ^.V* 
R. O. Transcripts, 

* N0W8 from Scotland, July 17, S, P. Dom, 


of the Mint to proceed with the coinage. A scheme ^?^^- 
was prepared by which it was hoped to obviate the ^ — 7 — ' 

/•"I -¥-111 1640. 

worst consequences of that measure. For the sake j , 
of the poor, all payments below the value of half-a- 
crown were still to be made in good silver. One 
tenth of all payments above that sum were to be made 
in the new copper money. As soon as this arrange- 
ment was announced men engaged in business drily 
remarked that in that case there would be a general 
rise of 10 per cent, in their prices. Again, Charles 
hesitated, and the plan was once more thrown over, 
for further consideration. He reaped all the unpo- 
pularity of his proposal without any of the advan- 
tages which he might have derived from prompt and 
unscrupulous action.^ 

Whilst Cottington and Vane were pleading to no Fwd» 
purpose with the Londoners, Strafford was pleading obtain a 
' equally in vain with the Spanish Ambassadors. Spain. 
Almost imploringly the proud and haughty minister 
adjured the Spaniards to come to his aid. K the pro- 
posed league and the consequent advance of 3oo,ocx>/. 
was not at once to be obtained, would they not lend 
his master 1 50,000/. in his present straits, and defer 
the remainder till after the signature of the league ? 
If even that was not to be had, he would content him- 
self with 100,000/., half to be paid at the end of the 
month, and half three or four weeks later. He would 
give his personal security for its repayment in Novem- 
ber. The Spaniards rephed that they had no orders 
to lend the money, but added a general assurance of 
their master's goodwill, which can hardly have con- 
veyed much satisfaction to Strafford.* Almost at the 

^ Ro86ingham*8 Newsletter, July 27, S. P. Dom. occcLd. 32. 
' Velada, Malvezzi, and Cardenas to Philip IV., ^J|^, Brussels 
MSS, Sec. E»p. cclxxxv. fol. 47. 




to France. 

The Pope 
will not 

Proposal to 
brin^ in 

Jaly as. 
law to be 

same time, Cottington was making application to the 
French Agent for a loan of 400,000/. It is hardly 
necessary to add that the request did not meet with 
a favourable reply.^ 

The Queen, too, had her share of disappointment ; 
the reply to the request which had been made in her 
name, in the height of the tumults in May, arrived 
from Rome. The answer was plain enough. If 
Charles would become a Catholic, he should have both 
men and money. Six or eight thousand soldiers, who 
would serve the King to their last breath, would be 
sent in vessels which would arrive under the pretext 
of fetching alum. Unless he became a Catholic it was 
impossible to do anything for him.'"^ 

The complete failure to obtain money increased 
the difficulty of keeping order among the soldiers. 
So far had the distrust of the EngUsh army gone that 
it was seriously proposed to levy two regiments of 
Danish horse, and to bring them into England to 
keep order amongst the mutineers ; and this project 
was only abandoned through the absolute impossi- 
biUty of finding the money for the levy.* 

If Danish soldiers were not to be had, at least the 
English officers might be empowered to execute 
martial law. ** You may now hang with more autho- 
rity," wrote Northumberland in forwarding these 
instructions to Conway; "but, to make all sure, a 
pardon must come at last." The whole expenditure 
on the forces, he added, till the end of October, would 
be 300,000/., ' towards which we have not in cash 
nor in view above 20,000/. at the most. If some 

» Montreiiil's Despatch, j^HlL», Bibl. Nat, Fr. 15,995, fol. 104. 
« Barberini to Rossetti, June |g. Rossetti to Barberini, g^^ H. O. 

' Giu8tinian*s Despatch, —^^J** Ven. Tmnscnpts. That thia was so 


speedy way be not found to get the rest presently, I chap 
do not think that I shall pass the Trent this year.' ^ * — *^ — ' 

In the Eastern counties the unruliness of the ZM\y% 
soldiers assumed a new form. At Booking the ^"^ 
clergyman was so ill-advised as to attempt to pro- 5"JJ^ 
pitiate the men by the gift of a barrel of beer and 
fifty shiUings. They took his money and his beer, got 
drunk, and rushed into the church. There they 
pulled up the Communion rails, brought them out 
and made a bonfire with them in the street. In 
various other places in Essex, churches were invaded 
and the Communion rails pulled down. At Penfield, 
near Braintree, and at Icklington in Cambridgeshire, 
the minister was chased out of the parish.^ 

At the back of this ill news came a great petition Jaiy as. 
from the gentlemen of Yorkshire. Not only did they sWre peu- 
complain of the violence of the soldiery quartered 
amongst them, but they proceeded to say that the 
billeting of these men in their houses was a breach of 
the Petition of Eight. 

The petition was presented to the King at Oat- July 30. 
lands on the 30th. Straflbrd would have had it re- »eiit<5'to 
jected as an act of mutiny in the face of approaching ^* ^^^' 
invasion.' His daring spirit never quailed, but he 
could no longer inspire his fellow-councillors with his 

is ahown by the instructions given on Aug. 6 by Ohristiau IV. to his 
ambassadors Ulfield and Erabbe. They were to' propose to Charles the 
cession of the Orkneys to Denmark, either for money or for hired soldiers, 
as Christian had heard from General King of Charles's wish to haye 
soldiers from Denmark. When the ambassadors arrived it was too late, 
and they said nothing of the Orkneys, and Charles was equally silent 
about the soldiers. This information has been kindly communicated to 
me by Dr. Fredericia from the Copenhagen archives. See his Danmarki 
ydrepoUtiske Higtorie, 1635-1645, p. 258. 

* Northumberland to Conway, July 25, <S^. P. Dom, ccccbd. 16. 

* Maynard to the Council, July 27. Warwick to Vane, July 27, 
Ibid, cccclxi. 23, 24. ' liushw, iii. 1,214. 


^?x.^' ^wn audacity. To them the case, as well it might, 

i6W s^^"^^^ altogether desperate. Peace, they thought, 

July 3a must now be bought at any price. Eoe, the opponent 

SoM to be of the debasement of the coinage, was to carry 

opened. ^^^ ncws to the City that negotiations were to be 

opened, and to ask once more for a loan, which it was 

fondly hoped would be readily granted, as the money 

was needed to pay off the soldiers and not for pur- 

TheCity poscs of War. Roc wcut to Guildhall as he was 

fuMB to bidden, but he went in vain. He was told that grants 

of money were matters for Parliaments, and not for 

the citizens of London. As for themselves they were 

quite unable to find the money, the Londonderry 

plantation having ' consumed their stocks.' ^ 

War in- If it was unlikelv that the Londoners would place 

evitable. . . 

confidence in the honeyed words of the King now 
that he was in such desperate straits, it was still less 
likely that, after the experience of the pacification of 
Berwick, the Scots would reopen a negotiation which 
took no account of their present demands, and which, 
even if it gave them all for which they asked, might 
be subsequently explained away by the interpreta- 
tion which it might please Charles to place upon his 
words. They had long ago made up their minds that 
a lasting peace could only be attained after an invasion 
of England, and that it would be necessary to come 
to an understanding not with the King alone, but with 
an English Parliament. Every piece of intelligence 
which reached them from the South must have con- 
vinced them that they had no longer, as in 1639, to 
fear a national resistance. The circumstances of the 
dissolution of the late Parliament had put an end to 

^ Ro88ingliam*B Newsletterf Aug. 4, S. P. Dam. cccclxiii. 33. Mon- 
treuil*8 Despatch, Aug. i\, Bibl, Nat. Fr. 15,995, fol. 107. Oiu9tioian*8 
Despatch^ Aug. /*, Vtn, Transeripfs. 



that. Personages of note and eminence had entered ^93^* 
into communication with their commissioners, and 
had given them assurances, which they had no reason 
to doubt, that Parliament, if it met, would take up 
their cause, and would refuse to grant a sixpence to 
the King unless he consented to put an end to the war.^ 
If nothing had passed since, the knowledge of the 
emptiness of the Exchequer, of the growing resistance 
to the various attempts which had been made to 
wring money from Englishmen, and of the mutinous 
temper in which the troops were marching north- 
wards, must have convinced the Covenanting leaders 
that the time had now arrived in which they might 
strike hard without fear of consequences. 

There can be little doubt, however, that secret Communi- 
communications had passed between the Scots and between 
the English leaders. Before Loudoun had left London ami the 
he had been in communication with Lord Savile, the leafen. 
son of Strafford's old rival, who had inherited the 
personal antipathies of his father, and whose hatred of 
Strafford placed him by the side of men of higher 
aims than his own. To him, as the recognised organ 
of the English malcontents, Johnston of Warriston 
addressed a letter on June 23, just at the moment June 03. 
when Leslie's army was first gathering at Leith. After fett«^"' 
expressing the not unnatural desire of the Scottish ^^*'** 
leaders for a definite understanding with the English 
nobility, it asked for an extension of the National 
Covenant in some form to England, in order that the 
Scots might distinguish fnends from foes, and for a 
special engagement from some principal persons that 
they would join the invading army at its entrance 

^ The oomxnumcationB througrh Frost, noticed bj Burnet (Hid, of 
Ovm Times, i. 27) seem to relate to the period hefore the Parlia- 

VOL. I. D D 





July 8. 
Answer of 
the Peers. 

forged en- 

into Northumberland, or would send money for its 


This letter passed through Loudoun's hands, and 

the answer was forwarded by Savile some days after 

the Scottish nobleman had set out on his return. It 

was signed by Bedford, Essex, Brooke, Warwick, 

Scrope, Mandeville, and himself. It contained a distinct 

refusal to commit a treasonable act, and an assurance 

that the English who had stood by their side in the 

last Parliament would stand by their side still in a 

legal and honourable way. Their enemies were one, 

their interest was one, their end was one, ' a free 

Parliament,' to try all offenders, and to settle religion 

and liberty. This letter failed to give satisfaction in 

Scotland. Nor was its deficiency Ukely to be supplied 

l)y an accompanying letter, full of the most unquali- 

lied offers of aid from Savile himself. The Scots 

pressed for an open declaration and engagement in 

their favour. In the end of July or the beginning of 

August, Savile sent them what they wanted. He 

forged the signatures of the Peers with such skill 

that, when the document was afterwards submitted to 

their inspection, they were unable to point out a 

single turn of the pen by which the forgery might 

have been detected.^ 

^ I bave probably surprised many of my readers by the facility with 
wbicb I have accepted Oldmixon's letters (HitA. of EngU 141) as 
geniuDe. Oldmixon's character for truthfulness stands so yery low that 
historians have been quite satisfied to treat the letters as a forgery. The 
internal evidence of their authenticity is, however, very strong. The 
letters of Johnston, of the Peers, and of Savile are written in so distinct 
a style, and that style so evidenUy appropriate to the character and posi- 
tion of the writers, as to require in a forger a very high art indeed — art 
which there is nothing to lead us to suppose that Oldmixon possessed. 
The allusions to pasfdng events cannot all be tested, but there is none 
which I have succeeded in testing which is incorrect The prediction 
that the troops would be on the Borders on July 10 indeed anticipated 
reality by ten days ; but this is just the mistake that Johnston was likely 


Encouraged by these communications, Leslie had chap. 

in July taken up his post in Choicelee Wood, about - — . — ' 


to make^ and which a skilful forger would avoid. On the other hand, July, 
the stroDgeet evidence in favour of the letters is derived from the argu- 
ment by which Disraeli satisfied himself of their suppoeititiouB character. 
He asks how Oldmizon came to place the seven names at the end of the 
Peers' letter when he assures us that those names were cut out from the 
original P My answer to this is that the letter which Oldmixon produces 
is nnt what he says it was. The story of cutting out the names is 
borrowed by him from Nalson (ii. 428). Now there can be no doubt 
what the paper described in Nalson really was. It was a declaration 
and engagement on the faith of which the Scots said they had invaded 
England, and which they said the English Lords had broken. The 
letter in Oldmixon contains no engagement which was not fulfilled. 
There can bo no doubt, therefore, that the forged paper was a different one 
from that which he has printed, and that it contained a promise of actual 
assistance. Nalson's evidence is of the highest authority as being an 
extract from the Memoirs of the Earl of Manchester, who, as Lord 
MandeviUe, was one of those whose signature was forged* On the 
hypothesis that the letters were Oldmixon's forgery, we have to face 
the enormous difficulty that, after producing letters so wonderfully 
deceptive as the others were, he did not take the precaution of forging 
one from the Peers which would bear the slightest resemblance to the 
description which he himself had given of it On my hypothesis every- 
thing is easily explained. Oldmixon met with these letters either in the 
original or in copy. Being either careless or dishonest, or both, he was 
not content to give them simply for what they were, but must needs give 
them out for the lost engagement for which Oharles had sought in vain. 
The dates, too, as we have them, support this view. The Peers' letter 
is said to have been sent off from Yorkshire on July 8, about ten days 
after Loudoun left London. Manchester in his Memoirs says that the 
engagement was sent after Loudoun had been released, and had been 
some few weeks in Scotland. I would add that Henry Darley, the 
reputed bearer, was in York on July 28, signing the Yorkshire Petition, 
and it would be likely enough that Savile was encouraged to the 
forgery by the temper of the signers of that petition. If so. Barley's 
journey would be, as I have suggested, in the end of July or the 
beginning of August. Further, Henry Darley was arrested by a warrant 
from Strafford, dated Sept. 20, and confined in York Oastle till he 
was liberated by the Long Parliament {Lords' Journals, iv. loa Hisi. 
MSS, Com. Bop, iv. 30). The only piece of internal evidence against 
these letters is the reference to Lord Warriston, when he was not till later 
a Lord of Session. He was, however, a Scotch Laird, and a Scotch 
Laird might easily pass into a Lord in an English letter, his official title 
being that of Baron. My attention has been called by Lieut.-Ool. Alexander 
Fergusson to the fact that John Napier, the inv^itor of logarithms^ 

D d3 




' • ' 


Leslie near 

Hlan of a 



The Bund 
of (Cumber- 

four miles from Dunse.^ He, too, had difficulty 
in obtaining money and provisions for his army, and 
for some weeks he was obliged to content himself with 
keeping a small force upon the Borders till supplies 
came in sufficient quantities to enable him to gather 
his whole army for the projected invasion. Nor were 
political divisions wanting to add to his distraction. 
The huge Committee of Estates was but a cumbrous 
substitute for government ; and, as the prospect of a 
reconciliation with Charles melted into the distant fu- 
ture, the Covenanters can hardly be blamed for look- 
ing around for some temporary form of executive 
which would give unity of control to their action. 
Naturally the name of Argyle was uppermost in 
their thoughts, and plans were discussed, in some of 
which it was proposed to constitute him dictator of 
the whole country, whilst in others he was to rule 
with unhmited sway to the north of the Forth, whilst 
two other noblemen were to receive in charge the 
southern counties. 

To such a scheme Montrose declared himself 
bitterly hostile. He was still under the delusion that 
it was possible to establish an orderly constitutional 
and Presbyterian government, with Charles at its 
head. Whether this notion were wise or foolish, it 
was shared, at least in theory, by a large majority of 

whose position was exactly that of Johnston, calls himself on the title- 
page the Baro de Murchistoun, and he also tells me that he is informed 
on high authority that in charters of such estates it was customary 
even to use the word Dominus of the owner. Oldmixon calls John- 
ston Sir Archibald Johnston, Lord of Warriston, which is clearly an 
anticipation of his subsequent title. It may, therefore, be argued that 
the Ix>rd Warriston in the letter is the reauk of Oldmixon's ignoraooe. 
Yet after all, Johnston was Lord of Warriston, not because he waa a - 
judge, but because he was proprietor of the estate. For Sayile'a a<y> 
knowledgment of the forgery, see p. 437. 

* Outside the wood is a spot marked as Oamp Moor on the Ordnance 


his countrymen, and when he entered into a bond ^^d^- 
with eighteen other noblemen and gentlemen to 

protest against * the particular and direct practising ^ ' 
of a few/ and to defend the Covenant within the 
bounds of loyalty to Charles, he only said plainly 
what few of his countrymen would care openly to 
deny. This Bond of Cumbernauld, as it was called, 
took but a sentimental view of the position of affairs. 
But Scotland is a land in which sentiment is peculiarly 
strong, as long as it does not require the positive 
neglect of the hard facts of daily life. Amongst the 
signers of the Bond were such undoubted Covenanters 
as the Earl Marischal, who had been joined with 
Montrose in his. attacks upon Aberdeen, the Earl of 
Mar, to whose keeping Stirling Castle had been safely 
trusted by the national Government, and Lord Al- 
mond, who was at that time second in command of the 
army destined for the invasion of England. The Bond 
itself was kept secret, but the feelings which prompted 
its signature were well known. In the face of this op- 
position it was impossible to persist in establishing a 
new Government, which would have shocked the con- 
science of the nation. It was arranged that half the 
Committee of Estates should remain at Edinburgh, 
whilst the other half should accompany the army to 
the field. It would be time enough to settle what the 
future constitution of Scotland was to be when the 
objects of the invasion had been attained. In the 
pohcy of the invasion itself both parties were agreed.^ 

The small numbers of the forces on the Borders, The 
combined with the rumours of want of money, de- cwnm«n- 
ceived the Enghsh commanders. Up to August 10 ex^t**°**' 
Conyers and Erneley from Berwick, and Conway from 

* Napier, Memoirs of Montrose, i. 262. Memorials of Montrose y i, 
183, 254. 



Newcastle, reported constantly that no invasion was 
to be expected, or that at most a mere foraging raid 
was intended.^ At Court the truth was better under- 
stood. The Scottish nobility and clergy who had 
taken refuge there had friends in Scotland who- took 
care to keep them properly informed of passing 
events.^ But the knowledge of the danger did not 
VtciUation make it any the easier to resist it. There was the 
old vacillation in Charles's mind. One day, orders 
were given to disband the regiments which had been 
told off to serve under Hamilton, because it was under- 
stood that the men would break out into mutiny 
rather than set foot on board ship. Another day 
orders were given to bring them back to their colours. 
The preparations for coinage of base money were 
suspended without being absolutely countermanded. 
A fresh attempt to obtain a loan from the City com- 
panies separately having broken down, the French 
and Dutch merchants residing in London were asked, 
with equal want of success, for a small loan of 


Strafford Amidst all this welter of confusion Strafford felt 

the ground sUpping away beneath his feet. To what 
purpose had he placed himself in the forefront of the 
battle, had bullied aldermen, and cried out for the 
enforcement of ship money and coat and conduct 
money, if none of the things which he recommended 
were really done ? Except in himself * thorough * was 
nowhere to be found. A bewildered king, a com- 

* Gonway to Northumberland, July 28. Ck)nyer8 to Windebank, 
July 29. Gonyers to Gonway, Aug. 4. Emeley to Windebank, Aug. 5, 
S, P. Dom, ccccli. 58, cocclxi. 40, cccclxiii. 31, 39. 

' Vane to Conway, Aug. 3, Gar. St, P. ii. loi. 

' Northumberland to Gonway, Aug. 11, S. P. Dam, occclxiii. 71. 
Joachimi to the States General, Aug. |f, Add, MSS. 17,677 Q. fol. 


mander-in-chief who had no heart for the war, officials ^?^^- 
who shrunk from the responsibiUty of illegal action 

— these were the instruments which he found to his .,' 


hand ^ the time when, as he firmly beUeved, the 
whole future well-being of his country was at stake. 
Whatever was to be done he must do it alone in 
spite of Charles, if it could not be done otherwise. 
On one part of the world alone could he look with 
satisfaction. The Irish army was not mutinous and The imh 
disorderly like the English peasants. The infantry *™^' 
was already at Carrickfergus. The cavalry had not yet 
gathered to its rendezvous, but it was ready to rise 
on a word from him. In the first week of August he 
had purposed to cross the Irish Sea.^ Once in Ireland 
he would be free from the trammels of courtiers and 
the weakness of a man whom he had seen too closely 
to respect him as he had respected him from a dis- 
tance. At least, that master had had no hesitation 
in giving him full power over his Irish force. With st^5^»i 
dangers gathering thickly around him in England the p^^®^^ j^.^ 
old idea of using that trusted soldiery to compel p«^«'to 
obedience elsewhere than in Scotland took formal edition in 
shape in the patent by which the command was en- 
trusted to Strafford. He was to be ' Captain-General 
over the army in Ireland, and of such in England as 
the Bjng by his sign manual shall add thereunto, to 
resist all invasions and seditious attempts in England, 
Ireland, and Wales, and to be led into Scotland, there 
to invade, kill, and slay.' These troops he might 
conduct into ' any of the King's dominions with power 
to suppress rebeUions or commotions within any of 
the three kingdoms or Wales.' ^ 

The patent was indeed but a copy, with uniniport- 

* Wandesford to Ormond, Aug. 25, Carte MSS, i. 240. 

' Al^tract of Strafford's Patent, Aug. 3, Carte MSS. i. 220. 





His fresh 
demand for 
a Spanish 

Aug. la 
learns that 
an invasion 

ant alterations, of the patent which had been granted 
to Northumberland.^ But it can hardly be doubted 
that if need had arisen Strafford would have been 
ready to take advantage of its widest terms. Yet, 
what were soldiers without money ? Once more, on 
the 8 th, Strafford pressed the Spanish Ambassadors for 
an instant loan. His demand for 3oo,chdoZ. had sunk 
to loOjOOoZ. a fortnight before. Now he declared 
that he would be well content with 50,ocx>Z. If the 
Cardinal Infant would lend that, he should have the 
whole of the Irish Customs as his security. He would 
be allowed to levy 6,000 Irishmen for the Spanish 
service, and to hire twenty English ships to reinforce 
the Spanish fleet in the coming spring. The Ambas- 
sadors recommended the Cardinal Infant to comply 
with the request.^ But events were hurrying on 
rapidly in England, and it might be too late before 
the answer came. 

Into Strafford's inner soul during these distracting 
months it is impossible to penetrate. Save by fierce 
expressions of contempt, he never betrayed his 
chagrin. His hard destiny had yet to be fulfilled. 
He had built the edifice of his hopes on the shifting 
sand. He had misconceived the conditions of poUtical 
Ufe in the England of his day, and facts were already 
taking upon him their terrible revenge. 

Not yet had the iron entered into his soul as it 
was to enter in the coming weeks. On August 10 
Conway at last convinced himself that an invasion in 
force was imminent. Conway was a brave and tried 
soldier, but he was not the man to uphold a sink- 
ing State. Strafford, in his place, would have seized 

' Strafford's Patent, Aug. 3, Quie MS8. i. 397. 
' Velada, Malvezzi, and Carddnaa to the Cardinal Infant, Aug. l^, 
BrussfU MSS. Sec, Etp, cclxxxv. fol. 149. 


upon an authority which was not lawfully his, and, 
by threats and encouragements, would long ago have 
fortified Newcastle. Conway had remonstrated that 
the place was in danger, and when he was told that 
he could have no money for the fortifications, had 
quietly acquiesced in his helplessness. He now wrote 
a doleful letter to Northumberland. Newcastle, he 
said, was utterly indefensible. At the utmost it might 
be guarded for a day or two. He had written to 
Astley to send him men from Selby, but men without 
money would ruin the country worse than the Scots. 
He had also written to Sir Edward Osborne, Strafibrd's 
Vice-President of the Council of the North, to put the 
Yorkshire trained bands in readiness, and to inform 
him how the country and the gentry stood affected. 
With his scanty numbers it was impossible for him to 
do anything against a whole army.^ 

Astley could do Uttle to help. By the nth Aug. h. 
12,800 men had arrived at Selby, about half the forces In 
number with which the Scots were preparing to cross 
the Tweed, and of these 3,000 were entirely unarmed. 
All depended on the supply of money. The week 
before there had been a mutiny for want of pay, 
and a soldier had been hanged by martial law. 
Osborne's reply was equally discouraging. The York- Aug. 14. 
shire trained bands were completely disorganised. YorkSSirel 
Arms which had been lost in the last campaign had 
never been replaced. Four colonelcies were vacant, 
and it was impossible to find men in the county fit 
to fill them ' who stood rightly affected as to his 
Majesty's service.' If the men were called out, the 
gentry would refuse to lead them out of their own 
county. " I am persuaded," wrote the Vice-Presi- 
dent, "if Hannibal were at our gates some had 

' Conway to Northumberland, Aug. 10, Clar, St, P. ii. 102. 






flion at 

rather open them than keep him out. ... I think the 
Scots had better advance a good way into North- 
umberland without resistance than we send this army 
to encounter them without pay ; for then, without all 
question, they will prove more ravenous upon the 
country than the Scots, who, for their own ends and 
to gain a party here, I believe will give the country 
all the fair quarter that may be, which our men 
neither can nor will do." ^ 

An invasion welcomed by a* large part of his sub- 
jects, and regarded with indifference by the rest, such 
was the pass to which Charles had been brought by 
eleven years of wilful government. At Whitehall 
Whitehall, everything was in confusion. The attacks upon the 
Communion rails had spread from Essex to Hertford- 
shire. Laity and clergy were of one mind in protest- 
ing against the oath enjoined by the new canons. 
Everywhere there was lukewarmness and ill-wiU.^ 
Northumberland vowed that if he was to take the 
command he would not go without money.^ Now 
that it was too late, pressing orders were sent to 
Conway to fortify Newcastle by the forced labour of 
the townsmen.^ 

The coming of the Scots was preceded by two 
manifestoes — one in the shape of a broadside for po- 
pular distribution, the other as a small pamphlet for 
more leisurely perusal. The Scots protested that the 
matter must at last be brought to an issue. They 
could not afford to continue in arms during inter- 
minable negotiations. They were therefore coming 

' AjBtley to Conway, Aug. 11, 13, S, P. Dom, cccclxiii. 73, 93. 
Osborne to Conway, Aug. 14, Clar, St, P. ii. 105. 

' Salisbury to Windebank, Aug. 13. G. Beare to W. Beare, Aug. 13, 
S, P, Dom, cccclxiii. 90. 98. 

' Montreuirs Despatch, Aug. |f, Bibl. Nat. Fr. 15199S9 ^ol. 109. 

* Windebank to Conway, Aug. 14, S, P, Dom. cccclxiii. 99. 



to England to obtain redress of grievances from the ^^§^- 
King. But, with all respectful language towards ^^— *-^ — ' 
Charles, they made it clear that it was not from him ^ * 
but from a Parliament that they expected redress. 
The last Parliament had refused to assist him to 
make war on Scotland. The next one would bring 
to justice Laud and Strafford, the instigators of the 
evil policy which had been pursued, and would 
relegate the Scottish Councillors who had been guilty 
of a Uke fault to a trial in their own country by the 
laws of Scotland. The invading army would do no 
man any wrong, would shed no blood unless it were 
attacked, and would pay ready money for all the 
supplies which it consumed.^ 

Charles's policy of using English forces against 
Scotland was recoiUng on his own head. Both nations 
were alike sick of his misgovernment. The personal 
imion of the Crowns would prove but a feeble Unk in 
comparison with the union of the peoples. The Scots Appeal to 
had appealed from the English King to the English ment. 

Copies of the Scottish manifesto were circulated Aug. la. 
in London on the i2th.^ Charles was never wanting festom 
in personal bravery. At a council held on the i6th,, 
he announced his intention of going in person to annonD^ 
York, to place himself at the head of his disordered witigota 
army. He would Usten to no objections. Li vain 
Hamilton suggested that an army ill-affected and ill- 
paid might not be the better for the King's presence. 
In vain Holland asked whether the King would have 
any money when he arrived. In vain, too, Strafford, 
refusing to beheve in the reality of the risk, and 

' Information from the Scottish nation, Treaty of lUpon, 70. The 
intentions of the army, Spalding, i. 321. 

' Montreuirs Despatch, Aug. ||, BM, Nat, Fr. 1 5,995, fol. 109. 




Aug. 17. 
to the 

A Off. 19. 
The trained 
called out. 
in knight- 

thinking that a Scottish invasion would sting England 
into loyalty, declared that he was not satisfied that 
Newcastle was in danger, and that if the Scots came 
in *it would not be the worse for his Majesty's 
service.* Charles rightly felt that the post of honour 
was in the North. Only by appearing in person 
could he prove the untruth of the statement in the 
Scottish manifesto that what had been done had been 
done by evil counsellors rather than by himself.^ 

The next few days were spent in preparation. On 
the 1 7th a sharp answer was returned to the York- 
shire Petition,* criticising its inaccuracies, and explain- 
ing that the Petition of Eight was never intended to 
do more than to enact that soldiers billeted should 
pay for the provisions they consumed.* This loose 
interpretation of the duties which he owed to his 
subjects did not prevent Charles from holding his 
subjects to the very letter of the law towards himself. 
On the 19th he issued orders to the Lords Lieutenants 
of the midland and northern counties to call out the 
trained bands for immediate service. On the 20th, 
he directed that all persons holding by knight-service 
should follow him to the field, as their tenures bound 
them to do, though he added that he was ready to 
accept fines in heu of service.* The now familiar 
order to the sheriffs to pay-in the arrears of ship 
money was once more issued. To prevent further 
ill-feeling during the King's absence on the ground of 
the etcetera oath. Laud was directed to suspend its 
administration till October.^ 

* Minutes of Council, Aug. 16, Hardw. St, P. ii. 147. 

' P. 399. 

' Privy Council to the Council of York, Aug. 17, S. P. Dam, 

cccdxiv. 17. 

* The King to the Lords Lieutenants of certain counties^ Aug. 19, S^ 
P. Thm, Proclamation, Aug. 20, Rymer, zx. 433. 

* Hardw, St., P. ii. 151. 


For the army thus hurriedly ordered to be got chap. 
together it was now necessary to find a commander. ' — . — ' 
Northumberland had always been hopeless of any xu^^ 
good result, and his health had now broken down ^^J^^ 
under the strain.^ There was but one m&n capable theEngiiah 


of occupying the post. With the title of Lieutenant- 
General Strafford was to be placed at the head of the 
Enghsh army. It was finally arranged that Hamilton's 
mutinous men should be disbanded.^ The Irish army 
was to be left to shift for itself. The ruin in the 
North was to come under the hand of Strafford. 

Not that Strafford was in any way despondent. 
He utterly refused to beUeve that Newcastle was in- 
defensible, or that the trained bands of the North 
would not rally to the King when once he was 
amongst them.® 

On the morning of the 20th the King set out from The King 
London. That night the Scottish army, some 25,ocx> The Scot* 
strong, crossed the Tweed at Coldstream. Montrose ^^^* 
was the first to plunge into the river to lead the way.* 
Leaving the garrison of Berwick on their flank, the 
Scots pushed steadily on. They issued a proclama- 
tion assuring the men of Northumberland that they 
would not take a chicken or a pot of ale without 
paying for it. They brought with them cattle and 
sheep for their immediate necessities. Spectators 
who watched the blue-bonneted host as it passed, 
wondered at its discipline, and stared at the High- 
landers with their bows and arrows. Strafford, when 
all military force appeared to be melting away, had 

^ It has often been suspected that this illness was a feint to escape 
the responsibility of commanding, but the letters amongst the State 
Papers leave no doubt of its reality. See especially Garrard to Oonway, 
Oct. 6, 8. P. Dom. 

' Windebank*s Notes, Aug. 29, 8. P. Dotn. ococlxiv. 45. 

' Strafford to Oonway, Aug. 18, Ibf'd. cccclxiv. 27. 

* BaOlie, I 256. 





Aufl^. a^. 
Feeling in 

Aug. 21 
in London. 

Aug. 22. 
Money to 
be raised 
CD pepper. 

encouraged himself with the hope that an invasion 
would open the eyes of his countrymen in the North 
to the reality of their danger. In Northumberland, 
at least, no such result was visible. " They," wrote 
Conway of the Scots, " deal very subtily. They hurt 
no man in any kind, they pay for what they take, so 
that the country doth give them all the assistance it 
can. Many of the country gentlemen do come to 
them, entertain and feast them."^ The calculated 
courtesy of the Scots was not without its exceptions. 
Estates of recusants, with the lands of the Bishop or 
the Chapter of Durham, were regarded as lawful prey, 
to which no mercy was to be shown. 

In London, after the King had left, everything 
was in confusion. " We are here, and in every place," 
wrote Sir Nicholas Byron, " in such distraction as if 
the day of judgment were hourly expected."^ Charles's 
system of government had not been such as to gather 
round him men capable of taking the initiative in 
moments of peril. The Council was at its wits' end. 
The City, once more applied to, persisted in its refusal 
of a loan.® At last an expedient was thought of which 
offered some relief for the immediate necessity. It 
was known that the East India Company had just 
received a large consignment of pepper. On the 22nd 
Cottington appeared before the Company, and offered 
to buy the whole at a price above that at which it was 
immediately saleable. The Company refused to deal 
with the King, but they agreed to accept the sub- 
stantial securities of private persons for the payment 
of the money by instalments within a year. The 
general result was that by the end of the month 

* Conyeps to Conway, Aug. 21. Conway to Vane, Aug. 22, 26,8, JP. 
Dom, cccclxiv. 60, 61, 84. 

* Byron to Conway, Aug. 21, S, P, Dom, cccclxiy. 63. 

^ Windebank's Notes of Businesa, Aug. 22, S. P, Datn, cocclziy. 45. 


Cottington saw his way to the receipt of 50,000/., ^?x^* 
advanced upon interest at the rate of 16 per cent., 

about double the rate at which money was usually ^ ^ 

It might well be doubted whether even this pro- 
vision would arrive in time. When the King reached nr^"^*^- 
York on the 23rd, his first thought was to urge upon »tYork. 
the Council his need of money. "Certainly," he 
wrote on the 27th, " if ye send us none or little, the 
rebels will beat us without striking a stroke." ^ Amidst 
the universal discouragement, Strafford's voice was 
alone raised in calm assurance. The actual invasion au^.sia. 
of the Scots, he said, was more to the King's ad- ^Atooi 
vantage ' than should have been had we been the 
aggressors.' The English army, too, would be at 
Newcastle before the Scots, * and so secure the place.' ^ 

If Strafford was over-sanguine, his hopes were 
not entirely without foundation. The county of The Dut- 
Durham offered to turn out its trained bands, and to Yo'Jklhire 
send 2,000 men to defend the fords of the Tyne. On ^^^ 
the 24th the King collected round him the lords and 
gentry of Yorkshire, and adjured them to form a 
second line of defence on the Tees. In the presence 
of their Sovereign the gentlemen of Yorkshire laid 
aside their grievances for a time, and offered to follow 
where he should lead, within the county, on the receipt 
of a fortnight's pay. " I must tell you," wrote Vane, 
*' had not his Majesty been in person, I do not con- 
ceive it had been possible to have induced this county 
to have risen by any other means, so great was the 
distemper when his Majesty arrived here ; and by 

* E, I, C. Court Minutes, Aug. 22, 26. Warrant, March? 1641. 
S. P. Dom. 

"^ The King to Windebank, Aug. 23, 27, aar. St, P. ii. 91, 92. . 
^ Strafford to Cottington, Aug. 24, S, P. Dom. cocclxiy. 86. 


CHAP, this you see that the person of a king is always worth 
20,000 men at a pinch." Encouraged by the example 

Aug.a^ of Yorkshire, Charles ordered that the nine counties 
lying nearest to the southern border of that county 
, should be summoned to send their trained bands to 
the common defence.^ In the meanwhile, the Council 
was not idle in London. So great did the danger 
appear, that they appointed Cottington Constable of 
the Tower, to prepare that fortress to stand a siege. 
Arundel was appointed Captain-General of all his 
Majesty's forces to the south of the Trent, and was 
directed to put into execution the Commission of 
Array, calling out a levy of all able-bodied men to 
the defence of the country.^ 

hi""to^hr ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^' l*™^ would in any case have 
^"»«f- been needed to weld these heterogeneous elements 
into a disciplined army, and time was not even allowed 
to unite the forces which Charles already had at his 
disposal. The Scots were hastening their march, in 
spite of the heavy rains which had soaked the roads 
and impeded their progress. Over the King's army 
there was no commander present, except himself. 
Strafford had been delayed by necessary preparations 
in London, and had been overtaken at Huntington by 
an attack of his old disease. In spite of failing health 
8tro"ffor?i ^^ pushed ou to the scene of duty. On the 27th he 
»piM to was at the King's side at York, adjuring the Yorkshire 
gentry to give up their demand of a fortnight's pay. 
They were bound by their allegiance, he said, to follow 
his Majesty to resist invasion at their own costs ; 
* bound,' he repeated, * by the common law of England, 

' Yorkshiie Petition, Aug. 24, llu$hw. iii. 1231. Vane to Wmde- 
bank, Aug. 25, ^. P. Dom, cocclziy. 95. 

* Windebank's Notes, Aug. 25, 26, iS^. P. Dam, cccclziy. 94. Order 
for the OommiBsion of Array, Aug. 26, BuJthw. iii. 1,233. 


by the law of nature, and by the law of reason.' They ^^^i'- 
were no better than beaata if they now hung back.' ■ — -r — " 

Worn out by fatigue and disease, Strafford had 
made his last effort for a time. He would gladly 
have hurried to the front, but his bodily weakness 
chained him to York. Racked with pain, he sent off Org« 
an impatient letter to Conway, bidding -biro to defend to dsfunJ 
the passage of the Tyne at any coat.* 

When Strafford's letter reached Conway, it found Aug.*? 
him in no mood to undertake anything heroic. Hav- dopdn. 
ing been on the spot for some months, he had taken 

a truer measure of the military position. Astley had 
hurried up to Newcastle, and for some days the 
inhabitants bad been labouring hard at the necessary 
fortifications. But there was no chance that the 
work would be completed before the Scots arrived. 
To meet the Scots in the field he was totally unpre- 
pared. It was true that by this time the two armies 
were about equal in numbers. But even if the com- 
position of the two forces had been equal, the Royal 
army was too scattered to make resistance. Twelve 
thousand foot and five hundred horse were with the 
King at York. Ten thousand foot and two thousand 

' Str*ffbrd'8 Speech, Aug. 37, SimAio. H. 1,335. 
' Strmffbid to Conwsy, Aug. 37, Orw. St. P, ii. 107. 
VOL. I. E E 


CHAP, horse were with Conway and Astley at Newcastle. 


If tlie Scots succeeded in crossing the Tyne not only 
would the English army be cut in two but, as Gates- 
head was still unfortified, Conway's troops at New- 
castle would be entirely at the mercy of the enemy. ^ 
Strafford's Strafford's advice was the best possible under 

advice. , , , •■• 

circumstances which admitted of none that was good. 
He recommended Conway to lead out the bulk of 
his force to stop the passage of the Tyne.*"^ The 
suggestion reached Conway too late. Like most weak 
men, that officer was attempting to gain two incom- 
Oo^ ^' patible objects at the same time. He divided his army 
SST*' ^^^^ ^^^ parts. About two-tliirds he left to garrison 
Newcastle, though he was perfectly aware that the 
town could not be defended on the south. With the 
other third, about 3,000 foot, and 1,500 horse,* he 
marched out on the evening of the 27th to hold the 
ford at Newburn, about four miles above Newcastle. 
Aug. 28. The Tyne at Newcastle is a tidal river, only pass- 

at New- able at low water. Low tide on the 28th was be- 
*^""^' tween three and four in the afternoon, and as the Scots 
had not reached the spot on the preceding evening, 
Conway had some time to make his preparations. 
Not much that was efiectual could be done. The 
river winds among flat meadows which lie between 
steep banks rising up at the distance of about half 
a mile from one another. Any force placed to de- 
fend the ford would, therefore, be commanded by 
the northern height, which at this place slopes down 
to the water's edge. Yet simply, it would seem, to 

* Conway to Vane, Aug. 26, S. P. Dom, cccclxv. 3. 

* Strafford to Conway, Aug. 27, Ibid, cccclxv. 10. In the Clar, Si. P, 
ii. 108, the force of the advice is lost by the number of the foot which 
Strafford wished to see Conway take with him being misprinted as 800 
instead of 8,000. 

* The numbers are variously given. 


avoid the charge of cowardice, Conway prepared to chap 
defend with inadequate means, an indefensible posi- *— ^-^ — ' 
tion.^ He threw up two small works, one close to the Aug. 28. 
river, the other a little in the rear. In each of these 
he placed 400 men and four guns, whUst he drew up 
his horse at a small distance to the eastward, to be 
ready to charge the Scots after they reached the 
shore in confusion. His headquarters were at Stella, 
on the top of the southern height, where the re- 
mainder of his men were kept in reserve. 

When the Scots arrived they occupied themselves The Scots 
with planting cannon in a commanding position. The foni. 
English were the first to fire, but they could do but 
little damage from the low ground. For three hours 
their guns were unanswered. Then, when the tide 
was running low, the Scottish ordnance began to play 
upon the enemy. The English bulwarks gave Con- 
way's soldiers but little defence against the plunging 
shot. The raw troops, who had never before seen a 
gun fired in anger, began to murmur against their 
officers. Why, they asked, had they been kept there 
night and day ? Why had not men come from Newcastle 
to relieve them? At last a shot struck to the ground 
some of the defenders of the nearest work. The rest 
threw down their arms and fled.* The men in the 

' I do not think it is presumptuous in one without military know- 
ledge to speak strongly on this point. In the sununer of 1880 I vimted 
the spot, and the impossihility of resistance appeared to me to be evident 
even to the most unpractised eye. 

' Dr. Burton {Ht^. of Scotl, vii. 109) quotes Oonway as saying in 
his Narrative that ' the soldiers were unacquainted with the cannon/ and 
interprets this as meaning that * they were not aware of their existence 
till they opened fire.' Conway *s words, as given in the Qar, St» P., are : 
' the soldiers were neWf unacquainted with the cannon/ meaning that 
they had never been under fire before. Conway's discretion in posting 
his men in such a place cannot be saved on the plea that he did not 
know that the Scots had cannon. The reports of the spies in the State 
Papefs prove the contrary. 

K E 2 


CHAP, other work soon followed their example. By this time 

' the Scots had begun to cross the river. Their horse 
Defeat of changed the English cavalry, and drove it off the level 
Sh^°^' ground. Astley did his best to rally his men at the 
top of the hill ; the Scots followed them there, and 
charged once more, with LesUe in person at their 
head. The English horse broke and fled, leaving 
some of their officers as prisoners in the hands of the 
enemy. They did not draw rein till they reached 
Durham. The infantry fell back on Newcastle.^ 
Aug. so. To remain at Newcastle was to be caught in a trap, 
abandoned. Early in the morning of the 29th, therefore, Conway 
and Astley marched out with all their force, leaving 
the town to its fate. Before many hours had passed. 
Sir William Douglas presented himself at the gate with 
the usual promises of good treatment. His country- 
men, he said, had come to petition for their religion, 
their laws, and their liberties ; but they had brought 
with them a sword to defend themselves against all who 
might attempt to hinder them from reaching the King. 
They were ready to pay for all that they consumed. 
2cu*1ed * ^^^ ^®^ morning Newcastle was occupied in force by 
^the the Scots. They seized the King's Custom House, 
and took for their own use the stores which had 
been abandoned by the retreating army.^ 
■^- 30. On the night of the 30th, Conway, having rejoined 

Darlington, his fugitive horse, arrived with his whole force at 
Darlington. Strafford, who was there to receive them, 
wrote cheerfully to the King.^ To his bosom firiend, 
Sir George Eadcliffe, he poured forth a wail of de- 
spair. " Pity me," he wrote from Northallerton, to 

^ Bushw. iii. 1236. Ba^tmr, ii. 384. SaiUie, i. 256. Oonwaj^a 
Narrative, Ctar, 8t» P. ii. 108. Vane to "^ndelMmk, Aug. 29, ^Sl P. 
Dom. cccdxT. 38. Dymock to Windebanky Sept. 10, 8. P. Ihm, 

' Narrative of the Scots* entry, Aug. 29, 8. P. Dom, cocclxv. 50, i. 

' Strafford to the King, Aug. 30, 8, P. Dom, cooclxv. 49. 



which place he had gone, to put himself at the head ^^^' 
of Conway's men, " for never came any man to so ' — 7 — -' 
lost a business. The army altogether necessitous and j^^^^ 
unprovided of all necessaries. That part which I 
bring now with me from Durham, the worst I ever 
saw. Our horse all cowardly; the country from 
Berwick to York in the power of the Scots ; an uni- 
versal affright in all; a general disaffection to the 
King's service, none sensible of his dishonour. In one 
word, here alone to fight with all these evils, without 
any one to help. God of his goodness deliver me out 
of this the greatest evil of my life." ^ 

Strafford spoke truly. Not the scaffold and the 
raging crowd, thirsting for his blood, were the worst 
of evils. In the inexplicable and utter failure of 
hopes conceived with a lofty purpose, lies the tragedy 
of life to him who cannot humbly bend beneath the 
stroke, and ask, in all seriousness of purpose, whether 
the work which had for long years seemed to him 
so lofty and heroic were, indeed, other than a fabric 
of his own self-will. 

Strafford soon took heart again. But for the 
temper of the soldiers, the mere mihtary position 
was even better than it had been before the rout at 
Newbum. There was no longer a danger of an 
interruption of the communication between the two 
divisions of the army. The Scots, indeed, had pushed 
on to Durham, and occupied the line of the Tees. 
From Durham there had been a sudden flight of the 
cathedral clergy, the Scottish Dean, Dr. Balcanqual, 
who knew himself to be specially obnoxious to the in- 
vaders, as the author of the Large Declaration, being 
foremost in the hasty exodus, so that far into the next 
century the Durham boys were in the habit of greet- 

' Strafford to Radcliffe, Sept. 1, Whitaker'g Life of RadcUffe, 203. 



CHAP, ing a breathless fugitive with scornful cries of " Run 

' — j^ — ' away Dr. Boconcky."^ But the flight of a few 

^1^ 40. ^ignij^i-ieg Qf the Church could not affect the military 

position. The King was concentrating his forces at 
York, and whether he advanced to Conway, or sum- 
moned him to his assistance, the united armies would 
be about equal in number to that of the invaders. 

Unhappily for Charles it was very far from being 
a question of numbers alone. The army was without 
lieart or discipline. The nation was equally without 
heart or discipline. There was a widespread convic- 
tion that the cause of the invaders was the cause of 
Vane's caU the iuvadcd as well. " I must tell you," wrote Vane 
imie- to Windebank, " it is strange to see how LesUe steals 
the hearts of the people in these northern parts. 
You shall do well to think of timely remedies to be 
appUed, lest the disease grow incurable, for I appre- 
liend you are not much better in the South." A post- 
script added the alarming news that Leslie had 
already quitted Newcastle, and was pushing farther 
on in pursuit.^ 
Aui?. 31. Already the Committee to which the government 

Titniditv 0/ 

the coun- had bccu entrusted during the King's absence, was 
at its wits* end. Information was brought tiiat 
Essex, Warwick, Bedford and his son Eussell, Saye, 
Brooke, Pym, and Hampden, were in close con- 
ference in London. Such a gathering boded no good 
to the tranquillity of the Government. Yet the Com- 
mittee did not dare to attack them openly, to make 
them smart for it, as Strafford had said of these very 
men in his speech after the dissolution. Neither could 
they resolve to let them alone. They weakly sent 

' My friend, Professor HaleSi pointed out to me this anecdote in 
Surtees' History o/Durham* 

' Vane to Windebank, Aug. 30, Hardw. St. P. ii. 164. 


Arundel to Bedford to recommend him * as of him- chap. 


self to go back to his duties as Lord Lieutenant of 


his own county, and they suggested to Essex, through 
one of his friends, that it would be well for him 
to offer his services to the King. The Queen, too, 
agreed to write him a civil letter to the same effect. 
Anything more that his Majesty might suggest, they 
were ready to do.^ 

Not by such means as this was Charles's authority The op- 
to be made good. The Peers and Commoners who meeting, 
met in London, were but taking the step which they 
had always intended to take. Li the letter forwarded 
by Savile in July, they had engaged to support the 
Scottish advance by a demand for a Parliament. That 
demand they now put into shape. On the 28th, the p^."?*®- 
day of the rout at Newburn, a petition was signed, thePeew. 
which was probably only a copy with shght altera- 
tions of the Remonstrance, to avoid the presentation 
of which the Short Parliament had been dissolved. 
It ran over the grievances of the military charges, of 
the rapine caused by disorderly soldiers, of the inno- 
vations in religion, of the increase of Popery and the 
employment of Recusants in military commands, of 
the dangerous employment of Lrish and foreign forces,^ 
of the urging of ship money, of the growth of mono- 
polies, and the intermissions of Parliament. They 
then turned to the remedies. They asked that a 
Parliament might be summoned in which the authors 
and counsellors of their grievances might be brought 
to trial, and that negotiation might be opened for a 
peace with the Scots, in order that both kingdoms 
might be united * against the common enemy of their 
reformed religion.' 

* Windebank to the King, Aug. 31, Ctew, St, P. ii. 94. 
'^ Probably alluding to the Danish contingent, which vitm talked of 
then and la ten See p. 398. 




N , -» 


Tht twelve 

Sept. I. 
cil*i advice 

Sept. a. 
A gnat 

The addition of the demand for the punishment 
of his advisers was all that the King had gained by 
his rejection of the terms of the Short ParUament. 
The petition as it stands was doubtless the handi- 
work of Pym ; but Pym's signature was not affixed 
to it. By customary usage the Peers were r^arded 
as the born counsellors of the King, and it was in 
that character that twelve Peers now approached the 
throne. To the names of six of the signatories of the 
letter to the Scots — ^Bedford, Essex, Brooke, Warwick, 
Saye, and Mandeville — ^were added those of Exeter, 
Hertford, Kutland, Mulgrave, Howard of Escrick, and 
Bolingbroke.^ Behind these names was England itself. 

Before the petition was made known, Charles had 
sent to his Council in London for its advice as to the 
steps to be taken if the Scots should disregard his 
shattered army and march upon London.* Already, 
before the request arrived, the Council had come to 
the conclusion that it was itself too weak for the 
burden thrust upon it. An army there must be in 
the South to second the efforts of the King. But 
where were officers to command it or money to pay 
it? The idea suggested itself that, as the Peers 
had supported Charles against the Commons in the 
last Parliament, they might still be found on his 
side. It was asked whether some of the noblemen 
might not be won over if they were called to share 
in the deUberations of the Council. 

The next day, when Charles's missive arrived, 
the notion developed itself further. The idea that it 
was possible to raise money any longer by preroga- 

* Petition of the Peers, Aug. 28, 8. P. Dam, cocdxT. 16. The copy 
in Ruahworthy which, as Ranke has pointed out, is incorrectly printed, 
contuns the names of Bristol and Paget in the place of those of Exeter 
and Rutland. 

' Vane to Windebank, Sept. i, S. P, Pom, 



tive was only mentioned to be rejected. Manchester chap. 

suggested that not merely a few peers but all should ' — 7 — 
be summoned. They were the born counsellors of 
the King. In the reign of Edward III., such an 
assembly, the Great Council of the Lords, had 
assisted the King with large sums of money without 
any Parliament at all. Shrewder members of the 
Council urged that it would be as easy to summon 
Parliament at once as it would be to summon the 
Peers, and that the former alternative would be far 
more useful. But it was something to put off the 
evil day for a season, and a formal recommendation Sept, 3. 
was forwarded to Charles to summon the Peers to 
meet in London as soon as possible.^ So out of heart 
were the Councillors now, that they were already 
taking measures for strengthening the fortifications 
of Portsmouth as a last place of refuge for the King.^ 

Charles did not as yet share in the terrors of his sept 2. 
Council. He still beUeved it to be possible to rally JoaSt*^ 
the kingdom round him. "Tell the Earl Marshal ^*^- 
and all the Council," he wrote to Windebank, " that 
we here preach the doctrine of serving the King, 
every one upon his charge, for the defence of the 
realm, which I assure you is taken as canonical here 
in Yorkshire ; and I see no reason why you of my 
Council should not make it be so understood there." * 
His confidence was not entirely without foundation. 
The Yorkshire trained bands were moving at last. 
One regiment marched into York on the evening of 
the 3rd, and the greater part of the remainder was Sept. 3. 
expected on the following day. Vane was once more 
in good spirits. " We shall have a gallant army," he 

' Memorial of the Ck)uncil, Sept. 2, Jfcrdw, St, P. ii. 168. Observa- 
tions of the Council, Sept. 3, -S". P. Dam. 
' Windebank 8 Notes, Sept. 2, Ihid. 
^ The Kings Notes, Sept. 2, aar. Si. P. ii. 96. 


CHAP, wrote. "God send us hearts to fight. We shall 
have horse and foot sufficient." It was for Juxon 


and Cottington to provide them in good time with 
money and provisions.* 

It was the last thing that Juxon and Cottington 

were capable of doing. The truth of his weakness 

was to be brought home to Charles through the 

emptiness of his Exchequer. In the meanwhile he 

had to bend his ear to voices to which he was un- 

sepi.4. accustomed. On the 4th, after the occupation of 

tisii suppii- Durham, the Scots sent in a supplication, couched in 

cation. ^1^^ usual humble terms, asking that their grievances 

might be redressed with the advice of an English 

Sept. ^. Parliament.^ Almost at the same time, Mandeville 

tionof and Howard arrived from London with the petition 

th6 Peers 

presented. of the tWclvC PccrS. 

cSuncu*' Whilst the King's Council was debating on the 

summoned, auswcr to be givcu to demands which, coming from 
such opposite quarters, seemed to be concerted 
together, Windebank's messenger arrived with the 
news that the Council in London recommended the 
summoning of the Peers. It was at once received 
as the only possible solution of the difficulty. Very 
likely Charles only regarded it as a means of gaining 
time. Lanark, Hamilton's brother, who was now 
Seci*etary for Scotland, was ordered to announce to 
the Scots that the King had summoned the Peers 
to meet at York on September 24. But if they 
would express their demands more particularly, he 
would, by the advice of the Lords, give a fitting 
answer, and, in the meantime, he expected the Scots 
to advance no farther.' The twelve Peers were 

' Vane to Windebank, Sept 3, Clar» St. P, ii. 98. 
^ Petition of the Scots, Sept. 4, Rushw, ill. 1,255. 
' Lanark's Reply, Sept. 5, Ibid, 1,256. 


expected to be contented with a similar reference chap. 
to a meetinsf of the Great Council. 


It was not likely that they would be well pleased scpt.^ 
with so long a delay. In all outward form the 
petition was addressed to the King by twelve Peers, 
and by them alone. Care was now taken that copies Copies of 
should be distributed in London. One of these fell spread 
into Manchester's hands, and Manchester carried it to ^^ ' 
the Council. 

There can be little doubt that the publication of Popular 
the petition was the work of Pym. The force which Sought, 
popular support had given to the Scottish Covenan- 
ters had not been lost upon him. Earlier Parlia- 
ments had been wrecked because they had confined 
themselves to Parliamentary procedure. The echo 
of their debates had hardly reached the popular ear. 
Resolutions confined to the journals of the Houses 
could be torn out by the King. Documents prepared 
by committees could be seized and burnt. What 
was needed now was to bring the House of Commons 
into living connection with the wave of feeling which 
tossed outside its walls. In the Short Parliament Pym 
had stood forth as the leader of the Commons. He 
was now to stand forth as the popular agitator as well. 

Two of the Peers, Hertford and Bedford, went sept.j. 
boldly before the Council, and asked the Councillors IL^oBedfi ra 
to join with them in signing the petition. The cS^i.**** 
Councillors naturally refused to do anything of the 
kind. It was very strange, said Arundel, that they 
should * desire the Scots to join in the reformation of 
religion.' The two lords were asked whether they 
knew of any Covenant like that of Scotland in 
England. They asserted that they knew of none. 
They declared that the Council of Peers could grant 
no money. Nothing but a Parliament could give 



CHAP, satisfaction. As for the petition, it was not theirs 
alone. It was supported by * many other noblemen 
and most of the gentry.' ^ 
Sept 9. Far away in the North, the King hardly yet felt 

feelings. the forcc of the tide which was running against him. 
His chief pre-occupation was the difficulty of finding 
money. " I see," he wrote to his ministers on their 
refusal to meddle further with the debasement of the 
coinage, " ye are all so frightened ye can resolve 
on nothing." « It was evident now that money was 
only to be had by the goodwill of his subjects. 
But at York it seemed not altogether impossible that 
Sept II. the subjects would now see their true interests. On 

oftheSoots the nth, the Council was summoned to consider the 
^^ answer to be given to the Scottish demands, which 

had at last arrived, and which formulated, more 
clearly than before, the expectation of the invaders, 
that all the Acts of the last session would be accepted 
and the persons named as incendiaries be deUvered 
for trial.* The message, galling as it was to the 
Bang, was accompanied by news which raised his 

The Scots hopes. The money which the Scots had brought with 

•ontribu- them was already exhausted. The assurance that 
they would pay their way had held good till they 
Jiad gained their object. They now informed the 
magistrates of the two counties of Northumberland 
and Durham, together with the magistrates of New- 
castle, that it was for them to support the invading 
army, at the cost of 850Z. a day. Tenants of the 
Bishop and Chapter were forced to pay rents by 
anticipation to the Scottish commanders.* Deserted 

1 Wiiidebank*8 Notes, Sept. 7, Treaty of Ripen, 79. Windebank to 
the Einp^, Sept. 7, Qar, St. P. ii. no. 

^ The King's Notes, Sept. 9, Oar, St. P. ii. 1 12. 
^ The Scots to Lanark, Sept. 8, Rushtn. iii. 1,258. 
* Petition of Tenants, Ru^w. ni. 1,272. 



houses were freely plundered, but those who remained ^?^^- 
at home and paid the contribution, suffered nothing.^ 

Such news was worth much to the King's cause 
in Yorkshire. Strafford's expectation that English- 
men would rally round the King when they once 
understood what a Scottish invasion was, seemed 
destined to be reaUsed. On the loth the King had sept. la 
held a review of the army. In the eyes of Vane it i^ yJST*^ 
was all that could be desired. " Braver bodies of men 
and better clad," he wrote, " have I not seen any- 
where, for the foot. For the horse, they are such as 
no man that sees them, by their outward appearance, 
but will judge them able to stand and encounter with 
any whatsoever." What was better still, the Yorkshire 
trained bands did not now stand alone. The counties 
of Nottingham and Derby were ready to send their 
men as soon as they were bidden, and some of their 
horse had already come in. Leicestershire was equally 
prepared. Stafford and Lincoln still held back, but 
hopes were entertained that they would not be want- 
ing. It was evident that the men of central England 
were unwilling to become tributary to a Scottish 

Encouraged by these demonstrations of returning Anawer to 
loyalty, Charles sent a short answer to the Scots, re- **** ^^*** 
ferring them to the Council of Peers for their answer, 
and demanding the immediate deUvery of the prisoners 
taken at Newbum.' 

Charles, however, was not out of his diflSculty. w«nt of 
His anny cost him 40,000/. a month, and he himself 
acknowledged that he would be undone unless he had 

* Vane to Windebank, Sept. 16, Hardw, St, P, ii. 180. 
^ Vane to Windebank, Sept. 10, S, P. Dom, Sept 11. Hardw. St, 
P. ii. 172. Newport to Nicholas, Sept 11, S. P. Dam, 
' Lanark to the Scots, Sept 11, Balfaur, ii. 402. 





^- » " 


Sept. 12. 

Sept. 13. 
The York- 
offer to 

Sept. 13. 
Strafford a 
Knight of 
the Garter. 


two months' pay secured.^ There was still uncertainty 
whether the Yorkshire gentlemen would take the pay 
of their trained bands on themselves. They drew up 
a petition demanding a Parliament. Strafford called 
them together again, obtained the rejection of the 
petition, and a direct offer to support their trained 
bands till the meeting of the Great Council. Strafford 
took them at once to the King. Charles received them 
most affably, and told them that in future he would 
require no more from them than 6,000 men instead 
of 12,000, that he would excuse them from the 
obligation of scutage, and that the heirs of those who 
might be killed in his cause should be freed from the 
claims of the Court of Wards. 

So far had Strafford succeeded. Charles was not 
slow in acknowledging his obligation. On the day 
on which the offer of the Yorkshiremen was made he 
held a special chapter of the Order of the Garter, 
and invested the Lord Lieutenant with the blue 

What were Strafford's hopes and fears at this con- 
juncture we shall never know. Probably he hoped 
to deal with the Peers and even with the Parliament, 
which he must have foreseen to be inevitable, as he 
had dealt with the gentlemen of York. The Scottish 
invasion would drive them to rally round the throne, 
Charles would come forward with graceful conces- 
sions, and the old harmony of the Elizabethan 
government would be restored.' 

> The King's Notes, Sept. 11, Clar, St. P. ii. 114. 

' Vane to Windebank, Sept. 13, 14, ffardw. St. P. ii. 176, 177. 
Rusliworth's statement (iii. I1265) that the Yorkshiremen insisted on 
retaining their demands for the summoning of Parliament is refuted by 
this evidence. 

' There is a noteworthy echo of the hopeiiilness which at this time 
prevailed at York m a letter from Pocklington to Lambe, Sept. 14, S P, 



Sept. 13. 

But for the strength of Puritanism it is possible chap. 
that he would not have calculated amiss. Of the 
living force of religious zeal he had no understanding. 
It had little place amongst his neighbours in the 

In the South, where the danger was less pressing, Feeling in 
there was none of that revival of loyalty which had 
so unexpectedly arisen. In London especially, the 
progress of the Scots was regarded as a national 
triumph. When the news of CJonway's rout arrived 
it was received with every demonstration of joy.^ 
Placards were set up calling on the apprentices to 
rise for the reformation of religion, ' which, in plain 
English,' as Windebank explained, * is the defacing of 
churches.' The Lord Mayor and Aldermen, however, 
had no intention of allowing a repetition of the riots 
of the preceding spring, and the attempt was promptly 
suppressed.^ The Scots hastened to reUeve the citizens 
from any fear that their material interests would be 
affected, by assuring them that the aU-important coal 
trade should remain open as before.* The Council The London 
soon heard with alarm that a petition, not very dis- p**'****"* 
similar from that of the twelve Peers, was circulating 
in the City, and had already received numerous sig- 
natures. They at once ordered the Lord Mayor and 
Aldermen to put a stop to the scandal. But their Petition of 
efforts were entirely fruitless, and they found that the *^* ^*'^* 
clergy had a petition of their own in preparation as 
weU. They could think of nothing better than to 
recommend the King to imprison the bearers of both 
petitions as soon as they arrived at York. Charles Sept. i«. 
was already growing impatient of the weakness of his 

^ Giu8timan*8 Despatch, Sept. ^^ Ten, TraiMcriptB, 
« Windebank to the King, Sept. 7, Clar. St, P. ii. 113. 
' The Scots to the Lord Mayor, Sept. 8, Rushw, iii. 1,259. 


CHAP. Ministers. " I could wish," he wrote on the margin 
' — -^ — ' of Windebank's despatch, " ye would show as much 

Sept. ao. stoutness there as ye council me to here." ^ 
The King's Thcsc tidiuffs from the South were overwhelmingly 

reproof o ^ ^ o ^ 

tohis convincing of the necessity of summoning Parliament. 
Yet Charles hesitated long. " Notwithstanding the 
Lords of the Council's advice for a Parliament," 
Sept.i8. wrote Vane on the i8th, "I do not find in his 
S?^'" Majesty yet any certain resolution for the same." « 
litment. There was one man, however, by his side who 

was now ready to persuade him that resistance was 
hopeless. Hamilton had no wish to be given up to 
his countrymen to be prosecuted as an incendiary. 
He begged the King to allow him to leave the coun- 
try. He had urged Strafford and Laud, he said, to 
do the same thing, ' but the earl was too great-hearted 
to fear, and he doubted the other was too bold to fly.' 
Sept One way, indeed, remained more dishonourable than 
frS^"'" fliglit, and that was one to which Hamilton had 
intrigue, lowered himself in the preceding year. He might 
betake himself to Charles's opponents, might speak 
their words and accept their principles, in order that 
he might betray their counsels to the King. This was 
the service which Hamilton proffered, and which 
Charles accepted with gladness.^ 

Whatever might be the result of Hamilton's in- 
trigue, his despondency could not fail to make an 
impression on Charles. It could make no real differ- 
ence in the position that a party of Scotch horse 
which had come plundering into Yorkshire was cap- 
tured or slain almost to a man.* The news from 

» The King's Notes, Sept. 20, Clar. 8t. P. ii. 117. 
^ Vane to Windebank, Sept. 18, Hardw. St. P.n. 181. 
' Garendon^ i. 318. Mr. Disraeli's suggestion that this story in but a 
repetition of an earlier one seems to me unsatis&ctory. 
♦ Vane to Windebank, Sept. 20, Hardw, 8t, P. ii. 183. 


Scotland was most depressing. Dumbarton had sur- ^9^^- 
rendered on August 29. On September 15 Ettrick^s - — --r^ — ' 
garrison, wasted by scurvy caused by the failing of ^txi of 
fresh water, gave up the Castle of Edinburgh. Feeble ^S^eS^- 
and totterincr, the brave defenders of the fortress J."'"?? a 

^ , . , Oistle, and 

stepped forth with drums beating and colours flying. Caeriave- 
Their resolute bravery was no commendation in the 
eyes of the populace of Edinburgh. But for a guard 
of soldiers, which had been providently assigned to 
them, they would have been torn in pieces long before 
they reached Leith.^ A few days later Nithsdale's 
fortified mansion of Caerlaverock was taken by the 
Covenanters. The National Government was supreme 
from north to south.^ 

The news of the loss of Edinburgh Castle was sept aa. 
known to the King on the 22nd. On that day the donpeti- 
London petition was presented to him. It bore the ^cn'tS*^ 
signatures of four aldermen and of ten thousand 
citizens. The Councillors in London were bidden to 
abandon the thought of imprisoning either the 
organisers of this petition, or Burgess, by whom 
the petition of the clergy had been conveyed to 

It was impossible longer to resist the universal a ParUa- 
cry for a Parliament. Even if Charles had remained meet, 
deaf to the wishes of his subjects, his financial distress 
would have been decisive. The pepper-money would 
support his army for a few weeks longer, and then 
the catastrophe would surely come. He would be as 
powerless to hold his forces together in Yorkshire as 
he had been powerless to hold them together in North- 
umberland the year before. 

^ Balfour, ii. 403. Dnimmond to Hog, Oct. ^^ 8, P, Dom, 
^ BmUUf i. 258. A story of tlie massacre of the garrison was circu- 
lated in England, but was soon contradicted. 

' Vane to Wlndebank, Sept. 22, Hardto, St, P. ii. 184. 

VOL. I. F P 


CHAP. On the 24th the Great Council met in the hall of 

• — r-^— " the Deanery at York. The King's speech gave clear 

o ^^' evidence of the distraction of his mind. He had 

Sept. 24. 

The King's Called the Peers together, he said, that by their 
tEe^Grwt advice he might proceed to the chastisement of the 
Council, rebels. Then, lowering liis tone, he announced the 
^ issue of writs for a ParUament to meet on November 3, 
and asked for counsel, not on the best mode of 
chastising the rebels, but on the answer to be given to 
their petition, and on the means of keeping the army 
together till the meeting of ParUament. " For so 
long as the Scotch army remains in England," he said 
in conclusion, " I think no man will counsel me to 
disband mine, for that would be an unspeakable loss 
to all this part of the kingdom by subjecting them to 
the greedy appetite of the rebels, besides the un- 
speakable dishonour that would thereby fall upon 
this nation." 
Traquair*8 lu the aftemoon the Peers met again. Traquair, 

"*"* '^^ by the King's command, repeated the narrative which 
had moved the Council in the preceding winter to 
declare the Scottish demands to be inadmissible. 
Evidently Charles had not yet abandoned the hope 
that the Peers would support him in the position 
which he had taken up. Such was not the view of 
Commis- the situation which they took. At Bristol's motion 
SSt" they resolved to name sixteen of their own number as 
Commissioners to negotiate with the invaders. Every 
one of the seven who had signed the letter forwarded 
by Savile, reappeared amongst the number, and the 
remainder were favourable to a good understanding 
with the Scots. 
BrirtoTa Whatever their private opinions might be, the 

Lords had clearly accepted the leadership of Bristol. 
His old loyalty was a sufficient guarantee that he 


would be no favourer of revolution, whilst he was chap. 
known to be entirely hostile to the new system of ^ 

government. No other Peer could compete with 
him in capacity for the conduct of the negotiation.^ 

The next day the Peers took the King's financial Sept as. 
difficulties into consideration. It was acknowledged engagT" 
til at at least 2oo,oooZ. were needed. Strafford urged litVtrrhe 
the necessity of supplying the money at once. If ^m/"'* 
that army were to be dissolved the country would be 
lost in two days. He was not for fighting now. If 
they remained on the defensive they would wear out 
the Scots. The question of overpowering the Scots 
was not the foremost one with the other Peers. Now 
that a Parliament was to meet, said Bristol, the City 
would be ready to lend. It was ultimately resolved 
to send a deputation to London to collect a loan of 
200,000/. on the security of the Peers.* 

It remained to be considered on what terms the Sept.ft6. 
negotiations should be opened. The King proposed n^tution. 
that the Pacification of Berwick, that vague and in- 
conclusive arrangement which had been subjected to 
so many interpretations, should be taken as the basis 
of the understanding. Was it not, asked the King, dis- 
honourable to go further than the Pacification ? If 
he had had his way he would have secured the 
support of the Lords in refusing the Acts of the late 
Parliament. He would not acknowledge that he 
must look upon the Scots as capable of dictating 
terms. Bristol took the more sensible view. "K his 
Majesty were in case," he said, " it were best to bring 

* Vane to Windebank, Sept. 24, Hardto. St, P. ii. 186. JRushw, iii. 


^ Sir J. Boroiigh*s notes^ of tliese and the subeequent meetings of tbe 

Great Council are printed in Hardw, St, P. ii. 208, from Harl. MSS. 456. 

The printed copy cannot always be relied on ; Mandeyille^s speech; for 

instance, is attributed to Savile at p. 209. 

V F a 


CHAP, them on their knees : but now, considering their 
-- » -^ strength, Newcastle and the two provinces taken, 
^°* we must now speak of the business as to men 
Sept 29. that have gotten these advantages."^ Charles was 
tranrtrthe not to be moved. In the instructions finally given, 
ri^n^ he declared his intention of keeping the Scottish 
castles in his own hands. As to such acts as were 
derogatory to his crown and dignity, he had in- 
structed Traquair, Morton, and Lanark to inform the 
Scots of his pleasure.^ 

There could be little doubt what that information 

would be. The point, however, would not be raised 

Oct 2. for some Uttle time. The Commissioners of the two 

Meeting , r\ ^ -r 

atRipon, natious met at Kipon on October 2. It was evident, 
from the first, that the Scots were aware of the 
strength of their position* 

Scottish Loudoun, who took the lead on their side, said 


plainly, that his countrymen would not be content 
without taking into consideration events which had 
happened since the Pacification; and he also took 
objection to the presence of six persons who had been 
named as assistants to the EngHsh lords, especially 
as one of the number was the obnoxious Traquair, 
pointed out as one of the incendiaries at whose trial 
and punishment they aimed.' 

The Scots seem to have been surprised at the 
tenacity with which Bristol, without contradiction 
from his fellow-Commissioners, fought them inch by 
inch. They had entered England under the belief 
that they had received from seven of the Comnais- 
sioners present a positive offer of armed assistance, 
and they could not understand how those very men 

» Hardw. St, P. ii. 225. 
3 Bushw, iii. 1,283. 

» Borough's Treaty of Bipon (Camd. Soc.), 1-17. OonuniAioneis to 
the King, Oct. 2, Bmhw, iii. 1,289. 


should be found supporting the arguments against ^^^^• 
their claims. That evening, Loudoun and Johnston 

applied anxiously to Mandeville for an explanation, oct 3. 
charging him and the other six Peers with a breach J|>?^^ 
of their signed engagement. To this unlooked-for j^hMtoS", 
accusation Mandeville answered that he knew nothing *^^'^^®" 
about the matter. Loudoun and Johnston replied 
that the whole negotiation had passed through 
Savile's hands, and that he would be certain to bear 
witness to the truth. The next day, accordingly, 
Savile was sent for and interrogated. Prevarication SavUe's 

-I 1 1111111 confesdon 

in such company was useless, and he boldly acknow- of forgery, 
ledged the forgery. He had acted as he had, he said, 
from motives of patriotism, and the only thing to be 
done, now that his falsehood was discovered, was to 
take advantage of its results for the common good. 

Savile's treachery was easily condoned. It was SavUe's 
not likely that he would ever be trusted again by condo^ 
tliose whom he had tricked ; but if, as is probable, he 
had been the medium through whose hands genuine 
as well as forged writings had passed, it is easy to 
understand the mixed motives of those who concurred 
in passing over so odious a treachery. Naturally, 
too, the English Lords were anxious to obtain from 
the Scots the incriminating paper. The Scots re- 
fused to give it up, but they cut out the supposititious 
signatures and burnt them in Mandeville's presence.^ 

* NaUan, ii. 427. The story is extracted from Mandeville's own 
Memoirs, Dr. Burton comments on it, that ' the doubts that any such 
affair ever occurred are strengthened by the absence of any reference to it 
in Mr. Bruce's Bipan Papers,* Surely he could not have been serious in 
supposing it likely that the official note-taker of the Conference would be 
invited to be present at this interview I The passage in question is to be 
found in a fragment now known as Add. MSS, 1 5,567, which is thus 
identified as a portion of the long-lost Memoirs of the Earl of Manches- 
ter. Its importance will be seen when the narrative reaches Strafford's 


CHAP. In the open discussions which followed, the ques- 

' — 7- — ' tion of the assistants was settled by the compromise 
Oct.s. ^^^^ ^^^y might give advice without showing 
Sr^^^^ themselves at the pubUc conferences. Then came a 
tiation. debate on the terms on which a cessation of arms 
was to be granted. The Scots declared that nothing 
short of 40,cxx)/. a month would satisfy them during 
their occupation of the northern counties, and that 
this payment must last until the conclusion of peace. 
The English Commissioners referred the demand to 
the King, 
gggj^ Before Charles gave his answer he was in pos- 

i-oiidon. session of better news from London than he had been 
accustomed to receive. In the last days of Sep- 
tember the exasperation of the citizens had been 
daily growing. At the election of the new Lord 
Mayor, they shouted out that they would have none 
who had opposed the petition to the King, and set 
aside the aldermen who stood highest on the list, 
and who, according to the usual custom, would have 
been elected without further difficulty. The greater 
part of the votes were divided between Geere, who 
had given his support to the petition, and Soames, 
who had been sent to prison for his resistance to the 
loan. Eiots, too, broke out in two of the city 
churches where Dr. Duck, the Bishop's Chancellor, 
had irritated the people by calling upon the church- 
wardens to take the usual oath to present offenders 
against the ecclesiastical law. In one of them the 
summons was received with shouts of No oath ! No 
oath ! from the crowded assembly. An apparitor, 
who unwisely spoke of the disturbers as a company of 
Puritan dogs, was hustled and beaten, and was finally 
carried off to prison by the sheriff who had been 
summoned to restore order. Tlie Chancellor was glad 


enough to escape in haste, leaving his hat behind ^^^^• 
him.^ ' — -— ' 

All this was changed for a time by tlie arrival of 
the Peers from York. On October 2 an informal oct.a. 
meeting was held, in which a number of the richer a^^rees to 
citizens appeared in the midst of the Common 
Councillors. As Bristol had anticipated, the declara- 
tion of a Parliament carried all before it. The Lord 
Mayor was invited to write to the City Companies to 
ask them to lend 200,000/. on the security of thePeers.^ 

The news of the success of the application to the Oct 6. 
City reached York on the 6th,^ the day on wlijch the Great 
the Great Council met to take into consideration the theScottiah 
Scottish demands. The Eing had no certain advice *"*" 
to give. He hesitated between the risk of exaspe- 
rating the Scots, and the indignity of buying off the 
vengeance of rebels. Strafford had no such hesi- 
tation. " This demand," he said, " hath opened our 
eyes. Nothing of rehgion moves in this business." 
" The Londoners' example," he added, " hath much 
turned my opinion." Once more he was beginning to 
think that the Scottish exorbitance would give the 
King the support that he needed. He was for taking 
the defensive, and leaving the Scots to do their worst. 
Some, indeed — Lord Herbert of Cherbury, amongst 
them — were equallyprepared to proceed to extremities. 
But the general feeling of the Peers inclined the other Oct. 7. 
way, and on the following day the King proposed tiaUonto" 
that the negotiation should be removed to York, ap- to York!^ 
parently with the intention of bringing his personal 
influence to bear upon the Scottish Commissioners.* 

^ Rossin^^ham's Newsletter , Oct. 7, Add, MSS, 11,045, ^^^* i^^* 
Windebank to the Eiog, Sept. 30, Clar, St, P. ii. 125. 

* The Peers* deputation to the King, Oct. 3, S. 1\ Datn, 

* Vane to Windebank, Oct. 6, Hardw, St. P. ii. 193. 

* ITardw, St, P. ii. 241. 


CHAP. The answer of the Scots to the Eoyal command 

^ — -^ — • was a blank refusal to obey it. They had not for- 
oct. 8. gotten how some of their number had been detained 
JrfuJto^ in London when employed on a similar negotiation, 
come. They would not, they said, trust themselves in the 
midst of an army of which Strafford was the com- 
mander. They were empowered to name him * as a 
chief incendiary.' In the Irish Parliament he had had 
no better name for them than traitors and rebels, and 
he was now doing his utmost to bring the negotiation 
to an end.^ 
Strafford Doubtlcss the Scots had received tidings from their 

SriJTSt friends at York of the speech delivered by Strafford 
from^ter. two days bcforc. They could not know of a proposal 
fiercer still which he was that very day penning, to be 
submitted to Eadcliffe. His thoughts in these days of 
trouble must often have passed over the Irish Channel 
to that army which, but for the want of money, he 
would have brought over the sea to join in the attack 
upon the invaders. He knew, too, that there were in 
the North of Ireland 40,000 able-bodied Scotsmen, 
and that if Argyle chose, as had been threatened, to 
go amongst them he would find an army ready to his 
hands. In desperation he clutched at the notion of 
rousing the Irish House of Commons, which had met 
again at DubUn on the ist, against these invaders 
upon Irish soil, K the Irish Parliament were to de- 
clare for the banishment of these men the Irish army 
would be strong enough, armed though the Scotchmen 
were, to carry its behest into execution.^ 

Wisely indeed did Eadcliffe give his word against 
this terrible project. It would have filled the North 
of Ireland with carnage, with the sole result of rous- 

* The Scotch Commissioners* answer, Oct. S, Rushw, iii. 1,292, 
' WTiitaker's Life of Eadcliffe, 206. 



ing the indignation of England against the perpetra- ^f^^- 
tors of such a crime. The habit of driving straight 
at his object, undeterred by the miseries which 
would be wrought in attaining it, had been growing 
upon Strafford. To crush the Scots was the one 
object for which he now lived. On the 6th he had 
proposed to deliver up the populations of Northum- 
berland and Durham to the tender mercies of the 
invaders. On the 8th he proposed to give over the 
Province of Ulster to blood and flame. It was not 
for nothing that the Scots had named him as the chief 

Strafford was not to have his way. The refusal Oct. 14. 
of the Scots to come to York was meekly accepted, resumed 
The negotiation was renewed at Kipon with the sole * '^^* 
object of obtaining a modification of their demands. 
At last they agreed to accept a continuance for Oct. 21. 
two months of the 850/. a day, or about 25,ooo/« a 
month, which they were drawing from the two coun- 
ties, on condition that the first month's payment 
sliould be secured to them by the bonds of the leading 
gentry of tlie counties, given on assurance that the 
King would recommend their case to Parliament ; and 
that the second month's payment should be provided 
for in a way to be hereafter settled — a stipulation 
wliich plainly pointed to a Parliamentary engage- 

On these terms, a cessation of arms was granted. 
The two northern counties were to remain in the 
possession of the invaders till the conclusion of the 
treaty. As soon as this arrangement was made, 
Henderson blandly informed the English Commis- 
sioners that they had the best of the bargain, as it 
was *more blessed to give than to receive.' As the 0ct.aa. 
day for the meeting of Parliament was now approach- tiauoluo" 





be removed 

Oct 26. 
Last sitting 

Oct 38. 


The loan 
reduced to 

ing, it was arranged that further negotiations should 
be carried on in London, and on the 26th the Com- 
missioners, of the two countries met for the last time 
at Eipon.^ 

The resolution to yield to the Scottish demands in 
their modified form, had probably been influenced by 
unsatisfactory news from London. The election of 
the Lord Mayor, indeed, had ended in a compromise. 
Neither Acton, who was supported by the King*s 
Council, nor Soames, the candidate of the popular 
party, had been chosen. The choice of the electors 
had fallen upon Alderman Wright, the second on the 
list. But Charles cared far less about the London 
Mayoralty than he did about the London loan, and it 
must have been a real shock to his mind when he 
learned that the City Companies would only lend him 
a quarter of the sum for which he had asked. He 
would have to wait for the rest till Parliament 

Unless, too, the ParUament could supply him with 
authority as well as money, the most disastrous con- 
sequences might be expected. Li London at least the 
order which he had painfully laboured to establish, 
was entirely set at nought. On the 22nd the mob 
dashed into the High Commission Court, as it was 
preparing to sentence a Separatist, tore down the 
benches, seized upon the books, and threw the fur- 
niture out of window. Laud, at least, maintained his 
courage to the last. He called on the Court of Star 
Chamber to punish the offenders if they did not wish 
to be called in question by the populace for their 
sentence on Prynne, Burton, and Bastwick. But the 
Court of Star Chamber was no longer responsive to 

* Treaty of Ripon, 27. 

' Windebank to the King, Oct. 14, Ctar, St, P. ii. 129. 


his call. It was thought more prudent to indict some 
of the rioters before the Lord Mayor and some 
Aldermen sitting on a Commission of Oyer and Ter- 
miner. The grand jury could not agree to find a 
true bill against the prisoners, and the proceedings 
came to nothing. The result of this leniency was a 
fresh riot on the following Sunday. St. Paul's was 
invaded by the rabble, and a large quantity of papers, 
found in an office, were torn in pieces, in the beUef 
that they were the records of the High Commis- 

On the 28th the Great Council was gathered octas. 
together for the last time, to advise on the accept- ingofthe 
ance or rejection of the compact made at Eipon. councu. 
Even Strafibrd did not venture to recommend the 
latter course now, and the King's assent was therefore 
given to the arrangement. But he distinctly declared 
that the payment was a voluntary act on the part of 
the gentry. He would enforce no man to pay 
the Scots. 

The Great Council then broke up. It had not met Work of 
in vain. It had done the utmost that was possible CoundL 
under the circumstances. It had obtained breathing 
time for the nation at the least expense which the 
hopelessness of immediate resistance would admit of. 
By selecting Bristol as its leader, it had declared 
equally against the extreme party which would have 
dragged an unwilling nation into staking its honour 
and safety upon the chances of a war to be waged 
by a beaten and undiscipUned army, and against an 
equally extreme party which had looked with favour 
upon a hostile invasion. More than this, it had saved • 
Charles from himself — from that hopeless vacillation 

* Rossingham's Neivsletter, Oct. 27, Nov. 3, Add, MiSS, li;045, fol. 
128, 130. 


CHAP, which deUvered him over as a prey to rash violence 
^ — Y" — ' on one day, and to unreal submission on the next. 
Oct. 28. What chance was there that the influence of 

SeSutte^ Bristol would be maintained in the coming Parlia- 
ment ? It was not Hkely that a House of Commons 
elected in such a time of suspicion and excitement, 
would be content with any measures which would be 
easily accepted by the King. It was not likely that 
the King, accustomed as he was to the exercise of 
arbitrary power, would accept meekly the restrictions 
which even moderate men sought to place upon him. 
Times were coming when such men as Bristol might 
well despair of the ship of State. He was not likely to 
secure the mastery over the coming ParUament. Nor 
was it at all hkely that he would secure the mastery 
Charles's ovcr the Ejug. The feelings with which Charles 
^ds^ looked forward to meeting the assembly which he had 
wWcHT' ^^^^ compelled to call into existence, are doubt- 
^^ less admirably expressed in the opening pages of that 
Uttle book which, if it be indeed a forgery, was the 
work of one possessed of no ordinary skill in the 
delineation of human character, and which was, in 
all probabihty, written by no other hand than that of 
Charles himself. 

" I cared not," so runs the passage, " to lessen 
myself in some things of my wonted prerogative, 
since I knew I could be no loser if I might gain but 
a recompense in my subjects' afiections. I intended 
not only to obUge my friends, but mine enemies also, 
exceeding even the desires of those that were fac- 
tiously discontented, if they did but pretend to any 
modest and sober sense. The odium and ofiences 
which some men's rigour in Church and State had 
contracted upon my government, I resolved to have 
expiated by such laws and regulations for the future 


as might not only rectify what was amiss in practice, 
but supply what was defective in the Constitution. I 
resolved to reform what I should, by free and full 
advice in Parliament, bfe convinced of to be amiss, 
and to grant whatever my reason and conscience told 
me was fit to be desired." ^ 

Between Charles's conception of his place in the 
EngUsh nation and the sad reality, there was, indeed, 
a great gulf. 

^ Eikon Banlike, ch* i. 




[ • . 




1 1 



ABEXL, Alderman, bargains on be- 
half of tho Vintners, 76 

Aberdeen, natnre of its Boyalism, 159 ; 
Montrose's first visit to, 161 ; his 
second visit to, 223 ; Aboyne at, 237 ; 
Montrose's third visit to, 242; the 
Earl Marischal and Monro at, 386. 

Abojne, Viscount (James Gordon), es- 
capes from Montrose, 205 ; proposes 
to rouse the North, 210 ; taken by 
the Earl Mareschal, 223 ; his recep- 
tion by Hamilton, ibid. ; his proceed- 
ings at Aberdeen, 236; sends to 
Hamilton for help, 237 ; defeated by 
Montrose, 241 ; is chased through the 
streets of Edinburgh, 247 

Adkins, Alderman, imprisoned for re- 
fusing to lend money to^the King, 346 

Aerssens, Francois van, arrives to ex- 
plain the conduct of Tromp in the 
Downs, 297 

Airlie, Earl of (James Ogilvy), burning 
of his house, 388 

Aldermen committed to prison, 345 ; 
set at liberty, 351 

Anabaptists, attempts to suppress, 288 

Antrim, Earl of (Randal Macdonnell), 
proposes to raise a force for the West 
of Scotland, 153; failure of his pro- 
ject, 207 

Archer, John, tortured and executed, 

Aj^le, Earl of (Archibald Campbell), 

his authority in the Highlands, 160- 
175; his character, 176; declares in 
favour of the Glasgow Assembly, 
177; refuses to come to Berwick, 
248 ; his policy in the Scottish Par- 
liament, 256 ; directed to defend the 
Western Highlands, 367 ; argues that 
Parliament may meet in defiance of 
the Kin^H demands, 369 ; his rule in 
the Hi^lands. 386; his raid upon 
Athol, 387; bums the House of 


Airlie, 388; returns to the West^ 
389; talk of making him dictator, 

Armstrong, Archie, dischaiged from hia 
post as the Kingfs jester, 132 

Army, the English, preparations for the 
raising of, 191 ; its want of enthu- 
siasm, 211; Vemey's criticism of, 
215 ; reinforcements ordered for, 
219; good spirits of, 224; want of 
discipline in, 226 ; numbers of, 227 ; 
despondency of, 231 ; discomfbrts of, 
232: preparation for collecting it 
again, 303 ; condition of the ca^ry 
of, 371 ; dissatisfaction of the men 
pressed for, 377; Catholic oflBcers 
distrusted by, ^79 ; want of discipline 
of, 380 ; mntmous conduct of, 394 ; 
collects at Selby, 409; distribution 
of, 417 ; review of, 429 

— the Irish, Strafford's proposal to 
ie^) 305 ; alleged intention of em- 
ploying it in England, 336 ; its ren- 
dezvous at Carrickfergus, 407 

— the Scottish, expected to occupy the 
border, 210 ; occupies Kelso, 229; 
forces Holland to retreat, 230 ; en- 
camps on Dnnse Law, 233 ; BaUlie's 
description of, 234; prepares to in- 
vade England, 400 ; encamps at 
Choicelee Wood, 403; crosses the 
Tweed, 413; its conduct in North- 
umberland, 414 

Arundel, Countess of, her conversation 
with Con, 23 

— Earl of (Thomas Howard), sent to 
strengthen the border fortresses, 149; 
appointed to command the first army 
against the Scots, 192; is the only 
peer who wishes to act vigorously 
against the Scots, 212 ; his proceed- 
ings at Dunse, 225 ; appointed cap- 
tain-general to the south of the 
Trent, 416 





Assembly of the Church of Scotland, 
the, appealed to by the Coyenanters, 
146 ; 18 summoned to meet at Glas- 
gow, 165 ; divine right claimed for, 
167; electoral machinery of, 167; 
its representatire character, 169; 
meets at Glasgow, 171 ; is dissolved 
by Hamilton, 175 ; continues to sit, 
and abolishes episcopacy, 177; ap- 
pointed to meet at Edinburgh, 241 ; 
bishops summoned to, 246 ; its pro- 
ceedings at Edinburgh, 252. 

Astley, Sir Jacob, sent to prepare for 
war in the North, 189; his dis- 
couraging report, 385; gathers troops 
at Seib^, 409; goes to Newcastle, 
417; tries to rally the troops after 
the rout of Newbum, 420 

Aihol, Earl of (John Murray), seized by 
Argyle, 387 

Aylesbury, houses burnt by mutineers 

at, 349 

BAILLIE, ROBERT, his opinion on 
the riots at Edinburgh, 117; de- 
scribes the army on Dunse Law, 232 ; 
attacks Laud's system, 357 
BalcanqualfWalter, Dean of Rochester, 
writes T%e Large Declaration , 198; 
made Dean of Durham, 199; flies 
from Durham, 421 
Balmerino, Lord (John Elphinston), re- 
vises the Covenant, 126 ; argues that 
Parliament may meet in defiance of 
the King's commands, 369 

Baner, General, his successes in Ger- 
many, 259 

Bankes, Sir John, his argument in the 
ship-money case, 62 

Bastwick, John, his early life and 
FlageUum Pontijicia, 4; his Apolo- 
geticue and Litany ^ 5; his trial in 
the Star Chamber, 6; execution of 
the sentence on, 9; his imprisonment, 

Bedford, Earl of (WUIiam RusseU), 
takes the lead in draining the Great 
Level, 86 ; votes against int<>rfering 
with the Commons, 321 ; recom- 
mended to go home, 423 

Bellasys, Henry, attacks the military 
charges, 327; is imprisoned, 344; 
set at liberty, 351 

Belli^vre, M. de, negotiates with Charles 
on behalf of Tromp, 266 ; wishes to 
support the Scots, 300 ; is recalled, 

Berkeley, Justice, his opinion in the 
ship-money case, 66 

Bombard of Weimar, his victories on 
the Upper Rhine, 187 ; deaUi of, 263 

Berwick, Charles arrives at, 224 ; sig- 
nature of the treaty of, 241 ; Conyers 
commands the garrison of, 291 

Bishops, Laud's opinion on the autho- 
rity of, 8 

— the Scottish, excite the jealousy of 
the nobles, 97 ; their part in the or- 
ganisation of the Church, 102 ; their 
share in the preparation of the new 
Prayer Book, 103; are attacked as 
the authors of the change, 120 ; pro- 
test a^inst their remaining in the 
Council, 122 ; accused before the 
Edinburgh Presbytery, 170; are at- 
tacked by Hamilton, 173 ; their de- 
clinator read, 174; secretly protest 
against the legality of the Assembly 
of Edinburgh, 251 ; abolished by the 
Assembly, 252; Charles refuses to 
rescind the Acts against, 255 ; abo- 
lished by Parliament, 257 

Booking, destruction of Communion 
rails at, 399 

Boteler, Lord (John Boteler), his change 
of religion, 17 

Breisach captured by Bemhard of 
I Weimar, 187 

Brereton, Sir William, his account of 
his travels in Scotland, too 

Brickmakers, Corporation of the, 72 

Bridge of Dee,Montrose's victory at, 242 

Bristol, Earl of (John Digby), advises 
the King not to advance to Berwick, 
219 ; asserts that the lords wish for 
a Parliament, 236; urges Strafford 
to recommend another Parliament, 
353 > gives an account of Strafford's 
conversation, 354 ; assumes the lead- 
ership of the Great Council, 434 

Brooke, Lord (Robert Greville), refuses 
to follow the King to the war, 192 ; 
refuses the military oath, 212 ; votes 
against interfering with the Com- 
mons, 321 

Buckinghamshire, slow payment of 
ship money in, 358 

Bullion, seizure of, 392 

Burgess, Cornelius, carries the Ministers' 
petition to the King, 433 

Burton, Henry, his sermons, For God 
and the King, 4 ; his trial in the Star 
Chamber, 6 ; execution of the sentence 
on, 9; his triumphal progrees and 
imprisonment, 11 

OAERLAVEROCK holds out for the 
King, 201 ; surrenders, 433 





CRsar, Sir Charles, buys the MaBter- 

sbip of the Rolls, 206 
Canons, the new finglish, passed by 

Convocation, 360 

— the Scottish, proposed by the King, 
loi ; submitted to Laud and Juzon, 
X03 ; issue of, X04 ; are revoked by the 
King, 164 

CardenaSjAlonso de,is suspended from in- 
tercourse with the Court, 183 ; refuses 
the loan of Spanish troops to Charles, 
193; applies for gunpowder, 264; 
negotiates with Charles for aid to 
Oquendo, 265 ; negotiates with New- 
port, 268 

Cardinal Infant, the (Ferdinand of 
Spain), sanctions negotiation with 
Gerbier, 182; refuses to send Spanish 
troops to England, 193 

Carlisle, garrisoned, 191 

— £arl of ( James Uay), votes against 
his conscience, 324 

— Lady, her relations with Strafford, 293 
Carrickfergus, tlie Irish army at, 407 
Catholics, the, Laud urges the persocu- 

tion of, 14 ; Charles's f jeling towards, 
15; their converts, 17; proclamation 
against, 22 ; improve! position of, 23 ; 
their contribution to the Scottish war, 
228 ; burning of the books of, 352 ; 
proposal to get money for, 377 ; 
appointed as officers in the army, 394 

Chambers, Hichard, brings an action 
against the Lord Mayor, 69, 372; 
postponement of the case of, 381 

Charles I., his position after eight years 
of unparliamentary government, i ; 
orders the publication of Laud's 
speech, 9; his feeling towards the 
Catholics, and his friendliness to- 
wards Con, 15 ; hesitates to suppress 
Con's proselytism, 19 ; issues a pro- 
clamation against the Catholics, 22 ; 
his opinion of Laud's character, 23 ; 
his conduct in Williams's trial, 34; 
undertakes to finish the draining of 
the fens, 90 ; causes of his failure, 
91 ; his love of art, 92 ; his policy in 
Scotland, 97 ; purposes an alteration 
of the worship of the Church of 
Scotland, 99 ; writes to the Scottish 
bishops about a new Prayer-book, 
loi ; receives the news of the riots 
in St. Qiles't II2; cannot acknow- 
ledge his mistake, 114; orders the 
enforcement of the use of the Scottish 
Prayer-book, 115; persists in de- 
manding obedience, 117 ; directs the 
removal of the Council and the Session 

from Edinburgh, 118; refuses to give 
an immediate answer to the petition 
about the Prayer-book, 121 ; seeks 
the advice of Traquair, 122 ; issues a 
proclamation in defence of the 
Prayer-book, 123 ; asserts that he has 
not consulted Englishmen on his 
Scottish policy, 133 ; finds it difficult 
tp resist the Scots, 136; resolves to 
gain time with the Scots, 137 ; de- 
mands the surrenderof the Covenant, 
138; sends Hamilton a declaration, 
141 ; orders Hamilton to obtain the 
surrender of the Covenant, 142 ; pre- 
pares for war, 144 ; permits Hamilton 
to return, 145 ; declares that he will 
only press the Prayer-book in a legal 
way, 146 ; feels despondent, 149 ; 
informs the English Privy Council of 
the state of Scottish afifairs, 150; his 
treatment of Montrose, 157 ; au- 
thorises the meeting of an Assembly 
and Parliament in Scotland, and 
orders the circulation of a new con- 
fession of faith, 162 ; offers to limit 
episcopacy, and directs that a new 
covenant shall be signed, 165 ; 
Charles declares that he is preparing 
for war, 171 ; drifts into war, 179; 
his foreign relations, 180; wishes to 
support the Elector Palatine, 181 ; 
carries on secret negoti itions with 
Spain, 182 ; allows Mary de Medicis 
to land, 185 ; prepares for war with 
Scotland, 189 ; asks for Spanish 
troops, 193 ; orders the publication 
of Laud's Conference with Fisher, 
197 ; states his reasons for going 
to war with Scotland, 198 ; rides into 
York, 205 ; issues a proclamation 
favouring the tenants of Scota in 
rebellion, 209 ; advances to Durham, 
213; sends Aboyne to the Firth of 
Forth, 216; issues a second procla- 
mation to the Scots, 217 ; allows 
Hamilton to negotiate, 218; orders 
reinforcements, 219 ; orders Hamilton 
to return if necessary, 220; arrives 
at Berwick, 224; his proclamation 
described as a Satanic temptation, 
225 ; financial distress of, 227 ; sends 
for Hamilton, 231 ; finds that the 
nobility do not wish to fight, 232 ; 
sees Leslie's army on Dimse Law, 
233 ; opens negotiations with the 
Scots, 237 ; takes part in the discus- 
sions, 238 ; is unable to keep his army 
togetherrouch longer, 239; negotiates 
for Scottish soldiers for the Palatinate, 

VOL. I. 

G G 





243 ; disputes the interpretation put 
by the Scots on his engagements, 
244; summons bishops to the As- 
sembly, 246; believes himself to 
have been misrepresented by the 
Scots, 247 ; complains that the paci- 
fication of Berwick has not been 
observed, 248 ; his altercation with 
Buthes, 249; returns to Whitehall, 
250; directs the Scottish bishops to 
protest against the legality of the 
Assembly, 251 ; wishes to introduce 
ministers into the Scottish Parlia- 
ment, 254; refuses to rescind the 
Scottish Acts establishing Episcopacy, 
255 ; orders the prorogation of the 
Scottish Parliament, 258; his relar 
tions with the Continent, 259 ; seeks 
the help of Spain, 260 ; objects to 
the Dutch claim to the right of 
search, 261 ; orders Pennington to 
protect the Spanish fleet, 262 ; hopes 
to gtiin advantage from the position 
of the Spanish fleet in the Downs, 
264 ; negotiates secretly with Spain, 
265 ; makes offers to France, 267 ; 
send 3 his nephew to Alsace, 268 ; 
renews his negotiations with Spain, 
and is angry at the battle in the 
Downs, 273; and at his nephew's 
imprisonment, 273; makes Went- 
worth his counsellor, 275-278 ; sends 
l>ack the Scottish Commissioners, 
280; agrees to summon Parliament, 

282 ; obtains a loan from the Council, 

283 ; appoints Vane secretary, 294 ; 
libsrates Valentine and Strode, 295 ; 
asHures Kossetti of his protection, 
296 ; offers the Princess Elizabeth to 
Prince William of Orange, 297 ; pro- 
poses a marriage alliance with the 
hlng of Spain, 298; receives the 
letter written by die Covenanters to 
the King of France, 301 ; hears the 
Scottish Commissioners, 30 x ; expects 
to influence Parliament by the inter- 
cepted letter of the Covenanters, 
3oi5 ; sends the letter to the King of 
France, 307 ; opens the short Parlia- 
ment, ibid. ; appeals from the Com- 
mons to the Lords, 319 ; expresses 
his confidence in Straffoid, 322 ; puts 
pressure on the Lords, 324 ; consults 
his Council on the best mode of 
dealing with the Commons, 325 ; 
annoonces a dissolution, 330 ; dis- 
solves ihe Short Parliament, 331 ; 
measures taken by him in preparation 
for a new war with Scotland, 344; 

opens a negotiation with Spain, 346 ' 
hesitates to support Strafford, 348; 
proposals to prorogue the Scottiuh 
Parliament, 352 ; visits Strafford in 
his illness, 356 ; persists in the war 
with Scotland, 357 ; orders the pro- 
rogation of Convocation, 359; com- 
mits Goodman to prison, 366; 
orders the further prorogation of the 
Scottish Parliament, 367 ; thinks of 
compelling the City to Ornish soldiers, 
and of negotiating with the Scots, 
373; sends Loudoun to renew 
negotiations in Scotland, 390 ; orders 
the debasement of the coinage, 392 ; 
offers to make peace with the Scots, 
396 ; countermands the debasement 
of the coinage, 397 ; hesitates in 
face of the expected Scottish invasion, 
407 ; resolves to go to York, 41 1 ; 
answers the Yorkshire Petition, 412 ; 
sets off from London, 413 ; writes 
from York of his need of money, 
415 ; orders trained bands to be sent 
north, 416 ; consults the Council on 
the steps to be taken if the Scots 
march suuth wards, 424 ; expects that 
all men will serve in defence of the 
realm, 425 ; resolves to summon the 
Great Council, 426 ; hopes that his 
subjects will support him, 428; 
reviews his army, 429 ; cannot make 
up his mind to summon Parliament, 
432 ; announces to the Great Council 
that he has summoned Parliament, 
434 ; authorises negotiation with the 
Scots, 435 ; proposes the removal of 
the negotiation from Hipon to Y'ork, 
439 ; accepts the terms agreed to at 
Bipon, 443 ; his expectations from 
the Long Parliament, 444 

Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, is 
defeated by the Imperialists, 181 ; in- 
vites Bemhard to assist him, 260 ; goes 
to France, 268 ; is imprisoned, 274 

Chevreuse, the Duchess of, arrives in 
England, 184; advises the Queen to 
visit Berwick, 240; proposes a mar- 
riage alliance between the Royal 
Families of England and Spain, 298 

Chillingworth, William, his early lifs, 
42 ; comparison of his opinions with 
those of Laud, 43 ; his interooorse 
with Falkland, 44; his Bdigion 0/ 
Protestantd, 46 

Choicelee Wood, Leslie's army at, 403 

Church of England, the, failure of 
Charies's attempt to restore harmoDy 
to, I 





Citj. See London, City of 
CUrendon, Earl of (Edwaixl Hyde), 

critieismB on his Hutory of the Great 

Rebellion , 326, 328 
Ooal-chippers, the regaUtion of the 

tnde of, 73 
Coat-and-eondnct money, speeches 

Agabst, 325 ; slow returnn of, 357 ; 

pressure to collect, 391 
Coinage, the, proposed debasement of, 

392, 396 

Coke, Sir John, threatened with dis- 
missal, 292 ; dismissed, 294 ; gives 
information on a misstatement of the 
Queen's, 296 

Colchester, ecclesiastical court at, 286 

CoItiII, William, intended to go to 
France, 299 ; sets out for, 301 

Commissioners of the opponents of the 
Scottish Prayer-book chosen, 120; 
protests of, against the bishops 
sitting in the Council, 122 ; appoint 
a Committee known as the Tables, 

— of the Scottish Parliament arrive in 
London, 301 ; plead before the King. 
302 ; are imprisoned, 307 ; are set 
at liberty, with the exception of 
Loudoun, 352 

Commissions of Array, issue of, 382 

Committee of Eight, the, consnlts on 
Scottish affairs, 279; Traqiiairs nar- 
rative before, 281 ; consulted on the 
proposed war with Scotlnnd, 333 

Commons, the House of, grievances 
discussed in, 309 ; determines to take 
grievances before supply, 320 ; wishes 
to get rid of arbitrary taxation, 325 ; 
debates the King's demand for twelve 
subsidies, 326 

Communion,the, indictment of aminister 
for refusing to administer to the 
congregation in their seats, 288 

— Table, the. Laud's view on the 
position of, 8 ; declaration of the 
new canons on, 361 ; destruction of 
the rails of, 399, 410 

Con, George, arrives as Papal Agent at 
the Queen's court, 15; his language 
about Laud, 16 ; his influence with 
the Queen, 16 ; attempts to mnkc pro- 
selytes. 1 7 ; urges the Queen to sup- 
port his proselytism, 19; his contest 
with Laud, 21 ; his opinion of New- 
castle's character, 24 ; returns to 
Rome, and dies, 295 

Contribution, the general, demanded for 
the Scottish war, 206 ; small results 
of, 227 ; analysis of, 228 

Convention of Est»ites meets stEdin 
burgh, 366 

Convocation, subsidies voted by. 319; 
continues sitting after the dissolution 
of Parliament, 359 ; grants subsidies, 
360 ; passes canons, 360 ; the right 
to sit after the dissolution questioned, 
365 ; dissolution of, 366 

Conway, Viscount (Edward Conway), 
appointed to command the II (-rs^ 
against the Scots, 291 ; mutiny of 
his troops, 371 ; wishes to execute 
a murderer by martial law, 383 ; 
urges the necessity of fortifying 
Newcastle, 384 ; is ordered to ■ 
exercise martial law, 398; believes 
that an invasion is imminent, 408 ; 
declares Newcastle to be indefensible, 
409 ; his position at Newcastle, 417 ; 
occupies the ford at Newburn, 418 ; 
is defeated, 4x9 ; arrives at Darling- 
ton, 420 

Conyers, Sir John, appointed to com- 
mand the garrison of Berwick, 291 

Corporation, the new, 81 

Corunna, sailing of a Spanish fleet 
from, 263 

Cottington, Lord (Francis Cottington), 
takes Williams's part, 34 ; presses the 
Lord Mayor and Aldermen for a loan, 
240 ; becomes a member of the Com- 
mittee of Eight, 279 ; his speech in the 
Committee of Eight, 336 ; sent to ask 
the City for a loan, 396 ; attempts to 
obtain a loan from France, 398 ; raises 
money for the Crown on pepper, 414 ; 
appointed Constable of the Tower, 416 

Council, the Great, its summons re- 
commended, 425; resolution of the 
King to call, 426 ; meets, 434 ; gives 
security for a loan, 435 ; last meeting 

of, 443 . 
— the Privy, is informed of the state 
of aflkirs in Scotland, 149 ; committee 
on Scottish affairs appointed from, 
150 ; does not expect to get money 
enough for the army, 227 ; presses 
the Lord Mayor for a loan, 237 ; 
agrees to the calling of a Parliament, 
282 ; offers a loan to the King, 283 ; 
proposes to burn a heretic, 289 ; its 
opinion asked on the projected dis- 
solution of the Short Parliament, 330 ; 
amount raised by loan from, 353 ; 
attempts to enforce payment of ship- 
money and coat-and-conduct numey, 
357 ; recommends the summoning of 
the Oreat Council, 425 ; Hertford and 
Bedford before, 427 

u e 3 





Council, the Soottish, explains the 
difficalty of enforcing the use of the 
Prayer Book, 115 ; finds the opposi- 
tion too strong, 116 ; ordered to re- 
move from Edinburgh, 1 18 ; hesitates 
to support the King, 146 

CoYenant, the King's, ordered to be 
substituted for the National Gove- 
nant, 165 ; protestation against, 166; 
few signatures obtained to, 167 

— the Scottish National, its substance, 
126 ; its signature in Edinburgh, 130 ; 
is circulated in Scotland, 133 ; signa- 
tures exacted to, 134; its surrender 
demanded by the King, 14 x ; Went- 
worth's opinion of, 154; proposal to 
oppose it with another confession of 
fkith, 162 

Covenanters, the, terms demanded by 
them, 141 ; refuse to surrender the 
Covenant, 143; engage to disperse, 
145 ; appeal from the King to the 
Assembly and Parliament, 146 ; are 
encouraged by Hamilton, 147; en- 
gage not to choose an Assembly 
before Hamilton's return, 164 ; pro- 
test against the King's proclamation, 
166; accuse the Bishops before the 
Presbytery of Edinburgh, 170; ap- 
peal to the English people, 196 ; 
write to Essex, 213 ; negotiate with 
Hamilton, 220; invited to Berwick, 
248 ; communicate with the Eling of 
France, 299; intercepted letter of, 
301, 306 ; question the right of the 
King to prorogue Parliament, 367 

Coventry, Lord (Thomas Coventry), 
lends money to the King, 283 ; dies, 

Craven, Lord (William Craven), taken 
prisoner by the Imperialists, 181 

Crawley, Justice, his judgment in the 
ship-money case, 66 

Crew, John, imprisoned, 344 

Croke, Justice, his judgment on the 
ship-money case, 67 

Cromwell, Oliver, his proceedings in 
connection with the draining of the 
fens, 89 ; nickname of ' Lord of the 
Fens ' applied to, 90 

Crosby, Sir Patrick, attacks Wentworth, 
275 ; is sentenced in the Star Cham- 
ber, 276 

Cumberland, Earl of (Henry Clifford), 
commands at Carlisle, 191 

Cumbernauld, the bond of, 405 

DALKEITH, gunpowder stored at, 
141 ; taken by the Covenanters, 201 

Dalzell, Lord (Robert Dalzell), created 
Earl of Camwath, 258 

Danish troops, proposal to introduce 
into England, 398 

Davenant, John, Bishop of Salisbury, 
his remark on the position of the 
Communion table. 8 

Denbigh, Earl of (William Fielding), 
Con*s contempt for, 18 

Dickson, David, is ready to persuade 
those who hesitate to sign the Cove- 
nant, 1 30; accompanies Montrose to 
Aberdeen, 161 ; Moderator of the 
Assembly of Edinburgh, 252 

Divine right of kings, the, view of the 
canons on, 262 

Dorset, Earl of (Edward Sackville), his 
duel referred to by Bastwick, 7 ; 
threatens the Vintners, 76 ; charges 
Hamilton with treason, 207 ; makes 
excuses for lawyers who had drunk 
confusion to the archbishop, 352 

Drummond, of Hawthomden, William, 
approves of the King's proclamation, 

Dumbarton secured for the King, 145 ; 
seizure by the Covenanters of the 
castle of, 201 ; again captured by the 
Covenanters, 433 

Dunfermline, Esxl of (diaries Set on), 
sent to open negotiations with the 
king, 235 ; visits Charles at Ber- 
wick, 249 ; arrives in London on a 
mission from the Scottish Parlia- 
ment, 279; his overtures to Belli- 
evre, 300 

Dunglas, Leslie's camp at^ 224 

Dunse, Arunders proceedings at, 225 

Dunse Law, occupied by the Scots, 233 

Durham, city of, occupied by the Scots, 

— , county of, trained bands of, 415 

bargain for the sale of pepper to 
the King, 414 
EdinburglC riot at the reading of the 
new Prayer Book at, 109; second 
riot at, 116; third riot at, 118; sig- 
nature of the Covenant at, 130; nego- 
tiation for the surrender of the castle 
of, 145 ; purchase by Hamilton of 
the castle of, 170 ; seizure by the 
Covenanters of the castle of, 200; 
Ruthven in command of the castle of, 
246; riot at, 247,* opening of the 
Assembly at, 252 ; opening of the 
Parliament at, 253 ; bad condition of 





the castle of, 303 ; siege of the castle 
of, 324, 367 ; surrender of the castle 

off 433 

E^linton, Lord (Alexander Montgo- 
mery), directed to watch the west 
coast of Scotland, 366 

EikoH Banlike, quotation from, 444 

Elector Palatine. See Charles Lewis. 

Elizabeth, Electress Palatine, and titu- 
lar Queen of Bohemia, hopes for as- 
sistance from Scottish soldiers, 243 

— the Princess, marriage with Prince 
William of Orange proposed for her, 

Elphinstone, Sir William, attacked by 

the mob at Edinburgh, 247 
English Army, the. See Army, the 

Esmond, Robert, alleged manslaughter 

of, by Wentworth, 275 
Essex, destruction of communion rails 

in, 399 

— Earl of (Robert Devereux), ap- 
pointed second in command in the 
first war against the >Scots, 192 ; re- 
ceives a letter from the Covonantf rs, 
213; TOtes against interfering with 
the Commons, 321 

Estates of the realm, new definition of 
the, 318 

Etcetera oath, the, enjoined, 364 ; sus- 
pended, 412 

Ettrick, Lord (Patrick Ruthven), his 
position in Edinburgh Castle, 303; 
fires upon the town, 324 ; continues 
to hold out, 389; surrenders, 433 

Eure, Lieutenant, murder of, 394 

Excise, proposed, 281 

]^ABRONI denies that the Queen 
Mother is coming to England, 185 

Falkland, Viscount (Henry Cary), his 
death, 39 

— , Viscount (Lucius Cary), his early 
life, 38 ; his character, 40 

Fens, the drainage of, 83 

Finances, the, flourishing condition of, 
70 ; distress of, 227 

Finch of Fordwich, Lord (John Finch), 
reads the Covenanters* letter to Par- 
liament, 308; obtains an adjournment 
of the House of Lords, 3 1 1 ; his speech 
to the Short Parliament^ 319; ap- 
proves of the prolongation of Convo- 
cation, 359 

Finch, Sir John, Chief Justice of the 
Common Pleas,his conduct atPrynne*s 
trial, 6 ; his judgment in the ship- 
money case, 67 ; appointed Lord 

Keeper, 292 ; created Lord Finch, 

308. See Finch of Fordwich, Lord 
Forest Courts, the, 71 
Forthar, burning of the Earl of Airlie's 

house at, 388 
France, navy of, 188; proposed loan 

from, 377 ; attempt to obtain a loan 

from, 398 
Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange, 

proposes a marriage between his son 

and the Princess Mary, 297 

GAGE, Colonel, suggests that Spanish 
troops may be used in England, 193 

Garway, llenry. Lord Mayor, threatened 
for refusing to lend money to the 
King, 345 ; attempts to distrain for 
ship-money, 372 

Geere, Alderman, committed to prison, 

Genoese loan, a, proposed, 377 

Gerbier, Balthazar, carries on a secret 
negotiation at Brussels, 182 

Glanvi lie, John, attacks ship-money, 327 

Glasgow, the Assembly meets at, 171 

Goodman, Godfrey, Bishop of Glouces- 
ter, retains his bishopric after conver- 
sion to the Roman Catholic Church, 
365 ; is committed to prison, 366 

Gordon, Lord, accompanies Huntly to 
Edinburgh, 204 

Gordon, Sir Lewis, imprisoned by the 
Covenanter**, 303 

Great Council, the. See Council, the 

Great Level, the, drainage of, 86 

Grey Friars' Church, signature of the 
Covenant at, 130 

Grimston, Harbottle, early life and 
character of, 309 ; placed in the chair 
of the Committee on Grievances, 317 

Gun, Colonel, alleged treachery of, 242 

HACKNEY coaches, licences for, 82 
Hales, John, of Eton, his character 

and opinions, 49; his conversation 

with Laud, 52 ; becomes a Canon of 

Windsor, 53 
Hall, Joseph, Bishop of Exeter, his 

Episcopacy by Divine Right, 318 ; 

forced to beg pardon for insulting 

Saye, 319 
Hamburg, Congress at, 180 
Hamilton, the Marchioness of, failure 

of Mrs. Porter to convert, 18 
Hamilton, the Marquis of (James 

Hamilton), makes money by the 

Vintners, 76; obtains a patent for 





licensing liackuey coaches, 82 ; his 
character, 138; is sent as commis- 
biouer to Scotland, 140 ; threatens 
Il«'the8, 141 ; arrives at Edinburgh, 
143 ; suggests that an explanation 
may be added to the Coyenanl, 144 ; 
proposes to advise the calling of 
an Assembly and Parliament, 145 ; 
secretly encouroges the Covenant«Ts, 
147; returns to England, 148; his 
second missiou to Scotland, 162; 
attempts to divide the Covenanters, 
163 ; returns again to England, and 
comes back to Scotland with freth 
overtures, 164; advises that the 
Assembly be allovred to proceed to 
business, 169; purchases Edinburgh 
Castle, 170 ; presides in the As- 
sembly of Glasgow, 171 ; his account 
of the Assembly, 172 ; his dis- 
pleasure with the Bishops, 173 ; 
advocates war. 174; dissolves 
the Assembly, 175 ; reports on 
his mission before the English 
Council, 179; cliarged by Dorset 
with treason, 207 ; sent to the Firth 
of Forth, 209 ; writes from Yarmouth 
complaining of his troops, 210; 
occupies Inchkeith and Inchcolm, 
214 ; despairs of success, 215 ; pro- 
poses concet'sions to the Scots, 217 ; 
negotiates with the Covenanters, 
220; his opinion on the chances of 
the war, 221 ; sends two regiments 
to Berwick, 222 ; his reception of 
Aboyne, 223; ordered to come to 
Berwick, 232 ; arrives at "Berwick, 
236 ; advises Charles to abolish 
episcopacy, 237 ; is abused by the 
mob at Edinburgh, 246 ; resigns the 
Commissionership, 248 ; is autho> 
rised to talk freely with the Cove- 
nanters, 248 ; becomes a member of 
the Committee of Eight, 279 ; sup- 
ports a proposal to call a Parliament 
in England, 281 ; advises Charles to 
send Loudoun to Scotland, 390 ; ob- 
jects to Charles's journey to York, 
411 ; proposes to betray the Scots, 

Bamilton, William, created Earl of 

Lanark, 258 
Hampden, John, his ship-money case, 

58; Wentworth's opinion of his 

treatment, 153 ; speaks in the Short 

Parliament, 326 
Hatfield Chase, drainage of, 83 
Hay, Sir John, nvide Ixird Frovott of 

Edinburgh, 116; is uLable to quiet 

the mob, 119; suggests that the 
opponents of the Prayer-book shall 
choose Commissioners, 120 
Health Office, proposal to erect a, 80 
Henderson, Alexander, draws up a 
petition against the Scottish Prayer- 
book, 113; appears before the 
Council, 115 ; takes part in drawing 
up the Covenant, 126; is ready to per- 
suade those who heaitat^ to sign the 
Covenant, 1 30 ; accompanies Montrose 
to Aberdeen, 161 ; is the probable 
author of the protestation against 
the King's Covenant-, 166 ; ia choeen 
Moderator of the Assembly of Glas- 
gow, 1 72 ; his speech in the Assembly, 
174 ; puts the question whether the 
Assembly can judge the Bishops, 175 
Henrietta Maria, Queen, is urged by 
Con to make proselytes, 16 ; her 
contebt with I^ud, 19 ; treats the 
proclamation against the Catholics 
with contempt, 22; receives money 
from the Londonderry fines, 81 ; 
Richelieu's overtures to, 184 ; begs 
that her mother may be allowed to 
land in England, 185 ; urges the 
Catholics to contribute to the Scottish 
war, 228; proposes a contribution 
by the ladies, 229; talks of visiting 
the army, 240; gains over Charles 
to the French. 267 ; supports Leices- 
ter and afterwards Vane for the 
Secretaryship, 294; is afraid lest 
Parliament will atrack the Catholics, 
295; begs the King to protect 
Kossetti and to keep the C&tholie 
Lords in Parliament, 296 ; her high 
estimation of Strafford, 322 ; assailtd 
for her part in politics, 350 ; her 
overtures to Rome, 351 ; protects the 
Catholics, 377 ; is refused a loan by 
Rome, 398 
Herbert of Cherbury, Lord (Edward 
Herbert), proposes to resist the Scots, 

Hertford, Earl of (William Seymour), 

votes against interference with the 

Commons, 321 

Hertfordshire, resistance to coat-and- 
conduct money in, 358 

Heylyn, Peter, publishes A Coal from 
ike jUar, 36 ; his account of a con- 
versation with Hales, 53 

High Commission, Court of, its sen- 
tence on Bastwick, 5 ; Act Book of, 
286 ; riot in, 442 

Highlanders, use of bo«s and arrows 
by, 230 ; thtir fear of the cannon, 243 





Holborne, Robert, his aiffnment in the 
ship-money case, 6i ; argues for the 
Edrl of Bedford in the case of the 
fens, 91 

Holland, Earl of (Henry Rich), holds 
forest courts, 7 1 ; appointed to com- 
mand the Hone in the first Scottish 
■war, 192 ; Totes nnwillingly by the 
Einjt't orders, 324 ; objects to 
Charles's jonmey to York, 411 

Hope, Sir Thomas, said to have insti- 
gated the riot at St. Giles*, III; 
supports the petitioners n gainst the 
Prayer-book, 121 ; his conversation 
with Rothes, 302 

HoptoD, Sir Arthur, conveys to the 
Spanish Government Charles's pro- 
posals about the fight in the Downs, 

Hotham, Sir John, attacks the military 
charges, 328 ; is imprisoned, 344 ; is 
set at liberty, 351 

Hull, a military magazine to be created 
at, 170 

Huntly, Marquis of (George Gordon), 
his influence in the Highlands, 160 ; 
proposed by Jlamilton as Lieutenant 
of the North, 174; appointed Lieu- 
tenant of the North, and ilisraisses 
his troops, 202 ; his interview with 
Montrose, 203 ; is carrie<l to Edin- 
burgh, 204; refuses to sign the 
Covenant, 205 ; retires to England, 

Hutchinson. John, his character. 28 

Hutton, Justice, his judgment in the 
case of ship-money, 67 ; employed 
to mediate in a dispute about Hat- 
field Chase, 85 

Hyde, EdwHrd, opposes Hampden in 
the Short Parliament, 326 

FCHCOLM, occupied by Hamilton, 
Inchkeith, occupied by Hamilton, 214 
Inverury, Huntly at, 202; plundered 

by Montrose, 203 
Ireland, Wentworth *s government of, 1 50 

JARS, the Chevalier do, released from 
captivity. 184 

Joachimi, Albert, protests against the 
protection given to Spanish soldiers, 

Johnston of Warriston, Archibald, left 
at Edinburgh on behalf of the oppo- 
nents of the Prayer-book, 118 ; reads 
a protest at Stirlini*, 124; proposes 

• the renewal of the Covenant. 126; is 

chosen clerk of the Assembly of 
Glasgow, 172; argnes that Parlia- 
ment may meet in defiance of the 
King's commands, 369; writes to 
Lord Savile, 401 
Junto, the, see Committee of Eight 
Juxon, '\^'illiam. Bishop of London 
(Lord Treasurer), revises the 
Scottish canons, 103 ; offers to find 
200,cxx>/ for the Scottish war, 144; 
finds he cannot raise the money, 150; 
becomes a member of the Committee 
of Eight, 279 

KEBLE, John, his opinion on the 
churches in Scotland, loi 
Kelso, a Scottish army at, 229 ; Hol- 
land's mnrch to, 230 
Kent, behaviour of the soldiers pressed 

in. 349 . 
Kilvert, Richard, brings charges against 

Bishop Williams, 33 ; presses the 

Vintners for money, 77 

Kirobolton, Lord, aee Mandeville, Vis- 

Knight-service, tenants by, ordered to 
follow the King to the field, 412 

Knott, Ed ward, his Charity mistaken, 44 

LAMBETH, attack of riot<»rs upon, 
Lanark, Earl of (William Hamilton), 

announces to the Scots that the King 

has summoned the Great Council, 420 

Large Declaration, the, its publication, 

Latitndinarianism, infiuence of, 52 
Laud, William, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, his efforts to promote unity in 
the Church, 2 ; attempts to suppress 
unlicensed publications. 3 ; his speech 
at the trial of Prynne, Burton, and 
Bastwick, 7; his opinion on the 
ceremonies, and on the royal authority, 
8; publication of his speech. 9; his 
dissatisfaction with Pi^rnne's speech 
in the pillory, li; libels on, 12; 
urges measures against the Catho- 
lics, 14; Con's talk about his con« 
version, 16; urges the King to 
stop Con's proselytism, 19 ; his contest 
witn the Qneen, 20; is too easily 
frightened by the PuritJins, 32 ; em- 
ployed by Williams as mediator, 34 ; 
his convorsations with Hales, $2\ 
increases the tithes paid to the City 
clergy, 81 ; his opinion on the churches 
in Scotland, 99 ; rp.viscs the Scottish 
Canons and Pr»iyer-l)Ook, 103 : insists 





upon the use of the Scottish Prayer- 
book, 112; eaves Archie Armstrong 
from a flogging, 1 33 ; regrets the Qaeen 
Mother's visit, 186; his CfynferencB 
with Fisher published, 197 ; his opin- 
ion of the Pacification of Berwick, 
250; urges the King to support 
Wentworth, 277 ; becomes a member 
of the Committee of Eight, 279 ; sup- 
ports the proposal to summon Parlia- 
ment, 281 ; thinks the Church is 
conformable, 286 ; refers Trendall's 
- case to the Council, 289; Northumber- 
land's ill opinion of, 294; proposes 
the adjournment of the House of Lords 
during the sittings of Convocation, 
311 ; his speech in the Committee of 
Eight, 336 ; libellous placards against, 
348; does not expect die prolongation 
of Convocation, 359; suspends Bishop 
Goodman, 366 

Leicester, Earl of ( Robert Sydney), a 
candidate for the Secretaryship, 292 

Leith, fortifications of, 214 

Lennox, Duke of (James Stuart), fS&vours 
Williams, 35; foiled speech attri- 
buted to, 170 

Leslie, Alexander, his early life, 195 ; 
appointed to the command of the 
Scottish army, 196; enters Aberdeen, 
203; is expected to appear on the 
Border, 210; encamps at Douglas, 224; 
marches to the Borders, 231 ; encamps 
on Dunse Law, 233 ; respect shown to 
him, 234 ; proposes to provide 
soldiers for the Elector Palatine, 243 ; 
prepares to invade England, 391 ; 
encamps at Choicelee Wood, 403 

Lewis XIII., King of France, refuses 
to allow his mother to return to 
France, 186; birth of his son, 187; 
disavows having communicated with 
the Covenanters, 307 

Lilbum, John, charged with importing 
unlicensed books, 30; his trial and 
sentence in the Star Chamler, 31 

Limerick, Wentworth at, 151 

Lincolnshire, drainage of fens in, 86 

Lindsay, Bishop of Edinburgh, tri^s to 
quiet the rioters at St. Giles', 109 ; 
escapes with difficulty, 1 10 

Li nd£ey, Earl of ( Robert Bertie), ordered 
to take men to Berwick, 191 

Linlithgow, the King s proclamation at, 

Loftus of Ely, Viscount (Adam Loftus), 
his dispute with Wentworth, 276; 
prosecution of, 278 

L ndon, the city of, growth of buildings 

in, 78 ; prohibition of new buildings 
in, 79 ; reduction of the fine on, 80 ; 
tithes payable to the clergy of, 81 ; 
proposal to extend the municipal 
boundaries of, ib,; importance of, 
93 ; its institutions, 94 ; asked for 
a loan for the Scottish war, 206 ; 
another loan demanded of, 229 ; pres- 
sure put on, 239; a loan f»gpiin de- 
manded tiom, 307 ; threats used by 
Strafford to the citizens of, 345 ; 
attempt to extract ship-money from, 
372 ; objects to furnish men for the 
Scottish war, 373; refuses to lend to 
the King, 396; rejects Roe's request 
for a loan for the King, 400 ; petitions 
for a Parliament, 431 ; loan gua- % 
ranteed by the Peers from, 435 ; elec- 
tion of a Lord Mayor of, 438*442 ; 
loan by, 442 

Londonderry, case of, in the Star Cham- 
ber, 80 

Lord's Day, the, attacks on the Puritan 
conception of, 2 * 

Lords, the House of, refuses to adjourn 
during the meetings of Convocation, 
311; questions Mainwaring's appoiiit- 
ment to a bishopric, 317; Charles's 
appeal to, 320 ; supports the King, 
321 ; maintains its position by a 
decreased majority, 323 

— of the Articles, the, reconstruction 

of» 253 
Lome, Lord (Archibald Campbell), his 

feeling about the new Prayer-kxx>k, 

III. See Argyle, Earl of 

Loudoun, Earl of (John Campbell), re- 
vises the Covenant, 126 ; visits Charles 
at Berwick, 249; arrives in London 
on amission from the Scottish Parlia- 
ment, 779 ; his overtures to Bellievre, 
300 ; imprisoned by the King, 301 ; 
examinea, 309; sent back to cego- 
tiate in Scotland, 390; enters into 
communication with Savile, 401 

Lyddca^ the, its publication, 25 ; its 
attack on the Laudian system, 26 

Lyttelton, Sir Edward, bis argument in 
the ship-money case^ 60 

MAINWARING, Roger, Bishop of 
St. David's, his appointment to a 
bishopric questioned, 317 
Maltsters and brewers, r^ulation of the 

trade of, 75 

Malveszi, the Marquis Virgilio, arrives 

rs Spanish ambassador to England, 

346 ; MOton's reference to, 346, note 2 

Manchester, Earl of (Henry Montague), 





lendfl mooey to the King, 283 ; urges 
the citizens to lend money, 307 ; sug- 
gests the sammoning of the Great 
Council, 425 

liandeTille, Viscount (Edward Mon- 
tague), appealed to by the Scots, 437 

Har, Earl of (John Erskine), treats 
with Hamilton fur the surrender of 
Edinburgh Giistle, 145; holds Stirling 
Castle for the CoTeoanters, 201 

Marischiil, Earl (William Keith), drives 
the royalists out of Aberdeen, 223 ; 
accompanies Monro to Aberdeen. 386 ; 
signs the Bond of Cumbernauld, 405 

Martial law, question of the right to 
exercise, 383 ; Conway ordered to 
exercise, 398 

Marv de Medicis, her stay at Brussels, 
104; proposes to visit England, 185; 
arrives in London. 186; her apart- 
ments threatened, 349 

— , the Princess, marriage with Prince 
Will iam of Orange proposed for her, 297 

Mastership of the Rolls, suld to Sir 
Charles Csesar. 206 

Maxwell, John (Bishop of Ross), said 
to wish to be Treasurer, 1 1 1 

Melander, negotiation for the purchase 
of his troops, 181 

Meppen seized by the Imperialists, 181 

Michell, David, insulted for refusing to 
sign the Covenant, 135 

Michelson, Margaret, declnres that the 
Covenant came from heaven, 167 

Middleton, John, storms the Bridge of 
Dee, 242 

Military charges, the, objections taken 

to, 325. 327. 328 
— oaih refused by Saye and Brooke, 

Milton, John, bis Lycidaiy 25 ; his 

attack on the Laudian system, 26 ; 

his reference to Malvezzi, 346, note 2 
Mint, the, debasement of the coinage at, 


Monopolies, corporate, 71 

Monro, Colonel, his regiment kept on 
foot, 248 ; sent to the North of Scot- 
land, 38J 

Monsigot, his mission to England, 185 

Monson, Sir John, appears agaiust 
Williams. 35 

Montague, Richard, becomes Bishop of 
Norwich, 287 ; his account of his 
dioceses, 288 

— , Walter, urges the Queen to secure 
proselytes, 16; is employed as agent 
for the Catholic contribution, 208 

Montreuil, M. de, his evidence on the 

King's intention to employ the Irish 
army in England, 337 

Montrose, Earl of (James Graham\ his 
early years, 157 ; takes part with the 
Covenanters, 158; his first entry 
into Aberdeen, 161 ; appears at Tur- 
riff, 201 ; his second entry into 
Aberdeen, 202; his interview with 
Huntly, 203; carries Huntly to 
Edinburgh, 204; allows Aboyne to 
escape, 205 ; refuses to plunder Aber- 
deen, 223; defeats Aboyne at the 
Bridge of Dee, 241 ; enters Aber- 
deen the third time, 242; visits 
Charles at Berwick, 248 ; his Par- 
liamentary policy, 255 ; signs the 
letter of the Covenanters to the 
king of France, 302 ; urges that Par- 
liament should be prorogued in obe- 
dience to the King's commands, 369 ; 
his ideas compared with those of 
Strafford, 370 ; attempts to protect 
the House of Airlie, 38S; cause of 
the weakness of his pulicy, 390 ; his 
hostility to Arg,>les dictatorship, 
404; signs the Bond of Cumber- 
nauld, 405 ; crosses the Tweed at 
the head of the army, 413 

Morocco, the King of, surrenders 
English captives, 56 

Mount norris, Lord (Francis Annesley), 
attacks Wentworth, 27$ 

Murford, Nicholas, invents a new mode 
of making salt, 75 

NAPIER, Lord (Archibald Napier) 
his opinion on the political em- 
ployment of the clergy, 98 

Neile, Archbishop, objects to foreign 
Protestant worship in Hatfield Chase, 
85 ; is consulted on the procee<linga 
in the case of Wightman and Legate, 
289; advises the burning of Tren- 
dall, 290 

Newburn, Conway posts himself oppo- 
site, 418 ; victory of the Scots at, 419 

Newcatitle, necessity of f(>rtifying, 384 ; 
fortifications not completed at, 418; 
occupied by the Scots, 420 

— , Earl of (William Cavendif<h) 
character of, 24 ; lends money to the 
King, 283 

Newport, Earl of (Mountjoy Blount), 
his anger at his wife's conversion, 
19; bargains with Cardenas and 
Oquendn, 264, 268; declares that he 
had voted against the King by mis- 
take, 324 

— , Lady, trirs to prevent her father 





from changinfi^ his reli^^'on, 17 ; 
changes her own religion, 18 
NorthumberlandfScottish invasion of,4l4 
Northumberland, Earl of (Algernon 
Percy), is appointed Lord Admiral, 
137 ; approves of Tromp's proceed- 
ings, 261 ; is puzzled by contradictory 
orders, 266 ; becomes a member of 
the Committee of Eight, 279; ap- 
pointed General of the army, 291 ; 
his ill opinion of Land, 294; sees no 
advantage in an offensive war, 355 ; 
despondency of, 353, 384; predicts 
failure, 394 ; orders Conway to exer- 
cise martial law, 398 

O'^ILVY, Lord (James Ogilvy), 
created Earl of Airlie. 258 

— , Lord (James Ogilvy). left to keep 
the House of Airlie, 388 

Olivares, Count of. Duke of San Lucar, 
suspects Charles's sincerity, 182 ; re- 
fuses an alliance with Charles, 398 

Onate, the Count of, wishes to build a 
large chapel, 20 

Oquendo, Antonie de, is defeated in 
the Straits of DoTor, 263 ; takes re- 
fuge in the Downs, 264 ; is promised 
assistance by Newport, 269 ; is de- 
feated in the Downs, 272 

Orange, Prince of. Bee Frederick Henry 

Ormond, Eiarl of (James Butler), sup- 
ports Wentworth in Ireland, 151 

Osbaldiston, Lambert, writes an attack 
on Laud. IQ7; escapes punishment, 198 

Osborne, Sir Edward, gives a dis- 
couraging account of the state of 
Yorkshire, 409 

PALATINATE, proposal to send 
Scottish soldiers to, 243 

Paigpter, William, refuses to pay coat- 
and ronduct money, 381 ; his case 
postponed, 382 

^rliament, the English, proposal to 
summon, 281. 8u Parliament, the 

— , the Irish, proposal to summon, 283 ; 
votes money to the King, 304 ; ob- 
jects to the mode in which subsidies 
are levied, 374 

— , the Scottish, is summoned to meet 

. in Edinburgh, 165 ; day of its meet- 
ing fixed, 241 ; constitutional changes 
in, 253; formation of parties in, 255; 
demands further concessions from 
Charles, 258 ; prorogation of, 280 ; 
the King orders it« further proroga- 
tion, 367 ; passes thu Bills before it. 

370 ; appoints a Committee of Estates, 


Parliament, the Short, expectation th«t 
it will be overawed by militaiy force, 
284; elections to, 306; opening o^, 
307 ; threatened with a dissolution, 
325 ; is dissolved, 331 ; character of 
its work, 331 

Peers, petition of, for a Parliament, 


Pennington, John, sent to the Firth of 

Forth, 200; approves of Tromp's 
proceed- ngs, 261 ; keeps the peace in 
the Downs, 264; receives unintelli- 
gible instructions, 269 ; is present at 
the Battle of the Down«, 272 
Pepper, money raised on the sale of, 

Perth, Articles of, their enforcement, 99 
Petition of Rights, the alleged infringe- 
ment of, 399 

— of the City of London, 431 ; pre- 
sented to the King, 433 

— of the Peers, 423 

Pfalzburg, the Princess of, carries on a 
negotiation with Gorbier, 182 

Physicians, the College of, report on 
overcrowding in London, 80 

Porter, Endyraion, is s'^nt with a mes- 
sage to Cardenas, 270 

— , Mrs., converts her father on his 
death-bed, 17 ; fails to convert Lady 
Hamilton, 18 

Post-office, establishment of a, 82 

Potter, Dr., replies to Knott s Chanty 
Mistaken^ 44 

Prayer-book, the new Scottish, its pre- 
paration ordered, loi ; is drawn up, 
105 ; attempt to read it at St. Giles's, 
109 ; its use suspended in Edinburgh, 
112; Henderson*s petition against, 
114; difficulty in enforcing the use 
of, 115; supplication against, 120; 
Charles's defence of, 123 ; absolutely 
revoked by the King, 164 

Pregion, John, a witness in Williams's 
case, 34 

Press, the unlicensed, 3 ; Star Chamber 
decree against, 14 

Prynne, William, his Divine Tragedy, 
3 ; his UetDS from Ipswich, 4 ; his 
trial in the Star Chamber, 6 ; execu- 
tion of the sentence on, 9 ; his 
triumphal progress and imprison- 
ment, 1 1 ; Wentworth's opinion of 
his treatment, 152 

Pym, J«hn, speaks on grievances in the 
Short Parliament, 311 ; his opinion 
on ParJiameutary privilege, 312 ; his 





Yiew of the ecclesiabtical grierances, 
313; complains of the civil grievances, 
315; proposes a remedy, 317; in- 
duces the Commons not to TOte pup- 
pljr before their grieTances are re- 
dressed, 323 ; resolves to move that 
the King t>e requested to come to 
terms nvith the Scots, 330; is pro- 
\mb\y the author of the petition to 
the Peers, 424 ; appeals to the people, 

RABY, Strafford offends Vane by 
taking a title from, 294 
Badcliffe, Sir Oeuige, rejects Straff -rd's 
advice to turn the Soots out of Ulster, 
Bainsborough, Captain, commands an 

expedition to Sal lee, 56 
Bainton, Alderman, committed to prison, 

Bheinfelden, battle of, 187 

Richelieu, Cardinal, acciuires the ser- 
vices of Melander's army. 182 ; wishes 
to be on friendly terms with the 
Queen, 184; supposetl to stir up 
troubles in Scotland, 188. 260 ; wins 
over the officers of Bcrnhard's army, 
267 ; supports Tromp, 27 1 ; rcfupes 
to help the Scot8, 300; is FaMsfitd 
that he has kept clear of the Scots, 

Bipon, negotiation with the Scots at, 
436 ; conclusion of an agreement at, 


Bne, Sir Thomas, sent to tho Congress 
at Hamburg, 180; his account of the 
desolation of Germany, 259 ; opposes 
tlie dohamment of the coinage, 393 ; 
asks tho City for a loan, 400 

Bossetti, Count, arrives as Papal AgeLt, 
295 ; application for money and men 
made to, 351 ; threat to murder, 359 

Bothes, Earl of (John Leslie), objects 
to the introduction of the English 
Prayer-book into Scotland, 121 ; ap- 
peals to the gentry for support, 124 ; 
revises the Covenant, 126 ; his inter- 
view with Uamilton, 141 ; visits 
Charles at Berwick, 248 ; his alter- 
cation with Charles. 249; his conver- 
sation with Hopf", 302; argues that 
Parliament may meet in defiance of 
the King's commands, 369 

Budyerd, Sir Benjamin, his speech in 
the Short Parliament, 310 

Bupert, Prince, taken prisoner by the 
Imperialists, 181 

Buthven, Patrick, General, made Go- 

vernor of Edinburgh Castle. 246; 
created Lord Ettrick, 258. <8^e£ttrick, 

ST. GILES*, riot at. 109 
St. John, Oliver, his argument on 
ship-money, 58; is employe*! in the 
case of the fens, 90 ; his satihfaction 
at the di8(>olution of the Short Par- 
liament, 332 

Sallee, expedition to, 56 

Salt-works, the. 74 

Sabbath, the, Puritan ccnroption of, 3 

Savilo, Sir William, asks that ship- 
money may be abolislied, 327 

— , Viscount (Thomas Savile), re- 
ceives a letter from Johnston of War- 
riston, 401 ; forged ii.vibition sent 
to the Scots by, 402 ; confesses his 
forgery, 437 

Sayeand Seie, Lord (William Fiennes), 
opposes the legality of ship-money, 
58 ; objects in follow the King to the 
war, 192 ; refuses the military oath, 
212 ; is insulted by Hall, 319; votes 
against interfering with the Com- 
mons, 321 

Scotland, rivalry of the nobles and 
bishops of, 97 ; condition of the 
Church of, 98 ; intention of Charles 
to alter the worship of, 99 ; Trere- 
ton's account of, 100 ; new Prayer- 
book proposed for, 10 1 ; ecclesiastical 
organisation of, 102 ; character of 
the bishops of, 103; preparation of 
canons and a Prayer-book for, thid. ; 
dislike of the new Prjiyer-book in, 
107 ; resistance to the Prayer-book 
in, 109 ; proceedings of the Privy 
Council of, III ; growth of the 
opposition to the Prayer-book in, 
11^; National Covenant of, 126; its 
religion, 134; Wentworth's plea for 
the treatment of, 154; training of 
its soldiers in Germany, 194 ; favour- 
able terms offered by Charles to the 
tenants of, 209 ; resistance to Hamil- 
ton of, 214 ; its coercion rcFolved on, 
281 ; its relations with France, 299; 
overtures made to Bellievre, on be- 
half of, 300 ; recommencement of 
war in, 324 

Scottish Army, the. See Army, the 

— manifestoes, 410 

Selby, collection of troops at, 409 

Separatists, failure of the Church 
Courts to suppress, 288 ; burial of 
one of their number, 289 





Session, Scottish Ck)tirt of, ordered to 
remoje from Edinburgh, 118 

Seymour, Sir Francis, attacks the 
ecclesiastical grievances, 311 

Shields, salt-works at, 74 

Ship-money meets an actual need, 
55 ; attacked as illegal, 56 ; Hamp- 
den's case of, 58; collection of the 
arrears of, 69 ; reduced lery of, 1 90; 
. paid in blowly, 206 ; again demanded, 
281; attacked by Glanrille, 327; 
enforced payment of, 345 ; slow 
return of, 357 ; difficulty of collecting 
fn London, 372 

Soames, Alderman, committed to prison, 

Toap-makers, Corporation of the, 73 

Southampton, Earl of (Thomas Wriothe- 
sley), votes against interfering with 
the Commons, 321 

Southesk, Earl of, imprisoned by the 
Covenanters, 303 

Southwark, riotous assemblsges at, 

348. 358 

Spain, Charles's secret negotiations 
with, 182, 346 ; attempt to obtain, 
a loan from, 397 

Spanish troops, proposed smployment 
of, in England, 193 ; sent to Flanders 
in English ships, 261 

Spottiswoode, John, Archbishop, is 
made Chancellor of Scotland, 97 ; 
has St. Giles' cleared of rioters, 1 10 ; 
advises the suspension of the old 
and new Prayer-book, 112; recom- 
mends concession, 132 

Star Chamber, the, trial of Prynne, 
Burton, and Bastwick in, 6 ; decree 
against unlicensed books in, 14 ; 
trial of Lilburn in, 31 ; case of 
Williams in, 33 ; second case of 
Williams in, 197 

Starchmakers, the, 75 

Stirling, proclamation read at, 123; 
castle of, held for the Covenanters, 

Strafford, Earl of (Thomas Wentworth). 
See Wentworth, Viscount, appointed 
Lieutenant-General of the army 
against Scotland, 291 ; supports 
Leicester for the Secretaryship, 292 ; 
his relations with Lady Carlisle, 293 ; 
urges the retention of Coke as Sec- 
retary in preference to Vane's ap- 
pointment, 294 ; application of the 
Queen to, 296 ; is considered a 
Puritan by Bossetti, 297 ; crosses to 
Dublin, 303 ; obtains sul)sidie8 from 
the Irish Parliament, 304; proposes 

to levy an Irish army, 305 ; returns 
to England, and advises Charles to 
appeal ^m the Commons to the 
Lords, 320 ; his conduct compared 
with that of Wellington, 321 ; 
favour shown him by the King and 
Queen, 322; recommends the King 
to conciliate Parliament, 325 ; sup- 
ports a dissolution, 332; his con- 
versation with Conway on the justice 
of the King's cause, 333 ; his 
speeches on war with Scotland in the 
Committee of Eight, 334; suggests 
the bringing in of the Irish army, 
336 ; his intention of doing so dis- 
cussed, 337 ; his constitutional views, 
341 ; threatens the Lord Mayor and 
Aldermen, 345 ; negotiates an alli- 
ance with Spain, 346 ; asks the 
Spanish Ambassadors for money, 
347 ; his plans abandoned by the 
King, 348 ; charged with failure by 
the courtiers, 351 ; serious illness of, 
353; bis conversation with Bristol, 
354 ; his opponents at Court, 355 ; 
his convalescence, 356; asks for 
strong measures, 383 ; finds fault 
with the City merchants, 392 ; ad- 
vocates the use of a debased coinage, 
393 ; attempts to obtain a loan from 
Spain, 397 ; treats the Yorkshire 
petition as an act of mutiny, 399 ; 
his patent empowering him to com- 
mand the Irish Army, 407 ; presses 
the Spanish Ambassadors for a loan, 
408 ; disbelieves in any danger from 
the Scots, 411 ; appointed to com- 
mand the English Army, 413; ex- 
presses confidence, 415 ; appeals to 
the Yorkshire men, 416 ; his illness, 
417; bis advice to Conway, 418; 
complains of the state of the Army, 
420 ; receives the Order of the 
Garter, 430; hopes that the Great 
Council will resist the Scots, 439 ; 
proposes to drive the Scots out of 
Ulster, 440 
Straits of Dover, battle in the, 263 
Strathbogie pillaged by Monro, 386 
Strode, William, set free from prison, 

Suffolk, Earl of (Thoophilus Howard), 

sent to prepare for the Spanidi 

troops, 271 
Supplication, the general, against the 

Scottish Prayer-book, 120 
Sutherland, Earl of (John Sutherland), 

signs the Covenant, 130 
Sydserf,. Thomas, Bishop of Galloway, 






attacked bj the Edinburgh mob, 
119; snggestB that the opponents of 
the Prajer-book shall choose Com- 
missioners, 120 

TABLES, the appointment of, 125 ; 
are not dissolved immediately 
after the pacification of Berwick, 248 
Taylor, John, carries on an unauthorised 

negotiation at Vienna, 183 
Torture, judicial, last employment of, 


Traquair, Earl of (John Stuart), his 

political position, 1 1 1 ; laments the 
position of affairs in Scotland, 1 20 ; 
suggests that the English Prayer- 
book may be introduced, 121 ; objects 
to the organisation of the Commis- 
sioners, 121 ; begs that the King 
may bo propitiated, 122; his advice 
to Charles, ibid. ; regrets the posi- 
tion of affairs after the signature of 
the Covenant, 131 ; stores gunpowder 
at Dalkeith, 141 ; fails to keep Dal- 
keith, 201 ; arrest of, 207 ; attacked 
by the mob at Edinburgh, 247 ; ap- 
pointed Lord High Commissioner, 
248; his instructions. 249; his 
management of the Assembly, 252 ; 
selects the Lords of the Articles, 253 ; 
ordered to prorogue Parliament, 280 ; 
his narrative before the Committee 
of Eight, 281 ; his report before the 
Council, 282 ; is sent back to Edin- 
burgh, 284 ; brings to Charles the 
letter proposed to be sent by the 
Covenanters to the King of Franca, 
301 ; refuses to return to Scotland, 
352 ; his narrative to the Great 
Council, 434 ; refusal of the Scots to 
admit him to the negotiation at 
Bipon, 436 

Trendall, John, proposal to burn, 289 ; 
his subsequent history, 290 

Trevor, Baron, and his judgment in the 
ship-money case, 67 

Tromp, Admiral, takes Spanish troops 
from English vessels, 261 ; defeats 
the Spaniards in the Straits of Dover, 
263 ; blockades the Spaniards in the 
Downs, 264; defeats the Spaniards 
in the Downs, 272 

Turriff, Montrose appears at, 201 ; the 
Trot of, 222 

VALENTINE, Benjamin, set free 
from prison, 295 

Vane, Sir Henry, becomes a member of 
the Committee of Eight, 280; ap- 
pointed Secretary, 294 ; supports a 
breach with the Short Parliament, 
325 ; declares that no less than 
twelve subsidies will be accepted, 
328 ; proposes a defensive war, 334 ; 
discussion on the value of his paper 
of notes, 33S-337 ; sent to ask the 
City for a loan, 396 

— Sir Henry (the younger), Joint- 
Treasurer of the Navy, 291 

Velada, the Marquis of, sent to Eng- 
land as Spanish ambassador, 298 ; 
arrives in England, 346 

Vermuyden, Cornelius, drains Hat- 
field Chase, 83; drains the great 
level, 86 

Verney, Sir Elmund, his opinion of the 
war with Scotlaud, 213; criticises 
the English army. 216; gives a 
despondent account of tbe position of 
affairs at Berwick, 231 

Vintners, the, are compelled to pay an 
imposition, 76 

WANDESFORD, Sir Christopher, 
Lord Deputy of Ireland, his 
grief at Strafford's illness, 356; 
gives way to the Irish Parliament, 

Wedderbum, James, Bishop of Dum- 

blane, his suggestions on the Scot- 
tish Prayer-book, 105 

Wemyss, the Earl of (John Wemyss), 
helps Bishop Lindsay to escape, no 

Wentworth, Viscount (Thomas Went- 
worth), mediates in a dispute about 
Hatfield Chase. 85 ; his progress in 
the West of Ireland, 150; criticises 
the treatment of Prynne and Hamp- 
den, 152 ; his opinion of the Earl of 
Antrim, 153; gives advice on the 
treatment of Scotland, 154; offers 
money for the Scottish war, 191 ; 
cross-examines Antrim, 207 ; his 
opinion on the Scottish war, 208 ; 
his case against Crosby and Mount- 
norris, 275; his conduct to Lord 
Chancellor lioftus, 276; srrives in 
England and becomes the King^s 
adviser, 278 ; his ascendency in the 
Committee of Eight, 279; advises 
the calling of a Parliament, 281 ; 
heads the subscription to the Coun- 
cillors loan, 283; created Earl of 
Strafford, 291. See Strafford, Earl 




Westminster, proposal to extend the 
municipal bonndaries of, 81 

Webton, Baron, his judgment in the 
ship-money ca^, 66 

William John, Bishop of Lincoln, Star 
Chamber prosecution of, 33; second 
prosecution of, 34 ; publishes Th% 
Holy TabUy Name and Thina, 36 ; his 
sentence, 37 ; fresh prosecution of, 197 

Winchester, Marquis of (John Paulet), 
offers money for the war with Soot- 
land, 192 

Windebank, Sir Francis, complains of 
the difficulty of getting money for the 
army, 227 ; advises the King to ex- 
tort money from the City, 240 ; nego- 
tiates with Cardenas, 265 ; becomes 
a member of the Committee of Eight, 
279 ; speaks like a zealous Catholic, 
295 ; employed to negotiate with 


Bossetti, 351 ; his ridw on the muti- 
ni<»«, 385 
Windebank, Francis, gains the confi- 
dence of his soldiers, 395 
Wither, George, his verses, 32 
Wren, Matthew, Bishop of Norwich, 
his views on the unity of the Church, 
2; revises the Scottish Prayer-book, 
103 ; becomes Bishop of Ely, 287 

YARMOUTH, salt-works at, 75; 
Hamilton's expedition at, 2 ro 
York, James, Duke of, his future ap- 
pointment as Lord Admiral arranged, 

Yorkshire, petition from, 399 ; unreadi- 
ness to resist the S<x>ts in, 409; 
offers to support the King, 415; Stnif- 
ford*s appeal to, 416 ; petition for a 
Parliament from, 430 


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REVOLUTION, A.D. 1603-1660. 



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1. England and Wales — shewing the incidence of Ship-monej in 163(), 

2. England and Wales — shewing the districts held by the King and 

Parliament on January 1, 1643. 

8. England and Wales — shewing the districts held by the King and 
Parliament on January 1, 1644. 

4. England and Walee — shewing the ^districts held by the King and 
Parliament on May 1, 1646. 

'The simple, dignified tone of thought so inherent in the 
Author, the natural expression of his refined and conscientious 
judgment, confers on this little tr< atise the position and worth of 
a high literary achievement. The general argument selected by 
Mr. Gardin£B as his leading theme imparts to his story continuity 
and force of purpose. In order to infuse that human interest 
which alone confers a living interest, he skilfully presses Milton 
into his service, and adopts the poet's thoughts and quotations 
from his noble verse as the best exponents of the sentiments of 
Milton's time. The reader is also refreshed in his progress 
through the book by passages of much truth, and of much beauty 
of language.* ATUENiBUM. 

*It is the distinguishing merit of Mr. Gardiner's volume that 
it has been written bv one who combines with a thorough know- 
ledge of the facts the faculty of understanding the difierent 
points of view from which the leading controversies were 
regarded by the chief actors of the period. His aim, accordingly, 
has not been so much to narrate what may seem of the most 
importance when estimated from a nineteenth-century standpoint, 
as to exphiin the true connexion between the seventeenth-century 
theorisation and seventeenth-century events. Nothing will 
better enable us to estimate the value of his work than a com- 
parison of its treatment with that adopted in the 146 pages 
relating to the same period of Mr. Green's Ilistory of the English 
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BY treating the Thirty Years' War 
as part of the History of France 
as well as of Germany, the Author 
hopes not merely to hare complied 
with the conditions of the series in 
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given a higher interest to his book. 
The reader is no longer asked merely 
to contemplate the melancholy failure 
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traiture of the chief men and events in the memorable struggle 
for religious toleration known as the Thirty Years' War between 
Germany and France. Mr. Gardiner has read much, and 
assimilated the information gained from every available source, 
which has enabled him to stamp with his own individuality every 
page of his little book.* "^ 


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