f THF, FALL OF
THK YKXJUL F.MIMRK
si i >M: v i ii\vi:x, M.A.
11111$
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i
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i
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29
TlllH book K licit a * "iiLr ?n/nr\ nf flu* jtr ri
CJWf wllHt If -'J-M'f , lilif thf SUbsJjini'r of f?
coursr of Iwttirf'H titftittfrt! to ff;ti<* fh'* ojirntt^h
of thf <*auHW U'btr'h, >u flit toiirv* of u M nlin^ ,
nlti(H'(l tin* iiii'-Iit^ niicf far fMitinl !v-ij|i!p nf
tin 1 CJftitt In ji jHiiitii*af shallow A't'*n!
filly nffVt'fin;?, tlti iiiaili IHSM< , a IT tir*l Jj".
s of, ^Iliif ht*l*n ;i f :' ;:
ur<* either oinitti cl, or j-!run ! uf \* ty M
Alid l!irtu;' t tuuf fill llttf*iiifii bii'li lint
to *x Hit* i-ii'in>r\ %iit!t tiwi many fm*t * t
but to bring out tin* ytlttftt fX*iimv% if tin* sitay,
io us to fill* uKi<'hr?f !a by ' U"*" --.fiu^ 4
nf lii*ttirii*iii |Mt*lunx
A <*oiiiti!*iii itu|irrv,ifii In, tftut, n\ in NO oft HI
tlif In tlr Kust* tin* *lM'ln* titll **f titr
Eiiijilfr Ifi I In* ff * ,' I';M"\ nf ||4
Stiv* niiijs. lint If i>, ifi$ ibji'i itf Ihh
to it lrr ft P \- Jit; ill l!n*
if Anruu'/Ib, II n| flbtlitv,
fnT'ry f dft^ntftltrilintt. btit ill
ifisit'lil, it iiigiitrcl Mussuliuau.
' ' ' He struck the first mortal Mo\v hy r* A * r^n;.;
% ; ; Akbar's wise and g*-nrnus ptfliry of i;..?nnM!4
:- '! " distinctions of wee a n< I rrligtwi, ami P. inipn ,m ; *;
.-j ? > the ?fo|/a ? or poll-tax, on his llhhl^M *-.:i?']rrf -, ;
; :; whereby he eslrangfd liirti-u and firm^t Ihr
j" :.!' ' noblest and most warlike* of flinu !n^' fl;;j-pH!s,
> :- hitherto the slauwhrs! 1 suj>pMrft-rs *if flu* |!{rfM. 4
I -I ;: : into deadly and juirMsttiit *-iit n^ ;.
;; . ;,; And Sivaji and his fotjiv. ITS n*t only vindi
^ cated their indcpnulrnc*-, lint struc-k a M nmtl
., '; mortal blow at the intt^rily <rf th Ktujirt\
./. -.1 ' They destroyed its military rr-putai it *n, Ilic-y
.' ? exhausted its neeumuluf'<l fn*asur*\ Th-v *rvii
. .> *
disorder and devastation over Ibr I)i-|..l.;ui uiui
; beyond it. They loost-nrd the tii-s tif :tll jiam-r,
and led multitudes of tint d<*utly i <j if in- .. .*.}
j people to join thorn. Thoy nssi-Hd n rluitn, hy
; way of blackmail, to a cjuarti'r *f Hit? Jin{u-riitl
revenue, and ^xactt'tl it by plant hu' Hi**tr i*vvn
; chief officers, collectors, and troops in tin* I :tip* i ial
Provinces, and levying this tribute at tiu- {t(4t
/ of ^ lance, and thus CKtnhiyimj; tin in^wr'ntm
. ;j- 5| m imperio. Thus the KmjHi% tbuut-b itut ii-
, solved, was hopelessly clebilitaiwl. How *! j-<j-
^ ate was this situation may be? itiftm<d (rm tbr
fact that Aurungxib's son :m<! stiwvsw, Blmrlur
; -^ Shah, in vain sought to arresl lht furtlu-r jrM -s,s
;s j of the Mahrattas by sanctioning }Ji s mnstrrful
pretension to divided sovt-n -i-idy in lht< iHckuii
'I ^ Provinces.
; | The effective authority of the cfaUal } -,<
ui t J'U-
fej
vii
mont in rilM-yin-r. ,\nd. ns
usual in the the ppiviurJ;,! ruins, wit hunt
repwllaf ing' the ^u|ir-m:ir\ of fin* Km*
peror, became* iinle'prnilrnl, flu 1 Mfihmttns
mote nj<nvssiv' and *lnminail HI lltitftwtiift us
%> <,3
well as in the* Dekknn*
I*iKtly* Nadir Shah, after inflicting the ft*
'Irnwfy t>f hniiiilliiliiiii <in tin* I uij*pr antl his
cnpifaL mmt'Xrt) tin* Imp'rli! l* i rrrfrv of
fhc Indus* Tin 1 clissolnfmn <tf flit* Kmj5iv
But thi !?irk*liiil Si\t'rn"n rrt;iiu'i!
litlr Hint prrfi-ii ouii,, mfikfi sfill
imp?-* c<I the iniliii* tuiiid, mill \\vvv lururd tci
pra<'firal wrount h> Clivi* in flu* gmut fo flu*
Klist lllfliil ('uinpaiiy of lltr prrpitnal Jlhwttui nf
the B^niful I*r*\inr-t .
Tin* fotlimin^ narraHvr In <!<ris<*d ;i)iuost
entirely from rfiiitrii!piiry Miilhtn-Stit ,.
For tlir n**funMr pifM* ( s% by which Aur;ui ( r /Jf*
y to the thrcttM* 1 !iii\t* fulf*w-*J
ii V<-ni'li;jn In I)nru\ t'-vj*-*-, nhost*
IIHII tjitfly tni$i%lufrt
edited hy Mr* \\tiiiatii f$'\n^-.
ThC iM^HiUfd Of tilt* III Ainih"/ili
klB suovssurs to till 4 I'Tltlfini ftf tif XI/HUI*.
u!-Muik In the Df'kkntft, htis bwn tnkui tin*
itiiiidnrcl lusfun iif liliiifi hy
Professor l)uN\M*m, and is rt*d in t hi* 7th \iluiii*
Of TtUf ll/ IlllIlVl it* iihli tfi tnmnt:..
Thin author M*rvrd !iiti|$ + r Am-un^/.!I in
Ockkan*
' ; viii I'HM.ArK
For the later history f ;M- r:t i r 'f-?t ? fn
Grant Duff's ///>/ ./v/ */ //* 1 f /. . " .
But the sfceteh of \fn< i-! M./n\ rrt *r {*
taken from the *SV/r .V?^;'/ 3 -^^ ;>- -, .-' - ' ...-,, ;\-
work, translated liy IVvtu-! -i.ru tlif
auspices of "UVnvn !!..*,!;";. . f |*j|j % f| fW
also supplied nfonuat.5tn nn : *
Bengal.
The FlillifTllf r";fiH|iri!'5?t I?n > f* rfi
| lucidly desrrilxtl by C^si Pui^jjf, n MahraMa
] , in the service of the \a\\ni iF <intff% wlm wan
f , much concerri(*fl in lh<* n* ' ' : *.; ; " - ! - tin*
jj, v battle, and was jm * ^* -uiinr , i,f \\ t *j f f|f* n;n*f4*
tive was tnin .slated r i ru! pfifili^lnd ;*UMM n,nu Jv
in the third volume of Ihv -l\itttit //r.M/M//f
In spoiling Indian nawrs I fhiv^ . ' ,*. ^ ,!,>. J
to steer an even ootirso lu*t ivnti h. ,M, nfr}$;i*
'J '" isms and the latent fashion ff itiifa*i!Nr niirl
accentuated n-r^drrif^/. \vhirh |Mr}tJ,i*
t troubles the gcwnt! r mfiT, fiuf I not irjf
at liberty to Jfrr Ifir Njirlling in j m ,* -,
*. / I have quoted.
1 ' For the Index I am wHif^l h* my ttt'M'U* r,
Mrs. F, Boas, who kimlly c*m ml tn i-cintfii!' i t
Janmry
CHRONOLOGICAL ORDKK OK
CHIEF EVENTS
if*S7, Sh ill frit AH f*P *n*r.h ill
riiJi rl MM.H **> *>h>wn* ''
I<*5S* . f|J4
Slnh
M'Wtft
i, h!/*i| i ft t
%t Ulttt it
^** f .
jfr>. A u t, j - ^ ',.
17* h l'..v t, ! -
;, *v a ,,:' i -^ ^ l Hi
. \ ,!'.:.,;;' I . - i .^ittf,
>l I */4 t
? t
Hh ,n ii S i-^ ( u, r*tHtJi*J^ i 4i U^Hkt :al
, ? ^a.i *. .1. : - itif
\. ",'
i?if.
.717,
17-'.
U
It
I?
i I \ ! NTS
t **..*.,/; ,
1738. N'MfUji , : -^
i'$ '-'i Y<*Vi et,,
174** f'**t
I it 4 MwHfV 4 "
Ahmcti M
1754* Gharf.ii<4
1756,-The AUbh'k. linn! M,**'
I758-- KuMHith ICtu Un i?rJ!
I7> The AluiiOiV fourth in
1760,
- The htttle of
, 4ir ,
CO NT?', NTS
I, Tin;;
II! Jh't'Hi til 1 V* M M< Mrt' i M*? Ut'** r II
IV, At iM- **/**** * NIK I***' * ft * . *H
V, Siv\i$% f"%pri . , . *'t
* \'I fill It* W **!!!% **> Itil J -S >*4fi i, 4 * JtUH i
4* * *
^ VII i\l III \**/$l ^ l*%^il%|^ IS i III |l$ ^||%
\ I1L Tlil \liitliiff* II iti 1*1 I**l^ M **f - < i
|\ If I I **f^lil S %|il in II ' * *r* M%t*. |< M^l
11*1 1 !$| \S|||44 II* 4* 1^4 4 Hi* I HI
El* 1*111 KlHlHHAi M , . Ill
XII. hi* f $',
XIII, 'I M* M * I* t H It % I* ^ J * * |1 ,!'!: i ,| #
mi AM* M* it lt> < 4i* A , 4 t , i ; #
XIV, M*4I*I I (MI |Jll**|l lloni . , ; ||,|
Jt\\ K|#li4 I f, Mi'lH'fr i f ut|ii , .
XVI, t$HMHfii $ir i$it ^fniffirii ^ *.. ;n. . ** i f ^i 1
"
XH
CHAP. ..
XVII. PEACE BBTWKKM tiir NI**M MM tuft ltvi
AND O>NKgt?KMT M^ *tTA
XVIII, NADIR SIIAU'J* INVMON , ,
XIX. CULMINATING PERIOD ot A
IN NATIVE INDIA * .
XX. ALIVRRDI KHAN .
XXL EpiLooutt . * *
XXII. THE PANIPUT CAS
INDEX .
I !
THE FALL OF
i
THE MOCH'L KMI'IKK AT ITS XKN1TH
IN the middle of the se'vmtwnth the
Empire of the " Great lf
rojEiownn! both in, and in Kttropt*. It is
notable that B^rni^r, who livi'd many In
India, very with the* of
the Kmprror, Utliiki It worth while tn tmtitutt*
a cotitpartsoti lHtwi*eit lilt* Kinjjin*
that of If Cifiiurl Monttnuw ni tin* f
hii power; though^ of 'Mirs<\ In* ruwhtilt's in
favour of flit 1 latter* Nor was tin* reputation of
the AtttutU? Monarchy inMl<-**T\fI. \\ii:>tr\t*r
Its it nit the whole* II ijnimtly
eoneeiv**!!, v^-!! atljt^l- il, ,ii f *d benHitH lit %lriii*fiiri*
of dointnicm,
Tim ilhwtrionw of llw fotuulrr,
di's<*t*iul*d flu* two luMifu'sf
Asiatic* <'oiu|uerors, (!!trn/Js Kittiii Tintimr y
to the Iti
2 THE Moc:n, KMi'tiu; AT ITS 7,i;xmi
matrimonial alli;mrrs tvifh Kip,' jtriw
tended to enhanw nmnng ?K ffmfffi<* --nlijt
And the vigorous vitality *>f lh<- rn,a| h
had been attested by I IK- fr.m ; } ml*- f f lw
successive emperors in lim-al d'.rtjjf, .<\ft ( , r
its apparent extinction nntlrr Hn?: : ,
genius and ind'fa!:jabl*' ,uf, r Is.jri -,
pacified, and cxN-mJrd ihr Ii m ij s ,{ Il
acquisition. And Sh;i)i J-J m n a% i,.,
undisputed xovcn ign of it va%! f >r!;|..:
indeed, as is often usstmin}, r.,i,f, ,-,,.;,, ,, u \ w
India on the south, hui, cut lh- ,,tl,,r I
extending beyond it into i| )r v \f,,?., ..,, .. . ! -. :r! ,
..
command the a<- K i s ,tur of Bn . a , attfi J. a
population, the far lur^r innnhrr r,f whirl,
Hindoo, was romarkabh', nti jtn Hurfq, ,t t,. s fi.
mony to the merits of fj. rc'^iuir. Awl thi*
favourable impression wax <-tirmr t | In r-J ovr
inspection of the Mogul C;v,rimni*. ,! im
general results.
The habitual and wuly ilH,,isM W ,,f |} w .
Hindoos to a .sov,r,i,, n ,. ks ,f (rmi , l|vr , - m
reff n WUS 4lmi lo W * fc -^
ic treatment; of rh,. |nst, m { of
an invilic.us distinct m n { fr u the
followers of the Prophet td f| jr m i Jit vr,- S|
and narrowing the moral hunts uf his ntithortiy
by excluding the latter from ofl^ ,, tl thr ,.M-.,u."t
of religious disqualification; the CJrwtt " M
THE EMPIRE HASKI) OX TOUvKANVK 8
winked at and eondonrd UK* misbelief of flic*
bulk of his subjects, and their sfrnngr pr;<'hV<-s;
showed favour to their eminent:
men ; admitted them freely to
both, civil and military, and thus, fi.yurin^ in
the rn pacify of the Father of all his people?,
it their to
sustain n regime so librraK c-owpivhrnsivr.
considerate.
Thus, white the Empire rootod itself more* and
more In the* hfiirls of the* nafi\rs, its material
strength \vas proport tonally increased. For*
though its regular fiiitilfN were constantly re*
eruitecl by sol<tirrs drawn front its Afghan
frrrifory. iinil by inrrcetutrirs from l^pptT Asia,
who were M;ihmnrt:uiN as well IIH by men of
the* 8tum* faith, though Iiiliiibitiinti of fndiu v
the viiHt force wttleti at the dlspusa! of lite
KnpTor % ncH'urclinp; It) the Aktwnj*
be dcserilied nitlter us n (jnn*J-ft;it!una! nriny f
if not n 11 iiiilitiit* whieli inuni been vt*ry
largely coiupuM**! tif Hindoo***
The liiivni wt'akurss <>f the* Kiupin' an
notable a iU mililary str^ngtli. Priu'tical!y v
it never n fleet of it ewn f thmi'h tin*
Abyssiu!nn "Scvdys" wm* palroniNHl Mih-
for its occasion.'!! oIijf*4tH* And thb k
the* ntwc 1 r( 4 timr!<;iblc 9 IIH tti< % mutual ptl;jniu:fM'
by to Mcccm rr(j[uirr(l protection, mid
tci be svriously iatrrniptrd by t*iiiinirs or
4 THE MOGUL AT ITS /KNTHT
Sivaji, as we shall net** fmik ^!v;.;nt,>;,> f this
circumstance.
Though the Government was <lf '-; .?!, ami
particular acts of great. srvrriJy an* nrorJi.'r|,
its general tone was mild ami humaw. Ta\a-
tion was light; and its most produrJivr source,
the land revenue*, was woilvrMrU wssrssrrK awl
equitably adjusted* Foreign eutwnrm* tv**s pro-
tected and favoured; and tin* KnylMt lOist
India Company throve, and iftuHipiin! its
factories, under the* shndmv n| tip*' Impf-rlal
authority- The judicial *\vslrm, tlicmgli \\hnt
we should consider c*rud* ami r:tjiri f -iMis as
well as too often corruptly fxrrHsrd.. was nut
liable like our own to fit*: tedious Mays which
have been its reproach, and which havf NO
tended to obstruct* and even defeat, th-
of justice* And the right of appealing tn tin*
Emperor, from inferior trihunals tjifm^lf fm*
generally a futile privllegr. \\as ( ^nis* lus^ , tiaflv
remedial, and probably tins, to a et rtuin r \t iul f
a standing cheek on judicial inujuils. Much
the same may be said m* to th**
Governors* Though their i!ch^ut.ei.i :
was, like their master^ arbitrary, it*
was open to the criticism and ttttfu
reports to Court of cither ofltcittK nurl uf
unofficial but influential JtitRkirctlur* ; HH wvll
as to the periodical inquiMtuniH of lnijn<rml
Commissioners, like C!mr!cmaiif\
Dominici; on whose advert jiiclgiiiriif. tin*
Governor linlilr to mnmal ami jmi:V
ment*
The c'iinpnr;i1i\t* inlrn;i1 I mn'jnill'f y of flu*
Em pin* In later had f;>\und flit* piirsulU
of peace, aujnnenfed the Imperial r\-iw,
and culminated in wlmt may he ealled I in*
quasi* August an of flu* <!yn;r4> ; when th*
pomp mid MK^inn^'nrr of tln s (*ourl win*
elabwutdy ttr^mi'-.M! and profustly dKplayt'd ;
literature and philosophy werr 'sl*4*ujrd,
culHvnied in liih quarlt-rs; mid tin* lint* nrls
flourislu*l to ail r%fi'iit that may he
appnvinlfd by I he nobh and 'M':M* fut iililltfl*
mentH lhut f a in the easi of flu* Tnj Mattid,
still uppriil so foreihly to flit* a^tlh'tii- i*%eti
of Europeans nf. the* pn*st*r*l day*
FnriiduKlral an it may twitm!* il in not the
tntCi that the jn-rntnt's^ mid jmisprnfy <*f
the Eiupirc* wi*rr dm 1 In the CJnilic 1 <Iisptisitiun
erf its Kov<Ti-t;iitN. Thotl^h prirfi'ssed vt;tries of
Inlam, they wwr of them animated by Ittt
Ueret? Mfilrit ; tht'ir
a^ stat^stneti eonsl rained tfirin to
whieh they eouUI wot ii**fii* lo rc
to their |H>W4*r by <*oit*'ili:iltt,
undiTmlnt* mid fritter If in n
Quixotic till the of
W!*H tlOt ttlil
sa#ueitms experifneed, but iH> j
ft til IK* II rc'JJi'J 1 * 11 ^ pt*rs*vuttir.
tint Iiii
6 THE M0c;ri. KMPnu; AT ITS /i \nu
hearted clisp.sifi.,|.. f m | w - ;i ,, tr , u ; v ? : ,, ; : .
religious thinker t fnl hmmrf t, ;u '. f ti|1
precepts of Jhr Ivumti in tlidr !-!'M.^.f | t ,
tion. Thus his lafifiHlmr.r^nvi^v.fnni^'
sion in hw liberal ami r-i, r , : , !,, ,, :,, r
Though, liki- our o\vii H..\. M.M. <;<.<. J ir M f 'l,,
face ujipunst. Mm v f fl it . Wuv ,. f ,.,,;,.{ , , uh (|
Hindooism, forhiilJi^ AM /^ % ;Uj? | ,,,,,, . . :,. ;,,'.. f!|
remarriage of wi,f,,-, J u - w ,, s riSMi ,. tL , itl ' f ,; }r . rrijt
to his Ilmdtm su!,jrJs fur |,r ,.,! ,,nh hv
abolishing tlu: >7 Y v/f |, ,, r , itl! , , :i , , ((( j^j/j^;
removed u most inviHm,-, ,!i ?;,,:,..,, {l! , h ,' f r(
"
but he gave flH>s rtm ^ | ,,,,,,, Jli811lf
resolution to fow <Mn^^ r - f ,.,
religion by
falttl , y a!|l| Hif ,
ally attached, J1
members of thi, no, ,u,. U,v J,. I, hi,
.
.
eir galta troops dis(it^ ( Kh,J tl,,,.-h^
HINDOO l>K\nT|o\ TO I>YX V.sTV f
sympathy l>rZ\\<"'n the utees, to r* li; !M*,J .
prejudirr on both sides* 111 tin* end to linif*
Hindooise the* -J\ n;-4 y, ami [!<!< 1\ to -t n i\l n* n
its hold ov<r the Hindoo <oiwwiuit\ n ralf^.
For it thus U>sl tnuHi of fht* input nf mi
tincl invidious I*owt*r .f:iMi it* u by
un<! WIIH iiiofi* ",''iirnilt\ ft -Mnlfif s (NO lit s
a iiiitttniiihii!, norm;*!, ?US(J *MM;' ntul P
rlly, riglitfitlly nUtltf, by iK ttffiHif*ffJit
i)% to flir nllrgi^tlirt* mill /mtuUs Mij>j*>rt of
it ft lUtliXT sutijrrts.
This result was of < ourst* dm* not .uupfy to
the intrtuhietion of Hindoi^ Moil into tli* ruynl
fainilv^ but lo llit f juTsislc-nri* In \kt);,r\ linr nf
rciiuhieL Jt'ft:jn;;ir lifiit Shllli %Ii*ilIIIi t uiftumt
^^l**d;HMj themselves to his tluoiti^tenl eelwtl*
CiKm^ stuuitly ;idhrn-<l to his lilwTiit euu|te
hrnslvr jiolic*y f wliieli thus until* to be r eon MM d
tlie iiu \li;i1i!r cifitn* of thtnx^t
though then* of rtiursi % n hnek^unter of
rigidly fM'thodftx and fnnntieal Muhutuf*tati
timent f hontile to flu* syslun In fa\our
nt Court Ilnl the authority tf tin* Kniji^ror
e<>uul'r;i*li'd, without entirely *.u|ir -HH% its
j mutest. On lowif ground:
than r*liuius prineipie allrmj*!-. et*in ft*
Hindi* to r'iutrfrt!uee tjijir< . -Ivc
de/jradinj; Inilietkiiif* cm the lfind*.n-,.
atldaeious S{UTut;ili>i\ us (In* Kiu|n*ror Jrhnrj^ir
the in his Mt'Hnnr,, vrntur^d to
gest that he hhould "apoil thct K^piJun^* by
8 TUB: MOUT, mmur vr us xj \nii
hVY ,y, ami . " ..-. - i}., ,,,, )f r
to hold the farm of if. n,f .1, !,..;... ,,,,,,, |(f
his great faUirr's i.,.m..n. , ( ,,,| ,M, ,,;,,,,, ln
walk in his sirps, mtU ,,,,1 hm-l i,, ,(.,. ..^
interested mot he of t)n< fm.j.trM-, v, ,-.
content simply to rrpuiii,,! i- Hi, ., '
rebuke the ra'sh mui vMMi pn,,,,'.. ,',/ f , 4 ' f
punished him ftT n fisj,, m ,.' ,- , -, ', =-,.
Orienttii, ' -'
More mindful of AU,,r\ ,,,,Jirv hai, ,,f \f,-
hornet's prm-pts, j,. | nsV( j wi{} : f , . Iir , '
. * " ' *tilfi I Iff pfMMMM
tion, consented to farm C.IK {} ir i, mi ,,^ , Mlf .
projector, cxm-U,! || M . fimiM . y m , t ,\ ;ll|i .
then cut off the unlucky f,lU- s ,, ff(T 1 \ . .|
had the temerity to Kirk Jan own nrotif d HU!
ste commumty ' lmd
This strange incident a. !*,?
thoroughly Akbar had i
prmc,pks of rc%i
erf - them
n
,
DANUKR OF KKVHKS1\<; AKII\II\S POUt'V f
ially stile! to l><roiH* J7/iW^/.v f/>W^7o/v>\ si>
influences ;ssnr{:i5ioi ., meludin;*
mamYi ( tT\ and more invent;?!- eoun*xinus,
tributccl to softctn the :} irriM<-> of religious
antagonism, to ereate inh n%K
14 runmioM j*alousv of fTi J-qt* rs 4if $i iliffrfi'iif
*i
ty|K% though of llu'ir f^n foitli This
wan liiibti* io t><* tini^ft irif'-n ."lif <1 by tl <'ui niii-
^tatu'i 1 I hat thM*<* WIJH n f'Hu4?iut s(n;iTn nf
MnlintiM-fnn ;id\ rnhirn-'- from tlir North* srttkmg
their iotttttHS in I hi* IIHJM rl;it scinirr, find tfint
lliry wiTt* apt to i><* mini* highly t sti^'tiM'
mor<* liht -rally jiIti f tlmu ilit*ir Iinliiai
lufhinisfs. Mnf>\T, it Iifli\t lit*
tliiit flw* Intti*i f wrr nffui tlu* di sti'Uttaufs uf
'fl Himtoos; amt s in tht* i*%r of ihr
s of Sfniin^ hrrt'clily liilghi ns*w*rl ils* + lf
in tlir fthiipi* *if .\fron* i/-r s\inp:tlh\ wit!i ilit.ir
old with tlirlr stt|i*Hirtn(
fulfil, Ihi* wore firnliiilili* from tin*
r'fnof4'nt*v* tine! rnuijiaratixr 1 tMilniiufi i*f Indiu
the rajiifal of flu* Mussulman world, nntl
tnlhietiec* of liit* Sitltnn of Houm*
TlifW not only \vt*re tin* J'tmj<imr\ native
H^tn suhjirfs only n fmeiioia of tin- iopu>
Ittt Inii | but it WIIH very doubtful far In*
could rciiitit on their sympathy ntn|irnil.iifi
In an fittenipi to r^\w^^ AU!;r\ polie^ iintl
depress itlicl ju^si-eide tin* ma|ority*
arduttisn4^s of mieh tut mlt r^n-.** will
be more ev ideal if we consider till*
' *i S 'ill i
< * i ' , f I f !
10 THE MOC;I:L KMHIH: AT ITS xi \n n
of the several pi op{< . tint \v .,' > to
become the suhjscls F flu- \.< L %jH,j.f,
Foremost and most fliv;-.-' U '
the inhabitants of II; -;>i . K .
origin, on which tiny pin ltd f!
authentic history, thur in . ' .'
lished character, ,"ind Htt j -
effective part, which thf-y h.i.l !
in the Imperial sen I * , jl{ f .. ', ' .
consequences that uw'ht !H .- ,
their estrangement and ho filiU.
They claimed de\cuJ FMUJI
warrior caste; and thiir .!... .
istics gave much platisihiltt% In if
Their ancestors had undnuhiidU I. , ,i <; 4 f ,,|, i, M
ately and valiantly ji-raiu f n, < k s!> M,it,MU,. t n
invaders, and had cv.iHualK in",tt\.i jj.rir
independence by rt tiring jm,' ||,. , ., . l(Jt |
sequestered region which I }'\ | i; ,,i mil . , ,, f
and where they retained th.ir ,., j, , , ,J M ,"
aeter in all its vigour, Mtsi.iiiid! l\ m h*u..ns
which curiously ccjuha,-,! th* !,,h.,| f( , t , u!l
anties of the Scotch HigMtmUr,. tin f.udd
relations of the nicw seftlMt n, UMimill , i( . ,, f
medieval Europe, mid a HiKlr,iis spin* :,|. m
to that which was so { J, W | V , ts% ,, ( . h}((! W|fh
feudalism in the West. Tl pu-simal ,{, u.lum
of the Highland dan to the r mtiiu.|,al (J,f
had a counterpart in the passH ( , J:t{ ,, } i( | ( ! U ,|
fe
m feudal Europe, the thakoor*,
Ht Jw . w
FORMIDABLEniAll.M TK1! IJ UHTS II
their by fimr<, awl were bound
to support Prince In his wars. Ami wlilli%
as in feudal Kurnpr, then h i <le prn1'ht spirit,
pride, and their readiness to nflVwv,
their ri-l;iHiiis with him by no
unifWinlv hnnnt-wous', their pi-nfi'-M M*V ill
t* j "
'Was inow fc habitually iiiitinliiiii^l by flu* j^ alu-HiN,
cnnn'rrls, lillil rnnst'^tifiit 4fnl'--f^; of fill* rival
tribe H* And tlic^e wen flu* morr f^-^nt nf
ohsiinafr, br;tusi* tli<* tJnjjiul was, KCI fci
a true * port sawn in the of war*
To distinguish hitnsi*!f in bait tie was his {mint
of hcfuutir; he foti^ht ff^r fanw% nt*t like flu*
lower races for phuuhr, and his cleliglit f
in hk houis of n^laxatioti, wa to listen to the
* spirit -Htirriiig strains of his Wi/i/tf * or mmstr**!
bardH, <*<t!iun'iuurativ' *if tlit mart ltd arlu*v<-'
inenlH of liis FniH^'s and thrir f<1lo%V4*rs,
an Akbar*s policy ^as itrvrlipc*l. Hit*
found ample nr^upaflmi fcir their fav*uriti-
pursuit In lite Impcriid arinirs', in %liielt
Itouever, they till retained their s^para!r
or^arusatioiu tlitM pn-srrvrd till if
eharaeter c"nrpcratr splrit-
Akhar's remeiitbranec of lim fM'atulfallirj^s
experu-nee of Itujpitt hostility muHt have strongly
impressed on him the inipcirtattrr of etni
log remarkable pruplr. st*euritijyf
their gtibjwtlciii, F<ir t
his vJclcry civer Ibrahim,
had by n
i'Hf
12 THE MOCn, KMI'IKK \T I'f.s /i M if
federacy, headed by a fypien! \\> n. !t,< ,i ,s ,, -., ;
and though in the <l-^\<t IMI l;iM!i ui ; t -i< >, .,, ,j
the invader eonqum d nf b I |t\ . ,,'., ; ,
Tartar manoeuvre, he lt:,rs ft!j ' ' , u , ?,
the fighting power mid : . -H .>_. ,f f , ,,,,',,,,.
ents, whose undisi-iplin. .{ \;il"',r ' " ' ,|| v
to his superior taclirs And ! ,, . i ( . f, -jn*|
them, they continued it iu in tj tl ,j (> , ,,; [ tJS
successors.
It must be reiueillfnTMl ;il',n If, it, f t< ,i,J, %
the llajput coniiDuiiitirs <-s{;ilt|i,} ! l i, I: f. f ,( n-
half-independent Prinws in !! rnuij-s v ,i.i*-h
bears their name, numbers nf (!,,- .-,',., ,..,.
were widely disperse*! vh^hn-v nnd ,-d,o,..d,,|
especially in their old It.nue, thi.l., :.n,l tit
Behar, whose dcscpndants MI lr, iv rir,{iii,ni
the Company's xcptiy nrnty in 'lafu- i mj ,..
Many Rajas and Poli^rs thr.Hi.|,i.ia H,r r,,ui, i:k
claimed to be of Hajpyj ,!,. M .iil: ,,, tt | (j,,-,.
sympathies, and those of li ( .r !!!, t ,,i,l,I
naturally be enlistwi un brlwlf ,f f| !M r ,-,-I w
alleged kinsmen and eor. !i..! tm i-,{-,.
And much to the point f- ' our pn-M-nl.
purpose, Sivaji himwlf ehmned ttj, ml i , 4J |
on the mother's side.
whole ' P Kmpir, tuid thrivn,
by its conncxio,, wit!, Uan ,rf^ nltt ,
p eope theh , ( , struwmit}1 wtwjd '
boh ^
emit r ? d> fWn the c
eminent a people, indirectly.
CHARACTKKS OF SIKHS 111
The a very <UITt p-nf fypr* Tlu-ir
history is obscure. I Jut fltry wen* n
comparatively unln^'uous
be c'L'issrd the in They
had of the chivalrous of the T?njjuf s.
a ruder ordinary p'opti\
they were hardy, da.ri.ug, pTfiiuiritnjs,
like; and in Inter tfitfy approval
rap:K*ity by capital Bhurt-
Lake, rcputshttr four
They n prnouni--cl for
which If, as probablc the ftypsirs nn
their ktnsiuHu lie* nnfi*ly assumed. Hut
i mention it b<*c*;iust% AH with the* MnhrnM:>s f
if they were inclined to rvHglcms inidlt-r*
nce, tliis lilibusf-rring In* nn
addifunal to I;.i\vl'ss
ness*
tilt on;ilunl!y
prohaMy n'pudial* 1 *! C
religions sysl^iu hud liHU* in
common popular Umd*oism tliry wrrc-
faftalie.'ilty d< i vl*-d to tltf Khtilmi* f>r \\hal I
<*ii!l their own (!imreli; and <Mr'uiuslant*rs,
whtclt I need not now re!wU% iraiisfunm'il tht-m
from ii bcniy of until ami tnystu*al n'lijnnuisls
into warriors* jraluns for th<*
honour, sattguiim of the ext<'iiJ9ioit t *>f thrir
IiuriiUi^ with htiirrii of
Islam and itn rival prt'tfiisiutis dimiim^nfj^
principles. Any ti> would
14 TOE Moori, KMPIIU: AT ITS y.i
inevitably ewoiint.cr m*st r vtlufr r*-vKf anre
from such a people.
That cxcluMvel> of nm . \r<-< ' ; , ti.H, tf ((
Empire could hav swvi\<-ff ih if l.ijit im,*
and disintegrating *'f''q?M"-. <f M\t m,J
the policy which !m<l flrv* !nf.r ,}, , . {, . jUt j
consolidated it, is hiyfily iionroh-.f.?. ,
The uHrmiiton of Hi ff."ji,n! , t\<n if f i f, (r j
not amounted to ;ic!i\( !,.< M,';, v ,..i;I,| {,j,, n ,,
navc availed to ij* hold jf s ( , ; , ,: t :i ,.,j m , lT ,,j
stre ngth. It would lutu- f*-u fuifh- r \> - f : , t \
by the indisposition of tin- iuti\. MM .th,,.,,,,,
to identify themselves nil h .! ..q,,,, ;, ,. ,,
a regime which- in n land uhr- .- |, . , ,. ,j a
all-powerful conHJdcraliou did MH-J, M,^^> ' "i,
their old associations awl iKtd L !.:; ., tl ,| $u
many cases, to tluir hitrnt syn.path,, !'; ;uw |
which was too likely to |,nl,., i, lt , ,, lt , ,,,, v , ar
with the majority of f heir i-omptttrmK.
Thus the Covemnieni XUlU |,| | M . ,,,',, ,,, f{ t<(
place its chief rdiun<>e ,, || M , tltrt . lvn n|((| |IWi|(| .
bigoted Mahometans; wluh- t| )( . i, <( UfalIr r.ij,
ure of the revenue, from i|. dianrfl s! Jt | uf
the country, would make || M , |Jtiyil|l . llf tlf Mll .,
extraneous mercenaries, in .-aje^iutr- f,, r ,,,. Ull .
mored^cult. Moreover, s I J l>4V , a{l ,.,H i,|
the marked preference fc >r Ihrse str,,,,, , h.M, ,'
a% shown by the Government t,, M lo ; !UM( .
the Mussulnuin interest, hy , Xf ,i liwff jl;t , MtKV
"
; tn ^' <4W ^ J " <"""
such feelings WuuW IMJW m d|v
A RHNOrS KXPHimiFAT IN 4KY Iff
new and jow< rfu! stimulus* Hence, a
to tin* !sn;i^l\. It ty Ho
'iM**, as I hope tit hliow frtwi what actu-
ally ocvunvd Jater that some ill *f !M"u! IK-I!
and inffufnlinl native Mus^tilinan
ecmunc*!) ewise with the Ilintliifi in! **!'**!,
attempt to n^rshihlisli flu* olil order* Thus* tin*
Seimta of Burliii! long settled in India* hud :)lu;y<;
bef'n cljsf iT};uis!M'd for milifiiry f*ro\u^-, They
were now n very numerous and poutrful eian*
munity f and, ns ;pj>%-*n-i! later, quite capable
of eu;j[:!i]^ ill nil :nif i -M(*?nif and
n'XnIuiiulu III rr^lirrf With the
Thus, on the whole, had tin* rrlfiral experi-
ment bc*en made ill a time of profcund |iriirt%
hud not its inherent difficult ie# been
by external dan^cT, heavy d^maiifis
4)11 till* Iliip'Tud rr'oll|Vrs to r\lf('lH'Irs
of w;irf:ir- It
eventually to ruin the dynasty, anil* tin*
countrr-iwoluiiiui Itiid sueeee<lid f the
ruler line! possessed great jrovrrnin^ qurililies *
the Kmpire
But the eatastroplu* eiiuie about in atuithcr
way; tlir evperimenf nmd(% the
breach in the integrity of tlit* Imperial
structure- the .'dicimiiun of the* Kujputs rapirlly
en^ut 4 d But before this oerurrc*il, Aurun;)*
ib f the innovator,
In rnlerpriV, cottmiitted him* In
ii new to ft
w THE Mor.rr, rMrrm: AT ITS 71 \nu
of an
character, which jun\.! in^n^ fti^n .< iu, t/ f l?r
his utmost and jm ("* r! i ^nti In , JJP'* if ?
and in the mil n rliit f ts'fii * f f f h * * u f ie h
his proci'c^ljHjU's in HIM?** f n l*i fiin it*n**J
to bring a
II
Ariu"Nc;yjB MAKKS IUMSKI.F KMP
WHEN Hit! KmjK-ror, Shah Jchnit, wits itffarkrd
by a sudden and. dangerous illness at Delhi. Dara
Shukoh, his eldest mm, was at. the ea|Ifa! ; Shah
Shuja, his second sort, was (lovrnmr of Bengal ;
Mctrad Buksli, the ynun;rt-,|. wns Cuvi-rimr of
Guwrni ; un<) Al.-itu^irh, styled Inter Aunm.i'/.ih,
the third son, WHS in the Dckknn ^ngn^rtl in
t||e siege? of Kijajuir. the capitiil of one of Hit-
two surviving Afghan monarchic* there. The
KwjM-n.r*s i!hu\ss, and Hs;tpjM.*itriwr' from puhlif
view, jm<hir<-<? ^-iH-ra! ronsttrnalii^i, andthr<"il<
encd M-rious (tisturlmiurt' at the tj*itnl imd in tJu-
Pr<viiH'<'\. *
Shnh ,Wmri hititM'If fully ;ipjm'Hai<-.I the
danger of thcf <vij.i. Dis-'thlcrl ns lit* wiw, he MTIIIS
to Imv ftrt'<! timt lh* coup tie #rfcr ini^hf. !
$ven him hy tin* partisan* of <>< tr lh<-r { his
anihiliuus utmn, rivals for Hw suc'i-cssiou <f {heir
moribund jmrcnl. Awl it in uotublo thai, in
this (txtrc'tiiity, he sitow^I more (imfldcni'c* in
the Kttjputg ihun in his Mogul subject M. Mmnu-ri,
who WAN in Dara'N M-rvi--, ay : " He nr<lm<<i
ol the fortretw to be elost-d, It.-:ivinr
f j^|
*,*, >*n P/W%
only
the Mahometan pomi:ii
other he
officer*
with thirty thonsntKi ^
nu
puts."
ke fortress twice nrby^uth a =< - " '
n, ,t. \n,M ,..
persons, but not In
within were sworn
*! ; , to him, he was afraid <f I "." !' 1% ' II t|' "' ' '
! '' Reports were wreulalrd and " ! } *
Jf ' Provinces that the KmjM-rm- w,x d.ad;
| ' a war of succession WHS itnmtmut,
'!. ' Dara assumed the rcmdnH .if affairs at
1 Delhi, and levied additional \v<v* h n-. Ma, i
Shtija marched with n law "iiy Irnui H* u^il.
Moid prepaml for !!... and t,-.k Sui-al n.
the hope of fouling tMwli trrasun lli.-rr. Aur-
*" - ;ul arlfuliv.
ungzib proceeded mrt'
He raised the w<-g< ff Nippur, ami,
to Manueci, *cuml ll- iwulmhty ..( N*n|i
by a very remarkable <"" ' l " {! !1 " 1<v> in
u fact, than the grout f n ftmrth i;it { ihv
>, . Imperial revenue in tin- lukk;n l'*MUii-s
which, he asserts, was rmirll on !jul'i
tablet, and was to to jxtrptinat If tb^ -t ;<'
ment is true, the Mnliratta elauiu tn r/^f
the Dekkan was UIUB early ami frwi;*l^
tfoned by Aurangzib himself. Autl
taxes him with perlidy for ignoring it
SIHMA DKFKATKI) UV SOl,AIMAX MU'KHII
n-
H'* *'
ltTnl
thrir
wa,%
flic*
his r^nv^lrso'iH'*' fo his ;>!>> lit sn : s, aiil
them to krrp Hu'-ir ^.'tlron-, mill
ambitious si'hcnn's. Iluf' susprrlinj; cr
thai hi.s cHsvuM* - wns innr!;?!, nncl tlm
not n froc agfnl., ant! ji ;^tU'* of Dur^rs a
at tho r;tpil:i!, Ou.*y <*v;ttlr*j 'f'Juj!i;jnr
pluusihli: *-roUTKl rijf Ilir nrfrssily of n^ffji?!^
their father lo }ttl'ju-itti rirr.
Tlur ajtpro.'ii*h ttf Shuja ^nuijM-lIctf tfic" Kut*
pr-ror tf> sotul mi army a;;ainM hum This n-as
compos^! of flic* fif'sf h-nups, ntiifi-r flu
of Soluiuutu Shukuh, I)ara\s rUlrsl. son*
piinieil fy J*J Hi!i|,r, Jlajn of Aiuhir **r Jt/ipttr,
atici Dilir Khati^ nn MuiitC'iit Mugtil notiit% Jri
Sinj; was \vc*JI uffi*(*tiHi tn Ihr Kfuprror, but
inimical to Diint, who hnd highly *iffei!ili*if Urn
ciignity by flippantly muarkm;* that Iir tuokcd
like: a tiiusi<'iiui or, us we* iniglit ;say a Jitl(Hiu%
This circumstaitt't* may parity cxpluin f hi^
cfotitrii^t !n*{ \vrrit Jt*i Sing's twmhici mill tlmt
oC the Ilnj|ii.iHi f who wc*r<* ^t f irrally islr<mly
devut^ij to thi* eiiiiii* of Oaru.
llciicti* J*i Sing was nut anxious thut Soiuiman
should conftrnt his futhi^i^s asf^-tKlaiM-y by a
decisive victory uvcr Shujit. Moroovn\ ht* was
instructed by the Emperor to prevent. If
posBible, a coiitstcm and to induce Shiijii to
return to his government. But his remon*
weft* iiieffeetuiil ; and, both
for the fray. j
?'';.
nn\
l
if
f.'
And llu-
win
jnt-
20 AURUKCKIB MAKKS HIMM.I r I.MPJ ItoR
but Jci Sing eont rived thai He- jmr.uit -ht|t
be slack; and Shtijn, with little IM--S, jvfr<.iti'|,
and returned to Bengal.
Morad's demonstration ; !
at Delhi. Though he wns hm\*
his weak character was Limv. ,i
hoped that he might Mill in
allegiance on In-anni,' ttf }a-;
But Aurung^tb's abilily ami
of subverting Da ra's nv run
considered far more 1 srrious.
soon justified these appirht II
Aurungzib, secretly rcs.!vn
prize, went darkly to work. UJihnf**,
employed by his father in th- liili!, |jr
studiously disdaimcd nil :t'.n\t\'.\>' -t , *iw . atwi
had professed to be u n ?!:'} m. JM ! u
/flWr in spirit intent only on his MU!\ '.alv.-t-
tion. He now saw that, to pain | . ubjiH,
his first step should be to mukt- n 1\.|:iw
of his simple brother, Murad, mti{ thai ttiii
would be best effected by posing Mili in Itis *!!
attitude. He accordingly wrwlt- ti* lum, r { -nt
ing the report that Darn hw! jjotMn,.,} Hitah
Jehan, seized the govermm-ui, and iitfi-mtt-il to
make himself Emperor, and tlmt Sliuja WOK
marching against him with tin? mmt< objtvl,
But, denouncing Dara as an infidol uitti idolater,
and Shuja as a heretic, and nvst.-rlim? his own
zeal for the orthodox faith, *u*d dir tu re-
nounce the world and devote hiitMcIf to
AURUNGZIB BEGUILES MORAD 21
religion ; he offered to do his utmost to secure
Morad's succession, if he would swear on the
Koran to protect and provide competently for
him and his family. The offer was, of course,
guaranteed by the same solemn sanction ; and,
as a further pledge of his sincerity, Aurungzib
sent a large sum of money, and urged his brother
to join him promptly. Morad, fired with am-
bition and blind to Aurungzib's real character
and designs, eagerly welcomed the overture,
employed the money in increasing his army,
and set no store by the warning of a faithful
officer, Shahbaz, who mistrusted the good faith
of the piously self-abnegating auxiliary.
Meanwhile, Aurungzib had induced the
Bekkan army to follow his fortune ; and the
junction of the two forces was shortly effected.
On this occasion Aurungzib ostentatiously
treated his brother in public with the greatest
deference, as his future sovereign ; and in
private redoubled his hypocritical assurances
to him.
The Emperor sent repeated orders to them
to return to their governments, promising to
pardon their rebellion. But Aurungzib per-
suaded Morad that these were forgeries, and
that, should they find their father alive, the
necessity of delivering him from Dara's control
would justify their persistence, and merit and
obtain their forgiveness.
Manucci says that at this time Shah Jehan
a
22 AURUKGZin MAKKS HIMSELF FMf
was not secluded, ml Hint h *.,, him svtrd
at a window for nior' f lum Jwlf ; hnur m fj lP
presence of a vast pnnrourw, Jltsf Aumtiir/iU'* Hi
partisans at Delhi still usum!. ->,-! that fhf : vivij,"*'
Emperor's disease was n mwtal mr, ruul Hint dif),,'/^,
his end was nrar at h;iml. HIM'- ' "
Weak as he was. Shufi .! Ji;nt u.-t-. ury IH ( \V ','.*!
anxious to a<ront}i;m> lli- j-rit^ ufj-J thr A***"
I ) t ; continued advanw of Hie 'ii;!>tj" u i-nwf, 'ui
| ' r -J compelled him to send njrniiisf *h '.-. If. lnj> f j and ' .' *
f 5, ^y m ' s personal prewnc*' t riven v,i ;t,l r .-iiint tli'r*- *"*
' them. But Dam was tppmtrl t, ti,;-. , :m ,|
: , ',; the direction of Hie rni.ip.-io'u u;i-, rr r ,| ; ,l. t l tn
him. He summoned his sin. NdJ.ninaii M,ul.i.J,
; to hasten to his nssisfnnn', ;:nl i,i."iittLI**
; ' ; Jeswunt Sing, the Itaja of .rur|j,nr, ,-.. t K.t.m,
Khan, were sent to ohsfm<t tfu- ,; fi.,: t ,. ,(
. the rebel Princes through .U!th.n|f ,-, Hii.-\.
This > according to MttuurH, u ft s Slt;i .t-h,"uA
; ;,, own arrangement .Tt-swimf -,
; loyal subject," but KJIMIU Khan's ....,.
i /' was morc ambiguous, nnd " hi- wn-, nut
I ! affected to Dam." Aurun^ii*''- nan, ti, f 4tv ' HW.Otio
; . baffled these tactics: Uu- .v'rhua.ia am! tl.V '! pi*-
* * AsWbq)nditw.rtMmv.rMdHill,, ni i ,,,, |ttw ,i. :u,,,,t-
tion; and the armies johmi | K1 ,u t , mar O|ljri|i( ;, ., M ,
where the Imperialists ww fonjjifH* Iv <it f- a|, ,!, Ti**'
Manucci says, through f| K . In-a^m m ,,| | M . tmlli< K il
actmty of Kasim Khan; whiJ. th", |(. ( ; |IliN "It **;
fought with their US ual bn^rv, a.f tilt
numbers that Jeswunt, having }si ttn
\!!< Hi - ' "
vun! nvn, ' ' '
(
His wif*- < > ; "" '
viviitg M<f , ><<' 1 '
.lis-i.-;:'-.' ' ' ?
iii* f ll:*ti>n, ^
mtiidfil In* '*<!** ' f '- - '*
r*nf*<l' 1'f t4 Mil ^ i^ # ^ f
tl$in% Ir ' *- ? ! M ^ * t ** ** *
inlhnififitf Ili^l t>.' M* ^ ^ ^. > f
tlt^fil ^f tv >i^* J
i MJ', ! ^: ^. - ' v.*
lalf^ f * ft lt*r -^*^ ^^
HXifrVf 1 tif Iff* * tat !
r lll!lf^lfi*^ HI* I ? ill J* * , ' ' f^ 1^* I
liirilf, ** t*n 1^ * * ** if4 <M <
iHll nf ;* I*4i,* 4 }
ft* him all IIH ;**'* ' j f ,
**> 1*11^ ' f K
I.ijtiit 1 ^ . - ! ** ! ,| ,%;
Kill, 111)1) r;n/tf\ rt |,| f , '
U j M j*if t<* s ,i|fii f
M -\ tit
fMIII* I ,, < . .
Till* Vi !ii h i*i W v*
imtiiaut s|f*'*a J **J IliiN i
** If
IK f
' f| f|
71
magtailit rill !. j>K:tnt f
21
M\KI
a cry t>\ a I hmrr, r< ^f*!'n<!f M :r ;i MI '.liiniicj >,\ tr
all the land. AnnnI Mir- ! <l ' ,M^ ({M.nirtms
of Rajput 'jv;>lry, V.IJMV .,..,, ' 'f - ! t'rtn
afar, anil thni lamv?,' lit ,)-., i ,'if|i 1 rcinulrrtf;
motion, serif fnrth rn -, of ! ' : : .| ,,, M },
But the ini|^iri-.' ;.. .-f., 1 . ! s .''. .i t-int i<h
little coitfidrncr. Th Jlt.vur ( t!, lipjtrrial
army had hrcu rouiuUil ft* IY;,ur* SM! t u!itfin
and had not ivjomr.J, \[ It { MIHH-CI u.c. Ncilitit}
the quality of !} nrw 1* \i* ,. \J, < ,f thf IH, hr
says, " were not, vi-ry w.-irlilr 1 h \ A < r ' -t . i < r ;.
barbers, blncksiniflis, .-.'iji* n:- ' , in,i.,r., uiu!
such like." !!* !,< mistrii*tMi th-- h .{,. .ilion
of the Mogtd nohlt-s, JHUOJI;* Mtan\ ,f \,l,,i> Dam
was not popular. And, In- .-Hid- " Uhaf dis-
concerted me was tlwt tm nr .ull . ty tha*
Dara was sure of ^aiuiii'! Jh let!!!, wiih ,!! ti,.f
grand array."
Dara took up a p<Miii)it u th- hank f !
Chumbul, securing ll |{n- j,.-, .-:,.*. ; a-rv, ij u -
river. But Aurungwb ilivwri l *,m- njor-
remote and utiguitrdwl ; m.d. Ir.ivJ,).- itN f.nis
standing, with part of his an.ty, !} rhc r st
rapidly through brok.-n and jmr-h t-nuahv,
and across the river, ttitil nj*j, -tn-a MuM*-ly
on Dara's flank.
Manucei tljinks lluit hd J) ;t rn nt
attacked his wayworn division, in- wnii{
tamly have prevailed ovrr it. Bat the *
tumty was lost, and the enemy was wiiif,im-4
by the junetionfof the rest of lm u-my,
DABA ATTACKS AUKI'MI/IN AM> MORAH 25
Before the battle began, Maiweei. frmti i hill
overlooking the scene of notion, observed nn
ominous symptom of In-arhrry. Many horse-
men rode out of Dam's camp to that of the
enemy, and did not return.
In front of each army were ranged the guiw, I
and behind them the infantry, armed with
muskets, and the came! corps. The cavalry
were "In the rear. The Princes were all n-
spictious on elephants, Para and Aunmg/i! in
the centre of their respective hoists, and Morad
on Aurung'/ib's left.
Dam was the assailant-. He opened the
battle by a general diseharj*" 1 of his arlinWy,
But the distance was too gienf, and the Hire
.ineffective. And Mautu-ci Hyn; "I was much
aniaxed at Hm-ir making n work thus for not hing."
And this peat tactical mistnke r-v-aU-d imother
ominous i-ircumshuu-r. When Dnra unnH'dinffly
followed up this idle dcmonst .ration by a vehe-
ment order for a griu-nd advance, and the
cavalry rushed to the front, ** the Imr1n'rs.
butchers, and the rest turned right about fai
abandoning the arUHrrynu-n and the guns.**
The enemy, more prudrntly, hail reserved
his fire, replying only with a few shells. But
when Dara's cavalry arrived well within range,
a general discharge of cannon, swivel-guns, and
musketry arrested the charge, and threw the
assailants into disorder. But, well sreondHt
by Rustam Khan, one of his ablest ofiU-ers, and
'I!
,,
'I 1
26 MTRrxcxin MAKIX HIM*! i r i MPI mut
Chhnlnr S?l *i Knjjit'l < f /f " ? *!,'"l Him
and the unsIjiU'r; ! v% *s n -tr* i v, if, "<* ^un
that th<y u hrkr f ! ,- ,' ?M j .?. ,'," ! pit*
tratcd to their <, J.^K- i. T .' i-a^:^ , f I * tli
rout camK and ii f* r. f< \ /'
to sti*in th<
a slight body around it^ t In ' ' ^ - ^s '
men by n. nolahlf di^jil;\ ( < *'u "*< , n^i i> *{i^ |
tion. Ho ordered his !rj*LM't tt h- . ' " ,1, .
to indicate* his l\\nl [M;:n- * i** * ;M s .1 h , ;
But again i)nru\s uu|^ f ^^n\ \. i j^*n : i. :
After a stuhhfirn rii,N \ M i . <'*.,<n\ :
was worntocU and Dma %f ; li . !\ * f *. ll,"l h* '
dashed on at ont*<% An* m : I s is, M, ;j|rr$ :
thinks^ must Imvr l^m ***aliL IU!, st^i'^ilt^
by their sev*rt* fxcrtittns auri na}- *** I t^> IK* '
ground^ he* haitt 4 d* and Ha\* hi 1 i*j ** .*. *b*ut :
brcathin^-tiinc* Ami in I hi*; j**? ijint, h* i^vd :
tidings whieh ciivrifrd iii^ ^in^ I!^MI!IIM% :
Chhatar Sal and itu^am lihan had f* *'h t^f* u, !
but their troops^ tIi*Hiyh v.: 4 \:j -\ \MI ? lilj |
resisting. lie hastened lu tl*ir 'i-i'-^, and !
once more prevailed, -uul jn$f l)i<ir *i}*j*Mti tif% ti i
the rout. j
Meanwhile a dcmjifnite initifist had t^eit j
waged between IIMII Slug and Prinw M^rad. 1
Ramming and bin fiery itajimln fmi! ut lust j
forced their way clone up to thu Frim/c*^ i-lt^|.i|iii!if $
and some of them had dismmiuted mul ti^ij,^)
m the beast, and were in iiw net nf niitiini tht
DARA'S ARMY SUDDENLY DISPERSES 27 : jl i
girths of the howda, when Morad drew a bow,
and shot their bold leader in the breast ; who
fell to the ground, and was trampled to death by
the enraged animal. But the Rajputs, so far
from being intimidated, were exasperated at the
death of their chief, and " battled more violently
than ever."
Dura, informed of this, was on the point of
joining them, when, according to Khafi Khan,
" a rocket struck the howda of his elephant.
This alarmed and discouraged him so much
that he dismounted in haste from his elephant
and mounted a horse." This may be the true
explanation of this precipitate and ill-judged
act; though it is not quite reconcilable with
Dara's undoubted courage. But Manucci gives
a very different reason. Khalilullah Khan, who
commanded one of Dara's divisions, but had
hitherto hung back, and was in heart a traitor,
and who certainly joined Aurungzib immediately
after the battle, suggested to Dara that, as the
latter was very slenderly guarded, a sudden
dash at him would be certain of success, and
even more decisive than the capture or death of
Morad ; and that it was for this purpose that
Dara took horse. Whatever the cause, the
result was fatal. The disappearance of the
leader habitually involves the dispersion and
flight of a native army. And there were, in this
case, special circumstances which aggravated
this tendency. The personal unpopularity of
28 AURUNOZin MAKKS HIMSELF KMI'KROH
Dara among nmny of hi* oflle< r^, the dm! h of
those most, devoted to him, NnMi^v.ll/s in-
trigues and ftemmciatiwi of him a* mt mftrh-1,
the rawness, iriexperirne*'. nd iwiKr*ijHur n!
his new levies, combiner! to tun^iv the -iMtilify
of his vast but; iH-assorted host. Henre hit*
abrupt disappearance was the si/jim! for mi
equally abrupt disinlf^r;l if n nnd flight. fluhnlo
successful, and on the eve of virfoi-y. l^ra *HW
his army merit sudclmly nway like a eir-tud
driven before a strong winI, If wus nrvt, pro-
perly speaking, n defeat. It wns rather a tfrwrul
stampede^ the result of swrprise, jf-rp!* \ ; 'K, in-
discipline, and ddilu'nite in-arli-n. Hut I In*
event proved that it. wnw an i f -j' ? i ^ ? \;*tI*-
catastrophe; on which atwimtit I h;vr d^srtilwd*
the battle in more detail thai 1 ^should t*tltt-n\ise
have done.
Dara reached Agnt in tin* <*vi iiiiin in a ^ijilt 1 *
of the deepest dejoetion. IVrtly fn*u> shatiu%
partly for fear of Iieiitg Ui**n* f- H-^! itnd
captured, he did not enter the city. Shah J* f han,
who had betaken himself to Ajmi. ^t^itt a ifi-
solatory message to him, iiifii hiy*"* that
Solaiman's army might still i*imhU* hint In rri?atn
his ground. He also furnisht^i Iilm i%itli att
order to the Governor of Delhi, to iiflmit hiu f
and consign to him the great trer^ure ther*
deposited* But Aurunggih had ww*l th*
Governor in his interest; utiil lie refuseil to
c^pen the gates* And an u*
TO ftU'V O!' 1 SIHIXAliAK 2!>
III* {*n]M'"Cd III ,'IV-srjtnItjr ; nru* aniiY
to HIH'W tilt* c* in! * si.
Bill tilH ht>p'K Of sHl''i>s \vvrr vr.|t dashed
by lite of fill* suppnrf mi- which he had
<MttltltetI SOU S*l;iUn:m V, ;ts a V>rnvt*
aiicl vi*'<r*ttis twttt* l!M*M'Uif!t!v iK-vnh-fl in his
CltUM** II<* IlIP! alrr;u|y tlcft ;tfrj fri\
1 , Shlljil ; iilltl liis \tr\ny w;r^ H'tr ilnwrr nf
the !u!|**n;i1 forres, IliiK :-^ I h;\^- ii(rn!!ftn.-d
Jei *HIilg, on* iff his rht'-T "H'M'fr^ was srrr*:ily
hostilr ti* Dnni, ami Dilir Khan, pmluiMy ml
too friendly to Iitin, n*i undrr .!! Sim/s in-
fittettee Ilnin Aurtiii|f/it's m-*-ilun's in thmi,
iweked !>)* his reeetit vi'fry, sh*nk thrir liil'lify
to their eoiniuaii'liT, ini*l fnuu thrir lintiil
counsels, r<r auiui'itdiii^ it rvtrnrt, aiul infiiiiatin^
their solffirrs wen 1 fu*f u> ! tnisli'il, hr
c'lfarFy ttirf lit l':st uvn* pn-jj;ir**d to
p-rIutjK to clrfivt'r Itiru up
to thtt roiujiwror* lie fhrn/fon* quitted the
, and with 4I iorre esrajied to lilt*
ija uf Sivina^ar, who received him h^jita!ly,
and p!ed|j*d hisuself to project hiio. And his
army ntul hii chief ?>llieei\s cn(.crcrl
When the brothers had taken
posscHsion of c*ttnip 1 Aurunjj'/il) umin-
ttiincd lilt* previous Ht tit tide; (ron^rutuiatcd
Ilonifl on Hie which he ascribed mainly
to MonuPs ; Incited liim wtiti tht* grcatc'St
us Mi sovercign, and intni-
ty
30 AURUNGZllt MARKS HIMSKLF
dueed to him the trail or Khalilull;th as u %nl
subject, devoted to his ink-re*! f of whirl* he
had given such recent; it net substantial * vi?h wv,
Four days after the kitiin llm \'Ir-fr r ic !ns
Princes arrived before Ann*.
Manucei was ttlrcwly thtw : ;,ti*l h* ( i, ><Ti!fi'.
minutely the gnHlu.nl ami .artful prnt-f
which the KmjK'ror was dHhn>t*Ml % ami ft
secluded, in one cjnmlrr of Iiis va^l f**
palace. The united army n
first instance, about two wtl<*s fn*Tn
Aurungzib made profust* profr^.
tion and fidelity to his fnthrr. HIH!
action on the ground ol Dam's i;
authority and crimiitai amhititiu,
gave him fair words, lutl, KTirdiM;f
tried to entrap him into a prrMmnl itifini
with no lenient intentions. Hut Aunu"/JIi
too wary $ and excused himself. M
was actively engaged in wmnm#
chief nobles^ and dmpoHsnK tlu*in lu
Ms masterful proeeedings. Many
already his decided imrliftms; Dara*
pathisers who had not fallen or flfit iv
heartened and eoweci f am) wlf-mtrsvst ;it f nifinl
the undecided to the winning iik**
Thus Aurunggib was ^iiilicilclt'ii^if to ifntl
strongly and decisively wiih IIH f*itht*r, II**
made his sow, Sultan Ualmuxxl t Uovrriiur af
the city; and he was u> Immt tlm
j !. I, in |} 4 r
<( jifti*^
tisliJiMi Jus
n'jt.-!i'jt of
P" Ktn|*-rnr
In*
f!$r
* in
win*
\tu-
f I in-
\f iit'V,/H! hi:i'n>KS mi'KIUm tl
IP* twe In riittT It*
troop* Minvi'd iiitii tiir fify, and
tin* fort. The Kiap n> ; \ for three
tried <u rr|p % l by on them, but
in tin* : i!j.i'*'ii! houses. Then the
nr'iHm I.-MI, lu it hnnpi'ml with by
Aunin c r/.'Vs '*'!' ** - >fu\\(fl s\iupt<ms of dc*
f'ltiii*.; thi*rn^*Ivrs iliiwn
tin* by ! f ti{if*s* \\ht-n upon tlif jjarrison,
in t]ts)uit\ }v'p:-tl fii fiillinv {firlr i*Kii.iiijite
still ?it:tintmfft*i \m
jl.i!til Hhrv s wliirfi had prrv(nl< fc <l
v.+.ifii'" *u tin HiujH i roi\ niicl that,
wliili 1 tit* vi us hull li|> his impatient solilicrs had
ilfti*ii without fnl' r-^; HIM) lit* j*ro|>c*M*d lili
M;ihn>*fl. hbould visit the* Kinj)*roi%
iiild ;irniii'i- umMrrs 4 F**unnhli\ T<i thi Shah
Tbc* lisid
tn tin* Jiil ri wiwr his I rotips, ami make
luttisrlf nmHt-$ nf tin* lit ibid
tiiiii tin* Hji*Tor to the
Thi'ii, luast* f of tlif {U)Htticn t Aurun^/il)
off mn* nia-.k, aitit plainly unm>unecd to liin
falht'r thai h* uas nu lon^T fii to rule, but must
taiv* lit'* rase* in tvtin ttu*nf , and h*nw the burden
of ftouTmtirnt lf *n* sustained by more capable
hamls- in otluT words, thai tie waa dethroned
ttttd it prisonrr. And, Hiiiling the action to the
itiiplied M'uUiram* r * % *^ s dttclarution, he
deiniiitdrd, Utrotitfh hi HOII, the keys of the
Aiui, u* Uicf mimiUv were very uumerouc
82 AUEUNGZIB MAKI-> IHMM'.U' KMI'IJHW
and a close blockade' was . .'M*'S ! .!. ;*ml no
provisions were allows! In .ulrr^M" forlorn
monarch was wnslraia- I to r.-M '. wUli Ik*
demand. Then tlw ]>!"*'' its If ^1% M^tpM,
many gates were dusrtl. uinl ''<" '*' < * ' -" ^ } ? t
at the entrance of tlir */', s, *> v.*iiri simh
Jehan was thrim'foHh HMM ly ^ : " '/ '
Thus his reign, rnrni* t** an n^l lit MI M iti^
succession wan still unttrvi.f^i, mul Hi* * . ;-'/-r
still professed to lr adinjt *n!\ fn IK half t*f
MoracFs candidat uiv.
The easy and
eious, imfilial, ami
couragcd its clcvisrr h* rt
and disclose !IIK mul ft
pretender to the vovanl
recommended him to U';i\t
to his brother, and ^ it ti his mui ai u i\ tf .n*uit
Agra .and reduce DdltL lint In* J)*IMMI to
accompany Aurung/ttK Thi*tu*n*niii * niaH>fp4
separately, at a miic* 1 s
and halted at ix
The ostensible reason for this ludt
proposed formal drvittbtt of M^i
throne. Elaborate prcjmrution
mony were made; Aiming^ili
congratulation^ and flattery; ami to iuau;in*t<*
the august function, invited his ti**!K t *> a grmt
banquet. But he arranged tlmt his t'im f t*Jh** rs
should entertain at own
;j b *M r,
rf M;*ti*ui.i-
^i^l t* th-
INI* th y * % M-
u% aH Muiis
AURUNGZIB ARRESTS MORAD 33
The eunuch Shahbaz and other faithful
followers of the infatuated Prince suspected
foul play, and strongly dissuaded him from j
putting himself in his brother's power. And
Manueci, who was out of employment, but had
disguised himself as a holy mendicant, and as
such had the free run of the armies, gathered
from the ambiguous gossip in Aurungzib's camp
that mischief was brewing. But Morad was
in high spirits, and, irnperturbably relying on
his brother's sworn fidelity, went to the feast.
Aurungxib, discarding on this great occasion
Eis religious scruples, took care that Morad
should be well plied with wine, and allowed to
retire to sleep off its effects, while the banquet
jrtbill proceeded. In this helpless condition Morad
was disarmed, fettered, placed in a covered
howda on an elephant, and sent off at speed
during the night to Delhi, escorted by four
thousand cavalry. Another similar cortege was
dispatched to Agra to baffle pursuit, should
an attempt be made to rescue the prisoner.
But the darkness of the night, the continuance
o the feast, and the dispersion of Morad's
officers, prevented this, and in the morning
Aurungzib's agents saluted him as Emperor,
and Morad's officers were invited to enter the
usurper's service, with a promise of double pay,
which, after some hesitation, in their desperate
circumstances, they did.
On arriving at Delhi the unhappy Prince
3
It
WM publidy P.!,-! ,,* i"; ...... ^
w. wnB .iB<-' i" "" 1 " 1 "-
' *
u It
poor Morad Biiksh mnk,- thi
nio Delhi, visible to all. Ins lar- ,,.,-r. ? l
wearing a blue tr1m,miml.,n;M."i.nm
an cxecutumer with a nakrd su-ni ,11 In, ham
ready upon ,my nli-u.pt ;H n-r ri .,
his head. It swii ,,s - n-uu.iu.l w
MM-
^N
i.K S
hi r -w
iltht
>
1
on tr rr .:,.. tim*
in reveang th objrrt. ami r,-;i|.ii!{ U- *rml,
of his hypon-isy aitfi ln-:i-h.-.-v.
"Hardly," says Manual, "!:! Mr:ul
Buksh fallen inl i ImwK nra ! Si.J:.iina H
Shukoh been dcfwU-rd, and his ftdht r HMIU-I
than he proclaitucd hiiasvif Ktj-'mr. Hr
ferrecl many distiwtww* td
of Shah iclian, Dara, M
Solaiman Shukoh, wh cam** v.-r
thereby the more wtmly !<* tin ir
Manucci, who hml joiiwd i t
Agra, was eager to wvcntvr iht- MTVH-I- 'f >*
and, after an adventurous ami danw !<I<U1> i' "" '" >
rejoined him at Lahore. Tht- nhj.iy i'riii
received him most graciously. Mniw%U'd hi*
fidelity with the descrtkni ttf so many whm
he had long lavished \m bounty, i*rsntttl
him with a horse and live lutndmt n !{.-, niid
raised his pay from eighty to **M himdtvd and
BAHA RAISES A NEW ARMY 35
fifty rupees a month* He had already raised
( a army of thirty 'thousand men, mostly
Moguls, Seiads, and Pathans. He had also
I hope of assistance from a certain Raja
| Sing, and gave him a large sum of
I money to secure his fidelity to his sworn engage-
ment. But the Raja went off with the money ;
his engagement, and paid no heed to
( urgent remonstrances.
Baud Khan was Bara's ablest and staunchest
partisan. But Aurungzib, by the usual trick
of a letter, purposely intercepted, and implying
a t reac'hcrous understanding between himself
Baud Khan, shook Bara's confidence in',
the latter* And though Baud denounced the
* as a forgery, and made every effort to
reassure Dara, persisting in following his fortune
on the resumption of Dara's flight, he was at
last formally dismissed, and joined Aurungzib,
though with an understanding that he was not
to serve against his old master.
Dara next attempted to reach Cabul, en
route for Persia. But the Governor, Mahabat
Khan, discouraged this plan ; and Dara's mind
seems to have been divided between a resolution
to fight out the quarrel in India, and a project
of reaching Persia by sea. He marched, with
a very reduced force, to Multan, closely pursued
by Aurungzib, and thence to Bakkar, which
Dara determined to occupy in force, as a strong
place formes and rallying-point, if, as he hoped,
86 AURUNGZIB MARKS HIMSELF ! MI'KWHl
he could raise a new nniiy in CU/M-.-.I. He
gave the command of this in a udi.mt .-mmc-h.
Khwajah Basant, or, us Mrmn^i r;dh lum. us
a European equivalent, Prin.h. ra. >V. * Sprimi-
time." The garrison consisted f I wo thnMiil
select men and twenty-two Km <>j 'arts with
abundance of food, guns, .uniniilMi, :>ml
other supplies, llahodiir Khan. " ui m, i
pursuit by Auningwb, was olosr n hK <r-k ;
and Dara, with a small and m AM- .IwiiMlIn.;.
force, pushed on for 'I'M fait. Manurc-i WHS
very anxious to mvoinji.-im liiiti. Hut l>.-mi
insisted that he would IK* wn>-' nsrfnl us m
artillerist in the dt-fonw of tin* frt. Mr III:M|I*
him Captain of the F.urn-rtir., doulU-tl \m
pay, and gave him fivr lluisiuut nij*-s t*
divide among his men, i-4-ruutun ti'liu" him
earnestly to the oumirh ewimumdant.
Aurungzib, detaching a f<'f'<' to jmr n- Darn,
had left Multan, and gini' >ff towards Ajjr:i, It*
confront Shah Shuja, who was nuin-hiu'.: thitht-r
with a large army from Hrng.-d. n ls way
he was met by Raja 3d Sing, who, on SuJniuum's
flight, had gone over to Aiinw;/iJi ;mt!
confirmed in his new alU-giuwt* by p
promises of favour. He was a)>poiutt'd (inv
of Delhi, and the provinw t>C Stitnbha
conferred on him. Though at t'timtty will*
Dara, Jei Sing was much uttui'lu-d <> Sluih
Jehan, a cause of no little anxiety t> his it*'W
master.
DARA IN GUZERAT SHUJA DEFEATED 37
Dara, with six thousand horsemen, proceeded
through Cutch to Guzerat, where the Governor
of Ahmedabad, the provincial capital, though
his daughter was married to Aurungzib, sur-
rendered the city, on the alleged ground that
"it was not correct that he, a vassal, should
oppose a royal prince, heir to the Empire."
Thus Aurungzib's moral victory over his eldest
brother was by no means complete. And Shah
Nawaz Khan joined Dara, was present in the
final battle, and was murdered in cold blood
by Aurungzib's general, after it was over.
The fort of Bakkar meanwhile was closely
invested by Khalilullah Khan. But the defence
was obstinate and prolonged. How it fell at
-4ast I shall explain later. " Dara's plan," says
Manucci, who was engaged in the operations,
" was that if he did not succeed in the province
of Gujarat, and suffered defeat, this fortress of
Bakhar would serve as a base to help him
again."
Aurungzib found Shuja strongly entrenched
in a position near the village of Bajwah in the
Fathpur district. His assaults were repulsed.
And in the night, Raja Jeswunt Sing suddenly
changed sides and attacked Aurungzib's camp
in the rear, while 'Shuja assailed the army in
front. A desperate contest followed; Aurungzib
displayed great presence of mind and constancy,
rallied his disordered forces, and in the end
gained a complete victory. Jeswunt Sing, on
J
T;** if Uu-
wiiii him
ln
ilis-
88 AURUNGZI15 'MAKK> IIP? -I.
Shuja's defeat, ivtttvd \.<> hi-;
Aurungxib committed HM* j '''* : "
war against Shuja to Mir .fun
ablest generals of the 1 11111% ^-i
his eldest son, Sultan M;ihmr*l
a command." Shnh Shtij.-i w:?
retreat successively to A ! !- : ! !
Mongir, and Kajm;' f ?r<!. 1 M*'n<
lodged from an cntivwh' 1 *! }*
artillery; and look up ;?h'?In r ; t>-. .i"-!\ f^rfifit^i
near Dacca, while Mir Jmnlrt h^llrd, ^:iiin^
the monsoon in f'hat rity. Suliau MrthtimMiI,
resenting biUn-ly his insi4iulu'i-i)| j.'f.ih'*:, nrl*
ually went over f.o Shah Shuj;u au*.l i*i;irrinl
his daughter. But Shuja sfrins to havr nw-
ceived suspicion of his rn!TiJ\ ; his |siti*m*
became awkward, and hi* ivhtrwil ttt his f;.!{.hrj-\
army, was ordered U> Court* *md rc*n*4ii!,iti ; f f
Gwalior* The ctntupai^n \v.s |i.riik)ii|:!rct, Hut
at last Shuja, clcsputrmK of Mir;'^.^ mttl ttwt
well aware of what awntt.fcl hint if I?** IVl! into
his brother's hands, ri'tiroil 1*1 An-tkun, uht-n*
he was at first well rcwivi'd hy the* liiny, tint
later maltreated, and IiupccJrc! in his tjrsiri* lo
make Ms way by sea to Persia. Ami iti a tU*
turbanee that foHowitcl, he was kill^et thus
removing another ob$tucto to Auni.u;j;/i!*s
ambition.
But while the with Siwh Hlttijn ww
being waged, Dara had niUKtcred In GustiTut an
army of thirty thousand horsemen, nacl
\
i \ r i ill !
|5hl SHIUH
JM Sin*'
in hi * nu
JUKI hf r< I : si' ' -
\ \l \ UMH
S,r, , , -
.'I ' f * f '
.,i f.!i |.i.
' : ! i ; . ; in I
ff
bt<
lit
HI
\.
fii.s. III^H, ;nif f fii r i tf ih f ! Jt*r 't 1 fr!."'i. Ills
only iill* ruaf ix^ u;i In inlrrnrh lii.'U/*il in a
Ktrt^lJL" jMisitinli alii^iMf t hi lull > ^iiU*!? }ir l illiL
Fur thrr-r i ja* la*' Mirr^ <fufl\ ir i4u! A
a
Khali Ktr;iii T n
f*niif{|
in lh*
hi*
Ililir Khniu out* *i' his
{; iii + srrf tu flint, :*wt Jhus Dilir uSifiiiiu^l itit
t^itfinirr u if bin flif tin***** nud in Hit* t*risis <4
tilt* b!JJ** tiirm^i dis t'urr* 1 ;u*ainst flams nith
, ** Dara's anti> frll info Uu* i? t n'}tli%l
Htufi,, iiriil, without ftuiki.^f utiy ^tiuii! tir
to lti
** The fnffMi IViiuftf tiuti <ml liiiit* lo parr *IT
ls fatftiiy
iii:! $
I
If
f
40 AURXTNGZIB MARKS IiniSKf,P
Jel Sing and Baimriur Khwi urn.' sntt In
pursue him ** Ihdr onh.Ts wnv In sH/f him,
dead or alive*"
On his way to Ahmcriatau) lit* w;i<< rriuinrf!
by many of the fugitives. littl fhr >-^< nn*r of
the city had been gained ovrr hy .V;nm.r.-yil.
and refused, to admit him. Ami M \< r;:.! of his
most intimate adlu-n-ufs now ili^*if*-1
With two thousand mm lit* rMinl his
for Sind 9 suffering much hy tit*' way, int
to rally again at Bakkar. Hut, limUn*; it
invested hy Klmlilullnh Khan, lu* nnn*
resolved to make* his way to Prrsia*
Though prrsonally intniiriil to I)ra, ,fi*i
Sing was not anxious to rapture him* Iwf to
drive him from India. Hrnw hr r'*<itrUr! to.
delay the pursuit so m to t*!mtfU< tin* fugitive
to effect his esrapr.
On the frontier was a Fulfinii i*hi*Thuru
Jiwan Khan 9 who mm tuulrr spt-ruil i.l)!ir*;ctii.ns
to Dara, who had lliriw sttVi*d his lift- whi*n
Shah Jehan had condeirittfHl hint In drsitli,
To him^he applied for pmtwfici!!, Jiwnn Khan
gave Mm fair words* But, aiixioiis !** rtirry
favour with Aurungzib, he* tmtrtuTously sur-
rounded Dara and Im fanilly, mui Mn<*ily
secluded them, Darii^ favourite wif% in tlis
spair, poisoned herself. Ami whai Jrl Sing ana
Bahadur Khan arrived in pursuit. Dara ww*
made over to them; "clmins w<w put upuit
his legs and manacles upon his and four
r l "-< (
S/ %<> *
DARA JUDICIALLY MURDERED 41
conveyed him and his family and
5 closely guarded. 5 '
-At Bakkar, which was still holding out, the
^ce escorting the unhappy Prince and his
, appeared suddenly, and were fired upon,
the eunuch in command was promptly
of the fact of Dara's capture, and
to surrender. This he refused to
"without Dara's sanction. This was obtained,
the fort was evacuated.
At Delhi the pitiful spectacle presented by
Buksh was repeated. Dara, with his son,
Shukoh, was paraded on an elephant
a,n uncovered howda, behind them a man
a drawn sword, and round him horsemen
with drawn swords. For two hours he was
exhibited in front of the palace, and thence
to a garden.
Aurungzib, affecting indecision as to his fate,
consulted his council, who, well knowing his
mind, and the line he had taken against his
burother at the outset, with one dissentient
voice decreed his death, not only for the public
security, but " by reason of his being an idolater,
wltJhout any religion, and an enemy of the
Mstliomedan faith." So says Manucei. Khafi
ICtian's statement is :
" The order was given for Dara Shukoh to be
p-urfc to death under a legal opinion of the lawyers,
l>eeause he had apostatised from the law, had
religion, and had allied himself with
"fi
42 ArurMixut MAI; i - iint-i f i i MII unit
heresy und utt*l* h 1 1, /'
was stain, his N'tJ; u,
carried found lh<' <*'> < *
dead lie u*s * %j *^
many w<pl o\*r Jj , f f . If* , .
totnl) of ffun. ( * . N ni >* *
to he impri'^itMi in f}** ^M*H t*
r < i f anil
i HI nit*
* i n d
sent I)nrs lt;M| In
Kmperor in n l<*\ ,
misernblr jnrnt \\:
wif.Ii
it is to
it wns a Imxi
I* in i?fj
mentioned, hud tak*? rifu;^- -lufii tixc tl^fju-
of Sirinitgnr,
Jei Sinpj WHS t'm|tltyui tn !tvf!iin th \l*i\ t \
to give htm up, Hut. aitl^fil li* i; * '.' !'-?i
of hospitality, and nMf." t,n hi' r|u*id rnut
strong count ry, he* seoul^} lh .-iliuif t^ nt ,iin!
threaU uf the nsurpin^ aiil m uliiM' 4 1 ' i .'.
But his son was nure .uunmhit it* ilu i, u S*rhu*
roan, aware of this, rnira\>iui(i IM * .v*if intci
Tibet, but wan pursuit! b> Ih JJ.a,;,\ Mn t
capturedf manaelrcl, ami imtui'i! o\ i * \ ,M,I-.
aab's agent^ sent to Gwalior, atnf Un te |MU ^m if.
The old Raja of Strimiffar, Munuet4 .;><, ** f'M
greatly the vikiit^ cif ff *Ji^| ratriMl nut fiy
Ws only son," and . i fl m H | mrt SJiaw J|r |l|ltllt *j
Ms days under the Uing nurc.
I
\.u;y Mn:iM-:!u;n w #
Thus by fujvr and fraud fhf r */*//*> hnd f|
oiir obslnrji- nflrf ;inrlbt'r in his 1H1- 5
;ilf;jijM'M'id <f tb<* objrrt 1 iF his st ( rr*t
Ilui unr fT'ujinv: art of slllainy i
was still rt'i|'U!:-ff r In-iVin* |u rftl! fn*t hinisrlf
si 5 11 ifivt*
l**or, as
hal rri*-iiu !ii.i ;irttl affn-Ilnn b>r IIIIIK ami wanted
hi HI f:r kiii',% o\vin?j l* bis nnnun ns j^iuwl
snldit^f ant! librral inastrr-" And lit* bar! at-
As in I );tra*s rrra% ibr Iv.ijM-nir i'f
to fhnm* tht* rrsjM>u^ibiiily For his ilt*alh o
nlluT-i. -Mnrad hail pul l> df^iffi a MTWtnry,
rn CJiiVtTit**!* *f (;u/rr;il, Tlu* ivlrdivcs WrlT
(o pr*Hirufr flu* bloml f<*ucl
Ihty di^linnl Bui u
cousin was Itril-*I to bring n c-.'jiil:ifrlmr^l
a knu duly Uitorrd Tor Hio |?nrpr^', tmi
Prints' WUH c-rmdi'itWi'tl to dratlt, uucl
in liis priHufi* Khali Khun says that " His
gnirliiiis Majesty rewarded llir eldest sun for
not i nforrinjJ his rlniui of blood."
Swh a re|huiri>!. of bypoi-risy is quite
chariM'hTislic f Aurun^/iin otnl winds up
n|*|*ruj>riab'!y his COIuUurl tft ivlatioil t-O hlH
dchuicti viciitru
Ill
RESULTS OF ArnrNC/ffVS !M UPATIUX
IN tracing the causes of flu* ilirlinr of ffir Mogul
Empire under Aurung/Jh, his romim*). pirvttms
to his accession must In* tn'krn info atTntini .
For, though he removal nil nhstarlrs to his
ambition, his triumph was !t*arly bought, lit*
had given a great shock foflir Impcriii! author-
ity; impaired its moral iiif)m<m*t' ; ahjttml its
character as the impartial am!, so to sprak,*
undenominational sw.v of n itatrntul snvn-ritMi
v I ' *
over all his subjects; atnl st't an 'X?mij!r <>lt
what I may call political pttrriritfc, whifh wa
only too likely to be ituttnUtl in clin- iinu- by
his posterity. Thus, howwor stttK-cssfttt ;tl the
moment, he had sown n pU?nt iftil f-n.ji r,f { rml,!rs,
disaffection, and const-qufnf wr-akncss for Uu
future.
The deposition and vltw iinpr$st>nifnt of
his- father was an audacious mmtvutmn
breach of allegiance, and an act of high tmistm
perpetrated against an eminent and able monarch ;
and an act of cruelty to a indiitgcnt father,
in violation of the primary instincts nncl obli-
gations of humanity. As such, it must have
***'
fs
;/.i it stmi'Ks uts srtuw'rs u
sent a thrill f imli:;n:.'ii"! d hnrror f '"'outfit
the heart of I he Kmpire. and ? '(; u;;.l!y ;MT? Mrd
the flow of the old -.,-..,' ii,-..-j,l, of rrvr'-uec-
and devotion to the Head of thr Stat% which
Akbnr and his --w"- -MV-; l;d inspiml. This
v " in" uncn -i"H wn^ drejieued 1*y the fall*
to which he ha*! ''"' ! ' t^u<l his eldest and yr.unu-
whit'h !> Imd iiip!"V(l fn- tlvir fl<
Like I'ilnh 1 , h- luul wa-.h* il his h.'nut*. mid
afft'Hwl to lr jMiitH'"' of thrir Muml. Hn, like
Hniry viti., hr hail |fMvwd thi- fttiuitainK f
iitstirt' 1y nnirl< rin-f thrm juM:i-i;il!y, Al thr
sinijilt* Monul hal l'-n h-il. like Il t
the shtujflili-r, l.y *l;ilomtr tisu: uf snncti-
ntitii)us tr-nrk-ry. CJruutiM* !.y:iJtv, pctrftnitnl
clvvoltim t ssti-h n main wrv t of tin' qwtttit.m :
he- ctMihl m-illuT lt* lvi-il, rrs|H't?tt'l, r trusted ;
tint! iMiisi rtly, fur tilw'tJJ4'M<', OH ft'iir, force*,
unning, and si'tf-wtwstwl <-om|Hinf..
c
generally, the Hindu..'-; had speeitd a'tnd more
twrsomd' reasons tf t't rnitgeruent from th new
Ki|M-rt.r. The attitude he had assumed, and
tin; f.reteee wltieli hnti btnt alleged for the
execution of Dura, obviously indieait-d a ntw
and to thet unfriendly departure in Imperial
policy. Whether Aunmjr/ib was, or was not,
Ktncerc, in hoisting the Iwinner of the Crescent
aguinKt h eldest brother, and justifying his
exclusion from the Hueacssbn, and his execution,
46 HKsri/rs OF ,\riirM;xnrs r>rm'A f nnx
on the ground of his *-.yiM|:iMa with the Hindoo
religion (ts one htslnnru* t-'-liiMMy si^le^) the
Hindoos must have felt tfwt %u*h n u^r-erv,
followed by a eapi^M en?i* ii-.f?:'n"M in |}|c* sninc
sense, was nti . ;tppfd fo !br MH'irS* cJisroun*
tennnccd but lurking spirit of Mnv^nlnmti fannii*
cism and politienl evhiMvenf'--., rinrl 'hnrlfcl no
good to them, under thr <l*uj}nififi nf Inm \vho
had, on the strength uf if, ut>n hi-, ivay ft* the
throne,
Such a eonvH'iin-H nnisl havi* nwdr tliem
rebels in their Iu*ails from the lir.sf, thiiurrh the
smouldering lire of tliNaffc*ffion \v;js inr the time
suppressed.
While Kitdh w<re the impressinris jr''Klun*d
by Aurung/ib's roiuhtct on tin* imnifs niul hearts
of his subjects, Nemesis ws nl u-trk in his nwn
bosom* The stints fif nmscient'f h*.* ndifht ig-
nore, or alleviate them by hi* stroufj ({riuston
that he wan the fntc?d and {V:\unnd in^rutnent
of Heaven. But he* cwild nut shtit his t*ycs to
the danger of his wins nvmlif*K llH-niselves of his
unpopularity to rtiuiiute nptm him iiis In^lnmA
of Shah Jeharu And in his hmely cmiwtnw.
eonseious of his own falHrnr^, aiui jndj'in!- others
by himself, lie wan iitfittttdy wisjiieitms uf all
men*
Hefiee he adopted a iystnn t>f minute super-
vision, seeret espionfige f ehwkn itntl (^tutt(*r
eheeks.on officials, limittition cif the tlisrreticm
. and means of his employ& double ttpiMisiitiiietttH
ms six FINDS HIM OIT AS ,\ i:ri,r;n 47
of inili'arv *'''i
n
want of
i!]i!!v ; /ri! for tlu*
* iii' rivil i..f\-t i riH
aiul thus ^rrrHt}- <*oninlHilt'il {* tiKkt* his mhnuti*
stratum urff*-rli\<' anil lus nruts tiiii'trosjH.'rous.
Thus liis ,'imhitinii hi I fir C'lul nvrr-l*-;ijirci
ilst'lf; ;m<l his -\Jtlfal5Mi involved a iiiiiiiiliitfiiig
drc'julnu 1 !* of his pcmrr, nwl of ilu* Knipin.% of
i hi* was Ih** rvil j.f* niux
IV
AUIIUNG7JJVS NEW POLICY
How Aurung/ib came to adopt a rourso so
different from that of his predecessors, so obvi-
ously inexpedient from ft political {mint of view,
and so fatal in its result, might serin strange,
did not history present many nnalogous phen-
omena* His conduct is usually acwnmtU'd for
by his intense bigotry* if not f;m;ificism, which
blinded him to the inevitable
of his rash proceedings, like his eo
James n.,
** Th** A >: '
Who lost three Kiu"lr*Mf tot .1 M*t
There is no doubt truth in this vknv, but 1
' T
believe that it is not the whole truth, and that
though he was a Mahometan efrfco/, lie haul also
a politieal object in his persecution of the .Hindoos
whieh was congenial to his natural character,
and confirmed by the circumstances of his
rivalry with his brother Dara. Even of James n*
Hallam says that it seems diftic-uil to deteniiine
whether love of Popery or love of dc&pottam
was the stronger incentive to hig mad course.
And, considering how unscrupulously and. hypo-
r
f"
iOT in*; OM,Y i\n;vnvF, 4?t 3
critically AWUH"/?! tn^lr ;:**;? inil fapifnl *C
lib ftrlhi"!*>'\v to ntlist .MT;"{. Jits y'j;n/r>!-
brother* in tin* **.?. *?:;.;;-:! >:';, nuJ ih<* nllr^rtf
inftfid Hnimanl *f fhr ;! i-nn". and In rid himself
:
! of l)?mt in thr titfl bv a r^i-if.-! sM'itrur*'* t>n tbr
i * *
same* *:rHi!M(. if inl^lil hi* r'Vfii stinnJ^'d that
I his ?**a.l M*r Inr J;MI i u.*.- *^ in* 1 !** r.H,fK^iM trtvt.l
' Iris ambit ious d^.^ij*!* ^S" fJiaUinjj binwlf Kt(ip<-rrr ;
which I'M* fHnififil ;*.s a juNtifirati*n <*F IJK "V*u'ifcMic*c*
I and rnirJI\ M Huf Ibis i% In f fu o-.ft-iil with a
i marc* Jntiiuaff LMMV, s< !:;* of tin* lurili and his
! IntiT cron!u - *L Tit* rr r;n t I tliink* b* no doubt
1 that h* wns ; ; i n-sd '/,calot nd stiekh-r fVir tbr
Koran and its iiMtinrii*n" on tlitir own acvount,
lint, it <l*es not tbfrrfon* fcilhiw that i'4'H^ious
^ wilt Jifuiit* at'tuatoti hiju.
That fir should lwv*? brni nltnHu*d lo his
tradttioiuil fait It -was nalunil j for, btrinjy n 1111111
of luirrfAv inh'llt*c't w r itb no spwuluf iv<* tfiicfc*iic*y f
hu wii?4 nrii iriiifilrtl to drpaH from it.; while* if*
arnbilion by its prtmiisrs of divine aid to t;hi*
citampiou *f tin* faitlt ; and in its futaitam it
ctmb!c*d him t-o lay n flalf.t'ring unotion to bi
soul# tlnit tfn*u^h fits Injuns ttiigiit be
Ills enditu* ;mrtidai*y of tshun- would
a. rrnilt.itiiiic* of sins, and tbut, t'vt-ii in their
commission, lie WHS but atrtirtg out a prcHlcstincd
career. This Htrou# ilclusimi to have
sustoineii him tlirt'iiigli his long and arduous life,
but to have fiiilecl at the* liint^ and left him
4
50 AURUNGZm'S HEW POLICY
miserably uncertain, ami seriously nppr^
of his fate In the after-world. His last uf I
In substance amounts to n palinode of his life-
long confidence in the divine nnu.lonMion of
Jehu-like faith without works of mercy and
genuine morality.
To appreciate the political objrrt which in
practice coincided with Atiruu#/,ih's it'Ligiottg
bigotry, we must consider his personal char-
acter, and his position when he enl<-i'e<l the
lists against Dara Shukolu Austere in ntoruls
self-centred, and reserved, he was neither subject
to zenana influences nor s\vayrd by favourites.
Indeed, he seems to have had no intimate
personal friends. His strength of will amounted
to obstinacy, and made him impervious alika
to the counsels of ministers, to prudential con-
siderations, and to the lesions of experience*
Indefatigable in the pursuit of his own objects,
he was equally ready to face diftictilty, clungiT,
a&d suffering himself, and regardless of the
feelings, the sentiments, nnd the interest of
others. Proud, imperious, .suspicious, and vigil-
ant, he was a proficient in <untting stutrfnift,
^ n inspiring awe, guarding against couspinicu^
and maintaining his personal authority ; but
deficient in real statesmanship and comprdten-
sive insight into the fundamental conditions
of his P owe ^ and the impolicy of abusing it
Cold-hearted, exacting^ unsympathetic, * and
Censorious on slight or inadequate grounds
POUTK AL AN1> MH I.M. MfUf'MS 51
to his abh'st and im**t trusty Mrthrmutnn M v-
vants, towards his Hindoo Mthjt-rt.s he was
haughty, .supftvilwus, and ct.nU !jtu*>ir~,
rni to tht-m t rtpprwatr thrir
qualilK'<, bttt. k*'fiJy
tlu'ir strung, and, in his
too
ntti anfipaflc lit- to
^, Imrtwrotis jn't'uli-
ihrir vulfpr supr-
stttinns, and Hui Jit't-utimiMit-vs <f many tf ftir
popular ritrs.
,Muvt'iivT, hf (l".|ii-''i utul \ilijit-injtfl UK*
Hindoos as ijifnicr and rofiju* 4 r'd rwv,
wht), by Akltar'x huii'vatiitjt jt4it'y had brr
allowt'ii 1< usurp u jKisitirm f jH.litit-a! atuf
social rqnalify with tlwir natural
which WHS quail v tn:tpjmprial<' am
able.
Thus, ftpjtrl frwiu his rrti<us b
such 11 man as Arung?,it, who was, momwr,
the nan of it Tarlar itiotltCT. it vvtnihl sw.ri
anomsilous arid iiupropfr I hut l! J IliitdooH
shwuld be plum) n levt-I with the northern
ratvs, in the Mtdiiff ;\<-s it would hnvc
to thi' Aujjlu-lrish *f tlw pale that
to
the C<'!ti' population lh*t "wild Irish," *
they wtw mllcil shimld be iwrorponticd with
them on equal tisnns ; and to the jealous main-
taincrs of Protestant uwwrnljuicy in Ireland,
in the cighti^ntli n-nlury, that the Roman
Catholics should lie placet! on it politteol and
social level with thcnwclv. That his pre-
decessors had so treated them would, to so
lint,
to
iul
52 AUlUIXC/IirS NEW I'OMfY
proud, sdf-opinumnlHl* ami self-wHlnl a man,
be no convincing argument for his eon! inning
to do so; and all the less MI, \vhrn he 'Mir-5I<-iv<|
that the most serious nIrJ;;.v!*< lo liis ;;um!nrm
had been the result of this !-,:, inim?, the
political prominence and military newer of the
Rajputs, and their eiiHmM:!sl<e <Ir\cilimi fo
Data, from his rxfrnnr iibmtlisw, and ;ille^'cj
sympathy with their religion.
Hence he was inelinecl li> r^vrrM- UK* nlie
of his anccsLui-s; and nut *fily t> n--{;in
to treat the llindotts as itn 5ufrrur nie
brand them with the old shutip >f subjiTt
the jizya -which Akhar lmI nhulished :
thus prepare the wiry for their ilrjirrssion in fitc
social scale, the snppiujf of Ifu'ir prililirjil inHti*
enee, and their eventual redueJion to the stitius
of a subject population, dommat^il by I lie:
privileged class, on whose* rightful a
they had been allowed to enitroaeh.
The time when the jizt/ti was
in 1677, tends to coniirni the view tlwt 1 imvcj
taken of the mixed motives Unit, sui^/estrd Ihu
measure. For many years tlu* | f eiu*pi of the
Koran, that the conquered infidel sholl IKS
ta^ed as such, had been ignored, mul jtllowcd
to remain a dead letter* But in the interval
.events had occurred which, while they iiutHt
haye mitigated the Kmperor^H eontempt for
the Hindoos, had inllaiiied Mn autnioHity
..sgainst them ? and inelitted him to himself
SIVA.II>
,
it*' '" '"' (! '
( |,.. ,' , 1 t .. "i i- >
of H, '" , - ' ' '
.! M ,'-.'! " - ; : ^
Hilt-inn . ' ' ':'.' "'
li'i- n. Jill t 5i "! I" ' '
vi - WM \l\nii-lUF VI
, r! '' ' ' >''
I l 1 ** ,' ft UI
,, iu ,-,tl ilk'
.,,! .,.,
Such uufun
,
" ' 1" "'' ' "' ' ' '"'' '"
ntl ' !
mra/Mi .-I'lln.' . tnu! l!.. M.. '.., of flu-
Kr.uu fo nil! i !!' :'.M-i'- : - '""'
thr xr.il of 1 ' M.n'irl. n ,nh|i'rl nii
int iimui"i.i:tt . lr ill*-
to lt:v*
:uit| hi, r
i I.; hi.
r Hi" Hi
tin-
thf
sway.
- of Jiis fvr;itMvil
m ^ Hr
-prn-it wt,
<rt'* at
54
AORUNGZTB'R HEW POMCY
Lastly, it is a significant circumstance, (hat
Khafi Khan states thai (he jizya was imposi-d
with the object of not only "<listinmiislnn.tj the
land of the faithful from an inikk-l laml," but
also of " curbing the infldeh."
SIVAJI'S CAREER
THE Mogul Empire had gradually pushed its
way into the Dekkan, and had destroyed some,
threatened, weakened, and rendered tributary
others, of the older Mahometan kingdoms which
existed there. Under Shah Jehan Ahmednuggur
had been finally incorporated as a province
of the Empire. But farther south Bijapur
and Golconda, or Hyderabad, still remained
separate and almost independent, though over-
awed and assailed by Prince Aurungzib.
On the conquest of Ahmednuggur, one of
Its sturdiest danders, Sahu (otherwise Shahji),
a Mahratta officer, had transferred his allegiance
to the King of Bijapur, who had bestowed on
him some jagUres, or benefices, in the outlying
districts of the Western Ghats-not far from
Bombay. Shahji was non-resident. He was
IS J be, on his mother's side, of R^put
descent. And he had a son, Sivaji, who com-
.
bined the Rajput gallantry and ^ of
adventure with the extremely stute and
disposition
youth grew
; $
i
56 SIVAJVS CARKKK
well calculated to develop and erowti with
success his daring projrr! of nrhfrvin^ (or him-
self and his tribesmen poltiieitl indcprndrnrv.
He was the manager of his father's districts.
The country around was wild, broken, *tfici
dense with jungles and foresls. The sleep hill-
tops, which studded it in profusion, were
crowned with rudely romt ruel t -d but , froni
their situation, often formidable* forts. Deep
ravines and gloomy defiles .favoured partisan
warfare, and. made the approaches of rr^ulnr
troops difficult ami dangerous. The humid
climate was ill suited to the inhahihiniK of the
lower country, and the frequent and heavy
rains and violent tempests were a serious
obstacle to military opr-rafions, and involved
great hardship and dungrr to an iiivadt'r, un-
familiar with the country and im*xpt*ri<'m'fj|
in warfare on such a scene,
. This strong country was people) partly by
Mahrattas, partly by more primitive Iribcs;
but both classes were (HKtingiifelttrti for harIi-
* f hood, enterprise, cunning, ami twr tif inde-
pendence and plunder.
- J. ; ' t The central authority at Jiijnpur wan wrsik.
distracted by interim! tlisHeiiKitnts dtiring n
minority, and by the threatening atiiftule aincl
;;^ ; j aggressive movements of Shuh Jdwn*s rcpro-
- ^> , sentative Prince Auningaib. The young Sivuji
, ' V " saw ^ opportunity, and, several years imforc
\Vt ' the Prince became the Bmperor f entered on
fill '
M'H '' "*"
Wit* ii
Ilk*'
and ."H < '
riitfl th* !
thr fi 1 MM* ^l |if f
hKftituiii, Ki u
nf lint *
ilrnn lid i/ i* %
Win ft*
cj| ii c
fir
nf I i
til UK
til till tM%MUM*MI
,1 J , , *, *
SI ?
,*< f *
f 1 i f M *
4 f IH
n
, Hi! (( f
MH*
58 SIVAJI'S CAIIKKR
those disturbed times took little heed of what
any one did. So ? when the jflp[irtlar*# complaint
arrived, he obtained no redress, because no one
took any notice of it" (KHtot, vil 257).
This he explains by the Wtfligewu', corrup-
tion, and selfish preoccupation of the officials,
and the diversion of government to more
serious menaces elsewhere. Hence he continues ;
"The reins of authority over that country fell
into his hands, and he at length became the
most notorious of all the rebels. He assembled
a large force of Mahratta robbers and plunderers,
and set about reducing fortresses. The first
fort he reduced was that of Chanclun (Grant
Duff says Torna was his first capture). Alter
that he got possession of some other fortresses
which were short of suppliers, or were* in charge
of weak or inexperienced commandants* Kvil
days fell upon the kingdom of Bijapur. The
operations of Aurung/ib against that country
when he was a prince in the reign of his father
brought great evil upon the country, and other
troubles also arose* Sivaji day by clay in-
creased in strength, and reduced all the forts
of the country, so that in course of time he
became a man of power and means. He had
drawn together a large force, and, protected
by mountains and Jungles full of trees, lie
ravaged and plundered in all directions, far
and wide. The inaccessible forts of Rajgarh
and Chakna were his abodes, and he had secured
AURUNGZIB FOSTERS SIVAJI'S GROWTH 59
several islands in the sea by means of a fleet
which he had formed. He built several forts
also in those parts, so that altogether he had
forty forts, all of which were well supplied with
provisions and munitions of war " (Elliot, vii. 258).
Such is the account of the rise of the heroic
leader of the Hindoo reaction given by a historian
who was engaged in Aurungzib's service, and
who, while he hated Sivaji as an infidel dog,
and denounced him as an arch-rebel and past-
master in the art of plundering, was not in-
sensible to his military skill and formidable
capacity as the creator and organiser of an
anti-Imperial polity. I have, therefore, quoted
it at length. But I must continue more
summarily.
This sudden and portentous growth of pre-
datory power was doubly owing to Aurungzib,
The above account ascribes the neglect of the
growing danger to the distracted attention of
the Bijapur Government caused by that Prince's
operations against it. And when he quitted
the Dekkan in quest of the Imperial throne,
he left the scene open to Sivaji's enterprise,
unchecked by the presence of the Mogul army.
Thus the establishment of Sivaji's power,
which might otherwise have been crushed in its
early stage, was indirectly at least not a little
due- to Aurangzib himself.
A complete account of the reign of Aurung2db
would include a narrative of his so-called conquest
60 SIVAJFS CARKKR
of Assam* But this is not mr INS; try for our
purpose.
It is, however, dcsinibic* tu nbsrrvr thai the
conquest was iumrnphlr ml <'j>li; mT;f ; that
the sufferings of the troops rmployrd, wul the
loss of life, were great; that Mir Juntlru one
of the Emperor's, most disliu^uUhrd m-nrrnls,
was worn out, and died at thr close of Hie cam-
paign ; and that this antbilious and iH-rsdvJsrd
scheme of unnexaiiou <*xhihitvd almndnnt {ire-
monitory symptoms of the ilrni^eruus aiul ex-
hausting teudency of such a policy of iviur*|-e
aggression, where the eouuiry ami the climate
fought on the Bide of UK? enemy. Ilui Hie
warning was lost on the Kinpcror.
The Bijapur Government undertook to sup-
press the formidable rebel Afauil Kbait, nn
eminent oflieer, was sent a^ninsi bint, Sivajt
was a many-sided man, lie ecriild fjfjht well
on occasion. But, like Mahmtta* in ^cnem! f
he preferred to prevail by slratritfew. lit! now
professed a desire of reeoneiliatJoit with big
sovereign, and, affecting timidity, obtained a
private Interview with the unwary general, a
assassinated him. Rejoining tils followers,
incited them to fresh efforts, and became
formidable than before, lie clefentec! itttfjtlter
Bijapur general, who bad been sent to avenge
Afeal; increased the number of liis forte;
.organised the government of Ills territory;
ravaged vigorously that of Bijapur ; plundered
Arr\i,/n: in >^ \ \ <* n*
\,\i ,,t
c;jr;>s ,n . :*ni *' ! *** T '< < f f '*e JM H r *;/ t
i i | if t < t ;t , i nj {f i f I ! *'
', v t In },I \1 * * *H* { r r ti f *!
Koran ? J <'
,. s ',,.' ! to : J rl tl,
iiml i'* 1 '' 1 .- ' ' V. JM! n
Dui ilHlf djf f M * { * >*! ,
, iiM h* t I , f !M 4 <1 ;>i h \ , t
S!t;Mh* Khali u;js ili^
ir* u";n l . ' i 1 :
Sn iin.tr Uf u* *trt'i!}ib l
Sivuju V. !^:i- fi !i! i , r* tin d
Htr lifijnrl'ff ;niii) *n if r ni;r
iipjioif unit} 4if niiin t \iiM'
Ill Viiia ,'t s|ir'i;t liitrc u* f
tins* Tin* M;thriif{;i% \u r**
In
n J:iii!i;tr
Inil ofjfy t
!i, and st i/ f r
ii*:* 1 if.
to prrvi lit
it4i f ft Ix*
Hut tin
fliui
with Ilii ;{Hraittn. f rfu ^* M*'-* r* stiff* ri'tlsi^v
Iwrfh In flu* itjn ml ifiis^ null fruui the
ruiiH, Tin* native hiMnrht! Ktys plumfively :
u Tlu* luuskeis were rendered i-tseli-ss, I fit* powder
ttpotit, flit* IIUWH iU*priv<*il of their slrin^n n ;
mini the tniops %t* disguHU*d iincl cHbheiirtwu'd.
02 SIVAJI'S CARKKH
At last the place; was taken by <
But such an opening of the, war was inauspi-
cious, and too significant of its destined course.
The next incident was still more disefucerh"nff.
Shaista Khan had taken up his qu.-tHers in
Sivaji's own house at 1'oonn, and strict in-
junctions were issued that no Malmtf tn WHS to be
allowed to enter the town. But Sivaji's audaeily,
ingenuity, and hum<ur made him an unrivalled
partisan leader, and helper! him now to achieve
one of his most notable feats. On Hu* pretence
of escorting a bridal procession, a number of
his men gained admittance. Others had the
impudence to effect their entrance in the guise
of triumphant captors of a party of MahroUns,
whom they dragged along through the streets.
At night, Sivaji, at the head of the united body,
, | fell suddenly on Shaista Khan's quarters. life
; i' son and an officer who resembled him, w re
;!;; killed. Shaista Khan himself lost n thumb
in the scuffle, and owed his life to two slave
girls, who hid him in a. corner. The assailants
caused the commandant's drums to be, beaten,
and in the noise and confusion effected their
escape without loss. Shaista Khan evidently
suspected Jeswunt Sing's lulwwarmms*, if no"t
complicity, in this affair. He met his condolence
with the significant remark : " I thought the
Maharaja was in his Majesty's service when
such an evil befel me." And the Emperor
passed censure both upon the Khan (i, e
JEI SKNT TO MAKE SIVAJI SfRMlT fid
Slims!;*} nml lirtjii .Tr-.,\vti:rl/ 1 ' fir rmdlerl
Shnisfo, and n-p!;M'*'ft him % Printer Moa'/.fttim,
But Jes\vwU was still rmpJoyrd ttmlrr hint.
Tlit* prnsjM'H d;trk<*tu*d iittflrr flit* nvw ri%t!ric%
Sivaji #rt'\v still holder, roir^nnfly nss;tiIr(J
Ilir I! jHTial f 'frit * ry aiul r* !* vr v % srixccl
t%vo fcnls mi I he sltttfv urar Surnt* nnd fiteiicc*
infrr^i^jifril naval traHir; ami rven f*H on I lie
pilgrim ships, bonne! fur Mrrrn, n pravr profanity
in th' *y<s ff the <I-\-c>nl Anrun^/jh. This
nssanH. *n his .n-Ii^i^n was followed up by a
daring ittsnlt f* his poiifieal pri(h\ Sivaji began
to give himself myal iiir^, and roinnl nicinry
cf his own. l^riner Mm/.zam was appan'iilly
not t'cjunl to the i-uier^'m-y,, Hr too (hero
fort? rmdkrd, nnd n ww plan wns adopted,
Sivaji was said to buve ttrtjpul bluoii in his
vt-inn, iiiiil his military rapaeily wits now WffH
c^tublisttrti, Hut ii {i!rri>fiItM)tlrd Hajjmt l*rint*e f
who was also an ^nam^tt unit walous tuiperinl
genera!* wight fit* welt adapted both to cope
with him in the lirlij, ami to overawe and
negoliafe 'with him, nnd by forc*e ami moral
trtHuence einnblned itttlucH* btin to sulmtifc to
the JmpfTiat aulbortty. The result seemed,
for the time, to j tint if y the exptTimcnt. J'd
Sing | tin* Huja- *if Jt*ipurJ promptly captured
Poorumihur, one of Sivaji's strongest fortresnes;
and for five months carried fire and swonl into
hw territory, 'reducing much of it to n desert
Not, however, without retaliation. " The sudden
64 SIYAJI'8 CAREKU
attacks by the enemy," says Klwfi Khan, " their
brilliant succrss. their avsaulK in tlurk nights,
their seizure of the roads and diHieul! passes* mid
the firing of the jungles Full of trrc;, -,< -vei-ely
tried the Imperial Forces, nnd men mid beasts
in great numbers p -rKhrd " (vii. ;|7."$). Hfill
Jci Sing persevered; ntiii \v:s f"rhni;f- j-notiFh
to blockade closely K;jravb, in \vbirh were
Sivaji's wife and tnalerwtl n i;ifiv ( . For {heir
sake, and probably <indin,' hhtiself vrnitalrhnj
for the time, and hoping lo protil by flic nieinJ
and religious sympalhics nf the K.-.jpuf. Sivnji
opened nvgoliuiitnts; nd, b inn will n-rfived.
and led to expect no! only pardon, but favour
and office from (he Kinpernr. he c-Mite lt terms;
agreed to surrender his principal fort* (refain-
ing twelve small ones), to cnli-r MM? hupem!
service, and to send his youn^ sou, JJM n fuistatfe
for his own fidelity, to Delhi. Aimin/ih ri-tulily
ratified tlie agreement, and Sivji inaivlit-d with
Jei Sing against itijapur, iiiui much disf hi Cashed
himself in the campaign espveially in fort-
taking. At its clow, he and his SUM S;,nl,aji
were sent to Delhi, ul hit, wett rcyti^t i had n'n
audience of the Krnperor; and wm- /M-neiuusfy
received.
Thus tlie Muliruttn troubles st-fruttt to be
ended, and Aurongzib's kin^ruft tw Imvt;
attained its object, But the end was wA ye!,
The recorded account of the rmmatltHtion
and renewed breach between these two remark-
-ATJRUNGZIB'S VIEW ON SIVAJI'S SUBMISSION 65
able men suggests questions which it is difficult
*o answer at all confidently. But I will en-
deavour, as they occur, to state what the
character of each, and the circumstances of the
case, seem to indicate as the most probable
Conclusions. The first question arises out of
"What I have already related.
_ How far was the formal reconciliation, ab
****to'0, concluded in good faith, on either side ?
J-Jiat Aurungzib, informed of Sivaji's wholesale
surrender of the keys of his position-his strong
torts, assumed that he had drawn the viper's
tangs, and that it had therefore ceased to be
dangerous, seems not improbable. And Sivaji's
Cutting himself and his son into the Emperor's
power at Delhi, was a strong additional reason
tor inferring that he really meant to mend his
Banners, and look to Aurungzib as his patron.
Tlie Emperor also probably relied much on Jei
Sing's assurances of Sivaji's political conversion.
Tims he might be inclined not only at the
moment to hail with satisfaction the convenient
pacification, but to try the experiment of per-
manently reclaiming the formidable filibuster,
by condoning his offences and admitting Mnl
to favour. Yet, I suspect, not without serious
repugnance and misgivings, and a resolution to
keep a tight hand over him, to trust him as
little as was compatible with professed friend-
liness, and to deal summarily with him on the
first symptoms of a relapse.
5
! 66 SIVAJrS CAREER
' On the other hand, Sivnji, 1 brlk've, was
j only acting a part, which ho meant to make
f subservient to a very different om% when if;
1 should suit him to throw off the mask. He had
1 conceived high hopes of proinoi if m In I he Imperial
service, from Jci Sing's ivpn-s'.-nf;ifiuiis. To in*
gratiate himself with Aurun^/ih; to distmfjnish
; himself, as he had done at Itij;ipm\ in active
,,, % service, in a command for which lit* had proved
his competence ; to wquin- influence, and wield
resources, which he might insidiously juul lib-
ruptly divert to bis own purpose <s- v nmj <*ni}>loy
against his employer: would he* <|$fifr in rtreord-
ance with his profound suhllcty, his uusrrupii-
lousness, his persona! ambition, und bis national
aspirationsin short, with the whole bent of hit*
peculiar genius. And swh, 1 Iidk*vf% was his
calculation*
1 But at Delhi his sanguine hopes were*
promptly dashed* He had count wl wilhtail hln
host, or rather, us so often happens wbcn malcrh*
makers and peace-makers interfmsc liieir well-
intentioned offices, the extent of the Kuipenir's
., . placability and readiness to employ him had
been exaggerated. At the* njieniii/r of the
negotiations, Jei Sing luid assured him that he
would receive a high mumub-w honorary
military command. And in subsequent; prtvutc
conferences he had gone much furiht'r, and
induced Sivaji to assume that he would be
placed in a position favourable for the further*
,s
e
,t
t!
h
c
WHY WAS SIVAJr SO DEEPLY MOHTIFFKl)? 67
ance of iiis ulterior, though carefully concealed,
purpose. But when Jel Sing reported the
progress of the negotiation to lite Kmprror,
he ws less explicit ; for he did not venture lo
prescribe any specific mode of treatment foi
completing flic cure of the convalescent political
patient. Or, us Khali Khan puts it;: " Hiijn
Jci Sing had flallrred Sivnji wifh promise's ;
but. as the Haja knew the Emperor lo have a
strong feeling against Sivaji, he artfully re-
framed from making known the promises he
had held out." Mint! ilhv Ittchri/nu*' ! Sivaji\s
annoyan<-<% disrippoinf inrnt, and complaints,
which are rrconted by the historian, and the
consequences of which were so eventful in the
M'cjucl, were I he natural rmtlts of this double-
dealing, though neither Hani Sing, Jei Sing's
son, to whom they were confided, nor the
historian himself, seems to have understood
their deepest ground. Klrnfi Khan implies that
Sivaji took offence at the mere circumstance
thut the mum ah grunted to him was not; high
enough, but only the same as was bestowed
on his young son, nml on one of his relatives,
who had done good service in the late campaign
ugain#l Rijapur, namely, that of a panj-hazan,
or nominal commander of five thousand men,
instead of a Iwft-hazari, or commander of seven
thousand. This was no doubt a grievance,
capable of being avowed as a breach of a specific
assurance at the opening of the negotiations^
68 SIVAJFS CAREER
and as placing Sivaji on the same level as his
boy and his follower. But this was not the
root of the bitterness of spirit which he ex-
hibited. He was not a man to resent wrathfully
the mere fact that, so to speak, he had been
made a CJB. instead of a K.C.B. Manucci
says that lie took offence at being ranged at
Court in a low station, and openly expressed
his disgust and resentment. Hence a second
question occurs to which what I have already
said will supply what I believe to be the most
probable answer. Why was he so seriously
perturbed, and so bitterly disappointed ? Was
it not because he realised that he was checked,
if not checkmated, in his deep, secret game?"
Because he had too good reason to suspect that
Aurungzib -was resolved to give him no oppor-
tunity of playing it, and, whether the arch-
dissembleir saw through him or not, judged
that he himself had done enough by putting
him off with a second-rate honorary decoration,
and had no intention of employing him in such
a position, as was indispensable for his ulterior
purpose ?
To Ram Sing he complained that he had
not been properly treated, instancing, in par-
ticular, tJae minor honorary distinction. The
Emperor "was informed of what is called "his
disrespeetfid bearing "; whereupon " he was
dismissed with little ceremony, forbidden to
reappear at Court, relegated to a house in
AURUNGZIB'S AMBIGUOUS ATTITUDE 69
the suburbs, and orders were given to the
kotwal (i.e. the chief of the police) to place
guards round it. 55
A third question here presents itself : What
were the Emperor's real intentions with regard
to him at this moment ?
There can be no doubt that he was much
scandalised and very indignant at-Sivaji's pre-
sumption, and testified his high displeasure by
banishing him from the Court, and secluding
him in his house. But was this all ?
The placing of a guard round his quarters
looks equivocal and sinister.
Had not the so-called " disrespectful bearing "
of Sivaji struck Aurungzib as symptomatic of
the spirit of self-assertion and latent disaffection
which he had never ceased to fear, might still
lurk in the breast of the wily though hitherto
obsequious suppliant for his favour ? And if
so, might he not be considering the expediency
of ridding himself of all danger from such a
quarter by putting Sivaji to death, or immuring
him, as he did so many other dangerous political
personages, in Gwalior ? This seems to me by
no means improbable.
If I have been rather lengthy in endeavouring
to thread the maze of this encounter of wit
between these consummately artful rivals, my
apology must be that the fate of the Empire
hung on the issue. /
Bold as he was, Sivaji realised the imminence
70 SIVAJPS CAREER
/of his peril, and with his characteristic ingenuity
extricated himself from it. Affecting severe
illness, he presently announced his recovery,
and in gratitude for it distributed copious alms
to Brahmins, fakirs, and others ; especially
of sweetmeats, which were sent out in large
covered baskets, lie also sent, as presents to
Brahmins, some horses, which were stationed at
an appointed place some miles towards Miittra.
A devoted follower took his plnee on his crouch,
with a veil over his face, and Sivaji's ring
prominently displayed on his hand, and nffVHrd
sleep when visited. Sivaji and his son passed
out of the city, eoneealed in the baskets,
reached the horses, and with a Inr#c body of
attendants galloped hard to Mutlrn. Three
alarms .meanwhile of his suspected eneape lute!
been given; but not until the third did an
exaet inspection detect the* false* convalescent.
Then aetive pursuit began, but was bullied
b Y Siyaji's arts and rapid movement. He ami
his friends disguised themselves ns mendicants,
and hurried forward on foot, until they were
apprehended on suspicion by an officer at an
unnamed place. But Sivaji, taking the bull
by the horns, avowed his identity, but by a
bribe of two valuable jewels procured bin own
liberation and that of his companion*. Their
headlong flight after escaping this danger proved
too much for the boy Sambaji ; and he was
left at Benares in the charge of a Brahmin,
T"
SIVAJ! RKIWT.HS HIS GROUND 71
who, after his :im-s.siun to the Kajnship, became
his St'jawis, and his associate in death*
The fufjilives hastened Ilmmgh IMntr by
Patnn arid Chmuin, awl, inm-rsim* a thickly
wooded rounl r\\ diverged suntln.vn.rds, and
gained the Court of tin* King of CoUromla.
rroscrihrd aiu-w Uy tht* Kiw|H k rt>i\ Sivuji had
nothing to hopr front his r*ri v tjinal sovrrriKn,
the King of Bijnpur. Bill his fiiinc% ami his
solemn promises to hrlp his pn-srnl host, the
(H)I<*oiKin. Kin^ lt> ivruvtT territory that had
been wrested from him by his and SivajPs
eomm<n enemies, proeured him the aid of 11
iiiilitnry fom% the nucleus of u new nrmy f
wiiieh was rapidly inereasrcl !>y the contingents
of his own people.
His progress tltctiwfwth was startlingly
rapid. The iutstile but candid Mussulman his-
torian says : u Ky fraud un<! si ratajf<*m, and by
his marvellous skill In the conduct of sieges,
every fort that he approached fell into his
huntls." He contrived, by ingenious excuses^
to evade tin; delivery of most of these places
to the King of CJl<:onclu's olllccrs, and retoined
possession of thciiK Not less vigorous and
successful were* his operations in his own Western
wmntry, SJatam, Paraala, Ilajgiirh, and at last
almost nil that he had surrendered were re-
covered.
And lie recommenced his defiant campaign
in the lower country by a rapid and most
SIVAJrS CAREER
lucrative raid on Surat, where, however, the*
English factory stoutly and sticcessfully re-
sisted him. He captured also some ten thousand
horses, and organised a cavnlry force of har^m 9 ^
that is, soldiers more iiufncdi.'tfely d^pendcnl;
on him, as opposed to what, we should eall
irregular horse, who provider*! their own steeds
and equipments. Moreover, he rebuilt, lite* forts
on the shore near Swat, which had been * lest roved,
constructed a fleet, and preyed upon the shipping
of that flourishing port,
At Hajgarh ho construe! rd it stronger forlress
than any of those* hitherto in his dominions,
and took every precaution to mnke it Impreg-
nable. There he fixed his ahodc, formally
assumed the throne, devised wise requisitions
for the conduct of his civil ^uwnnuenf, uiid
the organisation of his increasing mid powerful
army* There he defkcJ his Imperial adversary ;
and thence, from time* to i;iriic% he emerged,
to plunder the country from CJitxerat to the
Coromandel coast; to levy ckvut* n commutu*
tion of 25 per cent of the land revenue, in lieu
of plunder; to baffle, ami t limes defeat, the
Imperial armies; and to approve himself 1111
irrepressible antagonist of the Great Mujru!, ^n
heroic ehampion of MahratUi inclepeiiileiiec, and
an unrivalled master of guerilla HIM! predatory
warfare*
I need not relate Mn after-careen For I
^ ' hope I have sufficiently the
SIVAJ1 < l !lK('KMATl-;$ A
73
of the* inn n and of his power, and the
forinidahlewss of Ihr pmhh-ni which ho had
propnundi'd for sulnf inn to (ho haughty,
tyrannical, and ;>^;j;r^si\-r Kinpcror. He died
in 18<K
THE RE1MPOSTTION OF THE JIZYA,
AND THE RAJPUT HKVOLT
THE sudden, death of Sivaji suspended for a
short time the contest in the Dekkan. But;
Aurungzib's policy had. meanwhile produced a
|rf, dangerous crisis in Hindustan. I need not
r tj particularise his earlier measures, which were
*'J calculated to annoy,, depress, and estrange his
Hindoo subjects, but were endured without
positive resistance* But the reuuposilion of
J - the ji&ya was felt to bo at once an intolerable
grievance, and a gross insult to the higher and
^ * more influential classes, and it. no doubt pro-
f; disposed the Rajputs to en^ajjfe in tlit* rising
*i which the Emperor immediately provoked by
I his arbitrary and suspicious trait went; of the
family of one of their deceased .IVwees.
I I** /
'* The odiousncss, the injii^tiecs and the im-
( policy of the jizya arc forcibly urged in the re-
*?]* markable letter, of uncertain mtthorship, said
/\ to ^ ave l> ee ^ addressed to Anruni/jh, and
translated in Ornie's Fragments of the
Empire. To its account of the disastrous results
of the measure I shall refer later* But I will
*J
(H
74
RELIGIOUS OBJECTIONS TO THE JIZYA 75
quote now what are evidently the genuine
impressions of a thoughtful Hindoo on the
injustice of this invidious murk of distinction,,
urged on eompreheusive religious grounds, thus
(so to speak) turning the tables on the bigoted
Kmperor, and pointing out to him a more
excellent way than lie* had adopted, of pleasing
and conforming to the will of the Deity.
44 If your nwjesty," ire says, "places any
faith in thus* 1 hooks, by distinction called divine,
you will then* be* instructed that God is the
God of all mankind, not the God of Mahomedans
alone. The Pagan and the Mussulman are
equally in his presenee. Distinctions of colour
are of bin ordination. It is he who gives
existence. In your temples, to his name the
voice in raised in prayer ; in a house of images,
where the bell is shaken, still he ts the object
of adoration." This would, perhaps be news
to Am'uutfyJh, who, in his abhorrence of the
popular polytheism, would fail to discern* and
be equally unwilling to acknowledge, that the
more enlightened spirits then, us now, through
the veil of image-worship, ;reeoguiscd and adored
TO 0o praelutrtlly -the Supreme Being in
the unity of His primordial essence, whence
subcmlinuttt deities arc? (in Gnostic phrase) emana-
tions* "To vilify the religion or customs of
other men, is to set at naught the pleasure of
the Almighty* When we deface a picture we
naturally incur the resentment of the painter;
y TIIK RKiMi'osrnnx OF Tin-; ,UZYA
and justly lias I he p,,il said, ' Presume no! i o
arraign or send inise Hie various uorl; s <t f powr
divine."" Hnving inns comhaU-d ihe |>ir n | <m
his cnvn ground rflijri. ( us ohli ;;; ,ji (lit . UK-'wriicr
s up .s
.
h ,V tli*' intposiiion :
'! '" Iti fhic." hr s;.ys, " UM- frihuic ynu ilcmaiid
, : , frt>n flic Hindoo h n-jiu-nnsif f () jusiicc: if ; s
^ npially lor<-i,i;ii I'nMii !; <HM! polic-y. ;rs ii
: nK.r.-o V i-r, i s ; m
. nnd ,ni ////>//, ;// uf // /,/ ;i -. v /
" (pp. 'j,*> l 'j *.").
Tin- p.Mssion;;li- :iniuiov.i}y -Xfii-d hy Hie lax
was fiispl.-iyfd it. various u.-iys. ;uul on wry
dinVrri.l. sccuc.s. A! |J,-|i,i ifsrlf ;, ,v iv:! f niu i,
lilwlr assembled in IVofil ,f if,,. p ;i j m .< % ;UK |
IxiiliorH'd t!,r Kn.prn.r (< r.-i-:dl Hu- of, nt ,xinu.s
cdiof, "itul,- 1 s;.ys Uu- iMsU.ri.-nu 'M.- vvn.dd
ol. Hsh-u lo Ihcit- ,.Mi, ( p| :i i,,i .," O fl his w .., y {o
!iy his fl<-\ilhns in 11,,. JM.JMJII*. J K - \v:is
ohsfrncfrd hy a s ii|| V ;sl-i- ,-,;,,< j(( i,[ : ,r ;< . o f im-
JMtrhinaU- pclilionrrs, :md u.-is uu::l*!*- ( proceed.
In vain Ije ^-ivr <,j-cjrrs l ioree n v/a>- Hjnuiali.
"At li-iilli." t'OMliimr-: Kliali KI,:.u, " tk an ,rdVr
vvas given lo J,,-in^ ,ul the elepJKUds : ,,,1 diret-i
iin-nt jiu-uin.si j| lt . luo j, p A} ., J!V f(| , inifff , t , n t<)
clcrolj, nnder |.J,. f, rt t ,f , j, t . { .j f ,pj t , tuts ., , JOJN{ . S>
For SOItte t | ; ,ys flie Hindus et.tii hated fo :,s.M-ml>ht
they .suhmifled lo pay Hie ]kmi M (p. -JIIU).
Kls-cnvhere || K . Iin ,t<l took' a' inorc' violent
UKSISTANTK TO THE LEVYING OF J1ZYA 77
and nu'M.-M'in;.; form. IJurhnnpnr was one of
the must hij^uHrmf. eilics in (he* Dekkan, the
capital of I he Mogul Province of Khandeish.
And there ivsisi.Mwe showed itself in a doubly
ominous manner* First, in Khafi Khan's words :
u Tiu* infidel inhahiimtfs of Hie city and. the
country round made jjmih opposition to the
paymnil of tin* jizifrt. Thrro wim not a district
wlu*r^ tin* prtpfi% with tin* hHp of the fdujdars
mid 'ntikttt!thn/i*\ did not make flislurbnnces and.
r(*sislaiu*t' ^ (p. MIO). That> the Imperial officials
should connive* at and ahct Hit* r^b(*IIious move-
ment was the s!r**n.f<-sl token of the inex-
|H**dieney of the ine?istm\ and of the danger of
ov^rsl raiian^ the adminislndive mnehinory, lest
it should, in flu* end, break down altogether*
Another fwl, tuentioned by Khali Khun, is of
shtiihii* .ijnport. Kakar Khan, as 1 shall notice
mimedmtHy, was the first (!d!*ef:,or of the jizya.
He was sneeeeded by -MI. /r;d*us otlieer, Mir Abdul
Kttnin. But on Annin^/ib's arrival he rcquesttcl
to bt* id lowed to resign his office*, "and that the
cuUeetiun of the jizyto might be deputed to
mime one* else," Tins plainly iiulieates that even
the l*!uipi:ror\s higher and most active? Mahometan
!ftlnlst;c*r?f inisliked the* invidious task, and dis-
charged It reluctantly* Hut another equally
dungwouf* etrctuiiHtanc^e occurred on this oc-
casion. Tiie t\vt> streams of disaffection and
resistance to Aiinin^/ib's authority now began
to mingle. Sivaji was dead, and had been
78 THE RKIMFOSrnON OF THE JIZYA
succeeded by his son Samba ji. His earliest
exploit was, at the head of twenty thousand men,
to co-operate with the malcontents by a sudden
dash at Kakar Khnn, the collector of fliejiq/a,
who fled before him into Itahndapur, a town in
the immediate vicinity of Iturhanpur. and there
held out against his assailants, and repulsed
several attempts to carry the fort by assault.
Baffled in this, the Mnhruttas raided severely
the town and its disIriVt nrnimd, and returned
home with an immense booty.
After what I have previously said, I need
not describe the fed ings of flic Itnjpufs, and
especially of their Princes, on the imposition
of theyfo/ya. But it in worth while to mention
that the Ramt of Oudipur, even while preparing
to resort to arms, and easting dust in the interval
in the Emperor's eyos by mediation, se<*rue<l
even to affeet literal eompHnwc% but proposed
to commute the tax by u territorial cession,
Thus Aurung/ib had abiuulanl. wiuiiing fhut
he was playing a dmigfmus ^airtc, and flint any
new provocation to the proud I lit j put temper
would be extremely likely to bring mutters to
extremities, and to produce the explosion that
had been long pending. Yet he elu>se this
peculiarly inopportune! time to net in u manner
specially calculated, to exaspenifr the Rajputs,
and arouse the martial spirit cif that gallant
people against him.
The Rajput Principalities were not regularly
T
\S RELATIONS WITH JKSWUXT 70
incorporated with the Empire. Their chieftains
tribute, and supplied their eonl indents to
the Imperial armies; but otherwise home rule
prevailed in their dominions. Jeswunt: Sing
the Raja of Joudpnr, and had long played
ii prominent and versatile part; in Imperial
polities. II** had been a- staunch partisan of
Dam against Aurunji/jb. But on Dara's, or
nit her tils own, defeat, he hud, apparently in
despair, ami workrd upon by Aurung'/ib's arts,
aecjuieseed in his success, and joined him. But
in tin* renewed eonlest with Shuju he si
to have discerned another chance of avei
\vhiit lluv;drn*d Jo be a very unwelcome and
uncongenial regime ; and in the erisis of the war
he suddenly changed sides onee more, and made
I it tnwhrruu* night attack on Aurun#/ib*s camp,
whieli,. but fur the presence <if mind and en-
ergetic* exertions of Aunm^/Jb himself, might
have proved fatal to him. Nevertheless, hi? and
Jeswunt were afterwards reconciled ; and though
no doubt mutually distrustful, remained osten-
sibly on good terms tliroughot.it Jcswunt'g life.
But the Ktupcror suspected the Haja of rcmi#s~ j
ness in the Muhratta war, if not; of actual collusion
with Sivaji ; and hud also a .standing gri<*vancc
against him respecting his t,ributc% the particulars
of whteh are not cxplatm^l* Still he did not
find it; convenient to break with him* He was
loo powerful, and had too much influence with
important persons* Hence he continued
80 THE REIMPOSITION OF THK JIZYA
to be employee! in military eonuiumcK though
the -Emperor's distrust, mid want' of eordiality
to him seem to have been no .secret among the
Rajputs,
Aurungzib had unwisely provoked a contest
with the unsubdued Afghans, and Jeswunt Sing
had been, sent aga.in.sf; them* While engaged
on this service* lie died ; and his family returned
home, without awaiting regular Imperial passes
from Delhi. They were slopped at f.lie Indus,
but forced their way onwards ; and the Kmperor,
apparently availing himself of this .irre^nlarif y,
made an insidious attc'iupt to arrest theirs, and
get them into his own custody. The circum-
stances are not fully explained; but the case
seems pretty clear, when the past re-la turns of
the parties and the character of the Emperor
are taken into consideration. Aurung/Jb prob-
ably intended, to diet-ate his own terms about
the tribute before releasing them, rather Hum to
visit upon them his ill-feeling towards JcKwunt.
But he was suspected, of darker designs, and
Rajput pride was offended, awl indignai.ion
excited, by the travellers' camp being surrounded
and closely invested by an Imperial force. The
Ranis, that is, the widows of Jeswiuil, ami his
two young sons were escorted by a large! com-
pany of their warlike attendants, commanded
by a gallant officer, Durga Das, By big con-
trivance the whole family made their escape,
and were conveyed to Joudpur. It hud been
OUTIWKAK OF THE RAJPUT REVOLT 81
necessary to suhsiifuie other Indies and boys
in the plan; of the fugitives. These were
arresfed; and (he Kmperor .sought to make
the best of the sihinlinn by recognising and i
treating the captive youths as Jeswunrs actual 1
sons, Bui the iritMi could no!, be long con-
ceal.-d ; and Ajit Sing, the elder -son, lived to
become a formidable (horn in the .side of the
Kmpire.
Thus what i called Ute smouldering fire of
disaffection, whieh Aurung/Jb's atfitude and eon-
duct had kindled at the opening of his reign,
ami whieh his many arts of inlolenuiee had
tended to intensify, ,, m | his reeent imposition
of t\wjhi/a to fan info a flame, burst out at last
in determined rebellion and desperate war.
Of the three chief Rajput, States, Jcipur
was too near to Delhi, and too closely connected
with the Imperud family, to take part in the
insurrection, .b-swnnt's principality, Joudpur,
was more remole, on the west of the AravuUi
range of mountains; and there a large army
soon assembled, under Durga Das, who had y
rescued the young Princes. Atinmg/ib in person l
advanced against it, arid called upon the liana
of Onclipur, whose territories lay along the
.south-eastern slopes of the Aravulli, to sub'mit
to thejizya, and to tsciw and bring to the presence
the runaway boys. Thi.s was perhaps to test
his disposition. The Ilaiiu disclaimed all com-
plicity with the rising, ami, as I have men-
82 THE RKIMi'OSlTIOX OF THE JlZF/f
tioned, proposed to eede (rrrilory in ilni of
paying the invidious tax. This smns to have
reassured the Emperor, and lie rehtrnrd to
Delhi, leaving the conduct of the* war, and the
completion of the negotiation with tin- liana
of Oudipur, to a lieutenant,
But it soon appeared thai the Kami had
thrown in his lot with the hisur^mfs. And the
Emperor, now realising lite seriousness of the
crisis, made great and comprehensive prepara-
tions for meeting it. He marched in pmun to
Ajmir, as a central position in the theatre* of
the coming war; summoned in haste his sons,
Moazzam from the Ddkkan, and A-/am from
Bengal, at the head of their respective armies;
and ordered the Subahdnr of (iir/erat to station
himself between Raj putnna and Ahmodubud,
to cut off communication between the* rebels and
the Mahrattas, while Prince* Akhar was
to attack Oudipur, u \Vheru" smys the native
historian, u the liana Iteurd of tlu*sc* preparations,
he laid Udipur, his capital, wusti 1 , and, with the
treasure and family and. followers of himself and
Jeswunt Sing, he lied to tin* mountains and
difficult passes " (p. 290). The lYtnee WH ordered
to pursue him with an expeditious mountain
corps, and on the prompt; arrival of his brothers,
they were similarly employed ; and explicit in*
struetions were issued to wage the win in the
most merciless and dentruetive manner. They
complied readily* and the
RA.TIM IT WAR OMINOUS OF LATER FAILURE 83
men wholesale, as per orders, "employed them-
selves in laying waste {he country, destroying
temples and buildings, cutting down fruit trees,
and making prisoners of the woim-n and children
of the infidels who had fnken refuge in holes and
ruined places." The Kajpufs rH ; , Hated in true
Highland M yle. More ! ha .n ( wcniy-fi ve thousand
assailed the Imperial Iroops, and cut off their
.supplies. "They allured several thousand of
the royal forces into (he heart of the Kami's
fastnesses. Th<>re they al lacked them, and
killed many, hoih horse and foot."
"The JJnjputs held all the roads through the
hills, and came down occasionally from the hills,
and attacked the Prince's forces hy surprise."
I have quoted these passages not only as
giving local colour to the course of the contest,
but heeause they prefigure clearly the character
of the previous and later Mahralla. warfare, in
the (ihat region, and in eomhination with
Sivaji's fort, system and Mahratta "slimness"
illustrate the geographical causes of Aurungssib's
final collapse.
Thus the savage struggle went on. But it
assumed it new etui meter when the skeleton in
Aurutigzib's closet stepped forth, and the political
parricide., nd murderer of his philo-ltajput
brother, was threatened with retribution in kind.
With professed desire of a reconciliation, the
Kajputs made overture* to Prince Moazzam,
i-equesting him to intercede for them with the
84 THE 11E1MPOSITIOX OF TIIB
Emperor, But this WIIK only a veil for n deeper
design to win him ov<r to lhc*ir by the
promise of him ic> supplant his father,
who was notoriously SUNJIMMMU* and jrMous of
him. The Prince, under his m*>lh< r\ influence,
turned a deaf ear to fhr propu^I. But the
tempters found a more* pliant instrument; In
Prince Akbar, the ynmifn-xf son, who was ditr/Ject
by the prospect, and joined t in* relwls, Mo;r///;mi
sent a timely wanting to lii father, but was not
believed* and was strmly admonished to look
to Ms own steps* Suddenly it was announced
that Akbar had assumed the throne, appointed
his chief officers to high placet;, and march*
ing, at the head of seventy thousand n*<n, against
his father* Aurunfi;//iV> had dftnchrd almost all
his army, and had only u IVw hundreds of imm
with him. He sent instantly for Mon/xnm, who
joined him, by a forced march, with h*n thousand
soldiers. But the KmpMH*r*s *ori(idi*iiee wus
thoroughly shaken, and he* was in n great strait
of misgivings on all sides. Ik feared Moa///arn
as much as Akbar; and actually turned his
guns against the reinforcement. Mmmnm, how-
ever, obeyed the paternal i.njunH,Im to kuivc his
army, and to come to him m all spml with his
two sons ; and the Emperor**? sus}>icit>n was
thus dispelled for the time.
Meanwhile, Akbar showed himsdf quite un-
equal to the great game he had aspired to play.
He did not advanee promptly, And Aunmgssib
A KHAR'S DKKI'XTION A FIASCO 85
had times l>y his skilful emissaries, to detach
some of lite rebellious .Prince's 'Mogul supporters,
and to sow dissension smd mutual distrust
among the insurant s. Whether he employed
the common device of an intercepted letter to
Akbar, assuming ilia.f; father and son under-
stood each other, and thai Akhar was to betray
his allies, is not certain, though it; was currently
reported, and is quite in accordance with the
Kmpcror's slylc, ISul from what happened later
ai the Court <>f Sambnji f am inclined to think
thai- the young and foolish IVmee gave himself
airs intolerable to his proud confederates; and
that, as his Imperial con! indent melted away,
they became less and less inclined to back his
pretensions. At last, without u buttle, he left
them, made his way into the Dckkuti, was well
received by Sambuji ; but proved too over-
beuring^ a.m! lost heart. Hit escaped to Persia,
was sheltered by the Shah, and lived and died
then?, having Frequently, but vainly, solicited the
help of it military force to prosecute a renewed
attempt on the throne of the Great Mogul.
Thus the Emperor was delivered from his
great immediate peril ; but the llajput war
continued, and though he ceased to Lake part
in it, tormented and weakened him to the end
of his reign* And in the long course of warfare
upon which he was about to engage in the
Dekkan, the names of Ha j put commanders are
conspicuous by UK** absence.
VII
!<* i
*> ^
AURUNG'/riVS COXQI-'KSTS IX THE
DKKKAX
SEVERAL considers! ions now dclmntWHJ the
Emperor to undertake the persumd rondtiet of
the war in the Dckkan.
The objects of the war were two: lo rxien<l
the limits of the Kinpin* by the Mjbvrrsion of
the two remaining Afghan nioiuirchu's, Hijapur
and Goleonda, and the* mm<'\:iii<iii of their
dominions ; and to su}>pxss the Mahnttta pt)Iily f
and predatory power*
To pursue Himultunecmsly both these* objects
wa& characteristic of Aurnn^yjb's want of
political insight and niilitury judgment, lie
had already experienced the diltieuHy of effecting
the second object. And the conquest of the
Afghan monarchies, however practicable, and
in accordance with the previous forward policy
of the Empire, would be untimely and mis-
chievous, while the Mahrattas con linnet! un-
subdued. For it would cnlail ww and xeriom
administrative obligations, and u severe strain
on a system which was already exhibiting signs
of weakness and inefficiency. And it would,
AUlUTXUZiirS MtSTAKKX MILITARY POLICY 8T
moreover, tend to disorganise society in, the
newly conquered territories; to throw out of
employment numbers who had clustered around
the Court, or served in the armies of the con-
quered sovereigns; and tempt them and others
who were indisposed to aequiesec in Aurungfcib's
regime to escape it, and continue their resist-
ance to it by joining the Mahrnttas. Tims the
achievement of the one object would but increase
the diiticultics, otherwise great enough und to
spa/re, of accomplishing the* other. Hut, In
this, as in other cases, Aurung'/ib, obstinate
by nut u re, miteaehnblc by experience, and
blinded by the passions, on the erne hand, of
ambition, on the other of vindictivcncss, ad*
dressed himself to this double enterprise us
unwisely as Charles the Bold went to war with,
the Swiss, and with not dissimilar results.
From his own point of view, however, cir-
cumstances seemed to promise success to his
twofold aim, und to make his presence on the
Hccnc, and hm personal conduct of the war,
desirable. The kingdoms of Bijnpur and Gol-
;,'ond:i appeared quite incapable of withstanding
the- great army which he intended to lead
against them- Their comparative weakness was
indicated by the* fact that they had already
virtually acknowledged the supremacy of the
Empire, According to a practice, not infrequent
in India, when hard, pressed, they had, from
time to time, paid tribute to it. The ease
88 AURTJNGZIB'S CONQUESTS IN THE DKKKAN
appears to have been somewhat analogous to
the relations of England to the* Papacy, after
John's ignominious stipulation with Innocent in.
The thousand marks which, according to that
arrangement, were due annually to the Holy
See, were paid intcrrnittcnlly until Kdwarcl in.
repudiated the humilial-ing compact. And the
Mogul arms had long seriously threatened, and
gained occasional advantages over these isolated
and mutually jealous, and therefore sfill weaker,
monarchies. And if the Kmperor's dcnunciat-
ing declaration of war against Goleomla was
sincere, he believed that; its luxurious and
corrupt condition would make it an easy prey
an assumption belied by its stout and pro-
longed defence. But, moreover, it was not,
to his arms alone that he looked for victory.
He relied much on his insidious praelires of
intrigue and corruption, and. on the da'/rJing
prospect which he could hold out to traitors
of favour and exaltation in his own service.
Thus he thought that to complete the work
which he had begun as Prince would be both
appropriate and easy.
Moreover,, he had special gmvamimi against
the King of Goleonda. While he was intent on
depressing the Hindoos in the Empire, and
stamping out the Malmitta uprising in the
Dekkan, the King of Golcondu was said to
give the chief 'place in his favour and counsels
to two Hindoos. This was, of course, Neliushtan
WHY AFGHAN KINGS FIRST ATTACKED 89
to Auruug/ib. Ami Hie re-rsl;d)lshmeiit and
consolidation of SivajTs power had boon effected
through the aid of ihe same Sovereign, though
the* upstart adventurer had been placed under
the ban of the; Empire*. Such facts alone would
amply ammnt for Aurung/ib's resolve to conquer
such an offensive potentate, and to annex his
dominions.
The Kiuperor was, I believe, the more in-
clined lo wage war against ihe Afghan kings
for the very reasons that would have made a
more far-sighted slaleswan hesiiate to engage
in it. The Kujput revolt showed that he could
no longer command the combined forces of
the* hitherto united Empire, and this example
of untied resistance might be followed else-
where,*, iind both diminish and divert to the
new scenes of disturbance the military strength
of his distracted dominions. But he hud been
not only eudangeml, but humiliated in Raj-
putmm ; his prestige as a great general had
suffered eclipse, and bis Imperial dignity had
been grossly affronted and impaired. And I
believe that he was anxious to recover his
ground, and to restore his reputation, by a
strik ing mili hi ry triumph, and the extension
of the Kmpiiv by the annexation, of two new
provinces.
As to the Mahraltas, he not only affected,
but, I believe, really felt, in spite of Sivaji's
exploits, supreme contempt for them. In his
90 ATOUNGZIB'S CONQUESTS IN Till DEKKAN
eyes they were merely a barbarous eon un unity
of active, adroit, and greedy T>n<jands, who had
been formidable to society so as they were
animated and by a of such
exceptional ability as Sivuji ; but who, having
lost their leader, would. If they did not
probably fall out ;unnn<* Uiemsrlves betray
each other, and be easily c-iremnvenled by his
combined arms, subtle intrigues, npprafs to
their cupidity. But he totally to
appreciate their higher moral rlwrnrf eristics ;
the resolute passion for national independence
which their leader had kindled in their bosoms ;
their abhorrence of his new version of the ob-
ligations of a M;ihonie!;in Hvrreijjn towards
men of their own religion ; their intense devotion
to the memory, the example, ami the institu-
tions of their heroic! ami Indomitable chief;
and the confidence which lie luid imparted |o
them that the Imperial power, so far from
being irresistible, was extremely vulnerable, mid
if persistently assailed, on his im.lhuti, might, be
brought low in the end.
Thus grievously underesl.iw:tfmr the moral
strength of this bandit remfederaev, Aurnnoyjb
*: ' ' n"" 1 *
prepared to confront it, with nil iiiuliMt!(>rnitig
arrogance, and fixed idcu of sulHlutn^ and
tyrannising over it, similar to thw of Philip if.
towards the Dutch " sea-beggars " ; ami, as I said
of Charles the Bold, with not dissimilar results.
Khafi Khan attributes the Emperor's under-
STRENGTH OF THE MATIUATTA BASE 91
taking the personal superintendence of the war
to the insolence of* Sumbaji in venturing to raid
almost up to the gates of liurhanpur. There
is a genii of truth in this statement. But 1
think it would be more exact to say that
Aurungy-ib's mistrust; of the fidelity of his deputy,
Khan Jchan, as well as of his son, .Prince
Moa/zani, besides the other reasons that 1 have
mentioned, wished wilh him in this decision.
And as Hurltanpur mtd its virhiil.y had been
the focus of the anti-/fc//^. movement, and this
had been fomcnlcd and assisted by Sainhaji's
incursion, to make Burlumpur his headquarters
was an obviously expedient plan. There, accord-
ingly, he assembled a mighty host, and estab-
lished a splendid and imposing Court (1688).
The first; operations against the Mahrattas
were confided to Prince Moazzam. He was to
invade the rugged, intricate, and wooded region
of the Concan, the western declivities of the
mighty Ghats; to "capture the forts, and
punish the infidels." Such, was his commission.
But to rxeeufe it was not so easy as the Kmperor
chose to assume. The difficulties of Mahmtta
warfare, and the geographical advantages of the
Muhruttu base, at once became evident, and
the collapse of t! i is c x pe< I i tio i \ f< > re -shadowed
the fate of Aimnig f /ib's gen<Tal undertaking.
Some passages of the hostile but truthful
httsto.rian'.s narrative will best describe the result
(pp. 314-315).
02 AITRTTNGZIB'S CONQUESTS IN THE DEKKAN
46 On the march through the narrow passes
there were rnnny sharp lights with the enemy, in
which numbers of the royal soldiers fe!L . . . The
air of the place did not suit the invnders. The
enemy swarmed around on every side, and cut
off the supplies. . . . The* enemy cut clown the
grass, which was a cause of groat distress to
man and beast, and they had no food hut cocoa-
nuts, and the grain called Imdnn^ which acted
like poison, upon them. (Jrrnt numbers of men
and horses 'died, drain was scarce and clear*
, . . Those men who escaped death drajj^ed on
a half-existence, a.iu'1 with crying and groaning
felt as if every breath I hoy drew was their last.
There was not a noble who had a horse in his
stable fit for use.'*
He then explains that the Kinpemr, to relieve
the army from starvation, ordered his ofliditls
at Surat to send ample supplies of grain to it by
sea. Buthe continues: u As the ships bad to
pass by their newly erected fortresses, (the enemy]
stopped them on their way, and took most of
them. 55 And. he concludes this lugubrious ac-
count thus : " The order t length eame for
the retreat of the army, and it fell buck fighting
all the way to Ahuiudnngnr, where Aiimug^ib
then was."
Such was the significant prelude to the great
tragedy that was to follow ! Yet the Ktnpcror's
calculation, that the death of Sivaji had removed
the chief obstacle to his success, would have
DKGKNKUAOY Of SAMBAJI
93
been still more confident had he understood
better than lie nppenrs to have done, the char-
acter of his successor. For Snmbuji, the new
Raja* was a complete contrast to his father.
Sivaji's versatile genius, ama/.ing energy, sleep-
vigilance, and lively sympathy with his
followers had given him a commanding ascend-
ancy over them ; had enabled him to maintain
strict; discipline in his army, an admirable
organisation of his fort system, and appropriate
regulations for the conduct of his civil govern-
O ' vT*
men t -in short, to transmute* a, band of brigands
into an effective and formidable antagonist of
the Imperial power. But Sambaji was utterly
destitute of his great qualities, insensible to the
requirements of his position ; reckless, self-
indulgent, and disposed to be tyrannical ; and
and, perilously subservient to the
influence of an evil - minded favourite, the
Kaloo&hn, who had taken charge of
him when Iris father was obliged to leave the
boy behind in the course of his precipitate
from Delhi. Such a regime threatened
the speedy undoing of Sivaji's work, and the
renewed triumph of the Crescent over militant
TTinclooism. Sed Ms aliter vimm? as will soon
appear*
1 will, however,, first dispose of the Emperor's
with the Afghan monarchies. He
that of Golconda. The immediate
conduct of the operations was entrusted to
/ft
94 AUllUNGZIirS CONQUESTS IN THE DEKKAN
Prince Moazzam and Khan .Tchan. They gained
victories ; but, as the Emperor thought, neglected
to push their advantage, and lie sharply repri-
manded them. Still the Prince showed no great
alacrity to fight a genera! battle, hut sent a
chivalrous challenge to engage with two or three
on each side, which came to nothing. At last
the desertion of one of his chief ^enemls so
much alarmed the King, that he fled into (he
strong fortress of Goleonda, Iravin/.; his capital,
the adjacent city of Hyderabad, in u shite of
wild panic, which was quickly justified by a
rising of the "lawless ('lasses, mid a horrible
scene of indiscriminule cruelly and looting. But
matters became still worst* when Hie Imperial
army attacked and forced ils way into the city,
and the soldiers, in spite* of the efforts of the
Prince to restrain them, emulated the worst
actions of the insurgent budmttxhw.
Meanwhile Prince Moa'/Kum wade n con-
vention with the Sovereign, which saved bis
kingdom for the time, and was grudgingly
acquiesced in by the Emperor. War was then
resumed with Bijupur, ami, after u tedious
siege, in which the assailants Kuffcrcd much, the
capital was surrendered ; the Sovereign was
sent to Dowlatabod, pensioned, and imprisoned ;
and his dominions wen? reduced ti> u Mogul
province (1686). In the coursti of I he siege
the Emperor had conceived new .suspicions of
the fidelity of Prince 111110 w
ATTACKS GOLCONDA 95
I Shah Alum, and hail instituted a strict inquiry,
without ascertaining any material facts against
i him. But his distrust remained, and his son.
; experienced the, effects of it later. Nor was
j Aumng/Jb's uneasy mind better satisfied with
| his other general, Khan Jchan. "He was,"
! says Khali Khan, "annoyed with him for not
* having pursued and srcured Prince Akbar when
that Prince was near his territory." He seems,
in fact, to have been constantly haunted by the
i fear of a. t-onspiraey to retaliate upon him his
unfilial conduct.
The attack on Goleonda was now resumed;
I but Aurungy,ib ma<le his approach in a charaeter-
j istieally insidions manner. On the pretext of a
pilgrimage, he massed his army in the neighbour-
I hood. lie then formally demanded payment
I of the tribute, affecting a friendly tone. But
i he sent privalr instructions to his envoy to
! extort as much money as he could his diplomacy
| being reinforced by the proximity of the Imperial
! forces.
! When a large sum had been safely received,
the Emperor threw off the mask, denounced
the King** conduct in a fierce reply to a humble
' petition for forgiveness, and marched upon
Goleonda. Some of the counts of this indict-
ment arc significant of Aunmg'/ib's policy, and
its tendency to unite Mussulmans and Hindoos
! against him, e.g. the King is accused of " placing
the reins of authority and government in the
96 AURTJNGZIB'S CONQUESTS IN THE DEKKAN
hands of vile tyrannical infidels" (I his refers to
the two Hindoo ministers, Machmu nncl Akana) ;
" making no distinction behveen infidelity
and Islam," and u w^wg obslinafe war in
defence of infidels " (this refers lo I he aid given,
to Sivaji) ; and a new grievance of the* same kind
is now added: "It has lately become known
that a lac of pagodas has been seni to the
wicked, Sambha."
The final defence of the royal fortress was
heroic. The placet was amply supplied with
arms, ammunition, and food. The gu rrist >n
fought most gallantly and pers< -venn^ty t they
poured upon the assailanls an uneensm<r Ore of
artillery and small, amis; made bold and fre-
quent sallies, repulsing the besiegers, destroying
their works, and disputing every step of their
advance. The assailants mined ; the assailed
countermined,, and secretly withdrew or damped
the enemies* powder, so thai it produced little
effect. In other cases the explosion look a
wrong direction and overwhelmed the besiegers.
"Then," we are told, " great; wailing and com-
plaints arose from the troops engaged in the
siege/' The efforts of the defenders were
vigorously seconded by their allies- -the Ilnli-
rattas ;
" The forces of the hell-dog Smiihha hud come
to the assistance of Huidtmibad, and, hovering
round the Imperial forces, they cut off the
supplies of grain/* Famine was the result, and
THE SIEGE OF GOLCONDA 97
its natural consequence, pestilence. An escalade
was attempted, but was repulsed. The be-
siegers and their works suffered much from a
heavy rain; and in their disorder were cut up
by another sally, and many were made prisoners.
Abul Hasan again tried to negotiate. But the
Emperor insisted on his surrendering at dis-
cretion, and the struggle was renewed. The
long 'delay kindled the anger of Aurungzib.
He called, together his officers and chiefs, and,
placing himself at about a gun-shot distance
from the walls, ordered an assault to be made
under his eyes* Prodigies of valour are said
to have been exhibited by his army. But a
storm of wind and rain arose, and obstructed
the progress of the assailants; and they were
forced to fall back, drenched with the torrent.
The garrison made another sally, took posses-
sion of the trenches, spiked the heavy guns,
OE the mounting of which immense sums of
money infinite labour had been expended ;
^and carried away all that was portable* They
pulled out of the moat the logs of wood and
the many thousands of bags, which had been
to fill it up, and with them repaired the
breaches made by the mines. Still the be-
persevered. " They east into the ditches
of filled with dirt and rabbish ?
of of animals and men
who had during the operations. Several
times the valour, of the assailants carried them
r7<
98 AURUNGZIirS CONQUKSTS IN THE DKKKAN
to the top of the walls; but the watchfulness
of the besieged frustrated their efforts, so they
threw away their lives in vain, and the fortress
remained untaken."
I have given this rather detailed account
of the siege of Golconda because it shows, what
the Emperor would not have* acknowledged,
that if in the comparative integrily of his
military power lie was so long and eoiuplrfcly
baffled in his attempts to master a single fortress,
the prospect of reducing the long tine of fast-
nesses that studded the crests of at region most
unfavourable to his opera! ions, and exhausting
to his soldiers, was not; a hopeful one.
Already, in the lower country, the troops
began to murmur, and many, we are told,
actually deserted. But, as I have already said,
the Emperor did not rely on arms alone. While
his inflexible determination told upon the de-
fenders, he was busily engaged in playing upon
their fears and their hopes, and thus seducing
them from their allegiance to u falling cause,
Thus, by degrees, he won over many, whom
he received gladly into his srrvie<\ But there
was one notable contrast to these traitors.
Abdur Razzak, when the place wa at last
betrayed, and the gates opened, is Haul to have
received more than seventy wounds in a lust
desperate attempt to oppose the entrance of
the enemy. The Emperor, whether from genuine
admiration, or desirous to attach to himself so
SAMBAJT, SON, AND MINISTER CAPTURED 99
v valiant and steadfast a man, sent two surgeons,
a European and a Hindoo,, to attend him, and
said that " if Abul Hasan had possessed one
more servant devoted like Abdur Ilarank, it
would have taken much longer to subdue the
fortress." The hero did recover, and alter an
interval did enter the Imperial service* The
conquered King behaved with great 'dignity*
He was courteously received, and pensioned;
but consigned, like his Bijapur corn peer, to
the strong fortress of Dowlatabad, And his
dominions became, as in the other ease, an
Imperial, province (1037); destined, however,
to be soon again virtually detached, and
appropriated by Nizam-ul*Mulk*
As I intimated above, pestilence had already
assailed the Imperial army. This, owing, no
doubt, to the disturbed state of the country
and the consequent scarcity, DOW spread over
the Dckkan, where it seems to have been closely
conterminous with the theatre of war; and it
lasted eight years (1C83~1G91). The Imperial
army suffered severely from it; the mortality
was enormous, and numberless victims lay
uncarcd for and unburied.
The Emperor, now free to devote his whole
attention to the Mahrattas, conceived new hopes
of success from a remarkable achievement, the
kidnapping of their new Raja. His best policy
would probably have been to leave Samboji,
for the time, severely alone, as an objective;
100 ATJRUNGZIB'S CONQUESTS IN THE DEKKAN
to repel Mahratta raids; but to trust to the
internal dissensions of his enemies, provoked
by Sambaji's character and the ascendancy of
Kaloosha, whom he had made his minister ;
and to have fomented the strife by his intrigues
and bribery. But an enterprising officer pro-
posed a coup de main, which was approved, and
was successful in its immediate object.
The Raja and his favourite, instead of
attending to the business of government, had
retired to a secluded glen, and, in fancied security,
devoted themselves to untimely and questionable
enjoyments. Mukarrab Khan, an old servant
of the Golconda King, made a sudden dash into
the mountain region, and surprised and captured
the Raja, his young son, and his minister,
and conveyed them all to the Emperor's head-
quarters. When they were brought into his
presence, Aurungzib descended from his throne,
and thrice made solemn obeisance to Heaven,
in thankful recognition of the favour vouchsafed
him. This the fettered minister flippantly inter-
preted to his master as an involuntary homage
to the majesty of the Raja. And, desperate of
obtaining mercy, both vied in scurrilous abuse
of the Emperor and his religon. He was urged
to spare them, not in clemency, but from policy,
that is, on condition of Sambaji's surrendering
bis forts. But Aurungzib preferred to inflict
signal and exceptional vengeance upon thenct
for their personal outrage on himself, and their
SAMBAJ1 PUT TO DEATH WITH TORTURE 101
blasphemies against his religion. But in putting
them to death he also had a politic object, in
which, as so often, he quite miscalculated. a The
Emperor/* says Khafi Khan, "was in favour
of seizing the opportunity of getting rid of these
prime movers of the strife, and hoped that with
a little exertion their fortresses would be reduced "
(1689), Accordingly, " their tongues were cut
/ out, their eyes torn out, and they were put to
death with a variety of tortures." "Such,"
' concludes the historian, " is the retribution for
rebellious, violent, oppressive evil-doers" (p. 841)*
I The one-sided nai'vetd of this sententious moral
) is 1 rather amusing. But another observation
1 of the same writer is more to the point- u It
1 was/" he says, u the will of God that the stock
of this turbulent family should not be rooted
out of the Dakhin, and that King Aurungzcb
should spend 'the rest of Ms life in the work of
t repressing them and taking their fortresses, 9 *
Whether, degenerate as he was, Sambaji
would have consented to save his life on the
proposed condition, had the Emperor been per-
to forego his eruel vengeance, and simply
f 1 imprison him, may be doubted- But that Aur-
ungzib thus deliberately preferred a brutal
revenge to a possible chance of mastering the
is dear*
VIII
THE MAHRATTA WAR OF
INDEPENDENCE'
THE Emperor counted the more on the eflfeet
of Sambaji's removal, inasmuch as he had in his
hands his victim's young son and titular suo-
cessor in the Rajaship, who might prove a usefixl
hostage, and facilitate the submission of th.e
acephalous bandits. But once more his state-
craft was at fault, from his inability to realise
the situation, the disposition and sentiments,
the inflexible resolution, the versatile military
ability, of his despised enemies, and the im-
mense advantage which nature and art had
together conferred upon them in their mountain
base.
Moreover, the circumstances of Sambaji*s
death intensified the spirit of resistance. In his
last hours he had in Mahratta estimation don<3
much to redeem his personal vices and his
political imbetility. He had died in the asser-
tion of his religion and the denunciation of
the False Prophet, and might be regarded
as a martyr to Hindooism; and his blood, as
usual, was the seed of what I may venture to
RAM RAJA ASSUMES THE REGENCY IDS
call, by analogy, his Church. Thus love of
plunder and warlike enterprise, a sense of
growing influence and power in the lowlands,
attachment to their familiar and well-guarded
mountain haunts, a passionate spirit of inde-
pendence, and last, but not least, zeal for their
own religion and profound animosity to Aurung-
zib's cold-blooded and cruel persecution of its
professors, combined to sustain their resistance,
and completely baffle the Emperor's calculations.
Aurung'/Jb now advanced to the vicinity of
Bijapur, and there encamped, to be at hand
for the contemplated attack on the Mahratta
country. But there he learned that, so far from
yielding, the enemy were preparing to take the
offensive, Samhaji's brother-, Ram Raja, had
assumed the regency, pending his nephew's
captivity* Large forces were mustering in the
hills* and were to be employed in invading the
lowlands and assailing such mountain fast-
nesses as had been reduced by the Moguls.
Purnala was thus retaken, with much less
difficulty than had been experienced in master-
ing it. Indeed, already Imperial officers began
to quail before the Mahratta onslaught. Thus
llajgurh was now tamely surrendered on capitu-
lation by its Mogul commandant, though a
force was hastening to its relief. And, in
breach of the terms, he was despoiled, and
sneaked into headquarters at night in a pitiable
condition* Elsewhere also, the Hindoo reaction
104 THE MAHRATTA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
was in progress. The Rajputs were not recon-
ciled. And now, between them and the
Mahrattas, another Hindoo people, destined to
play a considerable part in the final drama of
Imperial dissolution the Jats, were stirring,
and had already, near Agra, attacked an Im-
perial convoy en route, and slain the officer in
command of it. The Emperor was so indignant
at the failure of his Viceroy to keep this people
in order, that he removed him, and replaced
him by Bidar Bakht, his grandson.
His increasing animosity to the Hindoos
was signified by a new edict of social intolerance.
No Hindoo was to ride in a palki, or on a horse,
without special permission. This restriction
niay 5 however, have been partly intended to
check seditious gatherings.
Meanwhile, the energy and assurance of the
new Regent were shown in his marching com-
pletely across the peninsula to the relief of
Gingee, in the Carnatic Plain (where Sivaji had
acquired territory in his later years), which
was now besieged by Zulfikar Kha,n, one of
the ablest Imperial generals. Ram Raja was
well served in his absence, and the campaign
proved most disastrous and dispiriting to the
Imperialists. Two gallant and skilful officers,
trained by Sivaji, Santa ji Ghorepuray and
| Dhunaji Jadu, distinguished themselves by their
| activity and boldness, repeatedly defeated the
f Imperial commanders, thoroughly cowed their
I
\,
I
SUCCESS OF THE MAHRATTA TACTICS 105
spirits, frequently captured them, and charac-
teristically released them on the payment of
heavy ransom. The candid Mahometan historian
makes the fullest admissions on this subject.
Thus he says of Santaji :
64 Every one who encountered him was either
killed or wounded and made prisoner; or if
any one did escape it was with his mere life,
with the loss of his army and baggage. Nothing
could be done, for wherever the accursed dog
went, and threatened an attack, there was no
Imperial amir bold enough to resist him, and
every loss inflicted on their forces made the
boldest warriors quake " (p. 347). And he pro-
ceeds to exemplify this remarkable testimony
by citing the successive overthrow and capture
of three officers ; the first of whom, he says,
" was accounted one of the bravest and most
skilful warriors of the Dakhin " ; and the second,
" the Rustanx, of the time, and as brave as a lion. 55
To these exploits in the Dekkan, the same
heroic partisan soon added another decisive
defeat of the Imperial generals on the distant
border of the Carnatic.
Aurungzib's reception of these repeated evil
tidings was characteristic. " He was," says
Khafi Khan, " greatly distressed, but in public
he said that the creature could do nothing, for
everything was in the hands of God. 53 Fatalism
is a poor consolation to a would-be conqueror,
unless he is sure that Providence is on the side
106 THE MAHRATTA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
of the strong battalions, and that those battalions
are his own !
^ or a time the stress of the war centred in
the siege of Gingee. This was the place, the
capture of which, in the course of one night,
established Bussy's reputation in Dupleix's time.
-" u * tb e Imperialists now blockaded it unsuccess-
fully fo;r several years. They seem to have
had no heart or confidence to attempt the
Frenchman's bold operation. They did not even
completely invest the place. After a while,
the blockaders were themselves blockaded ; the
neighbouring population was hostile to them,
and joined the Mahrattas, who (we are told)
" surrounded the royal army on all sides, and
showed great audacity in cutting off supplies.
Sometimes they burst unexpectedly into an
entrenettrnent, doing great damage to the works,
and causing great confusion in the besieging
force." The garrisons also stoutly defended
themselves, being well armed and provisioned ;
and co-operated zealously with their friends
without. But this was not the worst. Internal
dissensions sprung up among the besiegers,
and rea,efced a very dangerous climax. Zulfikar
Khan was the working head of the army, and
acted independently of the Emperor's son,
Prince Kam Bakhsh, who was also present,
and -wished his authority to be recognised.
Mortifiecl at his subordinate position, he entered
into communications with the enemy, and,
A GINGEE SURRENDERED BY COLLUSION 107
y
according to Khafi Khan, was actually " on the
point of going over to them 55 ! Zulfikar Khan
* and his supporters, availing themselves of the
pretext that they could not take the Emperor's
orders, as the Mahrattas had intercepted all com-
munication with him, and that the Prince was*
-fr meditating treason, took the strong step of
placing him in arrest. At this crisis, the redoubt-
able Santaji arrived on the scene. Whereupon
the Imperialists hastily broke up the siege, and
retired, skirmishing, into the neighbouring hills.
At length a show wa made of resuming
the blockade. But this seems to have been a
mere feint to cover the fact that a bargain had
been struck, and Gingee, like other places later,
fell by bribery (1698). This is suavely intimated
; by Khafi Khan: "According to report, a sum
of money reached the enemy, and they evacuated
the fortress and retired."
| The Emperor's perplexity and mortification
on this occasion were extreme. The long dura-
tion of the blockade, the frequent reverses of
his arms in the prosecution of it, the unsatis-
. factory mode of its eventual acquisition, the
* Mgh-handed action 'of his generals, and the
ambiguous conduct and public arraignment and
disgrace of his son, affected him greatly. He
coldly commended the generals-; but he released
I the Prince, to whom he was much attached,
and bore a grudge against his accusers.
Santaji meanwhile was pursuing his brilliant
108 THE 3WTAHRATTA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
and terror-striking career in the Dekkan. His
destruction, of an Imperial army under Kasim
Khan, orte> of Aurungzib's best generals, was
net only sg o serious a blow, but affords so char-
acteristic a.n example of Mahratta tactics, that
I would ? faln describe it in detail. But the
closing seene will suffice. After being sur-
rounded, and having tried in vain to cut
through tbte swarmiiig and resolute host, the
Moguls foutght their way to a fort Danderi.
"There," says Khafi Khan, " for a month they
were besieged within the four walls, and every
day affairs grew worse with them. They were
compelled to kill and eat their baggage [horses]
and riding liorses, which were themselves nearly
starved. . _ . The stores of grain were exhausted.
... To esoa,pe from starvation many men threw
themselves from the walls, and trusted to the
enemy's mercy . . . . Reverses, disease, deficiency
of water, amid want of grain reduced the garrison
to the verge of death. Kasim Khan, according
to report, ira despair poisoned himself " (p. 356).
After lads death, the other officers were
similarly affected, and ransomed themselves for
the large suLm of seven lacs of rupees, equivalent
to 70,OOO. Then they were allowed to steal
away, eac~b> with his horse and the clothes he
wore, but not without giving good security for
the payment of the ransom. The historian
adds : " The Government and personal property
lost during this war \i.e* Santaji's struggle with
CITTORKPURAY MTTRDKRKD
Kasim] and exceeded fifty or sixty lacs of
rupees." Hence we may appreciate the ruinous
drain on the public and privaf:e resources of the
Empire by the incessant wear and tear
of the protracted War of Independence,
Himmut Khan and another Imperial general
marched .to relieve the blockaded force.
they were lured into an ambush, and cut off
by the gallant and wily lender*
This, however, was SanlajPs last achieve-
ment. He was unpopular on account of his
discipline ant! severe punishments. And
he basely assassinated by some of his own
people, apparently with the connivance, if not
at the instigation, of his rival, Dhunaji Judu,
who Is to have been actuated by jealousy.
Sjiiitiijfs family continued estranged from
the Mahrathi Confederacy, though they con-
tinued to the Moguls. I may mention
incidentally the who joined 1 i ve
in the defence of Arcot, a descendant; of the
murdered Champion of Mahratta Independence.
Hit* Imperialists were overjoyed al; the iid-
of Sanlaji's But there was no lack
of to his and carry on his work.
A appears on the scene, and a p
IE which he concerned further
the of the war to impoverish
the Empire, the Mahrattus, and, establish
corrupt relations among the Emperor's j,
own generals*
J I'
110 THKMAII1JATTV W II! OF INW.TIA'hr.M H
The Muhraila olHecr, with thouHant!
horse, was raiding in flu* nei#h!mtiihnotl O f
Nundatbar, and demanded from flit* ritv.
But the inhnhitniiK rt-fusnl h pay il and el4iM*d
their gates, which, we me fold ** 'jn'rflv ,-:iM*i\rd
the Muhraltns.'* Alrrndy they Ix^ran to ** n *idi-r
It a right, and rxjMrhd i*nifipfiaiu*i\ Ittisain
AH Khun, mi Imperial ,i'fnrr;it, \MifMnd !c>
encounter tlieiii with an iitferif^r fore<% ami, IIH
i '-
' t ? usual, was surrounded and UIM-<!I!. ffi
wounded and made prison* r. to^fthrr with til)
his men and rquip;i*r. \ s wsnul ;ls, Ju- was
held to ransom. Hut, unnbl* to iu;kr nj lht k
whole sum, he asked th<* h.-utl. r-, uitr) im-Mmnts
to lend him the Imlanw, \\hw\i tlu-v t)< i-tiiifil
to do. Thus he <uud hin eptrs frit! <-jn*li it
grievance against, the plnee, nnil n.-.-nniut'/ly
cttme to n ii^rn-ru* nt to av^u-u- tic uisfhes,
to their ctminxtn piolit. IIiiMiin siiiTi-iu!<-retI
the city to the Mnhntttas, \\ht> < \!..r?.<{ vsl
contribution from the ri-h i.i'ii, .-HH!, l-sidt's
foregoing the halanee <>f || u r;ins.ui, hand.d
over u stun mueh exeei'diii.f i! to Ilusain hiruvlf.
When Moul oHieers, instead uf *h iVn-iirc.. ihtis
took to betraying, their vhm^v. and shurin
the spoils of the enemy, the dmty of t mt fe, thr
neglect of industry, and the rcitifctWmfitt f the
Mahrattas by those who objei-ted t he mf W rily
unprotected but doubly ilmvd, itre 5af.ni-il.Ir.
While thus defeat and humliiatimt nltendw!
the Imperial armk-s, the ojien country was
THE FIC ; I IT AO AI XST TUB] MOGULS 111
rnvauvd, agriculture discouraged, famine and
pestilence \ >n >j KI <; ! rd. the towns insoeii rely
defendc cl, ami their inhabitants exposed to
arbitrary exnrliotis -the very elements seemed
to combine n^ninsl. the Moguls.' Tlie royal
eatnp Has pitched nettr the Bhinm River. A
terrible flood suddenly submerged it, and created
a general panic; and the wear and tear, and
consequent increasing aversion to the war In
the Imperial army, may lie understood from what
happened on this occasion, which is given only
as a sMtnplr of a series of similar <*afas(ropltes.
41 The \valcrs/ f says the historian, "began to
overflow at midnight, when all the world was
The carried off about ten thousand
or twelve thousand with the establish-
of the and the Prince*' arid the
ttmirtf hcirscs, and In countless
numbers, furniture beyond all count*
Cmit; fear fell on all the army,**
The Emperor, in of his fatalism,
appealed to Heaven for deliverance. "The
1 eontimies Kliafi Kltiin, ** wrote out
H with Ills own hand f and ordered them to
be thrown into the water* for the purpose of
causing it to subside." But his suppliant charms
us to the of
i ills to stem the human tide of
wur he had provoked, and which Provi-
dence had decreed, was to undermine a$ti sub-
merge hb Empire,
AUR.nx<J7,F rXI)f-;iJTAKKS TO M-VSTFH
TIIK MAiWATTA BASH, TIIK K *f|.
HA.TTAS HF.TALIATK BY SKTTUXci IX
TIIK DUKKAX IMPKIUAI, i'KOV f \r|,;s
NEARLY forty years Jmd now Hapsrd since
Sivaji had first, come into o.ni-,i.n with fin:
Moguls, and nearly twenty simv, fi. r
death, Aurungxib hnd undi-rJrdi.-n tin* s
intendemre of tht: war in the I)t<kkn. fit
eonquemf l?ij.- l{ ,ur and (Julf.m.I.-i;' \ w jjjjlj
put Sninh.'iji to dcatli, nnit sfiil rtrfuimd his
son and heir in mild dmm t . t . t his miiiinrv
Court. He had, frotu ii,,. to jj mt% ,,,,1,^,
advantage's over Un M;hr;i!ts In tlu- r ( rlcl ;
and by assnulf, {n-ac-hr.-y, or hrilirry, Imd ob'
tained possession of somr of thi'ij- ,sirr,n. ; J,,,Ms.
He had, more-over, pushed hi,s itfHTatioiiK into
the tarnatu; Ham, and (;in#-e. n most import uni
cluster of fortresses {for there were three, on
as many contiguous hills) in the mitre of the
province, wan in his hands. The m .,si IWmi,{ ;i Mr
champion of Mahratta fnili fH-rultnc-t-.siueeSiviiji
the redoubted Santaji (ihorqHimy, was no
more; and the aged Kwyror % s
en S f- ' v v. X
'** ' / j*%
*
>\ X % '
K' -o\v\'.vw '
o -,
AUiirxGxnrs NEW PLAN OF THE WAR na
to subdue the rabble of Infidels was
as inflexible as ever*
Yet he could not but realise that his fixed
purpose hitherto signally foiled ; that
waiters growing worse daily ; that cam-
In the open country had proved a
miserable, failure ; that there his regular armies
no for the agile and indefatigable
swarms of light horsemen, thoroughly acquainted
with the country, and aided by the sympathy
and eo~<>prndion of its Hindoo inhabitants, as
well as of more primitive tribes from the wilder
on its confines. If the plague was
to be a more drastic? remedy must be
applied. If the devastating torrent was to
be arrested, it must be cut off or dammed up
at its In terms, the plan of the
be A comprehensive and
resolute be made, by concentrating
the bulk of the Imperial force in a systematic
on the enemy's basethe strong and
impregnable of the Ghats, to
the of forts in that quarter,
to overpower I he Mahrattas in their mountain
That the experiment, even if feasible,
a desperate one, will appear even from the
1 of the Dckkan rivers
fise in the were it possible to
arrest flow the Dekkan would be
'reduced to a But very different was
the ease with the tide of insurrection that now
8
iff
T"
I
)
I*
114 AmrXGZIB AM.) THE MAHKATTA
overspread it. Thai, tick was sun1Jn by the
forces of local ;ni;nvfiv\ \vhieh had thrir source
in the heart of the IMJ*;m Ifsrlf : mid which
the reduction of ISijapnr mid (In!r.]nl;$ hud
liberated end multiplied. A biw part of the
population, doubly OJ>JUWM f! mid "-uffi ni^r front
the recently established fvr;uniy ff Hu* Mn^ui
nnirut, iincl ll" s .ni\ ;';:<'> ntu( claiii-t to
of the ManrnHns, pn-frrd to abzmdon
their homes and join the in\-;jd<"p-. Civil Ncuriirly
was, in fact, breaking up, and n stale t.f things
supc*rvcninjj, ntna logons to lh;d of C**'ntr:il
when tlje sludionsly lion * mftin i-rjf inn
pursued by WVllrslry's Mien 'Ssors
the mushroom growth of the PindaH ha
Thus, even hud I he ^labrnHu Ims**
effectually masf emK I hr Drkknn tvmih I ^till
have roifuitnc'd unsubdueti ninl unpneifirci, lint,
as we Khali see f it \vns i/nl umsterrtl, though
many forts fell, more wil.1i U* niii uf flit* gcililrn
key than by fotve of nmts*
However^ the: Emperor M*t lo work in e
(101)8). He rupidly aiul s! rcji;?Iy r-iil rr
his headquarters, mid theri* lr|iu-,lft-i.{ his
of ladies ami their nititmiunlH; is^tu^i
orders that lim oflim?rs shouiti fnilnw his e%itittftle,
ami forbade bin sotdierH to itike IhcJr wivtst
or children with them, iftit his urdm wera
very imperfectly obcytni.
Earn. Raja^ the lU^nt, on the
approach of the army, to
!,IMI
115
OBSTINATE DEFENCE OF SATARA
divert it by making n raid into Berar, in concert
with the Kaja, of Deogarh. This chief had
joined the Kmperor, and had professed to
become a Mussulman; hut, he now deserted
him and fled, renoun^d Islam, and turned
filibuster- ii good illustration of the temper of
the time .'urnm- the Hindoos, whieh was swcepin'rr
high and low into {he vortex of anarchy. Bu7
Ai.rungy.il, was not to he dherted from his
purpose, and Satara %vas promptly itwsicd.
It made a drspcrntc resistance, and four months
were spent in vain efforts to reduce it. " The
garrison," says the historian, "rolled down
great stones, which . . . crushed many men and
animals. The rain obstructed the arrival of
corn ; the enemy were very daring in attacking
the convoys, and the country for twenty kwt
round the fortress had been burnt, so" that
grain and hay became very scarce and dear."
The Moguls, like natives in general, were never
<-xpert in siege opmlions. Akbnr himself lay
before Chiton*, the old capital of Oudipur for
ywiwj ttnd even Hyder All was no exception
to the statement, though he took many places
by t.vaehrry and <-om.p! ion of the commandants.
On this occasion the besiegers exploded one
mine with good effect, but suffered severely from
a second operation of the same kind, Khafi
Khan suys ; " A portion ol the rock above was
Mown up, but ... it came down on the heads
of the besiegers like a mountain of destruction,
fy<3
Hj
116 AtJRITNGZTB AND TIIK MA1IKATTA BASF,
and several thousands were buried under it. . . .
The garrison then set about; repairing the walls,
and they again opened fire, and rolled down
the life-destroying stones. When .Aurmig/ib
was informed of the disaster, and of the despond-
ency of his men, he . . . mounted his hm'sr, mid
went to the scene of nation, tin if hi xt'tirfh
of death." Such are the significant words of
the historian, whose sympathies wrrr strongly
against the Mahrattas. And he g< 4 s on to de-
scribe the passionate but utterly futik' nflrwpls
o! the Emperor to re;wim;i<* bis dr.ping
soldiers, ami induce them to renew the iissault.
And he concludes: " When he p.-r.-.-h* .-.I that
his words made no impression tlu^ nw?n, he
was desirous to laid the wuy himself, -but. the
nobles objected to this rash proposition, 1 * So
despondent and disgusted wwv the wiltlim,
that they aetunlly set Ore to the brsirifing
works, which (we nrc told) " had been eon-
strueted at great trouble and rj;pt u-,. 1 ," ncl
which are said to have burned brightly for a
weekl
But a sudden and unexpected event seemed
to have changed the whole situation, Hm
Raja, like his father, on his return from his
raid in the north, had abruptly expired, leaving
only infant sons. Mis widow. Turn Hui, in
turn, assumed the Regency, On these tidings,
says Khafi Khan s "the Emperor ordered the
drums of rejoicing to be beaten, -anti the
BAI ASSUMES THE REGENCY 117
soldiers mn^Ta tula led cneh oilier, saying that
another prime mover in the strife 'was removed,
ancl that it would not be difficult to overcome
two young children and a, helpless woman."
But did men miscalculate more. Tara
Bai a woman of remarkable* ability, energy,
delrrminaUon, and in the end proved
herself quite ecftttil to the emergency.
But* ^>r the moment, the death of her
husband undoubtedly much depressed the
MahrultAtff while it reanimated the Moguls.
Ancl how much thi was ihe ease* may l>c esti-
mated by the exlraordinary fact that, after so
line! holding his own, the panic-
commandant of Satara not only sur-
rendered the fortress, bul; actually entered the
Imperial service-
But the fork of Parli held out for
six the garrison, displaying great
valour, and much loss on the besiegers,
suffered severely from, the weather
and' the off of their supplies. At last,
however, the* place; and this
arduous campaign carne to an end. Half a
had in achieving a Pyrrhus
A few such, mui Auruxigzib
would be undone,
The circumstances just related will sufficiently
illustrate the arduous, tardy, and indecisive
of the Emperor's attempt to conquer
the Maliratta base, A detailed narrative of his
1
118 AUWT.TNG/IB AND THK MA! fit VITA 1IASK
persistent oprmlioas during fhr wxf fwir years
would IK* fTtHon*"* nnd !infnv*f!faf*!t,% ;md \voitld
involve the iv|H'liliti frf<:!r->!;;ru , s i, ; ik;,)\f nhm s,
and inilU;jry v'n<A;ificf^ stniil;ir 1** thnsr ;t!r<:;nlv
given. I sh:dl, Him (Wr, only iwti*' surnmnrily
the ^c % H(T;i1 fr;d!:rrs aiu! :i1^?fivr frsfflf tf
the*
It ws not. \viff;'t?? :?ninr:i!ty and
suffering that, in th- far if of Hi*.* ?trti\ : * t
IUK! while the inonsiKf!* \v?is si ill r;i:.-;ir
army ammj>Jish*<l its n-l:v;;f tn fh* Drkknii.
The diflirulfy of tr.MnjM.H. uhirfi aftrrwnrds
HO sorely lutfDprrrd th** Mnjfli^h in thHr ri-niy
wars in India, and whirb \\n^ m-\tf \vrll >vrr-
eome until the fiiliir^ IluK* 1 of \V-lliujflun
devked and applied ait *nv-lu;d n/int^lv, Inrst't
the Moguls at <*v<*ry stnjjt*. Tin* **n*ssinj* nf the
flooded rivers was niwnys a > rious iiilH^uffy,
and geiicruily ai tewlui by K rni! ensituliii?^
Numbers were druunrd, nmntuTsS m*w rni off
by the vigilimt il tlarln^ jmrsia-rs : "thou
sands," says Khnfi Khan. u rniiimr<l iirfiitid
and died." On one orrasitin it tuok ^t*veiit.t^ti
days to pass the Kisttm. Kvi* \vl*rn the
monsoon was over, and tlu- army was mrruitmg,
in ftmcied security, cm the Inmkn of the? Man,
an untimely deluge* of rain In the hills
the river; and the witters {touring into the
camp, "caused confusion mid iliHtwsH whieh
defy description/' The urrny, under the accu-
mulated hardships and of the
FAILUKK OF Al'llFXaXfirS NEW PLAN 119
lost ail power of exprdiliuus marching, and
itself painfully along, only to find
too laic for its immediate object. Thus
on one occasion it took twelve days to reach
what to have been gained, in two. On
it took seven weeks to march twenty-
eight miles i.e. little more, on an average, than
a mile a day ! And this, while the Mahrattas
were incredibly active and expeditious in all
directions**
From time to time forts were reduced* But
It nhvays after a prolonged invest-
not by siege or sf orin, but by system-
lavish bribery. Many instances are
given : but, as if weary of details, the historian
at the following naif and remarkable
statement, putting, you will observe, the best,
but that ii very Harry face, on the transaction.
Hi* rulogisUc* apology, Indeed, reads like sly
tmtire, "Tin* clemency and long-Buffering and
of the Emperor were such, that when he
that several fortresses had been
uncl vigorously besieged and that the
gamMMx in difficulty* lie paid sums of
money to the ronuwmdnnls, and so got the
into hit* possession. It often happened
that he gave the same sum of money,
neither more nor less, to the officer conducting
the siege." This was certainly a peculiar pro-
ceeding, and not calculated to economise his
fast-vanishing resources 1 And the same writer
j r j ; .
pr<-
120 TUB MAI! H. VITAS SKTTf.F. IN Til?; 1 >KKK AX
mentions, as a notable e\e -jif! m, tlml TWna
was actually taken by ass-mfi : l *mf/* jte adds.
"like the other forts by nojrufhiJious with flie
commandants, and JM-OUHM-S of w:d< ri.-i! ;'!v;Mir*-
mcnt" Meanwhile the ;uHip.-i!hy to }},
some and hniuili.'itin^ WTVIIT jjrrw* iwtrt'
nonnccd in tht' army, cs|ii-ri;!lly ;iiii>ii-.<
officers.
The Emperor wns jtrrpN-vrf m! t! rm
by "the irresolution of his w/V.v. \U)u
case, and eonipl.-iinrd of fjtr- d-rinif-s < ( f yraiu,
and the insalubrity of the rttmntf, ;ituJ ty Mir-
gnunhlin^ of the . . . h;ir!-Irit-| soldiers." () n
the whole, it was too evident Hint this last
plan also had failed, and that the end WHS near,
That end, tin- eomjjh-le eollapsr f Aunui^*
zib's design of etn<|u<'rlnf the Mrdir;dt;is. is
vividly illustrated in a remnrknhlc jmssngje of
the historian fo whom I am so mtit-h indebted
for the materials of my nair.iJivr. |<\, r it t Ji H ,
closes unmistakably the irresistible jmtgtvss of
the insidious and mighty tide of Hindoo '. ; H-?H,JU
the practical subversion of the tm$rwi nisth-
ority, and the establishment, within the hrriff.ry
of the Empire, of a Mahrattu domitiiou, erude,
barbarous, and rsping, but the riiilunil rouse-
quence, and in logH-nl langua|re the inseparable
accident, of the struck- whieli had iuitiateii if,
and which was destined to exhibit n tei'i-iblc
vitality and expansive power in the m-at< future.
Long as it is, this passage is well worth quoting
KVIOKNTK OF FAILURK J21
with little abridgment as a. luminous picture of
a historical catastrophe, and as inelispnt-
able evidence that tlittf catastrophe \vas the out-
conic of Auriuig/ib*8 impolicy, encountered and
bfklHcd by the* crefiHvc and. stimulating {yen ins
of ills originally despised an I adorns! - u the
rat,** its Auruntf/ib bad contemptuously
him.
u When llajii died, leaving only widows
and infiintK, men thonibt thai. I lie power of the
Mahntttnb over the Dakbin was al an end. But
Tllfll Blli f the elder wifV, inad<* ber son of three
yearn old successor to bis father, and took the
reilif* of ffovcrnnient, info her own bands. She
took vigorous measures for ravaging the Imperial
territory, armies to plunder the six
of the as far as Sironj, Mandisor,
the of Ifalwa. She won the hearts of
her officers, and for all ihe singles and se.'hemes,
the cnmp:iifjn and sieges of Aurung/x-b up to
the end of bis the power of the Mahrattas
ItHtmiKc^l day by cluy. By bard fighting, by
the expenditure of the vast treasures accumu-
lated by Jehan, and by the sacrifice of
of men, ho bad penetrated
into their country, bad subdued their
lofty fortn, mid driven them from house and
home; still the daring of the Mahrattas in-
creased, and penetrated into the old terri-
tories of the Imperial, throne, plundering and
destroying wherever they
122 THE MA11H ATTAS SKTTLK IN* TtIK DKKKAN
Thus far he luis shown how lh> M.'ilinillHs
retaliated the at I ark on thrir IWM hy ;n offi*m*vc*
war on th fc Imp rial Irrritory in lh* I'MJ^jn.
But he iM*xt jirni'i-cfK to shmv I luif \o far front
being men* jjluwU'-ivrs n?if tfr-.!r.>\i->--., thiry hail
also a <onsfn.iHivr polify. slill tntrr IViln! In tJii*
integrity of th^ Kiiipirr : how liify u^l'Hirniirly
and sysl nn;\\ ir:il!y inst it ut r*l :n\*l taaint Mimt!
an authoritative lisenl ^'-iL'il'Ii 1 lnu nt iif fhrir
own in the IntfX*riaI territ*iry; ami so* like the*
fabled, vamping sueked th* h1?**d mil <f fjtf
body of thdr vietim, and rrditer*! if to ttuiiii*
tion t while they ruuvrvlfff what had hrt'Tt, in tin*
first installer, Mw/> ;/*//, <r a e*Mnprsili<in against
simple plunder hy violenet 1 , into nn ^.t:ifiIi^!M^}
a,ud regnlarly enforet*d plan <*f politiraf f;i.x;iti<m,
as it wu fantiliariy r*#ari*tl in latrr lny.s* Th*
peculiar iul.fn^l. and iiuf*Mri;n:r*' of flu* sum-wi-
ing pan8ftgeiH that it wrli illusf rah ^ l!>\\ trmi'
period in the history of ctiintt fhr *4<lt*r
miscuous d^fiiiind of it hrm# mrw grnr
and occasioniil tuiils bi*injf turn* sujMT*t-tU*d ly
a comprohensivc poliUc'al ur^aiiisut ion for tla*
extension of Miihrattti uuthuriiy ovt*r tlu* ivhoh*
country, and scouring the perainitvni't* of tju*
fiscal extortion 4ln* germ ami c?sst?ct* of suvc*r-
eignty in the Kast.
I must observe tlmt the* folltiwliig nci*uunt
of the Mahrattu proeectling^ though it
aBticipate in sorne res.|ii*ets their
of operatios ? not the
THE M.MIRATTAS SETTLE IN THE EMPIRE 123
scheme of confederacy, and partition of the
profits of exaction, devised by the first notable
Peishwa, Baluji Wishwanalh. I now conclude
Khaii Khan's summary of the result of the War
of Mnhratta Independence under Aumngzib:
" In imitation of the Emperor, who, with his
army and enterprising amirs, was staying in
those distant, mountains, the commanders of
Tarn Bai cast Ike anchor of permanence wherever
they penctralcd, and, having appointed revenue
collectors, they passed the years and months
to their satisfaction, with their wives and children,
tents and elephants." (That is, in plain English,
they effected a solid lodgment- in the Dekkan,
instead of simply making occasional incursions
into it. j ** Their daring went beyond all bounds.
They divided all the districts among themselves,
and, following the practice of the Imperial rule,
they appointed their provincial governors,
revenue-collectors, and toll-collectors."
Here? the narrator passes from the origin to
the consummation of this plan of establishing
an imjM'rhim in impmo in the Mogul territory ;
or, in other words, from the past to the present,
as it. existed when he wrote.
"Their principal subadar \i.e. provincial
governor] is commander of the army. Whenever
he hears of a large caravan, he takes six or seven
thousand horse, and goes to plunder it [i.e. exact
transit duties], He appoints kamaish-dars [i.e.
revenue-collectors] everywhere to collect the
"fl
IS* THE MAHHATTVS SKTTI.K IX THK DKKKAN
chauth) and whenever^ from Hie resistance* of
the zemindars and fftt'jtlfirx \ij\ llw Imperial
civil or military officials) tin* rrvrmK'-rollrrfor
is unable to levy the chnitlh* he hastens to support
him, sand besieges and destroys his towns* And
the tax- wl!< rfors of these rvil-d<HTs luki* from
small parties of tuerrlumts, who are anxious to
obtain security from plunder* n toll upon very
cart and bullock, Ibrec or four limits .j^rm fer
than the amount impose! }>y flie fintjtlaru of
the Government. This excess he shares with
the corrupt jiiginlnrs nnd fiiifjtfnrx* linil tlicn
leaves the roii<I open. In every prtn*ir<* he
builds one or two forts, whieh he makes Im
strongholds, and nv;ij,?es the eatmtry round.
The mukmldtimx, or hend men of the viH;ijrs, with
the eounteiuie<* nnd eo-opemtion of the infidel
\i.e* thcMnhnilhi] Mttnuhir^ > . , have built forts,
and with the aid and assist;* nee of the Miilirii.it n
they make terms with tlw royal oflieers m to the*
payment of their revenues li.e. insteml of jKyit*j
the Imperial revenue as a matter of eourse, they
higgle over it, nnd bargain for as little ni (Ktssthle
as natives, in such em*umshmee,s, know too
well how to do]**
He then returns to the extensive rouge of
the Mahratta incursions:
"They attack and destroy the eountry as
far as the borders of Ahnmdabad arid the districts
of Malwa, and spread their devnntationK through
the provinces of the Dakhin to the environs of
Ujjain, They fall upon and plunder large cara-
vans within ten or twelve /,-o.v of the Imperial
camp, and have even had ihe hardihood to attack
the royal treasure.**
And he concludes his account of the result
of Aurniur/ih's last plan of subjugation, the
reduction of the fortresses in Ihe Ghats, thus
significantly: "The sieges, after all had no
effect in suppressing the daring of the Mahrattas "
(pp. 873 -37.-,).
With such evidence, tendered by a servant
of Aurung/.ib, before us was I wrong in saying
thftt in resolving to engage in this unequal
contest, he virtually signed the death-warrant
of his Empire f
A similar inference, as to the fatal effect of
the Emperor's cardinal act of impolicy in his
internal administration the reimposUJon of
the j%, may be drawn from a passage in the
protest against it whiHu when i quoted the ;
writer's general argument. I said I should cite
later. After describing in glowing terms the
complete political toleration of Aklwr, Jehangir, ,
and ' Shah 'Jehan, and its happy consequences,
' he thus proceeds : _ '. t , :
"Such were the benevolent inclinations of |
your ancestors. Whilst they pursued these j
great and generous principles, wheresoever they j
directed their steps, conquest and prosperity j
went before them ; and there they reduced :
many countries and fortresses to their obedience.
1M
120 THE MA1IUATT AS IX THK HKKKAN
During your unjcsfy\ rri#n, mnny ha\v Iwrn
alienated from the eriipiri%, and further loss cvf
territory must nwssarily follow, shirr r!**vast:i-
tion and rapine now universally prevail without
rslrainh" This evidently refers to UN.* Inter
period of the* reign, ami pn>vrn flint JrHwiiiil;
Sing could not have been, ns C)nn* thought,
the author of tills renwrkable iloetintenU It
continues :~
u Your subjecf s arc* trample*! wuler foot,
and every provin<?e of your einjnre is impover-
ished ; depopulation spread*, itncl diHienlttes
accumulate. When indigfiiri- ims renc'hecl the
habitation of the Sovi-n-i^n, nnl hk ptitiws f
what can be ihe condition of Itir mbU % s V Hn
to the soldiery, they art* in ttuiritttirti ; tin;
merchants eomplautin^ Ilie MahoiuedanH i1i-
contented, the nindoos <U^tiinif% ami mtiltittHU^
of people^ wrc*tt*ht*d trvt*n to the want of ihetr
nightly meal, arc* beating their tuwis throughout
the day in and desperation ** (pp* liSJJ-UJi*).
This respeetabli* dual l<'slinuny, from
opposite quarter^ mm kuv< : lit lie ilniibt that
Aurungzib mm the ^vil arwus **^ lw mu ^
Sivaji the joint- tincl<truiiuer.s of tliit Mogul
Empire* Auruiigaiib ciieil in 1707.
X
THE KMPKKOU BAHADUR SHAH
ANOTHKB war of succession was inevitable on
the death of Aiming/lib. The character and
positions of his sons, and his treatment of them,
combined to ensure it.
The lute Kmperor had always been very
jealous and suspicious of the eldest, successively
called. Mohammed Moa/'/am, Shah Alum, and
Bahadur Shah ; had degraded, and for several
years imprisoned him ; but had afterwards
restored him to favour, and sent him to command
in the Punjab. The second surviving son, Azam
Shah, had counted upon permanently supplant-
ing his older brother; and having been, while
Bahadur Shah wan under a cloud, treated as
heir to the throne, took it very ill that his elder
brother should recover his prospect of the
succession* But towards the end of his reign
the Emperor showed a marked affection and
partiality for the child of his old age, Kam
Bakhsh, and so encouraged him to expect to
rule over at least a part of the Empire. Whether
Aurungzib really, as was asserted, made a will,
dividing his dominions between his three sons,
1*7
128 TUB KMrKKOK UAHAWIi SHAH
seems very doubtful. Hut though the detest
professed, sincerely or not, to Mi-v<- and be
ready to acquiesce in swh mi nrmn^-im-iit,
while he was not at nil disposed lo forego his
cl^tim to the Imperial throw, or to -shirk the
enforcement of it, if uecrssjiry by thr sword,
neither of the other Fritters would hr;ir of a
peaceful scl.-lleincitJ ; tints a run!*' J 4min*d in
which they both pcrish^l. and Slmh Ahmi, or
Bahadur Shah, Jursiim' slr and undisputed
Emperor*
His diameter pivsrnts u e<*ttf>letr contrnst
to that of his predeei'ssor,, ami siH'tns to have
much resembled that of l)ra Shtikoh, Aurun^
zib's unfortuniitc* eldest Brother. If is thus
sketched by Khali Khan:
u For geuen>sit\% tuiinifMH'nt i\ I
good-nature,, extenuation of faults, uiicl
ness of offenet*s, vc-ry Fcnv momuvhs hnv het-n
found equal to Hnhadur Sltalt and rsj-rially
in the race of Thuour. Ittit fhinigli hr ha* I no
vice in his diaraetrr, sueh i'uiupl.'iernry itnd
sueh negligence: wc*rc* oxhitnt.ed in th.* pr*tt*ctioii
of the State, and in the ^ovfrwuenl and imiiiiigc-
ment of the country* Unit xi.rrnsfk' people
found the date of his ac*cessin in the warcls
SkaMrbe-khabr' Hmllcss M
There is probably hore u gtH>d deaf of exiig-
geration^ and possibly of tni^eonce|itiotu For,
aeeustomed to his father's strict and meddle-
some policy, public opinion WIIH probubiy too
BAHAWirS t'HAKACTKK AND POLICY 129
exacting and hardly made allowance not only
for his Jieiuin-d di?>l:istc for swell a regime,
from which he had suffered imieh, but for a
deliberate and benevolent attempt, to heal the
wounds of the lacerated Knij>ir' by a forbearing
and tolerant policy. Aunwgxib had been a
sunni /ealof . But Bahadur, like Dam, was not
orthodox, though he did not go .so far in hetero-
doxy as his imc! % . lit* nutde a ulna, innovation
in the ritual, and thereby oee;t.sioned serious
disturbance; but, after much petitioning and
discussion, the Kmperor gave way, and restored
the old formula. His chief supporter and
favourtU' minister, Munim Khan, was addicted
to the tfttfi myslicisni, and wrote a book which
was held to be unsound. Another indication of
Bahadur's liberal tendencies in religious matters
i his invitation to Covind, the Sikh guru,
arid his admission of him into his service.
Bawh's revolt compelled him to authorise
strong measures against the Sikhs; for their
ferocities were manifest, and their renewed and
unprovoked rebellion was a real and serious
political danger. Bahadur, again, accepted the
submission of the lUyputs; und, had he lived
longer, they would probably have been sincerely
reconciled, for a time at least, to the Imperial
authority. I cannot find that the edict for the
imposition of the jisya was formally rescinded.
But from its re-enaetment in a later reign, as
well as from the nature of the ease, there can,
9
130 THE KMPKKOK HAHADrU SHAH
I think, be no doubt that U rnnnmed a dead
letter under Bahadur. In Ovidipur it was
formally abolished, ns appears from n trraty
between the Emperor and the Kana, Hit- test
of which is given by Colonel Tod, and one article
of which is "to the above effect. But his most
remarkable and consid -niblr measures of eon-
ciliation were his concessions to the Mnhrattas.
To these I shall revert later, in Inn-inn the
development of the powT of that \U'\Av. IJtil
I may at once say now, that these, however
well meant, were too <-hiraH,rristir of the
designation of him as " II.T.ll.-ss King." For
they were quite inconsistent, not only with tlie
authority of the Kmperor, ^ suprtine in the
Dekkan Provinces, but with the pnu-tieal in-
tegrity of the Kiiipirr in that quarter, and A
powerful stimtilus to MahraMa ambition in
Hindostan. The latter point, huwi-vt-r, nl least,
he possibly failed to appreciate.
Xulfikar Khan, whom I have already men-
tioned, was one of Annin^/ib's most distin-
guished and influential #'wr:ls. He was, when
that Emperor died, with A'/am Shah, And
Khaft Khan says that he "was very intimate
with Sahu, or Shao, the, grandson and right heir
of Sivaji, and hud long been interested in his
affairs." Shao was in the custody of Awim
Shah, and Kulftkar persuaded Anm to release
him, probably hoping that Shao's influence with
the Mahrattas might be exerted in Assam's
4*:
rS CONCESSIONS TO MAIIK ATTAS 131
favour in his forthcoming contest for the
throw. Shno lost no time in mustering sup-
porters jimonjjj his tribesmen, and was soon
re-established as llajn, and at the head of a
ronsidrrnbh': army. Zullikar, now in the service
of liu' viHor, Bahadur Shah, and Subaxlar of
tin- I)*Ivk;m, still favoured him, and backed his
application i<> the <;nsy-jjoing Kinperor for u a
linnan roiiiVrring on Sahu the .mr-drxhwnki 1
and (he chnnt of the six mbtw of the Daklmv* on
condition of " restoring prosperity to the ruined
land." But. while Sahu had been secludrd in
the Imperial (*<>urt, Tara, Bai, as I have rcdal<*d, ; ,
had vigorously maintained the Mahratta War
of !ndepciHlcnc<* after I he death of her husband,
Ham Haja, and on behalf of her youiitf son, ,,
tlic k H:j:i of Kolapore. She now also, favourcul ! |
|>y Muniin Khan, the* Khan Khana,n ancl Xul- ,
likar's rival, petitioned for a finnan, in the >/j
imiw* of lu*r sori, granthig the mr-destnnuki {
over Ihr snuit* xubax, and on the same pledge , j
to abandon war arid restore order in the country. j
"The King," says Khali Khan, tc in his extreme j
good-natim*, had resolved in his heart that he ;
would not reject the petition of any one." He
was sorely perplexed by the countcr-appliea-
turns, but decided to grant both petitions.
But Shno, supported by Xuliikar, and his better j
title-, prevailed in the end, as the importance j
' !
* 'I his arw impost was one-tenth of the revenue, levied from I
the
132 TUB KMPKIMHJ f*Al!AI>rit SHAH
of Kulapore raptd'h* duTm^d, and Mtmim Khan
soon aft IT riii ni
Such was the It-^nli'^'d :*?nnnd of Hie pc*r-
sistcnt pMrusii*tt of the Maluv.it l;ss ft* levy
both chnut and xin'-tlrtlntnil-t in {Jir Dckkun,
which at a later pmor! \va-s t : >Jr{,u!.,=f{ fn the
oilier pruN'inet's i)f lht I-jupin* f>y an rxlorfrcl
grant front Mohammad Shati.
On iiir who'It, % 1 rmittnt !:nil think that
Bahadur's <'h*ir;Hrr ;tnd policy huvr him tnis-
iUK.ierst.ood; and llmt', licnvt'vrr inferi*r to hb
father in Jillentiiu to biisiitr^s.s, iirmness of
pftrjwst*, am! '>\vf-Inspirinj; i nu:ij*-sl\ fc and
tnu.]nes(tin;dly htvKh to a viri<ws a
extent, her \vus yi*t IViwn* nf no itieait m parity,
who had ii defiriil^ and hewvolent design of
treading l>aek his wuy to the enrlirr ntid luitctr
path of Mogul rule* ; am! who, hud h* lived to
carry it out, might., evm under the diflirtilt
and diHfislrims dreumstniwi^s of tlir linw% Itavc
acccmipltKhcil itiueh itupniveutent, mid givt*n a
new kiisc* of life to the* moribund Hntpirr* Hut
he was an ehlerly IIMIII when he ratm- li> the
throne. And In lT12 f in his seventieth (humr)
year, he died rather suddenly, lie was the
last Emperor of whom anything favourable
can be said* Hencefortlu the rapid and complete
abasement and. practical disHohit-ion of the
Empire are typified In the ttuwpat'tty and
political iiu^gnificance of Its S
"4 I
XI
T1IK INTKIIHKGNIIM
war <f .succession \\hieh had ended in
Bahadur's favour liacl a counterpart on his
death. H>- h'fl four sous, who aspired to the
throne 5 nd all raised forces lo support their
respective j.rri<-nsins. Tin 1 cUU'sl, A'/iiwi-.sh
Shan, WHS :il l:n-kvl !>v ;i ronfolcnicy of tlir tlnvc
yoiniMT. J:ih:uul:a' Shah, Jahali Sluih, and
Kaft'u Slinu, and <Hsnpp<-{imI in th<- nrftir ; how
he met his death is uncertain. The victors
$00tt fell out among themselves; .Iiman Shall
awl KalV n Slum sueeessively were killed in
battle, and Jahaiular Shah remained lOmperor.
But <n his death, after eleven months, " an
order," says Khafi Khnu, "was matle that the
reign of .hihattdnr Shnh should he considered
tin advert- jwisscssion," and that his successor's
ttcemioit .sh<.idl he antedated so as to ignore
the reputed interregnum. It deserved to be
repwlmtcd and consigned to political oblivion.
For Jtihmitinr Shah was an utterly degenerate
rcpmKMlHiivc of I he house of Timour, Baher, and
Akbar. Fri v ulous, proiligalc-, cruel, and cowardly,
servilely devoted to a favourite lady, Lai Ku-
war, whose relatives he promoted wholesale to
*!
184
THE INTERREGNUM
high honours, to the disgust of the old
and able and experienced servants of the
he soon became generally odious and despicable.
Thus he could count, on little support, in
of a rebellion. And with this he was at
threatened by Farokhsir, a son of A'/inm-sh
the vanished brother whom he had supphmlrd.
Assisted, by two remarkable and
brothers, Ilusain AH, his father's deputy in the
Subadari of Patna, and Abdullah Khan, Subadar
of Allahabad, Farokhsir claimed lo sueeefd his
father* whom he had pmrlaimrd Kniprrw* on
Bahadur's death, AH the* armies of the
approached caeh other, some magnates
openly to the pretender. Ollu-rs. notably
Khan (the future NM/,am-ulMulk), arc* to
have come to a private understanding with
Farokhsir; ami so general was tin 1 disaffection
that Khafi Khan goc.ss HO far as to say that
"the victory of Fa.rrukh Siynr hmuue the hope
of every man in the army, great and small/ 9
Thus, though the hitler's force was less than.
a third of the Kmperor*s, the conclusion was
almost a foregone one* from the first* But
the unworthy successor of a line of heroes
sealed, his fate by fleeing igimniiniotisly in the
heat of the battle on Lai Kumvur 1 s elephant,
He betook himself to ZuUlktir Khan's father, who
gave him up to the tender niereies of the victor;
and he was strangled in the fort of Delhi by the
recently introduced Turkish bow-string*
XII
THK KMPKHOK FAHOKHSIR
FAHOKHSIH'S reign is throughout an agitnll
ami perplexing one, i-nilinp; in another Imp-rial
iragrdy. Its external .nspeet is that of frequent
attempts of the Kmperor t<* assert his inde-
pendence, and, on tin- other hand, of the- resolute,
(ktci'minntion of tin- two Sti-ul hrnlluTS, to
whom !< owM'tl his exaltation, t retain the
effective nian:i}4 iiK-uf of his affairs.
Hence a .series of violent ernes, which at last
result in F;rkliMr's tlepoKition, foliuwcd by his
murder.
But, in view of later events, and oC some
significant rirronislanee* during this reign, it is
not easy to drh-rmine what wert; the actual
aims of the Seinds. Whet hw they were sincerely
loyal to their waster at first, and estranged
from hint in <-oust tmenee of undeserved sus-
picions and treachery <m his part, and rightfully
jealous of attempts to shake his confidence in
them, and to remove and ruin them, from fear
that they might prove not only intolerably
overbearing, but disloyal ; or whether, from the
first, they sought to reduce the Emperor to a
I M
v
Ilk'/
136
THE EMPKIIOK FAKOKIISm
mere figure-head, and monopolise power in his
name, as Mahadaji Sinclia did in later days;
or whether,, again, they eonteinplated-~as they
were after his death, suspected of doing the
actual subversion of the Imperil hose t and.
the erection of a new monarchy on a non-Mogul
and quasi-nationalist basis, seems to me by no
means clear. But whatever their original de-
signs, as the contest proceeded they certainly
formed associations which tended in the second,
if not even the third, direction; though this
may have been in the first instance involnnlary,
and adopted simply in order to strengthen their
hands, and confirm their grasp of power, as
chief ministers of the Great 'Mogul.
Hence, in order to appreciate their later
position, and the deeper awl more than
aspects of the revolution in which they
their schemes perished, it in necessary to
sketch the vicissitudes of their uneasy relations
with the Emperor, and the anti-Mogul and
quasi-nationalist, if not Hindooi'sing, policy to
which, by choice or in self-defence*, they were
gradually eomrni tt ed .
Many cireuimtunccs combined to promote
the prominence and commanding influence of
Abdullah and Husain AU nt the opening of the
new reign. They had been Farokhsir'H earliest
and staunchest supporters in his contest for
the throne. It was an impetuous elturge of
Husain's troops which had intimidated Jahandar,
OF TIII-; SUM*'
1.T7
wrn- holti
I njpttiv<tl
ad "> >*
gnlktniry,
and driven him 1" -'n..ininM,;r, ,-md fatal ihjiht.
And UK' ur:ifi1isd. .f th- ww Ksnj"T.,r had
been tesliiied by M* Iwslowm.i! <>** Abdullah
the oilier of Vi/,irr, or Chi* -f M'miMrr. nd hnt
of Buklwhi, or virtually n.n,T,. ; ,Mi!.T.m.CW. cm
Huain. Thus Ihry In'ld H' *" 'vi
and military auH..ril> yiui r Ui- Krn^i'.
Bui, thrw; ofiirial Mmnrs nf Nfrnii wrtv n-in-
forml hy in-rsoiml qtmiiii' .. IUH! r
and I rusty mifiian r//^'/-/'- They
men of Irl nhilily. vr-.,,luii..n, ni
valour. Aiul Mu-ir tribal kinsmm
a trmiititmnl rfpuiatifni t'r waflil.
that Ihvy lux! nr-tjutrcd a roitv* ntu.mil c-iatni
to U-ud "tlw vim in liHh*. Thotigh repute*!
Scinclx, or li's -mliiuls of t!- lr<|lwt, _ th^y
had, for wnturu's, IMU-M i-Ktultlishoci in India,
and swarim-d in IHmb, in th diHtrict^of
Mu'/,affiiriug,'r (from the* twelve viiingt'S which
thi-y lu-ld thi-rt- tln:tr iwni Brhu is hy some
ttulhoritifs wiid bi huv^ IKVII tlt-rivcd). Akbr
had gladly rm-ivcd (' of their Jc-ndinR warriors
into his wrvM'O, mid employed him mid his
kiusniwi in his rmnpni^ns. And member* of
the trihc <,r dan (a I may vmituw to call it)
had later figured in the Imperial service. But,
on the other hand, it must be remembered,
with reference, to the later cofiduct and probable
design* of Abdullah uud Uuwin, Uiat the Seiads
of Borfao, though of alleged exotic origin, were
old inhabitants of India, and prided themselves
138 THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIR
on being Hindostanees. As such, their sym-
pathies would naturally be with the natives,
rather than with the Mogul conquering class
of foreigners. And although they were Mussul-
mans, they were also Shias, another cause of
estrangement between them and the Moguls,
who were mostly Soonees, and a strong ground
for aversion to Aurungzib's reactionary and
persecuting policy, and for rallying what I may
^call nationalist sentiment to their side under
the banner of toleration and political equality,
as established by Akbar.
The significance and importance of these
last circumstances will be more evident when
I reach the reign of Mohammad Shah. And I
will next sketch the course of the misunder-
standing and simultates between the King and
the king-makers down to its tragic close.
According to Khafi Khan, the fons et origo
mali was attributable to the personal defici-
encies of the Emperor himself. His relation
to the Seiad brothers much resembled that of
Akbar, on his accession, to Bairam and other
chief officers engaged in the reconquest of the
Empire. How Akbar, the young but sagacious
hero, gradually emancipated himself, and vin-
dicated his right to personal and independent
rule, I have shown in a former course of lectures.
But Farokhsir was in character the reverse of
Akfoar, He was not only, like his illustrious pre-
decessor, young at his accession, but, according
CHAWAITIW OF FA1WKHSIK 1>
to Khafi Khan, "he was m-sp-Ticncc.! in busi-
ness and maiicuftvr to affairs of State; . . .
entirely dependent on the opinions of others,
for he had no resolution or dKer.-fion. The
timidity of his character contrasted with the
vigour of the race of Timonr, and he was not
cmUlous in listening to the words of artful men.
From the Iwgumtn" of his reign he brought hii*
troubles on himself.""
The truthfulness of this .u-uenil character
will be too evident as I proceed. But the
last remark requires qualification. His initial
mistake, the author goes on to wiy, was his
appointment, of Abdullah as H'ris/r. But it
may be doubted how far he could have safely
done otherwise, without producing, if "t an
open rupture, a dangerous slackening of seal
on his behalf on the part, of the Seiad brothers.
It is obvious, however, that the appointment
was regarded with great jealousy by the leading
Moguls; and that the Knmcror was plied with
assiduous attempts to shake his confidence in
his Chief Minister, and to induce him to remove
and disgrace him.
In these Kilieh Khan, now created Nizam-
ul-Mulk, took no part. He was sent as Subadar
of the Dekkan, and I shall have later to notice
his dealings with the Mahrallas on this first
occasion of his Vleeroyalty there. ^
The most active agent in this anti-ministerial
intrigue was a favourite and confidant of the
140
THE EMPEROR FAROKIISIR
Emperor Mir Jumla; and, not con f on I with
insinuations, he matched his influence in an
irregul ar way aga 5 n st Abdullah's ITS i n i s to rial
responsibility., and so inflamed i he KIUJ >c Tors
jealousy of those who ohjcHrd to I his irregular
interference. The Sciads " desired thai; no
mansabfi or promotions or nppomf nn-nls to office
should be made without consul i: injj I hem/'
This desire, in the ease of" the Prime Minister
at least, seems to have been not unreasonable.
But the Kmperor heedlessly sanclionrd his
favounlr's use of his nauus in the exercise of
patronage. "This prnHJrr/ 1 .says Khafi Khan f
64 was ccinlrary to ail the rules of the* IFnsiV^
office; it weakened the authority of the* Si'iarls,
and. was the cause of great annoyance to tho two
brothers. 19
On the other hand* Abdullah had rtiiiik
llatan Chaiui^ a Ilindtw grain dt*;ilrr. iiis damii^
procured Irini the* title of llaja, ami u r*'j>os,-d
in hitt'i aulh<*rily iu aii ^'oxu-rnnn-iil and utitiiK*
terial matters." Thus on both sides there wus
provocation; and, a, serious quarrel- -if not a
Mup de main for the wrest, of liti* MintsiiT
was only uverUfd by the intervention of the
Emperor's mother*
Mutual suspicion ami animosity were in-
creased by Ilusuin'K request to assume the
Subadan of the Dckkan, but tti exert*!**} fJia
office through a deputy* He* fc*iiri,tti to leave his
brother exposed to enmity at Court* and
TirSATX'S WARNING TO FAKOKI1BIR 141
ally to Mir Jumla's insidious influence.
at his instigation, flic Kmperor fln(.ly refused
to appoint Husain to this important charge,
unless he would undiTl.'ike it in person. " 4 Husain
AH," fty Khutt Khan, "refusal fo go to the
Pnlvhhu and leave hia brother jalono at Court].
A strong lt creation arose, and matters -went so
fa? that both brut hers refrainc^i front jjoing to
Court line! \vaillnjj upon the Kniperor ; they
eveti meditated the levying of soldiers and
throwing up lilies of f/r/Vv/rr round their resid-
ence." fills implies thai their nseendaney was
due to superior forer ;ilone, and lha.t they
to fear, rather than, to tn.ii.iatt*,
to violence.
The Emperor sorely perplexed, and his
well-affeelcH'I :idvis<e t s wen.* mtieh dividixl in
opinion its to the solution of the dilemma.
But Jit last his mother brought about u reeon-
eilintion. Tin* Seiitds were allowed to ensure
their safety by planting their followers in the
fort* And there they formally apologised to
the Kinperor, earnestly assur< % d him of their
loyalty, and depreeated his listening to their
calumniators, Husain agreed to proeeed in
person, to lake up his government in I he Dekkan,
and Mir Juinla was to be sent, in a similar
capacity, io Putna. itut, bfft>re Husain de-
parted, he significantly forewarned his Sovereign :
U K in my absence you recall Mir Jumla- ..... - :
or if my brother again receives similar trcuttticnt,
142
THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIU
you may rely upon my being here -in the* course
of twenty days/* The brothers also exacted
the power of appointing commandants of forts
and. other officers independently of the royal
nomination. Thus the crisis had greatly in-
creased their power, at the expense* of the Im-
perial prerogative,
But from his ignominious position the weak
and rash monarch hoped to emancipate himself
by an act of political treachery. Daud Klum
was Suhadar of Ahwedabad, or Gtm*rat*
Farokhsir transferred him to Kandcish ; secretly
stimulating him to resist Ilusaiu, and promis-
ing him, if successful, the reversion of JTusaiifs
vieeroyaliy of the whole* Dckkmi* Daud acted
on his private instructions. But Husain was
not to be trifled with. He discovered
secret; brought Dmid Khan to net ion;
the treacherous Sub-Viecnjy was slain*
Emperor hypoeril icnlly lainenlifd his fat-t 1
the
and
The
to
Abdullah : u It was a pity suoh a renowned
and noble chief had been killed,'" The Minister,
with grim suggest iveness, replied: "II my
brother had been, slain, it wouW have given
your Majesty mtisfacftion."
Another dangerous crisis was pensioned by
the return of Mir Jumla to the capital. His
pretext 'was a finaneial ennbarra^sment and in-
ability to pay his troops* But as they swarraed
after him and threatened serious clisturbii.ri.ee
at Delhi, Mir Jumla** proceeding was suspected
CONTEST M0.RK THAN
to be a ru#Ct preliminary to another attempt to
arrest Abdullah. Again lie prepared to defend
himself against the covert scheme, of violence*
46 The officers," says Khali Khan, "of Seiad
Abdullah, with suitable forces, ready accoutred
and mounted on elephants and horses, held
themselves ready for a conflict*" This, how-
ever, was averted by Mir Jumla's being formally
censured, for quitting his government without
leave, and being transit led to the Punjab. But
a suspicion prevailed that the Kn.ipe.ror
still playing false, and would presently
recall the Setud's enemy for his own sinister
purpose, Abdullah, on his side, strengthened
himself by a new contingent of his Barha
clansmen.
Hitherto though involving an extremely
important political question, how far the Era-
UK he was, was to be a free
? the- aspect of the growing quarrel has
simply personal. The Krnperor has been
to mistrust the fidelity of his powerful
ministers, lias favoured their adversaries, and
eommtttod himself to sinister plotting against
one at of the brothers. And though they
to serve him, they utterly mistrust
hint ; the Vixicr thinks it necessary to raise
reeruitn for the maintenance of his authority,
and even, as he assumes, for his personal security.
But the next moves in this intricate game imply
that issues deeper, more general, and more
144 THE WMrRTlOU PAROKIISIU
vita! to the character, if not the rxlMmcr, of the
Mogul Empire were 5niprncHn<j, If not already
involved, in the personal rivalries dissensions.
1 mentioned that Abdullah appoinlcd
as his Hatan Chand, a Hindoo
dealer, and, beside** making him a
had, in Khafi Khan's words, ** reposed in him
authority in all government ministerial
matters." This included pnlnnaje; and under
Ratan Chand's auspices Aurung/ib's K-aefion-
ary policy had been extensively reversed,
Hindoos and other natives had been
promoted and bendieed. \VhHher from the
jealous desire to restore Mogul aserndaney, or
to dise.rodit and impugn Ab(!uliah f B of
affairs, and to weaken his influence the
community, two measures
which tended to coinplicratc the jwr^otial an-'
ta.gonism, and Incline the to Veowe the
of asccndAn<*y, and the ad-
wliatever views cif Ak-
bar ? s comprclK'nsiv^* of
support in all quarters.
Thejizyd was ordered to In*. ri*imposcHi or re-
inforeed, and the manmlMi jughireK, and other
recent acquisitions of Ilimloos and other prottfgfo
of the Hindoo dewan to bo rcrduced or confiscated.
I need not dwell on the significance and cJiiiigerous
tendency of the former step. An to the latter,
Khafi Khan (who, as a bigoted Mussulman,
though a candid historian, seems to approve
SKI ADS' SYMPATHY WITH HINDOOS
it yet says : Ci This was very distasteful to
Ratan Chanel and other revenue officials. They
addressed themselves to * . 9 Abdullah, and he
was opposed to the issue of the order. All the
Hindus were greatly on raged-- because of the
order for collecting \\wjizya, mid of the advice
about the en ft Ing down of the mansubs"
These measures would, thus naturally tend
to promote a roinbhwlion between the Seiads
and the natives against the Mogul domina-
tion; and the more* so us, though Mussulmans,
the Seiwls were not only llindostancc$, but
prided themselves on being so ; and would be
the less inclined to acquiesce in the view that an
Empire re-established by Akbar with the aid
of Indian nllies f entitled the descendants of the
original conquerors of Bnbor's time, orthcSoonee
immigrants from Higher Asia, to treat the
natives as a conquered, inferior, and HOE-
privileged race-
While *weh was the tendency of the policy
sanctioned by Furokhsir in lliudostiin, his treat-
ment of his Viceroy in the Dekkan produced
the same effect- Ktisain Ali at first made a
vigorous effort to establish the Imperial authority
there, to coerce the Mahrattas, and settle the
country. But he experienced unexpectedly for-
midable resistance, and his arms sustained
several reverses; and he presently ascertained
that the enemy were emboldened by the secret
incitement of the Emperor himself. Farokhsir
10
if?
146 THE FAUOKHSIR
was, In fact, playing the same treacherous game
to which he had resorted in the case of Baud
Khan. Khafi Khan says: "The fact of the
disagreement between the Emperor and the
Saiyids was well known from the firmans and
orders which had been sent secretly to Raja
Sahu, the dewans and the chief zamindttnf of the
Karnatik [Le Bala Ghat], desiring them' not
to obey Ilusain AM Khan. They had accordingly
showed resistance, and no seltlemenl. of Bija-
PUT and Haidarabad had been effected/* But
again, as I said in Baud's case, Huswn was not
a man to be trifled with, and thus thwarted,
with impunity, lie now changed his tactics;
negotiated with the Mahrattas, and concluded
with them a most important compromise, which'
practically recognised them as co-partners .in.
the revenue of the Imperial provinces, Hi *
corollary-, in political power there* As
when Bahadur Shah had made 'such, important
concessions to the Mahrattas, the arrangement
was made ostensibly as a treaty of peace, with
an enemy too powerful, as* experience had
shown, to be conquered. Itaja Shao was to
receive one quarter of the land revenue col-
lections, and the Government lands. More-
over, 10 per cent, from the ryots as mr-deshmuki.
But besides this he was to share the abwdbs,
or additional eesses. These altogether would
amount to nearly half the total Government
revenue* Transit dues, or road duties, as they
HUSAIN'S TREATY WITH SHAO 147
were called, were not to be levied. But this
prohibition was futile, as the Mahratta col-
lectors were too active and too strong to be
resisted.
And the sting and humiliating circumstance
of the arrangement was that the dues were not
to be paid to the Raja by the Mahometan
Government, but levied actively and haughtily
by a body of Mahratta officials, while Balaji
Washwanath and Jamnaji (the Raja's repre-
sentatives), ** with a suitable escort," were form-
ally installed at Aurungabad, the Imperial
capital of the Dekkan, as deputies of the Raja,
" so that all civil and revenue matters might
be settled through them." Thus the Mahratta
plan of establishing virtually an anti-polity
within the limits of the Mogul Empire was
realised, and exhibited in a most glaring and
provoking form. But this was not all. This
so-called pacification amounted actually to an
alliance between the Seiad and the essentially
anti-Mogul community. Husain then, in Khafi
Khan's words, "made no delay in writing for
a royal firman confirmatory of this document
[i.e. of the sanad containing the conditions of
peace, which he had sent to Sahu, the Raja of
Satara]. Several well-wishers of the State urged
that it was not well to admit the vile enemy to
be overbearing partners in matters of revenue
and government." This was, in itself, true
enough. But it was the outcome of the
14,8 THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIR
Emperor's intrigue, suicidal equally in a personal
J and political sense. But ignoring this fact, and
I the danger of confirming his formidable lieutenant
in his new friendship with the aspiring Hindoos,
f he " rejected the treaty."
Thus his Viceroy and the Mahratta Raja
had a common grievance gainst him ; and
Husain AH, like his brother nt Delhi, was the
more inclined to sympailiisc and combine with
the Hindoos against Mogul ascendancy. The
Emperor, on the other hand, was not unconscious
of his perilous position, And this was impressed
upon him by a new favourite, a Knslumrian
of low origin and " disreputable character."
Jealous of the Seiads, he instigated his Sovereign
to compass their overthrow with the aid of three
^ powerful men- Niza-m-ul-MuIk, Surbuland Khan,
if Governor of Patna, and Raja A jit Sing, the
# * Rajput Viceroy of Ahmeclahacl But Abdullah
| vigilant and well -informed -won over the
;l Eaja to his interest. " Nizum-ul-Mulk and
I Surbuland Khan/" says Khali Khan, " were at
I first led to expect the appointments of wazir
I and mirbakhshi," i.c. the former was to succeed
Abdullah as Prime Minister, and the latter
Husain, as Commander - in - Chief* But they
i found that the fatuous Emperor was bent on
\\ appointing -his miserable favourite to the former
: ; office. Whereupon, in great indignation and
:i despair of such a Sovereign, they renounced
\ ; the commission* and left him to his fate* Khafi
NIZAM-UL-MULK PASSIVE 149
Khan says : " They were heart-broken, but
they were not disposed to obey and submit to
Itikad Khan " i.e. the favourite. In other
words, they were ripe for desertion, if not for
active rebellion.
Nizam - ul - Mulk was the more indignant,
because not only had he lost his Government
of Muradabad, and as yet received no other,
but the despised and hated favourite had been
appointed his (I presume non-resident) successor
there, and Nizam-ul-Mulk's jagir there had been
conferred on him. This was adding insult to
injury. So, like Achilles, when Agamemnon
deprived him of Briseis, he chewed the cud of
bitter resentment, and passively awaited the
gathering of the impending storm.
The Emperor, meanwhile, on occasion of a
great festival, collected nearly 70,000 soldiers
at the capital. While Abdullah, fearing a coup
de main against himself, issued an order for
enlisting 20,000 men, of all tribes. Hitherto
he had relied almost entirely on his Barha
clientele. But this looks as if he was extending
his connexion among the natives generally ;
in other words, throwing himself more on Indian
support, as opposed to the Mogul party and
their countrymen from Central Asia.
Once more, however, though a violent crisis
was generally anticipated, a hollow reconcilia-
tion was patched up. The vacillating and timid
Emperor visited the Minister, disclaimed all
150 THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIR
hostile Intentions, and sent Ik Was Khan, " an
olcl and devoted, friend of the two brothers/'
to reassure Husain AM. Husain was mueh
perplexed at the contradictory accounts trans-
mitted to him successively of the relations of
his brother with the Emperor. But receiving
pressing and repeated letters from Abdullah,
urging him to return to Delhi at once, he
mobilised a strong army, including 16,000
Mahrattas, under one of the Raja's best generals,
who was also, under the late arrangement,
Mahralta Subadar of Kandeish, and. marched
northward. Ikhhis Khan delivered his con-
ciliatory message en route, and Ilusain was
otherwise informed officially that It was peace.
Thereupon lie publicly professed loyal intentions,
if the Emperor " will deal with us kindly and
without malice." But this qualified intimation
/ of fidelity to the throne was quickly exchanged
for a very different attitude on receipt of infor-
mation from " trustworthy and confidential
\ correspondents/* who assured him that the
\ general impression was that "the Emperor's
* proceedings were merely devices and snares that
he was weaving to catch fools." Whatever
I had been Ilusain's real designs hitherto, he
' seems now to have made up his mind to dethrone
the Emperor, or reduce him to a puppet- For
he learned that Abdullah had gained over the
very men whom the Emperor had hoped to
employ as Ids champions. Surbuhtnd had been
m
HUSAIN OPENLY REBELLIOUS 151
appointed Subadar of Cabul through the
Minister's influence, who had also "furnished
him with money, elephants, and horses " ; and
Nizam-ul-Mulk had received from Abdullah the
promise of the Subadari of Malwa; and other
" waiters on providence " had also been won
over to the Sciad's interest. Ajit Sing, Rana
of Oudipur, on whom the Emperor had relied
to take part against them, and whose daughter
Farokhsir had married, had now, in spite of
this connexion, " become a firm ally of the
Minister. 5 ' So much so, indeed, that the
Emperor resolved to arrest him, but was
foiled by Ajit's betaking himself to Abdullah's
quarters.
Thus on approaching Delhi, Ilusain assumed
an openly rebellious attitude, " by ordering his
drums to be beaten loudly in defiance; for it
is contrary to all rule for [a subject's] drums to
be beaten near the residence of the Emperor."
These are Khafi Khan's words; and he adds
that Ilusain repeatedly said that he no longer
\ reckoned himself among the servants of the
monarch : " I will maintain the honour of my
I race'' This rather ambiguous expression seems
[ to me to imply more than simple rebellion against
! the actual Sovereign. Representative and leader
of a race of Indian warriors, traditionally famed
for valour, he repudiates allegiance to the de-
generate and faithless representative of foreign
domination and Mogul ascendancy.
152
THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIR
And this interpretation seems to agree with
the view taken of Husain's attitude by the
Emperor's advisers. They urged him to open
war, "particularly," says Khafi Khan, "the
Mughals, who knew all about the matter." This
also ambiguous phrase probably means that
they plainly saw that more than a personal
quarrel was on the tapis, and that what I may
venture to call a quasi-nationalist movement
against the foreign dynasty, and the ascendancy
of its foreign supporters, was threatened,
Farokhsir, however, remained passive, until
Abdullah in a public audience vented his own
and his brother's grievances, and as a con-
dition of peace and reconciliation demanded
the removal of obnoxious persons, the appoint-
ment of officials generally, and the custody of
the fortress by men of his and his brother's
choice. Unable to resist, the Emperor grunted
these abject terms. Another bitter and mutually
provocative interview followed, which ended in
the Emperor's abruptly retiring to the zenana.
Outside the palace there was much commotion.
And eventually a party, supported by a brother
of the Seiads, invaded the palace, discovered,
seized, and blinded the unfortunate Sovereign,
and consigned him to the same small, close
chamber in which his predecessor, Jahandar
Shah, had been strangled. And soon after, on
his attempting to escape, he suffered the same
fate.
\
THE SEIADS PREDOMINANT 153 ]
The power of the Seiacl brothers was now
completely predominant at Delhi. The palace
was occupied by their agents, and guarded by
their soldiers. Their troops, and those of their
confederates, Ajit Sing, the Rajput Rana of t
Oudipur, the Mahratta contingent contributed.
by the Raja of Satara, and other native forces
co-operated with their stout Barha clansmen.
Nizam-ul-Mulk, the most powerful of the Mogul
party, and other influential men of the same
class, who had been alienated by Farokhsir's
devotion to his disreputable favourite, and had
been courted by Abdullah, at least passively
supported them ; other would-be adherents of
the fallen Emperor had been paralysed by his
timidity and surrender of himself and his strong-
hold to the plausible demands of the Sciads,
that they meant to obey him when assured of
their own safety ; and no organised resistance
to them was, for the time, feasible. Thus,
without opposition, they selected a grandson of
Bahadur Shah, and proclaimed him Emperor.
Whatever their ulterior designs, it was evident
from their treatment of him, and of those who
quickly succeeded him, that for the present
their intention was to rule through the medium |
of an Imperial puppet. Thus Khali Khan says
of Kafi'u-din, the one now chosen : " This
monarch had not the slightest control in matters
of government. 55 And when he shortly died,
from consumption, and they replaced him by his
154
THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIR
elder brother, Kafia-u-Doula, the latter also
soon died from dysentery ; and the king-
makers replaced him by Mohammad Shah, son
of Jalian Shah, and grandson, of Aurungxib a
young prince of eighteen years of age. Feeble
health might have afforded a pretext for secluding
the two moribund Princes. But the plan was
pursued in this case without any such, excuse.
Khali Khan thus describes the treatment of
Mohammad Shah : " All the officers and servants
around the Emperor were, as before, the servants
of Saiyid Abdullah. When the young Em-
peror went out for a ride, he was surrounded,
as with a halo, by numbers of the Saiyid's ad-
herents ; mid when occasionally he went out
hunting, or for an excursion into the country,
they went with him, and brought him buck."
t
XIII
THE EMPEROR MOHAMMAD SHAH.
PROG RKSS OF THE ANTI - MOGUL
REACTION
: the Barha praetorians thus sequestered
the Emperor from free intercourse with his
subjects, the civil administration evinced the
ascendancy of the Ilindooising Seiad in a manner
equally obnoxious to the Mogul temper* " Ratan
Chand," continues Khafi Khan, " held firm his
position. His authority extended over all civil,
revenue, and legal matters, even to the appoint-
ment of kazis in the cities and other judicial
offices. All the other Government officials were
put in the background, and no one would under-
take any business but under a document with
his seal."
Imperialist sentiment and the pride of the
Mogul race were further outraged by other
circumstances. The magnificence of the Great
Mogul's Court had been proverbial; and its
hoarded treasures and works of art were of
world-wide celebrity, and had increased its
prestige. But it was now reported that the
rude and uncourtly Seiad Chieftains had taken
| 156 THE EMPEROR.. MOHAMMAD SHAH
JJ
J I " possession of, and selected for themselves,
^ whatever they pleased of the royal treasure,
' J j ewels, works of art, elephants, and horses. ' * And,
!/ worse and more insulting still, Abdullah was
J| said to have appropriated to himself some of the
late Emperor's most beautiful inmates of the
i| zenana.
r* The same greedy and reckless disposition
1* to strip majesty of its externals, and to despoil,
j with military license, instead of treating with
I j' decent reverence, the Sovereign whom they had
;|l themselves placed on the throne, was again
f| exhibited by Ilusain Alt at Agra. There the-'
soldiers had, in defiance of the Seiad's choice,
extracted from a long imprisonment Prince
Neku Siyar, a son of Prince Akbar, Aurungzib's
rebellious son, and proclaimed him Emperor.
But Ilusain besieged and reduced. Agra by
' famine, and imprisoned the Pretender. And he
treated as spoil of war, and, says Khali Khan,
" took possession of the treasure, jewels, and
valuables which had. accumulated there in the
course of three or four hundred years, from tine
.days of Sikander Locli and Babar Badshah."
Some of these he specifies, and estimates the
value of the whole at two or three krors of
rupees, i.e. the same number of millions sterling,
And so completely had the filibustering spirit
superseded that of the politic statesman, that
he fell out with his brother by monopolising
the spoil ; and only through the mediation of
BOLDNESS OF THE RAJPUT REACTION 157
Ratan Chanel at last "grudgingly surrendered
to him twenty-one lacs of rupees."
Another insult to the Imperial majesty
and to the religious susceptibilities of the Moguls
was offered by Ajit Sing, the elose ally and
active coadjutor of the Seiads. I mentioned
that his daughter had been married to Farokh-
sir. He now sent her home with her jewels
and paraphernalia, and was reported to have
made her "throw off her Mussulman dress,
and dismiss her Muhammadan attendants*"
Whereupon Khafi Khan remarks :
" In the reign of no former Emperor had
any Raja been so presumptuous as to take
his daughter after she had been married to a
King and admitted to the honour of Mam."
A little later Ajit ventured on another piece
of outrecuidance, similarly obnoxious to Mussul-
man sentiment, and indicative of the increasing
boldness of the Hindoo reaction. As Subadar of
Ahmedabad, he forbade the slaughter of cows.
But what Khafi, Khan calls a "sharp warn-
ing" from Nizam-ul-Mulk constrained him to
draw in his horns, and cancel the offensive
order.
His rival Rajput Prince, Jei Sing, of Amber,
or Jaipur as it was called later, had hitherto
been an anti-Seiad. But he now submitted
to them, and was appointed faujdar, or military
commandant of Surat. "Under this arrange-
ment," says Khafi Khan, " the two Rajas held
158 THE EMPEROR MOHAMMAD
all the country from thirty eos of Delhi to
$ the shores of the sea at Surat." Thus the
I/- ^ Seiads were extending and confirming their
f 'J Indian connexion in various directions. And
^ their anti-Mogul policy was comprehensively
F f indicated by the formal abolition once more
vt ( ! { ; i( ' of thejizya* This had been effected immediately
-;|'j , on the fall of Farokhsir. Khafi Khan's record
fe; of the fact is significant of the influence at
[< work, and of his antipathy to that influence*
f* ', He says ; " In the council of the first day* in
V accordance with the desire of Raja Ajit Sing,
* " - ( and of the bigoted Hnja an
: \ , order was passed for the abolition of the a,.
i< ftttd assurances of security and protection [4e-
, ^ i of the Hindoos] were circulated all the 1
country.'*
( \ The general impression of the of
at this period, and the profound It
engendered in the of the old and.
of the Mogul inlm-st, are forcibly.
conveyed In the following passage of the
, , I author whom I so freely :
., / u The Bttiperor no power in the govcrn-
v , . , . ' ' ment of theState^ * * * c:vory flung W ns directed
by Ratan' Sing and other vile infidels* The
two Saiyids, the real rulers, thought themselves
masters of the pen and masters of the sword in
Hindostan, and as opposed to their judgment
and the swords of the Barhas, the Mughals of
Iran, and of Turan were as nobodies* They did
MOGUL VJKW OF TIIK SITUATION IM
not remember Ihnt these Murhals had eome
1000 or 2000 .miles front their naiive counin<'s,
and that by their coin's igo and sound judiLjinenl;
the wide realm of Ilindoslan, \vilh its #rcaf.
kings and famous w/V,v ? had by ha.ni ik?lrfin<(
been won for the Emperor Ba.h:n\ For hvo
hundred years they had lived in I hi' favour
of the house of Tinmr, and lh<*y iuw 1V1I HM-
ignominy of sc^in.i; ///r/V Kniprrtir \\iihuul any
power in his own Slate, Pnd\ roiir;iyv, anil
Itonour continually spurn d I his liuu-hearit*d
nohlc [i.e. Ilaidar Kuli Khan, of \vhrun
hereafter] io ma,kc k an end of I his slalr of t
and to tak(5 reveno-c*. 1 "
While such sentiments would ;( any period
have been strongly opera live* among the Mojrul
magnates,, they hud been naturally intensified
by the policy of Aurung/ib, and his exclusive
rcliunce, in his later years, on their eo-operalion
in its execution. He hud alienated the Unjpufs,
and they figure no mont in his :nnii-Muhr:U.tn
campaigns alter Sivaji's final revoli.
The Maliratta War of I r [dependence after
Siva] Ps death hud both exasperaled and humi-
liated the Mogul partisans of the Knipcror's
obstinate but vain attempt to restore his military
prestige, and realise his programme of proving
and treating the Hindoos as a. twice-conquered
people. And that not only this should fail, but
that the crushed worm should have turned,
and, under the auspices of Indian Shia leader*
160 THE EMPEROR MOHAMMAD SHAH
ship, should turn the tables on their former
masters, reduee the Great Mogul to a puppet/
and the proud nobles of his raee to political
inanity, and monopolise power, patronage, and
wealth, was an unspeakable degradation and
cause of offence to those trained in the school of
Aurung'/ib. Hence another revolution, and a
desperate attempt to subvert the Seiads and
reverse the position, was inevitable. Nor was
the initial agent of such a policy far to seek.
i
XIV
MOGUL COUNTEIMIKVOLUTION
CHIN KILICH KHAN, or as he was now entitled
and is best known to history as Nizam-ul-
Mulk, was both an able and experienced soldier
and a wily and far-sighted politician. Though
born in India, he was a Mogul to the core, a
strong Imperialist, a bigoted Mussulman, and
ait inveterate opponent of native predominance
and Matmitta independence. His father had
been a distinguished general under Aurungzib;
and both he and his son had served long and
well in the Dekkan wars. Ni^am-nl-Mulk's
military reputation ahd political consideration
were well established, as might be inferred from
Farokhsir's attempt to employ him for his
liberation from the yoke of the Seiads, and
from Abdullah's courting and conciliating him
on the eve of the Imperial tragedy* In that
tragedy he took no active part, though he
remained passive on its occurrence. But he
was biding his time, and preparing resources
for a eontre-coup. And though, for the present,
a good understanding seemed to prevail between
him and the Seiads, each party had good reason
162
MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION
to distrust the other. The Seiads were well
aware that Nizam~ul~Mulk had been selected,
and had been quite willing, to compass their
overthrow* And he well knew that both on this
account, and from his prominence and his
notorious character, rejmf a I ion, and politieal
views, they could not but regard him as a
formidable danger to their usurped authority
and hybrid politieal connexion. For the titfie
they propitiated and got rid of him at Delhi,
by appointing him Subadar of Malwa* But,
as I shall show .rescntty, they calculated on
hemming him la '"between, and coercing if not
destroying him by the instrumentality of, their
own adherents.
Nizam-ul-MuIk, on the other hand, was not
only personally clear - sighted, cautious, and
vigilant, but was put on his from head-
quarters, and stimulated by an appeal to his
loyalty, to exert himself in his own defence,
and for the emancipation of the Emperor.
Mohammad Shah's mother was, Khali
Khan, u well acquainted with business*
and was a woman of much nvU*lli,genee and tact."
And in frequent letters she informed him "that'
the constraint used by the Salyuls so strict
that the Emperor 1 had only liberty to go to
service on the Sabbath, he had^&o.
power of giving orders ; that the
Saiyids . * * proposed . * * to get rid of Nkam-ul-
Mulk, and then to do as they pleased ; that the
NIZAM-UL-MULK HOSTILE TO THE SEIADS 163
Emperor and his mother had full reliance on
Nizam-ul-Mulk, that he would not fail in the
loyalty which his ancestors had ever exhibited/'
Such an intimation, and such an appeal, were
quite in accordance with the' views and resolves
of the able and ambitious man to whom they
were addressed.
"Nizam-ul-Mulk," says Khafi Khan, "per-
ceived that the brothers had the fixed intention
of overthrowing the royal house and removing
the Khalifa of the world" Though hitherto
[ the conduct of the Seiads Itemed to imply a
| design to reduce the Empcr<- permanently to a
mere roifain&ant, and to wield independent power
in his name, as the Peishwas did later in the
*', name of the imprisoned Raja of Satara, and
\ Mahadaji Sindia in the name of the later Em-
peror, Shah Alam ; these words indicate rather
his suspicion that they aimed ultimately at
founding a new dynasty of their own, a nation-
alist power, subversive of the foreign Mogul
element, and based upon native Indian support,
Hindoo, and probably the earlier Afghan element,
which had dominated India for centuries before
Baber's incursion, and had been overthrown by
him, and in its later phase by Akbar. But in either
case he foresaw the ruin not only of the Imperial
house, but of the ascendancy of the race which
it represented, and which was identified with
Nizam-ul-Mulk's antecedents, associations, and
personal interests. Hence to overthrow the
164
MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION
fej
i I
v
( J *
i
Seiads* and restore the Krnperor to his old
position of an independent Sovereign, and con-
spicuous and dignified Head of the conquering
race, in fact,, as the Great Mogul, was his im-
mediate and urgent aim. But " the longest
way round is the shortest way home." And as
a coup ffetat at Delhi was not at onee feasible, he
preferred to take up his appointment in Malwa,
and there accumulate and organise at his leisure
the means for striking a decisive blow later. His
preparations for this were systematic and elabo-
rate. Thus Khali Khan tells : i4 There accom-
panied him more titan a thousand companions,
manmhdan and jugmlars* who were poor and
sick at heart with the unkimlncss shown by the
Saiyids, and through pay being in arrear. Nizam-
ul-Mulk busied himself in collecting soldiers and
artillery, which [observes the writer signifi-
cantly] are necessary for governing the world
and keeping it in order*" [In other words
for effecting a counter-revolution, as u revolu-
tions are not made with rose- water."] " He gave
five hundred horses with accoutrements and.
arms to Muhammad Ghiyas Kh.au for his Mughal
fraternity, and turned them into horsemen.
He lent large sums of money to others, binding
them to himself by the bonds of debt and kind-
ness," With characteristic adroitness he secured
another partisan, while literally conforming to
the orders of Husain* as Commander-in-Chief*
Murhamat Khan* the commandant of a fortress
SEIADS* SCHEME AGAINST NIZAM-U1>MDLK 165
at Mandu, had held back,, on pretence of ill-
ness, when summoned to join Husain on his late
march to Delhi, and had been in eonsequenee
superseded. But he had resisted the mandate,
and Husain instructed, Nizam-ul~Mulk to remove
him* This lie did by diplomacy, but only to
attach him to his own service. And he had
at this time ^ collected," says Khafi Khan,
" 7000 or 8000 horse and materials of war."
On the other hand, the Sciads were on their
guard, and preparing to circumvent him. They
had appointed him to Malwa, not only to get
rid of him, for the time, from the capital, but
because they relied., if necessary, on concentrating
against him forces adequate to overpower him*
44 Malwa," says Khafi Khan, 4C was half-way
between Delhi and the Dakhin." Husain's
forces were in possession of the capital. And
Alam Ali Husain's adopted son, " with a
sufficient army/* had been left as Deputy Suba-
dar in the Dckkan. And a third force, under
a Rajput Blum Sing, had been commissioned to
march against the zamindar of BundL But on
the promise of promotion to the dignity of
Maharaja, Bhim Sing was secretly engaged to
hold himself in readiness to act against Nizam-
ul-Mulk in the projected triple combination-
Then Husain, throwing aside the veil, "began
to pick a quarrel" with his formidable rival*
His charges were conclusively answered. But,
probably as a test of his doubtful obedience to
166
MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION
M
Iff
the usurped authority of the Seiad brothers* or
as a plausible ground for attacking him if he
refused to obey the order, Husain announced
that he wished himself to assume the Govern-
ment of Malwa, and Nkam-iil-MuIk was sum-
moned to return to Court, with the promise of
an appointment to a Subndnry elsewhere.
This capricious supersession might well ex-
asperate him. And lie was too acute not to see
that, in one way or another, his ruin was in-
tended. And private In format Ion combined to
impress upon him the conviction that the time
was come for him also to throw off the mask,
and begin his campaign ngmnst his personal
enemies, and the obnoxious regime which they
had established and were consolidating* Khafi
Khan says : " lie had received from the
Emperor and from private him
there was no time to b^ lost, and that what he
had to do he must do quickly." This writer
asserts that 4t he had formed the of con-
quering the Dakhin, and of free that "land
of treasure and of soldiers/* IE words,
he realised that the military command of the
Dekkan would be the effectual meantihof
neutralising the league between the Seiads and
the Mahrattas, and would be a most serious
blow to their Hindooising policy. He could also
rely on Mogul sympathy in that quarter, as
proved the case speedily* On crossing the
Nerbudda, he at once received an overture for
same course."
The Seiads were now seriously alarmed, and
much perplexed and divided in their counsels.
Husain was inclined to go in person to the
Dekkan. Ratan Chand "advised a peace and
the surrender of the subas of the Dakhin to
Nizam-ul-Mulk." But to this Husain would not
consent. And it was hoped that the previously
conceived plan of exposing Nizam-ul-Mulk to a
combined attack by Bhim Sing and his col-
' '}
^
NIZAM-UL-MULK IN THE DEKKAN 167
the surrender of the great fort of Asseergurh, <
which was executed; and the day after, the ' H
capital of Kandcish, Burhanpur, was similarly
given up without a blow, by the officer specially
deputed by Alam All Khan to defend it. There
he was also joined by Iwaz Khan, another offi-
cial in Berar, and by "troop after troop of
adherents." Thus his position grew rapidly
stronger. The surrender of Asseergurh was well
calculated to excite the alarm of the Seiads.
For, besides its great strength, it showed that
the military superiority on which they relied
was being sapped by their astute adversary.
An emissary of Nizam-ul-Mulk had tampered
with the garrison, and his own soldiers had com-
polled the Seiad's commandant to open his
gates. The Nizam was mpreover joined by
Minbulkar, "a famous Mahratta chieftain, with
his followers." " And,;' adds Khafi Khan, " all
the officials of Burhartpur, and many of the
zamindars of the neighbourhood, had taken the
168 MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION
leagues, Dilawar Khan and Alam Khan, would
suffice to overpower him. Dilawar was Hus-
ain's bakshi or chief military officer in Malwa, and
in obedience to pressing orders he increased his
forces, and crossed the Nerbudda, while Alam
Ali was engaged in "enlisting as many Mah-
rattas as he could," and Dithering together the
great faujdars at Aurungutuul, "intending to
place the enemy between two armies." But while
he tarried "or intelligence of Dilawar's approach,
Nizam-ul-Mulk marched promptly against Dila-
war and his .Rajput confederates, engaged them
in a bloody and obstinate battle, and utterly
defeated them. Dilawar, Raja Bhim, and
another Rajput; llaja, Gaj Sing, and 4000 or
5000 soldiers were killed. The writer notices that
when, at last, the army of the Barhas fled, the
Rajputs, true to their tr^ttV^^l character,
"disdained to escape," and 1 t upon the
field.
The tidings of this event further distracted
the councils of the Seiad brothers. So serious
was the prospect in the south, that they were
half inclined to march thither together, taking
the Emperor with them. But they were averse
to risk their hold over the capital, and, on
tidings of another catastrophe, they decided to
separate.
Alam Khan, Husain's Deputy Subadar in
the Dekkan, was a young man, twenty-two
.years of age, "distinguished," says our author,
ALAM AM DKVKATKI) AND SLAIN 160
"by all the determination and bnivn'y of the
Barha Saiyids." But he ws rani!, self-willed,
and no general. The MnJmiUn ,v/;v///r.v nnd his
own officers advised him to await, behind the
walls of Aurungabnd or AluwTlnuggur, the
arrival of Tlusain All, while the Mnhrntias might
hang upon and harass Ni/*am-ul-Mu!k's army,
and "carry on that. Cossack tvarfcm* for which
the people of the Dakhin ;ire so fantoiiH/ f But
this he disdained to do. His able fjftul wily
adversary, though seriously Impelled by the
monsoon, skilfully accomplished the crossing of
a flooded river, to the surprise of A lam Ail Khan;
repulsed the during' onslaughts of the Mahratta
skirmishers, and brought on an action on ground
chosen by himself. Again he gained a decisive
victory* Alam lighting bravely to the last, was
slain* togclh< v ^*''4!b '.*uuy other leading officers,
44 men of reri* ,vn," as 'the author amis them*
Nizam~ul~MuIk'*i loss was shiall ; and the moral
effect of his success was attested by the defection
to him of the Subadur of Hyderabad, with six
or seven thousand horse.
But more notable and momentous was this
moral effect m Hinelostan.
The Seiad brothers prepared to make an
extraordinary effort to meet the crisis* They
resolved to raise an army of 100,000 men, from
among their clansmen, and a significant fact
from among the (Indian) Afghans. With this
army Husain was to march against
170 MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION
ul-Mulk, taking the Emperor in his train, as
Henry vi. was taken, for the same purpose, in
the. Wars of the Roses, while Abdullah was to
maintain order in the capital.
But "the jamadars" or, as we might eall
them, the recruiting officers, " far and near had
noticed the declining fortunes of the two Saiyids,
and they were unwilling to go to the Dakhin, so
the desired army was not raised/' With difficulty
about half the proposed force was eventually
collected and sent forward, while Husain tarried
at Tira, "thirty cos from Fathpur," in company
with the Emperor.
Besides the chronic hostility of the decided
Mogul party* even the previous adherents and
beneficiaries of the Seiads were now inclined to
desert them* This was probably, in a
degree, from a strong disposition to be found on
the winning side. But Khafi Khan it
to more respectable motives* He says : ** The
infamous murder of the martyr .Emperor
(Farokhsir), the sight of the indignities which
the Emperor, the representative of the house
of Tinaur, had to endure, and the fact of the
administration being under the direction of a
base-born shopkeeper (Ratan Chand) had, under
the guidance of the Converter of Hearts,
changed their feelings/' In other words, the
general sentiment among the prot6gs as well
as the foes of the brothers was hostile to them
as Ratan Chand's patrons, and favourable to
c *
HUSAIN ALI ASSASSINATED 171
the emancipation of the Emperor the warcry
of the counter-revolutionists.
In these circumstances, a plot was concerted,
in the deepest privacy, for assassinating Seiad
Husain AIL The arch-conspirator was a Mogul
noble, Itimadu-d Daula, or Mohammed Amin
Khan, with two confederates, his " close and
trusted friend," Sadut Khan, of Persian origin,
and the founder of the later Oude dynasty, and
Haider Khan, a Chaghati Turk, of illustrious
descent, though Elphinstone describes him as
" a savage Calmuc. 55
Only the Emperor's mother and a proteg
of Seiad Abdullah were privy to the plot, which
was not disclosed either to the Emperor him-
self or to Itimadu-d Daula's own son. At least
so says Khafi Khan ; though I suspect that
Haidar Kuli Khan (of whom more presently) was
apprised of it just before it was carried into
execution. The third conspirator, Haider Khan,
undertook the deed, and, while Husain read a
petition which he had presented to him, accom-
plished his fatal object at a single stroke of a j *
dagger. The assassin was cut down promptly, f*j
and a fierce contest ensued between Husain 5 s ! '
partisans and the Moguls, who, says the his- | ;
torian, " assembled from every side.'* Itimad ** f
had in the meantime betaken himself to the j^
tent of Haidar Kuli Khan. I have already \ j
quoted an account of his strong sympathy with ' 1 '
the cause of the Mogul Imperialists. Husain
172 MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION
had just made him commandant of the
artillery* But Itlmad now probably informed
him of the intended coup de main. And
after it was delivered lie at once ranged himself
on the side of the conspirators. " He stepped
boldly forward, ready to show his loyalty and
devotion in vigorous action/* Itimad and he
directed Sadut 4 Khan to visit the Emperor in
his private quarters, and induce him to show
himself. This was done ; and Itimad then
** mounted him on his own elephant, and sat
behind, him as his attendant.'" In the con-
fusion only a very slender escort could be mus- 4
tered, and this was exposed to a fierce onslaught,
headed by " that raging lion of the Barhas,
Izzut Khan," a nephrw of the Seiad brothers.
44 On one side/ 5 says Khafi Khan, "the braves
of Barha rushed boldly into the fray ; on the
other, the valiant men of Iran and Turan came
from every side eager for the light," But Izzut
was killed ; and the victory remained with
the Imperialists.
The Emperor signalised his recovered freedom
by appointing Itimad. Vizier, and bestowing
various distinctions on Ilaidar Kuli Khan, Sadut
Khan, and other active promoters of the counter-
revolution*
Though thus ? both in the Dekkan and in
Hindostan, the toils were closing around Ab-
dullah* he made strenuous exertions to recover
his ascendancy* His brother and his valiant
urwfcw,
p.
ABDULLAH RAISES A NEW ARMY 178
nephew Izzut, as well as his other nephew in
the Dekkan, were no more* His Minister, Ratan
Chanel, had been maltreated by the Mogul mob
and the budmmhe of the camp* carried to the
Emperor's quarters^ and confined in chains
by Itimad* Another of his favoured Hindoo
officials had fled- And Husain's army had
become the Emperor's, though there was
treachery in the camp, and some officers and
their troops were meditating desertion. Ab-
dullah's first step was to set up an anti-Emperor,
as another puppet. In this he experienced
much difficulty. More than one Prince posi-
tively refused his overtures. But he succeeded
at last in raising to the throne a brother of the
roi faineant who had died of consumption, as
Muhammad Ibrahim.
He then made strenuous efforts to secure
partisans, and to raise a new and large army,
to confront that which had now passed over
to the real Emperor. He was constrained to
fall back upon many who had been unemployed,
disgraced, even imprisoned, under his previous
regime. Among these were Itikad Khan, Fax-
okhsir's old favourite, who had plotted his
destruction under that Emperor, and Hamid
Khun, Nijxam-ul-Mulk's uncle, whom he had
deprived of his jaghire when the nephew had
declared against the rule of the Seiads, and
proceeded to hostilities. Such officers were little
to be trusted, and their appointment showed
174 MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION
that Abdullah's game was a desperate one.
He was also much embarrassed for money, in
consequence of the exorbitant demands of 'the
soldiers, who were the more inclined to insist
upon high terms for their services, because
they were in bad case from previous arrears
of pay, or in the instance of the Barha recruits,
because they rated themselves by no means
modestly. Thus a brother of Abdullah brought
with him, says Khali Khan, from the Doab,
" ten or twelve thousand horse, also one hundred
and fifty carts full of B ar h a Saiykls, each of
whom thought himself equal to twenty well-
accoutred horsemen, and had come in the
expectation of making himself an amir, an
elephant rider, and a general." Their gallantry
in the battle that followed, as on other occasions,
went some way to justify the soaring ambition of
these soldiers of fortune. Indian Afghans also
flocked to the quasi-nationalist standard k great
numbers. And from the now Imperial army
numbers of Husain's old troops deserted and
joined Abdullah, as did Churamon, the Chief of
the Jats, after an unsuccessful attempt to fire
the Emperor's magazine, in which he was
foiled by Haidar Kuli Khan's vigilance. Thus
Abdullah contrived to muster an enormous
but heterogeneous army. It is said to have
amounted to nearly 100,000 men, and to have
been twice as numerous as that of the Emperor.
But it was a disorderly and ill-disciplined host.
BATAN CHAND BEHEADED
175
Thus Khafi Khan says : " There were such
contentions among the officers, who were un-
willing to serve under the orders of each other,
that a proper disposition could not be made.
Each chief raised his standard where he
chose, and would not consent to obey any
other."
Before the battle began, the character of the
contest was illustrated by the execution of
the captive Hindoo Minister-, who had lately
given its tone to the administration of the
Sciacls. Khafi Khan's sympathies are vigorously
intimated in his record of this retributive act*
" The Emperor . * ordered, that the head
of the vile Ratan Chanel, who had been the
chief cause of the unpopularity of the Saiyicls,
should be struck from his filthy body, so that
the world might be gladdened by being cleansed
from his polluting existence. So his head was
cut off and thrown as a propitious omen before
the feet of the Emperor's elephant."
The battle that followed was long and
well contested. But it was decisive, not only
as an Imperialist victory, but of the great
political issues which were involved in the
contest* The desperate gallantry of the Barha
chiefs and their followers was pitted against
the skilful and terribly effective fire of the
Imperial artillery, directed by Haidar Kuli
Khan ; and the fortune of war-, at the close of
the day, still trembled in the balance. Haidar
176 MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION
j
Kuli's guns " shook the new levies in the enemy's
army," and a flight began among them, in
which older soldiers joined. But Najm-ud-din
AH, another of Abdullah's many brothers, and
on this occasion, according to our author, '* the
leading spirit of the Barha army," planted a
battery on a hill commanding the battlefield,
and followed up this manoeuvre by a bold
charge with 14,000 or 15,000 horse upon the
royal artillery. A fierce contest followed ; and
Khafi Khan says that the Seiads " nearly won
the battle." But; the Imperialists attacked and
captured the battery on the hill; and night
closed on an undecided strife. But Haidar
Kuli gave the enemy no respite-. In the darkness,
"he pushed forward his guns, and opened a
heavy fire" on the hostile army, which was
constrained to fall back, and many made off in
the obscurity and confusion.
" Out of the 100,000 horsemen of the enemy's
army," says Khafi Khan, " only 17,000 or 18,000
held their ground through the terrible cannon-
ade of that night." Whether these alone took
part in the final struggle is not dear; but it
seems to be implied in these words, as well as
by what follows ;
" In the morning the Imperial army advanced,
and was met by Najm-ud-diu Khan with some
other brave and devoted Barha chiefs, and a
hard fight ensued." Abdullah, seeing "the
desperate position of las brother, . . . brought
ABDULLAH DKKKATKI) AND TAKEN 177
up a party of the Barha braves to his rescue.**
Thereupon Najru-ud-din and his followers "re-
covered their powers, and fought so fiercely
that * . * the royal army began to waver,'* But
again Huiclar Kuli inlcrposcd, and with, decisive
effect. He led a charge on Abdullah's flank,
which Khafi Khan describes as "overwhelm-
ing.** Abdullah, following a prncfice which, re-
sembled that of knights in the Middle Ages, as
Hallam notices, " dismounted from his elephant
in the hope that the Barha braves would dis-
mount from their horses and join him fin a
charge].** But his action was misunderstood,
and Interpreted as a cowmcwrmcnl; of flight*
And thereupon, except 2000 or 8000 horse in
his immediate neighbourhood, the whole army
broke and fled. Uaidar Kuli himself eaptured
Abdullah, and led him on an elephant, and
wounded, into the presence of the Emperor,
who 4fi spared his life, and gave him in charge
to his captor/ 9 His gallant brother had been
mortally wounded* And Hamid Khan, Nizam-
ul-Hulk*$ unele, gave himself up, and was
pardoned ; as was also the pseudo-Emperor,
Sultan Ibrahim, who was taken prisoner, but
released as having been, an involuntary tool
in the Sciad's faandn,
It would not be easy to exaggerate the im-
portant consequences of this counter-revolution
on the future fortunes of India* Had not the
in MOGUL COIJNTER41EVOUTTION
main knot been cut by the assassination of
Husain, the Seiads might have prevailed* And
they might have established and maintained a
strong government on a tolerant basis* with the
support of the Indian Mussulmans and the
Hindoo Princes.
The encroaching and predntory character
of the Mahratta polity would undoubtedly
have been a difficulty. But the compromise
suggested by Ratan Clmnd, to cede the' Bekkan
Provinces to Nixam-ul-Mulk, might have been
adopted, by making them over unreservedly to
the Raja of Satara or in fact, to the Peisfawa
and his subordinate Chieftains- Whether this
would have prevented them from pushing on Into
Hindostan and trying conclusions with the new
monarchy of the Seiads, acting in the of a
puppet Emperor, or in their own if they
preferred to establish a new dynasty, is doubt-
ful. But the Mahrattas might that
their safest course was to keep on friendly terns
with the rulers at Delhi, for of another
counter-revolution in the Mogul especi-
ally when the Europeans began to the list,
and threatened to break up the political
system of native India.
And meanwhile the Seiads would have
avoided the fatal carelessness and lethargy which
opened India to the incursion of Nadir Shah #
and the consequent utter prostration of the
Imperial majesty and authority.
THE RESULT OF THE VICTORY ABORTIVE 179
On the other hand, the counter-revolution,
though successful at the moment, failed, through
the personal defects of the Emperor, to retrieve
the failing fortunes of the Empire. It restored
the Emperor to personal freedom, and to the
exercise of his personal sovereignty, according
to the traditional practice of the Mogul monarchy.
And had Mohammad Shah, like his illustrious
predecessors, been a Prince of mature age,
versed in affairs, and from experience capable
of discerning, and from disposition inclined to
pursue, his true interests, and steadily supporting
a sagacious and loyal Minister ; though he could
not have succeeded in restoring the Empire to
its pristine vigour, or re-extending it to its old
limits, he might probably have retarded the
day of its dissolution ; ruled respectably ; and
avoided the fatal concessions which we shall
see he was constrained to make to the
Mahrattas, and the crushing overthrow and
abject humiliation which he suffered from Nadir
Shah.
The most singular and, at first sight, para-
doxical circumstance connected with the counter-
revolution is the attitude and conduct of Nizam-
ul-Mulk, contrasted with his subsequent assump-
tion of virtual independence of the Emperor
in the Dekkan. Though absent from the scene
of the contest, and though there is no reason to
suspect that he was privy to the assassination
plot* he was unquestionably the master-spirit
. ? 'i
,
ISO MOGUL COTTNTER-RKVOIJJTTON
of the MoguL party's movement against the
regime of the Seiads. And the professed objects
of that movement were to restore the power of
the Emperor, and to re-establish Mogul domina-
tion. Yet> when objects had attained,
he practically repudiates the Emperor's author-
ity, and becomes himself a dismemberer of
the Empire. This inconsistency be readily
accounted for by assuming he was actuated
simply by personal feelings* And, to a certain,
extent, this Is no doubt true* It is also that
he was a wily politician, who was given to alter-
ing his course according to the
of the timein that lie was an opportunist.
But 1 shall show later 'that he was not so mcoa-
as he ; and his line wis
an alternative adopted on the conviction that
the Emperor a bruised the restora-
tion of Ms power and
(if I use & the
vessel of was hopelessly doomed, It
time to take to a boat, and save himself and some
of the crew from shipwreck.
Nium-ul-Mulk had been., in the first in-
stance, appointed Subador of the Dckkan by the
Seiads, in acknowledgment of his at least passive
co-operation with them in the deposition of
Jehandar Shah (whom, he had previously served)
and in the exaltation of Farokhsir.
But when they recalled him, and Husain All
took his place, although no open quarrel followed,
"
SADUT KHAN FOUNDS THE GUDE DYNASTY 181
! the seeds of hostility were sown ; and though
Nizam*ulMulk did not oppose the new revolution,
which displaced Farokhsir and raised Mohammad
Shah to the throne, he was much scandalised
at the murder of the unfortunate Emperor ;
was by no means reconciled to the new regime
by his appointment to the ViccroyaUy of Malwa ;
and (as we have seen.) both in self-defence against
those whom he now considered enemies both of
himself and of his class, and incited by the new
Emperor and his mother, he marched again into
the Dekkan ; struck do wit the lieutenants of the
Seiads there ; made himself master of the Mogul
Provinces south of the Nerbuclda ; and thus
faeiiitated the counter-revolution in Ilindostan
which emancipated Mohammad Shah, and re-
sulted in the death of Ilusain and the defeat and
captivity of Abdullah*
Of the three conspirators, thtf actual murderer
of Ilusain had perished. But the Emperor,
now free to choose his ministers, made Itam-
u-dowla, the contriver of the plot, his Vizier;
and his friend, the third conspirator, Sadut Khan,
became Viceroy of Oudc, and the founder of the
dynasty which came to an end on the eve of
the great Sepoy Mutiny in 1857. And Sadut's
previous service, together with his vigorous
character and conduct, enabled him to root
himself so tenaciously in Oudc, that it virtually
became an independent Principality, like the
Dekkan under Nizam-ul-Mulk in the period on
182
MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLtmON
which we are entering. Thus, in both cases* the
revolution that was to restore the vitality of
the moribund Empire resulted in its further
dismemberment, and reduced it to a shrivelled
and attenuated carcass !
XV
NKAM-UL-MULK'S POLICY
THE new Vizier did not long survive Ins eleva-
tion. And, on his death, Ni/am-ul-Mulk was
appointed to succeed him, and returned to the
capital, without, however, resigning his Vice-
royalty, or giving up the control of the strong
places which he had entrusted to his supporters,
and which gave him the effective command of
the country. At Delhi he did his utmost to
act the part of a loyal and efficient Prime
Minister. But the youthful, weak, and pleasure-
loving Sovereign was under the influence of
volatile and vicious companions of his own
age, and of a female favourite, who distracted
him from all serious application to business,
contrived to misappropriate and squander in
profligacy the slender resources of the restricted
and impoverished Empire, and poisoned the
Sovereign's mind against the faithful and saga-
cious, but severe, free-spoken, and, according
to the temper of the Court, ludicrously old-
fashioned and exacting Minister. His position
not a little resembled that of Clarendon at the
Court of Charles n. In vain he tried to rouse
184 NIZAM-UL-MULK'S POLICY
Mohammad Shah to a sense of his duties, and
., t the personal supervision of public affairs. His
! : remonstrances were irksome, and only provoked
dislike and jealousy, and, in the end, fear and
enmity.
1 ] The Vizier showed no disposition to imitate
; the unconstitutional and dangerous practice of
his predecessors, and, depriving the Emperor
of power, to rule arbitrarily in hi name* But
he saw too clearly that the experiment of re-
^ , i ; storing him to the posil ion of the older Sovereigns
i "i had failed; that Mohammad Shah was
^ ^ for personal rule; and instead of persevering
f , in so uneongenial, mortifying, and hopeless an
1 * attempt to galvanise the torpid Sovereign into
political vitality, or trying to find a. fitter Prinee,
. , f and plunging anew into direct rebellion, he
; * preferred to resign his oHicc, and, retiring Into 1
I M f *he Dckkan, to consolidate his own ?
j| there, and leave the ilksim*red and crumbling \
Empire to its inevitable fate,
Before he did this, however, he had for the
time broken the power of the Jats, and had
subdued a . refractory Viceroy In Uu'/cmt, macl ,
^ ', added that province to his own elmrge, ad* T
^^ ministering it through hm uncle, IlarriJ^l Khun, ' |
However conscious of Js own shortcoming ;!
and of the original fidelity of Ni^am-ul-MuIk, j
the Emperor might well be alarmed at sueh a
monopoly of power by a servant at once so
able and so discontented ; and he
MAHRATTAS CONQUER GUZERAT & MALWA 185
f
to play the old game of intrigue against him. ?'
lie superseded him in Malwa and Guzerat ; : :
but thereby only left these provinces exposed \ ,
to the incursions of the Mahrattas, who soon }'
after overran, conquered, and annexed them,. i
Indeed,, they were already swarming in Guzerat : j
and Nizam-ul-Mulk, however strongly opposed f
to the authority of Shao in the Dekkan, or ;
rather to the rising influence of Shao's great
Minister, the Peishwa, found his account in
leaguing himself with Trimbuk Rao, the Sena- \
putti, or Commaiuler-in-Chicf of the Raja in
Guzcrut, wh,om he played off successively against r if
the Imperial Viceroy and the Mahratta Pcishwa ; ,
and thereby promoted the rise of Trimbuk's
lieutenant, the ancestor of the Guikwar, who g,
still rules in the same region. I am anticipating ^
the course of my narrative* But I have done
HO in order to show how, once more, the revolu-
tion that overthrew the Seiacls, though directed ;
against their Hindooising policy, indirectly led
to the establishment of a Hindoo Principality
on the ruins of the Imperial power in Guzerat. ;
1 mentioned formerly that Mubariz Khan, j
the sub- Viceroy of Hyderabad, went over to
Nizam-ul^Mulk in his contest with Alam Khan.
Mubariz was now secretly stimulated by the ,
Emperor to play a similar part again, and ./
promised that if he succeeded in conquering
the too-powerful subject, he should be appointed
Subadar of the whole Mogul Dekkan. Mubariz . I
180 NIHAM-UL-MT'LK'S
threw for the splendid ; but
Mulk agnin triumphed, sending the
oplma to l he foot of the throne, with
irony congrnfulated Mohmnmnd cm the
(lcstructlo.ii of a, rebel, who liftii, in rr;ilil y, obeyed
Iiis Sovereign not. wisely but too welL The
hint was, however, taken, no CitH her attempt
was made from Delhi to m>l<*sl the* victor, who
wa,s meanwhile ofhenusr amply oeenpird in,
adjusting his relations with the
However a nli- Hindoo ill Ills senlimenis us
well as his antecedents, and obnnxions to
people, Ni/ain-id-Mulk far too
wily a. statesman to ne^lref the of the
limes; and though In hi* tfewral
alms, his poliey varied jtrrally awortling to
eireumstarKu's. He had support 1*1 1 t!m Em-
peror, in the hope he would drserve
that: support, and act eonfonuaMy with ttis
position and its obligations. Bui ttiift licit
proving to he I he lie Imd (no to
dissolved partnership with Yet n
we shall sex*, he saw for
throwing the weight of his Into the
Imperial scale, (hough no Iwppier
than before. So he* had
to suppress the and m Vixiw at
Delhi had even advised the tvtmposition of the
jizya throughout tho
But iu his second Vict-royalty in the Dckkan
he had found that the fur
BALAJI WISHWANATH'S REVENUE SYSTEM 187
strong to be suppressed, and after Husain All's
compact with them he had reluctantly ac-
quiesced in their claim to the chout and sur-
deshmuki, Lc. to the levy of twenty-five per cent.
on the land revenue and customs, and ten per
cent, on the ryots, or peasantry, in the Mogul
Dckkan, A very artful and complicated system
of collecting and distributing these dues had
been devised by Baluji Wishwanath, the first
prominent; Peishwa, based on an old and now
purely ideal assessment, and subdivided among
many chiefs, so that, in the exhausted state of the
country, there* were constant alleged deficiencies
and demands of arrears ; standing grounds
for vexatious and oppressive visitations, and
eager competition among the chiefs and their
followers, each equally bent on promoting the
common cause, and making the best bargain
for his separate share.
The Peishwa was a Brahmin, from the
Concan ; and, as the accountants were mostly
Brahmins, his influence in the community was
greatly enhanced by this subtle and com-
prehensive scheme for the national aggrandise-
mcnt.
He was also a soldier, and in that capacity
had commanded the Mahratta contingent which
accompanied Husain Ali to Delhi, on his march
against Farokhsir. lie was now dead, but
had been succeeded in his office by his son,
Baji Rao, a man of remarkable ability (and
i
1.88
TK'S POUT Y
gallantry, the greatest of the Peishwas, and a
worthy rival of Nixam-ul-Mulk.
But he had a eoniprfilor nearer home In
Sreeput Rao, the ptrlhndi or first minister of the
Haja, whereas the Pcishwa, was, us yt*t, entitled
formally only to the second place*
The Raja, Shao, hall rtevrr nrovered the
debilitating effect of his seclusion in the Imperial
zenana.; hut he was still n. free agent* ami even
inclined to appear in the Held. Srecput urged
him to consolidate his internal govrrnnn-nf., and
content himself with his share of the* revenues
of the Ddkkan, which he already enjoyed to
so large an extent. But Haji Hao advocated
a forward policy, us better suited to tlw* char-
acter and established practice of flic :id venturous
and pr*datory people*, and rmmiuu'ndttti further
by the <*nfeeb!ed and disconlant cfrmdittnit of
Hindustan* The Hnju approved t*f the lN*isIiwa's
counsel, and the rather, us Uie nnti-Hnja at
Kolapore had e*ase<l to IM* formidii)*U% and WU-H
sinking into insignificance,
Nizam - til - Mulk Iind f< Mvuierl y f \vltilc* not
denying the right of the Mahntttns to levy tlit %
impost^ sought to evade them by pmfessincr in-
ability to determine tht* niee qtiwitimt, whctther
Shao or his cousin at Kt^lapfH-** the true
Raja* Such a dilatory plea !ul now Iot uriueh
.of its force* And he preferred to
of'Baji Rao f s on an expedition l>eyoncl
the Nerbuddai to an with
BAJI RAO COERCES NTZAM-UL-HULK 189
Srceput Rao-, whereby the demands on his terri-
tory were to be estimated once for all, and com-
muted for a lump sum, to be paid annually by
himself, without the vexatious and harrying
interposition of the Mahratta tax-gatherers and
their armed bands. And he began to remove
these obnoxious officials ; and when Baji Rao,
on his return, condemned the arrangement, and
a quarrel ensued between him and Sreeput, the
Nizam (as we may henceforth call him) took a
higher tone : suspended the payment of the
stipulated sum, and again raised the question
whefchi.tr it was properly due to Shao or to his
rival at Kola pore*.
The liaja, was furious, and was with difficulty
dissuaded from leading his own forces against
the Mogul. In the end, Baji Rao was deputed
to wage the war; and his success in the cam-
paign gave him an ascendancy in the State
which soon reduced the liaja to a cipher, and
advanced the Peishwa far on the way to suprem-
acy in the Mahratta community.
Again, as in Aurungzib's days, the superior
numbers and. extraordinary agility of the Mah-
rattus proved more than a match for the Mogul
army ; brought it to a stand ; and hemmed it
in on every side. The haughty and wily old
soldier was compelled to yield to his young
and dashing rival, and to admit the claims
which he had questioned. He pledged himself
to defray all arrears of what was, in fact, tribute,
NIZAM-T T T,-MrLK\S POLICY
and to surmidT several strong pUws as s
for the future paywrnl. of the vhmtt. and
dwhmuki (172!)}.
But the Ni'/am had not playrd his Inst card.
I have mentioned his ailianee \vilh Triiuhtik, the
fienaputli 9 or Mahratla (*M]nntaTHj riu*( 4 hief in
(Iu/^Tal. Him he* now 1 insfi^itrcl to march into
{.he [)ekk;ui, and reseue thr Itaja frwn the
ascrn<lan<*y of the IN-ish\va and tlu* .Brahmin
faction, whieh Baji Hao n'pr^M-nlrd and fnvoun'd,
proposing toco-opc-ralt- wifli IIJ.IIL IJut I'kiji Hao,
taking a leaf out of Xi/;im-uI-Mulk\s own hcnik,
anticipated the junction cf liis rnrmu's l>y tbish-
ing at and drsfroynu,; Triml>uk on his mareh ;
and this victory,, s:iys (Irant Duff, left him "all
but nominal crontrol of the Mtihratta sover-
eignty M (l?:u).
XVI
GROWTH OF TUB] MAHRATTA CONFED-
ERACY, AND OF THE PEISHWA'S
ASCENDANCY IN IT
THAT is to say, the Raja continues to reign, but
ho (Iocs not rule; the official hierarchy which
Sivaji had established, and which had become to
a great extent hereditary in certain families,
loses most of its consideration, though it is not
formally abolished ; the Peishwa becomes the
leading Ministerin effective power sole Minister
at Satara, though (as we shall see) another deter-
mined effort is made to remove him, and to
subvert the Brahmin faction, which forms the
juideus of his strength. His lieutenants in turn,
Sindia, Holkar, and Puar, disengage themselves
from the throng of generals and collectors ; be-
come localised in the newly conquered country
of Malwa, as minor potentates, actively sup-
porting their patron ; and the Guikwar, having
already obtained a footing in Guzerat, and
another Chief, of the name if not of the lineage
of Sivaji, the Bonsla, having been established
by the Raja in Berar, has a constant tendency
to push on eastward and northward.
in cauwTiT OF MATHJATTA
Thus gradiKdly arisc-s the* M;dir;Ho,
Confederacy, of which, nftnr vindient in his
superiority over his e*ldrr rivals, the !*t*fohwa
'becomes the iU'Uwwhd*e<I hrrjrinonir lender,
though the uHerly p;*ssiu' and impmonrd
is still the nominal Jv^vn-i^n.
In e\pta5niifj the* import of CSmni Btiffi
expression, I have anfu'ip:tlr<l Uti; of
events to \vhieh we tuusi; IKW rcVrH,
Baji Ilao\s iiifc-rfrrrncr in CJtr/j^nit
jealously n^'nrc'lrd by Trimhtfk, who fonsidrrfd
that country Jus own huulin^* ground.
this wan one* chirf cause of his
Peisiiwa, howrvi-r, now iluUjq[ht it to
heal the breach, and obtained fcir liis ciu/my 1 .**
son the father's ollice of AV^/iym////. the
smouldered ; and Trimbuk's ciient the
Guikvvar, \vlw> soon cc*Ii|is*d and vtrlually
Heded the titular />Vw//w///\ ;rc-curu*!.rd (as w
shall soe) lat,c v r his patron's Mgnmsl
llao^s Kern and successor In ilie
Mcitnwbik*, tho cronec'ssioiisi the
Feisliwa had extorted from Hit* Imperial Vi<?croy
in Guaeerat tuark unotluT distinct in the
advance of the Mahr&tttu dominion, the
<Iiftmcmbc?rniont of tlu-t Krnpirc,
aur^shmuki were gniniei! in pcrpcfulfy.
this wan enough to twHtm; the* of
the eountvy 9 8 into UMJ handn of tlw
ingenious and indefatigable armed ittxgutlicrcrH
In vain attempts were to limit the*
THE MAHRATTAS ACQUIRE GUZERAT 193
to its exact terms, and to prevent abuse and
encroachment. In vain the Emperor at first
refused to ratify the concession, and superseded
the Viceroy who had made it. His successor
was equally unsuccessful in removing the wedge,
which was steadily splitting up the rotten fabric
of the Imperial organisation. Before long, Ah-
medabad alone remained to the Moguls; and
Ahmedabad itself fell at last to the Mahrattas,
and, typifying their complex relations, was
occupied partly by the Peishwa's, partly by the
Guik war's troops.
XVII
PEACE BKTWKKX THE NT/AM AND
i'KISinVA, AND CONSKCjrKNT
. 11ATTA PKOGHKSS IK 1HXDOSTAX
BUT another ami much more eonsid<T:d>!r
of Bnji Rao's enterprise and Mohammad
fatal freblc'iiess wan now to follow* Hit*
and f.h,i* Peishwa had hitherto bren nnrfimpr"-
mising enemies, and twice* I he ytwn# Mahralta
Bmhinin's tacti<*s hnd foilctl his ahlt niicl \ctcran
adversary. But Baji liac^s posit ioit WIIH utill
critutal ; he had reason t fear tht* arts, if not
the arms, of the? wily poHltcni iitl-rigucr; lie*
cuiulc! not prudently pnsrnjfr his great designs
in Hindustan while Xi/n.mul*Mtilk was iitnaten-
ing his base in the Dckkan* Tin* Nixant* on tht*
other hand, Imt! every tndttceitient to itn
accunuiuxiation with hint. lit* was anxious to
his own |nwt*r f ami to hii
He had renoiutec*cl all hope nt luaiit*
taining, or rather of restoring, the* integrity
indepencicmee of the ciootn^tl Kntpire; lie*
would find his best security against molestation
if his still jealous* Sovereign, instetitl of making
common cause, IIH Farokhsir had done under
PEACE BETWEEN NIZAM AND PEISHWA 195
similar circumstances, with the Mahrattas against
h,s own Viceroy, and secretly or openly sanction-
ing an attack by them upon him, were himself
to be exposed to the enterprising incursions of
the Peishwa. Thus a common interest drew the
two competitors together; and they came to
an understanding that hostilities between them
should cease, ami that Baji Rao should be free
to push his conquests in the north. The i m
medial e results of this compact were startling
and momentous. The Mahrattas poured, like
an mx-Msl.ble tonvnl:, into Malwa; defeated
and killed the Imperial Viceroy; and, bearing
down all oppositiou, took forcible possession of
the <, Mmhy . Th e ncc thcy penctrated into
WundeU-and - and though gallantly resisted by a
force of ttohilla Afghans, and unable to master
the warlike and stubborn Boondelas of Rajput
origin- effected a lodgment in the Province
which subsided to the days of Wellesley.
The imbecile ministers meanwhile took no
effectual steps to arrest the course of conquest
and assert the majesty of the Empire. They
wwwmMcd large armies, and made loud profes-
sions of an intention to march and exterminate
the insolent invaders. But thcy cared not to
come to close quarters with them; and their
timid and languid military parades were soon
exchanged for a brisk retreat to the capital.
Thcy next stooped to negotiation, and were pre-
pared to make abject concessions. Whereupon
196 PEACE BETWEEN NIZAM AND TKISHWA
Baji Rao, trading on their fears, rose in his
terms,, and made demands which even such
negotiators could not venture to entertain.
Then the Mahrattas pushed on to the neighbour-
hood of the capital. But Sndut Ali t the sur*
viving conspirator ngainsf the Sebids nd now
Suhadnr of Oudo, statin struck n bold blow
for the honour of his Sovnvign, and the defence
of the heart; of the Mogul Kmpire against Hindoo
aggression. 'Leaving his own provinee, he.
erossed the (langes, *ugagrd and repulsed the
Muhruttns, and drove them out of the Doab.
lie was prrparing to follow up his surrrvs when
an imperious message fr<m.i Delhi enjoined him
to await: the* junction of one of the very minis-
tcrs who had nln*ady so con^pirwaisly fnileci to
check the Piishwa's growing audacity, WhiUi
Sndut Ali tarried reluetantly. In ob<*cli<*iue to
thin order, the nimble enemy, ivrovrring courage
when they found f hemsrlves uupursued,, re-
turned ; wheeled round his flank ; and, headed
by Baji Rao in p**rsou % mttidcnly ap|H 4 areI ln?ft>re
Delhi, ami inspir*?d there extreme terror. But
lie did ncit attack the city; anil even rt*f rat tied
from plundering the suburbs* \VhcTrujion 11
body of Imperialists took heart, and sallied out
against him, but were soon repulsed by
Sindio, and other lieult^nants of Hit* 1
Having extorted an ignoble promise from tiie
Emperor,, or his Minister, that the government
of Halwa should be conferred 01* him, he retired,
EMPEROR SEEKS HELP FROM THE NIZAM 197
on the approach of Sadut Khan and the Imperial
army which had joined that Viceroy, and re-
turned for the time to the Dekkan (1736).
This brilliant campaign was followed by one
still more decisive. The Emperor, after all that
had occurred to estrange Nizam-ul-Mulk, con-
ceived the hope of re-enlisting him as his cham-
pion against the Mahrattas, and summoned him
to his aid.
The old soldier of Aurungzib in the Mahratta
War of Independence, the statesman who had
striven to liberate his Sovereign from the yoke
of Uindooising ministers, the standing rival of
Baji Rao in the Dekkan, could not be insensible
to the appeal. And he was probably seriously
alarmed, on personal grounds, at the rapid
.success of the Mahratta arms, and the extrava-
gant pretensions of the Peishwa in the late
negotiation. He repaired to Delhi, and was
entrusted with the amplest authority for levying
forces. But though the Rajputs joined him in
considerable numbers, and he was very strong
in artillery, he could only muster half as many
men as the. Peishwa. He was also enfeebled
by age; and, knowing too well the wonderful
agility and terrible impetuosity of the Mahratta
cavalry, he resorted to the precaution of at
once entrenching his position ; which, as a sign
of fear and a confession of inferiority, greatly
elated his enemies, and made them more auda-
cious than ever. In short, the course of his
198 PEACE BETWEEN NIZAM AND PEISHWA,
former contest with Baji Rao was repeated.
His movements were carefully watched and
anticipated. His convoys were cut off; his
foragers intercepted ; provisions became scarce
in his camp ; his march was obstructed ; and
at last, near Bhopal, he was fairly blocked
up, and compelled to enter into a convention
Equally ignominious to himself and his royal
master. He had been re-appointed Viceroy of
Malwa- But now, so far from being able to
take up that appointment, he was obliged to
promise "in his own Jiand- writing to grant to
Baji Rao the whole of Malwa, and the complete
sovereignty of the territory between the Ner-
buddha and the Chumbul ; to obtain a con-
firmation of this cession from the Emperor ; and
to use every endeavour to procure the payment
of fifty lacs of rupees, to defray the Peishwa's
expenses." x
Thus not only had the Dekkan previously
been cut off irretrievably from the Empire, but
the Mahratta power, already established de
facto, was now to be de jure also in Hindostan,
and at easy striking distance from Agra and
Delhi.
Such were the fruits of the Emperor's self-
indulgence, and the recklessness and incapacity
of his ministers, in the past. The whole South
was lost. But, as if infatuated, and foredoomed
to destroy what remained, they were at this
1 Grant Duff, L 341.
THE EMPEROR'S AND MINISTERS' FATUITY 199
very time engaged in displaying the same quali-
ties in another direction,, and thereby inviting
nay provoking attack from a still more
formidable and ruthless conqueror in the
north.
.?
*, I
\l',
su
f XVIII
) ;,
$ 1 ? NADIR SHAH'S INVASION
*!:
V
$* THR native author of the *<
"**.*
traces very clearly, in much detail,
appropriate indignation and the
corruption, short -sightliness. ciis-
rega.nl of significant and siiwessivf \v;irniijfjs,
und of the most obvious precautions, led to
awful catastrophe which placed the Emperor
at the mercy of a foreign the
proud, capital In the of iti <if !/.. -us ; de-
spoiled it of untold In-asurr; for
ever three northern provinces; and $
th<.! central authority of such respeef us it
hitherto rotained t prcclpitnted tin*
complete disBolution of the Empire,
Nadir Shah a Persian of low a
" soldier of fortune, 'whose <*arly rnreer was stained
'"., *'.<' with many dark deeds; hut a man of
ordinary ability, both military and
of great ambition, indotn i table e n c r/?y , a rid
fiery valour, but cold-hearted, stern, pitile&s,
and unscrupulous. In the year 1722, Persia
had been invaded the capital and much
of the country conquered, by the Western
NADIR SHAH'S EXPLOITS IN PERSIA 201
Afghans, under a leader who captured the
Shah and assumed the throne. He was, how-
ever, too weak to complete his conquest; and
after his death, two years later, his relative
and successor, Ashraff, was threatened by a
combination of Peter the Great and the Turkish
Sultan, who proposed to treat Persia as Poland
was afterwards treated. But the Shah's son,
Prince Tamasp, had escaped; and, taking
Nadir into his service, made successful head
Mguinst his various enemies. Peter the Great
died ; the Russians were checked, and a peace
was concluded with them. The Turks were
signally defeated; the Afghans were routed
and expelled; and the whole country was
gradually recovered. But the young Prince
was restored to the throne of his fathers only
to be promptly superseded by his perfidious
deliverer, who, after thoroughly organising the
national forces, and compelling the Persians to
adopt the Sumnee formula, such was his extra-
ordinary ascendancy over them, entered on a
career of foreign conquest; retaliated on the
i Western Afghans the evils they had inflicted
* on Persia; subdued and occupied the Mogul
Province of Cabul; crossed the Attok, and
invaded the Punjab, bent upon marching to
Delhi, and exacting satisfaction for alleged
| injuries which he exaggerated, but also for
insults and supercilious treatment on the part
I of the imbecile Emperor and his reckless
LI
202 NADIR SHAH'S INVASION
ministers, of which he had too good reason to
complain.
Nadir's severe handling of the Afghan in-
truders had senile-mi I hem in all direct ions. A
complete stampede took place; find swarms of
thorn poured into the Calnil Province, md through
that into India.
I may mention incidentally that the most
notable of these xvere the KohiHa Afghans,
Maeaulay's interesting elients, tin* alleged peace-
ful, industrious, and poetical victims of Warren
Hastings's nnsernpulons policy; huf who were
really in t^very resjwet much ilu> r<-v rse.
The Mogul CJov<-nunenL in Us better days,
had adopted systematic precatiiins to secure
this critical frontier region: able Viceroys had
been employed in Cubul ; a strong force, had
been stationed there; the wild tribes in the
hills overhanging the deities, through which
enemies or questionable imtnigrauts might pene-
trate into India, hud been regularly subsidised,
to give timely notice of their approach, mui to
dispute their progress; and a constant and
brisk communication of political intelligence
had been maintained between Cabul and the;
Mogul capital,
But, of late years, all this hud been neglected.
Jobbery, corruption, and t-ai'dessness, which
had already laid open dimwit mid Malwu to
the Mahrattas, now exposed Northern India
to Nadir's attack, as wtil as to its pretext, the
! NADIR INVADES INDIA
harbouring of his enemies. Incapable Viceroys
were appointed by favouritism; the garrisons,
says the author of the Seir Mutaquerin, were
" totally neglected. " ; the tribal, subsidies were
withheld, to swell, the illicit gains of those in
power, or their defendants; and the frivolous
Sovereign and his like-minded ministers heard
little, and cared less, about what "was going on
beyond the mounta-ins.
Nadir sent message after message, complain-
ing, with growing urgency and. imperiousness,
of the shelter afforded to his foes by the Indian
Government;. But his power was underrated ;
his applications -remained unanswered ; his
messengers were detained on futile grounds;
at last a party, escorting a fresh and more
imperative emissary, was attacked and cut off
at by the Emperor's subjects. Nadir,
who had already occupied Cabul for some
on learning this cruel deed from the
sole survivor, instantly marched on the place,
massacred all its inhabitants. He thence
advanced to .Pcshawur, where the Viceroy of
Cabul, who had been characteristically out of
the way when the .Persian overran his province,
made a feeble stand against him, but was cap-
tured ; and Nadir, says the native historian,
" having put to the sword every one that
to stand before him, whether Indian
or Afghan*" swept cm, in his irresistible course ;
crossed the Attok in boats, and routed with the
"*
So
greatest the Viceroy of T*aliore 5 who im-
mediately afterwards londrn-d his submission,
and, like his colleague of Cabal, jrraeiously
treated, and led in the eowiueror's on Ms
to Delhi*
The Emperor, with Khun Pouraiu the
Ai*H*<T-uI-Omrn or Hewl of the IVrra^r (who
together with the Visr-ier was responsible for
the nmlfulmmiKtmtion), innrehed front the
capital, 1 the Iieiicl cif n consid*r;il>l** ftrmy,
io confront tin* invd(T, Nr/ata-uI-Mulk
also in euinjs and Suilut Khan Jfiinrd swm
afier f %\itli IUK own forces* Vain ;itl IMJK were
ixmde to raise the Knjjmts; ntul this failtm*
seems to have iniirh disheartened the nlready
cravi-n- Imirtfd Itnperialists; itnd f advancing
very slowly, they eutne to n ntuud Hi four dnyK*
tnurch fnii Delhi* Many eir**wstnn<vs
close till* wn-lrhfd litlitt 1 cif inllilan nr^ariisatlon
among them. Thus they hud no
edge of tin* c-iHMMvVt \\!IT* alum!', tiittli Nndlr*s
acivanccri guitrd fell upon Sudnt Khaifs J:!jr'.<aM*
trulu. And the <tiHc*ordant ei*unsfls
Iiciklll in tilt* rn;jaj;i'ni*n( fol1(i\\cl
ilww the utter want of a ;^-n-ra! n
commanding mid autlMirilatixr iniiid, Htuhit
hast.i*iH k d to succour itli foHowers;
ul-Mulk insisted tlmi llm hm fur
for fighting; !>uitriiti t dKplavlnv, un-
wonted spirit, ii'iVt'ighc-d against tin* i;uiininy of
leaving Sadut unsuppi>rted, and leit a of
NADIE ADVANCES TO DELHI 205
troops to his assistance. This body was quickly
routed ; and the Arneer-ul-Omra was mortally
wounded, and was rescued only to die. Sadut
Khan's men fought better, but shared the fate
of their comrades ; and Sadut himself was
taken prisoner^ and, like the other captured
Viceroys, was well received by the victor. A
negotiation followed, set on foot by the Viceroy
of Glide, and concluded by Nizam-ul-Mulk ;
and Nadir agreed to retire, on payment of two
crorcs of rupees* The Emperor then visited
him, and received the highest honour. The
grim conqueror was all smiles and deference.
But the end was not yet !
It is not easy to account for the caprices of
such a man* But the native historian states
confidently that Sadut -jealous of the Emperor's
having conferred the vacant office of Ameer-ul-
Omra, which he coveted, on Nizam-ul-Mulk
incited Nadir to persevere in marching to Delhi,
riling its ample wealth. It is more probable
Nadir had been acting a part, and that
this had been all along his intention. However
.have been, certain it is that the Per-
suddenly changed his tone; insisted on
Mohammad Shah*$ again visiting his camp, with
Ms family and officials ; and that the helpless
monarch obeyed the summons, and was led in
a 0! triumph to his own capital (1739).
. There, though. Nadir's strict discipline main-
taincd perfect order in his army of occupation,
Sf! XAOW SHAH'S INVASION
II Iff ; J UK,*!* r . f iM' f . i !^ .1
ftii4 |l,M'f Thi' f ',', T 4'ntiH
ihi'V.M.v <' ;I"V,M'* TV <-, ,' r M Witt
fi,*^; f; <!* ^.r,' 1 ' *t > ' r ' ! * ' / t t till*
if tin* tit iiiff i JI-JM^I' t h) T,'^M'?t\
If II ) i !! 1 . Iff Nil IMt}t|n* *i t. (l ,- *
flu* tiohhs ^inl iifiii^f rirh m^it iuri I'Minpi'Hiil
fti *H " f - * tlnif ;i * Huiiiti!* if . *?: ; flu*
I'iti/rtts "i"-;!'^ miTt liilti iiiulf !M*avy <*MII
irilititioii ; mill {In* f*rovim'*i li*l IM! *
th<* ri''('-*i,i , ;t|?|>luMtir|i i>f flu i.;',"\.!' * jf'n*
I'lVlw / T*n*r, *!'j{5'.iu -itiil *lrif$n* HH! mi
<*VI*ry rnniitcftfin*'**, ffitin Mul'^ntni;**! ill
till fci fill* ait Mir | siller! ill lii% liti?i*L
\aiilf\ aM'tuil.Mfii 1 ; * ;* **'**; UV
by tin* ill tits in
tlit* fno^jU* % /*,* , lii^ hfiiifi fi'^iifiji if} j' ? tipi'i inr
In lh<* Mosh jn l!*Hli!Iii}4" Pr:iyri%
But a fsir ilarkt r ;utI ui'*n f Jr;f**ir ^t^'iir was
t4> SUC 'rt**| tfiin sjH't*J*U*h* ti' iirpr^';ij jftuf irttiufui!
humiiiatifiu Thv arci^ui u^h ittifor fafluT It*
tin? tlpiiiji'lit, a fatal rrjioil u;r sprfj^l in HM*
city thai Xnitir hai sudiii'iily di*tK A ji^jinlar
fitting, a<'<|uit'NiTt! in, if tiul M'itr*<l, by tin*
higher classic imtnulty Im4 jilat*<. St\vn
huiulrrcl of Nfitiir's soIiliTs w^r*- *.l:*uihtt*r'^J
in the str^elH fhiiing Ihf ui^bL Aft r \ airily
trying* by shtnviu^ hiiusiif, t <{ti II tli4* tiimutf,
the 1 justly i*xaK]K*rn)t'd rmifpic^nf #at r hnisr lohis
^ liilil ordiTttl ii gciUTal tita^saiTt't whriVMT
WHOLESALE MASSACRE AT DELHI 207
the body of a slain Afghan should be found. His
orders were obeyed with terrific alacrity. The
number of the victims was never accurately ascer-
tained ; but it was certainly enormous. Houses
were sacked in all directions; the horrors and
crimes worse than death usual on such occa-
sions were perpetrated ; fire added its terrors to
the scene ; and a great part of the city was
consumed. At midday Mohammad Shah inter-
ceded for mercy to his unhappy subjects ; Nadir
then relented, and such was his discipline the
avenging swords were instantly sheathed.
After this coup de grace to the majesty of tlje
Empire, the conqueror lingered a while in the
devastated and blood-stained capital; married
his second son, who had accompanied him, to
one of the Imperial Princesses; formally re-
instated Mohammad Shah in his degraded
sovereignty; gave him much advice, and ex-
horted Iiis subjects to obey him, with severe
threats if his injunctions should not be complied
with ; collected his vast spoil ; and, at the
head of his victorious army, conveyed it to
Persia. But he did not long survive his triumph.
Intoxicated with success, he gave loose to his
passions, became hideously cruel, and at last
mad, and not less hateful as a tyrant than he
had once been popular as the deliverer of his
country from the yoke of foreigners. And his
strange and wild career was cut short by assas-
sination (1747)*
I
i
)
I if
XIX
iTUirXATlXt; 1'KIUOl) OF MAIIftATTA
ASrKNDANTY IX NAT1VH INDIA
THE polities! outlook tti linlia \vas now most
|,f{c.Mi!iiy ntifi jtrplVw;.;. Thr sfrtm^ (lovtTn*
im*nt that hl fniH-rly tuaiiit ainrd order
f liroujjlifiiit flu* ^n-alT part of thf* ^outitry was
no ntor<% Tin* arttial <!nnuitiffis of fltr
ttucl shrttnk to th* u*ijjhbrjrhcwKi if tlu
ami cvi*n avrr lht*sr Iht* fiH 4 liU* utul utterly
ilisc'iTflif ;.! 'llc^'til rHuiwtl only a precarious
um! r'Ia K h ij.j ||nis|i* Tin* 1 1 tmim* react Ion,,
ititniiiiitefl by Xa<Hr*s pro^ratittn nf ih<* Ma-
hometan authority, seetwrl desiutetl to RO on
iiliswWng rex-< 4 iiue, ntiii atirM-xinji tt*rritory until
It nhotild I.H*roiue the supreme ilispttser of the
fate til the country, i whifh Mussuhttan rule
iec; 1 !! preciotttinant, for so many **eitturics.
to say nothing of Sikh fatmtieisrti and
Jut htwicKKrurss, the prt>sju 4 et, of Mahratta
aiceiMiiiiic*y ivaK by no mean** hopt'fui f< - r the
welfare of Imliu. In the work of poHtteni
dcntructton v itninaiiJiiig f I'tnil finxiru'tal extortion
and ttftscssment, Sivaji\ peoplr uitrivuUed.
But it remained whether
NAZIR JUNG FOILS THE PEISHWA 209
they were capable of reconstructing a regular
and tolerable scheme of civil government. And
failing this, constant warfare, general anarchy,
and the extreme social misery that these in-
volve, seemed the inevitable alternative. And
the course of events soon after tended to confirm
such dismal forebodings. This I will illustrate
by glancing summarily at the progress of the
Miihratta power in the coming years, before
recounting events in more detail.
Sudut Khan, who had conspired to over-
throw the Seiads, remove the Hindoo influence
in the administration, liberate the Emperor,
and restore the politieal ascendancy of the
Mogul party ; who had recently defeated Holkar
in the Doab, and fought stoutly, though un-
successfully, against Nadir Shah, died before
that conqueror retired from Delhi. Nizam-ul-
Mulk, after his late failure against the Peishwa,
hud cut a rather poor figure in the campaign
against the Persian, while Baji Rao's reputa-
tion was at its height, and his forces were intact.
Might it not he possible, while the Nizam still
lingered at Delhi, to give another signal triumph
to the Mahratta arms, by conquering his terri-
tory in the Dekkan ? Such was Baji Rao's
calculation. A pretext was readily found in
the withholding of the stipulated grant of the
government of Malwa. But the attempt mis-
carried through the unexpected energy of Nazir
Jung, the Nizam's eldest son. And Baji Rao
14
! ',' 210 PERIOD OF MAHRATTA ASCENDANCY
',',- , died soon afterwards (1740). But before his
P * *
t death lie had organiser! a great rxpnlilion in a
i' ^ . new direction, and at the same...,timc familiar-
'*." ! ised the community with the idea of the Peishwa's
y* . general control over Its operations, He had
X concerted an invasion, of the Cnrnalic, and
t, t t
*; constituted his rival, Rugoji Bonsla, of
. generalissimo of the invading army. (T;mjor<.\
: : In the same region, It be rt*iwru!>m*<1,
' already under Mahratta rule, its llaja being a
: collateral descendant of Sivitji) Distant
' too, under Its Hindoo llaja y was about this
; time first laid under contribution by the
Mahrattas. Soon after Baji Rno* death, the
same people, under 'Hujfoji, the Hitja (as we
. may now call him) of Bcrar, invjul^d the eastern
*< ^ provinces of the Empire, and
;,-' '' Orissa, or Cuttak, which (\sctaiurd
Incursions. And
;;. , encountered there, by
:;;\\, - and' by perfidious stral.agom, rolurnt^l
";.' .. . and in the end a
" : ; ' , promise^ which involved both a cession
: '; ; ''. and the payment of to the
''< "' ' 'The new Fcislivva,
less distinguished than, his father in
full indeed dangerous- scope to the
propensity. His brother, Ru^onath levied'
exactions in Rajputana, and even on the
took part in another dynastic revolution Alt'
Delhi; and waging a rash war in the Pun|ab y
MAHRATTA ASCENDANCY ' BALEFUL 211
precipitated another Mussulman invasion of
India, destined to be as fatal to Mahratta pre-
ponderance as Nadir's had been to Mogul
ascendancy* Jeiapa Sindia meanwhile over-
ran the Rohilla country, and was involved in
hostilities with Sadut Khan's successor in Oude.
The Peishwa's uncle, Chimnaji, accomplished n
the proud feat of taking Bassein. from the
Portuguese, and threatened Goa itself. Again,
but for French help, the old dream of conquer- f
ing the Nizam's territory would have been j;
accomplished by the Mahrattas ; and the Bcrar I
Raja actually annexed a portion of it, and. the j
audacious freebooters made a raid across the 5
hills into the French jaghire on the Eastern
Coast, 1
Thus it might seem that the Mahrattas,
though frequently driven back for a time, were
destined to prevail everywhere in the end ; that,
obeying as it were a natural law, the great
flood of predatory power, which had been run- \
ning for a century in ever-widening volume and f 1
circuit, was appointed to rise still higher ; and, *
overleaping all barriers, to submerge the whole (j {
Indian Continent. In such a case, what but \
general havoc and misery could be the result ? f
It was a melancholy prospect, not only for ;,
the fallen but still proud Mogul noble, but for V(
the peaceable and would-be industrious Hindoo ^
peasant, and the timid and thrifty tradesman ^
and native merchant. So utterly had the old I,
212 PERIOD OF MAHIIATTA ASCENDANCY
political organisation broken down, that in many
parts of the country, but for the village com- j
munities, society itself must have perished* j
But the night is darkest before the dawning* ;
And already the dawn of a better day
breaking,, though in turbulence and the tempest j
of warfare on the Coromnndcl Coast; ; Wei- k
lesley's inscription on Fort William College '
Ex Oriente Lux -was to have a political
application*
I must now fill up the details of thin summary
sketch of the expansion of the Mahratta power.
On the death of llnji Il*u>, and for some time
afterwards, it seemed not improvable that
power might be dissolved, so violent were the
rivalries and internal dissensions among it
leading members, llugoji ran an opposHion
candidalx: to Balaji, Bajl for the
Feiihwiaship, But the ;
the hereditary to the , \
undisputed. The Raja Shao, however, was ! ,
childless; and this led to fresh troubles. He |
was disposed to adopt his Kohipore cousin, the *
anti-Raja, and so hail the si'hlsm; but IHK
cousin was also childless. Sukwar Hhy<% Sliiio's * |
wife, wished him to adopt an heir from u more
remote branch of the family, hoping to become
Regent to a minor, and thus oust the Peishwu
from his growing ascendancy* But, to conceal
her ambitious design, she gave: hints of her in-
tention to become on her husband's
MAHRATTA LEADERSHIP DISPUTED 218
death. Balaji, with characteristic Brahmin craft
and cold-blooded cruelty, taunted her with this
alleged intention, and drove her unwillingly to
immolate herself, thus ridding himself of one
rival* But he had still a more formidable one
in Tara Bhye, the widow of Ram Raja, Sivaji's
second son, after whose death she had assumed
the Regency on behalf of Ram Raja's and her
young son,, the second Sivaji, and had (as I
related) ably sustained the war of independence
against Aurungyjh. And popular feeling was
strongly in favour of her present claim to occupy
the same position* Moreover, she enlisted the
sympathies of all who were averse to the Brahmin
ascendancy; and this included both the party
of Trimbuk, who had perished in the same 1 cause,,
and whose son was now in the guardianship of
Dmmojt Guikwar* and Dunnaji himself,, who
overshadowing the titular authority of
the Sen&putti*
Tara Bhye*s pretensions were grounded not
only on her past services to the community,
but on the fact that she told a singular story,.
which, however suspicious, may have be,en true,
and was accepted at the moment. She asserted
that Sivaji n. had had a son, whom she had
concealed, and brought up privately ; and she
identified him with a youth whom she now
who, in fact,, became Shao's
successor. In the first instance, Balaji found it
convenient to acquiesce in this tale, as a counter-
21-1 PKRIOD OF MAHRATTA ASCKNDAXrY
poise to Sukwnr Bhye\ ptan of \\w adoption
of a stnm^er. Bui he* thus laid iibithdf open to
Tata's ambition of ruling in her nlln.^1 gninci-
son's name* By his pnrnufinns n^nrisf. this
danger, lie not only stnved it off for I he tirru\
but estflhlishecl the nirlfiunf y of the IVishwa on
a. more regular and rxpfic-if basis than if 'find
hitherto ocrnpird. By ;t strong display of fom%
he ovcT;uv<*d those wlio wt*rr roitfly (o Jirlar<* on
Tara's behalf on I he death of Shao, lit* eon-
eiliated Tarn herself by proniisin^ to share the
government with IUT, flHuu/h \vilh no inlrnf inn of
doing so* Tie hrihcc! tht* oilier ehiefs by eaus-
ing the* Uaja f:<' eonlirm and ml'nn..^- Uieir terri-
torial possessions and liseal rijtfltts. And he
procured from him a dnrurm-ul whieii em-
powered htm, nays (Jnrnf Duff, l * to nuttinge the
wholt* govc-rrunritt of the* Mahrntta Kitipir*\ nn
condition of his pcTprlu:ilinj; fitt* Hitjn's nninc v
and keeping up the dignity of the house of
Sivujcc, through tht grumlsou tf Tarn Bhye and
his descendants M (il fjfl). Thus the Peishwa's
leadership reeeived a eonsl it tit ioiud sn net ion ;
tlu* donbtiul lineaj^e, as well as the feeble
character, of the* new Bitjit nm<U* him passive
in the hands of his Mayor of I lie Palace ; lie
vegetated in strict seclusion at Sat ant ; while
Foona, the Pe&hwa's rcsidenee, bcfeantc the
military and politicu! enpltnl of the Slutt*. My
the measures now adopted (17SO), flie Multrntta
power was in fact converted into a confederacy of
BALAJI ENTRAPS THE GUIKWAR 215
chiefs, permanently and avowedly presided over
by the Peishwa, as an almost sovereign Prince-
loosely and grudgingly obeyed indeed, but far
more distinctly recognised as supreme on his
own account, than he had previously been;
while the Raja retired into unapproachable and
inactive isolation.
This political arrangement, however, was
not finally established without another desperate
attempt to frustrate it. When, in the following
year, Balaji marched against the new Nizam,
Salabat Jung, Tara Bhye invited the Guikwar
Dunnaji, as Nizam-ul-Mulk had invited Trimbuk
Rao to join her from Guzerat, and co-operate
in overthrowing the Brahmin Peishwa. He
complied, and joined her at Satara, where she
had vainly tried to rouse the young Raja
in the same cause. She there shut him up
closely, rated him soundly, and declared him
spurious, no doubt intending to adopt a more
compliant tool. But Balaji returned by forced
marches ; entrapped the Guikwar into his power
by a perfidious stratagem; and, shrinking from
a direct attack upon Tara, came to a com-
promise with her, allowing her to command in
the fort of Satara, and retain the custody of
her naughty boy, which as the Peishwa recom-
mended her to release him she took care
ghould be strict* The Guikwar was not liber-
until he had solemnly agreed "to accept
the Peishwa's lead, and to yield permanently
f :: '
| s ,; 216 VERIO!) OF MATIRATTA ASCKNIUNTY
'& ;' the right to half the ivvfnnrs of f!n/eraf, and
| '. to fulfil other slringenf stipulations." Thus
|* ; : ; Balaji triumphed; but his perfidy \vns not
fy ;:-> forgotten. The Uonsln's jealousy of the
- ' !Vish\va\s power wan ;;;^rav:d<*d by another
e.irrwnslmief*. Balaji* nnxioiiK fo proeure the
long-defrrred Imperial Ntnuutl for the jjovern-
; ,; rncnt of Malwa, setMirt-d it at last, on eondition
': of restraining the* Mahrallas from attaekinrj j,}^
:j:- reitiaining pn>vine<s of the* f%fnpirc% And, in
pursuance of I Ins eujja^tMnrnf. h<* aelunlly ei-
operahxl (as I shatl lrsrribf Infrr) n
when the latter inxadi'd llvn^nL But
not long afionvards, tin* Pc'ishwa njjain followed
Ni7iain"Ul-MuIk\s <*\ainptr, atul enfeivd into a
secret rumpnrf with liis rivnl % vJ^'nl^x IJu-mji
left free to proseeute his Ii-sHn^ on tlif
Ht*llgill ProviiuTS, on eo!idi!itu of 1*a\in<< (lie
Peishwa nndist urbed. Tlit*iieiforili Ifielf re*
Uttioiw peaeeablr. not wrdinL
And the no in tin 1 Panipnt
Campaign.
Moorair Buo nlso, the* tleseeniinut of tiie
intmicrecl Baittajl (Jhoivpuray* the iic-ri* uf the
War of Indepen(I(Mu*e t was rci/c^neilrif by Italaji
to the natiunat ass<Kmilioii, iiiicl jotm^t in the
Carnatic expedition already n*f*rre*f fo, Siiutta
and Holkiir were settlei:! in Malw;-t, iiniler the
patronage of the IVishwa, and oa <^
terms with. him. Thus, on the* wholt%
imminent danger of the* dtHruption of the
BALAJI SUBADAB, OF MALWA 217
Mahratta power by internal dissension was
avoided ; the Confederacy waxed stronger by
the aggrandisement of its several members ;
and rapidly attained the culminating stage of
its progress on the eve of its experiencing a
terrific disaster, which, for the time, paralysed
it, and from which U9 a whole it never re-
covered.
Though the Peishwa's Iegati 9 Sindia and
Holkar, were cantoned in Malwa, where Oojein
and Indore became their respective capitals,
the Emperor had not formally ratified the
concession of its government to Baji Rao, as
Nr/am-ul-MuIk had promised in his name. But
Mohammad Shah at length granted this,, in con-
sideration of the assistance which, as I have'
said, was to be afforded against Mahratta in-
vasions, and which was rendered to Aliverdi
- (1748)* With a poor attempt to save
his dignity and evade the explicit recognition
of the rising Mahratta polity, the Emperor;
to make Balaji the deputy of . his
own heir apparent, Prince Ahmed, and imposed
conditions, which were not likely to be too
scrupulously observed, especially the one I have
mentioned, which was soon after ignored, when
the Peishwa and Rugoji came to the accommo-*
dation 1 have specified. Moreover, as the- levy
ing of and mr-deshmuk.i was invariably a
preliminary step to conquest and annexation,
we may almost say that Mohammad Shah dis-
218 PERIOD OF MAHBATTA ASrFATUNO
solver! his empire with his own hand, when,
about the same time, he gtvmJed to the Mnhrnttas
the chout in all the remaining provinces. This
donation docs not seem to have hecn redneed
to writing with dm* formality; but those to
whom it was made took good can* that it should
be known, *uul acted upon*
Dupleix's policy was now in Hie ascendant;
and the new Niftum, Sahibat Jung, wa.s sup-
ported by Hussy. Thus, when flic* IVishwa,
after disposing of his donn-stie rivals, resumed
his campaign against Salahaf, he was hard
pressed, compelled to rHmil, awl to witness
the devastation of his own country, and to
tremble for his capital, Poona. But this reverse
only illustrated the policy of his late mmpnct
with the Bonsla, and the potency of the Con-
federation which he hud established nmonji the
MahruUa Chiefs, While others were hastening
to his assistance from the* north, Ilu#oji himself
created a formidable diversion in Itis favour.
44 He surprised," Kays (Irani Duff, "mtil tcnk
Gawelgurh and Niurimllah, imuh^ hiiusrlf muster
of Maiiikclroog, oeeupird the district's dependent
OB tliose forts, and . . . not only laid the wlic^le
country between the Piiyn Oun#n and the
Godavery under ec>ntributicm t but drove out
the Mogul thnnnas, and cstabliKhcHl his own"
(ii* 55, 50). The Feishwa meanwhile crlcverly
promoted by his intrigues internal dissension
among his enemieg, and jealousy of the* French ;
ENTERPRISE OF SINDIA AND HOLKAR 219
and thus Salabat was fain to make peace, with
the loss of the territory occupied by the Bonsla
(1752),
Sindia and Holkar meanwhile had been giving
equally good proof of the ubiquitous activity
of their people, and of the consideration shown
to it by the Moguls. Safder .Tung, Viceroy
of Oucle, had called them in against the Afghan
Rohillas, whom they had defeated, and driven
into the Kumayoon mountains. This service was,
acknowledged by a large grant of the conquered
territory ; and although, bent on other projects,
they evacuated the country soon after, it was not
without obtaining fifty lacs of rupees as the
price of their retirement. And they soon re-
turned to triumph on a wider field in Hindostan,
though that triumph was but the prelude to
the catastrophe which shortly overwhelmed them-
selves and their patron.
For the present, however, we must return
to the Dekkan, where the fortunes of the
Mahrattas are materially influenced by the
Seven Years* War in Europe, and the con-
sequent struggle between the English and the
'French on the Coromandel Coast. Count Lally, :
on Ms landing in India, lost no time in recall-
ing Bussy to the Carnatic, and dissolving the
French connexion with the Nizam. And the
victorious English, though they allied them-
with, Salabat, evaded the obligation of
defending him* So formidable at this time was
i!
IW,"
He
220 PKWOP OF ATAH1MTTA ASCKXHANTY
the IVishwrTs powr. flint, fo I heir dis^nsf, he
If vied eJwnt from "Mahowel Ali, f heir own \awab
of the Carnal.ie* lie also invadrd lh** us yet
Hindoo State of My^orr, hrsir^c-tl jfs, rapifal,
oerupied s< f v<T;i! flisu'H'ls, nml, un tiu* or^^ivif^^
exl.orlrd From its rulrr Hurly-livo Jars t>f riinr*cs
W pa/^oias. Kill on flu 1 saiu* orrasjim Ifyilrr
Ali, who was rising infn pt\vi 4 r in M\vr<\ His*
linfiiishrtl hiinsrlf by his hrillinni MTVIITS aptinst
an on^iny hilhrrfo llnni^ivt tnvitu'ihh/.
On t.Iu* oppositr sidr of f!ie j*f"?unsu!?!. Bed-
nor*' \vas invach*tK and flu 1 !Vi-,hv\a*s
co-op^ralrd with tlu* Kuylish, utulT (Mivt*
Watson, iit rrdwin^ fhr jiinifr, AI^^III,
also nutc'ludrd ;\ trrnty wifli I he* Hoiuhny
(Jovmrnir-iif., and I hn tiji[h t Imt inriliiiin t wic-c
trnnsniiMcu! Irlfers fo flu* Kinjz of Kn;ft;iiul.
While thus <*x4*r!injj his *IH r-;M s. niicl cliiTC*t>
iiig his views, sti varittr-Jy ntul r^niuft-ty, if; will
be n^adily eomvived ffint liatajt wa> mil. in*
elinecl to forego lite opportunity tif assailing
his old rival ami ixmm'tliute iM-ij?hboH!\ tlie
Niseaufiy now nci lc>i!||rr butlress< 4 d by Kwopean
iitcl Tim IVishwa, as I have said, rnrely
appeared personally in I he HehL Hill his
brothcsr, Hu^imuth ltwi f had been pursuing an
adventurous course in thr norlh, whirh was not
approved by their mntsiti, SfHlasheo-- ir u ilie
Bhow," us he wa eommoniy cuIlnL A f|iiii:.rrel
ensu.ed t and ended in ttugomith's scornfully
resigning the eommaiiil of the nnny to the Bhow,
THE SHOW ADOPTS EUROPEAN ARMAMENT 221
who had hitherto conducted the civil administra-
tion* but was now fired with the ambition of
distinguishing himself in war. As this ambition
drove him to the fatal field of Paniput, it will be
necessary later to compare him with his great
adversary, Ahmed Shah Abdali, and to show how
his character* and tactics contributed to his
overthrow* But it will be enough at present to
account more summarily for the immediate and
signal success of his campaign against a more
familiar and weaker antagonist. He was the
son of Chimnajee Appa, the able brother of the
late Peishwa, Baji Rao, who had prosecuted to a
successful issue the long siege of Bassein (1739).
This triumph over Europeans, and especially in
a branch of warfare in which Orientals are
generally so unskilful, was not only an occasion
of elation to the Mahrattas, but seems to
have permanently prejudiced the conqueror's
son* the Show, in favour of a fundamental
change in the national armament and style of
warfare* Hitherto, the great Mahratta arm had
been cavalry. The Bhow was inclined to rely
henceforth much on regular infantry, and especi-
ally on artillery. And, fortunately for his im-
mediate object, he secured the services of a
clever and experienced artillerist, Ibrahim Khan
<3rardee f who had been trained under Bussy in
the Ntaam'8 army, but who now took service
with the 1 Mahrattas.
The Nizam also was strong in guns, but
222 PERIOD OF MAHRATTA ASCENDANCY
they were old-fashioned lumbering
while Ibrahim furnished a good train of the light
and mobile field-pieces which the French had
introduced, and which had been one of the most
important factors of their success, The Bhow
had also at his disposal the very numerous and
as yet unimpaired hosts of cavalry, so long accus-
tomed to triumph over the Moguls in the Dekkan.
Salabat, deserted by the French, and un-
supported by the English, had already fallen
under the influence of his brother, Nizam Ali,
who soon after supplanted him. The Bhow,
by intrigue, procured the surrender of Ahmed-
nuggur. The brothers marched to recover it.
But the vast force of Mahratta cavalry, as so
often before, surrounded their army, and brought
it to a stand. Their heavy guns of position
were no match for Ibrahim's easily manoeuvred
and swiftly discharged field-pieces. And, after
a vain struggle in the toils, they were summoned
to surrender at discretion. Though this was
refused in form, it may be said to have been
yielded in substance. For Salabat sent to the
Bhow his seal of state, thus leaving to the victor
the dictation of terms. They were not only
hard and humiliating, but virtually concluded
(for the present at least) the long rivalry between
the houses, by transferring to the Mahratta a
very large part of the dominions of his opponent.
The whole province of Bijapur, almost the
whole of that of Aurungabad, and part of
THE BHOW DELUDED BY SUCCESS 223
Beder, together with the famous and impreg-
nable fortress of Dowlutabad and others
destined to become famous in our later wars
with the victors on this occasion, were conceded
unreservedly (1760),
Sedasheo Bhow might well be proud of such
an opening of his warlike career. But there
can be no doubt that this easy and complete
success threw him off his guard, and led him to
underrate the difficulties of the war in Hindostan,
to which he had pledged himself, and which was
to be conducted against a very different foe.
A,UVKia>I KHAN
f t
THF* Beiigid .Pn\ iitrr', had been e\eiM|*ieil from
tilt 1 earlier inettrsions of I he M; : I,r:.f !,:s into
Ilindnstan, thoujjh their f*rl i!if i and eonse-
ijiit'iif \vr;i!tlt \vw* a slnniy; iiidiirrinriif to
tin* iiiv^ffnilc* >|MilT^. Hut uhi-u Ihr Ilnja of
Ilmir, otliiTwiM* fallr*! HH- Hc*ns(a, ijuuloiis of
his rival, thr IN*ishxva % lirj^an It* push his way
rastvvard, il" was IH! Inuj^ hi Ton* hr was al!r:H*fr<l
by ^i* promising ;i li^lcl for his t-uf rrprist* ; though
llierc* h<* iotiiuj an af!fa<;ofjiist. v<-ry rfifft/rriil.. from
th<* poor- spiriti'ii Kitiprror atnt his i
fnvourit:t*s y iiiu) inorr ttrirniuti^tl an! suf
hi his rt*sistatic't* (hau Nixmii-n!*Muili tuntsrlf.
The result wan a lottjj, obstinate, ji
Htrugglt^ wbirh t'litli'd in n foiujiri
of the* inability of the Mu#il <*hampiou lo throw
off thf yoke? of Hit* Hindoo rfmrtiomst, ami which
imlicmtes the! cuhuinaf iu^ period of Muhrnttu
The thrw? ii'tstiTn proviru-es* Brimr, B
proper, and Ortssa, had lw*t*n tnassed into cine
Vieeroyulty under mi able* rulw f Kluija*ul)owla 9
who died in 17SS* He wits by his
THE RISE OF ALIVERDI KHAN 225
son, Serfiraz Khan, a very inferior man. Shuja
had been zealously served by two brothers,
soldiers of fortune, Mahummud All and Haji
Ilaimid; and the former became Sub-Viceroy
of Behar under Serfiraz. But on a rather com-
plicated quarrel, which I need not now stop to
disentangle, the brothers rose against the new
Viceroy, and destroyed him (1739). Mahum-
mud Ali then petitioned the Emperor to ratify
the decision of the sword, and to confer the
Viceroyalty of the three provinces on himself.
And as he backed the petition with a large part
of Scrflraz's treasures, and the Emperor, just
after Nadir Shah's departure, was in no con-
dition to disoblige so powerful a suppliant, the
request was granted, Henceforth, Mahummud
Ali figures as Aliverdi Khan. I may add that
he soon after quarrelled with his brother, who
into private life. But his two sons were
actively employed by their uncle, who had no
of Ms ..own, and Hybut, one of these
nephews, was married to a daughter of Aliverdi.
The other y Said Ahmed Khan, Aliverdi appointed
Governor of Cuttak. But an insurrection soon
broke out there ; Said Ahmed was made prisoner,
and handed over to Baukir Khan, a relative of
Serfiraz.
Aliverdi lost no time in marching to his
nephew's rescue ; routed Baukir ; delivered his
nephew; appointed another Governor in the
disturbed district; and was making his way
15
220
ALIVKIWI KHAN
homrxvards, when lie was called upon to do
battle with a new and more* formidable enemy.
Bhaskir Pundit, a grn<*r;d of 1he Bonsln,
"Rugoji, pin-surd him with 40,000 r;v;i!ry. After
sonic fighting he of fern! to retire, on payment
of ten lacs. AliverdPs army wns no}, more
than 5000 rflWHves; he was encumbered with
a large number of helpless and ohsfruelive
fugitives from the* Mahndla inroad; and the
already very high regulation of the cnrniy
had, been enhanced by I heir recent triumph
oven* Ni/am-ni-Mulk. Hut Aliverdt seornetl sub-
nussion, and fought^ his \vay tfuU.'mtty, though
with sev(*re loss, to Cutwa, whTe Iris nrphrw
joined him with n'infoivemenfs. Thru, under
Meer Ilubeeb, a deserter from his own service,
a Mahratta party tried to ea.jrf.irre his eapilal,
Moorshedabad. But h<? wiv<rl if; by forces!
march* The enemy, iuwwr, twernin llw whole
country westward of the Cannes, diirinn the
rains, But, taking them by siiri-risf% In* put
them to flight, and drove them into tin; dtllitnilt
country on the south. They turned up again
in Cuttak; again he routed thnn, and tht*y
retreated home.warcls.
This spirited wmduct excited gmit interest
at Delhi ; and the Emperor reeogwse:*] It by
honorary gifts.
But Itugftji himself BOW repented the in*
vasion. And, on the Emperor's summons
Balaji, the new Peishwa, co-operated with Ali-
niTASKIR AND HIS OFFICERS MURDERED 227
verdi In resisting it. Thus Mahratta met
Mahratta in the tmg-of-war or rather, in a
pursuit too fleet for Aliverdi to keep up with
It, Rugoji was fain to evacuate Behar; and
Balaji's service on this oecasion was (as I have
mentioned) rendered in consideration of thd
grant of the Viceroyalty of .Malwa (1743).
Next year, however, Bhaskir reappeared*
and again offered to retire on payment 'of a
large sura. Aliverdi had no scruples in dealing
with such a social pest; and the overture
enabled him to employ negotiation to entrap
his enemies* He arranged an interview 'with
Bhaskir and his principal officers, and murdered
them all. Then he fell upon a-nd routed theif
army* and thus foiled the third invasion.
The Mahrattas, great as was their intrin-
sic strength* and especially the extraordinary
power of their irregular and hardy
cavalry, had almost invariably been much
favoured by the division of counsels and dis-
in the Empire. Aliverdi was not, like
Nixam-ul-Mulk and Husain AH before him,
intrigued against and hampered by the Court
of Delhi. On the contrary, Mohammad Shah's
towards him seems to have been friendly
throughout; though he had some reason to
the Jesigns of Safder Jung, Sadut's sue-
in the Oude Viceroyalty. But, on the
hand, his raw and forcibly established
authority was exposed to constant and extreme
arsng
clungrr from inh.*rn;i! dMurlKMU
the rtrcumsfriM'''"* of !iK pM<!Mi *$s a military
adventurer, and tin* *"lt;frnHr of tin 4 instruments
whom ho was ronslnnn? *{ fo -rnj?ly The
inhabitants of !!Hif.pJ are m?.?T'n\!y most uti-
wurlike, Bui this was w*t th* ms< \vi!h t!u h
<ith*r jmrls of his titmutiions AnrJ Nrrflu*rn
India ul thr tinir sw^i'Mrd \vith tin/ lU:m*
Afghan soldit^ry. wlmnt N;*ilir had r ^iM-llffl from
Persia and lh<'ir o\vn r^unlry, nd \vhosr
incut in India had In^rt Ihr r^rijMn.'d
of his invasion, Th*sr ineii, :uTc^an!, tmital,
! ivaehrrous, and insubordiwit**, routI only
be kepi in #ood fi/rnprr fy Irivisfi ijiddl^t-iu 1 **
of their ^rcrdy disposit ion* Th"y rrsented
Aliv.Tdi % s Mriel ciiseipiitu*. Tlu*y !nd iu>
sympathy with his desire tu hushatut the re-
Kour%!cs <*f the tnmntry f mid !* improve lln
civil adminislrnlfon. H'tit upon this, mid
cramped by const nn! military rc'qiiiremenls,
AHvcrtli w?is unable to ^rnllfy fheir insatiable
appetites, or even to fulfil I hi* expert at toittf
which ho Imd It^l thnn lo t-fiJrr!;nn us the
rewurd of their srr\ir/s in tin* field. Hence
they were ever ready to join in disttirfmnccs t
to break out info rebellion at^ainst iiiiii t iincl
to become tools of leaders us tmprinctplcct
as thcmwlvcs, ami untbitums to repeat the
subversive part wliicb Alivcrdt luicl played
against Serfiim, And what mucie the nnd
stout which lie to the Muhratta
MUSTAPHA DEFEATED AND SLAIN 229
advance the more remarkable, was that it was
conducted in spite of this frequent and most
serious danger from within.
Thus, no sooner had Bhaskir Pundit and
his army been disposed of, than Mustapha Khan,
Aliverdi's right-hand man, availed himself of
this military discontent, and demanded to be
made Governor of Behar. This was in the
hands of Hybut, Aliverdi's nephew and son-
in-law, and the demand was rejected. Hence
a quarrel, which ended in the dismissal of
Mustapha, who marched off with a large force
of his own veterans, and attempted to conquer
Behar on his own account. Twice Hybut rashly
encountered him with an inferior army ; < twice
circumstances enabled him to avoid an actual
defeat; and, on Aliverdi's advance, Mustapha
retreated. He was actively pursued by the
combined forces, and compelled to retire into
Oude, But when Aliverdi had departed to
meet once more his old enemies, the Mahrattas,
Mustapha again invaded Behar, fought another
battle with Hybut, and was defeated and slain.
Rugoji, indignant at the fate of Bhaskir
and his officers, and encouraged by Aliverdi's
preoccupation with the rebels, for a fourth time
renewed the incursion. Again he was arrested
for awhile by plausible negotiations ; when
hostilities were resumed, his rapidity at first
baffled his opponent. But he was presently
brought to bay, and sustained several defeats, in
2IIO
ALIVKTUH KUAN
one of which he was nearly tuken prisoner.
Again, too, Mnorshedabad wns saved from his
attack; IHJ was drfn r ;h'd apain ai Cutwa ;
HIM! he was forced lo re! rent (1715), <'itl;ik,
howevrr, hesfill Mature!,, through Mccr Huheeh,
who cowm;'.ud-d tt joint fom* of MrrhrjiHris and
Tlus last rireinn^f ;MH*' was ominous. And
the oincn was soon fulfilled, Aliverdi in vain
Iriod to expel the enmn* fnnu (.'iittak ; ;tml in
the course of these *ji-r;iiiM)s was rthli^ed to
cashier two of'Tlrr^rN Avlin had shown
of Ireacln-ry. Ont* of thetu, Meer
afterwards the Knjjflish Xnwab of Uir
Frnvinees, A third ;itfi'uot lo reach
shedaba.il wan nuid<* by Jiintijj, Hu^njr.s i^Idrnt
scni. But agnin, Aliverdi was too active, uncl
suvod hln crapitHh
Bui lit* now tncurrc^ti the greiite
to which lie was ever exjuwd. Fur
coinplic'ily with Hi!#ojjt he had cii
other chief oflker^ Af^linns, Shuinsur Khan and
Sirdar Klmu, but iuid rashly allowetl lh*in lu
Keltic with llicrir numerous followers in Hehur.
That province itJrendy i?i:mi*d with Iht* ld
sokliers of tint dcrfunet, rehcl, Mustaphiu And
the attraction of a common cause of disaffection
drew these forces together. The Aftflmn leade-rn
acted crafttly v niid. f profcBHiug peiiiU;iU!t\ ^cmglit
to l">6 rciidmtttetl into tlie \'lri i roy" r s service,
through Hybut, who ttill Govcmor of
two
LOYALTY OF ALIVERDI'S ARMY 231
Behar. Whether he was simply credulous, or
secretly ambitious of engaging them in an attempt
on his own account to supplant his uncle, has
been doubted. But he solicited and gained a
reluctant consent to re-enlist Shumsur ancj
Sirdar 'Khan. The former like Afzul Khan
with Sivaji affected timidity in the negotiation,
and Hybut, like Afzul Khan, fell into the snare;
appeared slightly attended, and was murdered
by Slmmsur's own hand ; and Patna, where the
deed was done, became the prey of the licentious
and brutal > soldiery. Ahmed, Hybut's father,
was tortured to death, in the vain hope of forcing
him to reveal where he had secreted his wealth.
Hybut's wife, Aliverdi's daughter, was carried
off ; and the rebels, raising new forces with the
plunder of the city, prepared to invade Bengal
(1748).
In these desperate circumstances, the forti-
tude, prudence, and energy of the Viceroy were
equally conspicuous.
" He [made] an earnest and pathetic appeal
to his chief officers, acknowledging his great
obligations to them, and [promising ample] re-
wards to those who might enable him to retrieve
his affairs." But he gave to any who were
inclined to abandon a possibly hopeless cause
permission to depart. The result was a unani-
mous and enthusiastic declaration of a resolve
to support him. This was solemnly confirmed
by an oath on the Koran ; and all consented
388 AUVKUDI KHAN
to forego* II I'uiiM n?< nf '-'.'-"M, tltri?
to pay, 8tiw% hi\\r\rr % on M*rond
flnni^hls, UlTC* IW>t M *A |,ji. Mi* f if. Iff*
them, and eVHI ^.|r<t! 111 ;"!itr
srrvuv the twci tti 'T" Innn ! '*< ;. **vfj
in making one of At fit (Mta,
eoivinipndrr, with his ^u? \uinj;
n'|*hi'w % of hitf capital in his; -*1 *"'* *l'J>iN
lit* fimltl mil spar<i twmji^ to |iu;nl i*Wr'd-
niilly front the M;thr;it!,v.; mill in* ih'ir-
fort* rmuiituHidcd tin* inti;.lHj;!nf tn rrtiit 1
Inhtnd tlir C'at}j, s. Wifli 11 largi* anuy hi 1
inarchcci ;J*JMIIJS{ tin* rt'bc*ls t vho had i**\% iiKiff*
cuituu<>n c'tuist* witii tin* ^lahrui-fas, an*t t*ff**n*d
to <*ntcr the sfrvirt- of flu* Honsla. Hut Shiim-
8ur ovcrri g achf*tl hiiiiM^lf. 11*"* tr^Jic'hrrotisly
arrested Mct-r Hubcrrb^ who had t*our ft* ,*nTani/**
tc'iTns by way of htisla^r for flit* {>;jyiu''uf **f tilt*
Kubsi<Iy. Hi*m?t% in Hit* Imtth' thut M
the Mnhrnttas stoml aloof; ami Aliv<*rdt
a complete! victory, kiih'<l Sirdar Khan, iwd
rccoviTcd his daughtcfr* Thr Afghnft c*f*tif**tlt*rm*y
was entirely broken up, and Hit 1 Mx'thrattus rrnw
ntore rc*tr<*uted, <\e<-pl from Cuttak.
After a new dtKturhanet% c*atise<i by the
rebellion of Alivrrdi's d<'j?c*m-rate jjnuitlsnu,
Siimja Dowlah 9 the future* enplor of l*ali'Utt t
which wan soon stiiidued, tltough the rebel
treated with undeserved lenity by 1m
grandsira; and after again and pursuing
and 'repelling for the lime his Parthian
TERMS OF PEACE WITH RUGOJI 238
AHverdi, as age advanced upon him, seems to
have grown weary of the interminable strife;
and he at last came to a compromise : Cuttak,
which he had never recovered, he ceded outright
to the Bonsla ; and he agreed to pay twelve lacs
of rupees a year as a commutation of chout to
the same Chief, On the other hand, the Mahratta
incursions were to cease (1751).
During the short residue of his reign this
agreement was faithfully observed.
Thus he did, at last, become a tributary of
the Berar Raja, as Nizam-ul-Mulk had become
of the Pcishwa. But his stout and prolonged
resistance, and the frequent defeats he had
inflicted on the invaders, had contrasted greatly
with the Nizam's repeated collapses, and at last
almost utter overthrow.
I may add that Aliverdi discerned the in-
capacity of his grandson, and the danger of
English encroachment. But his senile partiality
for Suraja Dowlah prevented his debarring him
from the succession ; and prudence and a sense
of justice seem to have combined against his
adopting the suggestion that he should expel
the formidable Europeans, before it should be
too late.
I
XXI
i
HRKK 1 might conclude these lectures, for 1 [
have traeed summarily f heir proper
the decline nnd dissolution of Hie Mojjul
I have eadravourrd to slimy hmv Am
rhararlrr, roinlun, and policy fntallv
his military sfrrii^Hu his moral auth
his administrative syslmi. I have shown how
the Mahraittts arrtrst.el his etnjrse (if
viudi(% r ited their indt-jM-iuIfaer, mul \
] an anti-polity, ami an imjwrium in iwfwrw in
the Mogul Dekkatu Provinces ; how ..
sou and immrdmt.u succtssir was Fain
thiK lineal itniHwintti in fwjit : f}t* ; h.w they
llslied f liemsflvt\s ntul subvert i*d flic* 'IinptTial
aiititority in Gusa^ral: ; and, after ftircihly fu'eupv-
Ing Hitlwn f extorted from the degenerate Kmpcror
the right to govern it ; and later a. right to levy
tribute in nil the n-maiuing provinces cif the
Empire^ whieh involved ubkiuitous extorfjon.
I* *,* I 'I* t * r *
^| spoliation, and disorder ; how Ntftmn-ui-Muik
In the Dckkan, and Alivcnii Klmn in the liettgal
Provim^s, wliilct cm the one hand praetieally
emancipating themselves front the lirijierinl
authority 9 on the oilier to
COLLAPSE OF MAHRATTA POWER 285
become tributaries of the Mahrattas; how they
effected a lodgment in Bundelcand!; and, after
Nadir Shah had given the coup de grdce to the
majesty of the Empire, and wrested from it its
North-West Provinces, they threatened universal
predominance in Native India, with the destruc-
tive consequences inevitably entailed by the
ascendancy of a community essentially predatory.
Such is the melancholy anticipation deducible
from the course of events which I have described,
But though European interposition is beyond
my present province, I do not think it would
be right to conclude without recounting how
this anticipation was rapidly falsified by the
advent of another great conqueror ' from the
country whence Baber had marched to
the conquest of Upper India, and the establish-
of the Mogul Empire. In the course of
one memorable campaign, and by the issue of
one terrible battle, the Mahratta power was,
for the time, shattered to atoms ; and though
the hydra-headed monster was not killed, it
so effectually scotched, that it remained
practically almost quiescent, until great British
statesmen were in a condition to cope with, and
ultimately to master and disintegrate it.
1 think that it is not only allowable, but
' to supplement my proper subject with a
narrative of this remarkable and important con-
by way of epilogue to the great political and
military tragedy which has occupied us so long.
XXII
THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN
IF the decline and dissolution of the Mogul
Empire was a remarkable and tragic pheno-
menon, still more tragically startling was the
sudden collapse of the Mahratta power, when
it had attained a position which threatened to
make it the predominant tyrant of Native
India, and the subverter of every native govern-
ment, if not of the framework of civil society
in their dominions.
A short retrospect will explain how this
catastrophe came about.
Nadir Shah was assassinated in 1747. In
his army was a young Afghan officer of noble
lineage, the son of a man distinguished as a
diplomatist, and popular among his countrymen.
Young as he was, Ahmed, called the Abdali,
from the name of his ooloos, or tribe, had studied
war to good effect in the school, and under the
eye, of Nadir Shah. And when their master
fell he led his Afghan comrades back to their
native hills. There his high birth, his father's
reputation, and his own already established
character, with the interposition of an influ-
GHAZI-U-DIN'S WILD AMBITION 287
ential and saintly man, procured his election to
the throne ; and this was promptly justified by
a display of political ability very remarkable
in so youthful a sovereign, and which soon
made him undisputed master of the allegiance,
if not of the affections, of his wild subjects.
His military organisation was equally able; ,
and he followed the example of his instructor
in the art of war, and invaded India (1748).
But on this occasion he was repulsed by his
namesake, Prince Ahmed, Mohammad Shah's
son, who on his return to Delhi found the old
Emperor dead, and succeeded him as Ahmed
Shah. His own reign, however, was short and
disastrous. On the murder of Nizam-ul-Mulk's
eldest surviving son, Ghazi-u-din, in the Dekkan,
Ms son and namesake at Delhi entered on a wild
career of ambition. As his father, anxious to
supplant Salabat Jung, had allied himself with
the Peishwa; so now the younger Ghazi-u-din
formed a connexion with Jeiapa Sindia and
Mulhar Rao Holkar, and with their help made
hunsclf master of Delhi; assumed the office
of Vizier, which Safder Jung had hitherto held ;
deposed and blinded Ahmed Shah, and set up
another phantom sovereign as Alumgeer the
Second (1754). Safder Jung died soon after,
and was succeeded in Oude by Shuja-u-Dowla,
who plays a prominent part in Anglo-Indian as
well as in native history.
Meanwhile Ahmed Shah Abdali had repeated
THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN
his incursion into India; nttd, iKivm^
flir Pnnjrd>. Inn I pfai'rd il undrr fhc .f'
of Merr Mminun, a fanner Mo^ul Vicrroy (1752)*
After the* death of Mmmno and his infant son,
Ghufci-u-din had ovrmzn th* 1 pm\ii !*< r:i.rried
off Munnoo's vridow to Delhi, ;uid appointed a
(IfivrriKir of his own, Adina lli^. Ahmed Shah,
resent \i\g lliis flgjLjtt'Ssion, ndvanred onee more
'flow to Delhi itself, * k xvhirh, 1 ' says (Irnnt
Duff, ** was phuulfn'tl, and its nrthnppv peopfr
again f;nbjc*c*t,ed to pillage, and its daughters to
pollution."
(!ha'/i*u-<itn bcnved to Hie storm, nd wns
partloned. Hut, after the vietor reftrrd, he
wsumecl his tnisrhtevcnis netivtfy- Again lie
called in the Muhrattas, now romuuimied fiy
Rugonath HHO* lie reeov-rerl J)i.4hl, ami the
custody of hln puppet. Almntrerr tl. ; flt^prived
X!ij(*eh-u-Dowl;, it leading elilef of I lie iluhilla
Afghans* of n high Imperial Illi*e which Ahmed
Shah Ahdaii hud proeun-d Iiini, nml. would have
put htiu to deiilh, had not Itolkur infiTpnscd
to save him. Moreover, f*J-i!i7J-ii-ciiii ins!i;rated
Ad ma Beg f hln former fiovi-rucir ul ihe t^unjnb,
to revolt ugninst AhnmrH scm t Thnour, who
had been left in charge of that province, HIM!
the Sikhs joined in the rising,
Rugonath Mao was invited to c*o-operttta;
he Invaded, the Punjab, runted Ahmed Shah's
general, and entered Lahore In triumph
S00-H after, another Slnclla, DutUiji, wa incited
AHMED'S LAST INVASION OF INDIA 239
by Ghazi-u-din to invade Rohilkund, which he
did ; and again the Hohillas- countrymen of
A.htncd Shah fled to the Kumayoon mountains,
Duttaji also quarrelled with Shuja-u-Dowla,
whose predecessor had employed the Mahrattas
to conquer his troublesome Rohilla neighbours,
Ahmed Shah was not only a king and a con-
queror, but, as an Afghan, he sympathised with
the Rohillas ; and* as a devout Mussulman,
he resented Mahratta aggression on his co-
religionists in llindostan. The cup of his fury
was full ; and he resolved to bring to a decisive
issue his quarrel with the Hindoo power which
had thus crossed his track of conquest, ill-
treated his allies, and made war on true believers.
Rugonath had returned to the Dekkan ;
and Ghazi-u-din had fled to the Jat Raja,
Suraj Mull, when Ahmed Shah advanced once
more into India; drove the Mahrattas under
Holkar and Duttaji Sindia before him ; engaged
and killed Duttaji, and, hotly pursuing Holkar,
defeated him with heavy loss* This was before
the Bhow appeared on the scene.
I shall henceforth follow chiefly an excellent
narrative by Casi Raja Pundit, who was not
only an eye-witness of the battle of Paniput,
but was much engaged in the negotiations
> which preceded it. And he was well eircum-
' for forming an impartial estimate- of
events and characters. For he was, on the
one hand, a Dekkanee Mahratta; and, on the
240
THE
r I"AMIAIC;N*
f :
\ I
I 1
n
i
an rw/j/oj/r of S!mja>u-n<Avla, Ju
hmn for swat* time in the srrvirr of flic* Chide
CiovtTinnrfil . Slmjau-l)nw{a*s .nvn sympnf hirs
were divided, though in tltt* mil lie joined
Ahmed Sluih. Awl though t'nsi Hajn hits bwn
NUSprctfd <if wrili!i;.r liflfliT UMKur's iliflilfliee,
this dens not &wm Ui hnvt* itnpinn^i flu* vrrm*5ty
of his at'foutif, which is wry H<. f r*r, TOtnpri^
.hrnsivr, ami rational* i"xcrpt prnl^-thly in one
iKf'% most, inafcrial in rxptatmimn uf tin* sutldcm
c of {.lie lt-sprr;i|c* Mahratta rt-sisfancT.
Ur givrn u viTy favoiiraM*' rstinwtt* of the
nhiitty in rivil adntini-Jraliuu, aiut cif
his m!!m*m*t' in flic 1 PT>hwa-s C*ahinH. ; nml lie*
rxprrssly scale's thai ftujjouath J<af\s *'\prr'lif.ion
wits drsi!i + d itnd rffuippnt for c-ninplciinj? the
rofHjuest uf Hindostun; liui that, in spite of
the ensy sur^-ss of llu* military "{M-rationx, the
Bhow, on iiiHfKH'tiiiK flu* nrcounts, nscTrtnincr!
that u n debt of ci^hty-dghl liirs of ruprrs wa
dwe to the* army; so tuttdi hmi the 4*xp<*nses
been allowni to <:%c^fl nil tlic* mM^*lmm of
tribute, jw^rM,v// t cic\ M Thi,s t tboti|;h not
cliflicmlt to explain (for as llu#imth, thcnt^h n
ferm sabreur, was nn *asy-K*uijf mnru sfudiuus
of popularity, he luicl probahly allowed hm
ftubordinate to Iirlp thi'msHvrs frt*t*Iy to the
fruit of their exertions), ccrtuitily, from n
Mahratta point of view, n ruiic/luslv't/ proof of
military incapacity. But cither titan
of a gocid Chancellor of the
I
THE JBHOW'S CONCEIT AND ARROGANCE 241
were required to retrieve Rugonath's financial
carelessness, and to meet the crisis which he had
provoked. And the Bhow was, as a strategist
and tactician, not less incompetent than Rugonath
as a reaper of the spoils of war.
But, elated by his recent success in the
Dekkan, he assumed the command of the army
of Hmdostan a with a light heart"; and set
out, accompanied by Wiswas Rao, the Peishwa's
eldest son, who, though a youth of seventeen,
was nominally the leader of the expedition.
In his new sphere the Bhow soon displayed
his defects* which boded serious mischief in the fi
campaign. u He began," says Casi Raja, "to
exercise Ms authority in a new and offensive
manner, and . . in all public business he
showed a capricious and self-conceited conduct.
He totally excluded from his council Mulhar Rao
all the other chiefs, who were experienced
in the affairs of Hindo$tan, and who had credit
influence with the principal people in the
country ; and carried on everything by his own
opinion alone/* He made overtures in various
quarters, and especially to Shuja-u~Dowla. But
the young ruler of Oude preferred at present
to remain a neutral spectator of the inevitable
contest, and to choose his side later according
to the fortune of war. The Bhow also applied
to Suraj Mull, the Jat Raja, who insisted on
negotiating through his usual medium Holkar
and Sindia. After this preliminary rebuke to
16 , *
p
i
i\ a-12 THE inx'HTT f\MP,\ic;x
,*
to fi*fti*'r ml'vicT' on I lit- r? v!<-;* 1 H f tht* \var t
wittrh \v;^ vrry jndi< i;i -> hn* vutiHi lh' Bhow
ht.nuisr H*1k;*r ami !M u! hf r rliirts, miin \V4H
kww thr prtnjo 1 :! 1 *! hi' p ?n' *M \\;tr ;ntcl tin*
,.*!*}, (iinlt;lly *ijjM\<l H! it* Th<* Jut
. that tin: 'M:iliMlla ^\- r.-'l*'\; - \uiy
much hatnpt'ml hy lit 1 ' inuHiluIr *f
f , niui chilfln.'n th' fainili* s <f Hit 4 otlirtrs a
snld'HTs wlu> n*'*oiniain* I thr nriuy ; hv lh* k
profusion of biij^ajji* wih \vhirl> Ihr !(ro\\-intj
luxury t>f I fit/ IVish\v:t\ ( f ftu*t Imd ston*r| tin*
curtip ; anil hy tlu* h*i^ train of h**vy arlillrrv
wiiidi the Illnnv vpfrially afftTtc*(K l*rf, nil
or in his twit forts of Hhurfporr, IH't'g, or
Comtmir. u Your Jn>js/ 1 ' J^* obsiTVf.^I "ure
more light niui <*xpt*tlttimis Uma Ihc^s** f HJ
clcistiiiij Aiiif f/u* tJttuntnwfi tire &//// ;/iow M-jwditiQus
jyoii.**
Thin sin tc*!iii*!it was siirj*riv.in^ if tu*t inrra
l|! to Urn Btiuw, Hut it \VUH bawd tm c.^}H*ri<
* Af And the following words hhow thai Suruj MulPs
into the military situation was by no
means contempt ibk\ iuul f if lunird to iuu?ount 9
i * ^
have averted tin* niHiiing *'rttstroph<.:
^ In titis i.iiTiii'igeiiii*nl you wit! hfive the
of a eonuiuii'ikiitioii with ai
country you, and ma?d be
THE SHOW REJECTS WISE ADVICE 248
no apprehensions respecting supplies to your
array. 5 * In support of this advice, Mulhar Rao
added that u trains of artillery were suitable
to the royal armies, but that the Mahratta mode
of war was predatory, and their best way was
to follow the method to which they had been
accustomed."
They might thus drag out the campaign
without a general action till the rains set in,
and the enemy would then be driven to retreat*
But the Bhow's vanity was touched ; he was
jealous of Rugonath, and featred being invidiously '
contrasted with his cousin, who had reached
Lahore in conquering guise. <6 It never should
be reproached to him, that he, who was the
superior, had gained nothing but the disgrace
of acting defensively." The wisest were shocked
at this arrogance; and a general murmur pre-
vailed that " it is better that this Brahmin
should once meet with a defeat, or else what
weight and consideration shall we be allowed ? "
This WEB not a sentiment likely to second the
ambitious hopes of the self -opinionated general.
lie now marched to Delhi, and besieged the
fort, which was still held for the Afghan King by,
a nephew of his Vizier, who was soon obliged
to capitulate. Again the victor wantonly out-
raged the feelings of the Hindostanees, Hindoos
as well as Mussulmans, who from old associations
revered the Empire, even in its dotage. He
plundered such monuments of Mogul splendour
244
THE PANirUT CAMPAIGN
as had been loft by Nwlir Shah and inter dcvas-
tutors. Thus he stripped the nKn>ntfiruii Hull
of Audience of Its fine silver tviling, which lie
coined info sexeuhru lars of rupers. And our
author mentions, on the authority of his master,
Shnja-u-Oowln, n projeel far won* ou! miaous in
the eyes of Moguls, .H^jpuN, and, indeed, of all
Imperialists: the Bhow issaitl lohnvr mt'ditnicd,
when the eampaign shouiri br o\n\ plnrin^ \Vis\\as
Huo, the Frishwa's .son, on I he Uinun- of Delhi!
In striking ronlrast to this r ! r*k{rss euurse
were the wary pn*rftt*ti*>ns of tin* Abdalt to
sln-nglhen his interest in Hindustan, Xujrrb-
uI)owhi f the most powerful <f the HohtHa
chiefs, wan bound to him by th* ^Irouwrxt lies,
not least by a bitter persona! animosity befuven
himself atul the Illiow and Sindm. The oihi-r
Ilfihilla leaders were also Jlioniii;dilv t j ngng<*d
on the same side. Hut Shuja*u-!)owla was
undeeided, and the Shah saw the great iinjto.il*
anee of seeurinjj him ; nnd he effn-lrd titis
adroitly* Through Nujeeb*tt-I)owia Shujn WHS
made to fc*c*l his own insi^eurify av; a wtttrat,
and his duriger in case vi4tory shuuld attend
the Bhow, whose hatred of nil Mussulmans was
notorious. 1 It* was run v i net rt I a i * 1 1 i ua R*hc*!
into the Afghan aitiiji, where lw was nwiwd
with much dislinc*ticm, butli by th<* Shall ntul by
his Viy*ter, who soUjutdy hailni him nx tlmf wn.
The Shah ? who had advanmi to AntipshtT
for the purpose of effecting his junction with
-
FUTILK NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE- 245
the Rohillas, soon after took up a position on
the bank of the Jumna, opposite to Delhi;
but the swollen state of the river arrested active
operations for the present. Native belligerents,
especially, have always had an odd
habit of continuing negotiations in the midst
of war, and of mutually sending and entertaining
or agents, for this purpose. Wellesley
highly resented this practice ; and" his brother
Arthur, in the Mahratta war, put a summary
to it* But it flourished luxuriantly in the
Paniput campaign ; and our author, who was
busily engaged in it, devotes much space to
describing it. An unwary reader, who did not
understand the character and manners of
might thus be led much astray, and
Imagine that peace was constantly on the .point
of concluded on moderate terms. But
In this was not at all the case. The
finessing in the hope of extricating
himself from a position which was becoming
more embarrassing.
The Abdali, calmly confident, did not care
to interrupt the hollow game, in which his
Indian allies took pleasure, and probably felt
much like the cat sporting with the mouse
springing upon it. Hence I shall not
you by 'dwelling on these unreal over-
But 1 must mention that the Bhow did
not only repeated but earnest efforts first
to Shuja-u-Dowla from the Shah's adhe-
-m Till; I'AMITT
* atu
of B In* h, \*
Mull a i a
vuinsii* i! hi* \an* , U II f h
till th< M ' 'f. Jr . \Mf I
tJ'.f ri Hit ft f iti \ J* V Ml
, \\ifri |*l
i* It* H I )* Jthuii a* i itir
*li ran
so la
nut tit our ^i*!t%
Ituhilln rtiyut Mitly in Ha it^ %t% nf llu !lii$rlu
Hi* H|*{!trf'fi in th< ;inlnl!M!i nf tip
li liiiif? ; suuf, r j* *! f^is %jift ^si^r
r % hr luttifti : %l *Iiif* \!;f !< ff,-' . utv lh**
thorn of HituluHtnit ; if !lt*y wrn* mit, of flu*
way, the Kinpiri* wight b j vmir M:tjrsiy\
you shoulii plt'us*-/"
Ilir Uiiuw's diplo*
SURAJ MULL DESERTS THE BHOW 247
matic arts against him, through his voted*
strongly advised the Jat Raja to abandon the
Mahratta cause. It is stated that Mulhar Rao
and the other disaffected chiefs joined m this
advice, which was addressed to willing ears.
This admission that Casi Pundit's patron thus
deliberately weakened the Show's force, seems
to tell favourably as to his credibility ; while the
fact indicates forcibly the unpopularity, not to
say the hatred, of the Brahmin generalissimo, one
chief cause of the result of his ill-fated enterprise.
Distrusted, slighted, and snubbed by the
Show, Suraj Mull had little inducement to
remain. And he went off by forced marches;
and thus, through the folly of its commander
the Mahratta army was deprived of a most
important, nay, an indispensable ally.
During the monsoon the Shah, though im-
mediately opposite Delhi, at Shahdere, on the
bank of the Jumna, made no attempt to cross
the river. The Bhow, when the rams abated,
but before the Jumna was passable, marched
with a picked force against Kunjpoora, which
was held by the Rohillas, and captured it. it
lav nearly 100 miles north ; and his object
was to command the passage of the river, and
to be able to cross, and become the assailant.
But he returned to Delhi without making any
use of the opportunity. On the other hand^
the Abdali, in this as in other respects, showed
his superior generalship. He suddenly broke
2-S TIIK IM
up ItH rnjnp. riiif!
Ill*' Bimn tt* , *U
\n<i fhi h*
HMT
by n of <H h reaeheti
: IM.M- l JM There, uhjfc*
lh* third .t f<
as If* ilrfi\vn
of his army
army was **
fitim fli<'ir i
iiHful* many
Cast |{.iia\
* l ''- < fr tllfl i|;j\ s tin
I 1 '-\ M < f ; tint if uas MTV
r t ni ihr mf *f the
** Shah pasM! ni HOI >n aslmlf
flir* uttitT The whole
*-!'**\ ,e *{ in tluy-t ; but
an*! tfi* 1 nniit t'Vji^ilitifiii
It i ih' ir livex.* hueb h
<*f a pntn /f!'" vhu f h may
K^nn rash un Ahitu^l Shali' 1 . part* Btit ulwt
are we to think of his autaj'otu'.f wbo iit*ijl'eleil
1*^ tntf'rntp! flu* rr*^sin/ t af^J lti*nfi^ furfciterl
tin* eiiorttious ;tv;trtla'<' vjirh hi Ui^tlfl have
Irul In assailtttm: his I'lir-my in iueh 11 'atuaffcinY
He wiys: u This seems ft havi* the erisjs
of the Hhciw\ furttme: Jrttf he atfaeked
the Shah while he ws pnssiiiw the .limitm* he
would probably have totally ilrftntcil him/*
THE BHOW ENCAMPS AT PANIPUT 249
*x the very next day (26th October) the
two stymies neared each other, and a partial
actiorx too k p i ace between the advanced guards,
in which the Mahrattas were worsted, and lost
twice as man y men as the Afghans. Similar
skirmishes followed, the Bhow constantly re-
'irmg, till he reached the already memorable
field of Paniput, about 60 miles north of Delhi.
There he took up an elaborate position, enclosing
his camp and the town " with a trench 60 feet wide
and 12 deep, with a good rampart, on which
he rrxounted his cannon." This proceeding was
ominously like that previously adopted more
than, once by Nizam-ul-Mulk in his wars with
the UMahrattas themselves, and in each case
with such disastrous results. And the Bhow's \
people were very certain to take note of, and to ^
be much disheartened by, such a coincidence.
The Shah encamped to the eastward, and
surrounded his position with felled trees, as
Baber had done, on his last invasion of India.
His front is said to have extended seven miles,
so large was his force, of which more presently.
Though the Bhow had rejected Suraj Mull's
wise suggestion, which would have assured his
eom-missariat, he had attempted to starve out
the invaders. He had appointed Govind Pundit,
the I*eishwa's Collector for the Doab and Bundel-
caix<3-, to muster all the force he possibly could,
an<3- to cut ff - the Shah's communication for
provision in his rear. Govind with two thousand
250
THE PANtPITT fAMPAION
men had reached Meerut, ond obeyed his orders
so effrettuiHv ** Hint flit* Sh;ih\% ;n*my \v;is in the
fjrcalrsf distress lor pnvKt<w\." fin}, flu*
was not n man to endure this f.'iwek-.
frttohed a body of ehosen wen, under his
nephrw, who was !ur/;Hy rt'infurri-u by
irregulars oriin^on flieir own lu'ruimt. Accord-
ing to orders, Uiey nmdr n nijiid rnanJi of HO
miles in sinjjh* night, and ** at daybreak/' snys
Casi Punflil, "Ihcy fell like lightning upon the
crump of (!cvind .Pitndil '* ; rcnilfd and rut up
his force; and taking hint prisoner* promptly
presented his head to Ihr Shah, whose foraging
parties were not again molested ; and who, in
fact, rapidly turned Hit 1 tables in this respect
upon the* Mahratfus. Anf^t.her serious misluip
soon lifter inen.\*isel flu? ditHettlties of I he* rash
commander. Jit* disprdelu-d two f htmsand
hcirsetncti to ronvoy a large irnitniiit cif treasure
from Delhi, for the use uf th nnny. Travelling
by by-roads, they ;raine<! tJit* rapiiai muhV
turbed ; but on their return they missed their
way, and rode into the enrruy's quarters;. They
wcro eut to pieces, and tin;* money was, of rourse,
lost*
Homctmbermg wlini Iht* Mahrnl.tas had hither-
to been ; how thc-tr terrible ability had Imfllrd
Aurungzib, at the fn-Jgla. of his power ; how
they had carcunivciititci Ni>mitt<*ui*Mitlk f mid
reduced him to extre*iity ; liow they had out-
marched Aliverdi Khun ; it docs
THE MAHRATTA CAMP BLOCKADED 251 ' j
that they should have allowed themselves to .j
be cooped up in their camp by the Afghans ; i; |
denuded of supplies, and gradually brought to a
state of positive starvation. Yet such was the >
case.
The Bhow's want of enterprise and skill will ' >
partially explain this. To send out small parties
would have been to ensure their destruction. ..
And he seems to have been reluctant to move
out in force, for fear of endangering his
cumbrous train of artillery. The effects of his
jealous, capricious, and overbearing temper, and
the consequent disaffection and at least passive
insubordination of several of his chiefs and their
followers, must also be taken into account.
But this was not all. There was a paralysing
spell upon the army. The Mahrattas, from an
early period of the campaign, seem to have felt
themselves to be doomed to destruction. And,
on the other side, Suraj Mull had not exaggerated
the superior agility of the Afghans, even when
compared with the veteran predatory hosts of
the Bekkan. And the Afghan Sovereign's watch-
fulness was unsleeping; his beleaguering arrange-
ments were most systematic ; his discipline was ,
most strict; and his orders, says Casi Pundit,
" were obeyed like destiny." Daily, at sunrise,
he says, Ahmed Shah "visited every post of ;
the army. ... He also reconnoitred the camp of
the enemy, and . . . saw everything with his
own eyes, riding usually 40 or 50 coss every
2f,2 THE PA MITT
day.. . . At a body of 5000 home,
mlvaw'cd as as eonvnienlly be,
towards the enemy's camp, where they remained
all night, under arms ; the
rounds of the whole eneawpwent |le* of the
Mahraltas]."
Under such eireu instances, they were f 1
prepared for a general aetlon, it for 1
the Bhovrs troops to fnra^-\ nor to
emerge safely from their cpi;irlTs.
Yet there were several partial engagruients,
and da ily en i u M ma d i n *.* sk I r t u is! t i rig,, On
one occasion twenty f hnusand <".nip-f<ll<i\vrrs
made their way out to cut wood for fuel ; but the
of five thousand
put nil to the The
depressing of wtioWdr Iiufehery on
the Mahraltas wa great; mid the Bhow f who .
eh(MTfuhn 4 ss ? !>t*{ra.ye<!
** <lespimde'n<*y* ff Nil ronvoys
his provisions
almost exhausted.
The Shah's Indian advisers, niettn while,
the enemy so completely in lite toils, were im-
patient, and eager to fall on them. Onsi Raja
eays: "The Ilindostriny ehiofs wt*re out of nil
patience, and entreated the Shah to put an end
to their fatigues, by coming at otiee to a decisive
action ; but his eonstant answer was, c This Is a
matter of war, with which you are uol; {teqwitntod.
In other affairs do as you please (a sly cut at their
AHMED'S WISE DELAY OF BATTLE 253
fussy and futile negotiations], but leave this
to me. Military operations must not be pre-
cipitated. You will see how I will manage this
affair, and at a proper opportunity will bring
it to a successful conclusion.' "
However unlike the Bhow was to Massena,
the calm confidence in himself and his plan
exhibited by Ahmed Shah, and his accurate
foresight of its working, were much akin to
Wellington's attitude at the lines of Torres
Vedras. With his own communications open,
and those of his adversary closed, the Shah
knew well that every day that the decisive
contest was delayed must tell to his advantage.
And the course of diplomacy proved this. For
our author tells us that, at this crisis, "the
Bhow often wrote letters to me with his own
hand, desiring that I would urge the Nawab
[Le. of Oude] to mediate a peace for him that
he was ready to submit to any conditions, if
he could but preserve himself and his army,
and would by every means manifest his gratitude
to the mediators." Shuja-u-Dowla and most of
the Indian chiefs professed willingness to come
to terms ; but Nujeeb-u-Dowla was inexorable,
and the Shah was, of course, like-minded.
After in vain plundering the grain in the town of
Paniput, hunger compelled the Mahratta chiefs
and soldiers to insist upon an immediate general
action. The Bhow consented ; and it was
resolved "to march out of the lines an hour
254
THE BATTLE OF PAXIHTT
before tUiybrenlv, awl, phteinj the ariillrry In
front, to proceed to Hie aitnek of flu: enemy,
They all swore to light to the last esf ivinity/*
Just before the baffle began, C'asi 1'la.ja
reeeived a paHu-Ur note* from the- disillusioned
and desperate fjrener;dissiruf,. "Tin* euj> t " he
said, **is now foil to the brim, run! e.'tnnoi hold
another drop', If nuylhio.u cim be clour, do it,
or else answer me plainly at onee; hereafter
there will be no time for tv riling *r speaking."
While this not( % was und<-r eonsitierntion by
Shuja-u-l)owla, he U-;irwd Uml flie Mnhratta
army was already in tnoti(n. He at oneeamusrd
the Shall, who ** niounteci one of (he horses
which were always reatly saddled at fht* tent;
door," and rode forth to reeotmoitre, u ordc'rin**
the troops under arms us be went along/* He
was Hitting on his horse, enlitily sinoking a
Persian pipe, when the Midintttii guns, in
advance of their line, opened a general lire. He
immediately n..rra, s yed his unny In battle order;
rode along the whole* front, insperfhifj it enre-
fully; and then, posting himsctf lit; his tent,
between his camp ami the nrttiy, gave? the word
for opening the* engagement*
Though seriously weakened by the retirement
of the Juts and the* ahsttmur of the* Ikmnla's
forces, the Maltrutta army was very fttnnerotis
and formidable* The Bhow's c*lnVf rv^Ihtnm* was
upon the regular and experienitcc) <?<irps of
Ibvahim Khan, compriaing " and
ESTIMATE OF BESPECTIVE FORCES 255
f 9000 sepoys, with firelocks, disciplined after
the European manner, together with 40 pieces
of cannon." These were field-pieces. Except
some five or six thousand inferior infantry,
equipped in native fashion, the rest of the army
consisted of cavalry, 53,000 in number, under
various leaders, who each supplied his own
contingent. Thus Holkar contributed 5000;
Siiwlia," 10,000; Amaji Guikwar, 3000 ; Jeswunt
Rao Powar, 2000 ; etc.
The whole train of artillery included 200
raimon, though the bulk of these were heavy
" guns of position," which, in spite of all the
Kuc-nfiees made on their behalf, were soon left
behind by the horsemen in their furious charge,
and, after the initial fusillade, played, in fact,
no part in the battle.
This was also much the case on the other
side. But both parties used shwternals, or camel-
swivels, and rockets, in great profusion. The
Bhow had also in his service two Pindari leaders
with 15,000 of their irregular and vagabond
cavalry. The number of the Afghan cavalry was
not so great, being a little short of 42,000.
But, including the Rohillas and Shuja-u-Dowla s
troops, they had 38,000 foot, with between
70 and 80 cannon. There were also, besides
the shvternals, "2000 camels, on each of which
were mounted two musketeers, armed with
pieces of a very large bore." .
Casi Raja took great pains to verify these
Tl-lK BATTLE OF PAN! P
details. But, moreover, us to the
he adds: u The number of Irregulars which
accompanied these troops were
number ; and the horses very
little inferior to of the .Douranies.
All the J)ou rallies of bodily
strength, and their of the Turkish ;
naturally very hardy, rendered
so by continual exercise,"
Thus, on the whole, whether we consider
the relative ea parity of the eownmnders, the
numbers on eac*h side, or the superior physique*
of the Dourauirs, <'prcMally III thf fattlitihcfl
state of the Mahrnttas, the advantage
much in favour of the uorfhrrntTs,
Ibrahim Khan 1 s disciplined battalions could
justify the exprrtaliou of the Dlmw, find
Bussy's and ( 'livens triumph** with I he
instrument, though wielded by inferior n pupil
The saint* inference muni IH* drawn
points of contruHfc in the eotuiurt of the com*
mandcrs on either side*
The B!io\f brought all hin foiw*s at <wc*t* into
action,, and, personally lending a tremendous
and effective of ravalry f ctnnbaled
ihroughout the in the c?c*titre of Im line*
The Afghan King t on the n.nfrary, hii
station at the? in front of lus eiimp^ whic4i
had been Im of cibsctrvatioii
during the of the Mabrattu but
was jiow in the rear of liis ibreeied
ARRAY OF RESPECTIVE FORCES ' 257
UK operations ; and observed, and influenced | \
by new dispositions, the varying fortunes of
the day, without distracting himself from the
discharge of his duties as a general by personal
participation in the encounter. And again, be-
sides a large body of special armed attendants,
for miscellaneous duties, he retained a strong
reserve which (as we shall see) he launched at
the critical moment, thereby restoring the battle, , , ,
and securing his ultimate victory.
The Mahratta army was arrayed as follows :
Ibrahim Khan Gardee, with nine battalions of
M'poys, and his field-pieces, was on its extreme
U'ft, and next to him the Guikwar. The Bhow,
with Wiswas Rao, was in the centre of the
line, with other Mahratta chiefs and their con-
tingents. Sindia and Holkar were on the right.
The Shah's right was composed of a mixed body
of Persian and other Moguls and of Rohilla
Afghans* The Shah's Grand Vizier commanded
the centre, opposite to the Bhow. Next him,
cm his left, was Shuja-u-Dowla ; and on hi&
left, Nnjeeb-u-Dowla, the Rohilla chief of most
note, and the inveterate enemy of Janoji
Sindia, who was immediately opposed to him ;
and on Nujeeb's left was Shah Pussand Khan,
< Inscribed as a " brave and experienced officer."
His division formed the extreme left of the
Shah's army. The Abdali's artillery and the
Hhow's large park of heavy cannon were ranged
In front of their respective lines* But, under
17
X
r
is \TTLK Of FAXirrr
the rnvum^iuu-t's, of nnnn
rcutVrril -srrvfp^ rnnfrilmh'*! at all
to deckle flit* fat i* of tfit* day. The* Hlnw
<vrf1<*ul;jlt il * n'.-'Mjk on Hit* rfft H of his numerous
Uiid |w< rful gnus and IP* IMJMII *pt'ra(l<ns
by H u*u f ml HIM! lu*avy istnuoiuKlc 1 * But
\\SMllirv, nn is most |-rMl.::tt , fruiit tin*
framing itlld ill* * \r-il- , t i M? of tin*
nr f iti Cast l f iificilf su""r I , fmiii n ill ikStiic*y
of roi^lnirltun, whir)) ji: f '-\< nl'-'I llu* fillH from
tiring Kiiflicu iitly Irpr 1 to htkr tlir (>roper
ntngi\ tin* shut fltnv iiij^li *vi r flu* h<tu!s <if
tin* fiit*tii\% iniii tell (it is saiil) a tulle
Hit* HoiiratH'^ *irni>\ and fUl lilltr < 4
Khan hiitisrtf^ n ;Ji Jn-- this ptvs* ufly
till llu* rr*oJvi*il to ruiiif to
<ju:irt rs with till 1 hr*\Mjjrf. ThllS C>f
the H!i*\v*-. ht-st tntnip ihumii
at OHIH*. llilf Ihrahiin fmsMMitnt tn
he Imcl IPI iti(*utlott tif j.mvni'i to
hh iKilt, milt to %u*rify his asa-rtioii hy tiruiiiiut;
tin* ritiiiiilitiiltli* fnw* til Iii
nplintMl si'poys. Thr Intel
aclvitnml U!!H|U<-!\\ s*i I fin! l''niMin*s
was iiiwiiig its ijij>onc nt- wi$tli\ on tfn*
win^ lh<> dist.ituv hrUvri'ii tht r arntits
cotisidc^i'ahlt', Ihrahint, tli*n # ftiff\ t*'sfrvin^ two
battalions lo kfij> fhr Mt^uls tm tlu* 4-xtrHtu*
right of tin* Shah's army in i-htrk* bin
seven others Ikri'dy assailed tin* Jtuhiiias, Tln*f
received the ehiirgt* with gieat resolution;
*
i
AHMED'S EIGHT AND CENTRE 1VROKKK 259
a desperate hand-to-hand contest ensued. But,
in the end, the Rohillas were broken, and lost
nearly eight thousand killed or wounded. But, ;.
on the other hand, Casi Pundit says, in the
notion, which lasted three hours, " six of Ibrahim
Khan's battalions were almost entirely ruined,
and he himself [was] wounded in several places."
And he adds, that "the same luippMicd to
the Cktlkwar, who behaved very well in his
support..'*
Meanwhile, the Bhow in the centre, with the
household troops, the flower of his army, fell
like an avalanche upon the Grand Vi/Jcr's
division.
The impetuous onslaught of the Mahratta
cuvjilry had always been most formidable. And
both the Bhow and his troops, however conscious
of their old renown, were not less conscious
that they had, at last, met at least their match,
and that nothing but victory on this day could
save them, not only from disgrace, but from
certain and prompt destruction. Hence, attenu-
ated as they were from previous privations,
they charged in their desperation with the utmost
impetuosity and terrible effect. "The Mah-
MttM," says Casi Pundit, "broke through a
line of 10,OOO horse, 7000 Persian musketeers,
and 1OOO camels, with zamburaks [long guns]
upon them, killing and wounding about 8000
of them." The whole centre was thrown into
confusion, and a disorderly retreat began. The
THK BATTLK OF TYMPFT
Grand Viwer, with : small force, still stow! firm,
and made a desperate effort, to rally his senUered
soldiers.
Cnsi \\n\i\ had been M-nl h> Shnjn-n-Dowla,
who was yet- uu;rv,-,i!. .!. hut could i!is--rn little
through the denv Houd o[ dust, to :MVI-|MUI
the sUtte ol' the ens*-. And he found Hie Grnnd
Vizier" Jn an titfony tf r:if- -iwl despnir, reprnneh-
intf his men for t|ijiMiii;. hint, mid < \fl:iuuhi,
'Our ocwntry is far <>il wl.itli.-r d< >ou fly?'
But." adds l he witness of I his rntlr.-d seem, u no
one re!?:ird<-d his orders r .-\h>rl,ilionO Thf k n
suddenly rroo.';uiMU'; n:u-rrt..r. In- (T*H d out :
"Hide to my son, Shuja-u Uuwlsi. and tell him
thai; if he- does nol support lite in.iut-diiiti'Iy,
I must perish." IM* SliiiiJ!i. on nT-ivinjr this
pressiuM iessnje, diii n<>! \-MJur.- to mve with
hut .small fom' of two UMIUSMIH! horw titl erne
thousand mu-.k. !, -r -;, lest he shouhl open the
way to the enemy Ihi-ou-li I he bmieh in the
line which his di\er/i<ui \utdd eauK* . Atwl f
did stein the tide imm'-dmlely (.j.jx,,, d to him
But thus, on the who!.-, |M||I in the wnlre
ami on the ri^hl, the Shah's ;i mt> was in d.-spende
ease, and defeat set med inevitable. IIw left wing,
on the other hanl, was not ty unbroken,
but was holding in eiteek, ami simdiiy "uininjj
ground on, its opponents. Theie Nujeeb-w- Dowltt
tit the head of eight tlwuisind Kohillii infnntry
ami six thousand horse, eimsewiis of IMB vital
interest in the issue, unlimited by inortnl hatred
THE ABDALFB LEFT SUCCESSFUL 261
of Sindin, anil cool and crafty as he was brave
implueablr, kept i.hc Mahrattas at bay,
baffled their characteristic attack by two
devices. Being well supplied with rockets, he
the enemy with incessant volleys " of two
tlumsaml at a time," which not only terrified the
by their noise, but did so much execution
the enemy could not effect a charge in
compact order. And, under cover of this dis-
f rncling fire, he threw up successively breast-
works of sntul, and advanced from one of these
to another, until he had gained a coss, " and
was within a long musket shot of the enemy."
And in this operation he was well supported by
Pussand and his Moguls on his flank.
In this undecided state the conflict continued
dawn to noon ; when, says Casi Pundit,
"though we suffered least in point of killed
and wounded, the Mahrattas seemed to have
the advantage."
A comprehensive survey of the state of
at this period of the battle might well
inclined an unprofessional spectator to
a more decidedly unfavourable view of the
prospect of success, in spite of his superior
numbers, the stronger physique of Ms soldiers,
the inefficiency of the Mahratta artillery,
oft which the Bhow had so confidently relied.
Ahmed Shah'n right, after a desperate and
prolonged hand-to-hand conflict, had not only
been thrown into utter confusion, but* had
202
TIIK HATTKK OF PANT IT T
sustmmvd a txirrible slaughter ; while,
six of Ibrahim K hairs hatfalinns
similarly cut up, three were Mill t'ompact
cflirienf - The* overwhelmingly impetuous
of I ho Bhow's eavnfrv in the renh'e
their opponents" ranks, routed them* put
them to flight, though the Grand
tn;uie despairing efforts to kec*p I hem tip to the
mark, mid with a- small 1uly of stalwarts
mainiaiiKMi his ground. Anil tinnigli the
left luui not only balllfd. the? Mahrntta
charge, hut had advnnrnl hryoni! main
urrny, its actual position t'xposnl it nil the
more to the dan#T of a flank attack, which
Shuju-u-DowIu's small < f onl injj-nl would
avaiil to resist., when the flight of lite
hjft the Hhow free* to (HvHTt his vtc^toriciiiH c-uvaJry
against the only corps fJiat was still
But the Abduli's -a|i!e eye? seanntng
each phase* c*f the enflet, and his
mind had provided against sneh an t'nM'r'irney*
He saw that an immediate and a HUpreme
must he nmdo to mston* the for
this he Iind prudeiilly hehl in hit
reserve force*. This In* now promptly
into acdion. Ami In* now tumttiiandlHl live
hundred of hh spcc^iat hody of eavalry, retained
for emergent serviei'S f to ^ drive out hy
all armed people whom they should liiid In hi
camp that they might in tlte
appointed one Unousund five
A1IMKT> RESTORES AND WINS THE BATTLE 263
more of the same special service troops "to
meet the fugitives from the battle, and to kill
every man who should refuse to return to the
charge." Thus, besides some who were found m
the camp, seven or eight thousand of the
fugitives were reclaimed, who with the reserve
eoiiKtit-ULted a formidable force. ^
Four thousand were sent to cover the right
flank ; and the Grand Vizier was reinforced
with ten thousand, and ordered "to charge
the enemy, sword in hand, in close order, and
at full 0-allop." , _ ,
Shah Pussand Khan and Nujeeb-u-Dowla
were to co-operate by a flank charge on the
Muhrettta right. .
These combined movements were vigorously
rxccu ted, and, says Casi Pundit, " produced a
terrible effect." ,
The sequel I will give in my author s own
words, which, concise and simple as they are,
Kumoiexitly attest the stubbornness and desper-
ate determination of the attenuated and half-
fn.nished Mahrattas, until their sudden collapse
and precipitate flight:
"This close and violent attack lasted for
r an hour, during which time they fought
' ; l loth sides' with spears, swords, battle-^*
und even daggers. Between two and three
Wiswas Rao was
o
mounted from his horse. . -'f**^ longer
continued the action near half an hour ^ g
a
III
I1ATTLK OK I* NX I PIT
in horseK-K'k, Hi tlii* head of IIIH ; when,
all ill one<% as if hj enchantment, the mlicile
Mahrntta army at wiee hn-ihil their hack$
fled t fill! speed* I"C!\iu;* till* field of
eo\ered with heaps of dcnd. Hit* instant they
gave the victors pursued them with the
til must fury; iincl* as they tut ijuarter,
the sliifigltler h senre<*Iy to he eonrrivi'd the
pursuit continuing for ten or twelve In
every <lireetion in which they i!< '!***
The anou} uious Iranslaftn" of tht* narr'ifive
su'/"t sis iiirit it was iiir full of \\is\t ;is Hnn
that eaust'd tin* ;itnij! fiiifiii uf tin* Mtthrattas.
Hut tliiH is jiiritrs-.i ,N n ! \\ltli the stat<'ment
ilml the Dhow fought on for half an hmr Ion;r*-i\
A more prohablr r<*ason is, that l!u!kai% uho
t;utic*H niifl lion* no Jovi ff> him. and who did
adimlly his esenpe from this
either lost heart or tr :..-h ru-Jv d> verted Ills
nlal HIM! !*"ji'v*! I ;;f \ fi tin
I- whieh tjuieljy f(!iuu'ed by tint
eftiiitiitect and di^pouflin,n M;jfr;ilt;r s nho
l>wn tin 1 niorct fmiiic-slrickrit having
in ftie interval, !i*anu*d of the death of tlw
Peishwa's
fr 11 in the iintl In
the pursuit, numhcrs; were put to ili*lli liy tin*
s&mindurH 0f the (?rnuttry t who n:itt;r:fl\
glad to have an opportunity *f ra'-ujMn**, tilt*
long-standing and grievous wrun;; .
THK >1. \IHJ.\TT.\ FOWKK PROSTRATED 265
|
and I heir people hnd MflVrel from the prcda- |
tory eonferh'twy, Mremrr. besides the actual ji
onmb:t;uiK the- M:thrall enrnp supplied the
materials Cur another wholesale massacre. Casi ;
rumlil oslinwtcs Us inmutf.s, men, women, 'j
and rliillr-ii. nt half n million. And of these, ,j
forty Ut'Mivtiid only survived; the rest were |
siauirhl <)<! in fnlil hlcml by the ferocious
-u-Uowla gave refuge to six or seven ^
thousand, and was ubligwl lo employ his troops ?
to pro* ret them from the eager pursuit of the
Ahmed Shah returned to his own country, J
ntxi wvrr r.-visit.-d India, The awful tidings t
iiirlwlmj? fhe death of his son, and the mys- j
h'riou* disappenmnee of the Bhow were a {
mrlH.l blw in tin' IVishwu; and, like Eli :
when the Ark of <{d wits taken, he promptly
i-xpiwil. And the imminent prospect of Mah- ! j
ratta predmnhmwe in India was obliterated in j
a tlav. and for ever. {
INDEX
Abdullah Khan, 134, 136, i37>
l.V), 14* *42, I43 *44> X 45.
148, *49, 150, 151, 152, 153.
156, 161, 170, 172, 174, 177-
Abdur Kazzak, 98, 99.
Abut Hasan, 97, 99.
Achilles, 149.
Adina Bo#, 238.
Alzai Khan, 60, 231.
Agamemnon, 149.
Atfra, 28, 30, 32, 33, 34, 36, IO 4
156, 198.
Ahmadnagar, 92.
Ahmed, 8on of Mohammad Shan,
217, 237.
Ahmed, father of Hybut, 231.
Ahmed Shah Abdali, 236, 237;
238, 240, 245, 246, 247, 257
b 2,..
Ahmexlabad, 37, 4. 82 I2 4>
Aurungabad, 147, 148, x^8, 169,
222. , t
Aurungzib, 15, 17, 18; beguiles
Morad, 20-21 ; first campaign
against Dara, 22-30 ; makes
himself emperor, 31-34 J_ sec "
ond campaign against Dara,
^-4.2 ; causes Morad to be
murdered, 4 3; results o hl ?
usurpation, 44-47 5 mixture ot
religious and political motives,
.8-54; campaign against
ivaii and treatment of him,-
63-73; reimposes'itay*, and
causes Rajput revolt 74-85,
conquests in the Dekkan, 86-
ioi ; war with Mahrattas,
102-118; failure and deatn,
1x8-126. 127, 128, 129, 130,
138, 144* 154. I6o > l61 ' l89 '
197, 213, 234.
t-
Ahmednuggur, 55, 169, 222.
Atit Siag, 81, 151. I53> *57*
Ajmir, 39> 82.
Akana, g6.
Akbar, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9. . 45. 5- . -
82, 84, 85, 95 "5. I2 5 X 33>
A^^iria'iSw
JSSS^^U^lESSSug
AU.2I7; his rise to power and
his policy, 325-233. 234- 25-
Allahabad. 38. I 34-
Alumgccr. 11, 238-
^ G ^57. 25 S-3-P-
Angria, 220.
Anopsher, 244.
Arakan, 3 s -
Aravulli, 81.
Arcot, 109-
Ashrafi, 201.
Assam, 60.
Aaaeerguhr, ^ 6 7-
Atta Oolla, 23 2 -
Attok, 201, 203.
Azam, 82, 127, 130.
Azimu-sh Shan, 133. *34-
Babar. SwBaber.
Baber, i. 2, 5, ". J 33. ^45. J 5^
159, 163, 235, 249-
Bahadapur, 78.
Bahadur Khan, 36, 4- ^
Bahadur Shah, 127, 128 129, X3
i^i 132, I34 ^4^ j ^53* ,
also Mohammed Moazzam and
Shah Alum.
212,' 217, 221.
Bajwah, 37-
Bakkar, 35, 37. 4,
iBalaji
187-
6 7
W. ^
174,176,177-
, 153^55,
INDKX
, 21*, iV.'..
f, 2.f-H*
Khan, **r^5>.
. 1 1 5, 1^*7. 19*.
-r, .
ir i'tiwlit. ,v
.i'i- ,|f ; tits ilfiifli, 4*. 49, 43,
\i" : H Kiijitt, 35* 141, 146,
f *:3
iw ; p,l |al4 i*4, 1
l.iw.if KliSfl, If.H t
Cfoirlr-. thr
Ch;a. 1*-; n (
Chhatar S;i
, 87, O rt *
*ii, jit. A/I
*4, f*)H,
. 174,
Ccmcan, *M.
Cut t;tlt, '/ft*;. ft6* 4,y>
Cutwa, i<i, 230*
'(Mra Shiitccih. 17, ift. 10* -i *i
ftr?.t ciimjuic.ti against
,
against A'uruntf/Jh t
lit.,
\ Hi._
.mj",vnv. 4,
^-IJ.-'-iJ',, ril lit* 1 * fHjftit,
'
tn,:p'*4
H ; .:: j , " ' i \ ^ 1 4 1 ;
II :i .,.;,',. I .5 5 J t|ftW iS 4
,/'- f J * .;'-.;,!..' %f fill
***!
. *
ikli i||.
i}ir* ;|7* rp,,
.-.V, - ... -,T. H;| f
.'i r3 .:.-.. M7a|K t tlf*
-i,/v K\.i'.i, t,
i;,;rr 4 |fl| 4 113,
.|, /ft.
* 4
.^-i ii*l S
. *" tt
1* iu. 1*11* fM **
;i|, S#
;U 17* 1** W* I 8 * 43* l f *
149. ill* i$4 !* 9t* flww,
3|'
ir'j$ t 41* ##.
r Eiii Iff, I7 *74
* if *, 171*
\
INDEX
269
Haider Khan, 171.
Hafi Hamwd, 21*3*
HalUm. 4, *77-
Hiimul Khan, 173, 177, 184-
Henry vi., 170,
Henry vxn., 45*
Himmut Khan, tog.
no, 134,
2;| 240, -441,
ii> 4.
Huw.'vun. 2, 42.
Huwtiu AH Kltan,
137, *4 *4*
,
Hybut, 325, aa*i 3t,
Hyctar AM* i5* a **
Hyttorotnul, 55* 94* *fo> M*
Ibrahim, Sultan, n.
ibrahim Khan Oarwje, 21 x f 254
1S<, *S7. *5^i 2 5*l ^ la *
IkhUnKImn, 130,
tt^i Ho*
Innocrnt i
* ,**
Khan, 149, 171*
ii*il4>
Khan,
54-
i -if
, 133*
jCakar Khan, 77, 78.
Caloosha, 93, 100.
Sam Bakhsh, 106, 127*
{andcish, 142, 150.
iCarnatik, 146.
<asim Khan, 22, 108, 109.
Chafi Khan, 27, 39, 41, 43, 53> 54>
57, and passim.
{halilullah Khan, 27, 30, 37, 40.
vhalsa, 1.3,
ihantlcish, 77.
<han Douran, 204.
vhan Jt'-han, 91, 94 95*
Khwaj'ah Uasatit, 36.
Kilich Khan, 134, 139- See
Nizam-ul-Mulk.
Kistna, ti8.
>kan, r >7"
Kolapore, 131, 132, 188, 189*
Knrnti, 2, 0*18, 21, 49, 5 2 K53 ^ J >
Kuniayoon, 19, 239.
Kutijpoora, 247.
Lahore*, 8, 34, 204, 238, 243.
UU Kunvvar, 133, 134.
Miu-.a\ilay, 202.
Madaua, 9^>.
Mahabat Khan, 35.
Mahomet AH, 220.
Mahm<HMl, Sultan, 30, 31, 38-
Malwa, m, T4 'S*. l62 ' l6 4>
I Hi, 185, i>i, I9)5 X 9^ 198,
202 t 209* 21.0, 227, 234,
Mamiisor, 121.
Mamlu. 1 05-
37*
Manmu-i, J?' * 8 22
25, 20, 27, 30, 33 34
^, 41, 43, 43> ( $.
M.iM.ina, 253,
Mathura, 32.
Mfcca, 3, 03,
M<*x Hubccb, 226, 230, 232.
Mi'cr f Jifiicr, 230,
Mr Munnoo, 238.
MtHTui, 230.
Minbulkar, 167-
Mir Abdul Karim, 77.
Mir Jumia, 38, oo, 140* *4*>
M<Mraam, 63, 82, 83, 84, Qi,
%27 5^ ^^ Bahadur Shall.
Mohammad Shah, 132, *38, *79>
i8x t X8 4 , 186, 194. 205, 206,
2071 a7. 22 7- m
, 94.
1NDKX
Mi
I *
I >4 I ,
till I*
I M, I t
I
* t
rf* | i f J
f fc* ft
t I # I 4* It *
i. t f |t ,
II * ^i r
t*^* M< f i| M u
, *M fl i
- I ^ . ** t |
*/, ,/
< I 41 * 4
?s
it it n* i > t f i j|, j
*
Vi
a>i M
* 1
|!
iHnti ;f, i .,
* < 1 1 |* /* /^| '
^ " J * f, 1 |l
, f ^ ,'
^ *
,1* li ^ ^il^lf i 1 *
fi
m^
* li,mt}t ;*t
}* * * *" <1 *fl
n*>
v t^* ttt 4* i!, i
* * * ^* * I* * * ff-
III
; j ^ *
1 4 ? 4 J I f
|,s
' "J..i.V''i M
1 4 , <
** *W if -|l(f| |f
' ' ****t|fl?illilt, i |
1 -1*4 rf||* M^*^! 11
1
f*IUU4V' t*i* **i
Kl.* /t**' *M, *jJ
1
;:,,,::--,,
* 1
INDEX
271
Situiia, 109, 136, 163, 19 1, 196,
4
.
Stpihr Sliukoh, 41, 42.
Sirdar Khan, 230, 231, 232.
Sinnij:;ar, 29, 42.
Sitdtjj, 121.
Sivah, 4 ; Rajput on his mother's
id<*, 12, 1 8, 53 ; early career,
56 -- 39 ; campaigns against
Aurungzib, 60-70 ; successfully
dt'iuv.i Aurungzib, 70-72 ; death,
73- 74 83, go, 93, 94, 96, 104,
tta, xaf), 130, 159, 191, 208,
314, 231.
Siyaptir, f>i.
Siy&r-ul-MutakJierin, 200, 203.
Sola! man Shukoh, i^, 22, 24, 28,
*9 J4. 3 (; >* 4^.
SUOIUM'S, 138, 145.
Sr-f.|nit. Rao, 188, 189.
Sufi, 1 29.
Sukwar Bhyc, 212, 214.
Supa, <t.
Stiraj Mull, 239, 241, 242, 246;
247, 24t>, 251.
Suraja Dowlah, 232, 233.
Sisrat, iH, (33, 72, 92, 157, is 8 -
Sufbvtland Khan, 148, 150.
Surup Sing, 35.
Taj Mahal, 5-
Tamasp, 201.
Tara Bai, 116, 117* I2I I2
213, 214, 215.
Tattah, 36.
Tavernier, 206.
Tibet, 42.
Timour, Emperor, i, 128, I33
Timour, son of the Abdali, 238.
Tira, 17-
Tod, Colonel, 130.
Torna, 58, 120.
Torres Vedras, 253.
Trimbuk Rao, 185, 190, 192, 213,
215.
Udipur, 82. See Oudipur.
Ujjain, 125.
Warren Hastings, 202.
Wars of the Roses, 17-
Watson, 220.
Wellesley, 114* 195, 212, 244.
Wellington, Duke of, 118,245, 253*
Wiswas Rao, 241, 244, *57* * 6 3>
264, 265.
Zulfikar Khan, 104, 106, 107, 130,
131-
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