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Full text of "Fall of the Mugal empire."

f THF, FALL OF 

THK YKXJUL F.MIMRK 



si i >M: v i ii\vi:x, M.A. 



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TlllH book K licit a * "iiLr ?n/nr\ nf flu* jtr ri 
CJWf wllHt If -'J-M'f , lilif thf SUbsJjini'r of f? 
coursr of Iwttirf'H titftittfrt! to ff;ti<* fh'* ojirntt^h 
of thf <*auHW U'btr'h, >u flit toiirv* of u M nlin^ , 

nlti(H'(l tin* iiii'-Iit^ niicf far fMitinl !v-ij|i!p nf 
tin 1 CJftitt In ji jHiiitii*af shallow A't'*n! 



filly nffVt'fin;?, tlti iiiaili IHSM< , a IT tir*l Jj". 



s of, ^Iliif ht*l*n ;i f :' ;: 

ur<* either oinitti cl, or j-!run ! uf \* ty M 

Alid l!irtu;' t tuuf fill llttf*iiifii bii'li lint 

to *x Hit* i-ii'in>r\ %iit!t tiwi many fm*t * t 

but to bring out tin* ytlttftt fX*iimv% if tin* sitay, 
io us to fill* uKi<'hr?f !a by ' U"*" --.fiu^ 4 

nf lii*ttirii*iii |Mt*lunx 

A <*oiiiti!*iii itu|irrv,ifii In, tftut, n\ in NO oft HI 

tlif In tlr Kust* tin* *lM'ln* titll **f titr 

Eiiijilfr Ifi I In* ff * ,' I';M"\ nf ||4 

Stiv* niiijs. lint If i>, ifi$ ibji'i itf Ihh 

to it lrr ft P \- Jit; ill l!n* 

if Anruu'/Ib, II n| flbtlitv, 

fnT'ry f dft^ntftltrilintt. btit ill 

ifisit'lil, it iiigiitrcl Mussuliuau. 



' ' ' He struck the first mortal Mo\v hy r* A * r^n;.; 

% ; ; Akbar's wise and g*-nrnus ptfliry of i;..?nnM!4 

:- '! " distinctions of wee a n< I rrligtwi, ami P. inipn ,m ; *; 

.-j ? > the ?fo|/a ? or poll-tax, on his llhhl^M *-.:i?']rrf -, ; 

; :; whereby he eslrangfd liirti-u and firm^t Ihr 

j" :.!' ' noblest and most warlike* of flinu !n^' fl;;j-pH!s, 

> :- hitherto the slauwhrs! 1 suj>pMrft-rs *if flu* |!{rfM. 4 

I -I ;: : into deadly and juirMsttiit *-iit n^ ;. 

;; . ;,; And Sivaji and his fotjiv. ITS n*t only vindi 

^ cated their indcpnulrnc*-, lint struc-k a M nmtl 

., '; mortal blow at the intt^rily <rf th Ktujirt\ 

./. -.1 ' They destroyed its military rr-putai it *n, Ilic-y 

.' ? exhausted its neeumuluf'<l fn*asur*\ Th-v *rvii 

. .> * 

disorder and devastation over Ibr I)i-|..l.;ui uiui 
; beyond it. They loost-nrd the tii-s tif :tll jiam-r, 

and led multitudes of tint d<*utly i <j if in- .. .*.} 
j people to join thorn. Thoy nssi-Hd n rluitn, hy 

; way of blackmail, to a cjuarti'r *f Hit? Jin{u-riitl 

revenue, and ^xactt'tl it by plant hu' Hi**tr i*vvn 
; chief officers, collectors, and troops in tin* I :tip* i ial 

Provinces, and levying this tribute at tiu- {t(4t 
/ of ^ lance, and thus CKtnhiyimj; tin in^wr'ntm 

. ;j- 5| m imperio. Thus the KmjHi% tbuut-b itut ii- 

, solved, was hopelessly clebilitaiwl. How *! j-<j- 

^ ate was this situation may be? itiftm<d (rm tbr 

fact that Aurungxib's son :m<! stiwvsw, Blmrlur 
; -^ Shah, in vain sought to arresl lht furtlu-r jrM -s,s 
;s j of the Mahrattas by sanctioning }Ji s mnstrrful 

pretension to divided sovt-n -i-idy in lht< iHckuii 
'I ^ Provinces. 

; | The effective authority of the cfaUal } -,< 



ui t J'U- 



fej 



vii 

mont in rilM-yin-r. ,\nd. ns 

usual in the the ppiviurJ;,! ruins, wit hunt 

repwllaf ing' the ^u|ir-m:ir\ of fin* Km* 

peror, became* iinle'prnilrnl, flu 1 Mfihmttns 

mote nj<nvssiv' and *lnminail HI lltitftwtiift us 

%> <,3 

well as in the* Dekknn* 

I*iKtly* Nadir Shah, after inflicting the ft* 

'Irnwfy t>f hniiiilliiliiiii <in tin* I uij*pr antl his 
cnpifaL mmt'Xrt) tin* Imp'rli! l* i rrrfrv of 

fhc Indus* Tin 1 clissolnfmn <tf flit* Kmj5iv 

But thi !?irk*liiil Si\t'rn"n rrt;iiu'i! 
litlr Hint prrfi-ii ouii,, mfikfi sfill 
imp?-* c<I the iniliii* tuiiid, mill \\vvv lururd tci 
pra<'firal wrount h> Clivi* in flu* gmut fo flu* 
Klist lllfliil ('uinpaiiy of lltr prrpitnal Jlhwttui nf 
the B^niful I*r*\inr-t . 

Tin* fotlimin^ narraHvr In <!<ris<*d ;i)iuost 
entirely from rfiiitrii!piiry Miilhtn-Stit ,. 

For tlir n**funMr pifM* ( s% by which Aur;ui ( r /Jf* 
y to the thrcttM* 1 !iii\t* fulf*w-*J 
ii V<-ni'li;jn In I)nru\ t'-vj*-*-, nhost* 

IIHII tjitfly tni$i%lufrt 
edited hy Mr* \\tiiiatii f$'\n^-. 

ThC iM^HiUfd Of tilt* III Ainih"/ili 

klB suovssurs to till 4 I'Tltlfini ftf tif XI/HUI*. 

u!-Muik In the Df'kkntft, htis bwn tnkui tin* 

itiiiidnrcl lusfun iif liliiifi hy 

Professor l)uN\M*m, and is rt*d in t hi* 7th \iluiii* 
Of TtUf ll/ IlllIlVl it* iihli tfi tnmnt:.. 

Thin author M*rvrd !iiti|$ + r Am-un^/.!I in 
Ockkan* 



' ; viii I'HM.ArK 

For the later history f ;M- r:t i r 'f-?t ? fn 
Grant Duff's ///>/ ./v/ */ //* 1 f /. . " . 

But the sfceteh of \fn< i-! M./n\ rrt *r {* 
taken from the *SV/r .V?^;'/ 3 -^^ ;>- -, .-' - ' ...-,, ;\- 
work, translated liy IVvtu-! -i.ru tlif 

auspices of "UVnvn !!..*,!;";. . f |*j|j % f| fW 

also supplied nfonuat.5tn nn : * 
Bengal. 

The FlillifTllf r";fiH|iri!'5?t I?n > f* rfi 
| lucidly desrrilxtl by C^si Pui^jjf, n MahraMa 

] , in the service of the \a\\ni iF <intff% wlm wan 

f , much concerri(*fl in lh<* n* ' ' : *.; ; " - ! - tin* 

jj, v battle, and was jm * ^* -uiinr , i,f \\ t *j f f|f* n;n*f4* 

tive was tnin .slated r i ru! pfifili^lnd ;*UMM n,nu Jv 
in the third volume of Ihv -l\itttit //r.M/M//f 

In spoiling Indian nawrs I fhiv^ . ' ,*. ^ ,!,>. J 
to steer an even ootirso lu*t ivnti h. ,M, nfr}$;i* 
'J '" isms and the latent fashion ff itiifa*i!Nr niirl 

accentuated n-r^drrif^/. \vhirh |Mr}tJ,i* 
t troubles the gcwnt! r mfiT, fiuf I not irjf 

at liberty to Jfrr Ifir Njirlling in j m ,* -, 
*. / I have quoted. 

1 ' For the Index I am wHif^l h* my ttt'M'U* r, 

Mrs. F, Boas, who kimlly c*m ml tn i-cintfii!' i t 



Janmry 



CHRONOLOGICAL ORDKK OK 

CHIEF EVENTS 

if*S7, Sh ill frit AH f*P *n*r.h ill 

riiJi rl MM.H **> *>h>wn* '' 

I<*5S* . f|J4 

Slnh 

M'Wtft 



i, h!/*i| i ft t 
%t Ulttt it 



^** f . 

jfr>. A u t, j - ^ ',. 

17* h l'..v t, ! - 



;, *v a ,,:' i -^ ^ l Hi 

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Hh ,n ii S i-^ ( u, r*tHtJi*J^ i 4i U^Hkt :al 

, ? ^a.i *. .1. : - itif 



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i?if. 

.717, 
17-'. 



U 
It 

I? 



i I \ ! NTS 



t **..*.,/; , 
1738. N'MfUji , : -^ 



i'$ '-'i Y<*Vi et,, 



174** f'**t 

I it 4 MwHfV 4 " 



Ahmcti M 
1754* Gharf.ii<4 
1756,-The AUbh'k. linn! M,**' 
I758-- KuMHith ICtu Un i?rJ! 
I7> The AluiiOiV fourth in 
1760, 



- The htttle of 



, 4ir , 



CO NT?', NTS 



I, Tin;; 



II! Jh't'Hi til 1 V* M M< Mrt' i M*? Ut'** r II 

IV, At iM- **/**** * NIK I***' * ft * . *H 

V, Siv\i$% f"%pri . , . *'t 

* \'I fill It* W **!!!% **> Itil J -S >*4fi i, 4 * JtUH i 

4* * * 

^ VII i\l III \**/$l ^ l*%^il%|^ IS i III |l$ ^||% 

\ I1L Tlil \liitliiff* II iti 1*1 I**l^ M **f - < i 

|\ If I I **f^lil S %|il in II ' * *r* M%t*. |< M^l 

11*1 1 !$| \S|||44 II* 4* 1^4 4 Hi* I HI 



El* 1*111 KlHlHHAi M , . Ill 

XII. hi* f $', 

XIII, 'I M* M * I* t H It % I* ^ J * * |1 ,!'!: i ,| # 

mi AM* M* it lt> < 4i* A , 4 t , i ; # 

XIV, M*4I*I I (MI |Jll**|l lloni . , ; ||,| 

Jt\\ K|#li4 I f, Mi'lH'fr i f ut|ii , . 

XVI, t$HMHfii $ir i$it ^fniffirii ^ *.. ;n. . ** i f ^i 1 



" 



XH 



CHAP. .. 

XVII. PEACE BBTWKKM tiir NI**M MM tuft ltvi 



AND O>NKgt?KMT M^ *tTA 



XVIII, NADIR SIIAU'J* INVMON , , 

XIX. CULMINATING PERIOD ot A 

IN NATIVE INDIA * . 

XX. ALIVRRDI KHAN . 

XXL EpiLooutt . * * 

XXII. THE PANIPUT CAS 

INDEX . 



I ! 



THE FALL OF 

i 

THE MOCH'L KMI'IKK AT ITS XKN1TH 

IN the middle of the se'vmtwnth the 

Empire of the " Great lf 

rojEiownn! both in, and in Kttropt*. It is 

notable that B^rni^r, who livi'd many In 

India, very with the* of 

the Kmprror, Utliiki It worth while tn tmtitutt* 
a cotitpartsoti lHtwi*eit lilt* Kinjjin* 

that of If Cifiiurl Monttnuw ni tin* f 

hii power; though^ of 'Mirs<\ In* ruwhtilt's in 
favour of flit 1 latter* Nor was tin* reputation of 
the AtttutU? Monarchy inMl<-**T\fI. \\ii:>tr\t*r 
Its it nit the whole* II ijnimtly 

eoneeiv**!!, v^-!! atljt^l- il, ,ii f *d benHitH lit %lriii*fiiri* 
of dointnicm, 

Tim ilhwtrionw of llw fotuulrr, 

di's<*t*iul*d flu* two luMifu'sf 

Asiatic* <'oiu|uerors, (!!trn/Js Kittiii Tintimr y 

to the Iti 






2 THE Moc:n, KMi'tiu; AT ITS 7,i;xmi 

matrimonial alli;mrrs tvifh Kip,' jtriw 
tended to enhanw nmnng ?K ffmfffi<* --nlijt 
And the vigorous vitality *>f lh<- rn,a| h 
had been attested by I IK- fr.m ; } ml*- f f lw 
successive emperors in lim-al d'.rtjjf, .<\ft ( , r 
its apparent extinction nntlrr Hn?: : , 
genius and ind'fa!:jabl*' ,uf, r Is.jri -, 
pacified, and cxN-mJrd ihr Ii m ij s ,{ Il 
acquisition. And Sh;i)i J-J m n a% i,., 
undisputed xovcn ign of it va%! f >r!;|..: 
indeed, as is often usstmin}, r.,i,f, ,-,,.;,, ,, u \ w 
India on the south, hui, cut lh- ,,tl,,r I 
extending beyond it into i| )r v \f,,?., ..,, .. . ! -. :r! , 



.. 

command the a<- K i s ,tur of Bn . a , attfi J. a 
population, the far lur^r innnhrr r,f whirl, 
Hindoo, was romarkabh', nti jtn Hurfq, ,t t,. s fi. 
mony to the merits of fj. rc'^iuir. Awl thi* 
favourable impression wax <-tirmr t | In r-J ovr 
inspection of the Mogul C;v,rimni*. ,! im 
general results. 

The habitual and wuly ilH,,isM W ,,f |} w . 
Hindoos to a .sov,r,i,, n ,. ks ,f (rmi , l|vr , - m 



reff n WUS 4lmi lo W * fc -^ 
ic treatment; of rh,. |nst, m { of 



an invilic.us distinct m n { fr u the 
followers of the Prophet td f| jr m i Jit vr,- S| 
and narrowing the moral hunts uf his ntithortiy 
by excluding the latter from ofl^ ,, tl thr ,.M-.,u."t 
of religious disqualification; the CJrwtt " M 



THE EMPIRE HASKI) OX TOUvKANVK 8 

winked at and eondonrd UK* misbelief of flic* 
bulk of his subjects, and their sfrnngr pr;<'hV<-s; 
showed favour to their eminent: 

men ; admitted them freely to 
both, civil and military, and thus, fi.yurin^ in 
the rn pacify of the Father of all his people?, 

it their to 

sustain n regime so librraK c-owpivhrnsivr. 
considerate. 

Thus, white the Empire rootod itself more* and 
more In the* hfiirls of the* nafi\rs, its material 
strength \vas proport tonally increased. For* 
though its regular fiiitilfN were constantly re* 
eruitecl by sol<tirrs drawn front its Afghan 
frrrifory. iinil by inrrcetutrirs from l^pptT Asia, 
who were M;ihmnrt:uiN as well IIH by men of 
the* 8tum* faith, though Iiiliiibitiinti of fndiu v 
the viiHt force wttleti at the dlspusa! of lite 
KnpTor % ncH'urclinp; It) the Aktwnj* 

be dcserilied nitlter us n (jnn*J-ft;it!una! nriny f 
if not n 11 iiiilitiit* whieli inuni been vt*ry 

largely coiupuM**! tif Hindoo*** 

The liiivni wt'akurss <>f the* Kiupin' an 

notable a iU mililary str^ngtli. Priu'tical!y v 
it never n fleet of it ewn f thmi'h tin* 

Abyssiu!nn "Scvdys" wm* palroniNHl Mih- 
for its occasion.'!! oIijf*4tH* And thb k 
the* ntwc 1 r( 4 timr!<;iblc 9 IIH tti< % mutual ptl;jniu:fM' 
by to Mcccm rr(j[uirr(l protection, mid 

tci be svriously iatrrniptrd by t*iiiinirs or 






4 THE MOGUL AT ITS /KNTHT 

Sivaji, as we shall net** fmik ^!v;.;nt,>;,> f this 
circumstance. 

Though the Government was <lf '-; .?!, ami 
particular acts of great. srvrriJy an* nrorJi.'r|, 
its general tone was mild ami humaw. Ta\a- 
tion was light; and its most produrJivr source, 
the land revenue*, was woilvrMrU wssrssrrK awl 
equitably adjusted* Foreign eutwnrm* tv**s pro- 
tected and favoured; and tin* KnylMt lOist 
India Company throve, and iftuHipiin! its 
factories, under the* shndmv n| tip*' Impf-rlal 
authority- The judicial *\vslrm, tlicmgli \\hnt 
we should consider c*rud* ami r:tjiri f -iMis as 
well as too often corruptly fxrrHsrd.. was nut 
liable like our own to fit*: tedious Mays which 
have been its reproach, and which havf NO 
tended to obstruct* and even defeat, th- 
of justice* And the right of appealing tn tin* 
Emperor, from inferior trihunals tjifm^lf fm* 
generally a futile privllegr. \\as ( ^nis* lus^ , tiaflv 
remedial, and probably tins, to a et rtuin r \t iul f 
a standing cheek on judicial inujuils. Much 
the same may be said m* to th** 
Governors* Though their i!ch^ut.ei.i : 
was, like their master^ arbitrary, it* 
was open to the criticism and ttttfu 
reports to Court of cither ofltcittK nurl uf 
unofficial but influential JtitRkirctlur* ; HH wvll 
as to the periodical inquiMtuniH of lnijn<rml 
Commissioners, like C!mr!cmaiif\ 
Dominici; on whose advert jiiclgiiiriif. tin* 



Governor linlilr to mnmal ami jmi:V 

ment* 

The c'iinpnr;i1i\t* inlrn;i1 I mn'jnill'f y of flu* 
Em pin* In later had f;>\und flit* piirsulU 

of peace, aujnnenfed the Imperial r\-iw, 
and culminated in wlmt may he ealled I in* 
quasi* August an of flu* <!yn;r4> ; when th* 

pomp mid MK^inn^'nrr of tln s (*ourl win* 
elabwutdy ttr^mi'-.M! and profustly dKplayt'd ; 
literature and philosophy werr 'sl*4*ujrd, 
culHvnied in liih quarlt-rs; mid tin* lint* nrls 
flourislu*l to ail r%fi'iit that may he 
appnvinlfd by I he nobh and 'M':M* fut iililltfl* 
mentH lhut f a in the easi of flu* Tnj Mattid, 
still uppriil so foreihly to flit* a^tlh'tii- i*%eti 

of Europeans nf. the* pn*st*r*l day* 

FnriiduKlral an it may twitm!* il in not the 

tntCi that the jn-rntnt's^ mid jmisprnfy <*f 
the Eiupirc* wi*rr dm 1 In the CJnilic 1 <Iisptisitiun 
erf its Kov<Ti-t;iitN. Thotl^h prirfi'ssed vt;tries of 
Inlam, they wwr of them animated by Ittt 

Ueret? Mfilrit ; tht'ir 

a^ stat^stneti eonsl rained tfirin to 

whieh they eouUI wot ii**fii* lo rc 

to their |H>W4*r by <*oit*'ili:iltt, 

undiTmlnt* mid fritter If in n 

Quixotic till the of 

W!*H tlOt ttlil 

sa#ueitms experifneed, but iH> j 

ft til IK* II rc'JJi'J 1 * 11 ^ pt*rs*vuttir. 

tint Iiii 



6 THE M0c;ri. KMPnu; AT ITS /i \nu 
hearted clisp.sifi.,|.. f m | w - ;i ,, tr , u ; v ? : ,, ; : . 
religious thinker t fnl hmmrf t, ;u '. f ti|1 
precepts of Jhr Ivumti in tlidr !-!'M.^.f | t , 
tion. Thus his lafifiHlmr.r^nvi^v.fnni^' 
sion in hw liberal ami r-i, r , : , !,, ,, :,, r 

Though, liki- our o\vii H..\. M.M. <;<.<. J ir M f 'l,, 
face ujipunst. Mm v f fl it . Wuv ,. f ,.,,;,.{ , , uh (| 
Hindooism, forhiilJi^ AM /^ % ;Uj? | ,,,,,, . . :,. ;,,'.. f!| 
remarriage of wi,f,,-, J u - w ,, s riSMi ,. tL , itl ' f ,; }r . rrijt 
to his Ilmdtm su!,jrJs fur |,r ,.,! ,,nh hv 
abolishing tlu: >7 Y v/f |, ,, r , itl! , , :i , , ((( j^j/j^; 
removed u most inviHm,-, ,!i ?;,,:,..,, {l! , h ,' f r( 

" 



but he gave flH>s rtm ^ | ,,,,,,, Jli811lf 
resolution to fow <Mn^^ r - f ,., 



religion by 

falttl , y a!|l| Hif , 



ally attached, J1 

members of thi, no, ,u,. U,v J,. I, hi, 

. 



. 
eir galta troops dis(it^ ( Kh,J tl,,,.-h^ 



HINDOO l>K\nT|o\ TO I>YX V.sTV f 

sympathy l>rZ\\<"'n the utees, to r* li; !M*,J . 

prejudirr on both sides* 111 tin* end to linif* 

Hindooise the* -J\ n;-4 y, ami [!<!< 1\ to -t n i\l n* n 
its hold ov<r the Hindoo <oiwwiuit\ n ralf^. 
For it thus U>sl tnuHi of fht* input nf mi 

tincl invidious I*owt*r .f:iMi it* u by 
un<! WIIH iiiofi* ",''iirnilt\ ft -Mnlfif s (NO lit s 
a iiiitttniiihii!, norm;*!, ?US(J *MM;' ntul P 

rlly, riglitfitlly nUtltf, by iK ttffiHif*ffJit 
i)% to flir nllrgi^tlirt* mill /mtuUs Mij>j*>rt of 

it ft lUtliXT sutijrrts. 

This result was of < ourst* dm* not .uupfy to 
the intrtuhietion of Hindoi^ Moil into tli* ruynl 

fainilv^ but lo llit f juTsislc-nri* In \kt);,r\ linr nf 

rciiuhieL Jt'ft:jn;;ir lifiit Shllli %Ii*ilIIIi t uiftumt 
^^l**d;HMj themselves to his tluoiti^tenl eelwtl* 
CiKm^ stuuitly ;idhrn-<l to his lilwTiit euu|te 
hrnslvr jiolic*y f wliieli thus until* to be r eon MM d 
tlie iiu \li;i1i!r cifitn* of thtnx^t 

though then* of rtiursi % n hnek^unter of 

rigidly fM'thodftx and fnnntieal Muhutuf*tati 
timent f hontile to flu* syslun In fa\our 

nt Court Ilnl the authority tf tin* Kniji^ror 
e<>uul'r;i*li'd, without entirely *.u|ir -HH% its 

j mutest. On lowif ground: 
than r*liuius prineipie allrmj*!-. et*in ft* 
Hindi* to r'iutrfrt!uee tjijir< . -Ivc 
de/jradinj; Inilietkiiif* cm the lfind*.n-,. 
atldaeious S{UTut;ili>i\ us (In* Kiu|n*ror Jrhnrj^ir 

the in his Mt'Hnnr,, vrntur^d to 

gest that he hhould "apoil thct K^piJun^* by 




8 TUB: MOUT, mmur vr us xj \nii 



hVY ,y, ami . " ..-. - i}., ,,,, )f r 

to hold the farm of if. n,f .1, !,..;... ,,,,,,, |(f 
his great faUirr's i.,.m..n. , ( ,,,| ,M, ,,;,,,,, ln 
walk in his sirps, mtU ,,,,1 hm-l i,, ,(.,. ..^ 
interested mot he of t)n< fm.j.trM-, v, ,-. 
content simply to rrpuiii,,! i- Hi, ., ' 

rebuke the ra'sh mui vMMi pn,,,,'.. ,',/ f , 4 ' f 
punished him ftT n fisj,, m ,.' ,- , -, ', =-,. 
Orienttii, ' -' 

More mindful of AU,,r\ ,,,,Jirv hai, ,,f \f,- 
hornet's prm-pts, j,. | nsV( j wi{} : f , . Iir , ' 

. * " ' *tilfi I Iff pfMMMM 

tion, consented to farm C.IK {} ir i, mi ,,^ , Mlf . 
projector, cxm-U,! || M . fimiM . y m , t ,\ ;ll|i . 
then cut off the unlucky f,lU- s ,, ff(T 1 \ . .| 
had the temerity to Kirk Jan own nrotif d HU! 



ste commumty ' lmd 

This strange incident a. !*,? 
thoroughly Akbar had i 
prmc,pks of rc%i 



erf - them 

n 



, 






DANUKR OF KKVHKS1\<; AKII\II\S POUt'V f 



ially stile! to l><roiH* J7/iW^/.v f/>W^7o/v>\ si> 

influences ;ssnr{:i5ioi ., meludin;* 
mamYi ( tT\ and more invent;?!- eoun*xinus, 
tributccl to softctn the :} irriM<-> of religious 
antagonism, to ereate inh n%K 

14 runmioM j*alousv of fTi J-qt* rs 4if $i iliffrfi'iif 

*i 

ty|K% though of llu'ir f^n foitli This 

wan liiibti* io t><* tini^ft irif'-n ."lif <1 by tl <'ui niii- 
^tatu'i 1 I hat thM*<* WIJH n f'Hu4?iut s(n;iTn nf 
MnlintiM-fnn ;id\ rnhirn-'- from tlir North* srttkmg 
their iotttttHS in I hi* IIHJM rl;it scinirr, find tfint 
lliry wiTt* apt to i><* mini* highly t sti^'tiM' 
mor<* liht -rally jiIti f tlmu ilit*ir Iinliiai 
lufhinisfs. Mnf>\T, it Iifli\t lit* 
tliiit flw* Intti*i f wrr nffui tlu* di sti'Uttaufs uf 
'fl Himtoos; amt s in tht* i*%r of ihr 
s of Sfniin^ hrrt'clily liilghi ns*w*rl ils* + lf 
in tlir fthiipi* *if .\fron* i/-r s\inp:tlh\ wit!i ilit.ir 
old with tlirlr stt|i*Hirtn( 

fulfil, Ihi* wore firnliiilili* from tin* 

r'fnof4'nt*v* tine! rnuijiaratixr 1 tMilniiufi i*f Indiu 
the rajiifal of flu* Mussulman world, nntl 
tnlhietiec* of liit* Sitltnn of Houm* 
TlifW not only \vt*re tin* J'tmj<imr\ native 
H^tn suhjirfs only n fmeiioia of tin- iopu> 
Ittt Inii | but it WIIH very doubtful far In* 

could rciiitit on their sympathy ntn|irnil.iifi 
In an fittenipi to r^\w^^ AU!;r\ polie^ iintl 
depress itlicl ju^si-eide tin* ma|ority* 

arduttisn4^s of mieh tut mlt r^n-.** will 
be more ev ideal if we consider till* 




' *i S 'ill i 
< * i ' , f I f ! 



10 THE MOC;I:L KMHIH: AT ITS xi \n n 

of the several pi op{< . tint \v .,' > to 

become the suhjscls F flu- \.< L %jH,j.f, 
Foremost and most fliv;-.-' U ' 
the inhabitants of II; -;>i . K . 
origin, on which tiny pin ltd f! 
authentic history, thur in . ' .' 
lished character, ,"ind Htt j - 
effective part, which thf-y h.i.l ! 
in the Imperial sen I * , jl{ f .. ', ' . 
consequences that uw'ht !H .- , 
their estrangement and ho filiU. 
They claimed de\cuJ FMUJI 
warrior caste; and thiir .!... . 
istics gave much platisihiltt% In if 
Their ancestors had undnuhiidU I. , ,i <; 4 f ,,|, i, M 
ately and valiantly ji-raiu f n, < k s!> M,it,MU,. t n 
invaders, and had cv.iHualK in",tt\.i jj.rir 
independence by rt tiring jm,' ||,. , ., . l(Jt | 
sequestered region which I }'\ | i; ,,i mil . , ,, f 
and where they retained th.ir ,., j, , , ,J M ," 
aeter in all its vigour, Mtsi.iiiid! l\ m h*u..ns 
which curiously ccjuha,-,! th* !,,h.,| f( , t , u!l 
anties of the Scotch HigMtmUr,. tin f.udd 
relations of the nicw seftlMt n, UMimill , i( . ,, f 
medieval Europe, mid a HiKlr,iis spin* :,|. m 
to that which was so { J, W | V , ts% ,, ( . h}((! W|fh 
feudalism in the West. Tl pu-simal ,{, u.lum 
of the Highland dan to the r mtiiu.|,al (J,f 
had a counterpart in the passH ( , J:t{ ,, } i( | ( ! U ,| 



fe 
m feudal Europe, the thakoor*, 



Ht Jw . w 



FORMIDABLEniAll.M TK1! IJ UHTS II 

their by fimr<, awl were bound 

to support Prince In his wars. Ami wlilli% 

as in feudal Kurnpr, then h i <le prn1'ht spirit, 

pride, and their readiness to nflVwv, 

their ri-l;iHiiis with him by no 

unifWinlv hnnnt-wous', their pi-nfi'-M M*V ill 

t* j " 

'Was inow fc habitually iiiitinliiiii^l by flu* j^ alu-HiN, 
cnnn'rrls, lillil rnnst'^tifiit 4fnl'--f^; of fill* rival 
tribe H* And tlic^e wen flu* morr f^-^nt nf 
ohsiinafr, br;tusi* tli<* tJnjjiul was, KCI fci 
a true * port sawn in the of war* 

To distinguish hitnsi*!f in bait tie was his {mint 
of hcfuutir; he foti^ht ff^r fanw% nt*t like flu* 
lower races for phuuhr, and his cleliglit f 

in hk houis of n^laxatioti, wa to listen to the 
* spirit -Htirriiig strains of his Wi/i/tf * or mmstr**! 
bardH, <*<t!iun'iuurativ' *if tlit mart ltd arlu*v<-' 
inenlH of liis FniH^'s and thrir f<1lo%V4*rs, 
an Akbar*s policy ^as itrvrlipc*l. Hit* 
found ample nr^upaflmi fcir their fav*uriti- 
pursuit In lite Impcriid arinirs', in %liielt 
Itouever, they till retained their s^para!r 
or^arusatioiu tlitM pn-srrvrd till if 

eharaeter c"nrpcratr splrit- 

Akhar's remeiitbranec of lim fM'atulfallirj^s 
experu-nee of Itujpitt hostility muHt have strongly 
impressed on him the inipcirtattrr of etni 
log remarkable pruplr. st*euritijyf 

their gtibjwtlciii, F<ir t 
his vJclcry civer Ibrahim, 

had by n 



i'Hf 



12 THE MOCn, KMI'IKK \T I'f.s /i M if 

federacy, headed by a fypien! \\> n. !t,< ,i ,s ,, -., ; 
and though in the <l-^\<t IMI l;iM!i ui ; t -i< >, .,, ,j 
the invader eonqum d nf b I |t\ . ,,'., ; , 
Tartar manoeuvre, he lt:,rs ft!j ' ' , u , ?, 
the fighting power mid : . -H .>_. ,f f , ,,,,',,,,. 
ents, whose undisi-iplin. .{ \;il"',r ' " ' ,|| v 
to his superior taclirs And ! ,, . i ( . f, -jn*| 
them, they continued it iu in tj tl ,j (> , ,,; [ tJS 
successors. 

It must be reiueillfnTMl ;il',n If, it, f t< ,i,J, % 

the llajput coniiDuiiitirs <-s{;ilt|i,} ! l i, I: f. f ,( n- 
half-independent Prinws in !! rnuij-s v ,i.i*-h 
bears their name, numbers nf (!,,- .-,',., ,..,. 
were widely disperse*! vh^hn-v nnd ,-d,o,..d,,| 
especially in their old It.nue, thi.l., :.n,l tit 
Behar, whose dcscpndants MI lr, iv rir,{iii,ni 
the Company's xcptiy nrnty in 'lafu- i mj ,.. 
Many Rajas and Poli^rs thr.Hi.|,i.ia H,r r,,ui, i:k 
claimed to be of Hajpyj ,!,. M .iil: ,,, tt | (j,,-,. 
sympathies, and those of li ( .r !!!, t ,,i,l,I 
naturally be enlistwi un brlwlf ,f f| !M r ,-,-I w 
alleged kinsmen and eor. !i..! tm i-,{-,. 

And much to the point f- ' our pn-M-nl. 
purpose, Sivaji himwlf ehmned ttj, ml i , 4J | 
on the mother's side. 

whole ' P Kmpir, tuid thrivn, 
by its conncxio,, wit!, Uan ,rf^ nltt , 
p eope theh , ( , struwmit}1 wtwjd ' 



boh ^ 

emit r ? d> fWn the c 
eminent a people, indirectly. 



CHARACTKKS OF SIKHS 111 

The a very <UITt p-nf fypr* Tlu-ir 

history is obscure. I Jut fltry wen* n 
comparatively unln^'uous 

be c'L'issrd the in They 

had of the chivalrous of the T?njjuf s. 

a ruder ordinary p'opti\ 

they were hardy, da.ri.ug, pTfiiuiritnjs, 
like; and in Inter tfitfy approval 

rap:K*ity by capital Bhurt- 

Lake, rcputshttr four 

They n prnouni--cl for 

which If, as probablc the ftypsirs nn 

their ktnsiuHu lie* nnfi*ly assumed. Hut 

i mention it b<*c*;iust% AH with the* MnhrnM:>s f 
if they were inclined to rvHglcms inidlt-r* 

nce, tliis lilibusf-rring In* nn 

addifunal to I;.i\vl'ss 

ness* 

tilt on;ilunl!y 

prohaMy n'pudial* 1 *! C 

religions sysl^iu hud liHU* in 
common popular Umd*oism tliry wrrc- 

faftalie.'ilty d< i vl*-d to tltf Khtilmi* f>r \\hal I 
<*ii!l their own (!imreli; and <Mr'uiuslant*rs, 
whtclt I need not now re!wU% iraiisfunm'il tht-m 
from ii bcniy of until ami tnystu*al n'lijnnuisls 
into warriors* jraluns for th<* 

honour, sattguiim of the ext<'iiJ9ioit t *>f thrir 

IiuriiUi^ with htiirrii of 

Islam and itn rival prt'tfiisiutis dimiim^nfj^ 
principles. Any ti> would 



14 TOE Moori, KMPIIU: AT ITS y.i 



inevitably ewoiint.cr m*st r vtlufr r*-vKf anre 
from such a people. 

That cxcluMvel> of nm . \r<-< ' ; , ti.H, tf (( 
Empire could hav swvi\<-ff ih if l.ijit im,* 
and disintegrating *'f''q?M"-. <f M\t m,J 
the policy which !m<l flrv* !nf.r ,}, , . {, . jUt j 
consolidated it, is hiyfily iionroh-.f.?. , 

The uHrmiiton of Hi ff."ji,n! , t\<n if f i f, (r j 
not amounted to ;ic!i\( !,.< M,';, v ,..i;I,| {,j,, n ,, 
navc availed to ij* hold jf s ( , ; , ,: t :i ,.,j m , lT ,,j 
stre ngth. It would lutu- f*-u fuifh- r \> - f : , t \ 
by the indisposition of tin- iuti\. MM .th,,.,,,,, 
to identify themselves nil h .! ..q,,,, ;, ,. ,, 
a regime which- in n land uhr- .- |, . , ,. ,j a 
all-powerful conHJdcraliou did MH-J, M,^^> ' "i, 
their old associations awl iKtd L !.:; ., tl ,| $u 
many cases, to tluir hitrnt syn.path,, !'; ;uw | 
which was too likely to |,nl,., i, lt , ,, lt , ,,,, v , ar 
with the majority of f heir i-omptttrmK. 

Thus the Covemnieni XUlU |,| | M . ,,,',, ,,, f{ t<( 
place its chief rdiun<>e ,, || M , tltrt . lvn n|((| |IWi|(| . 
bigoted Mahometans; wluh- t| )( . i, <( UfalIr r.ij, 
ure of the revenue, from i|. dianrfl s! Jt | uf 
the country, would make || M , |Jtiyil|l . llf tlf Mll ., 
extraneous mercenaries, in .-aje^iutr- f,, r ,,,. Ull . 
mored^cult. Moreover, s I J l>4V , a{l ,.,H i,| 
the marked preference fc >r Ihrse str,,,,, , h.M, ,' 
a% shown by the Government t,, M lo ; !UM( . 
the Mussulnuin interest, hy , Xf ,i liwff jl;t , MtKV 

" 



; tn ^' <4W ^ J " <""" 
such feelings WuuW IMJW m d|v 



A RHNOrS KXPHimiFAT IN 4KY Iff 

new and jow< rfu! stimulus* Hence, a 

to tin* !sn;i^l\. It ty Ho 

'iM**, as I hope tit hliow frtwi what actu- 
ally ocvunvd Jater that some ill *f !M"u! IK-I! 
and inffufnlinl native Mus^tilinan 
ecmunc*!) ewise with the Ilintliifi in! **!'**!, 
attempt to n^rshihlisli flu* olil order* Thus* tin* 
Seimta of Burliii! long settled in India* hud :)lu;y<; 
bef'n cljsf iT};uis!M'd for milifiiry f*ro\u^-, They 
were now n very numerous and poutrful eian* 
munity f and, ns ;pj>%-*n-i! later, quite capable 

of eu;j[:!i]^ ill nil :nif i -M(*?nif and 
n'XnIuiiulu III rr^lirrf With the 

Thus, on the whole, had tin* rrlfiral experi- 
ment bc*en made ill a time of profcund |iriirt% 
hud not its inherent difficult ie# been 

by external dan^cT, heavy d^maiifis 

4)11 till* Iliip'Tud rr'oll|Vrs to r\lf('lH'Irs 

of w;irf:ir- It 

eventually to ruin the dynasty, anil* tin* 

countrr-iwoluiiiui Itiid sueeee<lid f the 

ruler line! possessed great jrovrrnin^ qurililies * 
the Kmpire 

But the eatastroplu* eiiuie about in atuithcr 
way; tlir evperimenf nmd(% the 

breach in the integrity of tlit* Imperial 
structure- the .'dicimiiun of the* Kujputs rapirlly 
en^ut 4 d But before this oerurrc*il, Aurun;)* 
ib f the innovator, 

In rnlerpriV, cottmiitted him* In 

ii new to ft 



w THE Mor.rr, rMrrm: AT ITS 71 \nu 



of an 

character, which jun\.! in^n^ fti^n .< iu, t/ f l?r 

his utmost and jm ("* r! i ^nti In , JJP'* if ? 

and in the mil n rliit f ts'fii * f f f h * * u f ie h 

his proci'c^ljHjU's in HIM?** f n l*i fiin it*n**J 
to bring a 



II 

Ariu"Nc;yjB MAKKS IUMSKI.F KMP 

WHEN Hit! KmjK-ror, Shah Jchnit, wits itffarkrd 
by a sudden and. dangerous illness at Delhi. Dara 
Shukoh, his eldest mm, was at. the ea|Ifa! ; Shah 
Shuja, his second sort, was (lovrnmr of Bengal ; 
Mctrad Buksli, the ynun;rt-,|. wns Cuvi-rimr of 
Guwrni ; un<) Al.-itu^irh, styled Inter Aunm.i'/.ih, 
the third son, WHS in the Dckknn ^ngn^rtl in 
t||e siege? of Kijajuir. the capitiil of one of Hit- 
two surviving Afghan monarchic* there. The 
KwjM-n.r*s i!hu\ss, and Hs;tpjM.*itriwr' from puhlif 
view, jm<hir<-<? ^-iH-ra! ronsttrnalii^i, andthr<"il< 
encd M-rious (tisturlmiurt' at the tj*itnl imd in tJu- 
Pr<viiH'<'\. * 

Shnh ,Wmri hititM'If fully ;ipjm'Hai<-.I the 
danger of thcf <vij.i. Dis-'thlcrl ns lit* wiw, he MTIIIS 
to Imv ftrt'<! timt lh* coup tie #rfcr ini^hf. ! 
$ven him hy tin* partisan* of <>< tr lh<-r { his 
anihiliuus utmn, rivals for Hw suc'i-cssiou <f {heir 
moribund jmrcnl. Awl it in uotublo thai, in 
this (txtrc'tiiity, he sitow^I more (imfldcni'c* in 
the Kttjputg ihun in his Mogul subject M. Mmnu-ri, 
who WAN in Dara'N M-rvi--, ay : " He nr<lm<<i 
ol the fortretw to be elost-d, It.-:ivinr 

f j^| 



*,*, >*n P/W% 



only 

the Mahometan pomi:ii 



other he 

officer* 






with thirty thonsntKi ^ 



nu 



puts." 

ke fortress twice nrby^uth a =< - " ' 

n, ,t. \n,M ,.. 



persons, but not In 
within were sworn 

*! ; , to him, he was afraid <f I "." !' 1% ' II t|' "' ' ' 

! '' Reports were wreulalrd and " ! } * 

Jf ' Provinces that the KmjM-rm- w,x d.ad; 

| ' a war of succession WHS itnmtmut, 

'!. ' Dara assumed the rcmdnH .if affairs at 

1 Delhi, and levied additional \v<v* h n-. Ma, i 

Shtija marched with n law "iiy Irnui H* u^il. 
Moid prepaml for !!... and t,-.k Sui-al n. 
the hope of fouling tMwli trrasun lli.-rr. Aur- 

*" - ;ul arlfuliv. 



ungzib proceeded mrt' 
He raised the w<-g< ff Nippur, ami, 
to Manueci, *cuml ll- iwulmhty ..( N*n|i 
by a very remarkable <"" ' l " {! !1 " 1<v> in 
u fact, than the grout f n ftmrth i;it { ihv 

>, . Imperial revenue in tin- lukk;n l'*MUii-s 

which, he asserts, was rmirll on !jul'i 
tablet, and was to to jxtrptinat If tb^ -t ;<' 
ment is true, the Mnliratta elauiu tn r/^f 
the Dekkan was UIUB early ami frwi;*l^ 
tfoned by Aurangzib himself. Autl 
taxes him with perlidy for ignoring it 



SIHMA DKFKATKI) UV SOl,AIMAX MU'KHII 



n- 



H'* *' 
ltTnl 

thrir 



wa,% 



flic* 



his r^nv^lrso'iH'*' fo his ;>!>> lit sn : s, aiil 
them to krrp Hu'-ir ^.'tlron-, mill 
ambitious si'hcnn's. Iluf' susprrlinj; cr 
thai hi.s cHsvuM* - wns innr!;?!, nncl tlm 
not n froc agfnl., ant! ji ;^tU'* of Dur^rs a 
at tho r;tpil:i!, Ou.*y <*v;ttlr*j 'f'Juj!i;jnr 
pluusihli: *-roUTKl rijf Ilir nrfrssily of n^ffji?!^ 
their father lo }ttl'ju-itti rirr. 

Tlur ajtpro.'ii*h ttf Shuja ^nuijM-lIctf tfic" Kut* 
pr-ror tf> sotul mi army a;;ainM hum This n-as 
compos^! of flic* fif'sf h-nups, ntiifi-r flu 
of Soluiuutu Shukuh, I)ara\s rUlrsl. son* 
piinieil fy J*J Hi!i|,r, Jlajn of Aiuhir **r Jt/ipttr, 
atici Dilir Khati^ nn MuiitC'iit Mugtil notiit% Jri 
Sinj; was \vc*JI uffi*(*tiHi tn Ihr Kfuprror, but 
inimical to Diint, who hnd highly *iffei!ili*if Urn 
ciignity by flippantly muarkm;* that Iir tuokcd 
like: a tiiusi<'iiui or, us we* iniglit ;say a Jitl(Hiu% 
This circumstaitt't* may parity cxpluin f hi^ 
cfotitrii^t !n*{ \vrrit Jt*i Sing's twmhici mill tlmt 
oC the Ilnj|ii.iHi f who wc*r<* ^t f irrally islr<mly 
devut^ij to thi* eiiiiii* of Oaru. 

llciicti* J*i Sing was nut anxious thut Soiuiman 

should conftrnt his futhi^i^s asf^-tKlaiM-y by a 

decisive victory uvcr Shujit. Moroovn\ ht* was 

instructed by the Emperor to prevent. If 

posBible, a coiitstcm and to induce Shiijii to 

return to his government. But his remon* 

weft* iiieffeetuiil ; and, both 

for the fray. j 



?'';. 
nn\ 



l 



if 



f.' 



And llu- 



win 



jnt- 



20 AURUKCKIB MAKKS HIMM.I r I.MPJ ItoR 

but Jci Sing eont rived thai He- jmr.uit -ht|t 
be slack; and Shtijn, with little IM--S, jvfr<.iti'|, 
and returned to Bengal. 

Morad's demonstration ; ! 
at Delhi. Though he wns hm\* 
his weak character was Limv. ,i 
hoped that he might Mill in 
allegiance on In-anni,' ttf }a-; 
But Aurung^tb's abilily ami 
of subverting Da ra's nv run 
considered far more 1 srrious. 
soon justified these appirht II 

Aurungzib, secretly rcs.!vn 
prize, went darkly to work. UJihnf**, 
employed by his father in th- liili!, |jr 
studiously disdaimcd nil :t'.n\t\'.\>' -t , *iw . atwi 
had professed to be u n ?!:'} m. JM ! u 
/flWr in spirit intent only on his MU!\ '.alv.-t- 
tion. He now saw that, to pain | . ubjiH, 
his first step should be to mukt- n 1\.|:iw 
of his simple brother, Murad, mti{ thai ttiii 
would be best effected by posing Mili in Itis *!! 
attitude. He accordingly wrwlt- ti* lum, r { -nt 
ing the report that Darn hw! jjotMn,.,} Hitah 
Jehan, seized the govermm-ui, and iitfi-mtt-il to 
make himself Emperor, and tlmt Sliuja WOK 
marching against him with tin? mmt< objtvl, 
But, denouncing Dara as an infidol uitti idolater, 
and Shuja as a heretic, and nvst.-rlim? his own 
zeal for the orthodox faith, *u*d dir tu re- 
nounce the world and devote hiitMcIf to 



AURUNGZIB BEGUILES MORAD 21 

religion ; he offered to do his utmost to secure 
Morad's succession, if he would swear on the 
Koran to protect and provide competently for 
him and his family. The offer was, of course, 
guaranteed by the same solemn sanction ; and, 
as a further pledge of his sincerity, Aurungzib 
sent a large sum of money, and urged his brother 
to join him promptly. Morad, fired with am- 
bition and blind to Aurungzib's real character 
and designs, eagerly welcomed the overture, 
employed the money in increasing his army, 
and set no store by the warning of a faithful 
officer, Shahbaz, who mistrusted the good faith 
of the piously self-abnegating auxiliary. 

Meanwhile, Aurungzib had induced the 
Bekkan army to follow his fortune ; and the 
junction of the two forces was shortly effected. 
On this occasion Aurungzib ostentatiously 
treated his brother in public with the greatest 
deference, as his future sovereign ; and in 
private redoubled his hypocritical assurances 
to him. 

The Emperor sent repeated orders to them 
to return to their governments, promising to 
pardon their rebellion. But Aurungzib per- 
suaded Morad that these were forgeries, and 
that, should they find their father alive, the 
necessity of delivering him from Dara's control 
would justify their persistence, and merit and 
obtain their forgiveness. 

Manucci says that at this time Shah Jehan 



a 



22 AURUKGZin MAKKS HIMSELF FMf 

was not secluded, ml Hint h *.,, him svtrd 
at a window for nior' f lum Jwlf ; hnur m fj lP 

presence of a vast pnnrourw, Jltsf Aumtiir/iU'* Hi 

partisans at Delhi still usum!. ->,-! that fhf : vivij,"*' 

Emperor's disease was n mwtal mr, ruul Hint dif),,'/^, 

his end was nrar at h;iml. HIM'- ' " 

Weak as he was. Shufi .! Ji;nt u.-t-. ury IH ( \V ','.*! 
anxious to a<ront}i;m> lli- j-rit^ ufj-J thr A***" 



I ) t ; continued advanw of Hie 'ii;!>tj" u i-nwf, 'ui 

| ' r -J compelled him to send njrniiisf *h '.-. If. lnj> f j and ' .' * 

f 5, ^y m ' s personal prewnc*' t riven v,i ;t,l r .-iiint tli'r*- *"* 

' them. But Dam was tppmtrl t, ti,;-. , :m ,| 

: , ',; the direction of Hie rni.ip.-io'u u;i-, rr r ,| ; ,l. t l tn 

him. He summoned his sin. NdJ.ninaii M,ul.i.J, 
; to hasten to his nssisfnnn', ;:nl i,i."iittLI** 

; ' ; Jeswunt Sing, the Itaja of .rur|j,nr, ,-.. t K.t.m, 

Khan, were sent to ohsfm<t tfu- ,; fi.,: t ,. ,( 
. the rebel Princes through .U!th.n|f ,-, Hii.-\. 

This > according to MttuurH, u ft s Slt;i .t-h,"uA 
; ;,, own arrangement .Tt-swimf -, 

; loyal subject," but KJIMIU Khan's ....,. 

i /' was morc ambiguous, nnd " hi- wn-, nut 

I ! affected to Dam." Aurun^ii*''- nan, ti, f 4tv ' HW.Otio 

; . baffled these tactics: Uu- .v'rhua.ia am! tl.V '! pi*- 

* * AsWbq)nditw.rtMmv.rMdHill,, ni i ,,,, |ttw ,i. :u,,,,t- 

tion; and the armies johmi | K1 ,u t , mar O|ljri|i( ;, ., M , 

where the Imperialists ww fonjjifH* Iv <it f- a|, ,!, Ti**' 

Manucci says, through f| K . In-a^m m ,,| | M . tmlli< K il 

actmty of Kasim Khan; whiJ. th", |(. ( ; |IliN "It **; 

fought with their US ual bn^rv, a.f tilt 
numbers that Jeswunt, having }si ttn 



\!!< Hi - ' " 
vun! nvn, ' ' ' 



( 

His wif*- < > ; "" ' 

viviitg M<f , ><<' 1 ' 

.lis-i.-;:'-.' ' ' ? 

iii* f ll:*ti>n, ^ 



mtiidfil In* '*<!** ' f '- - '* 

r*nf*<l' 1'f t4 Mil ^ i^ # ^ f 

tl$in% Ir ' *- ? ! M ^ * t ** ** * 
inlhnififitf Ili^l t>.' M* ^ ^ ^. > f 

tlt^fil ^f tv >i^* J 

i MJ', ! ^: ^. - ' v.* 

lalf^ f * ft lt*r -^*^ ^^ 

HXifrVf 1 tif Iff* * tat ! 

r lll!lf^lfi*^ HI* I ? ill J* * , ' ' f^ 1^* I 

liirilf, ** t*n 1^ * * ** if4 <M < 

iHll nf ;* I*4i,* 4 } 

ft* him all IIH ;**'* ' j f , 

**> 1*11^ ' f K 

I.ijtiit 1 ^ . - ! ** ! ,| ,%; 

Kill, 111)1) r;n/tf\ rt |,| f , ' 

U j M j*if t<* s ,i|fii f 

M -\ tit 

fMIII* I ,, < . . 

Till* Vi !ii h i*i W v* 

imtiiaut s|f*'*a J **J IliiN i 

** If 



IK f 



' f| f| 



71 



magtailit rill !. j>K:tnt f 



21 



M\KI 



a cry t>\ a I hmrr, r< ^f*!'n<!f M :r ;i MI '.liiniicj >,\ tr 
all the land. AnnnI Mir- ! <l ' ,M^ ({M.nirtms 
of Rajput 'jv;>lry, V.IJMV .,..,, ' 'f - ! t'rtn 
afar, anil thni lamv?,' lit ,)-., i ,'if|i 1 rcinulrrtf; 
motion, serif fnrth rn -, of ! ' : : .| ,,, M }, 

But the ini|^iri-.' ;.. .-f., 1 . ! s .''. .i t-int i<h 
little coitfidrncr. Th Jlt.vur ( t!, lipjtrrial 
army had hrcu rouiuUil ft* IY;,ur* SM! t u!itfin 
and had not ivjomr.J, \[ It { MIHH-CI u.c. Ncilitit} 
the quality of !} nrw 1* \i* ,. \J, < ,f thf IH, hr 
says, " were not, vi-ry w.-irlilr 1 h \ A < r ' -t . i < r ;. 
barbers, blncksiniflis, .-.'iji* n:- ' , in,i.,r., uiu! 
such like." !!* !,< mistrii*tMi th-- h .{,. .ilion 
of the Mogtd nohlt-s, JHUOJI;* Mtan\ ,f \,l,,i> Dam 
was not popular. And, In- .-Hid- " Uhaf dis- 
concerted me was tlwt tm nr .ull . ty tha* 
Dara was sure of ^aiuiii'! Jh let!!!, wiih ,!! ti,.f 
grand array." 

Dara took up a p<Miii)it u th- hank f ! 
Chumbul, securing ll |{n- j,.-, .-:,.*. ; a-rv, ij u - 
river. But Aurungwb ilivwri l *,m- njor- 
remote and utiguitrdwl ; m.d. Ir.ivJ,).- itN f.nis 
standing, with part of his an.ty, !} rhc r st 
rapidly through brok.-n and jmr-h t-nuahv, 
and across the river, ttitil nj*j, -tn-a MuM*-ly 
on Dara's flank. 

Manucei tljinks lluit hd J) ;t rn nt 
attacked his wayworn division, in- wnii{ 
tamly have prevailed ovrr it. Bat the * 
tumty was lost, and the enemy was wiiif,im-4 
by the junetionfof the rest of lm u-my, 



DABA ATTACKS AUKI'MI/IN AM> MORAH 25 

Before the battle began, Maiweei. frmti i hill 
overlooking the scene of notion, observed nn 
ominous symptom of In-arhrry. Many horse- 
men rode out of Dam's camp to that of the 
enemy, and did not return. 

In front of each army were ranged the guiw, I 

and behind them the infantry, armed with 
muskets, and the came! corps. The cavalry 
were "In the rear. The Princes were all n- 
spictious on elephants, Para and Aunmg/i! in 
the centre of their respective hoists, and Morad 
on Aurung'/ib's left. 

Dam was the assailant-. He opened the 
battle by a general diseharj*" 1 of his arlinWy, 
But the distance was too gienf, and the Hire 
.ineffective. And Mautu-ci Hyn; "I was much 
aniaxed at Hm-ir making n work thus for not hing." 
And this peat tactical mistnke r-v-aU-d imother 
ominous i-ircumshuu-r. When Dnra unnH'dinffly 
followed up this idle dcmonst .ration by a vehe- 
ment order for a griu-nd advance, and the 
cavalry rushed to the front, ** the Imr1n'rs. 
butchers, and the rest turned right about fai 
abandoning the arUHrrynu-n and the guns.** 

The enemy, more prudrntly, hail reserved 
his fire, replying only with a few shells. But 
when Dara's cavalry arrived well within range, 
a general discharge of cannon, swivel-guns, and 
musketry arrested the charge, and threw the 
assailants into disorder. But, well sreondHt 
by Rustam Khan, one of his ablest ofiU-ers, and 



'I! 



,, 

'I 1 



26 MTRrxcxin MAKIX HIM*! i r i MPI mut 

Chhnlnr S?l *i Knjjit'l < f /f " ? *!,'"l Him 
and the unsIjiU'r; ! v% *s n -tr* i v, if, "<* ^un 
that th<y u hrkr f ! ,- ,' ?M j .?. ,'," ! pit* 
tratcd to their <, J.^K- i. T .' i-a^:^ , f I * tli 

rout camK and ii f* r. f< \ /' 



to sti*in th< 

a slight body around it^ t In ' ' ^ - ^s ' 

men by n. nolahlf di^jil;\ ( < *'u "*< , n^i i> *{i^ | 
tion. Ho ordered his !rj*LM't tt h- . ' " ,1, . 
to indicate* his l\\nl [M;:n- * i** * ;M s .1 h , ; 
But again i)nru\s uu|^ f ^^n\ \. i j^*n : i. : 

After a stuhhfirn rii,N \ M i . <'*.,<n\ : 
was worntocU and Dma %f ; li . !\ * f *. ll,"l h* ' 
dashed on at ont*<% An* m : I s is, M, ;j|rr$ : 
thinks^ must Imvr l^m ***aliL IU!, st^i'^ilt^ 
by their sev*rt* fxcrtittns auri na}- *** I t^> IK* ' 
ground^ he* haitt 4 d* and Ha\* hi 1 i*j ** .*. *b*ut : 
brcathin^-tiinc* Ami in I hi*; j**? ijint, h* i^vd : 
tidings whieh ciivrifrd iii^ ^in^ I!^MI!IIM% : 
Chhatar Sal and itu^am lihan had f* *'h t^f* u, ! 
but their troops^ tIi*Hiyh v.: 4 \:j -\ \MI ? lilj | 
resisting. lie hastened lu tl*ir 'i-i'-^, and ! 
once more prevailed, -uul jn$f l)i<ir *i}*j*Mti tif% ti i 
the rout. j 

Meanwhile a dcmjifnite initifist had t^eit j 
waged between IIMII Slug and Prinw M^rad. 1 
Ramming and bin fiery itajimln fmi! ut lust j 
forced their way clone up to thu Frim/c*^ i-lt^|.i|iii!if $ 
and some of them had dismmiuted mul ti^ij,^) 
m the beast, and were in iiw net nf niitiini tht 




DARA'S ARMY SUDDENLY DISPERSES 27 : jl i 

girths of the howda, when Morad drew a bow, 

and shot their bold leader in the breast ; who 

fell to the ground, and was trampled to death by 

the enraged animal. But the Rajputs, so far 

from being intimidated, were exasperated at the 

death of their chief, and " battled more violently 

than ever." 

Dura, informed of this, was on the point of 

joining them, when, according to Khafi Khan, 
" a rocket struck the howda of his elephant. 
This alarmed and discouraged him so much 
that he dismounted in haste from his elephant 
and mounted a horse." This may be the true 
explanation of this precipitate and ill-judged 
act; though it is not quite reconcilable with 

Dara's undoubted courage. But Manucci gives 
a very different reason. Khalilullah Khan, who 
commanded one of Dara's divisions, but had 
hitherto hung back, and was in heart a traitor, 
and who certainly joined Aurungzib immediately 
after the battle, suggested to Dara that, as the 
latter was very slenderly guarded, a sudden 
dash at him would be certain of success, and 
even more decisive than the capture or death of 
Morad ; and that it was for this purpose that 
Dara took horse. Whatever the cause, the 
result was fatal. The disappearance of the 
leader habitually involves the dispersion and 
flight of a native army. And there were, in this 
case, special circumstances which aggravated 
this tendency. The personal unpopularity of 



28 AURUNOZin MAKKS HIMSELF KMI'KROH 

Dara among nmny of hi* oflle< r^, the dm! h of 
those most, devoted to him, NnMi^v.ll/s in- 
trigues and ftemmciatiwi of him a* mt mftrh-1, 
the rawness, iriexperirne*'. nd iwiKr*ijHur n! 
his new levies, combiner! to tun^iv the -iMtilify 
of his vast but; iH-assorted host. Henre hit* 
abrupt disappearance was the si/jim! for mi 
equally abrupt disinlf^r;l if n nnd flight. fluhnlo 
successful, and on the eve of virfoi-y. l^ra *HW 
his army merit sudclmly nway like a eir-tud 
driven before a strong winI, If wus nrvt, pro- 
perly speaking, n defeat. It wns rather a tfrwrul 
stampede^ the result of swrprise, jf-rp!* \ ; 'K, in- 
discipline, and ddilu'nite in-arli-n. Hut I In* 
event proved that it. wnw an i f -j' ? i ^ ? \;*tI*- 
catastrophe; on which atwimtit I h;vr d^srtilwd* 
the battle in more detail thai 1 ^should t*tltt-n\ise 
have done. 

Dara reached Agnt in tin* <*vi iiiiin in a ^ijilt 1 * 
of the deepest dejoetion. IVrtly fn*u> shatiu% 
partly for fear of Iieiitg Ui**n* f- H-^! itnd 
captured, he did not enter the city. Shah J* f han, 
who had betaken himself to Ajmi. ^t^itt a ifi- 
solatory message to him, iiifii hiy*"* that 
Solaiman's army might still i*imhU* hint In rri?atn 
his ground. He also furnisht^i Iilm i%itli att 
order to the Governor of Delhi, to iiflmit hiu f 
and consign to him the great trer^ure ther* 
deposited* But Aurunggih had ww*l th* 
Governor in his interest; utiil lie refuseil to 
c^pen the gates* And an u* 



TO ftU'V O!' 1 SIHIXAliAK 2!> 



III* {*n]M'"Cd III ,'IV-srjtnItjr ; nru* aniiY 

to HIH'W tilt* c* in! * si. 
Bill tilH ht>p'K Of sHl''i>s \vvrr vr.|t dashed 

by lite of fill* suppnrf mi- which he had 

<MttltltetI SOU S*l;iUn:m V, ;ts a V>rnvt* 

aiicl vi*'<r*ttis twttt* l!M*M'Uif!t!v iK-vnh-fl in his 

CltUM** II<* IlIP! alrr;u|y tlcft ;tfrj fri\ 
1 , Shlljil ; iilltl liis \tr\ny w;r^ H'tr ilnwrr nf 
the !u!|**n;i1 forres, IliiK :-^ I h;\^- ii(rn!!ftn.-d 
Jei *HIilg, on* iff his rht'-T "H'M'fr^ was srrr*:ily 
hostilr ti* Dnni, ami Dilir Khan, pmluiMy ml 
too friendly to Iitin, n*i undrr .!! Sim/s in- 
fittettee Ilnin Aurtiii|f/it's m-*-ilun's in thmi, 
iweked !>)* his reeetit vi'fry, sh*nk thrir liil'lify 
to their eoiniuaii'liT, ini*l fnuu thrir lintiil 
counsels, r<r auiui'itdiii^ it rvtrnrt, aiul infiiiiatin^ 
their solffirrs wen 1 fu*f u> ! tnisli'il, hr 
c'lfarFy ttirf lit l':st uvn* pn-jj;ir**d to 

p-rIutjK to clrfivt'r Itiru up 
to thtt roiujiwror* lie fhrn/fon* quitted the 
, and with 4I iorre esrajied to lilt* 

ija uf Sivina^ar, who received him h^jita!ly, 
and p!ed|j*d hisuself to project hiio. And his 
army ntul hii chief ?>llieei\s cn(.crcrl 



When the brothers had taken 

posscHsion of c*ttnip 1 Aurunjj'/il) umin- 

ttiincd lilt* previous Ht tit tide; (ron^rutuiatcd 
Ilonifl on Hie which he ascribed mainly 

to MonuPs ; Incited liim wtiti tht* grcatc'St 

us Mi sovercign, and intni- 




ty 



30 AURUNGZllt MARKS HIMSKLF 

dueed to him the trail or Khalilull;th as u %nl 
subject, devoted to his ink-re*! f of whirl* he 

had given such recent; it net substantial * vi?h wv, 

Four days after the kitiin llm \'Ir-fr r ic !ns 
Princes arrived before Ann*. 

Manucei was ttlrcwly thtw : ;,ti*l h* ( i, ><Ti!fi'. 
minutely the gnHlu.nl ami .artful prnt-f 
which the KmjK'ror was dHhn>t*Ml % ami ft 
secluded, in one cjnmlrr of Iiis va^l f** 
palace. The united army n 
first instance, about two wtl<*s fn*Tn 

Aurungzib made profust* profr^. 
tion and fidelity to his fnthrr. HIH! 
action on the ground ol Dam's i; 
authority and crimiitai amhititiu, 
gave him fair words, lutl, KTirdiM;f 
tried to entrap him into a prrMmnl itifini 
with no lenient intentions. Hut Aunu"/JIi 
too wary $ and excused himself. M 
was actively engaged in wmnm# 
chief nobles^ and dmpoHsnK tlu*in lu 
Ms masterful proeeedings. Many 
already his decided imrliftms; Dara* 
pathisers who had not fallen or flfit iv 
heartened and eoweci f am) wlf-mtrsvst ;it f nifinl 
the undecided to the winning iik** 

Thus Aurunggib was ^iiilicilclt'ii^if to ifntl 
strongly and decisively wiih IIH f*itht*r, II** 
made his sow, Sultan Ualmuxxl t Uovrriiur af 
the city; and he was u> Immt tlm 



j !. I, in |} 4 r 



<( jifti*^ 

tisliJiMi Jus 
n'jt.-!i'jt of 
P" Ktn|*-rnr 



In* 

f!$r 

* in 

win* 

\tu- 

f I in- 



\f iit'V,/H! hi:i'n>KS mi'KIUm tl 



IP* twe In riittT It* 
troop* Minvi'd iiitii tiir fify, and 

tin* fort. The Kiap n> ; \ for three 
tried <u rr|p % l by on them, but 

in tin* : i!j.i'*'ii! houses. Then the 
nr'iHm I.-MI, lu it hnnpi'ml with by 

Aunin c r/.'Vs '*'!' ** - >fu\\(fl s\iupt<ms of dc* 

f'ltiii*.; thi*rn^*Ivrs iliiwn 

tin* by ! f ti{if*s* \\ht-n upon tlif jjarrison, 

in t]ts)uit\ }v'p:-tl fii fiillinv {firlr i*Kii.iiijite 

still ?it:tintmfft*i \m 
jl.i!til Hhrv s wliirfi had prrv(nl< fc <l 
v.+.ifii'" *u tin HiujH i roi\ niicl that, 
wliili 1 tit* vi us hull li|> his impatient solilicrs had 
ilfti*ii without fnl' r-^; HIM) lit* j*ro|>c*M*d lili 

M;ihn>*fl. hbould visit the* Kinj)*roi% 
iiild ;irniii'i- umMrrs 4 F**unnhli\ T<i thi Shah 

Tbc* lisid 

tn tin* Jiil ri wiwr his I rotips, ami make 

luttisrlf nmHt-$ nf tin* lit ibid 

tiiiii tin* Hji*Tor to the 

Thi'ii, luast* f of tlif {U)Htticn t Aurun^/il) 
off mn* nia-.k, aitit plainly unm>unecd to liin 
falht'r thai h* uas nu lon^T fii to rule, but must 
taiv* lit'* rase* in tvtin ttu*nf , and h*nw the burden 
of ftouTmtirnt lf *n* sustained by more capable 
hamls- in otluT words, thai tie waa dethroned 
ttttd it prisonrr. And, Hiiiling the action to the 
itiiplied M'uUiram* r * % *^ s dttclarution, he 
deiniiitdrd, Utrotitfh hi HOII, the keys of the 
Aiui, u* Uicf mimiUv were very uumerouc 








82 AUEUNGZIB MAKI-> IHMM'.U' KMI'IJHW 

and a close blockade' was . .'M*'S ! .!. ;*ml no 
provisions were allows! In .ulrr^M" forlorn 
monarch was wnslraia- I to r.-M '. wUli Ik* 
demand. Then tlw ]>!"*'' its If ^1% M^tpM, 

many gates were dusrtl. uinl ''<" '*' < * ' -" ^ } ? t 
at the entrance of tlir */', s, *> v.*iiri simh 
Jehan was thrim'foHh HMM ly ^ : " '/ ' 

Thus his reign, rnrni* t** an n^l lit MI M iti^ 
succession wan still unttrvi.f^i, mul Hi* * . ;-'/-r 
still professed to lr adinjt *n!\ fn IK half t*f 
MoracFs candidat uiv. 



The easy and 
eious, imfilial, ami 
couragcd its clcvisrr h* rt 
and disclose !IIK mul ft 
pretender to the vovanl 
recommended him to U';i\t 
to his brother, and ^ it ti his mui ai u i\ tf .n*uit 
Agra .and reduce DdltL lint In* J)*IMMI to 

accompany Aurung/ttK Thi*tu*n*niii * niaH>fp4 

separately, at a miic* 1 s 

and halted at ix 

The ostensible reason for this ludt 

proposed formal drvittbtt of M^i 

throne. Elaborate prcjmrution 

mony were made; Aiming^ili 

congratulation^ and flattery; ami to iuau;in*t<* 

the august function, invited his ti**!K t *> a grmt 

banquet. But he arranged tlmt his t'im f t*Jh** rs 

should entertain at own 



;j b *M r, 
rf M;*ti*ui.i- 



^i^l t* th- 
INI* th y * % M- 
u% aH Muiis 



AURUNGZIB ARRESTS MORAD 33 

The eunuch Shahbaz and other faithful 
followers of the infatuated Prince suspected 
foul play, and strongly dissuaded him from j 

putting himself in his brother's power. And 
Manueci, who was out of employment, but had 
disguised himself as a holy mendicant, and as 
such had the free run of the armies, gathered 
from the ambiguous gossip in Aurungzib's camp 
that mischief was brewing. But Morad was 
in high spirits, and, irnperturbably relying on 
his brother's sworn fidelity, went to the feast. 
Aurungxib, discarding on this great occasion 
Eis religious scruples, took care that Morad 
should be well plied with wine, and allowed to 
retire to sleep off its effects, while the banquet 
jrtbill proceeded. In this helpless condition Morad 
was disarmed, fettered, placed in a covered 
howda on an elephant, and sent off at speed 
during the night to Delhi, escorted by four 
thousand cavalry. Another similar cortege was 
dispatched to Agra to baffle pursuit, should 
an attempt be made to rescue the prisoner. 
But the darkness of the night, the continuance 
o the feast, and the dispersion of Morad's 
officers, prevented this, and in the morning 
Aurungzib's agents saluted him as Emperor, 
and Morad's officers were invited to enter the 
usurper's service, with a promise of double pay, 
which, after some hesitation, in their desperate 
circumstances, they did. 

On arriving at Delhi the unhappy Prince 
3 



It 






WM publidy P.!,-! ,,* i"; ...... ^ 

w. wnB .iB<-' i" "" 1 " 1 "- 

' * 







u It 

poor Morad Biiksh mnk,- thi 
nio Delhi, visible to all. Ins lar- ,,.,-r. ? l 
wearing a blue tr1m,miml.,n;M."i.nm 
an cxecutumer with a nakrd su-ni ,11 In, ham 
ready upon ,my nli-u.pt ;H n-r ri ., 
his head. It swii ,,s - n-uu.iu.l w 



MM- 

^N 

i.K S 
hi r -w 

iltht 



> 



1 



on tr rr .:,.. tim* 

in reveang th objrrt. ami r,-;i|.ii!{ U- *rml, 
of his hypon-isy aitfi ln-:i-h.-.-v. 

"Hardly," says Manual, "!:! Mr:ul 

Buksh fallen inl i ImwK nra ! Si.J:.iina H 

Shukoh been dcfwU-rd, and his ftdht r HMIU-I 

than he proclaitucd hiiasvif Ktj-'mr. Hr 

ferrecl many distiwtww* td 

of Shah iclian, Dara, M 

Solaiman Shukoh, wh cam** v.-r 

thereby the more wtmly !<* tin ir 

Manucci, who hml joiiwd i t 

Agra, was eager to wvcntvr iht- MTVH-I- 'f >* 

and, after an adventurous ami danw !<I<U1> i' "" '" > 

rejoined him at Lahore. Tht- nhj.iy i'riii 

received him most graciously. Mniw%U'd hi* 

fidelity with the descrtkni ttf so many whm 

he had long lavished \m bounty, i*rsntttl 

him with a horse and live lutndmt n !{.-, niid 

raised his pay from eighty to **M himdtvd and 



BAHA RAISES A NEW ARMY 35 

fifty rupees a month* He had already raised 
( a army of thirty 'thousand men, mostly 

Moguls, Seiads, and Pathans. He had also 
I hope of assistance from a certain Raja 

| Sing, and gave him a large sum of 

I money to secure his fidelity to his sworn engage- 

ment. But the Raja went off with the money ; 
his engagement, and paid no heed to 
( urgent remonstrances. 

Baud Khan was Bara's ablest and staunchest 
partisan. But Aurungzib, by the usual trick 
of a letter, purposely intercepted, and implying 
a t reac'hcrous understanding between himself 

Baud Khan, shook Bara's confidence in', 
the latter* And though Baud denounced the 
* as a forgery, and made every effort to 

reassure Dara, persisting in following his fortune 
on the resumption of Dara's flight, he was at 
last formally dismissed, and joined Aurungzib, 
though with an understanding that he was not 
to serve against his old master. 

Dara next attempted to reach Cabul, en 
route for Persia. But the Governor, Mahabat 
Khan, discouraged this plan ; and Dara's mind 
seems to have been divided between a resolution 
to fight out the quarrel in India, and a project 
of reaching Persia by sea. He marched, with 
a very reduced force, to Multan, closely pursued 
by Aurungzib, and thence to Bakkar, which 
Dara determined to occupy in force, as a strong 
place formes and rallying-point, if, as he hoped, 







86 AURUNGZIB MARKS HIMSELF ! MI'KWHl 

he could raise a new nniiy in CU/M-.-.I. He 
gave the command of this in a udi.mt .-mmc-h. 
Khwajah Basant, or, us Mrmn^i r;dh lum. us 
a European equivalent, Prin.h. ra. >V. * Sprimi- 
time." The garrison consisted f I wo thnMiil 
select men and twenty-two Km <>j 'arts with 
abundance of food, guns, .uniniilMi, :>ml 
other supplies, llahodiir Khan. " ui m, i 
pursuit by Auningwb, was olosr n hK <r-k ; 
and Dara, with a small and m AM- .IwiiMlIn.;. 
force, pushed on for 'I'M fait. Manurc-i WHS 
very anxious to mvoinji.-im liiiti. Hut l>.-mi 
insisted that he would IK* wn>-' nsrfnl us m 
artillerist in the dt-fonw of tin* frt. Mr III:M|I* 
him Captain of the F.urn-rtir., doulU-tl \m 
pay, and gave him fivr lluisiuut nij*-s t* 
divide among his men, i-4-ruutun ti'liu" him 
earnestly to the oumirh ewimumdant. 

Aurungzib, detaching a f<'f'<' to jmr n- Darn, 

had left Multan, and gini' >ff towards Ajjr:i, It* 

confront Shah Shuja, who was nuin-hiu'.: thitht-r 

with a large army from Hrng.-d. n ls way 

he was met by Raja 3d Sing, who, on SuJniuum's 

flight, had gone over to Aiinw;/iJi ;mt! 

confirmed in his new alU-giuwt* by p 

promises of favour. He was a)>poiutt'd (inv 

of Delhi, and the provinw t>C Stitnbha 

conferred on him. Though at t'timtty will* 

Dara, Jei Sing was much uttui'lu-d <> Sluih 

Jehan, a cause of no little anxiety t> his it*'W 

master. 



DARA IN GUZERAT SHUJA DEFEATED 37 

Dara, with six thousand horsemen, proceeded 
through Cutch to Guzerat, where the Governor 
of Ahmedabad, the provincial capital, though 
his daughter was married to Aurungzib, sur- 
rendered the city, on the alleged ground that 
"it was not correct that he, a vassal, should 
oppose a royal prince, heir to the Empire." 
Thus Aurungzib's moral victory over his eldest 
brother was by no means complete. And Shah 
Nawaz Khan joined Dara, was present in the 
final battle, and was murdered in cold blood 
by Aurungzib's general, after it was over. 

The fort of Bakkar meanwhile was closely 
invested by Khalilullah Khan. But the defence 
was obstinate and prolonged. How it fell at 
-4ast I shall explain later. " Dara's plan," says 
Manucci, who was engaged in the operations, 
" was that if he did not succeed in the province 
of Gujarat, and suffered defeat, this fortress of 
Bakhar would serve as a base to help him 

again." 

Aurungzib found Shuja strongly entrenched 
in a position near the village of Bajwah in the 
Fathpur district. His assaults were repulsed. 
And in the night, Raja Jeswunt Sing suddenly 
changed sides and attacked Aurungzib's camp 
in the rear, while 'Shuja assailed the army in 
front. A desperate contest followed; Aurungzib 
displayed great presence of mind and constancy, 
rallied his disordered forces, and in the end 
gained a complete victory. Jeswunt Sing, on 



J 



T;** if Uu- 

wiiii him 



ln 



ilis- 



88 AURUNGZI15 'MAKK> IIP? -I. 

Shuja's defeat, ivtttvd \.<> hi-; 
Aurungxib committed HM* j '''* : " 
war against Shuja to Mir .fun 
ablest generals of the 1 11111% ^-i 
his eldest son, Sultan M;ihmr*l 
a command." Shnh Shtij.-i w:? 
retreat successively to A ! !- : ! ! 
Mongir, and Kajm;' f ?r<!. 1 M*'n< 
lodged from an cntivwh' 1 *! }* 
artillery; and look up ;?h'?In r ; t>-. .i"-!\ f^rfifit^i 
near Dacca, while Mir Jmnlrt h^llrd, ^:iiin^ 
the monsoon in f'hat rity. Suliau MrthtimMiI, 
resenting biUn-ly his insi4iulu'i-i)| j.'f.ih'*:, nrl* 
ually went over f.o Shah Shuj;u au*.l i*i;irrinl 
his daughter. But Shuja sfrins to havr nw- 
ceived suspicion of his rn!TiJ\ ; his |siti*m* 
became awkward, and hi* ivhtrwil ttt his f;.!{.hrj-\ 
army, was ordered U> Court* *md rc*n*4ii!,iti ; f f 
Gwalior* The ctntupai^n \v.s |i.riik)ii|:!rct, Hut 
at last Shuja, clcsputrmK of Mir;'^.^ mttl ttwt 
well aware of what awntt.fcl hint if I?** IVl! into 
his brother's hands, ri'tiroil 1*1 An-tkun, uht-n* 
he was at first well rcwivi'd hy the* liiny, tint 
later maltreated, and IiupccJrc! in his tjrsiri* lo 
make Ms way by sea to Persia. Ami iti a tU* 
turbanee that foHowitcl, he was kill^et thus 
removing another ob$tucto to Auni.u;j;/i!*s 
ambition. 

But while the with Siwh Hlttijn ww 

being waged, Dara had niUKtcred In GustiTut an 
army of thirty thousand horsemen, nacl 



\ 



i \ r i ill ! 

|5hl SHIUH 



JM Sin*' 



in hi * nu 

JUKI hf r< I : si' ' - 



\ \l \ UMH 

S,r, , , - 
.'I ' f * f ' 
.,i f.!i |.i. 
' : ! i ; . ; in I 



ff 

bt< 



lit 



HI 



\. 



fii.s. III^H, ;nif f fii r i tf ih f ! Jt*r 't 1 fr!."'i. Ills 
only iill* ruaf ix^ u;i In inlrrnrh lii.'U/*il in a 

Ktrt^lJL" jMisitinli alii^iMf t hi lull > ^iiU*!? }ir l illiL 
Fur thrr-r i ja* la*' Mirr^ <fufl\ ir i4u! A 



a 

Khali Ktr;iii T n 



f*niif{| 
in lh* 



hi* 



Ililir Khniu out* *i' his 



{; iii + srrf tu flint, :*wt Jhus Dilir uSifiiiiu^l itit 
t^itfinirr u if bin flif tin***** nud in Hit* t*risis <4 
tilt* b!JJ** tiirm^i dis t'urr* 1 ;u*ainst flams nith 
, ** Dara's anti> frll info Uu* i? t n'}tli%l 
Htufi,, iiriil, without ftuiki.^f utiy ^tiuii! tir 

to lti 



** The fnffMi IViiuftf tiuti <ml liiiit* lo parr *IT 



ls fatftiiy 



iii:! $ 




I 

If 

f 



40 AURXTNGZIB MARKS IiniSKf,P 

Jel Sing and Baimriur Khwi urn.' sntt In 
pursue him ** Ihdr onh.Ts wnv In sH/f him, 
dead or alive*" 

On his way to Ahmcriatau) lit* w;i<< rriuinrf! 
by many of the fugitives. littl fhr >-^< nn*r of 
the city had been gained ovrr hy .V;nm.r.-yil. 
and refused, to admit him. Ami M \< r;:.! of his 
most intimate adlu-n-ufs now ili^*if*-1 
With two thousand mm lit* rMinl his 
for Sind 9 suffering much hy tit*' way, int 
to rally again at Bakkar. Hut, limUn*; it 
invested hy Klmlilullnh Khan, lu* nnn* 
resolved to make* his way to Prrsia* 

Though prrsonally intniiriil to I)ra, ,fi*i 
Sing was not anxious to rapture him* Iwf to 
drive him from India. Hrnw hr r'*<itrUr! to. 
delay the pursuit so m to t*!mtfU< tin* fugitive 
to effect his esrapr. 

On the frontier was a Fulfinii i*hi*Thuru 
Jiwan Khan 9 who mm tuulrr spt-ruil i.l)!ir*;ctii.ns 
to Dara, who had lliriw sttVi*d his lift- whi*n 
Shah Jehan had condeirittfHl hint In drsitli, 
To him^he applied for pmtwfici!!, Jiwnn Khan 
gave Mm fair words* But, aiixioiis !** rtirry 
favour with Aurungzib, he* tmtrtuTously sur- 
rounded Dara and Im fanilly, mui Mn<*ily 
secluded them, Darii^ favourite wif% in tlis 
spair, poisoned herself. Ami whai Jrl Sing ana 
Bahadur Khan arrived in pursuit. Dara ww* 
made over to them; "clmins w<w put upuit 
his legs and manacles upon his and four 



r l "-< ( 

S/ %<> * 



DARA JUDICIALLY MURDERED 41 

conveyed him and his family and 
5 closely guarded. 5 ' 

-At Bakkar, which was still holding out, the 
^ce escorting the unhappy Prince and his 
, appeared suddenly, and were fired upon, 
the eunuch in command was promptly 
of the fact of Dara's capture, and 
to surrender. This he refused to 
"without Dara's sanction. This was obtained, 

the fort was evacuated. 

At Delhi the pitiful spectacle presented by 
Buksh was repeated. Dara, with his son, 
Shukoh, was paraded on an elephant 
a,n uncovered howda, behind them a man 
a drawn sword, and round him horsemen 
with drawn swords. For two hours he was 
exhibited in front of the palace, and thence 

to a garden. 
Aurungzib, affecting indecision as to his fate, 
consulted his council, who, well knowing his 
mind, and the line he had taken against his 
burother at the outset, with one dissentient 
voice decreed his death, not only for the public 
security, but " by reason of his being an idolater, 
wltJhout any religion, and an enemy of the 
Mstliomedan faith." So says Manucei. Khafi 
ICtian's statement is : 

" The order was given for Dara Shukoh to be 
p-urfc to death under a legal opinion of the lawyers, 
l>eeause he had apostatised from the law, had 
religion, and had allied himself with 




"fi 



42 ArurMixut MAI; i - iint-i f i i MII unit 



heresy und utt*l* h 1 1, /' 

was stain, his N'tJ; u, 

carried found lh<' <*'> < * 

dead lie u*s * %j *^ 

many w<pl o\*r Jj , f f . If* , . 

totnl) of ffun. ( * . N ni >* * 

to he impri'^itMi in f}** ^M*H t* 



r < i f anil 
i HI nit* 

* i n d 



sent I)nrs lt;M| In 
Kmperor in n l<*\ , 
misernblr jnrnt \\: 

wif.Ii 

it is to 

it wns a Imxi 



I* in i?fj 



mentioned, hud tak*? rifu;^- -lufii tixc tl^fju- 
of Sirinitgnr, 

Jei Sinpj WHS t'm|tltyui tn !tvf!iin th \l*i\ t \ 
to give htm up, Hut. aitl^fil li* i; * '.' !'-?i 
of hospitality, and nMf." t,n hi' r|u*id rnut 
strong count ry, he* seoul^} lh .-iliuif t^ nt ,iin! 
threaU uf the nsurpin^ aiil m uliiM' 4 1 ' i .'. 
But his son was nure .uunmhit it* ilu i, u S*rhu* 
roan, aware of this, rnira\>iui(i IM * .v*if intci 
Tibet, but wan pursuit! b> Ih JJ.a,;,\ Mn t 
capturedf manaelrcl, ami imtui'i! o\ i * \ ,M,I-. 
aab's agent^ sent to Gwalior, atnf Un te |MU ^m if. 
The old Raja of Strimiffar, Munuet4 .;><, ** f'M 
greatly the vikiit^ cif ff *Ji^| ratriMl nut fiy 
Ws only son," and . i fl m H | mrt SJiaw J|r |l|ltllt *j 
Ms days under the Uing nurc. 



I 

\.u;y Mn:iM-:!u;n w # 

Thus by fujvr and fraud fhf r */*//*> hnd f| 

oiir obslnrji- nflrf ;inrlbt'r in his 1H1- 5 

;ilf;jijM'M'id <f tb<* objrrt 1 iF his st ( rr*t 

Ilui unr fT'ujinv: art of slllainy i 

was still rt'i|'U!:-ff r In-iVin* |u rftl! fn*t hinisrlf 

si 5 11 ifivt* 



l**or, as 

hal rri*-iiu !ii.i ;irttl affn-Ilnn b>r IIIIIK ami wanted 
hi HI f:r kiii',% o\vin?j l* bis nnnun ns j^iuwl 
snldit^f ant! librral inastrr-" And lit* bar! at- 



As in I );tra*s rrra% ibr Iv.ijM-nir i'f 
to fhnm* tht* rrsjM>u^ibiiily For his ilt*alh o 
nlluT-i. -Mnrad hail pul l> df^iffi a MTWtnry, 
rn CJiiVtTit**!* *f (;u/rr;il, Tlu* ivlrdivcs WrlT 
(o pr*Hirufr flu* bloml f<*ucl 
Ihty di^linnl Bui u 
cousin was Itril-*I to bring n c-.'jiil:ifrlmr^l 
a knu duly Uitorrd Tor Hio |?nrpr^', tmi 
Prints' WUH c-rmdi'itWi'tl to dratlt, uucl 
in liis priHufi* Khali Khun says that " His 
gnirliiiis Majesty rewarded llir eldest sun for 
not i nforrinjJ his rlniui of blood." 

Swh a re|huiri>!. of bypoi-risy is quite 
chariM'hTislic f Aurun^/iin otnl winds up 

n|*|*ruj>riab'!y his COIuUurl tft ivlatioil t-O hlH 

dchuicti viciitru 




Ill 

RESULTS OF ArnrNC/ffVS !M UPATIUX 

IN tracing the causes of flu* ilirlinr of ffir Mogul 
Empire under Aurung/Jh, his romim*). pirvttms 
to his accession must In* tn'krn info atTntini . 
For, though he removal nil nhstarlrs to his 
ambition, his triumph was !t*arly bought, lit* 
had given a great shock foflir Impcriii! author- 
ity; impaired its moral iiif)m<m*t' ; ahjttml its 
character as the impartial am!, so to sprak,* 
undenominational sw.v of n itatrntul snvn-ritMi 

v I ' * 

over all his subjects; atnl st't an 'X?mij!r <>lt 
what I may call political pttrriritfc, whifh wa 
only too likely to be ituttnUtl in clin- iinu- by 
his posterity. Thus, howwor stttK-cssfttt ;tl the 
moment, he had sown n pU?nt iftil f-n.ji r,f { rml,!rs, 
disaffection, and const-qufnf wr-akncss for Uu 
future. 

The deposition and vltw iinpr$st>nifnt of 
his- father was an audacious mmtvutmn 
breach of allegiance, and an act of high tmistm 
perpetrated against an eminent and able monarch ; 
and an act of cruelty to a indiitgcnt father, 
in violation of the primary instincts nncl obli- 
gations of humanity. As such, it must have 




***' 

fs 



;/.i it stmi'Ks uts srtuw'rs u 

sent a thrill f imli:;n:.'ii"! d hnrror f '"'outfit 
the heart of I he Kmpire. and ? '(; u;;.l!y ;MT? Mrd 
the flow of the old -.,-..,' ii,-..-j,l, of rrvr'-uec- 
and devotion to the Head of thr Stat% which 
Akbnr and his --w"- -MV-; l;d inspiml. This 
v " in" uncn -i"H wn^ drejieued 1*y the fall* 
to which he ha*! ''"' ! ' t^u<l his eldest and yr.unu- 



whit'h !> Imd iiip!"V(l fn- tlvir fl< 
Like I'ilnh 1 , h- luul wa-.h* il his h.'nut*. mid 
afft'Hwl to lr jMiitH'"' of thrir Muml. Hn, like 
Hniry viti., hr hail |fMvwd thi- fttiuitainK f 
iitstirt' 1y nnirl< rin-f thrm juM:i-i;il!y, Al thr 
sinijilt* Monul hal l'-n h-il. like Il t 
the shtujflili-r, l.y *l;ilomtr tisu: uf snncti- 
ntitii)us tr-nrk-ry. CJruutiM* !.y:iJtv, pctrftnitnl 
clvvoltim t ssti-h n main wrv t of tin' qwtttit.m : 
he- ctMihl m-illuT lt* lvi-il, rrs|H't?tt'l, r trusted ; 
tint! iMiisi rtly, fur tilw'tJJ4'M<', OH ft'iir, force*, 
unning, and si'tf-wtwstwl <-om|Hinf.. 



c 



generally, the Hindu..'-; had speeitd a'tnd more 
twrsomd' reasons tf t't rnitgeruent from th new 
Ki|M-rt.r. The attitude he had assumed, and 
tin; f.reteee wltieli hnti btnt alleged for the 
execution of Dura, obviously indieait-d a ntw 
and to thet unfriendly departure in Imperial 
policy. Whether Aunmjr/ib was, or was not, 
Ktncerc, in hoisting the Iwinner of the Crescent 
aguinKt h eldest brother, and justifying his 
exclusion from the Hueacssbn, and his execution, 




46 HKsri/rs OF ,\riirM;xnrs r>rm'A f nnx 

on the ground of his *-.yiM|:iMa with the Hindoo 
religion (ts one htslnnru* t-'-liiMMy si^le^) the 
Hindoos must have felt tfwt %u*h n u^r-erv, 
followed by a eapi^M en?i* ii-.f?:'n"M in |}|c* sninc 
sense, was nti . ;tppfd fo !br MH'irS* cJisroun* 
tennnccd but lurking spirit of Mnv^nlnmti fannii* 
cism and politienl evhiMvenf'--., rinrl 'hnrlfcl no 
good to them, under thr <l*uj}nififi nf Inm \vho 
had, on the strength uf if, ut>n hi-, ivay ft* the 
throne, 

Such a eonvH'iin-H nnisl havi* nwdr tliem 
rebels in their Iu*ails from the lir.sf, thiiurrh the 
smouldering lire of tliNaffc*ffion \v;js inr the time 
suppressed. 

While Kitdh w<re the impressinris jr''Klun*d 
by Aurung/ib's roiuhtct on tin* imnifs niul hearts 
of his subjects, Nemesis ws nl u-trk in his nwn 
bosom* The stints fif nmscient'f h*.* ndifht ig- 
nore, or alleviate them by hi* stroufj ({riuston 
that he wan the fntc?d and {V:\unnd in^rutnent 
of Heaven. But he* cwild nut shtit his t*ycs to 
the danger of his wins nvmlif*K llH-niselves of his 
unpopularity to rtiuiiute nptm him iiis In^lnmA 
of Shah Jeharu And in his hmely cmiwtnw. 
eonseious of his own falHrnr^, aiui jndj'in!- others 
by himself, lie wan iitfittttdy wisjiieitms uf all 
men* 

Hefiee he adopted a iystnn t>f minute super- 
vision, seeret espionfige f ehwkn itntl (^tutt(*r 
eheeks.on officials, limittition cif the tlisrreticm 
. and means of his employ& double ttpiMisiitiiietttH 



ms six FINDS HIM OIT AS ,\ i:ri,r;n 47 



of inili'arv *'''i 



n 



want of 



i!]i!!v ; /ri! for tlu* 
* iii' rivil i..f\-t i riH 



aiul thus ^rrrHt}- <*oninlHilt'il {* tiKkt* his mhnuti* 
stratum urff*-rli\<' anil lus nruts tiiii'trosjH.'rous. 

Thus liis ,'imhitinii hi I fir C'lul nvrr-l*-;ijirci 
ilst'lf; ;m<l his -\Jtlfal5Mi involved a iiiiiiiiliitfiiig 
drc'julnu 1 !* of his pcmrr, nwl of ilu* Knipin.% of 
i hi* was Ih** rvil j.f* niux 




IV 
AUIIUNG7JJVS NEW POLICY 

How Aurung/ib came to adopt a rourso so 
different from that of his predecessors, so obvi- 
ously inexpedient from ft political {mint of view, 
and so fatal in its result, might serin strange, 
did not history present many nnalogous phen- 
omena* His conduct is usually acwnmtU'd for 
by his intense bigotry* if not f;m;ificism, which 
blinded him to the inevitable 
of his rash proceedings, like his eo 
James n., 

** Th** A >: ' 
Who lost three Kiu"lr*Mf tot .1 M*t 



There is no doubt truth in this vknv, but 1 

' T 

believe that it is not the whole truth, and that 
though he was a Mahometan efrfco/, lie haul also 
a politieal object in his persecution of the .Hindoos 
whieh was congenial to his natural character, 
and confirmed by the circumstances of his 
rivalry with his brother Dara. Even of James n* 
Hallam says that it seems diftic-uil to deteniiine 
whether love of Popery or love of dc&pottam 
was the stronger incentive to hig mad course. 
And, considering how unscrupulously and. hypo- 



r 



f" 

iOT in*; OM,Y i\n;vnvF, 4?t 3 



critically AWUH"/?! tn^lr ;:**;? inil fapifnl *C 
lib ftrlhi"!*>'\v to ntlist .MT;"{. Jits y'j;n/r>!- 
brother* in tin* **.?. *?:;.;;-:! >:';, nuJ ih<* nllr^rtf 

inftfid Hnimanl *f fhr ;! i-nn". and In rid himself 

: 

! of l)?mt in thr titfl bv a r^i-if.-! sM'itrur*'* t>n tbr 

i * * 

same* *:rHi!M(. if inl^lil hi* r'Vfii stinnJ^'d that 
I his ?**a.l M*r Inr J;MI i u.*.- *^ in* 1 !** r.H,fK^iM trtvt.l 

' Iris ambit ious d^.^ij*!* ^S" fJiaUinjj binwlf Kt(ip<-rrr ; 

which I'M* fHnififil ;*.s a juNtifirati*n <*F IJK "V*u'ifcMic*c* 
I and rnirJI\ M Huf Ibis i% In f fu o-.ft-iil with a 

i marc* Jntiiuaff LMMV, s< !:;* of tin* lurili and his 

! IntiT cron!u - *L Tit* rr r;n t I tliink* b* no doubt 

1 that h* wns ; ; i n-sd '/,calot nd stiekh-r fVir tbr 

Koran and its iiMtinrii*n" on tlitir own acvount, 
lint, it <l*es not tbfrrfon* fcilhiw that i'4'H^ious 
^ wilt Jifuiit* at'tuatoti hiju. 

That fir should lwv*? brni nltnHu*d lo his 
tradttioiuil fait It -was nalunil j for, btrinjy n 1111111 
of luirrfAv inh'llt*c't w r itb no spwuluf iv<* tfiicfc*iic*y f 
hu wii?4 nrii iriiifilrtl to drpaH from it.; while* if* 

arnbilion by its prtmiisrs of divine aid to t;hi* 
citampiou *f tin* faitlt ; and in its futaitam it 
ctmb!c*d him t-o lay n flalf.t'ring unotion to bi 
soul# tlnit tfn*u^h fits Injuns ttiigiit be 
Ills enditu* ;mrtidai*y of tshun- would 
a. rrnilt.itiiiic* of sins, and tbut, t'vt-ii in their 
commission, lie WHS but atrtirtg out a prcHlcstincd 
career. This Htrou# ilclusimi to have 

sustoineii him tlirt'iiigli his long and arduous life, 

but to have fiiilecl at the* liint^ and left him 
4 




50 AURUNGZm'S HEW POLICY 

miserably uncertain, ami seriously nppr^ 
of his fate In the after-world. His last uf I 
In substance amounts to n palinode of his life- 
long confidence in the divine nnu.lonMion of 
Jehu-like faith without works of mercy and 
genuine morality. 

To appreciate the political objrrt which in 
practice coincided with Atiruu#/,ih's it'Ligiottg 
bigotry, we must consider his personal char- 
acter, and his position when he enl<-i'e<l the 
lists against Dara Shukolu Austere in ntoruls 
self-centred, and reserved, he was neither subject 
to zenana influences nor s\vayrd by favourites. 
Indeed, he seems to have had no intimate 
personal friends. His strength of will amounted 
to obstinacy, and made him impervious alika 
to the counsels of ministers, to prudential con- 
siderations, and to the lesions of experience* 
Indefatigable in the pursuit of his own objects, 
he was equally ready to face diftictilty, clungiT, 
a&d suffering himself, and regardless of the 
feelings, the sentiments, nnd the interest of 
others. Proud, imperious, .suspicious, and vigil- 
ant, he was a proficient in <untting stutrfnift, 
^ n inspiring awe, guarding against couspinicu^ 
and maintaining his personal authority ; but 
deficient in real statesmanship and comprdten- 
sive insight into the fundamental conditions 
of his P owe ^ and the impolicy of abusing it 
Cold-hearted, exacting^ unsympathetic, * and 
Censorious on slight or inadequate grounds 



POUTK AL AN1> MH I.M. MfUf'MS 51 

to his abh'st and im**t trusty Mrthrmutnn M v- 
vants, towards his Hindoo Mthjt-rt.s he was 
haughty, .supftvilwus, and ct.nU !jtu*>ir~, 
rni to tht-m t rtpprwatr thrir 



qualilK'<, bttt. k*'fiJy 
tlu'ir strung, and, in his 



too 



ntti anfipaflc lit- to 
^, Imrtwrotis jn't'uli- 
ihrir vulfpr supr- 

stttinns, and Hui Jit't-utimiMit-vs <f many tf ftir 
popular ritrs. 

,Muvt'iivT, hf (l".|ii-''i utul \ilijit-injtfl UK* 
Hindoos as ijifnicr and rofiju* 4 r'd rwv, 
wht), by Akltar'x huii'vatiitjt jt4it'y had brr 
allowt'ii 1< usurp u jKisitirm f jH.litit-a! atuf 
social rqnalify with tlwir natural 
which WHS quail v tn:tpjmprial<' am 
able. 

Thus, ftpjtrl frwiu his rrti<us b 
such 11 man as Arung?,it, who was, momwr, 
the nan of it Tarlar itiotltCT. it vvtnihl sw.ri 
anomsilous arid iiupropfr I hut l! J IliitdooH 
shwuld be plum) n levt-I with the northern 
ratvs, in the Mtdiiff ;\<-s it would hnvc 
to thi' Aujjlu-lrish *f tlw pale that 



to 



the C<'!ti' population lh*t "wild Irish," * 
they wtw mllcil shimld be iwrorponticd with 
them on equal tisnns ; and to the jealous main- 
taincrs of Protestant uwwrnljuicy in Ireland, 
in the cighti^ntli n-nlury, that the Roman 
Catholics should lie placet! on it politteol and 
social level with thcnwclv. That his pre- 
decessors had so treated them would, to so 




lint, 
to 



iul 



52 AUlUIXC/IirS NEW I'OMfY 

proud, sdf-opinumnlHl* ami self-wHlnl a man, 
be no convincing argument for his eon! inning 

to do so; and all the less MI, \vhrn he 'Mir-5I<-iv<| 
that the most serious nIrJ;;.v!*< lo liis ;;um!nrm 
had been the result of this !-,:, inim?, the 
political prominence and military newer of the 
Rajputs, and their eiiHmM:!sl<e <Ir\cilimi fo 
Data, from his rxfrnnr iibmtlisw, and ;ille^'cj 
sympathy with their religion. 

Hence he was inelinecl li> r^vrrM- UK* nlie 
of his anccsLui-s; and nut *fily t> n--{;in 
to treat the llindotts as itn 5ufrrur nie 
brand them with the old shutip >f subjiTt 
the jizya -which Akhar lmI nhulished : 
thus prepare the wiry for their ilrjirrssion in fitc 
social scale, the snppiujf of Ifu'ir prililirjil inHti* 
enee, and their eventual redueJion to the stitius 
of a subject population, dommat^il by I lie: 
privileged class, on whose* rightful a 
they had been allowed to enitroaeh. 

The time when the jizt/ti was 
in 1677, tends to coniirni the view tlwt 1 imvcj 
taken of the mixed motives Unit, sui^/estrd Ihu 
measure. For many years tlu* | f eiu*pi of the 
Koran, that the conquered infidel sholl IKS 
ta^ed as such, had been ignored, mul jtllowcd 
to remain a dead letter* But in the interval 
.events had occurred which, while they iiutHt 
haye mitigated the Kmperor^H eontempt for 
the Hindoos, had inllaiiied Mn autnioHity 

..sgainst them ? and inelitted him to himself 



SIVA.II> 



, 
it*' '" '"' (! ' 

( |,.. ,' , 1 t .. "i i- > 

of H, '" , - ' ' ' 
.! M ,'-.'! " - ; : ^ 
Hilt-inn . ' ' ':'.' "' 
li'i- n. Jill t 5i "! I" ' ' 



vi - WM \l\nii-lUF VI 

, r! '' ' ' >'' 



I l 1 ** ,' ft UI 



,, iu ,-,tl ilk' 
.,,! .,., 

Such uufun 



, 



" ' 1" "'' ' "' ' ' '"'' '" 



ntl ' ! 



mra/Mi .-I'lln.' . tnu! l!.. M.. '.., of flu- 
Kr.uu fo nil! i !!' :'.M-i'- : - '""' 
thr xr.il of 1 ' M.n'irl. n ,nh|i'rl nii 
int iimui"i.i:tt . lr ill*- 



to lt:v* 
:uit| hi, r 



i I.; hi. 
r Hi" Hi 



tin- 



thf 
sway. 



- of Jiis fvr;itMvil 



m ^ Hr 

-prn-it wt, 

<rt'* at 



54 



AORUNGZTB'R HEW POMCY 



Lastly, it is a significant circumstance, (hat 
Khafi Khan states thai (he jizya was imposi-d 
with the object of not only "<listinmiislnn.tj the 
land of the faithful from an inikk-l laml," but 
also of " curbing the infldeh." 



SIVAJI'S CAREER 

THE Mogul Empire had gradually pushed its 

way into the Dekkan, and had destroyed some, 

threatened, weakened, and rendered tributary 

others, of the older Mahometan kingdoms which 

existed there. Under Shah Jehan Ahmednuggur 

had been finally incorporated as a province 

of the Empire. But farther south Bijapur 

and Golconda, or Hyderabad, still remained 

separate and almost independent, though over- 

awed and assailed by Prince Aurungzib. 

On the conquest of Ahmednuggur, one of 
Its sturdiest danders, Sahu (otherwise Shahji), 
a Mahratta officer, had transferred his allegiance 
to the King of Bijapur, who had bestowed on 
him some jagUres, or benefices, in the outlying 
districts of the Western Ghats-not far from 
Bombay. Shahji was non-resident. He was 
IS J be, on his mother's side, of R^put 
descent. And he had a son, Sivaji, who com- 



. 

bined the Rajput gallantry and ^ of 
adventure with the extremely stute and 
disposition 
youth grew 



; $ 

i 



56 SIVAJVS CARKKK 

well calculated to develop and erowti with 
success his daring projrr! of nrhfrvin^ (or him- 
self and his tribesmen poltiieitl indcprndrnrv. 
He was the manager of his father's districts. 
The country around was wild, broken, *tfici 
dense with jungles and foresls. The sleep hill- 
tops, which studded it in profusion, were 
crowned with rudely romt ruel t -d but , froni 
their situation, often formidable* forts. Deep 
ravines and gloomy defiles .favoured partisan 
warfare, and. made the approaches of rr^ulnr 
troops difficult ami dangerous. The humid 
climate was ill suited to the inhahihiniK of the 
lower country, and the frequent and heavy 
rains and violent tempests were a serious 
obstacle to military opr-rafions, and involved 
great hardship and dungrr to an iiivadt'r, un- 
familiar with the country and im*xpt*ri<'m'fj| 
in warfare on such a scene, 
. This strong country was people) partly by 
Mahrattas, partly by more primitive Iribcs; 
but both classes were (HKtingiifelttrti for harIi- 
* f hood, enterprise, cunning, ami twr tif inde- 

pendence and plunder. 

- J. ; ' t The central authority at Jiijnpur wan wrsik. 
distracted by interim! tlisHeiiKitnts dtiring n 
minority, and by the threatening atiiftule aincl 

;;^ ; j aggressive movements of Shuh Jdwn*s rcpro- 

- ^> , sentative Prince Auningaib. The young Sivuji 

, ' V " saw ^ opportunity, and, several years imforc 

\Vt ' the Prince became the Bmperor f entered on 




fill ' 
M'H '' "*" 

Wit* ii 



Ilk*' 



and ."H < ' 

riitfl th* ! 



thr fi 1 MM* ^l |if f 

hKftituiii, Ki u 
nf lint * 

ilrnn lid i/ i* % 



Win ft* 
cj| ii c 
fir 



nf I i 



til UK 

til till tM%MUM*MI 



,1 J , , *, * 

SI ? 
,*< f * 

f 1 i f M * 



4 f IH 



n 



, Hi! (( f 



MH* 




58 SIVAJI'S CAIIKKR 

those disturbed times took little heed of what 
any one did. So ? when the jflp[irtlar*# complaint 
arrived, he obtained no redress, because no one 
took any notice of it" (KHtot, vil 257). 

This he explains by the Wtfligewu', corrup- 
tion, and selfish preoccupation of the officials, 
and the diversion of government to more 
serious menaces elsewhere. Hence he continues ; 
"The reins of authority over that country fell 
into his hands, and he at length became the 
most notorious of all the rebels. He assembled 
a large force of Mahratta robbers and plunderers, 
and set about reducing fortresses. The first 
fort he reduced was that of Chanclun (Grant 
Duff says Torna was his first capture). Alter 
that he got possession of some other fortresses 
which were short of suppliers, or were* in charge 
of weak or inexperienced commandants* Kvil 
days fell upon the kingdom of Bijapur. The 
operations of Aurung/ib against that country 
when he was a prince in the reign of his father 
brought great evil upon the country, and other 
troubles also arose* Sivaji day by clay in- 
creased in strength, and reduced all the forts 
of the country, so that in course of time he 
became a man of power and means. He had 
drawn together a large force, and, protected 
by mountains and Jungles full of trees, lie 
ravaged and plundered in all directions, far 
and wide. The inaccessible forts of Rajgarh 
and Chakna were his abodes, and he had secured 



AURUNGZIB FOSTERS SIVAJI'S GROWTH 59 

several islands in the sea by means of a fleet 
which he had formed. He built several forts 
also in those parts, so that altogether he had 
forty forts, all of which were well supplied with 
provisions and munitions of war " (Elliot, vii. 258). 

Such is the account of the rise of the heroic 
leader of the Hindoo reaction given by a historian 
who was engaged in Aurungzib's service, and 
who, while he hated Sivaji as an infidel dog, 
and denounced him as an arch-rebel and past- 
master in the art of plundering, was not in- 
sensible to his military skill and formidable 
capacity as the creator and organiser of an 
anti-Imperial polity. I have, therefore, quoted 
it at length. But I must continue more 
summarily. 

This sudden and portentous growth of pre- 
datory power was doubly owing to Aurungzib, 
The above account ascribes the neglect of the 
growing danger to the distracted attention of 
the Bijapur Government caused by that Prince's 
operations against it. And when he quitted 
the Dekkan in quest of the Imperial throne, 
he left the scene open to Sivaji's enterprise, 
unchecked by the presence of the Mogul army. 

Thus the establishment of Sivaji's power, 
which might otherwise have been crushed in its 
early stage, was indirectly at least not a little 
due- to Aurangzib himself. 

A complete account of the reign of Aurung2db 
would include a narrative of his so-called conquest 




60 SIVAJFS CARKKR 

of Assam* But this is not mr INS; try for our 
purpose. 

It is, however, dcsinibic* tu nbsrrvr thai the 
conquest was iumrnphlr ml <'j>li; mT;f ; that 
the sufferings of the troops rmployrd, wul the 
loss of life, were great; that Mir Juntlru one 
of the Emperor's, most disliu^uUhrd m-nrrnls, 
was worn out, and died at thr close of Hie cam- 
paign ; and that this antbilious and iH-rsdvJsrd 
scheme of unnexaiiou <*xhihitvd almndnnt {ire- 
monitory symptoms of the ilrni^eruus aiul ex- 
hausting teudency of such a policy of iviur*|-e 
aggression, where the eouuiry ami the climate 
fought on the Bide of UK? enemy. Ilui Hie 
warning was lost on the Kinpcror. 

The Bijapur Government undertook to sup- 
press the formidable rebel Afauil Kbait, nn 
eminent oflieer, was sent a^ninsi bint, Sivajt 
was a many-sided man, lie ecriild fjfjht well 
on occasion. But, like Mahmtta* in ^cnem! f 
he preferred to prevail by slratritfew. lit! now 
professed a desire of reeoneiliatJoit with big 
sovereign, and, affecting timidity, obtained a 
private Interview with the unwary general, a 
assassinated him. Rejoining tils followers, 
incited them to fresh efforts, and became 
formidable than before, lie clefentec! itttfjtlter 
Bijapur general, who bad been sent to avenge 
Afeal; increased the number of liis forte; 
.organised the government of Ills territory; 
ravaged vigorously that of Bijapur ; plundered 



Arr\i,/n: in >^ \ \ <* n* 



\,\i ,,t 



c;jr;>s ,n . :*ni *' ! *** T '< < f f '*e JM H r *;/ t 



i i | if t < t ;t , i nj {f i f I ! *' 

', v t In },I \1 * * *H* { r r ti f *! 



Koran ? J <' 



,. s ',,.' ! to : J rl tl, 



iiml i'* 1 '' 1 .- ' ' V. JM! n 

Dui ilHlf djf f M * { * >*! , 



, iiM h* t I , f !M 4 <1 ;>i h \ , t 
S!t;Mh* Khali u;js ili^ 



ir* u";n l . ' i 1 : 
Sn iin.tr Uf u* *trt'i!}ib l 
Sivuju V. !^:i- fi !i! i , r* tin d 
Htr lifijnrl'ff ;niii) *n if r ni;r 
iipjioif unit} 4if niiin t \iiM' 
Ill Viiia ,'t s|ir'i;t liitrc u* f 
tins* Tin* M;thriif{;i% \u r** 



In 



n J:iii!i;tr 



Inil ofjfy t 
!i, and st i/ f r 



ii*:* 1 if. 
to prrvi lit 
it4i f ft Ix* 



Hut tin 



fliui 



with Ilii ;{Hraittn. f rfu ^* M*'-* r* stiff* ri'tlsi^v 
Iwrfh In flu* itjn ml ifiis^ null fruui the 
ruiiH, Tin* native hiMnrht! Ktys plumfively : 
u Tlu* luuskeis were rendered i-tseli-ss, I fit* powder 
ttpotit, flit* IIUWH iU*priv<*il of their slrin^n n ; 
mini the tniops %t* disguHU*d iincl cHbheiirtwu'd. 



02 SIVAJI'S CARKKH 

At last the place; was taken by < 
But such an opening of the, war was inauspi- 
cious, and too significant of its destined course. 
The next incident was still more disefucerh"nff. 
Shaista Khan had taken up his qu.-tHers in 
Sivaji's own house at 1'oonn, and strict in- 
junctions were issued that no Malmtf tn WHS to be 
allowed to enter the town. But Sivaji's audaeily, 
ingenuity, and hum<ur made him an unrivalled 
partisan leader, and helper! him now to achieve 
one of his most notable feats. On Hu* pretence 
of escorting a bridal procession, a number of 
his men gained admittance. Others had the 
impudence to effect their entrance in the guise 
of triumphant captors of a party of MahroUns, 
whom they dragged along through the streets. 
At night, Sivaji, at the head of the united body, 
, | fell suddenly on Shaista Khan's quarters. life 

; i' son and an officer who resembled him, w re 

;!;; killed. Shaista Khan himself lost n thumb 

in the scuffle, and owed his life to two slave 
girls, who hid him in a. corner. The assailants 
caused the commandant's drums to be, beaten, 
and in the noise and confusion effected their 
escape without loss. Shaista Khan evidently 
suspected Jeswunt Sing's lulwwarmms*, if no"t 
complicity, in this affair. He met his condolence 
with the significant remark : " I thought the 
Maharaja was in his Majesty's service when 
such an evil befel me." And the Emperor 
passed censure both upon the Khan (i, e 



JEI SKNT TO MAKE SIVAJI SfRMlT fid 

Slims!;*} nml lirtjii .Tr-.,\vti:rl/ 1 ' fir rmdlerl 
Shnisfo, and n-p!;M'*'ft him % Printer Moa'/.fttim, 
But Jes\vwU was still rmpJoyrd ttmlrr hint. 

Tlit* prnsjM'H d;trk<*tu*d iittflrr flit* nvw ri%t!ric% 
Sivaji #rt'\v still holder, roir^nnfly nss;tiIr(J 
Ilir I! jHTial f 'frit * ry aiul r* !* vr v % srixccl 
t%vo fcnls mi I he sltttfv urar Surnt* nnd fiteiicc* 
infrr^i^jifril naval traHir; ami rven f*H on I lie 
pilgrim ships, bonne! fur Mrrrn, n pravr profanity 
in th' *y<s ff the <I-\-c>nl Anrun^/jh. This 
nssanH. *n his .n-Ii^i^n was followed up by a 
daring ittsnlt f* his poiifieal pri(h\ Sivaji began 
to give himself myal iiir^, and roinnl nicinry 
cf his own. l^riner Mm/.zam was appan'iilly 
not t'cjunl to the i-uier^'m-y,, Hr too (hero 
fort? rmdkrd, nnd n ww plan wns adopted, 
Sivaji was said to buve ttrtjpul bluoii in his 
vt-inn, iiiiil his military rapaeily wits now WffH 
c^tublisttrti, Hut ii {i!rri>fiItM)tlrd Hajjmt l*rint*e f 
who was also an ^nam^tt unit walous tuiperinl 
genera!* wight fit* welt adapted both to cope 
with him in the lirlij, ami to overawe and 
negoliafe 'with him, nnd by forc*e ami moral 
trtHuence einnblned itttlucH* btin to sulmtifc to 
the JmpfTiat aulbortty. The result seemed, 
for the time, to j tint if y the exptTimcnt. J'd 
Sing | tin* Huja- *if Jt*ipurJ promptly captured 
Poorumihur, one of Sivaji's strongest fortresnes; 
and for five months carried fire and swonl into 
hw territory, 'reducing much of it to n desert 
Not, however, without retaliation. " The sudden 






64 SIYAJI'8 CAREKU 

attacks by the enemy," says Klwfi Khan, " their 
brilliant succrss. their avsaulK in tlurk nights, 
their seizure of the roads and diHieul! passes* mid 
the firing of the jungles Full of trrc;, -,< -vei-ely 
tried the Imperial Forces, nnd men mid beasts 
in great numbers p -rKhrd " (vii. ;|7."$). Hfill 
Jci Sing persevered; ntiii \v:s f"rhni;f- j-notiFh 
to blockade closely K;jravb, in \vbirh were 
Sivaji's wife and tnalerwtl n i;ifiv ( . For {heir 
sake, and probably <indin,' hhtiself vrnitalrhnj 
for the time, and hoping lo protil by flic nieinJ 
and religious sympalhics nf the K.-.jpuf. Sivnji 
opened nvgoliuiitnts; nd, b inn will n-rfived. 
and led to expect no! only pardon, but favour 
and office from (he Kinpernr. he c-Mite lt terms; 
agreed to surrender his principal fort* (refain- 
ing twelve small ones), to cnli-r MM? hupem! 
service, and to send his youn^ sou, JJM n fuistatfe 
for his own fidelity, to Delhi. Aimin/ih ri-tulily 
ratified tlie agreement, and Sivji inaivlit-d with 
Jei Sing against itijapur, iiiui much disf hi Cashed 
himself in the campaign espveially in fort- 
taking. At its clow, he and his SUM S;,nl,aji 
were sent to Delhi, ul hit, wett rcyti^t i had n'n 
audience of the Krnperor; and wm- /M-neiuusfy 
received. 

Thus tlie Muliruttn troubles st-fruttt to be 
ended, and Aurongzib's kin^ruft tw Imvt; 
attained its object, But the end was wA ye!, 

The recorded account of the rmmatltHtion 
and renewed breach between these two remark- 



-ATJRUNGZIB'S VIEW ON SIVAJI'S SUBMISSION 65 

able men suggests questions which it is difficult 
*o answer at all confidently. But I will en- 
deavour, as they occur, to state what the 
character of each, and the circumstances of the 
case, seem to indicate as the most probable 
Conclusions. The first question arises out of 
"What I have already related. 
_ How far was the formal reconciliation, ab 
****to'0, concluded in good faith, on either side ? 
J-Jiat Aurungzib, informed of Sivaji's wholesale 
surrender of the keys of his position-his strong 
torts, assumed that he had drawn the viper's 
tangs, and that it had therefore ceased to be 
dangerous, seems not improbable. And Sivaji's 
Cutting himself and his son into the Emperor's 
power at Delhi, was a strong additional reason 
tor inferring that he really meant to mend his 
Banners, and look to Aurungzib as his patron. 
Tlie Emperor also probably relied much on Jei 
Sing's assurances of Sivaji's political conversion. 
Tims he might be inclined not only at the 
moment to hail with satisfaction the convenient 
pacification, but to try the experiment of per- 
manently reclaiming the formidable filibuster, 
by condoning his offences and admitting Mnl 
to favour. Yet, I suspect, not without serious 
repugnance and misgivings, and a resolution to 
keep a tight hand over him, to trust him as 
little as was compatible with professed friend- 
liness, and to deal summarily with him on the 
first symptoms of a relapse. 
5 



! 66 SIVAJrS CAREER 

' On the other hand, Sivnji, 1 brlk've, was 

j only acting a part, which ho meant to make 

f subservient to a very different om% when if; 

1 should suit him to throw off the mask. He had 

1 conceived high hopes of proinoi if m In I he Imperial 

service, from Jci Sing's ivpn-s'.-nf;ifiuiis. To in* 
gratiate himself with Aurun^/ih; to distmfjnish 
; himself, as he had done at Itij;ipm\ in active 

,,, % service, in a command for which lit* had proved 

his competence ; to wquin- influence, and wield 
resources, which he might insidiously juul lib- 
ruptly divert to bis own purpose <s- v nmj <*ni}>loy 
against his employer: would he* <|$fifr in rtreord- 
ance with his profound suhllcty, his uusrrupii- 
lousness, his persona! ambition, und bis national 
aspirationsin short, with the whole bent of hit* 
peculiar genius. And swh, 1 Iidk*vf% was his 
calculation* 

1 But at Delhi his sanguine hopes were* 

promptly dashed* He had count wl wilhtail hln 
host, or rather, us so often happens wbcn malcrh* 
makers and peace-makers interfmsc liieir well- 
intentioned offices, the extent of the Kuipenir's 
., . placability and readiness to employ him had 

been exaggerated. At the* njieniii/r of the 
negotiations, Jei Sing luid assured him that he 
would receive a high mumub-w honorary 
military command. And in subsequent; prtvutc 
conferences he had gone much furiht'r, and 
induced Sivaji to assume that he would be 
placed in a position favourable for the further* 



,s 
e 

,t 
t! 



h 
c 



WHY WAS SIVAJr SO DEEPLY MOHTIFFKl)? 67 

ance of iiis ulterior, though carefully concealed, 

purpose. But when Jel Sing reported the 
progress of the negotiation to lite Kmprror, 
he ws less explicit ; for he did not venture lo 
prescribe any specific mode of treatment foi 
completing flic cure of the convalescent political 
patient. Or, us Khali Khan puts it;: " Hiijn 
Jci Sing had flallrred Sivnji wifh promise's ; 
but. as the Haja knew the Emperor lo have a 
strong feeling against Sivaji, he artfully re- 
framed from making known the promises he 
had held out." Mint! ilhv Ittchri/nu*' ! Sivaji\s 
annoyan<-<% disrippoinf inrnt, and complaints, 
which are rrconted by the historian, and the 
consequences of which were so eventful in the 
M'cjucl, were I he natural rmtlts of this double- 
dealing, though neither Hani Sing, Jei Sing's 
son, to whom they were confided, nor the 
historian himself, seems to have understood 
their deepest ground. Klrnfi Khan implies that 
Sivaji took offence at the mere circumstance 
thut the mum ah grunted to him was not; high 
enough, but only the same as was bestowed 
on his young son, nml on one of his relatives, 
who had done good service in the late campaign 
ugain#l Rijapur, namely, that of a panj-hazan, 
or nominal commander of five thousand men, 
instead of a Iwft-hazari, or commander of seven 
thousand. This was no doubt a grievance, 
capable of being avowed as a breach of a specific 
assurance at the opening of the negotiations^ 




68 SIVAJFS CAREER 

and as placing Sivaji on the same level as his 
boy and his follower. But this was not the 
root of the bitterness of spirit which he ex- 
hibited. He was not a man to resent wrathfully 
the mere fact that, so to speak, he had been 
made a CJB. instead of a K.C.B. Manucci 
says that lie took offence at being ranged at 
Court in a low station, and openly expressed 
his disgust and resentment. Hence a second 
question occurs to which what I have already 
said will supply what I believe to be the most 
probable answer. Why was he so seriously 
perturbed, and so bitterly disappointed ? Was 
it not because he realised that he was checked, 
if not checkmated, in his deep, secret game?" 
Because he had too good reason to suspect that 
Aurungzib -was resolved to give him no oppor- 
tunity of playing it, and, whether the arch- 
dissembleir saw through him or not, judged 
that he himself had done enough by putting 
him off with a second-rate honorary decoration, 
and had no intention of employing him in such 
a position, as was indispensable for his ulterior 
purpose ? 

To Ram Sing he complained that he had 
not been properly treated, instancing, in par- 
ticular, tJae minor honorary distinction. The 
Emperor "was informed of what is called "his 
disrespeetfid bearing "; whereupon " he was 
dismissed with little ceremony, forbidden to 
reappear at Court, relegated to a house in 



AURUNGZIB'S AMBIGUOUS ATTITUDE 69 

the suburbs, and orders were given to the 
kotwal (i.e. the chief of the police) to place 
guards round it. 55 

A third question here presents itself : What 
were the Emperor's real intentions with regard 
to him at this moment ? 

There can be no doubt that he was much 
scandalised and very indignant at-Sivaji's pre- 
sumption, and testified his high displeasure by 
banishing him from the Court, and secluding 
him in his house. But was this all ? 

The placing of a guard round his quarters 
looks equivocal and sinister. 

Had not the so-called " disrespectful bearing " 
of Sivaji struck Aurungzib as symptomatic of 
the spirit of self-assertion and latent disaffection 
which he had never ceased to fear, might still 
lurk in the breast of the wily though hitherto 
obsequious suppliant for his favour ? And if 
so, might he not be considering the expediency 
of ridding himself of all danger from such a 
quarter by putting Sivaji to death, or immuring 
him, as he did so many other dangerous political 
personages, in Gwalior ? This seems to me by 
no means improbable. 

If I have been rather lengthy in endeavouring 
to thread the maze of this encounter of wit 
between these consummately artful rivals, my 
apology must be that the fate of the Empire 
hung on the issue. / 

Bold as he was, Sivaji realised the imminence 



70 SIVAJPS CAREER 

/of his peril, and with his characteristic ingenuity 
extricated himself from it. Affecting severe 
illness, he presently announced his recovery, 
and in gratitude for it distributed copious alms 
to Brahmins, fakirs, and others ; especially 
of sweetmeats, which were sent out in large 
covered baskets, lie also sent, as presents to 
Brahmins, some horses, which were stationed at 
an appointed place some miles towards Miittra. 
A devoted follower took his plnee on his crouch, 
with a veil over his face, and Sivaji's ring 
prominently displayed on his hand, and nffVHrd 
sleep when visited. Sivaji and his son passed 
out of the city, eoneealed in the baskets, 
reached the horses, and with a Inr#c body of 
attendants galloped hard to Mutlrn. Three 
alarms .meanwhile of his suspected eneape lute! 
been given; but not until the third did an 
exaet inspection detect the* false* convalescent. 
Then aetive pursuit began, but was bullied 
b Y Siyaji's arts and rapid movement. He ami 
his friends disguised themselves ns mendicants, 
and hurried forward on foot, until they were 
apprehended on suspicion by an officer at an 
unnamed place. But Sivaji, taking the bull 
by the horns, avowed his identity, but by a 
bribe of two valuable jewels procured bin own 
liberation and that of his companion*. Their 
headlong flight after escaping this danger proved 
too much for the boy Sambaji ; and he was 
left at Benares in the charge of a Brahmin, 



T" 



SIVAJ! RKIWT.HS HIS GROUND 71 

who, after his :im-s.siun to the Kajnship, became 
his St'jawis, and his associate in death* 

The fufjilives hastened Ilmmgh IMntr by 
Patnn arid Chmuin, awl, inm-rsim* a thickly 
wooded rounl r\\ diverged suntln.vn.rds, and 
gained the Court of tin* King of CoUromla. 
rroscrihrd aiu-w Uy tht* Kiw|H k rt>i\ Sivuji had 
nothing to hopr front his r*ri v tjinal sovrrriKn, 
the King of Bijnpur. Bill his fiiinc% ami his 
solemn promises to hrlp his pn-srnl host, the 
(H)I<*oiKin. Kin^ lt> ivruvtT territory that had 
been wrested from him by his and SivajPs 
eomm<n enemies, proeured him the aid of 11 
iiiilitnry fom% the nucleus of u new nrmy f 
wiiieh was rapidly inereasrcl !>y the contingents 
of his own people. 

His progress tltctiwfwth was startlingly 
rapid. The iutstile but candid Mussulman his- 
torian says : u Ky fraud un<! si ratajf<*m, and by 
his marvellous skill In the conduct of sieges, 
every fort that he approached fell into his 
huntls." He contrived, by ingenious excuses^ 
to evade tin; delivery of most of these places 
to the King of CJl<:onclu's olllccrs, and retoined 
possession of thciiK Not less vigorous and 
successful were* his operations in his own Western 
wmntry, SJatam, Paraala, Ilajgiirh, and at last 
almost nil that he had surrendered were re- 
covered. 

And lie recommenced his defiant campaign 
in the lower country by a rapid and most 



SIVAJrS CAREER 

lucrative raid on Surat, where, however, the* 
English factory stoutly and sticcessfully re- 
sisted him. He captured also some ten thousand 
horses, and organised a cavnlry force of har^m 9 ^ 
that is, soldiers more iiufncdi.'tfely d^pendcnl; 
on him, as opposed to what, we should eall 
irregular horse, who provider*! their own steeds 
and equipments. Moreover, he rebuilt, lite* forts 
on the shore near Swat, which had been * lest roved, 
constructed a fleet, and preyed upon the shipping 
of that flourishing port, 

At Hajgarh ho construe! rd it stronger forlress 
than any of those* hitherto in his dominions, 
and took every precaution to mnke it Impreg- 
nable. There he fixed his ahodc, formally 
assumed the throne, devised wise requisitions 
for the conduct of his civil ^uwnnuenf, uiid 
the organisation of his increasing mid powerful 
army* There he defkcJ his Imperial adversary ; 
and thence, from time* to i;iriic% he emerged, 
to plunder the country from CJitxerat to the 
Coromandel coast; to levy ckvut* n commutu* 
tion of 25 per cent of the land revenue, in lieu 
of plunder; to baffle, ami t limes defeat, the 
Imperial armies; and to approve himself 1111 
irrepressible antagonist of the Great Mujru!, ^n 
heroic ehampion of MahratUi inclepeiiileiiec, and 
an unrivalled master of guerilla HIM! predatory 
warfare* 

I need not relate Mn after-careen For I 

^ ' hope I have sufficiently the 



SIVAJ1 < l !lK('KMATl-;$ A 



73 



of the* inn n and of his power, and the 
forinidahlewss of Ihr pmhh-ni which ho had 
propnundi'd for sulnf inn to (ho haughty, 
tyrannical, and ;>^;j;r^si\-r Kinpcror. He died 
in 18<K 



THE RE1MPOSTTION OF THE JIZYA, 
AND THE RAJPUT HKVOLT 

THE sudden, death of Sivaji suspended for a 

short time the contest in the Dekkan. But; 

Aurungzib's policy had. meanwhile produced a 
|rf, dangerous crisis in Hindustan. I need not 

r tj particularise his earlier measures, which were 

*'J calculated to annoy,, depress, and estrange his 

Hindoo subjects, but were endured without 

positive resistance* But the reuuposilion of 
J - the ji&ya was felt to bo at once an intolerable 

grievance, and a gross insult to the higher and 

^ * more influential classes, and it. no doubt pro- 

f; disposed the Rajputs to en^ajjfe in tlit* rising 

*i which the Emperor immediately provoked by 

I his arbitrary and suspicious trait went; of the 

family of one of their deceased .IVwees. 

I I** / 

'* The odiousncss, the injii^tiecs and the im- 

( policy of the jizya arc forcibly urged in the re- 

*?]* markable letter, of uncertain mtthorship, said 

/\ to ^ ave l> ee ^ addressed to Anruni/jh, and 

translated in Ornie's Fragments of the 
Empire. To its account of the disastrous results 
of the measure I shall refer later* But I will 



*J 

(H 



74 



RELIGIOUS OBJECTIONS TO THE JIZYA 75 

quote now what are evidently the genuine 
impressions of a thoughtful Hindoo on the 
injustice of this invidious murk of distinction,, 
urged on eompreheusive religious grounds, thus 
(so to speak) turning the tables on the bigoted 
Kmperor, and pointing out to him a more 
excellent way than lie* had adopted, of pleasing 
and conforming to the will of the Deity. 

44 If your nwjesty," ire says, "places any 
faith in thus* 1 hooks, by distinction called divine, 
you will then* be* instructed that God is the 
God of all mankind, not the God of Mahomedans 
alone. The Pagan and the Mussulman are 
equally in his presenee. Distinctions of colour 
are of bin ordination. It is he who gives 
existence. In your temples, to his name the 
voice in raised in prayer ; in a house of images, 
where the bell is shaken, still he ts the object 
of adoration." This would, perhaps be news 
to Am'uutfyJh, who, in his abhorrence of the 
popular polytheism, would fail to discern* and 
be equally unwilling to acknowledge, that the 
more enlightened spirits then, us now, through 
the veil of image-worship, ;reeoguiscd and adored 
TO 0o praelutrtlly -the Supreme Being in 
the unity of His primordial essence, whence 
subcmlinuttt deities arc? (in Gnostic phrase) emana- 
tions* "To vilify the religion or customs of 
other men, is to set at naught the pleasure of 
the Almighty* When we deface a picture we 
naturally incur the resentment of the painter; 



y TIIK RKiMi'osrnnx OF Tin-; ,UZYA 

and justly lias I he p,,il said, ' Presume no! i o 
arraign or send inise Hie various uorl; s <t f powr 
divine."" Hnving inns comhaU-d ihe |>ir n | <m 
his cnvn ground rflijri. ( us ohli ;;; ,ji (lit . UK-'wriicr 



s up .s 



. 
h ,V tli*' intposiiion : 

'! '" Iti fhic." hr s;.ys, " UM- frihuic ynu ilcmaiid 

, : , frt>n flic Hindoo h n-jiu-nnsif f () jusiicc: if ; s 

^ npially lor<-i,i;ii I'nMii !; <HM! polic-y. ;rs ii 



: nK.r.-o V i-r, i s ; m 
. nnd ,ni ////>//, ;// uf // /,/ ;i -. v / 
" (pp. 'j,*> l 'j *."). 

Tin- p.Mssion;;li- :iniuiov.i}y -Xfii-d hy Hie lax 
was fiispl.-iyfd it. various u.-iys. ;uul on wry 
dinVrri.l. sccuc.s. A! |J,-|i,i ifsrlf ;, ,v iv:! f niu i, 

lilwlr assembled in IVofil ,f if,,. p ;i j m .< % ;UK | 
IxiiliorH'd t!,r Kn.prn.r (< r.-i-:dl Hu- of, nt ,xinu.s 
cdiof, "itul,- 1 s;.ys Uu- iMsU.ri.-nu 'M.- vvn.dd 
ol. Hsh-u lo Ihcit- ,.Mi, ( p| :i i,,i .," O fl his w .., y {o 
!iy his fl<-\ilhns in 11,,. JM.JMJII*. J K - \v:is 
ohsfrncfrd hy a s ii|| V ;sl-i- ,-,;,,< j(( i,[ : ,r ;< . o f im- 
JMtrhinaU- pclilionrrs, :md u.-is uu::l*!*- ( proceed. 
In vain Ije ^-ivr <,j-cjrrs l ioree n v/a>- Hjnuiali. 
"At li-iilli." t'OMliimr-: Kliali KI,:.u, " tk an ,rdVr 
vvas given lo J,,-in^ ,ul the elepJKUds : ,,,1 diret-i 
iin-nt jiu-uin.si j| lt . luo j, p A} ., J!V f(| , inifff , t , n t<) 
clcrolj, nnder |.J,. f, rt t ,f , j, t . { .j f ,pj t , tuts ., , JOJN{ . S> 
For SOItte t | ; ,ys flie Hindus et.tii hated fo :,s.M-ml>ht 



they .suhmifled lo pay Hie ]kmi M (p. -JIIU). 
Kls-cnvhere || K . Iin ,t<l took' a' inorc' violent 



UKSISTANTK TO THE LEVYING OF J1ZYA 77 

and nu'M.-M'in;.; form. IJurhnnpnr was one of 
the must hij^uHrmf. eilics in (he* Dekkan, the 
capital of I he Mogul Province of Khandeish. 
And there ivsisi.Mwe showed itself in a doubly 
ominous manner* First, in Khafi Khan's words : 
u Tiu* infidel inhahiimtfs of Hie city and. the 
country round made jjmih opposition to the 
paymnil of tin* jizifrt. Thrro wim not a district 
wlu*r^ tin* prtpfi% with tin* hHp of the fdujdars 
mid 'ntikttt!thn/i*\ did not make flislurbnnces and. 
r(*sislaiu*t' ^ (p. MIO). That> the Imperial officials 
should connive* at and ahct Hit* r^b(*IIious move- 
ment was the s!r**n.f<-sl token of the inex- 
|H**dieney of the ine?istm\ and of the danger of 
ov^rsl raiian^ the adminislndive mnehinory, lest 
it should, in flu* end, break down altogether* 
Another fwl, tuentioned by Khali Khun, is of 
shtiihii* .ijnport. Kakar Khan, as 1 shall notice 
mimedmtHy, was the first (!d!*ef:,or of the jizya. 
He was sneeeeded by -MI. /r;d*us otlieer, Mir Abdul 
Kttnin. But on Annin^/ib's arrival he rcquesttcl 
to bt* id lowed to resign his office*, "and that the 
cuUeetiun of the jizyto might be deputed to 
mime one* else," Tins plainly iiulieates that even 
the l*!uipi:ror\s higher and most active? Mahometan 
!ftlnlst;c*r?f inisliked the* invidious task, and dis- 
charged It reluctantly* Hut another equally 
dungwouf* etrctuiiHtanc^e occurred on this oc- 
casion. Tiie t\vt> streams of disaffection and 
resistance to Aiinin^/ib's authority now began 
to mingle. Sivaji was dead, and had been 



78 THE RKIMFOSrnON OF THE JIZYA 

succeeded by his son Samba ji. His earliest 
exploit was, at the head of twenty thousand men, 
to co-operate with the malcontents by a sudden 
dash at Kakar Khnn, the collector of fliejiq/a, 
who fled before him into Itahndapur, a town in 
the immediate vicinity of Iturhanpur. and there 
held out against his assailants, and repulsed 
several attempts to carry the fort by assault. 
Baffled in this, the Mnhruttas raided severely 
the town and its disIriVt nrnimd, and returned 
home with an immense booty. 

After what I have previously said, I need 
not describe the fed ings of flic Itnjpufs, and 
especially of their Princes, on the imposition 
of theyfo/ya. But it in worth while to mention 
that the Ramt of Oudipur, even while preparing 
to resort to arms, and easting dust in the interval 
in the Emperor's eyos by mediation, se<*rue<l 
even to affeet literal eompHnwc% but proposed 
to commute the tax by u territorial cession, 

Thus Aurung/ib had abiuulanl. wiuiiing fhut 
he was playing a dmigfmus ^airtc, and flint any 
new provocation to the proud I lit j put temper 
would be extremely likely to bring mutters to 
extremities, and to produce the explosion that 
had been long pending. Yet he elu>se this 
peculiarly inopportune! time to net in u manner 
specially calculated, to exaspenifr the Rajputs, 
and arouse the martial spirit cif that gallant 
people against him. 

The Rajput Principalities were not regularly 



T 



\S RELATIONS WITH JKSWUXT 70 

incorporated with the Empire. Their chieftains 
tribute, and supplied their eonl indents to 
the Imperial armies; but otherwise home rule 
prevailed in their dominions. Jeswunt: Sing 
the Raja of Joudpnr, and had long played 
ii prominent and versatile part; in Imperial 
polities. II** had been a- staunch partisan of 
Dam against Aurunji/jb. But on Dara's, or 
nit her tils own, defeat, he hud, apparently in 
despair, ami workrd upon by Aurung'/ib's arts, 
aecjuieseed in his success, and joined him. But 
in tin* renewed eonlest with Shuju he si 
to have discerned another chance of avei 
\vhiit lluv;drn*d Jo be a very unwelcome and 
uncongenial regime ; and in the erisis of the war 
he suddenly changed sides onee more, and made 
I it tnwhrruu* night attack on Aurun#/ib*s camp, 

whieli,. but fur the presence <if mind and en- 
ergetic* exertions of Aunm^/Jb himself, might 
have proved fatal to him. Nevertheless, hi? and 
Jeswunt were afterwards reconciled ; and though 
no doubt mutually distrustful, remained osten- 
sibly on good terms tliroughot.it Jcswunt'g life. 
But the Ktupcror suspected the Haja of rcmi#s~ j 

ness in the Muhratta war, if not; of actual collusion 
with Sivaji ; and hud also a .standing gri<*vancc 
against him respecting his t,ributc% the particulars 
of whteh are not cxplatm^l* Still he did not 
find it; convenient to break with him* He was 
loo powerful, and had too much influence with 
important persons* Hence he continued 




80 THE REIMPOSITION OF THK JIZYA 

to be employee! in military eonuiumcK though 
the -Emperor's distrust, mid want' of eordiality 
to him seem to have been no .secret among the 
Rajputs, 

Aurungzib had unwisely provoked a contest 
with the unsubdued Afghans, and Jeswunt Sing 
had been, sent aga.in.sf; them* While engaged 
on this service* lie died ; and his family returned 
home, without awaiting regular Imperial passes 
from Delhi. They were slopped at f.lie Indus, 
but forced their way onwards ; and the Kmperor, 
apparently availing himself of this .irre^nlarif y, 
made an insidious attc'iupt to arrest theirs, and 
get them into his own custody. The circum- 
stances are not fully explained; but the case 
seems pretty clear, when the past re-la turns of 
the parties and the character of the Emperor 
are taken into consideration. Aurung/Jb prob- 
ably intended, to diet-ate his own terms about 
the tribute before releasing them, rather Hum to 
visit upon them his ill-feeling towards JcKwunt. 
But he was suspected, of darker designs, and 
Rajput pride was offended, awl indignai.ion 
excited, by the travellers' camp being surrounded 
and closely invested by an Imperial force. The 
Ranis, that is, the widows of Jeswiuil, ami his 
two young sons were escorted by a large! com- 
pany of their warlike attendants, commanded 
by a gallant officer, Durga Das, By big con- 
trivance the whole family made their escape, 
and were conveyed to Joudpur. It hud been 



OUTIWKAK OF THE RAJPUT REVOLT 81 
necessary to suhsiifuie other Indies and boys 
in the plan; of the fugitives. These were 
arresfed; and (he Kmperor .sought to make 
the best of the sihinlinn by recognising and i 

treating the captive youths as Jeswunrs actual 1 

sons, Bui the iritMi could no!, be long con- 
ceal.-d ; and Ajit Sing, the elder -son, lived to 
become a formidable (horn in the .side of the 
Kmpire. 

Thus what i called Ute smouldering fire of 
disaffection, whieh Aurung/Jb's atfitude and eon- 
duct had kindled at the opening of his reign, 
ami whieh his many arts of inlolenuiee had 
tended to intensify, ,, m | his reeent imposition 
of t\wjhi/a to fan info a flame, burst out at last 
in determined rebellion and desperate war. 

Of the three chief Rajput, States, Jcipur 
was too near to Delhi, and too closely connected 
with the Imperud family, to take part in the 
insurrection, .b-swnnt's principality, Joudpur, 
was more remole, on the west of the AravuUi 
range of mountains; and there a large army 
soon assembled, under Durga Das, who had y 

rescued the young Princes. Atinmg/ib in person l 

advanced against it, arid called upon the liana 
of Onclipur, whose territories lay along the 
.south-eastern slopes of the Aravulli, to sub'mit 
to thejizya, and to tsciw and bring to the presence 
the runaway boys. Thi.s was perhaps to test 
his disposition. The Ilaiiu disclaimed all com- 
plicity with the rising, ami, as I have men- 



82 THE RKIMi'OSlTIOX OF THE JlZF/f 

tioned, proposed to eede (rrrilory in ilni of 
paying the invidious tax. This smns to have 
reassured the Emperor, and lie rehtrnrd to 
Delhi, leaving the conduct of the* war, and the 
completion of the negotiation with tin- liana 
of Oudipur, to a lieutenant, 

But it soon appeared thai the Kami had 
thrown in his lot with the hisur^mfs. And the 
Emperor, now realising lite seriousness of the 
crisis, made great and comprehensive prepara- 
tions for meeting it. He marched in pmun to 
Ajmir, as a central position in the theatre* of 
the coming war; summoned in haste his sons, 
Moazzam from the Ddkkan, and A-/am from 
Bengal, at the head of their respective armies; 
and ordered the Subahdnr of (iir/erat to station 
himself between Raj putnna and Ahmodubud, 
to cut off communication between the* rebels and 
the Mahrattas, while Prince* Akhar was 




to attack Oudipur, u \Vheru" smys the native 
historian, u the liana Iteurd of tlu*sc* preparations, 
he laid Udipur, his capital, wusti 1 , and, with the 
treasure and family and. followers of himself and 
Jeswunt Sing, he lied to tin* mountains and 
difficult passes " (p. 290). The lYtnee WH ordered 
to pursue him with an expeditious mountain 
corps, and on the prompt; arrival of his brothers, 
they were similarly employed ; and explicit in* 
struetions were issued to wage the win in the 
most merciless and dentruetive manner. They 
complied readily* and the 



RA.TIM IT WAR OMINOUS OF LATER FAILURE 83 

men wholesale, as per orders, "employed them- 
selves in laying waste {he country, destroying 
temples and buildings, cutting down fruit trees, 
and making prisoners of the woim-n and children 
of the infidels who had fnken refuge in holes and 
ruined places." The Kajpufs rH ; , Hated in true 
Highland M yle. More ! ha .n ( wcniy-fi ve thousand 
assailed the Imperial Iroops, and cut off their 
.supplies. "They allured several thousand of 
the royal forces into (he heart of the Kami's 
fastnesses. Th<>re they al lacked them, and 
killed many, hoih horse and foot." 

"The JJnjputs held all the roads through the 
hills, and came down occasionally from the hills, 
and attacked the Prince's forces hy surprise." 

I have quoted these passages not only as 
giving local colour to the course of the contest, 
but heeause they prefigure clearly the character 
of the previous and later Mahralla. warfare, in 
the (ihat region, and in eomhination with 
Sivaji's fort, system and Mahratta "slimness" 
illustrate the geographical causes of Aurungssib's 
final collapse. 

Thus the savage struggle went on. But it 
assumed it new etui meter when the skeleton in 
Aurutigzib's closet stepped forth, and the political 
parricide., nd murderer of his philo-ltajput 
brother, was threatened with retribution in kind. 
With professed desire of a reconciliation, the 
Kajputs made overture* to Prince Moazzam, 
i-equesting him to intercede for them with the 



84 THE 11E1MPOSITIOX OF TIIB 

Emperor, But this WIIK only a veil for n deeper 
design to win him ov<r to lhc*ir by the 

promise of him ic> supplant his father, 

who was notoriously SUNJIMMMU* and jrMous of 
him. The Prince, under his m*>lh< r\ influence, 
turned a deaf ear to fhr propu^I. But the 
tempters found a more* pliant instrument; In 
Prince Akbar, the ynmifn-xf son, who was ditr/Ject 
by the prospect, and joined t in* relwls, Mo;r///;mi 
sent a timely wanting to lii father, but was not 
believed* and was strmly admonished to look 
to Ms own steps* Suddenly it was announced 
that Akbar had assumed the throne, appointed 
his chief officers to high placet;, and march* 
ing, at the head of seventy thousand n*<n, against 
his father* Aurunfi;//iV> had dftnchrd almost all 
his army, and had only u IVw hundreds of imm 
with him. He sent instantly for Mon/xnm, who 
joined him, by a forced march, with h*n thousand 
soldiers. But the KmpMH*r*s *ori(idi*iiee wus 
thoroughly shaken, and he* was in n great strait 
of misgivings on all sides. Ik feared Moa///arn 
as much as Akbar; and actually turned his 
guns against the reinforcement. Mmmnm, how- 
ever, obeyed the paternal i.njunH,Im to kuivc his 
army, and to come to him m all spml with his 
two sons ; and the Emperor**? sus}>icit>n was 
thus dispelled for the time. 

Meanwhile, Akbar showed himsdf quite un- 
equal to the great game he had aspired to play. 
He did not advanee promptly, And Aunmgssib 



A KHAR'S DKKI'XTION A FIASCO 85 

had times l>y his skilful emissaries, to detach 
some of lite rebellious .Prince's 'Mogul supporters, 
and to sow dissension smd mutual distrust 
among the insurant s. Whether he employed 
the common device of an intercepted letter to 
Akbar, assuming ilia.f; father and son under- 
stood each other, and thai Akhar was to betray 
his allies, is not certain, though it; was currently 
reported, and is quite in accordance with the 
Kmpcror's slylc, ISul from what happened later 
ai the Court <>f Sambnji f am inclined to think 
thai- the young and foolish IVmee gave himself 
airs intolerable to his proud confederates; and 
that, as his Imperial con! indent melted away, 
they became less and less inclined to back his 
pretensions. At last, without u buttle, he left 
them, made his way into the Dckkuti, was well 
received by Sambuji ; but proved too over- 
beuring^ a.m! lost heart. Hit escaped to Persia, 
was sheltered by the Shah, and lived and died 
then?, having Frequently, but vainly, solicited the 
help of it military force to prosecute a renewed 
attempt on the throne of the Great Mogul. 

Thus the Emperor was delivered from his 
great immediate peril ; but the llajput war 
continued, and though he ceased to Lake part 
in it, tormented and weakened him to the end 
of his reign* And in the long course of warfare 
upon which he was about to engage in the 
Dekkan, the names of Ha j put commanders are 
conspicuous by UK** absence. 



VII 



!<* i 

*> ^ 




AURUNG'/riVS COXQI-'KSTS IX THE 
DKKKAX 

SEVERAL considers! ions now dclmntWHJ the 
Emperor to undertake the persumd rondtiet of 
the war in the Dckkan. 

The objects of the war were two: lo rxien<l 
the limits of the Kinpin* by the Mjbvrrsion of 
the two remaining Afghan nioiuirchu's, Hijapur 
and Goleonda, and the* mm<'\:iii<iii of their 
dominions ; and to su}>pxss the Mahnttta pt)Iily f 
and predatory power* 

To pursue Himultunecmsly both these* objects 
wa& characteristic of Aurnn^yjb's want of 
political insight and niilitury judgment, lie 
had already experienced the diltieuHy of effecting 
the second object. And the conquest of the 
Afghan monarchies, however practicable, and 
in accordance with the previous forward policy 
of the Empire, would be untimely and mis- 
chievous, while the Mahrattas con linnet! un- 
subdued. For it would cnlail ww and xeriom 
administrative obligations, and u severe strain 
on a system which was already exhibiting signs 
of weakness and inefficiency. And it would, 



AUlUTXUZiirS MtSTAKKX MILITARY POLICY 8T 

moreover, tend to disorganise society in, the 
newly conquered territories; to throw out of 
employment numbers who had clustered around 
the Court, or served in the armies of the con- 
quered sovereigns; and tempt them and others 
who were indisposed to aequiesec in Aurungfcib's 
regime to escape it, and continue their resist- 
ance to it by joining the Mahrnttas. Tims the 
achievement of the one object would but increase 
the diiticultics, otherwise great enough und to 
spa/re, of accomplishing the* other. Hut, In 
this, as in other cases, Aurung'/ib, obstinate 
by nut u re, miteaehnblc by experience, and 
blinded by the passions, on the erne hand, of 
ambition, on the other of vindictivcncss, ad* 
dressed himself to this double enterprise us 
unwisely as Charles the Bold went to war with, 
the Swiss, and with not dissimilar results. 

From his own point of view, however, cir- 
cumstances seemed to promise success to his 
twofold aim, und to make his presence on the 
Hccnc, and hm personal conduct of the war, 
desirable. The kingdoms of Bijnpur and Gol- 
;,'ond:i appeared quite incapable of withstanding 
the- great army which he intended to lead 
against them- Their comparative weakness was 
indicated by the* fact that they had already 
virtually acknowledged the supremacy of the 
Empire, According to a practice, not infrequent 
in India, when hard, pressed, they had, from 
time to time, paid tribute to it. The ease 








88 AURTJNGZIB'S CONQUESTS IN THE DKKKAN 

appears to have been somewhat analogous to 
the relations of England to the* Papacy, after 
John's ignominious stipulation with Innocent in. 
The thousand marks which, according to that 
arrangement, were due annually to the Holy 
See, were paid intcrrnittcnlly until Kdwarcl in. 
repudiated the humilial-ing compact. And the 
Mogul arms had long seriously threatened, and 
gained occasional advantages over these isolated 
and mutually jealous, and therefore sfill weaker, 
monarchies. And if the Kmperor's dcnunciat- 
ing declaration of war against Goleomla was 
sincere, he believed that; its luxurious and 

corrupt condition would make it an easy prey 

an assumption belied by its stout and pro- 
longed defence. But, moreover, it was not, 
to his arms alone that he looked for victory. 
He relied much on his insidious praelires of 
intrigue and corruption, and. on the da'/rJing 
prospect which he could hold out to traitors 
of favour and exaltation in his own service. 
Thus he thought that to complete the work 
which he had begun as Prince would be both 
appropriate and easy. 

Moreover,, he had special gmvamimi against 
the King of Goleonda. While he was intent on 
depressing the Hindoos in the Empire, and 
stamping out the Malmitta uprising in the 
Dekkan, the King of Golcondu was said to 
give the chief 'place in his favour and counsels 
to two Hindoos. This was, of course, Neliushtan 



WHY AFGHAN KINGS FIRST ATTACKED 89 



to Auruug/ib. Ami Hie re-rsl;d)lshmeiit and 
consolidation of SivajTs power had boon effected 
through the aid of ihe same Sovereign, though 
the* upstart adventurer had been placed under 
the ban of the; Empire*. Such facts alone would 
amply ammnt for Aurung/ib's resolve to conquer 
such an offensive potentate, and to annex his 
dominions. 

The Kiuperor was, I believe, the more in- 
clined lo wage war against ihe Afghan kings 
for the very reasons that would have made a 
more far-sighted slaleswan hesiiate to engage 
in it. The Kujput revolt showed that he could 
no longer command the combined forces of 
the* hitherto united Empire, and this example 
of untied resistance might be followed else- 
where,*, iind both diminish and divert to the 
new scenes of disturbance the military strength 
of his distracted dominions. But he hud been 
not only eudangeml, but humiliated in Raj- 
putmm ; his prestige as a great general had 
suffered eclipse, and bis Imperial dignity had 
been grossly affronted and impaired. And I 
believe that he was anxious to recover his 
ground, and to restore his reputation, by a 
strik ing mili hi ry triumph, and the extension 
of the Kmpiiv by the annexation, of two new 
provinces. 

As to the Mahraltas, he not only affected, 
but, I believe, really felt, in spite of Sivaji's 
exploits, supreme contempt for them. In his 




90 ATOUNGZIB'S CONQUESTS IN Till DEKKAN 

eyes they were merely a barbarous eon un unity 
of active, adroit, and greedy T>n<jands, who had 
been formidable to society so as they were 
animated and by a of such 

exceptional ability as Sivuji ; but who, having 
lost their leader, would. If they did not 
probably fall out ;unnn<* Uiemsrlves betray 
each other, and be easily c-iremnvenled by his 
combined arms, subtle intrigues, npprafs to 
their cupidity. But he totally to 

appreciate their higher moral rlwrnrf eristics ; 
the resolute passion for national independence 
which their leader had kindled in their bosoms ; 
their abhorrence of his new version of the ob- 
ligations of a M;ihonie!;in Hvrreijjn towards 
men of their own religion ; their intense devotion 
to the memory, the example, ami the institu- 
tions of their heroic! ami Indomitable chief; 
and the confidence which lie luid imparted |o 
them that the Imperial power, so far from 
being irresistible, was extremely vulnerable, mid 
if persistently assailed, on his im.lhuti, might, be 
brought low in the end. 

Thus grievously underesl.iw:tfmr the moral 
strength of this bandit remfederaev, Aurnnoyjb 

*: ' ' n"" 1 * 

prepared to confront it, with nil iiiuliMt!(>rnitig 
arrogance, and fixed idcu of sulHlutn^ and 
tyrannising over it, similar to thw of Philip if. 
towards the Dutch " sea-beggars " ; ami, as I said 
of Charles the Bold, with not dissimilar results. 
Khafi Khan attributes the Emperor's under- 



STRENGTH OF THE MATIUATTA BASE 91 

taking the personal superintendence of the war 
to the insolence of* Sumbaji in venturing to raid 
almost up to the gates of liurhanpur. There 
is a genii of truth in this statement. But 1 
think it would be more exact to say that 
Aurungy-ib's mistrust; of the fidelity of his deputy, 
Khan Jchan, as well as of his son, .Prince 
Moa/zani, besides the other reasons that 1 have 
mentioned, wished wilh him in this decision. 
And as Hurltanpur mtd its virhiil.y had been 
the focus of the anti-/fc//^. movement, and this 
had been fomcnlcd and assisted by Sainhaji's 
incursion, to make Burlumpur his headquarters 
was an obviously expedient plan. There, accord- 
ingly, he assembled a mighty host, and estab- 
lished a splendid and imposing Court (1688). 

The first; operations against the Mahrattas 
were confided to Prince Moazzam. He was to 
invade the rugged, intricate, and wooded region 
of the Concan, the western declivities of the 
mighty Ghats; to "capture the forts, and 
punish the infidels." Such, was his commission. 
But to rxeeufe it was not so easy as the Kmperor 
chose to assume. The difficulties of Mahmtta 
warfare, and the geographical advantages of the 
Muhruttu base, at once became evident, and 
the collapse of t! i is c x pe< I i tio i \ f< > re -shadowed 
the fate of Aimnig f /ib's gen<Tal undertaking. 
Some passages of the hostile but truthful 
httsto.rian'.s narrative will best describe the result 
(pp. 314-315). 




02 AITRTTNGZIB'S CONQUESTS IN THE DEKKAN 

46 On the march through the narrow passes 

there were rnnny sharp lights with the enemy, in 
which numbers of the royal soldiers fe!L . . . The 
air of the place did not suit the invnders. The 
enemy swarmed around on every side, and cut 
off the supplies. . . . The* enemy cut clown the 
grass, which was a cause of groat distress to 
man and beast, and they had no food hut cocoa- 
nuts, and the grain called Imdnn^ which acted 
like poison, upon them. (Jrrnt numbers of men 
and horses 'died, drain was scarce and clear* 
, . . Those men who escaped death drajj^ed on 
a half-existence, a.iu'1 with crying and groaning 
felt as if every breath I hoy drew was their last. 
There was not a noble who had a horse in his 
stable fit for use.'* 

He then explains that the Kinpemr, to relieve 
the army from starvation, ordered his ofliditls 
at Surat to send ample supplies of grain to it by 
sea. Buthe continues: u As the ships bad to 
pass by their newly erected fortresses, (the enemy] 
stopped them on their way, and took most of 
them. 55 And. he concludes this lugubrious ac- 
count thus : " The order t length eame for 
the retreat of the army, and it fell buck fighting 
all the way to Ahuiudnngnr, where Aiimug^ib 
then was." 

Such was the significant prelude to the great 
tragedy that was to follow ! Yet the Ktnpcror's 
calculation, that the death of Sivaji had removed 
the chief obstacle to his success, would have 



DKGKNKUAOY Of SAMBAJI 



93 



been still more confident had he understood 
better than lie nppenrs to have done, the char- 
acter of his successor. For Snmbuji, the new 
Raja* was a complete contrast to his father. 
Sivaji's versatile genius, ama/.ing energy, sleep- 
vigilance, and lively sympathy with his 
followers had given him a commanding ascend- 
ancy over them ; had enabled him to maintain 
strict; discipline in his army, an admirable 
organisation of his fort system, and appropriate 
regulations for the conduct of his civil govern- 

O ' vT* 

men t -in short, to transmute* a, band of brigands 
into an effective and formidable antagonist of 
the Imperial power. But Sambaji was utterly 
destitute of his great qualities, insensible to the 
requirements of his position ; reckless, self- 
indulgent, and disposed to be tyrannical ; and 
and, perilously subservient to the 
influence of an evil - minded favourite, the 
Kaloo&hn, who had taken charge of 
him when Iris father was obliged to leave the 
boy behind in the course of his precipitate 
from Delhi. Such a regime threatened 
the speedy undoing of Sivaji's work, and the 
renewed triumph of the Crescent over militant 
TTinclooism. Sed Ms aliter vimm? as will soon 
appear* 

1 will, however,, first dispose of the Emperor's 

with the Afghan monarchies. He 

that of Golconda. The immediate 

conduct of the operations was entrusted to 



/ft 



94 AUllUNGZIirS CONQUESTS IN THE DEKKAN 

Prince Moazzam and Khan .Tchan. They gained 
victories ; but, as the Emperor thought, neglected 
to push their advantage, and lie sharply repri- 
manded them. Still the Prince showed no great 
alacrity to fight a genera! battle, hut sent a 
chivalrous challenge to engage with two or three 
on each side, which came to nothing. At last 
the desertion of one of his chief ^enemls so 
much alarmed the King, that he fled into (he 
strong fortress of Goleonda, Iravin/.; his capital, 
the adjacent city of Hyderabad, in u shite of 
wild panic, which was quickly justified by a 
rising of the "lawless ('lasses, mid a horrible 
scene of indiscriminule cruelly and looting. But 
matters became still worst* when Hie Imperial 
army attacked and forced ils way into the city, 
and the soldiers, in spite* of the efforts of the 
Prince to restrain them, emulated the worst 
actions of the insurgent budmttxhw. 

Meanwhile Prince Moa'/Kum wade n con- 
vention with the Sovereign, which saved bis 
kingdom for the time, and was grudgingly 
acquiesced in by the Emperor. War was then 
resumed with Bijupur, ami, after u tedious 
siege, in which the assailants Kuffcrcd much, the 
capital was surrendered ; the Sovereign was 
sent to Dowlatabod, pensioned, and imprisoned ; 
and his dominions wen? reduced ti> u Mogul 
province (1686). In the coursti of I he siege 
the Emperor had conceived new .suspicions of 
the fidelity of Prince 111110 w 



ATTACKS GOLCONDA 95 

I Shah Alum, and hail instituted a strict inquiry, 

without ascertaining any material facts against 

i him. But his distrust remained, and his son. 

; experienced the, effects of it later. Nor was 

j Aumng/Jb's uneasy mind better satisfied with 

| his other general, Khan Jchan. "He was," 

! says Khali Khan, "annoyed with him for not 

* having pursued and srcured Prince Akbar when 

that Prince was near his territory." He seems, 

in fact, to have been constantly haunted by the 

i fear of a. t-onspiraey to retaliate upon him his 

unfilial conduct. 

The attack on Goleonda was now resumed; 
I but Aurungy,ib ma<le his approach in a charaeter- 

j istieally insidions manner. On the pretext of a 

pilgrimage, he massed his army in the neighbour- 
I hood. lie then formally demanded payment 

I of the tribute, affecting a friendly tone. But 

i he sent privalr instructions to his envoy to 

! extort as much money as he could his diplomacy 

| being reinforced by the proximity of the Imperial 

! forces. 

! When a large sum had been safely received, 

the Emperor threw off the mask, denounced 
the King** conduct in a fierce reply to a humble 

' petition for forgiveness, and marched upon 

Goleonda. Some of the counts of this indict- 
ment arc significant of Aunmg'/ib's policy, and 
its tendency to unite Mussulmans and Hindoos 

! against him, e.g. the King is accused of " placing 

the reins of authority and government in the 




96 AURTJNGZIB'S CONQUESTS IN THE DEKKAN 

hands of vile tyrannical infidels" (I his refers to 
the two Hindoo ministers, Machmu nncl Akana) ; 
" making no distinction behveen infidelity 
and Islam," and u w^wg obslinafe war in 
defence of infidels " (this refers lo I he aid given, 
to Sivaji) ; and a new grievance of the* same kind 
is now added: "It has lately become known 
that a lac of pagodas has been seni to the 
wicked, Sambha." 

The final defence of the royal fortress was 
heroic. The placet was amply supplied with 
arms, ammunition, and food. The gu rrist >n 
fought most gallantly and pers< -venn^ty t they 
poured upon the assailanls an uneensm<r Ore of 
artillery and small, amis; made bold and fre- 
quent sallies, repulsing the besiegers, destroying 
their works, and disputing every step of their 
advance. The assailants mined ; the assailed 
countermined,, and secretly withdrew or damped 
the enemies* powder, so thai it produced little 
effect. In other cases the explosion look a 
wrong direction and overwhelmed the besiegers. 
"Then," we are told, " great; wailing and com- 
plaints arose from the troops engaged in the 
siege/' The efforts of the defenders were 

vigorously seconded by their allies- -the Ilnli- 

rattas ; 

" The forces of the hell-dog Smiihha hud come 
to the assistance of Huidtmibad, and, hovering 
round the Imperial forces, they cut off the 
supplies of grain/* Famine was the result, and 



THE SIEGE OF GOLCONDA 97 

its natural consequence, pestilence. An escalade 
was attempted, but was repulsed. The be- 
siegers and their works suffered much from a 
heavy rain; and in their disorder were cut up 
by another sally, and many were made prisoners. 
Abul Hasan again tried to negotiate. But the 
Emperor insisted on his surrendering at dis- 
cretion, and the struggle was renewed. The 
long 'delay kindled the anger of Aurungzib. 
He called, together his officers and chiefs, and, 
placing himself at about a gun-shot distance 
from the walls, ordered an assault to be made 
under his eyes* Prodigies of valour are said 
to have been exhibited by his army. But a 
storm of wind and rain arose, and obstructed 
the progress of the assailants; and they were 
forced to fall back, drenched with the torrent. 
The garrison made another sally, took posses- 
sion of the trenches, spiked the heavy guns, 
OE the mounting of which immense sums of 
money infinite labour had been expended ; 
^and carried away all that was portable* They 
pulled out of the moat the logs of wood and 
the many thousands of bags, which had been 
to fill it up, and with them repaired the 
breaches made by the mines. Still the be- 
persevered. " They east into the ditches 
of filled with dirt and rabbish ? 

of of animals and men 

who had during the operations. Several 

times the valour, of the assailants carried them 



r7< 




98 AURUNGZIirS CONQUKSTS IN THE DKKKAN 

to the top of the walls; but the watchfulness 
of the besieged frustrated their efforts, so they 
threw away their lives in vain, and the fortress 
remained untaken." 

I have given this rather detailed account 
of the siege of Golconda because it shows, what 
the Emperor would not have* acknowledged, 
that if in the comparative integrily of his 
military power lie was so long and eoiuplrfcly 
baffled in his attempts to master a single fortress, 
the prospect of reducing the long tine of fast- 
nesses that studded the crests of at region most 
unfavourable to his opera! ions, and exhausting 
to his soldiers, was not; a hopeful one. 

Already, in the lower country, the troops 
began to murmur, and many, we are told, 
actually deserted. But, as I have already said, 
the Emperor did not rely on arms alone. While 
his inflexible determination told upon the de- 
fenders, he was busily engaged in playing upon 
their fears and their hopes, and thus seducing 
them from their allegiance to u falling cause, 
Thus, by degrees, he won over many, whom 
he received gladly into his srrvie<\ But there 
was one notable contrast to these traitors. 
Abdur Razzak, when the place wa at last 
betrayed, and the gates opened, is Haul to have 
received more than seventy wounds in a lust 
desperate attempt to oppose the entrance of 
the enemy. The Emperor, whether from genuine 
admiration, or desirous to attach to himself so 






SAMBAJT, SON, AND MINISTER CAPTURED 99 

v valiant and steadfast a man, sent two surgeons, 
a European and a Hindoo,, to attend him, and 
said that " if Abul Hasan had possessed one 
more servant devoted like Abdur Ilarank, it 
would have taken much longer to subdue the 
fortress." The hero did recover, and alter an 
interval did enter the Imperial service* The 
conquered King behaved with great 'dignity* 
He was courteously received, and pensioned; 
but consigned, like his Bijapur corn peer, to 
the strong fortress of Dowlatabad, And his 
dominions became, as in the other ease, an 
Imperial, province (1037); destined, however, 
to be soon again virtually detached, and 
appropriated by Nizam-ul*Mulk* 

As I intimated above, pestilence had already 
assailed the Imperial army. This, owing, no 
doubt, to the disturbed state of the country 
and the consequent scarcity, DOW spread over 
the Dckkan, where it seems to have been closely 
conterminous with the theatre of war; and it 
lasted eight years (1C83~1G91). The Imperial 
army suffered severely from it; the mortality 
was enormous, and numberless victims lay 
uncarcd for and unburied. 

The Emperor, now free to devote his whole 
attention to the Mahrattas, conceived new hopes 
of success from a remarkable achievement, the 
kidnapping of their new Raja. His best policy 
would probably have been to leave Samboji, 
for the time, severely alone, as an objective; 



100 ATJRUNGZIB'S CONQUESTS IN THE DEKKAN 

to repel Mahratta raids; but to trust to the 
internal dissensions of his enemies, provoked 
by Sambaji's character and the ascendancy of 
Kaloosha, whom he had made his minister ; 
and to have fomented the strife by his intrigues 
and bribery. But an enterprising officer pro- 
posed a coup de main, which was approved, and 
was successful in its immediate object. 

The Raja and his favourite, instead of 
attending to the business of government, had 
retired to a secluded glen, and, in fancied security, 
devoted themselves to untimely and questionable 
enjoyments. Mukarrab Khan, an old servant 
of the Golconda King, made a sudden dash into 
the mountain region, and surprised and captured 
the Raja, his young son, and his minister, 
and conveyed them all to the Emperor's head- 
quarters. When they were brought into his 
presence, Aurungzib descended from his throne, 
and thrice made solemn obeisance to Heaven, 
in thankful recognition of the favour vouchsafed 
him. This the fettered minister flippantly inter- 
preted to his master as an involuntary homage 
to the majesty of the Raja. And, desperate of 
obtaining mercy, both vied in scurrilous abuse 
of the Emperor and his religon. He was urged 
to spare them, not in clemency, but from policy, 
that is, on condition of Sambaji's surrendering 
bis forts. But Aurungzib preferred to inflict 
signal and exceptional vengeance upon thenct 
for their personal outrage on himself, and their 



SAMBAJ1 PUT TO DEATH WITH TORTURE 101 

blasphemies against his religion. But in putting 
them to death he also had a politic object, in 
which, as so often, he quite miscalculated. a The 
Emperor/* says Khafi Khan, "was in favour 
of seizing the opportunity of getting rid of these 
prime movers of the strife, and hoped that with 
a little exertion their fortresses would be reduced " 
(1689), Accordingly, " their tongues were cut 
/ out, their eyes torn out, and they were put to 
death with a variety of tortures." "Such," 
' concludes the historian, " is the retribution for 
rebellious, violent, oppressive evil-doers" (p. 841)* 
I The one-sided nai'vetd of this sententious moral 

) is 1 rather amusing. But another observation 

1 of the same writer is more to the point- u It 

1 was/" he says, u the will of God that the stock 

of this turbulent family should not be rooted 
out of the Dakhin, and that King Aurungzcb 
should spend 'the rest of Ms life in the work of 
t repressing them and taking their fortresses, 9 * 

Whether, degenerate as he was, Sambaji 

would have consented to save his life on the 

proposed condition, had the Emperor been per- 

to forego his eruel vengeance, and simply 

f 1 imprison him, may be doubted- But that Aur- 

ungzib thus deliberately preferred a brutal 

revenge to a possible chance of mastering the 

is dear* 



VIII 

THE MAHRATTA WAR OF 

INDEPENDENCE' 

THE Emperor counted the more on the eflfeet 
of Sambaji's removal, inasmuch as he had in his 
hands his victim's young son and titular suo- 
cessor in the Rajaship, who might prove a usefixl 
hostage, and facilitate the submission of th.e 
acephalous bandits. But once more his state- 
craft was at fault, from his inability to realise 
the situation, the disposition and sentiments, 
the inflexible resolution, the versatile military 
ability, of his despised enemies, and the im- 
mense advantage which nature and art had 
together conferred upon them in their mountain 
base. 

Moreover, the circumstances of Sambaji*s 
death intensified the spirit of resistance. In his 
last hours he had in Mahratta estimation don<3 
much to redeem his personal vices and his 
political imbetility. He had died in the asser- 
tion of his religion and the denunciation of 
the False Prophet, and might be regarded 
as a martyr to Hindooism; and his blood, as 
usual, was the seed of what I may venture to 



RAM RAJA ASSUMES THE REGENCY IDS 

call, by analogy, his Church. Thus love of 
plunder and warlike enterprise, a sense of 
growing influence and power in the lowlands, 
attachment to their familiar and well-guarded 
mountain haunts, a passionate spirit of inde- 
pendence, and last, but not least, zeal for their 
own religion and profound animosity to Aurung- 
zib's cold-blooded and cruel persecution of its 
professors, combined to sustain their resistance, 
and completely baffle the Emperor's calculations. 
Aurung'/Jb now advanced to the vicinity of 
Bijapur, and there encamped, to be at hand 
for the contemplated attack on the Mahratta 
country. But there he learned that, so far from 
yielding, the enemy were preparing to take the 
offensive, Samhaji's brother-, Ram Raja, had 
assumed the regency, pending his nephew's 
captivity* Large forces were mustering in the 
hills* and were to be employed in invading the 
lowlands and assailing such mountain fast- 
nesses as had been reduced by the Moguls. 
Purnala was thus retaken, with much less 
difficulty than had been experienced in master- 
ing it. Indeed, already Imperial officers began 
to quail before the Mahratta onslaught. Thus 
llajgurh was now tamely surrendered on capitu- 
lation by its Mogul commandant, though a 
force was hastening to its relief. And, in 
breach of the terms, he was despoiled, and 
sneaked into headquarters at night in a pitiable 
condition* Elsewhere also, the Hindoo reaction 



104 THE MAHRATTA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 

was in progress. The Rajputs were not recon- 
ciled. And now, between them and the 
Mahrattas, another Hindoo people, destined to 
play a considerable part in the final drama of 
Imperial dissolution the Jats, were stirring, 
and had already, near Agra, attacked an Im- 
perial convoy en route, and slain the officer in 
command of it. The Emperor was so indignant 
at the failure of his Viceroy to keep this people 
in order, that he removed him, and replaced 
him by Bidar Bakht, his grandson. 

His increasing animosity to the Hindoos 
was signified by a new edict of social intolerance. 
No Hindoo was to ride in a palki, or on a horse, 
without special permission. This restriction 
niay 5 however, have been partly intended to 
check seditious gatherings. 

Meanwhile, the energy and assurance of the 
new Regent were shown in his marching com- 
pletely across the peninsula to the relief of 
Gingee, in the Carnatic Plain (where Sivaji had 
acquired territory in his later years), which 
was now besieged by Zulfikar Kha,n, one of 
the ablest Imperial generals. Ram Raja was 
well served in his absence, and the campaign 
proved most disastrous and dispiriting to the 
Imperialists. Two gallant and skilful officers, 
trained by Sivaji, Santa ji Ghorepuray and 
| Dhunaji Jadu, distinguished themselves by their 

| activity and boldness, repeatedly defeated the 

f Imperial commanders, thoroughly cowed their 

I 



\, 



I 



SUCCESS OF THE MAHRATTA TACTICS 105 

spirits, frequently captured them, and charac- 
teristically released them on the payment of 
heavy ransom. The candid Mahometan historian 
makes the fullest admissions on this subject. 
Thus he says of Santaji : 

64 Every one who encountered him was either 
killed or wounded and made prisoner; or if 
any one did escape it was with his mere life, 
with the loss of his army and baggage. Nothing 
could be done, for wherever the accursed dog 
went, and threatened an attack, there was no 
Imperial amir bold enough to resist him, and 
every loss inflicted on their forces made the 
boldest warriors quake " (p. 347). And he pro- 
ceeds to exemplify this remarkable testimony 
by citing the successive overthrow and capture 
of three officers ; the first of whom, he says, 
" was accounted one of the bravest and most 
skilful warriors of the Dakhin " ; and the second, 
" the Rustanx, of the time, and as brave as a lion. 55 

To these exploits in the Dekkan, the same 
heroic partisan soon added another decisive 
defeat of the Imperial generals on the distant 
border of the Carnatic. 

Aurungzib's reception of these repeated evil 
tidings was characteristic. " He was," says 
Khafi Khan, " greatly distressed, but in public 
he said that the creature could do nothing, for 
everything was in the hands of God. 53 Fatalism 
is a poor consolation to a would-be conqueror, 
unless he is sure that Providence is on the side 



106 THE MAHRATTA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 

of the strong battalions, and that those battalions 
are his own ! 

^ or a time the stress of the war centred in 
the siege of Gingee. This was the place, the 
capture of which, in the course of one night, 
established Bussy's reputation in Dupleix's time. 
-" u * tb e Imperialists now blockaded it unsuccess- 
fully fo;r several years. They seem to have 
had no heart or confidence to attempt the 
Frenchman's bold operation. They did not even 
completely invest the place. After a while, 
the blockaders were themselves blockaded ; the 
neighbouring population was hostile to them, 
and joined the Mahrattas, who (we are told) 
" surrounded the royal army on all sides, and 
showed great audacity in cutting off supplies. 
Sometimes they burst unexpectedly into an 
entrenettrnent, doing great damage to the works, 
and causing great confusion in the besieging 
force." The garrisons also stoutly defended 
themselves, being well armed and provisioned ; 
and co-operated zealously with their friends 
without. But this was not the worst. Internal 
dissensions sprung up among the besiegers, 
and rea,efced a very dangerous climax. Zulfikar 
Khan was the working head of the army, and 
acted independently of the Emperor's son, 
Prince Kam Bakhsh, who was also present, 
and -wished his authority to be recognised. 
Mortifiecl at his subordinate position, he entered 
into communications with the enemy, and, 



A GINGEE SURRENDERED BY COLLUSION 107 

y 

according to Khafi Khan, was actually " on the 
point of going over to them 55 ! Zulfikar Khan 

* and his supporters, availing themselves of the 
pretext that they could not take the Emperor's 
orders, as the Mahrattas had intercepted all com- 
munication with him, and that the Prince was* 

-fr meditating treason, took the strong step of 

placing him in arrest. At this crisis, the redoubt- 
able Santaji arrived on the scene. Whereupon 
the Imperialists hastily broke up the siege, and 
retired, skirmishing, into the neighbouring hills. 

At length a show wa made of resuming 
the blockade. But this seems to have been a 
mere feint to cover the fact that a bargain had 
been struck, and Gingee, like other places later, 
fell by bribery (1698). This is suavely intimated 

; by Khafi Khan: "According to report, a sum 

of money reached the enemy, and they evacuated 
the fortress and retired." 

| The Emperor's perplexity and mortification 

on this occasion were extreme. The long dura- 
tion of the blockade, the frequent reverses of 
his arms in the prosecution of it, the unsatis- 

. factory mode of its eventual acquisition, the 

* Mgh-handed action 'of his generals, and the 
ambiguous conduct and public arraignment and 
disgrace of his son, affected him greatly. He 
coldly commended the generals-; but he released 

I the Prince, to whom he was much attached, 

and bore a grudge against his accusers. 

Santaji meanwhile was pursuing his brilliant 



108 THE 3WTAHRATTA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 

and terror-striking career in the Dekkan. His 
destruction, of an Imperial army under Kasim 
Khan, orte> of Aurungzib's best generals, was 
net only sg o serious a blow, but affords so char- 
acteristic a.n example of Mahratta tactics, that 
I would ? faln describe it in detail. But the 
closing seene will suffice. After being sur- 
rounded, and having tried in vain to cut 
through tbte swarmiiig and resolute host, the 
Moguls foutght their way to a fort Danderi. 
"There," says Khafi Khan, " for a month they 
were besieged within the four walls, and every 
day affairs grew worse with them. They were 
compelled to kill and eat their baggage [horses] 
and riding liorses, which were themselves nearly 
starved. . _ . The stores of grain were exhausted. 
... To esoa,pe from starvation many men threw 
themselves from the walls, and trusted to the 
enemy's mercy . . . . Reverses, disease, deficiency 
of water, amid want of grain reduced the garrison 
to the verge of death. Kasim Khan, according 
to report, ira despair poisoned himself " (p. 356). 

After lads death, the other officers were 
similarly affected, and ransomed themselves for 
the large suLm of seven lacs of rupees, equivalent 
to 70,OOO. Then they were allowed to steal 
away, eac~b> with his horse and the clothes he 
wore, but not without giving good security for 
the payment of the ransom. The historian 
adds : " The Government and personal property 
lost during this war \i.e* Santaji's struggle with 



CITTORKPURAY MTTRDKRKD 

Kasim] and exceeded fifty or sixty lacs of 

rupees." Hence we may appreciate the ruinous 
drain on the public and privaf:e resources of the 
Empire by the incessant wear and tear 

of the protracted War of Independence, 

Himmut Khan and another Imperial general 
marched .to relieve the blockaded force. 
they were lured into an ambush, and cut off 
by the gallant and wily lender* 

This, however, was SanlajPs last achieve- 
ment. He was unpopular on account of his 
discipline ant! severe punishments. And 
he basely assassinated by some of his own 
people, apparently with the connivance, if not 
at the instigation, of his rival, Dhunaji Judu, 
who Is to have been actuated by jealousy. 
Sjiiitiijfs family continued estranged from 

the Mahrathi Confederacy, though they con- 
tinued to the Moguls. I may mention 
incidentally the who joined 1 i ve 
in the defence of Arcot, a descendant; of the 
murdered Champion of Mahratta Independence. 

Hit* Imperialists were overjoyed al; the iid- 
of Sanlaji's But there was no lack 

of to his and carry on his work. 

A appears on the scene, and a p 

IE which he concerned further 

the of the war to impoverish 

the Empire, the Mahrattus, and, establish 

corrupt relations among the Emperor's j, 

own generals* 



J I' 



110 THKMAII1JATTV W II! OF INW.TIA'hr.M H 

The Muhraila olHecr, with thouHant! 

horse, was raiding in flu* nei#h!mtiihnotl O f 
Nundatbar, and demanded from flit* ritv. 

But the inhnhitniiK rt-fusnl h pay il and el4iM*d 
their gates, which, we me fold ** 'jn'rflv ,-:iM*i\rd 
the Muhraltns.'* Alrrndy they Ix^ran to ** n *idi-r 
It a right, and rxjMrhd i*nifipfiaiu*i\ Ittisain 
AH Khun, mi Imperial ,i'fnrr;it, \MifMnd !c> 
encounter tlieiii with an iitferif^r fore<% ami, IIH 



i '- 
' t ? usual, was surrounded and UIM-<!I!. ffi 



wounded and made prison* r. to^fthrr with til) 
his men and rquip;i*r. \ s wsnul ;ls, Ju- was 
held to ransom. Hut, unnbl* to iu;kr nj lht k 
whole sum, he asked th<* h.-utl. r-, uitr) im-Mmnts 
to lend him the Imlanw, \\hw\i tlu-v t)< i-tiiifil 
to do. Thus he <uud hin eptrs frit! <-jn*li it 
grievance against, the plnee, nnil n.-.-nniut'/ly 
cttme to n ii^rn-ru* nt to av^u-u- tic uisfhes, 
to their ctminxtn piolit. IIiiMiin siiiTi-iu!<-retI 
the city to the Mnhntttas, \\ht> < \!..r?.<{ vsl 
contribution from the ri-h i.i'ii, .-HH!, l-sidt's 
foregoing the halanee <>f || u r;ins.ui, hand.d 
over u stun mueh exeei'diii.f i! to Ilusain hiruvlf. 
When Moul oHieers, instead uf *h iVn-iirc.. ihtis 
took to betraying, their vhm^v. and shurin 
the spoils of the enemy, the dmty of t mt fe, thr 
neglect of industry, and the rcitifctWmfitt f the 
Mahrattas by those who objei-ted t he mf W rily 
unprotected but doubly ilmvd, itre 5af.ni-il.Ir. 
While thus defeat and humliiatimt nltendw! 
the Imperial armk-s, the ojien country was 



THE FIC ; I IT AO AI XST TUB] MOGULS 111 

rnvauvd, agriculture discouraged, famine and 

pestilence \ >n >j KI <; ! rd. the towns insoeii rely 

defendc cl, ami their inhabitants exposed to 

arbitrary exnrliotis -the very elements seemed 

to combine n^ninsl. the Moguls.' Tlie royal 

eatnp Has pitched nettr the Bhinm River. A 

terrible flood suddenly submerged it, and created 

a general panic; and the wear and tear, and 

consequent increasing aversion to the war In 

the Imperial army, may lie understood from what 

happened on this occasion, which is given only 

as a sMtnplr of a series of similar <*afas(ropltes. 

41 The \valcrs/ f says the historian, "began to 

overflow at midnight, when all the world was 

The carried off about ten thousand 

or twelve thousand with the establish- 

of the and the Prince*' arid the 

ttmirtf hcirscs, and In countless 

numbers, furniture beyond all count* 

Cmit; fear fell on all the army,** 

The Emperor, in of his fatalism, 

appealed to Heaven for deliverance. "The 
1 eontimies Kliafi Kltiin, ** wrote out 
H with Ills own hand f and ordered them to 
be thrown into the water* for the purpose of 
causing it to subside." But his suppliant charms 
us to the of 

i ills to stem the human tide of 

wur he had provoked, and which Provi- 

dence had decreed, was to undermine a$ti sub- 
merge hb Empire, 




AUR.nx<J7,F rXI)f-;iJTAKKS TO M-VSTFH 
TIIK MAiWATTA BASH, TIIK K *f|. 
HA.TTAS HF.TALIATK BY SKTTUXci IX 
TIIK DUKKAX IMPKIUAI, i'KOV f \r|,;s 

NEARLY forty years Jmd now Hapsrd since 
Sivaji had first, come into o.ni-,i.n with fin: 
Moguls, and nearly twenty simv, fi. r 
death, Aurungxib hnd undi-rJrdi.-n tin* s 
intendemre of tht: war in the I)t<kkn. fit 
eonquemf l?ij.- l{ ,ur and (Julf.m.I.-i;' \ w jjjjlj 
put Sninh.'iji to dcatli, nnit sfiil rtrfuimd his 
son and heir in mild dmm t . t . t his miiiinrv 
Court. He had, frotu ii,,. to jj mt% ,,,,1,^, 
advantage's over Un M;hr;i!ts In tlu- r ( rlcl ; 
and by assnulf, {n-ac-hr.-y, or hrilirry, Imd ob' 
tained possession of somr of thi'ij- ,sirr,n. ; J,,,Ms. 
He had, more-over, pushed hi,s itfHTatioiiK into 
the tarnatu; Ham, and (;in#-e. n most import uni 
cluster of fortresses {for there were three, on 
as many contiguous hills) in the mitre of the 
province, wan in his hands. The m .,si IWmi,{ ;i Mr 
champion of Mahratta fnili fH-rultnc-t-.siueeSiviiji 
the redoubted Santaji (ihorqHimy, was no 
more; and the aged Kwyror % s 

en S f- ' v v. X 

'** ' / j*% 



* 
>\ X % ' 

K' -o\v\'.vw ' 



o -, 



AUiirxGxnrs NEW PLAN OF THE WAR na 

to subdue the rabble of Infidels was 

as inflexible as ever* 

Yet he could not but realise that his fixed 
purpose hitherto signally foiled ; that 

waiters growing worse daily ; that cam- 

In the open country had proved a 
miserable, failure ; that there his regular armies 
no for the agile and indefatigable 

swarms of light horsemen, thoroughly acquainted 
with the country, and aided by the sympathy 
and eo~<>prndion of its Hindoo inhabitants, as 
well as of more primitive tribes from the wilder 
on its confines. If the plague was 
to be a more drastic? remedy must be 

applied. If the devastating torrent was to 
be arrested, it must be cut off or dammed up 
at its In terms, the plan of the 

be A comprehensive and 

resolute be made, by concentrating 

the bulk of the Imperial force in a systematic 
on the enemy's basethe strong and 
impregnable of the Ghats, to 

the of forts in that quarter, 

to overpower I he Mahrattas in their mountain 
That the experiment, even if feasible, 
a desperate one, will appear even from the 
1 of the Dckkan rivers 

fise in the were it possible to 

arrest flow the Dekkan would be 

'reduced to a But very different was 

the ease with the tide of insurrection that now 
8 



iff 



T" 

I 

) 

I* 




114 AmrXGZIB AM.) THE MAHKATTA 

overspread it. Thai, tick was sun1Jn by the 
forces of local ;ni;nvfiv\ \vhieh had thrir source 
in the heart of the IMJ*;m Ifsrlf : mid which 
the reduction of ISijapnr mid (In!r.]nl;$ hud 
liberated end multiplied. A biw part of the 
population, doubly OJ>JUWM f! mid "-uffi ni^r front 
the recently established fvr;uniy ff Hu* Mn^ui 
nnirut, iincl ll" s .ni\ ;';:<'> ntu( claiii-t to 
of the ManrnHns, pn-frrd to abzmdon 
their homes and join the in\-;jd<"p-. Civil Ncuriirly 
was, in fact, breaking up, and n stale t.f things 
supc*rvcninjj, ntna logons to lh;d of C**'ntr:il 
when tlje sludionsly lion * mftin i-rjf inn 
pursued by WVllrslry's Mien 'Ssors 
the mushroom growth of the PindaH ha 

Thus, even hud I he ^labrnHu Ims** 
effectually masf emK I hr Drkknn tvmih I ^till 
have roifuitnc'd unsubdueti ninl unpneifirci, lint, 
as we Khali see f it \vns i/nl umsterrtl, though 
many forts fell, more wil.1i U* niii uf flit* gcililrn 
key than by fotve of nmts* 

However^ the: Emperor M*t lo work in e 
(101)8). He rupidly aiul s! rcji;?Iy r-iil rr 
his headquarters, mid theri* lr|iu-,lft-i.{ his 
of ladies ami their nititmiunlH; is^tu^i 
orders that lim oflim?rs shouiti fnilnw his e%itittftle, 
ami forbade bin sotdierH to itike IhcJr wivtst 
or children with them, iftit his urdm wera 
very imperfectly obcytni. 

Earn. Raja^ the lU^nt, on the 

approach of the army, to 



!,IMI 



115 



OBSTINATE DEFENCE OF SATARA 

divert it by making n raid into Berar, in concert 
with the Kaja, of Deogarh. This chief had 
joined the Kmperor, and had professed to 
become a Mussulman; hut, he now deserted 
him and fled, renoun^d Islam, and turned 
filibuster- ii good illustration of the temper of 
the time .'urnm- the Hindoos, whieh was swcepin'rr 
high and low into {he vortex of anarchy. Bu7 
Ai.rungy.il, was not to he dherted from his 
purpose, and Satara %vas promptly itwsicd. 
It made a drspcrntc resistance, and four months 
were spent in vain efforts to reduce it. " The 
garrison," says the historian, "rolled down 
great stones, which . . . crushed many men and 
animals. The rain obstructed the arrival of 
corn ; the enemy were very daring in attacking 
the convoys, and the country for twenty kwt 
round the fortress had been burnt, so" that 
grain and hay became very scarce and dear." 
The Moguls, like natives in general, were never 
<-xpert in siege opmlions. Akbnr himself lay 
before Chiton*, the old capital of Oudipur for 
ywiwj ttnd even Hyder All was no exception 
to the statement, though he took many places 
by t.vaehrry and <-om.p! ion of the commandants. 
On this occasion the besiegers exploded one 
mine with good effect, but suffered severely from 
a second operation of the same kind, Khafi 
Khan suys ; " A portion ol the rock above was 
Mown up, but ... it came down on the heads 
of the besiegers like a mountain of destruction, 



fy<3 
Hj 



116 AtJRITNGZTB AND TIIK MA1IKATTA BASF, 

and several thousands were buried under it. . . . 
The garrison then set about; repairing the walls, 
and they again opened fire, and rolled down 
the life-destroying stones. When .Aurmig/ib 
was informed of the disaster, and of the despond- 
ency of his men, he . . . mounted his hm'sr, mid 
went to the scene of nation, tin if hi xt'tirfh 
of death." Such are the significant words of 
the historian, whose sympathies wrrr strongly 
against the Mahrattas. And he g< 4 s on to de- 
scribe the passionate but utterly futik' nflrwpls 
o! the Emperor to re;wim;i<* bis dr.ping 
soldiers, ami induce them to renew the iissault. 
And he concludes: " When he p.-r.-.-h* .-.I that 
his words made no impression tlu^ nw?n, he 
was desirous to laid the wuy himself, -but. the 
nobles objected to this rash proposition, 1 * So 
despondent and disgusted wwv the wiltlim, 
that they aetunlly set Ore to the brsirifing 
works, which (we nrc told) " had been eon- 
strueted at great trouble and rj;pt u-,. 1 ," ncl 
which are said to have burned brightly for a 

weekl 

But a sudden and unexpected event seemed 
to have changed the whole situation, Hm 
Raja, like his father, on his return from his 
raid in the north, had abruptly expired, leaving 
only infant sons. Mis widow. Turn Hui, in 
turn, assumed the Regency, On these tidings, 
says Khafi Khan s "the Emperor ordered the 
drums of rejoicing to be beaten, -anti the 



BAI ASSUMES THE REGENCY 117 

soldiers mn^Ta tula led cneh oilier, saying that 
another prime mover in the strife 'was removed, 
ancl that it would not be difficult to overcome 
two young children and a, helpless woman." 
But did men miscalculate more. Tara 

Bai a woman of remarkable* ability, energy, 
delrrminaUon, and in the end proved 
herself quite ecftttil to the emergency. 

But* ^>r the moment, the death of her 
husband undoubtedly much depressed the 
MahrultAtff while it reanimated the Moguls. 
Ancl how much thi was ihe ease* may l>c esti- 
mated by the exlraordinary fact that, after so 
line! holding his own, the panic- 

commandant of Satara not only sur- 
rendered the fortress, bul; actually entered the 
Imperial service- 
But the fork of Parli held out for 
six the garrison, displaying great 
valour, and much loss on the besiegers, 
suffered severely from, the weather 
and' the off of their supplies. At last, 
however, the* place; and this 
arduous campaign carne to an end. Half a 
had in achieving a Pyrrhus 
A few such, mui Auruxigzib 
would be undone, 

The circumstances just related will sufficiently 

illustrate the arduous, tardy, and indecisive 

of the Emperor's attempt to conquer 

the Maliratta base, A detailed narrative of his 



1 



118 AUWT.TNG/IB AND THK MA! fit VITA 1IASK 

persistent oprmlioas during fhr wxf fwir years 

would IK* fTtHon*"* nnd !infnv*f!faf*!t,% ;md \voitld 
involve the iv|H'liliti frf<:!r->!;;ru , s i, ; ik;,)\f nhm s, 
and inilU;jry v'n<A;ificf^ stniil;ir 1** thnsr ;t!r<:;nlv 
given. I sh:dl, Him (Wr, only iwti*' surnmnrily 

the ^c % H(T;i1 fr;d!:rrs aiu! :i1^?fivr frsfflf tf 



the* 




It ws not. \viff;'t?? :?ninr:i!ty and 
suffering that, in th- far if of Hi*.* ?trti\ : * t 
IUK! while the inonsiKf!* \v?is si ill r;i:.-;ir 
army ammj>Jish*<l its n-l:v;;f tn fh* Drkknii. 
The diflirulfy of tr.MnjM.H. uhirfi aftrrwnrds 
HO sorely lutfDprrrd th** Mnjfli^h in thHr ri-niy 
wars in India, and whirb \\n^ m-\tf \vrll >vrr- 
eome until the fiiliir^ IluK* 1 of \V-lliujflun 
devked and applied ait *nv-lu;d n/int^lv, Inrst't 
the Moguls at <*v<*ry stnjjt*. Tin* **n*ssinj* nf the 
flooded rivers was niwnys a > rious iiilH^uffy, 
and geiicruily ai tewlui by K rni! ensituliii?^ 
Numbers were druunrd, nmntuTsS m*w rni off 



by the vigilimt il tlarln^ jmrsia-rs : "thou 
sands," says Khnfi Khan. u rniiimr<l iirfiitid 
and died." On one orrasitin it tuok ^t*veiit.t^ti 
days to pass the Kisttm. Kvi* \vl*rn the 
monsoon was over, and tlu- army was mrruitmg, 
in ftmcied security, cm the Inmkn of the? Man, 
an untimely deluge* of rain In the hills 
the river; and the witters {touring into the 
camp, "caused confusion mid iliHtwsH whieh 
defy description/' The urrny, under the accu- 
mulated hardships and of the 



FAILUKK OF Al'llFXaXfirS NEW PLAN 119 



lost ail power of exprdiliuus marching, and 
itself painfully along, only to find 
too laic for its immediate object. Thus 
on one occasion it took twelve days to reach 
what to have been gained, in two. On 

it took seven weeks to march twenty- 
eight miles i.e. little more, on an average, than 
a mile a day ! And this, while the Mahrattas 
were incredibly active and expeditious in all 
directions** 

From time to time forts were reduced* But 
It nhvays after a prolonged invest- 

not by siege or sf orin, but by system- 
lavish bribery. Many instances are 
given : but, as if weary of details, the historian 
at the following naif and remarkable 

statement, putting, you will observe, the best, 
but that ii very Harry face, on the transaction. 
Hi* rulogisUc* apology, Indeed, reads like sly 
tmtire, "Tin* clemency and long-Buffering and 
of the Emperor were such, that when he 
that several fortresses had been 
uncl vigorously besieged and that the 
gamMMx in difficulty* lie paid sums of 

money to the ronuwmdnnls, and so got the 
into hit* possession. It often happened 
that he gave the same sum of money, 
neither more nor less, to the officer conducting 
the siege." This was certainly a peculiar pro- 
ceeding, and not calculated to economise his 
fast-vanishing resources 1 And the same writer 





j r j ; . 

pr<- 



120 TUB MAI! H. VITAS SKTTf.F. IN Til?; 1 >KKK AX 

mentions, as a notable e\e -jif! m, tlml TWna 
was actually taken by ass-mfi : l *mf/* jte adds. 
"like the other forts by nojrufhiJious with flie 
commandants, and JM-OUHM-S of w:d< ri.-i! ;'!v;Mir*- 
mcnt" Meanwhile the ;uHip.-i!hy to }}, 
some and hniuili.'itin^ WTVIIT jjrrw* iwtrt' 
nonnccd in tht' army, cs|ii-ri;!lly ;iiii>ii-.< 
officers. 

The Emperor wns jtrrpN-vrf m! t! rm 
by "the irresolution of his w/V.v. \U)u 
case, and eonipl.-iinrd of fjtr- d-rinif-s < ( f yraiu, 
and the insalubrity of the rttmntf, ;ituJ ty Mir- 
gnunhlin^ of the . . . h;ir!-Irit-| soldiers." () n 
the whole, it was too evident Hint this last 
plan also had failed, and that the end WHS near, 

That end, tin- eomjjh-le eollapsr f Aunui^* 
zib's design of etn<|u<'rlnf the Mrdir;dt;is. is 
vividly illustrated in a remnrknhlc jmssngje of 
the historian fo whom I am so mtit-h indebted 
for the materials of my nair.iJivr. |<\, r it t Ji H , 
closes unmistakably the irresistible jmtgtvss of 
the insidious and mighty tide of Hindoo '. ; H-?H,JU 
the practical subversion of the tm$rwi nisth- 
ority, and the establishment, within the hrriff.ry 
of the Empire, of a Mahrattu domitiiou, erude, 
barbarous, and rsping, but the riiilunil rouse- 
quence, and in logH-nl langua|re the inseparable 
accident, of the struck- whieli had iuitiateii if, 
and which was destined to exhibit n tei'i-iblc 
vitality and expansive power in the m-at< future. 
Long as it is, this passage is well worth quoting 



KVIOKNTK OF FAILURK J21 

with little abridgment as a. luminous picture of 
a historical catastrophe, and as inelispnt- 

able evidence that tlittf catastrophe \vas the out- 
conic of Auriuig/ib*8 impolicy, encountered and 
bfklHcd by the* crefiHvc and. stimulating {yen ins 

of ills originally despised an I adorns! - u the 

rat,** its Auruntf/ib bad contemptuously 
him. 

u When llajii died, leaving only widows 

and infiintK, men thonibt thai. I lie power of the 
Mahntttnb over the Dakbin was al an end. But 
Tllfll Blli f the elder wifV, inad<* ber son of three 
yearn old successor to bis father, and took the 
reilif* of ffovcrnnient, info her own bands. She 
took vigorous measures for ravaging the Imperial 
territory, armies to plunder the six 

of the as far as Sironj, Mandisor, 

the of Ifalwa. She won the hearts of 

her officers, and for all ihe singles and se.'hemes, 
the cnmp:iifjn and sieges of Aurung/x-b up to 
the end of bis the power of the Mahrattas 

ItHtmiKc^l day by cluy. By bard fighting, by 
the expenditure of the vast treasures accumu- 
lated by Jehan, and by the sacrifice of 
of men, ho bad penetrated 
into their country, bad subdued their 
lofty fortn, mid driven them from house and 
home; still the daring of the Mahrattas in- 
creased, and penetrated into the old terri- 
tories of the Imperial, throne, plundering and 
destroying wherever they 



122 THE MA11H ATTAS SKTTLK IN* TtIK DKKKAN 




Thus far he luis shown how lh> M.'ilinillHs 
retaliated the at I ark on thrir IWM hy ;n offi*m*vc* 
war on th fc Imp rial Irrritory in lh* I'MJ^jn. 
But he iM*xt jirni'i-cfK to shmv I luif \o far front 
being men* jjluwU'-ivrs n?if tfr-.!r.>\i->--., thiry hail 
also a <onsfn.iHivr polify. slill tntrr IViln! In tJii* 
integrity of th^ Kiiipirr : how liify u^l'Hirniirly 
and sysl nn;\\ ir:il!y inst it ut r*l :n\*l taaint Mimt! 
an authoritative lisenl ^'-iL'il'Ii 1 lnu nt iif fhrir 
own in the IntfX*riaI territ*iry; ami so* like the* 
fabled, vamping sueked th* h1?**d mil <f fjtf 
body of thdr vietim, and rrditer*! if to ttuiiii* 
tion t while they ruuvrvlfff what had hrt'Tt, in tin* 
first installer, Mw/> ;/*//, <r a e*Mnprsili<in against 
simple plunder hy violenet 1 , into nn ^.t:ifiIi^!M^} 
a,ud regnlarly enforet*d plan <*f politiraf f;i.x;iti<m, 
as it wu fantiliariy r*#ari*tl in latrr lny.s* Th* 
peculiar iul.fn^l. and iiuf*Mri;n:r*' of flu* sum-wi- 
ing pan8ftgeiH that it wrli illusf rah ^ l!>\\ trmi' 
period in the history of ctiintt fhr *4<lt*r 
miscuous d^fiiiind of it hrm# mrw grnr 
and occasioniil tuiils bi*injf turn* sujMT*t-tU*d ly 
a comprohensivc poliUc'al ur^aiiisut ion for tla* 
extension of Miihrattti uuthuriiy ovt*r tlu* ivhoh* 
country, and scouring the perainitvni't* of tju* 
fiscal extortion 4ln* germ ami c?sst?ct* of suvc*r- 
eignty in the Kast. 

I must observe tlmt the* folltiwliig nci*uunt 
of the Mahrattu proeectling^ though it 
aBticipate in sorne res.|ii*ets their 
of operatios ? not the 



THE M.MIRATTAS SETTLE IN THE EMPIRE 123 

scheme of confederacy, and partition of the 
profits of exaction, devised by the first notable 
Peishwa, Baluji Wishwanalh. I now conclude 
Khaii Khan's summary of the result of the War 
of Mnhratta Independence under Aumngzib: 

" In imitation of the Emperor, who, with his 

army and enterprising amirs, was staying in 

those distant, mountains, the commanders of 

Tarn Bai cast Ike anchor of permanence wherever 

they penctralcd, and, having appointed revenue 

collectors, they passed the years and months 

to their satisfaction, with their wives and children, 

tents and elephants." (That is, in plain English, 

they effected a solid lodgment- in the Dekkan, 

instead of simply making occasional incursions 

into it. j ** Their daring went beyond all bounds. 

They divided all the districts among themselves, 

and, following the practice of the Imperial rule, 

they appointed their provincial governors, 

revenue-collectors, and toll-collectors." 

Here? the narrator passes from the origin to 
the consummation of this plan of establishing 
an imjM'rhim in impmo in the Mogul territory ; 
or, in other words, from the past to the present, 
as it. existed when he wrote. 

"Their principal subadar \i.e. provincial 
governor] is commander of the army. Whenever 
he hears of a large caravan, he takes six or seven 
thousand horse, and goes to plunder it [i.e. exact 
transit duties], He appoints kamaish-dars [i.e. 
revenue-collectors] everywhere to collect the 



"fl 



IS* THE MAHHATTVS SKTTI.K IX THK DKKKAN 

chauth) and whenever^ from Hie resistance* of 
the zemindars and fftt'jtlfirx \ij\ llw Imperial 
civil or military officials) tin* rrvrmK'-rollrrfor 
is unable to levy the chnitlh* he hastens to support 
him, sand besieges and destroys his towns* And 
the tax- wl!< rfors of these rvil-d<HTs luki* from 
small parties of tuerrlumts, who are anxious to 
obtain security from plunder* n toll upon very 
cart and bullock, Ibrec or four limits .j^rm fer 
than the amount impose! }>y flie fintjtlaru of 
the Government. This excess he shares with 
the corrupt jiiginlnrs nnd fiiifjtfnrx* linil tlicn 
leaves the roii<I open. In every prtn*ir<* he 
builds one or two forts, whieh he makes Im 
strongholds, and nv;ij,?es the eatmtry round. 
The mukmldtimx, or hend men of the viH;ijrs, with 
the eounteiuie<* nnd eo-opemtion of the infidel 
\i.e* thcMnhnilhi] Mttnuhir^ > . , have built forts, 
and with the aid and assist;* nee of the Miilirii.it n 
they make terms with tlw royal oflieers m to the* 
payment of their revenues li.e. insteml of jKyit*j 
the Imperial revenue as a matter of eourse, they 
higgle over it, nnd bargain for as little ni (Ktssthle 
as natives, in such em*umshmee,s, know too 
well how to do]** 

He then returns to the extensive rouge of 
the Mahratta incursions: 

"They attack and destroy the eountry as 
far as the borders of Ahnmdabad arid the districts 
of Malwa, and spread their devnntationK through 
the provinces of the Dakhin to the environs of 



Ujjain, They fall upon and plunder large cara- 
vans within ten or twelve /,-o.v of the Imperial 
camp, and have even had ihe hardihood to attack 
the royal treasure.** 

And he concludes his account of the result 
of Aurniur/ih's last plan of subjugation, the 
reduction of the fortresses in Ihe Ghats, thus 
significantly: "The sieges, after all had no 
effect in suppressing the daring of the Mahrattas " 

(pp. 873 -37.-,). 

With such evidence, tendered by a servant 
of Aurung/.ib, before us was I wrong in saying 
thftt in resolving to engage in this unequal 
contest, he virtually signed the death-warrant 
of his Empire f 

A similar inference, as to the fatal effect of 
the Emperor's cardinal act of impolicy in his 
internal administration the reimposUJon of 
the j%, may be drawn from a passage in the 
protest against it whiHu when i quoted the ; 

writer's general argument. I said I should cite 
later. After describing in glowing terms the 
complete political toleration of Aklwr, Jehangir, , 

and ' Shah 'Jehan, and its happy consequences, 
' he thus proceeds : _ '. t , : 

"Such were the benevolent inclinations of | 

your ancestors. Whilst they pursued these j 

great and generous principles, wheresoever they j 

directed their steps, conquest and prosperity j 

went before them ; and there they reduced : 

many countries and fortresses to their obedience. 

1M 



120 THE MA1IUATT AS IX THK HKKKAN 

During your unjcsfy\ rri#n, mnny ha\v Iwrn 
alienated from the eriipiri%, and further loss cvf 
territory must nwssarily follow, shirr r!**vast:i- 
tion and rapine now universally prevail without 
rslrainh" This evidently refers to UN.* Inter 
period of the* reign, ami pn>vrn flint JrHwiiiil; 
Sing could not have been, ns C)nn* thought, 
the author of tills renwrkable iloetintenU It 
continues :~ 

u Your subjecf s arc* trample*! wuler foot, 
and every provin<?e of your einjnre is impover- 
ished ; depopulation spread*, itncl diHienlttes 
accumulate. When indigfiiri- ims renc'hecl the 
habitation of the Sovi-n-i^n, nnl hk ptitiws f 
what can be ihe condition of Itir mbU % s V Hn 
to the soldiery, they art* in ttuiritttirti ; tin; 
merchants eomplautin^ Ilie MahoiuedanH i1i- 
contented, the nindoos <U^tiinif% ami mtiltittHU^ 
of people^ wrc*tt*ht*d trvt*n to the want of ihetr 
nightly meal, arc* beating their tuwis throughout 
the day in and desperation ** (pp* liSJJ-UJi*). 

This respeetabli* dual l<'slinuny, from 
opposite quarter^ mm kuv< : lit lie ilniibt that 
Aurungzib mm the ^vil arwus **^ lw mu ^ 
Sivaji the joint- tincl<truiiuer.s of tliit Mogul 
Empire* Auruiigaiib ciieil in 1707. 



X 



THE KMPKKOU BAHADUR SHAH 

ANOTHKB war of succession was inevitable on 
the death of Aiming/lib. The character and 
positions of his sons, and his treatment of them, 
combined to ensure it. 

The lute Kmperor had always been very 
jealous and suspicious of the eldest, successively 
called. Mohammed Moa/'/am, Shah Alum, and 
Bahadur Shah ; had degraded, and for several 
years imprisoned him ; but had afterwards 
restored him to favour, and sent him to command 
in the Punjab. The second surviving son, Azam 
Shah, had counted upon permanently supplant- 
ing his older brother; and having been, while 
Bahadur Shah wan under a cloud, treated as 
heir to the throne, took it very ill that his elder 
brother should recover his prospect of the 
succession* But towards the end of his reign 
the Emperor showed a marked affection and 
partiality for the child of his old age, Kam 
Bakhsh, and so encouraged him to expect to 
rule over at least a part of the Empire. Whether 
Aurungzib really, as was asserted, made a will, 
dividing his dominions between his three sons, 



1*7 



128 TUB KMrKKOK UAHAWIi SHAH 

seems very doubtful. Hut though the detest 
professed, sincerely or not, to Mi-v<- and be 
ready to acquiesce in swh mi nrmn^-im-iit, 
while he was not at nil disposed lo forego his 
cl^tim to the Imperial throw, or to -shirk the 
enforcement of it, if uecrssjiry by thr sword, 
neither of the other Fritters would hr;ir of a 
peaceful scl.-lleincitJ ; tints a run!*' J 4min*d in 
which they both pcrish^l. and Slmh Ahmi, or 
Bahadur Shah, Jursiim' slr and undisputed 

Emperor* 

His diameter pivsrnts u e<*ttf>letr contrnst 
to that of his predeei'ssor,, ami siH'tns to have 
much resembled that of l)ra Shtikoh, Aurun^ 
zib's unfortuniitc* eldest Brother. If is thus 
sketched by Khali Khan: 

u For geuen>sit\% tuiinifMH'nt i\ I 
good-nature,, extenuation of faults, uiicl 
ness of offenet*s, vc-ry Fcnv momuvhs hnv het-n 
found equal to Hnhadur Sltalt and rsj-rially 
in the race of Thuour. Ittit fhinigli hr ha* I no 
vice in his diaraetrr, sueh i'uiupl.'iernry itnd 
sueh negligence: wc*rc* oxhitnt.ed in th.* pr*tt*ctioii 
of the State, and in the ^ovfrwuenl and imiiiiigc- 
ment of the country* Unit xi.rrnsfk' people 
found the date of his ac*cessin in the warcls 
SkaMrbe-khabr' Hmllcss M 

There is probably hore u gtH>d deaf of exiig- 
geration^ and possibly of tni^eonce|itiotu For, 
aeeustomed to his father's strict and meddle- 
some policy, public opinion WIIH probubiy too 



BAHAWirS t'HAKACTKK AND POLICY 129 

exacting and hardly made allowance not only 
for his Jieiuin-d di?>l:istc for swell a regime, 
from which he had suffered imieh, but for a 
deliberate and benevolent attempt, to heal the 
wounds of the lacerated Knij>ir' by a forbearing 
and tolerant policy. Aunwgxib had been a 
sunni /ealof . But Bahadur, like Dam, was not 
orthodox, though he did not go .so far in hetero- 
doxy as his imc! % . lit* nutde a ulna, innovation 
in the ritual, and thereby oee;t.sioned serious 
disturbance; but, after much petitioning and 
discussion, the Kmperor gave way, and restored 
the old formula. His chief supporter and 
favourtU' minister, Munim Khan, was addicted 
to the tfttfi myslicisni, and wrote a book which 
was held to be unsound. Another indication of 
Bahadur's liberal tendencies in religious matters 
i his invitation to Covind, the Sikh guru, 
arid his admission of him into his service. 

Bawh's revolt compelled him to authorise 
strong measures against the Sikhs; for their 
ferocities were manifest, and their renewed and 
unprovoked rebellion was a real and serious 
political danger. Bahadur, again, accepted the 
submission of the lUyputs; und, had he lived 
longer, they would probably have been sincerely 
reconciled, for a time at least, to the Imperial 
authority. I cannot find that the edict for the 
imposition of the jisya was formally rescinded. 
But from its re-enaetment in a later reign, as 
well as from the nature of the ease, there can, 
9 




130 THE KMPKKOK HAHADrU SHAH 
I think, be no doubt that U rnnnmed a dead 
letter under Bahadur. In Ovidipur it was 
formally abolished, ns appears from n trraty 
between the Emperor and the Kana, Hit- test 
of which is given by Colonel Tod, and one article 
of which is "to the above effect. But his most 
remarkable and consid -niblr measures of eon- 
ciliation were his concessions to the Mnhrattas. 
To these I shall revert later, in Inn-inn the 
development of the powT of that \U'\Av. IJtil 
I may at once say now, that these, however 
well meant, were too <-hiraH,rristir of the 
designation of him as " II.T.ll.-ss King." For 
they were quite inconsistent, not only with tlie 
authority of the Kmperor, ^ suprtine in the 
Dekkan Provinces, but with the pnu-tieal in- 
tegrity of the Kiiipirr in that quarter, and A 
powerful stimtilus to MahraMa ambition in 
Hindostan. The latter point, huwi-vt-r, nl least, 
he possibly failed to appreciate. 

Xulfikar Khan, whom I have already men- 
tioned, was one of Annin^/ib's most distin- 
guished and influential #'wr:ls. He was, when 
that Emperor died, with A'/am Shah, And 
Khaft Khan says that he "was very intimate 
with Sahu, or Shao, the, grandson and right heir 
of Sivaji, and hud long been interested in his 
affairs." Shao was in the custody of Awim 
Shah, and Kulftkar persuaded Anm to release 
him, probably hoping that Shao's influence with 
the Mahrattas might be exerted in Assam's 



4*: 



rS CONCESSIONS TO MAIIK ATTAS 131 

favour in his forthcoming contest for the 
throw. Shno lost no time in mustering sup- 
porters jimonjjj his tribesmen, and was soon 
re-established as llajn, and at the head of a 
ronsidrrnbh': army. Zullikar, now in the service 
of liu' viHor, Bahadur Shah, and Subaxlar of 
tin- I)*Ivk;m, still favoured him, and backed his 
application i<> the <;nsy-jjoing Kinperor for u a 
linnan roiiiVrring on Sahu the .mr-drxhwnki 1 
and (he chnnt of the six mbtw of the Daklmv* on 
condition of " restoring prosperity to the ruined 
land." But. while Sahu had been secludrd in 
the Imperial (*<>urt, Tara, Bai, as I have rcdal<*d, ; , 

had vigorously maintained the Mahratta War 
of !ndepciHlcnc<* after I he death of her husband, 
Ham Haja, and on behalf of her youiitf son, ,, 

tlic k H:j:i of Kolapore. She now also, favourcul ! | 

|>y Muniin Khan, the* Khan Khana,n ancl Xul- , 

likar's rival, petitioned for a finnan, in the >/j 

imiw* of lu*r sori, granthig the mr-destnnuki { 

over Ihr snuit* xubax, and on the same pledge , j 

to abandon war arid restore order in the country. j 

"The King," says Khali Khan, tc in his extreme j 

good-natim*, had resolved in his heart that he ; 

would not reject the petition of any one." He 
was sorely perplexed by the countcr-appliea- 
turns, but decided to grant both petitions. 
But Shno, supported by Xuliikar, and his better j 

title-, prevailed in the end, as the importance j 

' ! 

* 'I his arw impost was one-tenth of the revenue, levied from I 

the 



132 TUB KMPKIMHJ f*Al!AI>rit SHAH 



of Kulapore raptd'h* duTm^d, and Mtmim Khan 
soon aft IT riii ni 

Such was the It-^nli'^'d :*?nnnd of Hie pc*r- 
sistcnt pMrusii*tt of the Maluv.it l;ss ft* levy 
both chnut and xin'-tlrtlntnil-t in {Jir Dckkun, 
which at a later pmor! \va-s t : >Jr{,u!.,=f{ fn the 
oilier pruN'inet's i)f lht I-jupin* f>y an rxlorfrcl 
grant front Mohammad Shati. 

On iiir who'It, % 1 rmittnt !:nil think that 

Bahadur's <'h*ir;Hrr ;tnd policy huvr him tnis- 

iUK.ierst.ood; and llmt', licnvt'vrr inferi*r to hb 

father in Jillentiiu to biisiitr^s.s, iirmness of 

pftrjwst*, am! '>\vf-Inspirinj; i nu:ij*-sl\ fc and 

tnu.]nes(tin;dly htvKh to a viri<ws a 

extent, her \vus yi*t IViwn* nf no itieait m parity, 

who had ii defiriil^ and hewvolent design of 

treading l>aek his wuy to the enrlirr ntid luitctr 

path of Mogul rule* ; am! who, hud h* lived to 

carry it out, might., evm under the diflirtilt 

and diHfislrims dreumstniwi^s of tlir linw% Itavc 

acccmipltKhcil itiueh itupniveutent, mid givt*n a 

new kiisc* of life to the* moribund Hntpirr* Hut 

he was an ehlerly IIMIII when he ratm- li> the 

throne. And In lT12 f in his seventieth (humr) 

year, he died rather suddenly, lie was the 

last Emperor of whom anything favourable 

can be said* Hencefortlu the rapid and complete 

abasement and. practical disHohit-ion of the 

Empire are typified In the ttuwpat'tty and 

political iiu^gnificance of Its S 




"4 I 



XI 



T1IK INTKIIHKGNIIM 

war <f .succession \\hieh had ended in 
Bahadur's favour liacl a counterpart on his 
death. H>- h'fl four sous, who aspired to the 
throne 5 nd all raised forces lo support their 
respective j.rri<-nsins. Tin 1 cUU'sl, A'/iiwi-.sh 
Shan, WHS :il l:n-kvl !>v ;i ronfolcnicy of tlir tlnvc 
yoiniMT. J:ih:uul:a' Shah, Jahali Sluih, and 
Kaft'u Slinu, and <Hsnpp<-{imI in th<- nrftir ; how 
he met his death is uncertain. The victors 
$00tt fell out among themselves; .Iiman Shall 
awl KalV n Slum sueeessively were killed in 
battle, and Jahaiular Shah remained lOmperor. 
But <n his death, after eleven months, " an 
order," says Khafi Khnu, "was matle that the 
reign of .hihattdnr Shnh should he considered 
tin advert- jwisscssion," and that his successor's 
ttcemioit .sh<.idl he antedated so as to ignore 
the reputed interregnum. It deserved to be 
repwlmtcd and consigned to political oblivion. 
For Jtihmitinr Shah was an utterly degenerate 
rcpmKMlHiivc of I he house of Timour, Baher, and 
Akbar. Fri v ulous, proiligalc-, cruel, and cowardly, 
servilely devoted to a favourite lady, Lai Ku- 
war, whose relatives he promoted wholesale to 

*! 




184 



THE INTERREGNUM 




high honours, to the disgust of the old 
and able and experienced servants of the 
he soon became generally odious and despicable. 
Thus he could count, on little support, in 
of a rebellion. And with this he was at 
threatened by Farokhsir, a son of A'/inm-sh 
the vanished brother whom he had supphmlrd. 

Assisted, by two remarkable and 
brothers, Ilusain AH, his father's deputy in the 
Subadari of Patna, and Abdullah Khan, Subadar 
of Allahabad, Farokhsir claimed lo sueeefd his 
father* whom he had pmrlaimrd Kniprrw* on 
Bahadur's death, AH the* armies of the 
approached caeh other, some magnates 
openly to the pretender. Ollu-rs. notably 
Khan (the future NM/,am-ulMulk), arc* to 

have come to a private understanding with 
Farokhsir; ami so general was tin 1 disaffection 
that Khafi Khan goc.ss HO far as to say that 
"the victory of Fa.rrukh Siynr hmuue the hope 
of every man in the army, great and small/ 9 
Thus, though the hitler's force was less than. 
a third of the Kmperor*s, the conclusion was 
almost a foregone one* from the first* But 
the unworthy successor of a line of heroes 
sealed, his fate by fleeing igimniiniotisly in the 
heat of the battle on Lai Kumvur 1 s elephant, 
He betook himself to ZuUlktir Khan's father, who 
gave him up to the tender niereies of the victor; 
and he was strangled in the fort of Delhi by the 
recently introduced Turkish bow-string* 



XII 



THK KMPKHOK FAHOKHSIR 

FAHOKHSIH'S reign is throughout an agitnll 
ami perplexing one, i-nilinp; in another Imp-rial 
iragrdy. Its external .nspeet is that of frequent 
attempts of the Kmperor t<* assert his inde- 
pendence, and, on tin- other hand, of the- resolute, 
(ktci'minntion of tin- two Sti-ul hrnlluTS, to 
whom !< owM'tl his exaltation, t retain the 
effective nian:i}4 iiK-uf of his affairs. 

Hence a .series of violent ernes, which at last 
result in F;rkliMr's tlepoKition, foliuwcd by his 
murder. 

But, in view of later events, and oC some 
significant rirronislanee* during this reign, it is 
not easy to drh-rmine what wert; the actual 
aims of the Seinds. Whet hw they were sincerely 
loyal to their waster at first, and estranged 
from hint in <-oust tmenee of undeserved sus- 
picions and treachery <m his part, and rightfully 
jealous of attempts to shake his confidence in 
them, and to remove and ruin them, from fear 
that they might prove not only intolerably 
overbearing, but disloyal ; or whether, from the 
first, they sought to reduce the Emperor to a 

I M 




v 



Ilk'/ 



136 



THE EMPKIIOK FAKOKIISm 



mere figure-head, and monopolise power in his 
name, as Mahadaji Sinclia did in later days; 

or whether,, again, they eonteinplated-~as they 
were after his death, suspected of doing the 
actual subversion of the Imperil hose t and. 
the erection of a new monarchy on a non-Mogul 
and quasi-nationalist basis, seems to me by no 
means clear. But whatever their original de- 
signs, as the contest proceeded they certainly 
formed associations which tended in the second, 
if not even the third, direction; though this 
may have been in the first instance involnnlary, 
and adopted simply in order to strengthen their 
hands, and confirm their grasp of power, as 
chief ministers of the Great 'Mogul. 

Hence, in order to appreciate their later 
position, and the deeper awl more than 
aspects of the revolution in which they 
their schemes perished, it in necessary to 
sketch the vicissitudes of their uneasy relations 
with the Emperor, and the anti-Mogul and 
quasi-nationalist, if not Hindooi'sing, policy to 
which, by choice or in self-defence*, they were 
gradually eomrni tt ed . 

Many cireuimtunccs combined to promote 
the prominence and commanding influence of 
Abdullah and Husain AU nt the opening of the 
new reign. They had been Farokhsir'H earliest 
and staunchest supporters in his contest for 
the throne. It was an impetuous elturge of 
Husain's troops which had intimidated Jahandar, 



OF TIII-; SUM*' 



1.T7 



wrn- holti 
I njpttiv<tl 

ad "> >* 
gnlktniry, 



and driven him 1" -'n..ininM,;r, ,-md fatal ihjiht. 
And UK' ur:ifi1isd. .f th- ww Ksnj"T.,r had 
been tesliiied by M* Iwslowm.i! <>** Abdullah 
the oilier of Vi/,irr, or Chi* -f M'miMrr. nd hnt 
of Buklwhi, or virtually n.n,T,. ; ,Mi!.T.m.CW. cm 
Huain. Thus Ihry In'ld H' *" 'vi 
and military auH..ril> yiui r Ui- Krn^i'. 
Bui, thrw; ofiirial Mmnrs nf Nfrnii wrtv n-in- 
forml hy in-rsoiml qtmiiii' .. IUH! r 
and I rusty mifiian r//^'/-/'- They 
men of Irl nhilily. vr-.,,luii..n, ni 
valour. Aiul Mu-ir tribal kinsmm 
a trmiititmnl rfpuiatifni t'r waflil. 
that Ihvy lux! nr-tjutrcd a roitv* ntu.mil c-iatni 
to U-ud "tlw vim in liHh*. Thotigh repute*! 
Scinclx, or li's -mliiuls of t!- lr<|lwt, _ th^y 
had, for wnturu's, IMU-M i-Ktultlishoci in India, 
and swarim-d in IHmb, in th diHtrict^of 
Mu'/,affiiriug,'r (from the* twelve viiingt'S which 
thi-y lu-ld thi-rt- tln:tr iwni Brhu is hy some 
ttulhoritifs wiid bi huv^ IKVII tlt-rivcd). Akbr 
had gladly rm-ivcd (' of their Jc-ndinR warriors 
into his wrvM'O, mid employed him mid his 
kiusniwi in his rmnpni^ns. And member* of 
the trihc <,r dan (a I may vmituw to call it) 
had later figured in the Imperial service. But, 
on the other hand, it must be remembered, 
with reference, to the later cofiduct and probable 
design* of Abdullah uud Uuwin, Uiat the Seiads 
of Borfao, though of alleged exotic origin, were 
old inhabitants of India, and prided themselves 



138 THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIR 

on being Hindostanees. As such, their sym- 
pathies would naturally be with the natives, 
rather than with the Mogul conquering class 
of foreigners. And although they were Mussul- 
mans, they were also Shias, another cause of 
estrangement between them and the Moguls, 
who were mostly Soonees, and a strong ground 
for aversion to Aurungzib's reactionary and 
persecuting policy, and for rallying what I may 
^call nationalist sentiment to their side under 
the banner of toleration and political equality, 
as established by Akbar. 

The significance and importance of these 
last circumstances will be more evident when 
I reach the reign of Mohammad Shah. And I 
will next sketch the course of the misunder- 
standing and simultates between the King and 
the king-makers down to its tragic close. 

According to Khafi Khan, the fons et origo 
mali was attributable to the personal defici- 
encies of the Emperor himself. His relation 
to the Seiad brothers much resembled that of 
Akbar, on his accession, to Bairam and other 
chief officers engaged in the reconquest of the 
Empire. How Akbar, the young but sagacious 
hero, gradually emancipated himself, and vin- 
dicated his right to personal and independent 
rule, I have shown in a former course of lectures. 
But Farokhsir was in character the reverse of 
Akfoar, He was not only, like his illustrious pre- 
decessor, young at his accession, but, according 




CHAWAITIW OF FA1WKHSIK 1> 

to Khafi Khan, "he was m-sp-Ticncc.! in busi- 
ness and maiicuftvr to affairs of State; . . . 
entirely dependent on the opinions of others, 
for he had no resolution or dKer.-fion. The 
timidity of his character contrasted with the 
vigour of the race of Timonr, and he was not 
cmUlous in listening to the words of artful men. 
From the Iwgumtn" of his reign he brought hii* 
troubles on himself."" 

The truthfulness of this .u-uenil character 
will be too evident as I proceed. But the 
last remark requires qualification. His initial 
mistake, the author goes on to wiy, was his 
appointment, of Abdullah as H'ris/r. But it 
may be doubted how far he could have safely 
done otherwise, without producing, if "t an 
open rupture, a dangerous slackening of seal 
on his behalf on the part, of the Seiad brothers. 

It is obvious, however, that the appointment 
was regarded with great jealousy by the leading 
Moguls; and that the Knmcror was plied with 
assiduous attempts to shake his confidence in 
his Chief Minister, and to induce him to remove 
and disgrace him. 

In these Kilieh Khan, now created Nizam- 
ul-Mulk, took no part. He was sent as Subadar 
of the Dekkan, and I shall have later to notice 
his dealings with the Mahrallas on this first 
occasion of his Vleeroyalty there. ^ 

The most active agent in this anti-ministerial 
intrigue was a favourite and confidant of the 



140 



THE EMPEROR FAROKIISIR 



Emperor Mir Jumla; and, not con f on I with 
insinuations, he matched his influence in an 
irregul ar way aga 5 n st Abdullah's ITS i n i s to rial 
responsibility., and so inflamed i he KIUJ >c Tors 
jealousy of those who ohjcHrd to I his irregular 
interference. The Sciads " desired thai; no 
mansabfi or promotions or nppomf nn-nls to office 
should be made without consul i: injj I hem/' 
This desire, in the ease of" the Prime Minister 
at least, seems to have been not unreasonable. 
But the Kmperor heedlessly sanclionrd his 
favounlr's use of his nauus in the exercise of 
patronage. "This prnHJrr/ 1 .says Khafi Khan f 
64 was ccinlrary to ail the rules of the* IFnsiV^ 
office; it weakened the authority of the* Si'iarls, 
and. was the cause of great annoyance to tho two 
brothers. 19 

On the other hand* Abdullah had rtiiiik 
llatan Chaiui^ a Ilindtw grain dt*;ilrr. iiis damii^ 
procured Irini the* title of llaja, ami u r*'j>os,-d 
in hitt'i aulh<*rily iu aii ^'oxu-rnnn-iil and utitiiK* 
terial matters." Thus on both sides there wus 
provocation; and, a, serious quarrel- -if not a 
Mup de main for the wrest, of liti* MintsiiT 
was only uverUfd by the intervention of the 
Emperor's mother* 

Mutual suspicion ami animosity were in- 
creased by Ilusuin'K request to assume the 
Subadan of the Dckkan, but tti exert*!**} fJia 
office through a deputy* He* fc*iiri,tti to leave his 
brother exposed to enmity at Court* and 



TirSATX'S WARNING TO FAKOKI1BIR 141 



ally to Mir Jumla's insidious influence. 
at his instigation, flic Kmperor fln(.ly refused 
to appoint Husain to this important charge, 
unless he would undiTl.'ike it in person. " 4 Husain 
AH," fty Khutt Khan, "refusal fo go to the 
Pnlvhhu and leave hia brother jalono at Court]. 
A strong lt creation arose, and matters -went so 
fa? that both brut hers refrainc^i front jjoing to 
Court line! \vaillnjj upon the Kniperor ; they 
eveti meditated the levying of soldiers and 
throwing up lilies of f/r/Vv/rr round their resid- 
ence." fills implies thai their nseendaney was 
due to superior forer ;ilone, and lha.t they 
to fear, rather than, to tn.ii.iatt*, 
to violence. 

The Emperor sorely perplexed, and his 

well-affeelcH'I :idvis<e t s wen.* mtieh dividixl in 
opinion its to the solution of the dilemma. 
But Jit last his mother brought about u reeon- 
eilintion. Tin* Seiitds were allowed to ensure 
their safety by planting their followers in the 
fort* And there they formally apologised to 
the Kinperor, earnestly assur< % d him of their 
loyalty, and depreeated his listening to their 
calumniators, Husain agreed to proeeed in 
person, to lake up his government in I he Dekkan, 
and Mir Juinla was to be sent, in a similar 
capacity, io Putna. itut, bfft>re Husain de- 
parted, he significantly forewarned his Sovereign : 
U K in my absence you recall Mir Jumla- ..... - : 
or if my brother again receives similar trcuttticnt, 



142 



THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIU 



you may rely upon my being here -in the* course 
of twenty days/* The brothers also exacted 
the power of appointing commandants of forts 
and. other officers independently of the royal 
nomination. Thus the crisis had greatly in- 
creased their power, at the expense* of the Im- 
perial prerogative, 

But from his ignominious position the weak 
and rash monarch hoped to emancipate himself 
by an act of political treachery. Daud Klum 
was Suhadar of Ahwedabad, or Gtm*rat* 
Farokhsir transferred him to Kandcish ; secretly 
stimulating him to resist Ilusaiu, and promis- 
ing him, if successful, the reversion of JTusaiifs 
vieeroyaliy of the whole* Dckkmi* Daud acted 
on his private instructions. But Husain was 
not to be trifled with. He discovered 
secret; brought Dmid Khan to net ion; 
the treacherous Sub-Viecnjy was slain* 
Emperor hypoeril icnlly lainenlifd his fat-t 1 



the 
and 

The 
to 



Abdullah : u It was a pity suoh a renowned 
and noble chief had been killed,'" The Minister, 
with grim suggest iveness, replied: "II my 
brother had been, slain, it wouW have given 
your Majesty mtisfacftion." 

Another dangerous crisis was pensioned by 
the return of Mir Jumla to the capital. His 
pretext 'was a finaneial ennbarra^sment and in- 
ability to pay his troops* But as they swarraed 
after him and threatened serious clisturbii.ri.ee 
at Delhi, Mir Jumla** proceeding was suspected 



CONTEST M0.RK THAN 



to be a ru#Ct preliminary to another attempt to 

arrest Abdullah. Again lie prepared to defend 
himself against the covert scheme, of violence* 
46 The officers," says Khali Khan, "of Seiad 
Abdullah, with suitable forces, ready accoutred 
and mounted on elephants and horses, held 
themselves ready for a conflict*" This, how- 
ever, was averted by Mir Jumla's being formally 
censured, for quitting his government without 
leave, and being transit led to the Punjab. But 
a suspicion prevailed that the Kn.ipe.ror 

still playing false, and would presently 
recall the Setud's enemy for his own sinister 
purpose, Abdullah, on his side, strengthened 
himself by a new contingent of his Barha 
clansmen. 

Hitherto though involving an extremely 

important political question, how far the Era- 

UK he was, was to be a free 

? the- aspect of the growing quarrel has 

simply personal. The Krnperor has been 

to mistrust the fidelity of his powerful 

ministers, lias favoured their adversaries, and 

eommtttod himself to sinister plotting against 

one at of the brothers. And though they 

to serve him, they utterly mistrust 

hint ; the Vixicr thinks it necessary to raise 

reeruitn for the maintenance of his authority, 

and even, as he assumes, for his personal security. 

But the next moves in this intricate game imply 

that issues deeper, more general, and more 



144 THE WMrRTlOU PAROKIISIU 



vita! to the character, if not the rxlMmcr, of the 
Mogul Empire were 5niprncHn<j, If not already 
involved, in the personal rivalries dissensions. 

1 mentioned that Abdullah appoinlcd 

as his Hatan Chand, a Hindoo 

dealer, and, beside** making him a 
had, in Khafi Khan's words, ** reposed in him 
authority in all government ministerial 

matters." This included pnlnnaje; and under 
Ratan Chand's auspices Aurung/ib's K-aefion- 
ary policy had been extensively reversed, 
Hindoos and other natives had been 
promoted and bendieed. \VhHher from the 
jealous desire to restore Mogul aserndaney, or 
to dise.rodit and impugn Ab(!uliah f B of 

affairs, and to weaken his influence the 

community, two measures 
which tended to coinplicratc the jwr^otial an-' 
ta.gonism, and Incline the to Veowe the 

of asccndAn<*y, and the ad- 

wliatever views cif Ak- 

bar ? s comprclK'nsiv^* of 

support in all quarters. 

Thejizyd was ordered to In*. ri*imposcHi or re- 
inforeed, and the manmlMi jughireK, and other 
recent acquisitions of Ilimloos and other prottfgfo 
of the Hindoo dewan to bo rcrduced or confiscated. 
I need not dwell on the significance and cJiiiigerous 
tendency of the former step. An to the latter, 
Khafi Khan (who, as a bigoted Mussulman, 
though a candid historian, seems to approve 




SKI ADS' SYMPATHY WITH HINDOOS 

it yet says : Ci This was very distasteful to 
Ratan Chanel and other revenue officials. They 
addressed themselves to * . 9 Abdullah, and he 
was opposed to the issue of the order. All the 
Hindus were greatly on raged-- because of the 
order for collecting \\wjizya, mid of the advice 
about the en ft Ing down of the mansubs" 

These measures would, thus naturally tend 
to promote a roinbhwlion between the Seiads 
and the natives against the Mogul domina- 
tion; and the more* so us, though Mussulmans, 
the Seiwls were not only llindostancc$, but 
prided themselves on being so ; and would be 
the less inclined to acquiesce in the view that an 
Empire re-established by Akbar with the aid 
of Indian nllies f entitled the descendants of the 
original conquerors of Bnbor's time, orthcSoonee 
immigrants from Higher Asia, to treat the 
natives as a conquered, inferior, and HOE- 
privileged race- 
While *weh was the tendency of the policy 
sanctioned by Furokhsir in lliudostiin, his treat- 
ment of his Viceroy in the Dekkan produced 
the same effect- Ktisain Ali at first made a 
vigorous effort to establish the Imperial authority 
there, to coerce the Mahrattas, and settle the 
country. But he experienced unexpectedly for- 
midable resistance, and his arms sustained 
several reverses; and he presently ascertained 
that the enemy were emboldened by the secret 

incitement of the Emperor himself. Farokhsir 

10 



if? 



146 THE FAUOKHSIR 

was, In fact, playing the same treacherous game 
to which he had resorted in the case of Baud 
Khan. Khafi Khan says: "The fact of the 
disagreement between the Emperor and the 
Saiyids was well known from the firmans and 
orders which had been sent secretly to Raja 
Sahu, the dewans and the chief zamindttnf of the 
Karnatik [Le Bala Ghat], desiring them' not 
to obey Ilusain AM Khan. They had accordingly 
showed resistance, and no seltlemenl. of Bija- 
PUT and Haidarabad had been effected/* But 
again, as I said in Baud's case, Huswn was not 
a man to be trifled with, and thus thwarted, 
with impunity, lie now changed his tactics; 
negotiated with the Mahrattas, and concluded 
with them a most important compromise, which' 
practically recognised them as co-partners .in. 
the revenue of the Imperial provinces, Hi * 
corollary-, in political power there* As 
when Bahadur Shah had made 'such, important 
concessions to the Mahrattas, the arrangement 
was made ostensibly as a treaty of peace, with 
an enemy too powerful, as* experience had 
shown, to be conquered. Itaja Shao was to 
receive one quarter of the land revenue col- 
lections, and the Government lands. More- 
over, 10 per cent, from the ryots as mr-deshmuki. 
But besides this he was to share the abwdbs, 
or additional eesses. These altogether would 
amount to nearly half the total Government 
revenue* Transit dues, or road duties, as they 



HUSAIN'S TREATY WITH SHAO 147 

were called, were not to be levied. But this 
prohibition was futile, as the Mahratta col- 
lectors were too active and too strong to be 
resisted. 

And the sting and humiliating circumstance 
of the arrangement was that the dues were not 
to be paid to the Raja by the Mahometan 
Government, but levied actively and haughtily 
by a body of Mahratta officials, while Balaji 
Washwanath and Jamnaji (the Raja's repre- 
sentatives), ** with a suitable escort," were form- 
ally installed at Aurungabad, the Imperial 
capital of the Dekkan, as deputies of the Raja, 
" so that all civil and revenue matters might 
be settled through them." Thus the Mahratta 
plan of establishing virtually an anti-polity 
within the limits of the Mogul Empire was 
realised, and exhibited in a most glaring and 
provoking form. But this was not all. This 
so-called pacification amounted actually to an 
alliance between the Seiad and the essentially 
anti-Mogul community. Husain then, in Khafi 
Khan's words, "made no delay in writing for 
a royal firman confirmatory of this document 
[i.e. of the sanad containing the conditions of 
peace, which he had sent to Sahu, the Raja of 
Satara]. Several well-wishers of the State urged 
that it was not well to admit the vile enemy to 
be overbearing partners in matters of revenue 
and government." This was, in itself, true 
enough. But it was the outcome of the 



14,8 THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIR 

Emperor's intrigue, suicidal equally in a personal 

J and political sense. But ignoring this fact, and 

I the danger of confirming his formidable lieutenant 

in his new friendship with the aspiring Hindoos, 

f he " rejected the treaty." 

Thus his Viceroy and the Mahratta Raja 
had a common grievance gainst him ; and 
Husain AH, like his brother nt Delhi, was the 
more inclined to sympailiisc and combine with 
the Hindoos against Mogul ascendancy. The 
Emperor, on the other hand, was not unconscious 
of his perilous position, And this was impressed 
upon him by a new favourite, a Knslumrian 
of low origin and " disreputable character." 
Jealous of the Seiads, he instigated his Sovereign 
to compass their overthrow with the aid of three 
^ powerful men- Niza-m-ul-MuIk, Surbuland Khan, 

if Governor of Patna, and Raja A jit Sing, the 

# * Rajput Viceroy of Ahmeclahacl But Abdullah 

| vigilant and well -informed -won over the 

;l Eaja to his interest. " Nizum-ul-Mulk and 

I Surbuland Khan/" says Khali Khan, " were at 

I first led to expect the appointments of wazir 

I and mirbakhshi," i.c. the former was to succeed 

Abdullah as Prime Minister, and the latter 
Husain, as Commander - in - Chief* But they 
i found that the fatuous Emperor was bent on 

\\ appointing -his miserable favourite to the former 

: ; office. Whereupon, in great indignation and 

:i despair of such a Sovereign, they renounced 

\ ; the commission* and left him to his fate* Khafi 



NIZAM-UL-MULK PASSIVE 149 

Khan says : " They were heart-broken, but 
they were not disposed to obey and submit to 
Itikad Khan " i.e. the favourite. In other 
words, they were ripe for desertion, if not for 
active rebellion. 

Nizam - ul - Mulk was the more indignant, 
because not only had he lost his Government 
of Muradabad, and as yet received no other, 
but the despised and hated favourite had been 
appointed his (I presume non-resident) successor 
there, and Nizam-ul-Mulk's jagir there had been 
conferred on him. This was adding insult to 
injury. So, like Achilles, when Agamemnon 
deprived him of Briseis, he chewed the cud of 
bitter resentment, and passively awaited the 
gathering of the impending storm. 

The Emperor, meanwhile, on occasion of a 
great festival, collected nearly 70,000 soldiers 
at the capital. While Abdullah, fearing a coup 
de main against himself, issued an order for 
enlisting 20,000 men, of all tribes. Hitherto 
he had relied almost entirely on his Barha 
clientele. But this looks as if he was extending 
his connexion among the natives generally ; 
in other words, throwing himself more on Indian 
support, as opposed to the Mogul party and 
their countrymen from Central Asia. 

Once more, however, though a violent crisis 
was generally anticipated, a hollow reconcilia- 
tion was patched up. The vacillating and timid 
Emperor visited the Minister, disclaimed all 



150 THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIR 

hostile Intentions, and sent Ik Was Khan, " an 
olcl and devoted, friend of the two brothers/' 
to reassure Husain AM. Husain was mueh 
perplexed at the contradictory accounts trans- 
mitted to him successively of the relations of 
his brother with the Emperor. But receiving 
pressing and repeated letters from Abdullah, 
urging him to return to Delhi at once, he 
mobilised a strong army, including 16,000 
Mahrattas, under one of the Raja's best generals, 
who was also, under the late arrangement, 
Mahralta Subadar of Kandeish, and. marched 
northward. Ikhhis Khan delivered his con- 
ciliatory message en route, and Ilusain was 
otherwise informed officially that It was peace. 
Thereupon lie publicly professed loyal intentions, 
if the Emperor " will deal with us kindly and 
without malice." But this qualified intimation 
/ of fidelity to the throne was quickly exchanged 

for a very different attitude on receipt of infor- 
mation from " trustworthy and confidential 
\ correspondents/* who assured him that the 

\ general impression was that "the Emperor's 

* proceedings were merely devices and snares that 

he was weaving to catch fools." Whatever 
I had been Ilusain's real designs hitherto, he 

' seems now to have made up his mind to dethrone 
the Emperor, or reduce him to a puppet- For 
he learned that Abdullah had gained over the 
very men whom the Emperor had hoped to 
employ as Ids champions. Surbuhtnd had been 



m 



HUSAIN OPENLY REBELLIOUS 151 

appointed Subadar of Cabul through the 
Minister's influence, who had also "furnished 
him with money, elephants, and horses " ; and 
Nizam-ul-Mulk had received from Abdullah the 
promise of the Subadari of Malwa; and other 
" waiters on providence " had also been won 
over to the Sciad's interest. Ajit Sing, Rana 
of Oudipur, on whom the Emperor had relied 
to take part against them, and whose daughter 
Farokhsir had married, had now, in spite of 
this connexion, " become a firm ally of the 
Minister. 5 ' So much so, indeed, that the 
Emperor resolved to arrest him, but was 
foiled by Ajit's betaking himself to Abdullah's 
quarters. 

Thus on approaching Delhi, Ilusain assumed 
an openly rebellious attitude, " by ordering his 
drums to be beaten loudly in defiance; for it 
is contrary to all rule for [a subject's] drums to 
be beaten near the residence of the Emperor." 
These are Khafi Khan's words; and he adds 
that Ilusain repeatedly said that he no longer 
\ reckoned himself among the servants of the 

monarch : " I will maintain the honour of my 
I race'' This rather ambiguous expression seems 

[ to me to imply more than simple rebellion against 

! the actual Sovereign. Representative and leader 

of a race of Indian warriors, traditionally famed 
for valour, he repudiates allegiance to the de- 
generate and faithless representative of foreign 
domination and Mogul ascendancy. 



152 



THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIR 



And this interpretation seems to agree with 
the view taken of Husain's attitude by the 
Emperor's advisers. They urged him to open 
war, "particularly," says Khafi Khan, "the 
Mughals, who knew all about the matter." This 
also ambiguous phrase probably means that 
they plainly saw that more than a personal 
quarrel was on the tapis, and that what I may 
venture to call a quasi-nationalist movement 
against the foreign dynasty, and the ascendancy 
of its foreign supporters, was threatened, 

Farokhsir, however, remained passive, until 
Abdullah in a public audience vented his own 
and his brother's grievances, and as a con- 
dition of peace and reconciliation demanded 
the removal of obnoxious persons, the appoint- 
ment of officials generally, and the custody of 
the fortress by men of his and his brother's 
choice. Unable to resist, the Emperor grunted 
these abject terms. Another bitter and mutually 
provocative interview followed, which ended in 
the Emperor's abruptly retiring to the zenana. 
Outside the palace there was much commotion. 
And eventually a party, supported by a brother 
of the Seiads, invaded the palace, discovered, 
seized, and blinded the unfortunate Sovereign, 
and consigned him to the same small, close 
chamber in which his predecessor, Jahandar 
Shah, had been strangled. And soon after, on 
his attempting to escape, he suffered the same 
fate. 



\ 



THE SEIADS PREDOMINANT 153 ] 

The power of the Seiacl brothers was now 
completely predominant at Delhi. The palace 
was occupied by their agents, and guarded by 
their soldiers. Their troops, and those of their 
confederates, Ajit Sing, the Rajput Rana of t 

Oudipur, the Mahratta contingent contributed. 
by the Raja of Satara, and other native forces 
co-operated with their stout Barha clansmen. 
Nizam-ul-Mulk, the most powerful of the Mogul 
party, and other influential men of the same 
class, who had been alienated by Farokhsir's 
devotion to his disreputable favourite, and had 
been courted by Abdullah, at least passively 
supported them ; other would-be adherents of 
the fallen Emperor had been paralysed by his 
timidity and surrender of himself and his strong- 
hold to the plausible demands of the Sciads, 
that they meant to obey him when assured of 
their own safety ; and no organised resistance 
to them was, for the time, feasible. Thus, 
without opposition, they selected a grandson of 
Bahadur Shah, and proclaimed him Emperor. 
Whatever their ulterior designs, it was evident 
from their treatment of him, and of those who 
quickly succeeded him, that for the present 
their intention was to rule through the medium | 

of an Imperial puppet. Thus Khali Khan says 
of Kafi'u-din, the one now chosen : " This 
monarch had not the slightest control in matters 
of government. 55 And when he shortly died, 
from consumption, and they replaced him by his 



154 



THE EMPEROR FAROKHSIR 



elder brother, Kafia-u-Doula, the latter also 

soon died from dysentery ; and the king- 
makers replaced him by Mohammad Shah, son 
of Jalian Shah, and grandson, of Aurungxib a 
young prince of eighteen years of age. Feeble 
health might have afforded a pretext for secluding 
the two moribund Princes. But the plan was 
pursued in this case without any such, excuse. 
Khali Khan thus describes the treatment of 
Mohammad Shah : " All the officers and servants 
around the Emperor were, as before, the servants 
of Saiyid Abdullah. When the young Em- 
peror went out for a ride, he was surrounded, 
as with a halo, by numbers of the Saiyid's ad- 
herents ; mid when occasionally he went out 
hunting, or for an excursion into the country, 
they went with him, and brought him buck." 






t 



XIII 

THE EMPEROR MOHAMMAD SHAH. 
PROG RKSS OF THE ANTI - MOGUL 

REACTION 



: the Barha praetorians thus sequestered 

the Emperor from free intercourse with his 
subjects, the civil administration evinced the 
ascendancy of the Ilindooising Seiad in a manner 
equally obnoxious to the Mogul temper* " Ratan 
Chand," continues Khafi Khan, " held firm his 
position. His authority extended over all civil, 
revenue, and legal matters, even to the appoint- 
ment of kazis in the cities and other judicial 
offices. All the other Government officials were 
put in the background, and no one would under- 
take any business but under a document with 
his seal." 

Imperialist sentiment and the pride of the 
Mogul race were further outraged by other 
circumstances. The magnificence of the Great 
Mogul's Court had been proverbial; and its 
hoarded treasures and works of art were of 
world-wide celebrity, and had increased its 
prestige. But it was now reported that the 
rude and uncourtly Seiad Chieftains had taken 



| 156 THE EMPEROR.. MOHAMMAD SHAH 

JJ 

J I " possession of, and selected for themselves, 

^ whatever they pleased of the royal treasure, 

' J j ewels, works of art, elephants, and horses. ' * And, 

!/ worse and more insulting still, Abdullah was 

J| said to have appropriated to himself some of the 

late Emperor's most beautiful inmates of the 
i| zenana. 

r* The same greedy and reckless disposition 

1* to strip majesty of its externals, and to despoil, 

j with military license, instead of treating with 

I j' decent reverence, the Sovereign whom they had 

;|l themselves placed on the throne, was again 

f| exhibited by Ilusain Alt at Agra. There the-' 

soldiers had, in defiance of the Seiad's choice, 
extracted from a long imprisonment Prince 
Neku Siyar, a son of Prince Akbar, Aurungzib's 
rebellious son, and proclaimed him Emperor. 
But Ilusain besieged and reduced. Agra by 
' famine, and imprisoned the Pretender. And he 

treated as spoil of war, and, says Khali Khan, 
" took possession of the treasure, jewels, and 
valuables which had. accumulated there in the 
course of three or four hundred years, from tine 
.days of Sikander Locli and Babar Badshah." 
Some of these he specifies, and estimates the 
value of the whole at two or three krors of 
rupees, i.e. the same number of millions sterling, 
And so completely had the filibustering spirit 
superseded that of the politic statesman, that 
he fell out with his brother by monopolising 
the spoil ; and only through the mediation of 



BOLDNESS OF THE RAJPUT REACTION 157 

Ratan Chanel at last "grudgingly surrendered 
to him twenty-one lacs of rupees." 

Another insult to the Imperial majesty 
and to the religious susceptibilities of the Moguls 
was offered by Ajit Sing, the elose ally and 
active coadjutor of the Seiads. I mentioned 
that his daughter had been married to Farokh- 
sir. He now sent her home with her jewels 
and paraphernalia, and was reported to have 
made her "throw off her Mussulman dress, 
and dismiss her Muhammadan attendants*" 
Whereupon Khafi Khan remarks : 

" In the reign of no former Emperor had 
any Raja been so presumptuous as to take 
his daughter after she had been married to a 
King and admitted to the honour of Mam." 

A little later Ajit ventured on another piece 
of outrecuidance, similarly obnoxious to Mussul- 
man sentiment, and indicative of the increasing 
boldness of the Hindoo reaction. As Subadar of 
Ahmedabad, he forbade the slaughter of cows. 
But what Khafi, Khan calls a "sharp warn- 
ing" from Nizam-ul-Mulk constrained him to 
draw in his horns, and cancel the offensive 
order. 

His rival Rajput Prince, Jei Sing, of Amber, 
or Jaipur as it was called later, had hitherto 
been an anti-Seiad. But he now submitted 
to them, and was appointed faujdar, or military 
commandant of Surat. "Under this arrange- 
ment," says Khafi Khan, " the two Rajas held 



158 THE EMPEROR MOHAMMAD 

all the country from thirty eos of Delhi to 
$ the shores of the sea at Surat." Thus the 

I/- ^ Seiads were extending and confirming their 

f 'J Indian connexion in various directions. And 

^ their anti-Mogul policy was comprehensively 

F f indicated by the formal abolition once more 

vt ( ! { ; i( ' of thejizya* This had been effected immediately 

-;|'j , on the fall of Farokhsir. Khafi Khan's record 

fe; of the fact is significant of the influence at 

[< work, and of his antipathy to that influence* 

f* ', He says ; " In the council of the first day* in 

V accordance with the desire of Raja Ajit Sing, 

* " - ( and of the bigoted Hnja an 

: \ , order was passed for the abolition of the a,. 

i< ftttd assurances of security and protection [4e- 

, ^ i of the Hindoos] were circulated all the 1 

country.'* 
( \ The general impression of the of 

at this period, and the profound It 

engendered in the of the old and. 

of the Mogul inlm-st, are forcibly. 

conveyed In the following passage of the 

, , I author whom I so freely : 

., / u The Bttiperor no power in the govcrn- 
v , . , . ' ' ment of theState^ * * * c:vory flung W ns directed 

by Ratan' Sing and other vile infidels* The 
two Saiyids, the real rulers, thought themselves 
masters of the pen and masters of the sword in 
Hindostan, and as opposed to their judgment 
and the swords of the Barhas, the Mughals of 
Iran, and of Turan were as nobodies* They did 



MOGUL VJKW OF TIIK SITUATION IM 

not remember Ihnt these Murhals had eome 
1000 or 2000 .miles front their naiive counin<'s, 
and that by their coin's igo and sound judiLjinenl; 
the wide realm of Ilindoslan, \vilh its #rcaf. 
kings and famous w/V,v ? had by ha.ni ik?lrfin<( 
been won for the Emperor Ba.h:n\ For hvo 
hundred years they had lived in I hi' favour 
of the house of Tinmr, and lh<*y iuw 1V1I HM- 
ignominy of sc^in.i; ///r/V Kniprrtir \\iihuul any 
power in his own Slate, Pnd\ roiir;iyv, anil 
Itonour continually spurn d I his liuu-hearit*d 
nohlc [i.e. Ilaidar Kuli Khan, of \vhrun 
hereafter] io ma,kc k an end of I his slalr of t 
and to tak(5 reveno-c*. 1 " 

While such sentiments would ;( any period 
have been strongly opera live* among the Mojrul 
magnates,, they hud been naturally intensified 
by the policy of Aurung/ib, and his exclusive 
rcliunce, in his later years, on their eo-operalion 
in its execution. He hud alienated the Unjpufs, 
and they figure no mont in his :nnii-Muhr:U.tn 
campaigns alter Sivaji's final revoli. 

The Maliratta War of I r [dependence after 
Siva] Ps death hud both exasperaled and humi- 
liated the Mogul partisans of the Knipcror's 
obstinate but vain attempt to restore his military 
prestige, and realise his programme of proving 
and treating the Hindoos as a. twice-conquered 
people. And that not only this should fail, but 
that the crushed worm should have turned, 
and, under the auspices of Indian Shia leader* 



160 THE EMPEROR MOHAMMAD SHAH 

ship, should turn the tables on their former 
masters, reduee the Great Mogul to a puppet/ 
and the proud nobles of his raee to political 
inanity, and monopolise power, patronage, and 

wealth, was an unspeakable degradation and 
cause of offence to those trained in the school of 
Aurung'/ib. Hence another revolution, and a 

desperate attempt to subvert the Seiads and 
reverse the position, was inevitable. Nor was 
the initial agent of such a policy far to seek. 



i 



XIV 
MOGUL COUNTEIMIKVOLUTION 

CHIN KILICH KHAN, or as he was now entitled 
and is best known to history as Nizam-ul- 
Mulk, was both an able and experienced soldier 
and a wily and far-sighted politician. Though 
born in India, he was a Mogul to the core, a 
strong Imperialist, a bigoted Mussulman, and 
ait inveterate opponent of native predominance 
and Matmitta independence. His father had 
been a distinguished general under Aurungzib; 
and both he and his son had served long and 
well in the Dekkan wars. Ni^am-nl-Mulk's 
military reputation ahd political consideration 
were well established, as might be inferred from 
Farokhsir's attempt to employ him for his 
liberation from the yoke of the Seiads, and 
from Abdullah's courting and conciliating him 
on the eve of the Imperial tragedy* In that 
tragedy he took no active part, though he 
remained passive on its occurrence. But he 
was biding his time, and preparing resources 
for a eontre-coup. And though, for the present, 
a good understanding seemed to prevail between 
him and the Seiads, each party had good reason 



162 



MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION 



to distrust the other. The Seiads were well 
aware that Nizam~ul~Mulk had been selected, 
and had been quite willing, to compass their 
overthrow* And he well knew that both on this 
account, and from his prominence and his 
notorious character, rejmf a I ion, and politieal 
views, they could not but regard him as a 
formidable danger to their usurped authority 
and hybrid politieal connexion. For the titfie 
they propitiated and got rid of him at Delhi, 
by appointing him Subadar of Malwa* But, 
as I shall show .rescntty, they calculated on 
hemming him la '"between, and coercing if not 
destroying him by the instrumentality of, their 
own adherents. 

Nizam-ul-MuIk, on the other hand, was not 
only personally clear - sighted, cautious, and 
vigilant, but was put on his from head- 

quarters, and stimulated by an appeal to his 
loyalty, to exert himself in his own defence, 
and for the emancipation of the Emperor. 
Mohammad Shah's mother was, Khali 

Khan, u well acquainted with business* 

and was a woman of much nvU*lli,genee and tact." 
And in frequent letters she informed him "that' 
the constraint used by the Salyuls so strict 
that the Emperor 1 had only liberty to go to 
service on the Sabbath, he had^&o. 

power of giving orders ; that the 

Saiyids . * * proposed . * * to get rid of Nkam-ul- 
Mulk, and then to do as they pleased ; that the 



NIZAM-UL-MULK HOSTILE TO THE SEIADS 163 

Emperor and his mother had full reliance on 
Nizam-ul-Mulk, that he would not fail in the 
loyalty which his ancestors had ever exhibited/' 
Such an intimation, and such an appeal, were 
quite in accordance with the' views and resolves 
of the able and ambitious man to whom they 
were addressed. 

"Nizam-ul-Mulk," says Khafi Khan, "per- 
ceived that the brothers had the fixed intention 
of overthrowing the royal house and removing 
the Khalifa of the world" Though hitherto 
[ the conduct of the Seiads Itemed to imply a 

| design to reduce the Empcr<- permanently to a 

mere roifain&ant, and to wield independent power 
in his name, as the Peishwas did later in the 
*', name of the imprisoned Raja of Satara, and 

\ Mahadaji Sindia in the name of the later Em- 

peror, Shah Alam ; these words indicate rather 
his suspicion that they aimed ultimately at 
founding a new dynasty of their own, a nation- 
alist power, subversive of the foreign Mogul 
element, and based upon native Indian support, 
Hindoo, and probably the earlier Afghan element, 
which had dominated India for centuries before 
Baber's incursion, and had been overthrown by 
him, and in its later phase by Akbar. But in either 
case he foresaw the ruin not only of the Imperial 
house, but of the ascendancy of the race which 
it represented, and which was identified with 
Nizam-ul-Mulk's antecedents, associations, and 
personal interests. Hence to overthrow the 



164 



MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION 



fej 
i I 



v 

( J * 

i 



Seiads* and restore the Krnperor to his old 
position of an independent Sovereign, and con- 
spicuous and dignified Head of the conquering 
race, in fact,, as the Great Mogul, was his im- 
mediate and urgent aim. But " the longest 
way round is the shortest way home." And as 
a coup ffetat at Delhi was not at onee feasible, he 
preferred to take up his appointment in Malwa, 
and there accumulate and organise at his leisure 
the means for striking a decisive blow later. His 
preparations for this were systematic and elabo- 
rate. Thus Khali Khan tells : i4 There accom- 
panied him more titan a thousand companions, 
manmhdan and jugmlars* who were poor and 
sick at heart with the unkimlncss shown by the 
Saiyids, and through pay being in arrear. Nizam- 
ul-Mulk busied himself in collecting soldiers and 
artillery, which [observes the writer signifi- 
cantly] are necessary for governing the world 
and keeping it in order*" [In other words 
for effecting a counter-revolution, as u revolu- 
tions are not made with rose- water."] " He gave 
five hundred horses with accoutrements and. 
arms to Muhammad Ghiyas Kh.au for his Mughal 
fraternity, and turned them into horsemen. 
He lent large sums of money to others, binding 
them to himself by the bonds of debt and kind- 
ness," With characteristic adroitness he secured 
another partisan, while literally conforming to 
the orders of Husain* as Commander-in-Chief* 
Murhamat Khan* the commandant of a fortress 



SEIADS* SCHEME AGAINST NIZAM-U1>MDLK 165 

at Mandu, had held back,, on pretence of ill- 
ness, when summoned to join Husain on his late 
march to Delhi, and had been in eonsequenee 
superseded. But he had resisted the mandate, 
and Husain instructed, Nizam-ul~Mulk to remove 
him* This lie did by diplomacy, but only to 
attach him to his own service. And he had 
at this time ^ collected," says Khafi Khan, 
" 7000 or 8000 horse and materials of war." 

On the other hand, the Sciads were on their 
guard, and preparing to circumvent him. They 
had appointed him to Malwa, not only to get 
rid of him, for the time, from the capital, but 
because they relied., if necessary, on concentrating 
against him forces adequate to overpower him* 
44 Malwa," says Khafi Khan, 4C was half-way 
between Delhi and the Dakhin." Husain's 
forces were in possession of the capital. And 
Alam Ali Husain's adopted son, " with a 
sufficient army/* had been left as Deputy Suba- 
dar in the Dckkan. And a third force, under 
a Rajput Blum Sing, had been commissioned to 
march against the zamindar of BundL But on 
the promise of promotion to the dignity of 
Maharaja, Bhim Sing was secretly engaged to 
hold himself in readiness to act against Nizam- 
ul-Mulk in the projected triple combination- 
Then Husain, throwing aside the veil, "began 
to pick a quarrel" with his formidable rival* 
His charges were conclusively answered. But, 
probably as a test of his doubtful obedience to 




166 



MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION 



M 

Iff 



the usurped authority of the Seiad brothers* or 

as a plausible ground for attacking him if he 
refused to obey the order, Husain announced 
that he wished himself to assume the Govern- 
ment of Malwa, and Nkam-iil-MuIk was sum- 
moned to return to Court, with the promise of 
an appointment to a Subndnry elsewhere. 

This capricious supersession might well ex- 
asperate him. And lie was too acute not to see 
that, in one way or another, his ruin was in- 
tended. And private In format Ion combined to 
impress upon him the conviction that the time 
was come for him also to throw off the mask, 
and begin his campaign ngmnst his personal 
enemies, and the obnoxious regime which they 
had established and were consolidating* Khafi 
Khan says : " lie had received from the 

Emperor and from private him 

there was no time to b^ lost, and that what he 
had to do he must do quickly." This writer 
asserts that 4t he had formed the of con- 

quering the Dakhin, and of free that "land 

of treasure and of soldiers/* IE words, 

he realised that the military command of the 
Dekkan would be the effectual meantihof 

neutralising the league between the Seiads and 
the Mahrattas, and would be a most serious 
blow to their Hindooising policy. He could also 
rely on Mogul sympathy in that quarter, as 
proved the case speedily* On crossing the 
Nerbudda, he at once received an overture for 



same course." 



The Seiads were now seriously alarmed, and 
much perplexed and divided in their counsels. 
Husain was inclined to go in person to the 
Dekkan. Ratan Chand "advised a peace and 
the surrender of the subas of the Dakhin to 
Nizam-ul-Mulk." But to this Husain would not 
consent. And it was hoped that the previously 
conceived plan of exposing Nizam-ul-Mulk to a 
combined attack by Bhim Sing and his col- 



' '} 

^ 



NIZAM-UL-MULK IN THE DEKKAN 167 

the surrender of the great fort of Asseergurh, < 

which was executed; and the day after, the ' H 
capital of Kandcish, Burhanpur, was similarly 
given up without a blow, by the officer specially 
deputed by Alam All Khan to defend it. There 
he was also joined by Iwaz Khan, another offi- 
cial in Berar, and by "troop after troop of 
adherents." Thus his position grew rapidly 
stronger. The surrender of Asseergurh was well 
calculated to excite the alarm of the Seiads. 
For, besides its great strength, it showed that 
the military superiority on which they relied 
was being sapped by their astute adversary. 
An emissary of Nizam-ul-Mulk had tampered 
with the garrison, and his own soldiers had com- 
polled the Seiad's commandant to open his 
gates. The Nizam was mpreover joined by 
Minbulkar, "a famous Mahratta chieftain, with 
his followers." " And,;' adds Khafi Khan, " all 
the officials of Burhartpur, and many of the 
zamindars of the neighbourhood, had taken the 



168 MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION 

leagues, Dilawar Khan and Alam Khan, would 
suffice to overpower him. Dilawar was Hus- 
ain's bakshi or chief military officer in Malwa, and 
in obedience to pressing orders he increased his 
forces, and crossed the Nerbudda, while Alam 
Ali was engaged in "enlisting as many Mah- 
rattas as he could," and Dithering together the 
great faujdars at Aurungutuul, "intending to 
place the enemy between two armies." But while 
he tarried "or intelligence of Dilawar's approach, 
Nizam-ul-Mulk marched promptly against Dila- 
war and his .Rajput confederates, engaged them 
in a bloody and obstinate battle, and utterly 
defeated them. Dilawar, Raja Bhim, and 
another Rajput; llaja, Gaj Sing, and 4000 or 
5000 soldiers were killed. The writer notices that 
when, at last, the army of the Barhas fled, the 
Rajputs, true to their tr^ttV^^l character, 
"disdained to escape," and 1 t upon the 
field. 

The tidings of this event further distracted 
the councils of the Seiad brothers. So serious 
was the prospect in the south, that they were 
half inclined to march thither together, taking 
the Emperor with them. But they were averse 
to risk their hold over the capital, and, on 
tidings of another catastrophe, they decided to 
separate. 

Alam Khan, Husain's Deputy Subadar in 
the Dekkan, was a young man, twenty-two 
.years of age, "distinguished," says our author, 




ALAM AM DKVKATKI) AND SLAIN 160 

"by all the determination and bnivn'y of the 
Barha Saiyids." But he ws rani!, self-willed, 
and no general. The MnJmiUn ,v/;v///r.v nnd his 
own officers advised him to await, behind the 
walls of Aurungabnd or AluwTlnuggur, the 
arrival of Tlusain All, while the Mnhrntias might 
hang upon and harass Ni/*am-ul-Mu!k's army, 
and "carry on that. Cossack tvarfcm* for which 
the people of the Dakhin ;ire so fantoiiH/ f But 
this he disdained to do. His able fjftul wily 
adversary, though seriously Impelled by the 
monsoon, skilfully accomplished the crossing of 
a flooded river, to the surprise of A lam Ail Khan; 
repulsed the during' onslaughts of the Mahratta 
skirmishers, and brought on an action on ground 
chosen by himself. Again he gained a decisive 
victory* Alam lighting bravely to the last, was 
slain* togclh< v ^*''4!b '.*uuy other leading officers, 
44 men of reri* ,vn," as 'the author amis them* 
Nizam~ul~MuIk'*i loss was shiall ; and the moral 
effect of his success was attested by the defection 
to him of the Subadur of Hyderabad, with six 
or seven thousand horse. 

But more notable and momentous was this 
moral effect m Hinelostan. 

The Seiad brothers prepared to make an 
extraordinary effort to meet the crisis* They 
resolved to raise an army of 100,000 men, from 
among their clansmen, and a significant fact 
from among the (Indian) Afghans. With this 
army Husain was to march against 





170 MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION 

ul-Mulk, taking the Emperor in his train, as 
Henry vi. was taken, for the same purpose, in 
the. Wars of the Roses, while Abdullah was to 
maintain order in the capital. 

But "the jamadars" or, as we might eall 
them, the recruiting officers, " far and near had 
noticed the declining fortunes of the two Saiyids, 
and they were unwilling to go to the Dakhin, so 
the desired army was not raised/' With difficulty 
about half the proposed force was eventually 
collected and sent forward, while Husain tarried 
at Tira, "thirty cos from Fathpur," in company 
with the Emperor. 

Besides the chronic hostility of the decided 
Mogul party* even the previous adherents and 
beneficiaries of the Seiads were now inclined to 
desert them* This was probably, in a 
degree, from a strong disposition to be found on 
the winning side. But Khafi Khan it 

to more respectable motives* He says : ** The 
infamous murder of the martyr .Emperor 
(Farokhsir), the sight of the indignities which 
the Emperor, the representative of the house 
of Tinaur, had to endure, and the fact of the 
administration being under the direction of a 
base-born shopkeeper (Ratan Chand) had, under 
the guidance of the Converter of Hearts, 
changed their feelings/' In other words, the 
general sentiment among the prot6gs as well 
as the foes of the brothers was hostile to them 
as Ratan Chand's patrons, and favourable to 



c * 



HUSAIN ALI ASSASSINATED 171 

the emancipation of the Emperor the warcry 
of the counter-revolutionists. 

In these circumstances, a plot was concerted, 
in the deepest privacy, for assassinating Seiad 
Husain AIL The arch-conspirator was a Mogul 
noble, Itimadu-d Daula, or Mohammed Amin 
Khan, with two confederates, his " close and 
trusted friend," Sadut Khan, of Persian origin, 
and the founder of the later Oude dynasty, and 
Haider Khan, a Chaghati Turk, of illustrious 
descent, though Elphinstone describes him as 
" a savage Calmuc. 55 

Only the Emperor's mother and a proteg 
of Seiad Abdullah were privy to the plot, which 
was not disclosed either to the Emperor him- 
self or to Itimadu-d Daula's own son. At least 
so says Khafi Khan ; though I suspect that 
Haidar Kuli Khan (of whom more presently) was 
apprised of it just before it was carried into 
execution. The third conspirator, Haider Khan, 
undertook the deed, and, while Husain read a 
petition which he had presented to him, accom- 
plished his fatal object at a single stroke of a j * 
dagger. The assassin was cut down promptly, f*j 
and a fierce contest ensued between Husain 5 s ! ' 
partisans and the Moguls, who, says the his- | ; 
torian, " assembled from every side.'* Itimad ** f 
had in the meantime betaken himself to the j^ 
tent of Haidar Kuli Khan. I have already \ j 
quoted an account of his strong sympathy with ' 1 ' 
the cause of the Mogul Imperialists. Husain 



172 MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION 

had just made him commandant of the 
artillery* But Itlmad now probably informed 
him of the intended coup de main. And 
after it was delivered lie at once ranged himself 
on the side of the conspirators. " He stepped 
boldly forward, ready to show his loyalty and 
devotion in vigorous action/* Itimad and he 
directed Sadut 4 Khan to visit the Emperor in 
his private quarters, and induce him to show 
himself. This was done ; and Itimad then 
** mounted him on his own elephant, and sat 
behind, him as his attendant.'" In the con- 
fusion only a very slender escort could be mus- 4 
tered, and this was exposed to a fierce onslaught, 
headed by " that raging lion of the Barhas, 
Izzut Khan," a nephrw of the Seiad brothers. 
44 On one side/ 5 says Khafi Khan, "the braves 
of Barha rushed boldly into the fray ; on the 
other, the valiant men of Iran and Turan came 
from every side eager for the light," But Izzut 
was killed ; and the victory remained with 
the Imperialists. 

The Emperor signalised his recovered freedom 
by appointing Itimad. Vizier, and bestowing 
various distinctions on Ilaidar Kuli Khan, Sadut 
Khan, and other active promoters of the counter- 
revolution* 

Though thus ? both in the Dekkan and in 
Hindostan, the toils were closing around Ab- 
dullah* he made strenuous exertions to recover 
his ascendancy* His brother and his valiant 



urwfcw, 

p. 



ABDULLAH RAISES A NEW ARMY 178 

nephew Izzut, as well as his other nephew in 
the Dekkan, were no more* His Minister, Ratan 
Chanel, had been maltreated by the Mogul mob 
and the budmmhe of the camp* carried to the 
Emperor's quarters^ and confined in chains 
by Itimad* Another of his favoured Hindoo 
officials had fled- And Husain's army had 
become the Emperor's, though there was 
treachery in the camp, and some officers and 
their troops were meditating desertion. Ab- 
dullah's first step was to set up an anti-Emperor, 
as another puppet. In this he experienced 
much difficulty. More than one Prince posi- 
tively refused his overtures. But he succeeded 
at last in raising to the throne a brother of the 
roi faineant who had died of consumption, as 
Muhammad Ibrahim. 

He then made strenuous efforts to secure 
partisans, and to raise a new and large army, 
to confront that which had now passed over 
to the real Emperor. He was constrained to 
fall back upon many who had been unemployed, 
disgraced, even imprisoned, under his previous 
regime. Among these were Itikad Khan, Fax- 
okhsir's old favourite, who had plotted his 
destruction under that Emperor, and Hamid 
Khun, Nijxam-ul-Mulk's uncle, whom he had 
deprived of his jaghire when the nephew had 
declared against the rule of the Seiads, and 
proceeded to hostilities. Such officers were little 
to be trusted, and their appointment showed 



174 MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION 
that Abdullah's game was a desperate one. 
He was also much embarrassed for money, in 
consequence of the exorbitant demands of 'the 
soldiers, who were the more inclined to insist 
upon high terms for their services, because 
they were in bad case from previous arrears 
of pay, or in the instance of the Barha recruits, 
because they rated themselves by no means 
modestly. Thus a brother of Abdullah brought 
with him, says Khali Khan, from the Doab, 
" ten or twelve thousand horse, also one hundred 
and fifty carts full of B ar h a Saiykls, each of 
whom thought himself equal to twenty well- 
accoutred horsemen, and had come in the 
expectation of making himself an amir, an 
elephant rider, and a general." Their gallantry 
in the battle that followed, as on other occasions, 
went some way to justify the soaring ambition of 
these soldiers of fortune. Indian Afghans also 
flocked to the quasi-nationalist standard k great 
numbers. And from the now Imperial army 
numbers of Husain's old troops deserted and 
joined Abdullah, as did Churamon, the Chief of 
the Jats, after an unsuccessful attempt to fire 
the Emperor's magazine, in which he was 
foiled by Haidar Kuli Khan's vigilance. Thus 
Abdullah contrived to muster an enormous 
but heterogeneous army. It is said to have 
amounted to nearly 100,000 men, and to have 
been twice as numerous as that of the Emperor. 
But it was a disorderly and ill-disciplined host. 



BATAN CHAND BEHEADED 



175 



Thus Khafi Khan says : " There were such 
contentions among the officers, who were un- 
willing to serve under the orders of each other, 
that a proper disposition could not be made. 
Each chief raised his standard where he 
chose, and would not consent to obey any 
other." 

Before the battle began, the character of the 
contest was illustrated by the execution of 
the captive Hindoo Minister-, who had lately 
given its tone to the administration of the 
Sciacls. Khafi Khan's sympathies are vigorously 
intimated in his record of this retributive act* 
" The Emperor . * ordered, that the head 
of the vile Ratan Chanel, who had been the 
chief cause of the unpopularity of the Saiyicls, 
should be struck from his filthy body, so that 
the world might be gladdened by being cleansed 
from his polluting existence. So his head was 
cut off and thrown as a propitious omen before 
the feet of the Emperor's elephant." 

The battle that followed was long and 
well contested. But it was decisive, not only 
as an Imperialist victory, but of the great 
political issues which were involved in the 
contest* The desperate gallantry of the Barha 
chiefs and their followers was pitted against 
the skilful and terribly effective fire of the 
Imperial artillery, directed by Haidar Kuli 
Khan ; and the fortune of war-, at the close of 
the day, still trembled in the balance. Haidar 



176 MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLUTION 

j 

Kuli's guns " shook the new levies in the enemy's 
army," and a flight began among them, in 
which older soldiers joined. But Najm-ud-din 
AH, another of Abdullah's many brothers, and 
on this occasion, according to our author, '* the 
leading spirit of the Barha army," planted a 
battery on a hill commanding the battlefield, 
and followed up this manoeuvre by a bold 
charge with 14,000 or 15,000 horse upon the 
royal artillery. A fierce contest followed ; and 
Khafi Khan says that the Seiads " nearly won 
the battle." But; the Imperialists attacked and 
captured the battery on the hill; and night 
closed on an undecided strife. But Haidar 
Kuli gave the enemy no respite-. In the darkness, 
"he pushed forward his guns, and opened a 
heavy fire" on the hostile army, which was 
constrained to fall back, and many made off in 
the obscurity and confusion. 

" Out of the 100,000 horsemen of the enemy's 
army," says Khafi Khan, " only 17,000 or 18,000 
held their ground through the terrible cannon- 
ade of that night." Whether these alone took 
part in the final struggle is not dear; but it 
seems to be implied in these words, as well as 
by what follows ; 

" In the morning the Imperial army advanced, 
and was met by Najm-ud-diu Khan with some 
other brave and devoted Barha chiefs, and a 
hard fight ensued." Abdullah, seeing "the 
desperate position of las brother, . . . brought 



ABDULLAH DKKKATKI) AND TAKEN 177 

up a party of the Barha braves to his rescue.** 
Thereupon Najru-ud-din and his followers "re- 
covered their powers, and fought so fiercely 
that * . * the royal army began to waver,'* But 
again Huiclar Kuli inlcrposcd, and with, decisive 
effect. He led a charge on Abdullah's flank, 
which Khafi Khan describes as "overwhelm- 
ing.** Abdullah, following a prncfice which, re- 
sembled that of knights in the Middle Ages, as 
Hallam notices, " dismounted from his elephant 
in the hope that the Barha braves would dis- 
mount from their horses and join him fin a 
charge].** But his action was misunderstood, 
and Interpreted as a cowmcwrmcnl; of flight* 
And thereupon, except 2000 or 8000 horse in 
his immediate neighbourhood, the whole army 
broke and fled. Uaidar Kuli himself eaptured 
Abdullah, and led him on an elephant, and 
wounded, into the presence of the Emperor, 
who 4fi spared his life, and gave him in charge 
to his captor/ 9 His gallant brother had been 
mortally wounded* And Hamid Khan, Nizam- 
ul-Hulk*$ unele, gave himself up, and was 
pardoned ; as was also the pseudo-Emperor, 
Sultan Ibrahim, who was taken prisoner, but 
released as having been, an involuntary tool 
in the Sciad's faandn, 

It would not be easy to exaggerate the im- 
portant consequences of this counter-revolution 
on the future fortunes of India* Had not the 




in MOGUL COIJNTER41EVOUTTION 

main knot been cut by the assassination of 
Husain, the Seiads might have prevailed* And 
they might have established and maintained a 
strong government on a tolerant basis* with the 
support of the Indian Mussulmans and the 
Hindoo Princes. 

The encroaching and predntory character 
of the Mahratta polity would undoubtedly 
have been a difficulty. But the compromise 
suggested by Ratan Clmnd, to cede the' Bekkan 
Provinces to Nixam-ul-Mulk, might have been 
adopted, by making them over unreservedly to 
the Raja of Satara or in fact, to the Peisfawa 
and his subordinate Chieftains- Whether this 
would have prevented them from pushing on Into 
Hindostan and trying conclusions with the new 
monarchy of the Seiads, acting in the of a 

puppet Emperor, or in their own if they 

preferred to establish a new dynasty, is doubt- 
ful. But the Mahrattas might that 
their safest course was to keep on friendly terns 
with the rulers at Delhi, for of another 
counter-revolution in the Mogul especi- 
ally when the Europeans began to the list, 
and threatened to break up the political 
system of native India. 

And meanwhile the Seiads would have 
avoided the fatal carelessness and lethargy which 
opened India to the incursion of Nadir Shah # 
and the consequent utter prostration of the 
Imperial majesty and authority. 



THE RESULT OF THE VICTORY ABORTIVE 179 

On the other hand, the counter-revolution, 
though successful at the moment, failed, through 
the personal defects of the Emperor, to retrieve 
the failing fortunes of the Empire. It restored 
the Emperor to personal freedom, and to the 
exercise of his personal sovereignty, according 
to the traditional practice of the Mogul monarchy. 
And had Mohammad Shah, like his illustrious 
predecessors, been a Prince of mature age, 
versed in affairs, and from experience capable 
of discerning, and from disposition inclined to 
pursue, his true interests, and steadily supporting 
a sagacious and loyal Minister ; though he could 
not have succeeded in restoring the Empire to 
its pristine vigour, or re-extending it to its old 
limits, he might probably have retarded the 
day of its dissolution ; ruled respectably ; and 
avoided the fatal concessions which we shall 
see he was constrained to make to the 
Mahrattas, and the crushing overthrow and 
abject humiliation which he suffered from Nadir 
Shah. 

The most singular and, at first sight, para- 
doxical circumstance connected with the counter- 
revolution is the attitude and conduct of Nizam- 
ul-Mulk, contrasted with his subsequent assump- 
tion of virtual independence of the Emperor 
in the Dekkan. Though absent from the scene 
of the contest, and though there is no reason to 
suspect that he was privy to the assassination 
plot* he was unquestionably the master-spirit 



. ? 'i 



, 



ISO MOGUL COTTNTER-RKVOIJJTTON 

of the MoguL party's movement against the 
regime of the Seiads. And the professed objects 
of that movement were to restore the power of 
the Emperor, and to re-establish Mogul domina- 
tion. Yet> when objects had attained, 

he practically repudiates the Emperor's author- 
ity, and becomes himself a dismemberer of 
the Empire. This inconsistency be readily 
accounted for by assuming he was actuated 
simply by personal feelings* And, to a certain, 
extent, this Is no doubt true* It is also that 
he was a wily politician, who was given to alter- 
ing his course according to the 
of the timein that lie was an opportunist. 
But 1 shall show later 'that he was not so mcoa- 
as he ; and his line wis 

an alternative adopted on the conviction that 
the Emperor a bruised the restora- 

tion of Ms power and 

(if I use & the 

vessel of was hopelessly doomed, It 

time to take to a boat, and save himself and some 
of the crew from shipwreck. 

Nium-ul-Mulk had been., in the first in- 
stance, appointed Subador of the Dckkan by the 
Seiads, in acknowledgment of his at least passive 
co-operation with them in the deposition of 
Jehandar Shah (whom, he had previously served) 
and in the exaltation of Farokhsir. 

But when they recalled him, and Husain All 
took his place, although no open quarrel followed, 




" 



SADUT KHAN FOUNDS THE GUDE DYNASTY 181 

! the seeds of hostility were sown ; and though 
Nizam*ulMulk did not oppose the new revolution, 
which displaced Farokhsir and raised Mohammad 
Shah to the throne, he was much scandalised 
at the murder of the unfortunate Emperor ; 
was by no means reconciled to the new regime 
by his appointment to the ViccroyaUy of Malwa ; 
and (as we have seen.) both in self-defence against 
those whom he now considered enemies both of 
himself and of his class, and incited by the new 
Emperor and his mother, he marched again into 
the Dekkan ; struck do wit the lieutenants of the 
Seiads there ; made himself master of the Mogul 
Provinces south of the Nerbuclda ; and thus 
faeiiitated the counter-revolution in Ilindostan 
which emancipated Mohammad Shah, and re- 
sulted in the death of Ilusain and the defeat and 
captivity of Abdullah* 

Of the three conspirators, thtf actual murderer 
of Ilusain had perished. But the Emperor, 
now free to choose his ministers, made Itam- 
u-dowla, the contriver of the plot, his Vizier; 
and his friend, the third conspirator, Sadut Khan, 
became Viceroy of Oudc, and the founder of the 
dynasty which came to an end on the eve of 
the great Sepoy Mutiny in 1857. And Sadut's 
previous service, together with his vigorous 
character and conduct, enabled him to root 
himself so tenaciously in Oudc, that it virtually 
became an independent Principality, like the 
Dekkan under Nizam-ul-Mulk in the period on 




182 



MOGUL COUNTER-REVOLtmON 



which we are entering. Thus, in both cases* the 
revolution that was to restore the vitality of 
the moribund Empire resulted in its further 
dismemberment, and reduced it to a shrivelled 
and attenuated carcass ! 



XV 



NKAM-UL-MULK'S POLICY 

THE new Vizier did not long survive Ins eleva- 
tion. And, on his death, Ni/am-ul-Mulk was 
appointed to succeed him, and returned to the 
capital, without, however, resigning his Vice- 
royalty, or giving up the control of the strong 
places which he had entrusted to his supporters, 
and which gave him the effective command of 
the country. At Delhi he did his utmost to 
act the part of a loyal and efficient Prime 
Minister. But the youthful, weak, and pleasure- 
loving Sovereign was under the influence of 
volatile and vicious companions of his own 
age, and of a female favourite, who distracted 
him from all serious application to business, 
contrived to misappropriate and squander in 
profligacy the slender resources of the restricted 
and impoverished Empire, and poisoned the 
Sovereign's mind against the faithful and saga- 
cious, but severe, free-spoken, and, according 
to the temper of the Court, ludicrously old- 
fashioned and exacting Minister. His position 
not a little resembled that of Clarendon at the 
Court of Charles n. In vain he tried to rouse 



184 NIZAM-UL-MULK'S POLICY 

Mohammad Shah to a sense of his duties, and 
., t the personal supervision of public affairs. His 

! : remonstrances were irksome, and only provoked 

dislike and jealousy, and, in the end, fear and 
enmity. 

1 ] The Vizier showed no disposition to imitate 

; the unconstitutional and dangerous practice of 

his predecessors, and, depriving the Emperor 
of power, to rule arbitrarily in hi name* But 
he saw too clearly that the experiment of re- 
^ , i ; storing him to the posil ion of the older Sovereigns 

i "i had failed; that Mohammad Shah was 

^ ^ for personal rule; and instead of persevering 

f , in so uneongenial, mortifying, and hopeless an 

1 * attempt to galvanise the torpid Sovereign into 

political vitality, or trying to find a. fitter Prinee, 
. , f and plunging anew into direct rebellion, he 

; * preferred to resign his oHicc, and, retiring Into 1 

I M f *he Dckkan, to consolidate his own ? 

j| there, and leave the ilksim*red and crumbling \ 

Empire to its inevitable fate, 

Before he did this, however, he had for the 
time broken the power of the Jats, and had 
subdued a . refractory Viceroy In Uu'/cmt, macl , 

^ ', added that province to his own elmrge, ad* T 

^^ ministering it through hm uncle, IlarriJ^l Khun, ' | 

However conscious of Js own shortcoming ;! 

and of the original fidelity of Ni^am-ul-MuIk, j 

the Emperor might well be alarmed at sueh a 
monopoly of power by a servant at once so 
able and so discontented ; and he 



MAHRATTAS CONQUER GUZERAT & MALWA 185 

f 



to play the old game of intrigue against him. ?' 

lie superseded him in Malwa and Guzerat ; : : 

but thereby only left these provinces exposed \ , 

to the incursions of the Mahrattas, who soon }' 

after overran, conquered, and annexed them,. i 

Indeed,, they were already swarming in Guzerat : j 

and Nizam-ul-Mulk, however strongly opposed f 

to the authority of Shao in the Dekkan, or ; 

rather to the rising influence of Shao's great 
Minister, the Peishwa, found his account in 
leaguing himself with Trimbuk Rao, the Sena- \ 

putti, or Commaiuler-in-Chicf of the Raja in 
Guzcrut, wh,om he played off successively against r if 

the Imperial Viceroy and the Mahratta Pcishwa ; , 

and thereby promoted the rise of Trimbuk's 
lieutenant, the ancestor of the Guikwar, who g, 

still rules in the same region. I am anticipating ^ 

the course of my narrative* But I have done 
HO in order to show how, once more, the revolu- 

tion that overthrew the Seiacls, though directed ; 

against their Hindooising policy, indirectly led 
to the establishment of a Hindoo Principality 
on the ruins of the Imperial power in Guzerat. ; 

1 mentioned formerly that Mubariz Khan, j 

the sub- Viceroy of Hyderabad, went over to 
Nizam-ul^Mulk in his contest with Alam Khan. 
Mubariz was now secretly stimulated by the , 

Emperor to play a similar part again, and ./ 

promised that if he succeeded in conquering 
the too-powerful subject, he should be appointed 
Subadar of the whole Mogul Dekkan. Mubariz . I 




180 NIHAM-UL-MT'LK'S 

threw for the splendid ; but 

Mulk agnin triumphed, sending the 

oplma to l he foot of the throne, with 
irony congrnfulated Mohmnmnd cm the 

(lcstructlo.ii of a, rebel, who liftii, in rr;ilil y, obeyed 
Iiis Sovereign not. wisely but too welL The 
hint was, however, taken, no CitH her attempt 
was made from Delhi to m>l<*sl the* victor, who 
wa,s meanwhile ofhenusr amply oeenpird in, 
adjusting his relations with the 

However a nli- Hindoo ill Ills senlimenis us 
well as his antecedents, and obnnxions to 
people, Ni/ain-id-Mulk far too 

wily a. statesman to ne^lref the of the 

limes; and though In hi* tfewral 

alms, his poliey varied jtrrally awortling to 
eireumstarKu's. He had support 1*1 1 t!m Em- 
peror, in the hope he would drserve 
that: support, and act eonfonuaMy with ttis 
position and its obligations. Bui ttiift licit 
proving to he I he lie Imd (no to 
dissolved partnership with Yet n 
we shall sex*, he saw for 
throwing the weight of his Into the 
Imperial scale, (hough no Iwppier 
than before. So he* had 
to suppress the and m Vixiw at 
Delhi had even advised the tvtmposition of the 
jizya throughout tho 

But iu his second Vict-royalty in the Dckkan 
he had found that the fur 



BALAJI WISHWANATH'S REVENUE SYSTEM 187 

strong to be suppressed, and after Husain All's 
compact with them he had reluctantly ac- 
quiesced in their claim to the chout and sur- 
deshmuki, Lc. to the levy of twenty-five per cent. 
on the land revenue and customs, and ten per 
cent, on the ryots, or peasantry, in the Mogul 
Dckkan, A very artful and complicated system 
of collecting and distributing these dues had 
been devised by Baluji Wishwanath, the first 
prominent; Peishwa, based on an old and now 
purely ideal assessment, and subdivided among 
many chiefs, so that, in the exhausted state of the 
country, there* were constant alleged deficiencies 
and demands of arrears ; standing grounds 
for vexatious and oppressive visitations, and 
eager competition among the chiefs and their 
followers, each equally bent on promoting the 
common cause, and making the best bargain 
for his separate share. 

The Peishwa was a Brahmin, from the 
Concan ; and, as the accountants were mostly 
Brahmins, his influence in the community was 
greatly enhanced by this subtle and com- 
prehensive scheme for the national aggrandise- 
mcnt. 

He was also a soldier, and in that capacity 
had commanded the Mahratta contingent which 
accompanied Husain Ali to Delhi, on his march 
against Farokhsir. lie was now dead, but 
had been succeeded in his office by his son, 
Baji Rao, a man of remarkable ability (and 



i 



1.88 



TK'S POUT Y 



gallantry, the greatest of the Peishwas, and a 
worthy rival of Nixam-ul-Mulk. 

But he had a eoniprfilor nearer home In 
Sreeput Rao, the ptrlhndi or first minister of the 
Haja, whereas the Pcishwa, was, us yt*t, entitled 
formally only to the second place* 

The Raja, Shao, hall rtevrr nrovered the 
debilitating effect of his seclusion in the Imperial 
zenana.; hut he was still n. free agent* ami even 
inclined to appear in the Held. Srecput urged 
him to consolidate his internal govrrnnn-nf., and 
content himself with his share of the* revenues 
of the Ddkkan, which he already enjoyed to 
so large an extent. But Haji Hao advocated 
a forward policy, us better suited to tlw* char- 
acter and established practice of flic :id venturous 
and pr*datory people*, and rmmiuu'ndttti further 
by the <*nfeeb!ed and disconlant cfrmdittnit of 
Hindustan* The Hnju approved t*f the lN*isIiwa's 
counsel, and the rather, us Uie nnti-Hnja at 
Kolapore had e*ase<l to IM* formidii)*U% and WU-H 
sinking into insignificance, 

Nizam - til - Mulk Iind f< Mvuierl y f \vltilc* not 
denying the right of the Mahntttns to levy tlit % 
impost^ sought to evade them by pmfessincr in- 
ability to determine tht* niee qtiwitimt, whctther 
Shao or his cousin at Kt^lapfH-** the true 

Raja* Such a dilatory plea !ul now Iot uriueh 
.of its force* And he preferred to 
of'Baji Rao f s on an expedition l>eyoncl 

the Nerbuddai to an with 



BAJI RAO COERCES NTZAM-UL-HULK 189 

Srceput Rao-, whereby the demands on his terri- 
tory were to be estimated once for all, and com- 
muted for a lump sum, to be paid annually by 
himself, without the vexatious and harrying 
interposition of the Mahratta tax-gatherers and 
their armed bands. And he began to remove 
these obnoxious officials ; and when Baji Rao, 
on his return, condemned the arrangement, and 
a quarrel ensued between him and Sreeput, the 
Nizam (as we may henceforth call him) took a 
higher tone : suspended the payment of the 
stipulated sum, and again raised the question 
whefchi.tr it was properly due to Shao or to his 
rival at Kola pore*. 

The liaja, was furious, and was with difficulty 
dissuaded from leading his own forces against 
the Mogul. In the end, Baji Rao was deputed 
to wage the war; and his success in the cam- 
paign gave him an ascendancy in the State 
which soon reduced the liaja to a cipher, and 
advanced the Peishwa far on the way to suprem- 
acy in the Mahratta community. 

Again, as in Aurungzib's days, the superior 
numbers and. extraordinary agility of the Mah- 
rattus proved more than a match for the Mogul 
army ; brought it to a stand ; and hemmed it 
in on every side. The haughty and wily old 
soldier was compelled to yield to his young 
and dashing rival, and to admit the claims 
which he had questioned. He pledged himself 
to defray all arrears of what was, in fact, tribute, 



NIZAM-T T T,-MrLK\S POLICY 



and to surmidT several strong pUws as s 
for the future paywrnl. of the vhmtt. and 
dwhmuki (172!)}. 

But the Ni'/am had not playrd his Inst card. 
I have mentioned his ailianee \vilh Triiuhtik, the 
fienaputli 9 or Mahratla (*M]nntaTHj riu*( 4 hief in 
(Iu/^Tal. Him he* now 1 insfi^itrcl to march into 
{.he [)ekk;ui, and reseue thr Itaja frwn the 
ascrn<lan<*y of the IN-ish\va and tlu* .Brahmin 
faction, whieh Baji Hao n'pr^M-nlrd and fnvoun'd, 
proposing toco-opc-ralt- wifli IIJ.IIL IJut I'kiji Hao, 
taking a leaf out of Xi/;im-uI-Mulk\s own hcnik, 
anticipated the junction cf liis rnrmu's l>y tbish- 
ing at and drsfroynu,; Triml>uk on his mareh ; 
and this victory,, s:iys (Irant Duff, left him "all 
but nominal crontrol of the Mtihratta sover- 
eignty M (l?:u). 



XVI 

GROWTH OF TUB] MAHRATTA CONFED- 
ERACY, AND OF THE PEISHWA'S 
ASCENDANCY IN IT 

THAT is to say, the Raja continues to reign, but 
ho (Iocs not rule; the official hierarchy which 
Sivaji had established, and which had become to 
a great extent hereditary in certain families, 
loses most of its consideration, though it is not 
formally abolished ; the Peishwa becomes the 
leading Ministerin effective power sole Minister 
at Satara, though (as we shall see) another deter- 
mined effort is made to remove him, and to 
subvert the Brahmin faction, which forms the 
juideus of his strength. His lieutenants in turn, 
Sindia, Holkar, and Puar, disengage themselves 
from the throng of generals and collectors ; be- 
come localised in the newly conquered country 
of Malwa, as minor potentates, actively sup- 
porting their patron ; and the Guikwar, having 
already obtained a footing in Guzerat, and 
another Chief, of the name if not of the lineage 
of Sivaji, the Bonsla, having been established 
by the Raja in Berar, has a constant tendency 
to push on eastward and northward. 



in cauwTiT OF MATHJATTA 



Thus gradiKdly arisc-s the* M;dir;Ho, 

Confederacy, of which, nftnr vindient in his 
superiority over his e*ldrr rivals, the !*t*fohwa 
'becomes the iU'Uwwhd*e<I hrrjrinonir lender, 
though the uHerly p;*ssiu' and impmonrd 
is still the nominal Jv^vn-i^n. 

In e\pta5niifj the* import of CSmni Btiffi 
expression, I have anfu'ip:tlr<l Uti; of 

events to \vhieh we tuusi; IKW rcVrH, 

Baji Ilao\s iiifc-rfrrrncr in CJtr/j^nit 
jealously n^'nrc'lrd by Trimhtfk, who fonsidrrfd 
that country Jus own huulin^* ground. 
this wan one* chirf cause of his 
Peisiiwa, howrvi-r, now iluUjq[ht it to 

heal the breach, and obtained fcir liis ciu/my 1 .** 
son the father's ollice of AV^/iym////. the 

smouldered ; and Trimbuk's ciient the 
Guikvvar, \vlw> soon cc*Ii|is*d and vtrlually 
Heded the titular />Vw//w///\ ;rc-curu*!.rd (as w 
shall soe) lat,c v r his patron's Mgnmsl 

llao^s Kern and successor In ilie 

Mcitnwbik*, tho cronec'ssioiisi the 

Feisliwa had extorted from Hit* Imperial Vi<?croy 
in Guaeerat tuark unotluT distinct in the 

advance of the Mahr&tttu dominion, the 

<Iiftmcmbc?rniont of tlu-t Krnpirc, 
aur^shmuki were gniniei! in pcrpcfulfy. 
this wan enough to twHtm; the* of 

the eountvy 9 8 into UMJ handn of tlw 

ingenious and indefatigable armed ittxgutlicrcrH 
In vain attempts were to limit the* 



THE MAHRATTAS ACQUIRE GUZERAT 193 

to its exact terms, and to prevent abuse and 
encroachment. In vain the Emperor at first 
refused to ratify the concession, and superseded 
the Viceroy who had made it. His successor 
was equally unsuccessful in removing the wedge, 
which was steadily splitting up the rotten fabric 
of the Imperial organisation. Before long, Ah- 
medabad alone remained to the Moguls; and 
Ahmedabad itself fell at last to the Mahrattas, 
and, typifying their complex relations, was 
occupied partly by the Peishwa's, partly by the 
Guik war's troops. 



XVII 



PEACE BKTWKKX THE NT/AM AND 
i'KISinVA, AND CONSKCjrKNT 

. 11ATTA PKOGHKSS IK 1HXDOSTAX 

BUT another ami much more eonsid<T:d>!r 
of Bnji Rao's enterprise and Mohammad 
fatal freblc'iiess wan now to follow* Hit* 
and f.h,i* Peishwa had hitherto bren nnrfimpr"- 
mising enemies, and twice* I he ytwn# Mahralta 
Bmhinin's tacti<*s hnd foilctl his ahlt niicl \ctcran 
adversary. But Baji liac^s posit ioit WIIH utill 
critutal ; he had reason t fear tht* arts, if not 
the arms, of the? wily poHltcni iitl-rigucr; lie* 

cuiulc! not prudently pnsrnjfr his great designs 
in Hindustan while Xi/n.mul*Mtilk was iitnaten- 
ing his base in the Dckkan* Tin* Nixant* on tht* 
other hand, Imt! every tndttceitient to itn 

accunuiuxiation with hint. lit* was anxious to 
his own |nwt*r f ami to hii 

He had renoiutec*cl all hope nt luaiit* 
taining, or rather of restoring, the* integrity 
indepencicmee of the ciootn^tl Kntpire; lie* 

would find his best security against molestation 
if his still jealous* Sovereign, instetitl of making 
common cause, IIH Farokhsir had done under 



PEACE BETWEEN NIZAM AND PEISHWA 195 
similar circumstances, with the Mahrattas against 
h,s own Viceroy, and secretly or openly sanction- 
ing an attack by them upon him, were himself 
to be exposed to the enterprising incursions of 
the Peishwa. Thus a common interest drew the 
two competitors together; and they came to 
an understanding that hostilities between them 
should cease, ami that Baji Rao should be free 
to push his conquests in the north. The i m 
medial e results of this compact were startling 
and momentous. The Mahrattas poured, like 
an mx-Msl.ble tonvnl:, into Malwa; defeated 
and killed the Imperial Viceroy; and, bearing 
down all oppositiou, took forcible possession of 
the <, Mmhy . Th e ncc thcy penctrated into 
WundeU-and - and though gallantly resisted by a 
force of ttohilla Afghans, and unable to master 
the warlike and stubborn Boondelas of Rajput 
origin- effected a lodgment in the Province 
which subsided to the days of Wellesley. 

The imbecile ministers meanwhile took no 
effectual steps to arrest the course of conquest 
and assert the majesty of the Empire. They 
wwwmMcd large armies, and made loud profes- 
sions of an intention to march and exterminate 
the insolent invaders. But thcy cared not to 
come to close quarters with them; and their 
timid and languid military parades were soon 
exchanged for a brisk retreat to the capital. 
Thcy next stooped to negotiation, and were pre- 
pared to make abject concessions. Whereupon 



196 PEACE BETWEEN NIZAM AND TKISHWA 

Baji Rao, trading on their fears, rose in his 
terms,, and made demands which even such 
negotiators could not venture to entertain. 
Then the Mahrattas pushed on to the neighbour- 
hood of the capital. But Sndut Ali t the sur* 
viving conspirator ngainsf the Sebids nd now 
Suhadnr of Oudo, statin struck n bold blow 
for the honour of his Sovnvign, and the defence 
of the heart; of the Mogul Kmpire against Hindoo 
aggression. 'Leaving his own provinee, he. 
erossed the (langes, *ugagrd and repulsed the 
Muhruttns, and drove them out of the Doab. 
lie was prrparing to follow up his surrrvs when 
an imperious message fr<m.i Delhi enjoined him 
to await: the* junction of one of the very minis- 
tcrs who had nln*ady so con^pirwaisly fnileci to 
check the Piishwa's growing audacity, WhiUi 
Sndut Ali tarried reluetantly. In ob<*cli<*iue to 
thin order, the nimble enemy, ivrovrring courage 
when they found f hemsrlves uupursued,, re- 
turned ; wheeled round his flank ; and, headed 
by Baji Rao in p**rsou % mttidcnly ap|H 4 areI ln?ft>re 
Delhi, ami inspir*?d there extreme terror. But 
lie did ncit attack the city; anil even rt*f rat tied 
from plundering the suburbs* \VhcTrujion 11 
body of Imperialists took heart, and sallied out 
against him, but were soon repulsed by 
Sindio, and other lieult^nants of Hit* 1 
Having extorted an ignoble promise from tiie 
Emperor,, or his Minister, that the government 
of Halwa should be conferred 01* him, he retired, 



EMPEROR SEEKS HELP FROM THE NIZAM 197 

on the approach of Sadut Khan and the Imperial 
army which had joined that Viceroy, and re- 
turned for the time to the Dekkan (1736). 

This brilliant campaign was followed by one 
still more decisive. The Emperor, after all that 
had occurred to estrange Nizam-ul-Mulk, con- 
ceived the hope of re-enlisting him as his cham- 
pion against the Mahrattas, and summoned him 
to his aid. 

The old soldier of Aurungzib in the Mahratta 
War of Independence, the statesman who had 
striven to liberate his Sovereign from the yoke 
of Uindooising ministers, the standing rival of 
Baji Rao in the Dekkan, could not be insensible 
to the appeal. And he was probably seriously 
alarmed, on personal grounds, at the rapid 
.success of the Mahratta arms, and the extrava- 
gant pretensions of the Peishwa in the late 
negotiation. He repaired to Delhi, and was 
entrusted with the amplest authority for levying 
forces. But though the Rajputs joined him in 
considerable numbers, and he was very strong 
in artillery, he could only muster half as many 
men as the. Peishwa. He was also enfeebled 
by age; and, knowing too well the wonderful 
agility and terrible impetuosity of the Mahratta 
cavalry, he resorted to the precaution of at 
once entrenching his position ; which, as a sign 
of fear and a confession of inferiority, greatly 
elated his enemies, and made them more auda- 
cious than ever. In short, the course of his 



198 PEACE BETWEEN NIZAM AND PEISHWA, 

former contest with Baji Rao was repeated. 
His movements were carefully watched and 
anticipated. His convoys were cut off; his 
foragers intercepted ; provisions became scarce 
in his camp ; his march was obstructed ; and 
at last, near Bhopal, he was fairly blocked 
up, and compelled to enter into a convention 
Equally ignominious to himself and his royal 
master. He had been re-appointed Viceroy of 
Malwa- But now, so far from being able to 
take up that appointment, he was obliged to 
promise "in his own Jiand- writing to grant to 
Baji Rao the whole of Malwa, and the complete 
sovereignty of the territory between the Ner- 
buddha and the Chumbul ; to obtain a con- 
firmation of this cession from the Emperor ; and 
to use every endeavour to procure the payment 
of fifty lacs of rupees, to defray the Peishwa's 
expenses." x 

Thus not only had the Dekkan previously 
been cut off irretrievably from the Empire, but 
the Mahratta power, already established de 
facto, was now to be de jure also in Hindostan, 
and at easy striking distance from Agra and 
Delhi. 

Such were the fruits of the Emperor's self- 
indulgence, and the recklessness and incapacity 
of his ministers, in the past. The whole South 
was lost. But, as if infatuated, and foredoomed 
to destroy what remained, they were at this 

1 Grant Duff, L 341. 



THE EMPEROR'S AND MINISTERS' FATUITY 199 

very time engaged in displaying the same quali- 
ties in another direction,, and thereby inviting 
nay provoking attack from a still more 
formidable and ruthless conqueror in the 
north. 



.? 



*, I 

\l', 

su 



f XVIII 

) ;, 

$ 1 ? NADIR SHAH'S INVASION 

*!: 



V 







$* THR native author of the *< 

"**.* 

traces very clearly, in much detail, 
appropriate indignation and the 

corruption, short -sightliness. ciis- 

rega.nl of significant and siiwessivf \v;irniijfjs, 
und of the most obvious precautions, led to 
awful catastrophe which placed the Emperor 
at the mercy of a foreign the 

proud, capital In the of iti <if !/.. -us ; de- 

spoiled it of untold In-asurr; for 

ever three northern provinces; and $ 
th<.! central authority of such respeef us it 
hitherto rotained t prcclpitnted tin* 
complete disBolution of the Empire, 

Nadir Shah a Persian of low a 

" soldier of fortune, 'whose <*arly rnreer was stained 
'"., *'.<' with many dark deeds; hut a man of 
ordinary ability, both military and 
of great ambition, indotn i table e n c r/?y , a rid 
fiery valour, but cold-hearted, stern, pitile&s, 
and unscrupulous. In the year 1722, Persia 
had been invaded the capital and much 

of the country conquered, by the Western 



NADIR SHAH'S EXPLOITS IN PERSIA 201 

Afghans, under a leader who captured the 
Shah and assumed the throne. He was, how- 
ever, too weak to complete his conquest; and 
after his death, two years later, his relative 
and successor, Ashraff, was threatened by a 
combination of Peter the Great and the Turkish 
Sultan, who proposed to treat Persia as Poland 
was afterwards treated. But the Shah's son, 
Prince Tamasp, had escaped; and, taking 
Nadir into his service, made successful head 
Mguinst his various enemies. Peter the Great 
died ; the Russians were checked, and a peace 
was concluded with them. The Turks were 
signally defeated; the Afghans were routed 
and expelled; and the whole country was 
gradually recovered. But the young Prince 
was restored to the throne of his fathers only 
to be promptly superseded by his perfidious 
deliverer, who, after thoroughly organising the 
national forces, and compelling the Persians to 
adopt the Sumnee formula, such was his extra- 
ordinary ascendancy over them, entered on a 
career of foreign conquest; retaliated on the 

i Western Afghans the evils they had inflicted 

* on Persia; subdued and occupied the Mogul 

Province of Cabul; crossed the Attok, and 
invaded the Punjab, bent upon marching to 
Delhi, and exacting satisfaction for alleged 

| injuries which he exaggerated, but also for 

insults and supercilious treatment on the part 

I of the imbecile Emperor and his reckless 



LI 



202 NADIR SHAH'S INVASION 

ministers, of which he had too good reason to 

complain. 

Nadir's severe handling of the Afghan in- 
truders had senile-mi I hem in all direct ions. A 
complete stampede took place; find swarms of 
thorn poured into the Calnil Province, md through 
that into India. 

I may mention incidentally that the most 
notable of these xvere the KohiHa Afghans, 
Maeaulay's interesting elients, tin* alleged peace- 
ful, industrious, and poetical victims of Warren 
Hastings's nnsernpulons policy; huf who were 
really in t^very resjwet much ilu> r<-v rse. 

The Mogul CJov<-nunenL in Us better days, 
had adopted systematic precatiiins to secure 
this critical frontier region: able Viceroys had 
been employed in Cubul ; a strong force, had 
been stationed there; the wild tribes in the 
hills overhanging the deities, through which 
enemies or questionable imtnigrauts might pene- 
trate into India, hud been regularly subsidised, 
to give timely notice of their approach, mui to 
dispute their progress; and a constant and 
brisk communication of political intelligence 
had been maintained between Cabul and the; 
Mogul capital, 

But, of late years, all this hud been neglected. 
Jobbery, corruption, and t-ai'dessness, which 
had already laid open dimwit mid Malwu to 
the Mahrattas, now exposed Northern India 
to Nadir's attack, as wtil as to its pretext, the 




! NADIR INVADES INDIA 



harbouring of his enemies. Incapable Viceroys 
were appointed by favouritism; the garrisons, 
says the author of the Seir Mutaquerin, were 
" totally neglected. " ; the tribal, subsidies were 
withheld, to swell, the illicit gains of those in 
power, or their defendants; and the frivolous 
Sovereign and his like-minded ministers heard 
little, and cared less, about what "was going on 
beyond the mounta-ins. 

Nadir sent message after message, complain- 
ing, with growing urgency and. imperiousness, 
of the shelter afforded to his foes by the Indian 
Government;. But his power was underrated ; 
his applications -remained unanswered ; his 
messengers were detained on futile grounds; 
at last a party, escorting a fresh and more 
imperative emissary, was attacked and cut off 
at by the Emperor's subjects. Nadir, 

who had already occupied Cabul for some 
on learning this cruel deed from the 
sole survivor, instantly marched on the place, 
massacred all its inhabitants. He thence 
advanced to .Pcshawur, where the Viceroy of 
Cabul, who had been characteristically out of 
the way when the .Persian overran his province, 
made a feeble stand against him, but was cap- 
tured ; and Nadir, says the native historian, 
" having put to the sword every one that 
to stand before him, whether Indian 
or Afghan*" swept cm, in his irresistible course ; 
crossed the Attok in boats, and routed with the 



"* 

So 



greatest the Viceroy of T*aliore 5 who im- 

mediately afterwards londrn-d his submission, 
and, like his colleague of Cabal, jrraeiously 
treated, and led in the eowiueror's on Ms 

to Delhi* 

The Emperor, with Khun Pouraiu the 
Ai*H*<T-uI-Omrn or Hewl of the IVrra^r (who 
together with the Visr-ier was responsible for 
the nmlfulmmiKtmtion), innrehed front the 
capital, 1 the Iieiicl cif n consid*r;il>l** ftrmy, 
io confront tin* invd(T, Nr/ata-uI-Mulk 
also in euinjs and Suilut Khan Jfiinrd swm 
afier f %\itli IUK own forces* Vain ;itl IMJK were 
ixmde to raise the Knjjmts; ntul this failtm* 

seems to have iniirh disheartened the nlready 



cravi-n- Imirtfd Itnperialists; itnd f advancing 
very slowly, they eutne to n ntuud Hi four dnyK* 

tnurch fnii Delhi* Many eir**wstnn<vs 
close till* wn-lrhfd litlitt 1 cif inllilan nr^ariisatlon 
among them. Thus they hud no 
edge of tin* c-iHMMvVt \\!IT* alum!', tiittli Nndlr*s 
acivanccri guitrd fell upon Sudnt Khaifs J:!jr'.<aM* 
trulu. And the <tiHc*ordant ei*unsfls 

Iiciklll in tilt* rn;jaj;i'ni*n( fol1(i\\cl 

ilww the utter want of a ;^-n-ra! n 

commanding mid autlMirilatixr iniiid, Htuhit 
hast.i*iH k d to succour itli foHowers; 

ul-Mulk insisted tlmi llm hm fur 

for fighting; !>uitriiti t dKplavlnv, un- 

wonted spirit, ii'iVt'ighc-d against tin* i;uiininy of 
leaving Sadut unsuppi>rted, and leit a of 








NADIE ADVANCES TO DELHI 205 

troops to his assistance. This body was quickly 
routed ; and the Arneer-ul-Omra was mortally 
wounded, and was rescued only to die. Sadut 
Khan's men fought better, but shared the fate 
of their comrades ; and Sadut himself was 
taken prisoner^ and, like the other captured 
Viceroys, was well received by the victor. A 
negotiation followed, set on foot by the Viceroy 
of Glide, and concluded by Nizam-ul-Mulk ; 
and Nadir agreed to retire, on payment of two 
crorcs of rupees* The Emperor then visited 
him, and received the highest honour. The 
grim conqueror was all smiles and deference. 
But the end was not yet ! 

It is not easy to account for the caprices of 
such a man* But the native historian states 
confidently that Sadut -jealous of the Emperor's 
having conferred the vacant office of Ameer-ul- 
Omra, which he coveted, on Nizam-ul-Mulk 
incited Nadir to persevere in marching to Delhi, 
riling its ample wealth. It is more probable 

Nadir had been acting a part, and that 

this had been all along his intention. However 

.have been, certain it is that the Per- 

suddenly changed his tone; insisted on 
Mohammad Shah*$ again visiting his camp, with 
Ms family and officials ; and that the helpless 
monarch obeyed the summons, and was led in 
a 0! triumph to his own capital (1739). 
. There, though. Nadir's strict discipline main- 
taincd perfect order in his army of occupation, 



Sf! XAOW SHAH'S INVASION 

II Iff ; J UK,*!* r . f iM' f . i !^ .1 

ftii4 |l,M'f Thi' f ',', T 4'ntiH 

ihi'V.M.v <' ;I"V,M'* TV <-, ,' r M Witt 

fi,*^; f; <!* ^.r,' 1 ' *t > ' r ' ! * ' / t t till* 

if tin* tit iiiff i JI-JM^I' t h) T,'^M'?t\ 

If II ) i !! 1 . Iff Nil IMt}t|n* *i t. (l ,- * 

flu* tiohhs ^inl iifiii^f rirh m^it iuri I'Minpi'Hiil 

fti *H " f - * tlnif ;i * Huiiiti!* if . *?: ; flu* 
I'iti/rtts "i"-;!'^ miTt liilti iiiulf !M*avy <*MII 
irilititioii ; mill {In* f*rovim'*i li*l IM! * 
th<* ri''('-*i,i , ;t|?|>luMtir|i i>f flu i.;',"\.!' * jf'n* 
I'lVlw / T*n*r, *!'j{5'.iu -itiil *lrif$n* HH! mi 
<*VI*ry rnniitcftfin*'**, ffitin Mul'^ntni;**! ill 

till fci fill* ait Mir | siller! ill lii% liti?i*L 

\aiilf\ aM'tuil.Mfii 1 ; * ;* **'**; UV 

by tin* ill tits in 

tlit* fno^jU* % /*,* , lii^ hfiiifi fi'^iifiji if} j' ? tipi'i inr 
In lh<* Mosh jn l!*Hli!Iii}4" Pr:iyri% 

But a fsir ilarkt r ;utI ui'*n f Jr;f**ir ^t^'iir was 

t4> SUC 'rt**| tfiin sjH't*J*U*h* ti' iirpr^';ij jftuf irttiufui! 

humiiiatifiu Thv arci^ui u^h ittifor fafluT It* 
tin? tlpiiiji'lit, a fatal rrjioil u;r sprfj^l in HM* 
city thai Xnitir hai sudiii'iily di*tK A ji^jinlar 
fitting, a<'<|uit'NiTt! in, if tiul M'itr*<l, by tin* 
higher classic imtnulty Im4 jilat*<. St\vn 
huiulrrcl of Nfitiir's soIiliTs w^r*- *.l:*uihtt*r'^J 
in the str^elH fhiiing Ihf ui^bL Aft r \ airily 
trying* by shtnviu^ hiiusiif, t <{ti II tli4* tiimutf, 
the 1 justly i*xaK]K*rn)t'd rmifpic^nf #at r hnisr lohis 
^ liilil ordiTttl ii gciUTal tita^saiTt't whriVMT 



WHOLESALE MASSACRE AT DELHI 207 

the body of a slain Afghan should be found. His 
orders were obeyed with terrific alacrity. The 
number of the victims was never accurately ascer- 
tained ; but it was certainly enormous. Houses 
were sacked in all directions; the horrors and 
crimes worse than death usual on such occa- 
sions were perpetrated ; fire added its terrors to 
the scene ; and a great part of the city was 
consumed. At midday Mohammad Shah inter- 
ceded for mercy to his unhappy subjects ; Nadir 
then relented, and such was his discipline the 
avenging swords were instantly sheathed. 

After this coup de grace to the majesty of tlje 
Empire, the conqueror lingered a while in the 
devastated and blood-stained capital; married 
his second son, who had accompanied him, to 
one of the Imperial Princesses; formally re- 
instated Mohammad Shah in his degraded 
sovereignty; gave him much advice, and ex- 
horted Iiis subjects to obey him, with severe 
threats if his injunctions should not be complied 
with ; collected his vast spoil ; and, at the 
head of his victorious army, conveyed it to 
Persia. But he did not long survive his triumph. 
Intoxicated with success, he gave loose to his 
passions, became hideously cruel, and at last 
mad, and not less hateful as a tyrant than he 
had once been popular as the deliverer of his 
country from the yoke of foreigners. And his 
strange and wild career was cut short by assas- 
sination (1747)* 



I 

i 

) 



I if 



XIX 

iTUirXATlXt; 1'KIUOl) OF MAIIftATTA 
ASrKNDANTY IX NAT1VH INDIA 

THE polities! outlook tti linlia \vas now most 
|,f{c.Mi!iiy ntifi jtrplVw;.;. Thr sfrtm^ (lovtTn* 
im*nt that hl fniH-rly tuaiiit ainrd order 
f liroujjlifiiit flu* ^n-alT part of thf* ^outitry was 
no ntor<% Tin* arttial <!nnuitiffis of fltr 
ttucl shrttnk to th* u*ijjhbrjrhcwKi if tlu 
ami cvi*n avrr lht*sr Iht* fiH 4 liU* utul utterly 
ilisc'iTflif ;.! 'llc^'til rHuiwtl only a precarious 
um! r'Ia K h ij.j ||nis|i* Tin* 1 1 tmim* react Ion,, 
ititniiiiitefl by Xa<Hr*s pro^ratittn nf ih<* Ma- 
hometan authority, seetwrl desiutetl to RO on 
iiliswWng rex-< 4 iiue, ntiii atirM-xinji tt*rritory until 
It nhotild I.H*roiue the supreme ilispttser of the 
fate til the country, i whifh Mussuhttan rule 

iec; 1 !! preciotttinant, for so many **eitturics. 

to say nothing of Sikh fatmtieisrti and 
Jut htwicKKrurss, the prt>sju 4 et, of Mahratta 
aiceiMiiiiic*y ivaK by no mean** hopt'fui f< - r the 
welfare of Imliu. In the work of poHtteni 
dcntructton v itninaiiJiiig f I'tnil finxiru'tal extortion 
and ttftscssment, Sivaji\ peoplr uitrivuUed. 

But it remained whether 



NAZIR JUNG FOILS THE PEISHWA 209 

they were capable of reconstructing a regular 
and tolerable scheme of civil government. And 
failing this, constant warfare, general anarchy, 
and the extreme social misery that these in- 
volve, seemed the inevitable alternative. And 
the course of events soon after tended to confirm 
such dismal forebodings. This I will illustrate 
by glancing summarily at the progress of the 
Miihratta power in the coming years, before 
recounting events in more detail. 

Sudut Khan, who had conspired to over- 
throw the Seiads, remove the Hindoo influence 
in the administration, liberate the Emperor, 
and restore the politieal ascendancy of the 
Mogul party ; who had recently defeated Holkar 
in the Doab, and fought stoutly, though un- 
successfully, against Nadir Shah, died before 
that conqueror retired from Delhi. Nizam-ul- 
Mulk, after his late failure against the Peishwa, 
hud cut a rather poor figure in the campaign 
against the Persian, while Baji Rao's reputa- 
tion was at its height, and his forces were intact. 
Might it not he possible, while the Nizam still 
lingered at Delhi, to give another signal triumph 
to the Mahratta arms, by conquering his terri- 
tory in the Dekkan ? Such was Baji Rao's 
calculation. A pretext was readily found in 
the withholding of the stipulated grant of the 
government of Malwa. But the attempt mis- 
carried through the unexpected energy of Nazir 

Jung, the Nizam's eldest son. And Baji Rao 

14 



! ',' 210 PERIOD OF MAHRATTA ASCENDANCY 

',',- , died soon afterwards (1740). But before his 

P * * 

t death lie had organiser! a great rxpnlilion in a 

i' ^ . new direction, and at the same...,timc familiar- 

'*." ! ised the community with the idea of the Peishwa's 

y* . general control over Its operations, He had 

X concerted an invasion, of the Cnrnalic, and 

t, t t 

*; constituted his rival, Rugoji Bonsla, of 

. generalissimo of the invading army. (T;mjor<.\ 

: : In the same region, It be rt*iwru!>m*<1, 

' already under Mahratta rule, its llaja being a 

: collateral descendant of Sivitji) Distant 

' too, under Its Hindoo llaja y was about this 

; time first laid under contribution by the 

Mahrattas. Soon after Baji Rno* death, the 
same people, under 'Hujfoji, the Hitja (as we 
. may now call him) of Bcrar, invjul^d the eastern 

*< ^ provinces of the Empire, and 

;,-' '' Orissa, or Cuttak, which (\sctaiurd 

Incursions. And 

;;. , encountered there, by 

:;;\\, - and' by perfidious stral.agom, rolurnt^l 

";.' .. . and in the end a 

" : ; ' , promise^ which involved both a cession 

: '; ; ''. and the payment of to the 

''< "' ' 'The new Fcislivva, 

less distinguished than, his father in 
full indeed dangerous- scope to the 
propensity. His brother, Ru^onath levied' 

exactions in Rajputana, and even on the 
took part in another dynastic revolution Alt' 
Delhi; and waging a rash war in the Pun|ab y 



MAHRATTA ASCENDANCY ' BALEFUL 211 

precipitated another Mussulman invasion of 
India, destined to be as fatal to Mahratta pre- 
ponderance as Nadir's had been to Mogul 
ascendancy* Jeiapa Sindia meanwhile over- 
ran the Rohilla country, and was involved in 
hostilities with Sadut Khan's successor in Oude. 
The Peishwa's uncle, Chimnaji, accomplished n 

the proud feat of taking Bassein. from the 
Portuguese, and threatened Goa itself. Again, 
but for French help, the old dream of conquer- f 

ing the Nizam's territory would have been j; 

accomplished by the Mahrattas ; and the Bcrar I 

Raja actually annexed a portion of it, and. the j 

audacious freebooters made a raid across the 5 

hills into the French jaghire on the Eastern 
Coast, 1 

Thus it might seem that the Mahrattas, 
though frequently driven back for a time, were 
destined to prevail everywhere in the end ; that, 
obeying as it were a natural law, the great 
flood of predatory power, which had been run- \ 

ning for a century in ever-widening volume and f 1 

circuit, was appointed to rise still higher ; and, * 

overleaping all barriers, to submerge the whole (j { 

Indian Continent. In such a case, what but \ 

general havoc and misery could be the result ? f 

It was a melancholy prospect, not only for ;, 

the fallen but still proud Mogul noble, but for V( 

the peaceable and would-be industrious Hindoo ^ 

peasant, and the timid and thrifty tradesman ^ 

and native merchant. So utterly had the old I, 



212 PERIOD OF MAHIIATTA ASCENDANCY 

political organisation broken down, that in many 

parts of the country, but for the village com- j 

munities, society itself must have perished* j 

But the night is darkest before the dawning* ; 

And already the dawn of a better day 

breaking,, though in turbulence and the tempest j 

of warfare on the Coromnndcl Coast; ; Wei- k 

lesley's inscription on Fort William College ' 

Ex Oriente Lux -was to have a political 

application* 

I must now fill up the details of thin summary 
sketch of the expansion of the Mahratta power. 

On the death of llnji Il*u>, and for some time 
afterwards, it seemed not improvable that 

power might be dissolved, so violent were the 
rivalries and internal dissensions among it 
leading members, llugoji ran an opposHion 
candidalx: to Balaji, Bajl for the 

Feiihwiaship, But the ; 

the hereditary to the , \ 

undisputed. The Raja Shao, however, was ! , 

childless; and this led to fresh troubles. He | 

was disposed to adopt his Kohipore cousin, the * 

anti-Raja, and so hail the si'hlsm; but IHK 
cousin was also childless. Sukwar Hhy<% Sliiio's * | 

wife, wished him to adopt an heir from u more 
remote branch of the family, hoping to become 
Regent to a minor, and thus oust the Peishwu 
from his growing ascendancy* But, to conceal 
her ambitious design, she gave: hints of her in- 
tention to become on her husband's 



MAHRATTA LEADERSHIP DISPUTED 218 

death. Balaji, with characteristic Brahmin craft 
and cold-blooded cruelty, taunted her with this 
alleged intention, and drove her unwillingly to 
immolate herself, thus ridding himself of one 
rival* But he had still a more formidable one 
in Tara Bhye, the widow of Ram Raja, Sivaji's 
second son, after whose death she had assumed 
the Regency on behalf of Ram Raja's and her 
young son,, the second Sivaji, and had (as I 
related) ably sustained the war of independence 
against Aurungyjh. And popular feeling was 
strongly in favour of her present claim to occupy 
the same position* Moreover, she enlisted the 
sympathies of all who were averse to the Brahmin 
ascendancy; and this included both the party 
of Trimbuk, who had perished in the same 1 cause,, 
and whose son was now in the guardianship of 
Dmmojt Guikwar* and Dunnaji himself,, who 
overshadowing the titular authority of 
the Sen&putti* 

Tara Bhye*s pretensions were grounded not 
only on her past services to the community, 
but on the fact that she told a singular story,. 
which, however suspicious, may have be,en true, 
and was accepted at the moment. She asserted 
that Sivaji n. had had a son, whom she had 
concealed, and brought up privately ; and she 
identified him with a youth whom she now 
who, in fact,, became Shao's 
successor. In the first instance, Balaji found it 
convenient to acquiesce in this tale, as a counter- 




21-1 PKRIOD OF MAHRATTA ASCKNDAXrY 

poise to Sukwnr Bhye\ ptan of \\w adoption 
of a stnm^er. Bui he* thus laid iibithdf open to 
Tata's ambition of ruling in her nlln.^1 gninci- 
son's name* By his pnrnufinns n^nrisf. this 
danger, lie not only stnved it off for I he tirru\ 
but estflhlishecl the nirlfiunf y of the IVishwa on 
a. more regular and rxpfic-if basis than if 'find 
hitherto ocrnpird. By ;t strong display of fom% 
he ovcT;uv<*d those wlio wt*rr roitfly (o Jirlar<* on 
Tara's behalf on I he death of Shao, lit* eon- 
eiliated Tarn herself by proniisin^ to share the 
government with IUT, flHuu/h \vilh no inlrnf inn of 
doing so* Tie hrihcc! tht* oilier ehiefs by eaus- 
ing the* Uaja f:<' eonlirm and ml'nn..^- Uieir terri- 
torial possessions and liseal rijtfltts. And he 
procured from him a dnrurm-ul whieii em- 
powered htm, nays (Jnrnf Duff, l * to nuttinge the 
wholt* govc-rrunritt of the* Mahrntta Kitipir*\ nn 
condition of his pcTprlu:ilinj; fitt* Hitjn's nninc v 
and keeping up the dignity of the house of 
Sivujcc, through tht grumlsou tf Tarn Bhye and 
his descendants M (il fjfl). Thus the Peishwa's 
leadership reeeived a eonsl it tit ioiud sn net ion ; 
tlu* donbtiul lineaj^e, as well as the feeble 
character, of the* new Bitjit nm<U* him passive 
in the hands of his Mayor of I lie Palace ; lie 
vegetated in strict seclusion at Sat ant ; while 
Foona, the Pe&hwa's rcsidenee, bcfeantc the 
military and politicu! enpltnl of the Slutt*. My 
the measures now adopted (17SO), flie Multrntta 
power was in fact converted into a confederacy of 



BALAJI ENTRAPS THE GUIKWAR 215 

chiefs, permanently and avowedly presided over 
by the Peishwa, as an almost sovereign Prince- 
loosely and grudgingly obeyed indeed, but far 

more distinctly recognised as supreme on his 

own account, than he had previously been; 

while the Raja retired into unapproachable and 

inactive isolation. 

This political arrangement, however, was 
not finally established without another desperate 
attempt to frustrate it. When, in the following 
year, Balaji marched against the new Nizam, 
Salabat Jung, Tara Bhye invited the Guikwar 
Dunnaji, as Nizam-ul-Mulk had invited Trimbuk 
Rao to join her from Guzerat, and co-operate 
in overthrowing the Brahmin Peishwa. He 
complied, and joined her at Satara, where she 
had vainly tried to rouse the young Raja 
in the same cause. She there shut him up 
closely, rated him soundly, and declared him 
spurious, no doubt intending to adopt a more 
compliant tool. But Balaji returned by forced 
marches ; entrapped the Guikwar into his power 
by a perfidious stratagem; and, shrinking from 
a direct attack upon Tara, came to a com- 
promise with her, allowing her to command in 
the fort of Satara, and retain the custody of 
her naughty boy, which as the Peishwa recom- 
mended her to release him she took care 
ghould be strict* The Guikwar was not liber- 
until he had solemnly agreed "to accept 
the Peishwa's lead, and to yield permanently 



f :: ' 

| s ,; 216 VERIO!) OF MATIRATTA ASCKNIUNTY 

'& ;' the right to half the ivvfnnrs of f!n/eraf, and 

| '. to fulfil other slringenf stipulations." Thus 

|* ; : ; Balaji triumphed; but his perfidy \vns not 

fy ;:-> forgotten. The Uonsln's jealousy of the 

- ' !Vish\va\s power wan ;;;^rav:d<*d by another 

e.irrwnslmief*. Balaji* nnxioiiK fo proeure the 
long-defrrred Imperial Ntnuutl for the jjovern- 
; ,; rncnt of Malwa, setMirt-d it at last, on eondition 

': of restraining the* Mahrallas from attaekinrj j,}^ 

:j:- reitiaining pn>vine<s of the* f%fnpirc% And, in 

pursuance of I Ins eujja^tMnrnf. h<* aelunlly ei- 



operahxl (as I shatl lrsrribf Infrr) n 

when the latter inxadi'd llvn^nL But 



not long afionvards, tin* Pc'ishwa njjain followed 
Ni7iain"Ul-MuIk\s <*\ainptr, atul enfeivd into a 

secret rumpnrf with liis rivnl % vJ^'nl^x IJu-mji 
left free to proseeute his Ii-sHn^ on tlif 
Ht*llgill ProviiuTS, on eo!idi!itu of 1*a\in<< (lie 
Peishwa nndist urbed. Tlit*iieiforili Ifielf re* 
Uttioiw peaeeablr. not wrdinL 

And the no in tin 1 Panipnt 

Campaign. 

Moorair Buo nlso, the* tleseeniinut of tiie 
intmicrecl Baittajl (Jhoivpuray* the iic-ri* uf the 
War of Indepen(I(Mu*e t was rci/c^neilrif by Italaji 
to the natiunat ass<Kmilioii, iiiicl jotm^t in the 
Carnatic expedition already n*f*rre*f fo, Siiutta 
and Holkiir were settlei:! in Malw;-t, iiniler the 
patronage of the IVishwa, and oa <^ 
terms with. him. Thus, on the* wholt% 
imminent danger of the* dtHruption of the 



BALAJI SUBADAB, OF MALWA 217 

Mahratta power by internal dissension was 
avoided ; the Confederacy waxed stronger by 
the aggrandisement of its several members ; 
and rapidly attained the culminating stage of 
its progress on the eve of its experiencing a 
terrific disaster, which, for the time, paralysed 
it, and from which U9 a whole it never re- 
covered. 

Though the Peishwa's Iegati 9 Sindia and 
Holkar, were cantoned in Malwa, where Oojein 
and Indore became their respective capitals, 
the Emperor had not formally ratified the 
concession of its government to Baji Rao, as 
Nr/am-ul-MuIk had promised in his name. But 
Mohammad Shah at length granted this,, in con- 
sideration of the assistance which, as I have' 
said, was to be afforded against Mahratta in- 
vasions, and which was rendered to Aliverdi 
- (1748)* With a poor attempt to save 
his dignity and evade the explicit recognition 
of the rising Mahratta polity, the Emperor; 
to make Balaji the deputy of . his 
own heir apparent, Prince Ahmed, and imposed 
conditions, which were not likely to be too 
scrupulously observed, especially the one I have 
mentioned, which was soon after ignored, when 
the Peishwa and Rugoji came to the accommo-* 
dation 1 have specified. Moreover, as the- levy 
ing of and mr-deshmuk.i was invariably a 

preliminary step to conquest and annexation, 
we may almost say that Mohammad Shah dis- 



218 PERIOD OF MAHBATTA ASrFATUNO 



solver! his empire with his own hand, when, 
about the same time, he gtvmJed to the Mnhrnttas 
the chout in all the remaining provinces. This 
donation docs not seem to have hecn redneed 
to writing with dm* formality; but those to 
whom it was made took good can* that it should 
be known, *uul acted upon* 

Dupleix's policy was now in Hie ascendant; 
and the new Niftum, Sahibat Jung, wa.s sup- 
ported by Hussy. Thus, when flic* IVishwa, 
after disposing of his donn-stie rivals, resumed 
his campaign against Salahaf, he was hard 
pressed, compelled to rHmil, awl to witness 
the devastation of his own country, and to 
tremble for his capital, Poona. But this reverse 
only illustrated the policy of his late mmpnct 
with the Bonsla, and the potency of the Con- 
federation which he hud established nmonji the 
MahruUa Chiefs, While others were hastening 
to his assistance from the* north, Ilu#oji himself 
created a formidable diversion in Itis favour. 
44 He surprised," Kays (Irani Duff, "mtil tcnk 
Gawelgurh and Niurimllah, imuh^ hiiusrlf muster 
of Maiiikclroog, oeeupird the district's dependent 
OB tliose forts, and . . . not only laid the wlic^le 
country between the Piiyn Oun#n and the 
Godavery under ec>ntributicm t but drove out 
the Mogul thnnnas, and cstabliKhcHl his own" 
(ii* 55, 50). The Feishwa meanwhile crlcverly 
promoted by his intrigues internal dissension 
among his enemieg, and jealousy of the* French ; 



ENTERPRISE OF SINDIA AND HOLKAR 219 

and thus Salabat was fain to make peace, with 
the loss of the territory occupied by the Bonsla 
(1752), 

Sindia and Holkar meanwhile had been giving 
equally good proof of the ubiquitous activity 

of their people, and of the consideration shown 
to it by the Moguls. Safder .Tung, Viceroy 
of Oucle, had called them in against the Afghan 
Rohillas, whom they had defeated, and driven 
into the Kumayoon mountains. This service was, 
acknowledged by a large grant of the conquered 
territory ; and although, bent on other projects, 
they evacuated the country soon after, it was not 
without obtaining fifty lacs of rupees as the 
price of their retirement. And they soon re- 
turned to triumph on a wider field in Hindostan, 
though that triumph was but the prelude to 
the catastrophe which shortly overwhelmed them- 
selves and their patron. 

For the present, however, we must return 
to the Dekkan, where the fortunes of the 
Mahrattas are materially influenced by the 
Seven Years* War in Europe, and the con- 
sequent struggle between the English and the 
'French on the Coromandel Coast. Count Lally, : 
on Ms landing in India, lost no time in recall- 
ing Bussy to the Carnatic, and dissolving the 
French connexion with the Nizam. And the 
victorious English, though they allied them- 
with, Salabat, evaded the obligation of 
defending him* So formidable at this time was 



i! 

IW," 



He 



220 PKWOP OF ATAH1MTTA ASCKXHANTY 

the IVishwrTs powr. flint, fo I heir dis^nsf, he 
If vied eJwnt from "Mahowel Ali, f heir own \awab 
of the Carnal.ie* lie also invadrd lh** us yet 
Hindoo State of My^orr, hrsir^c-tl jfs, rapifal, 
oerupied s< f v<T;i! flisu'H'ls, nml, un tiu* or^^ivif^^ 
exl.orlrd From its rulrr Hurly-livo Jars t>f riinr*cs 
W pa/^oias. Kill on flu 1 saiu* orrasjim Ifyilrr 
Ali, who was rising infn pt\vi 4 r in M\vr<\ His* 
linfiiishrtl hiinsrlf by his hrillinni MTVIITS aptinst 
an on^iny hilhrrfo llnni^ivt tnvitu'ihh/. 

On t.Iu* oppositr sidr of f!ie j*f"?unsu!?!. Bed- 
nor*' \vas invach*tK and flu 1 !Vi-,hv\a*s 
co-op^ralrd with tlu* Kuylish, utulT (Mivt* 
Watson, iit rrdwin^ fhr jiinifr, AI^^III, 
also nutc'ludrd ;\ trrnty wifli I he* Hoiuhny 
(Jovmrnir-iif., and I hn tiji[h t Imt inriliiiin t wic-c 
trnnsniiMcu! Irlfers fo flu* Kinjz of Kn;ft;iiul. 

While thus <*x4*r!injj his *IH r-;M s. niicl cliiTC*t> 
iiig his views, sti varittr-Jy ntul r^niuft-ty, if; will 
be n^adily eomvived ffint liatajt wa> mil. in* 
elinecl to forego lite opportunity tif assailing 
his old rival ami ixmm'tliute iM-ij?hboH!\ tlie 
Niseaufiy now nci lc>i!||rr butlress< 4 d by Kwopean 
iitcl Tim IVishwa, as I have said, rnrely 
appeared personally in I he HehL Hill his 
brothcsr, Hu^imuth ltwi f had been pursuing an 
adventurous course in thr norlh, whirh was not 
approved by their mntsiti, SfHlasheo-- ir u ilie 
Bhow," us he wa eommoniy cuIlnL A f|iiii:.rrel 
ensu.ed t and ended in ttugomith's scornfully 
resigning the eommaiiil of the nnny to the Bhow, 






THE SHOW ADOPTS EUROPEAN ARMAMENT 221 

who had hitherto conducted the civil administra- 
tion* but was now fired with the ambition of 
distinguishing himself in war. As this ambition 
drove him to the fatal field of Paniput, it will be 
necessary later to compare him with his great 
adversary, Ahmed Shah Abdali, and to show how 
his character* and tactics contributed to his 
overthrow* But it will be enough at present to 
account more summarily for the immediate and 
signal success of his campaign against a more 
familiar and weaker antagonist. He was the 
son of Chimnajee Appa, the able brother of the 
late Peishwa, Baji Rao, who had prosecuted to a 
successful issue the long siege of Bassein (1739). 
This triumph over Europeans, and especially in 
a branch of warfare in which Orientals are 
generally so unskilful, was not only an occasion 
of elation to the Mahrattas, but seems to 

have permanently prejudiced the conqueror's 
son* the Show, in favour of a fundamental 
change in the national armament and style of 
warfare* Hitherto, the great Mahratta arm had 
been cavalry. The Bhow was inclined to rely 
henceforth much on regular infantry, and especi- 
ally on artillery. And, fortunately for his im- 
mediate object, he secured the services of a 
clever and experienced artillerist, Ibrahim Khan 
<3rardee f who had been trained under Bussy in 
the Ntaam'8 army, but who now took service 
with the 1 Mahrattas. 

The Nizam also was strong in guns, but 



222 PERIOD OF MAHRATTA ASCENDANCY 

they were old-fashioned lumbering 
while Ibrahim furnished a good train of the light 
and mobile field-pieces which the French had 
introduced, and which had been one of the most 
important factors of their success, The Bhow 
had also at his disposal the very numerous and 
as yet unimpaired hosts of cavalry, so long accus- 
tomed to triumph over the Moguls in the Dekkan. 
Salabat, deserted by the French, and un- 
supported by the English, had already fallen 
under the influence of his brother, Nizam Ali, 
who soon after supplanted him. The Bhow, 
by intrigue, procured the surrender of Ahmed- 
nuggur. The brothers marched to recover it. 
But the vast force of Mahratta cavalry, as so 
often before, surrounded their army, and brought 
it to a stand. Their heavy guns of position 
were no match for Ibrahim's easily manoeuvred 
and swiftly discharged field-pieces. And, after 
a vain struggle in the toils, they were summoned 
to surrender at discretion. Though this was 
refused in form, it may be said to have been 
yielded in substance. For Salabat sent to the 
Bhow his seal of state, thus leaving to the victor 
the dictation of terms. They were not only 
hard and humiliating, but virtually concluded 
(for the present at least) the long rivalry between 
the houses, by transferring to the Mahratta a 
very large part of the dominions of his opponent. 
The whole province of Bijapur, almost the 
whole of that of Aurungabad, and part of 






THE BHOW DELUDED BY SUCCESS 223 

Beder, together with the famous and impreg- 
nable fortress of Dowlutabad and others 
destined to become famous in our later wars 
with the victors on this occasion, were conceded 
unreservedly (1760), 

Sedasheo Bhow might well be proud of such 
an opening of his warlike career. But there 
can be no doubt that this easy and complete 
success threw him off his guard, and led him to 
underrate the difficulties of the war in Hindostan, 
to which he had pledged himself, and which was 
to be conducted against a very different foe. 



A,UVKia>I KHAN 



f t 



THF* Beiigid .Pn\ iitrr', had been e\eiM|*ieil from 

tilt 1 earlier inettrsions of I he M; : I,r:.f !,:s into 
Ilindnstan, thoujjh their f*rl i!if i and eonse- 
ijiit'iif \vr;i!tlt \vw* a slnniy; iiidiirrinriif to 
tin* iiiv^ffnilc* >|MilT^. Hut uhi-u Ihr Ilnja of 
Ilmir, otliiTwiM* fallr*! HH- Hc*ns(a, ijuuloiis of 
his rival, thr IN*ishxva % lirj^an It* push his way 
rastvvard, il" was IH! Inuj^ hi Ton* hr was al!r:H*fr<l 
by ^i* promising ;i li^lcl for his t-uf rrprist* ; though 
llierc* h<* iotiiuj an af!fa<;ofjiist. v<-ry rfifft/rriil.. from 
th<* poor- spiriti'ii Kitiprror atnt his i 
fnvourit:t*s y iiiu) inorr ttrirniuti^tl an! suf 
hi his rt*sistatic't* (hau Nixmii-n!*Muili tuntsrlf. 
The result wan a lottjj, obstinate, ji 
Htrugglt^ wbirh t'litli'd in n foiujiri 
of the* inability of the Mu#il <*hampiou lo throw 
off thf yoke? of Hit* Hindoo rfmrtiomst, ami which 
imlicmtes the! cuhuinaf iu^ period of Muhrnttu 



The thrw? ii'tstiTn proviru-es* Brimr, B 
proper, and Ortssa, had lw*t*n tnassed into cine 
Vieeroyulty under mi able* rulw f Kluija*ul)owla 9 

who died in 17SS* He wits by his 



THE RISE OF ALIVERDI KHAN 225 

son, Serfiraz Khan, a very inferior man. Shuja 
had been zealously served by two brothers, 
soldiers of fortune, Mahummud All and Haji 
Ilaimid; and the former became Sub-Viceroy 
of Behar under Serfiraz. But on a rather com- 
plicated quarrel, which I need not now stop to 
disentangle, the brothers rose against the new 
Viceroy, and destroyed him (1739). Mahum- 
mud Ali then petitioned the Emperor to ratify 
the decision of the sword, and to confer the 
Viceroyalty of the three provinces on himself. 
And as he backed the petition with a large part 
of Scrflraz's treasures, and the Emperor, just 
after Nadir Shah's departure, was in no con- 
dition to disoblige so powerful a suppliant, the 
request was granted, Henceforth, Mahummud 
Ali figures as Aliverdi Khan. I may add that 
he soon after quarrelled with his brother, who 
into private life. But his two sons were 
actively employed by their uncle, who had no 
of Ms ..own, and Hybut, one of these 
nephews, was married to a daughter of Aliverdi. 
The other y Said Ahmed Khan, Aliverdi appointed 
Governor of Cuttak. But an insurrection soon 
broke out there ; Said Ahmed was made prisoner, 
and handed over to Baukir Khan, a relative of 
Serfiraz. 

Aliverdi lost no time in marching to his 
nephew's rescue ; routed Baukir ; delivered his 
nephew; appointed another Governor in the 

disturbed district; and was making his way 
15 



220 



ALIVKIWI KHAN 



homrxvards, when lie was called upon to do 
battle with a new and more* formidable enemy. 

Bhaskir Pundit, a grn<*r;d of 1he Bonsln, 
"Rugoji, pin-surd him with 40,000 r;v;i!ry. After 
sonic fighting he of fern! to retire, on payment 
of ten lacs. AliverdPs army wns no}, more 
than 5000 rflWHves; he was encumbered with 
a large number of helpless and ohsfruelive 
fugitives from the* Mahndla inroad; and the 
already very high regulation of the cnrniy 
had, been enhanced by I heir recent triumph 
oven* Ni/am-ni-Mulk. Hut Aliverdt seornetl sub- 
nussion, and fought^ his \vay tfuU.'mtty, though 
with sev(*re loss, to Cutwa, whTe Iris nrphrw 
joined him with n'infoivemenfs. Thru, under 
Meer Ilubeeb, a deserter from his own service, 
a Mahratta party tried to ea.jrf.irre his eapilal, 
Moorshedabad. But h<? wiv<rl if; by forces! 
march* The enemy, iuwwr, twernin llw whole 
country westward of the Cannes, diirinn the 
rains, But, taking them by siiri-risf% In* put 
them to flight, and drove them into tin; dtllitnilt 
country on the south. They turned up again 
in Cuttak; again he routed thnn, and tht*y 
retreated home.warcls. 

This spirited wmduct excited gmit interest 
at Delhi ; and the Emperor reeogwse:*] It by 
honorary gifts. 

But Itugftji himself BOW repented the in* 
vasion. And, on the Emperor's summons 
Balaji, the new Peishwa, co-operated with Ali- 



niTASKIR AND HIS OFFICERS MURDERED 227 

verdi In resisting it. Thus Mahratta met 
Mahratta in the tmg-of-war or rather, in a 
pursuit too fleet for Aliverdi to keep up with 
It, Rugoji was fain to evacuate Behar; and 
Balaji's service on this oecasion was (as I have 
mentioned) rendered in consideration of thd 
grant of the Viceroyalty of .Malwa (1743). 

Next year, however, Bhaskir reappeared* 
and again offered to retire on payment 'of a 
large sura. Aliverdi had no scruples in dealing 
with such a social pest; and the overture 
enabled him to employ negotiation to entrap 
his enemies* He arranged an interview 'with 
Bhaskir and his principal officers, and murdered 
them all. Then he fell upon a-nd routed theif 
army* and thus foiled the third invasion. 

The Mahrattas, great as was their intrin- 
sic strength* and especially the extraordinary 
power of their irregular and hardy 
cavalry, had almost invariably been much 
favoured by the division of counsels and dis- 
in the Empire. Aliverdi was not, like 
Nixam-ul-Mulk and Husain AH before him, 
intrigued against and hampered by the Court 
of Delhi. On the contrary, Mohammad Shah's 
towards him seems to have been friendly 
throughout; though he had some reason to 
the Jesigns of Safder Jung, Sadut's sue- 
in the Oude Viceroyalty. But, on the 
hand, his raw and forcibly established 
authority was exposed to constant and extreme 



arsng 



clungrr from inh.*rn;i! dMurlKMU 
the rtrcumsfriM'''"* of !iK pM<!Mi *$s a military 
adventurer, and tin* *"lt;frnHr of tin 4 instruments 
whom ho was ronslnnn? *{ fo -rnj?ly The 
inhabitants of !!Hif.pJ are m?.?T'n\!y most uti- 
wurlike, Bui this was w*t th* ms< \vi!h t!u h 
<ith*r jmrls of his titmutiions AnrJ Nrrflu*rn 
India ul thr tinir sw^i'Mrd \vith tin/ lU:m* 
Afghan soldit^ry. wlmnt N;*ilir had r ^iM-llffl from 
Persia and lh<'ir o\vn r^unlry, nd \vhosr 
incut in India had In^rt Ihr r^rijMn.'d 
of his invasion, Th*sr ineii, :uTc^an!, tmital, 
! ivaehrrous, and insubordiwit**, routI only 
be kepi in #ood fi/rnprr fy Irivisfi ijiddl^t-iu 1 ** 
of their ^rcrdy disposit ion* Th"y rrsented 
Aliv.Tdi % s Mriel ciiseipiitu*. Tlu*y !nd iu> 
sympathy with his desire tu hushatut the re- 
Kour%!cs <*f the tnmntry f mid !* improve lln 
civil adminislrnlfon. H'tit upon this, mid 
cramped by const nn! military rc'qiiiremenls, 
AHvcrtli w?is unable to ^rnllfy fheir insatiable 
appetites, or even to fulfil I hi* expert at toittf 
which ho Imd It^l thnn lo t-fiJrr!;nn us the 
rewurd of their srr\ir/s in tin* field. Hence 
they were ever ready to join in disttirfmnccs t 
to break out info rebellion at^ainst iiiiii t iincl 
to become tools of leaders us tmprinctplcct 
as thcmwlvcs, ami untbitums to repeat the 
subversive part wliicb Alivcrdt luicl played 
against Serfiim, And what mucie the nnd 
stout which lie to the Muhratta 



MUSTAPHA DEFEATED AND SLAIN 229 

advance the more remarkable, was that it was 
conducted in spite of this frequent and most 
serious danger from within. 

Thus, no sooner had Bhaskir Pundit and 
his army been disposed of, than Mustapha Khan, 
Aliverdi's right-hand man, availed himself of 
this military discontent, and demanded to be 
made Governor of Behar. This was in the 
hands of Hybut, Aliverdi's nephew and son- 
in-law, and the demand was rejected. Hence 
a quarrel, which ended in the dismissal of 
Mustapha, who marched off with a large force 
of his own veterans, and attempted to conquer 
Behar on his own account. Twice Hybut rashly 
encountered him with an inferior army ; < twice 
circumstances enabled him to avoid an actual 
defeat; and, on Aliverdi's advance, Mustapha 
retreated. He was actively pursued by the 
combined forces, and compelled to retire into 
Oude, But when Aliverdi had departed to 
meet once more his old enemies, the Mahrattas, 
Mustapha again invaded Behar, fought another 
battle with Hybut, and was defeated and slain. 

Rugoji, indignant at the fate of Bhaskir 
and his officers, and encouraged by Aliverdi's 
preoccupation with the rebels, for a fourth time 
renewed the incursion. Again he was arrested 
for awhile by plausible negotiations ; when 
hostilities were resumed, his rapidity at first 
baffled his opponent. But he was presently 
brought to bay, and sustained several defeats, in 



2IIO 



ALIVKTUH KUAN 



one of which he was nearly tuken prisoner. 
Again, too, Mnorshedabad wns saved from his 
attack; IHJ was drfn r ;h'd apain ai Cutwa ; 
HIM! he was forced lo re! rent (1715), <'itl;ik, 
howevrr, hesfill Mature!,, through Mccr Huheeh, 
who cowm;'.ud-d tt joint fom* of MrrhrjiHris and 



Tlus last rireinn^f ;MH*' was ominous. And 
the oincn was soon fulfilled, Aliverdi in vain 
Iriod to expel the enmn* fnnu (.'iittak ; ;tml in 
the course of these *ji-r;iiiM)s was rthli^ed to 
cashier two of'Tlrr^rN Avlin had shown 
of Ireacln-ry. Ont* of thetu, Meer 
afterwards the Knjjflish Xnwab of Uir 
Frnvinees, A third ;itfi'uot lo reach 
shedaba.il wan nuid<* by Jiintijj, Hu^njr.s i^Idrnt 
scni. But agnin, Aliverdi was too active, uncl 
suvod hln crapitHh 

Bui lit* now tncurrc^ti the greiite 
to which lie was ever exjuwd. Fur 
coinplic'ily with Hi!#ojjt he had cii 
other chief oflker^ Af^linns, Shuinsur Khan and 
Sirdar Klmu, but iuid rashly allowetl lh*in lu 
Keltic with llicrir numerous followers in Hehur. 
That province itJrendy i?i:mi*d with Iht* ld 
sokliers of tint dcrfunet, rehcl, Mustaphiu And 
the attraction of a common cause of disaffection 
drew these forces together. The Aftflmn leade-rn 
acted crafttly v niid. f profcBHiug peiiiU;iU!t\ ^cmglit 
to l">6 rciidmtttetl into tlie \'lri i roy" r s service, 
through Hybut, who ttill Govcmor of 



two 




LOYALTY OF ALIVERDI'S ARMY 231 

Behar. Whether he was simply credulous, or 
secretly ambitious of engaging them in an attempt 
on his own account to supplant his uncle, has 
been doubted. But he solicited and gained a 
reluctant consent to re-enlist Shumsur ancj 
Sirdar 'Khan. The former like Afzul Khan 
with Sivaji affected timidity in the negotiation, 
and Hybut, like Afzul Khan, fell into the snare; 
appeared slightly attended, and was murdered 
by Slmmsur's own hand ; and Patna, where the 
deed was done, became the prey of the licentious 
and brutal > soldiery. Ahmed, Hybut's father, 
was tortured to death, in the vain hope of forcing 
him to reveal where he had secreted his wealth. 
Hybut's wife, Aliverdi's daughter, was carried 
off ; and the rebels, raising new forces with the 
plunder of the city, prepared to invade Bengal 

(1748). 

In these desperate circumstances, the forti- 
tude, prudence, and energy of the Viceroy were 
equally conspicuous. 

" He [made] an earnest and pathetic appeal 
to his chief officers, acknowledging his great 
obligations to them, and [promising ample] re- 
wards to those who might enable him to retrieve 
his affairs." But he gave to any who were 
inclined to abandon a possibly hopeless cause 
permission to depart. The result was a unani- 
mous and enthusiastic declaration of a resolve 
to support him. This was solemnly confirmed 
by an oath on the Koran ; and all consented 




388 AUVKUDI KHAN 

to forego* II I'uiiM n?< nf '-'.'-"M, tltri? 



to pay, 8tiw% hi\\r\rr % on M*rond 

flnni^hls, UlTC* IW>t M *A |,ji. Mi* f if. Iff* 

them, and eVHI ^.|r<t! 111 ;"!itr 

srrvuv the twci tti 'T" Innn ! '*< ;. **vfj 

in making one of At fit (Mta, 

eoivinipndrr, with his ^u? \uinj; 

n'|*hi'w % of hitf capital in his; -*1 *"'* *l'J>iN 
lit* fimltl mil spar<i twmji^ to |iu;nl i*Wr'd- 
niilly front the M;thr;it!,v.; mill in* ih'ir- 
fort* rmuiituHidcd tin* inti;.lHj;!nf tn rrtiit 1 
Inhtnd tlir C'at}j, s. Wifli 11 largi* anuy hi 1 
inarchcci ;J*JMIIJS{ tin* rt'bc*ls t vho had i**\% iiKiff* 
cuituu<>n c'tuist* witii tin* ^lahrui-fas, an*t t*ff**n*d 
to <*ntcr the sfrvirt- of flu* Honsla. Hut Shiim- 
8ur ovcrri g achf*tl hiiiiM^lf. 11*"* tr^Jic'hrrotisly 
arrested Mct-r Hubcrrb^ who had t*our ft* ,*nTani/** 
tc'iTns by way of htisla^r for flit* {>;jyiu''uf **f tilt* 
Kubsi<Iy. Hi*m?t% in Hit* Imtth' thut M 
the Mnhrnttas stoml aloof; ami Aliv<*rdt 
a complete! victory, kiih'<l Sirdar Khan, iwd 
rccoviTcd his daughtcfr* Thr Afghnft c*f*tif**tlt*rm*y 
was entirely broken up, and Hit 1 Mx'thrattus rrnw 
ntore rc*tr<*uted, <\e<-pl from Cuttak. 

After a new dtKturhanet% c*atise<i by the 
rebellion of Alivrrdi's d<'j?c*m-rate jjnuitlsnu, 
Siimja Dowlah 9 the future* enplor of l*ali'Utt t 
which wan soon stiiidued, tltough the rebel 
treated with undeserved lenity by 1m 
grandsira; and after again and pursuing 

and 'repelling for the lime his Parthian 



TERMS OF PEACE WITH RUGOJI 238 

AHverdi, as age advanced upon him, seems to 
have grown weary of the interminable strife; 
and he at last came to a compromise : Cuttak, 
which he had never recovered, he ceded outright 
to the Bonsla ; and he agreed to pay twelve lacs 
of rupees a year as a commutation of chout to 
the same Chief, On the other hand, the Mahratta 
incursions were to cease (1751). 

During the short residue of his reign this 
agreement was faithfully observed. 

Thus he did, at last, become a tributary of 
the Berar Raja, as Nizam-ul-Mulk had become 
of the Pcishwa. But his stout and prolonged 
resistance, and the frequent defeats he had 
inflicted on the invaders, had contrasted greatly 
with the Nizam's repeated collapses, and at last 
almost utter overthrow. 

I may add that Aliverdi discerned the in- 
capacity of his grandson, and the danger of 
English encroachment. But his senile partiality 
for Suraja Dowlah prevented his debarring him 
from the succession ; and prudence and a sense 
of justice seem to have combined against his 
adopting the suggestion that he should expel 
the formidable Europeans, before it should be 
too late. 



I 



XXI 



i 

HRKK 1 might conclude these lectures, for 1 [ 

have traeed summarily f heir proper 
the decline nnd dissolution of Hie Mojjul 
I have eadravourrd to slimy hmv Am 
rhararlrr, roinlun, and policy fntallv 
his military sfrrii^Hu his moral auth 
his administrative syslmi. I have shown how 
the Mahraittts arrtrst.el his etnjrse (if 
viudi(% r ited their indt-jM-iuIfaer, mul \ 

] an anti-polity, ami an imjwrium in iwfwrw in 

the Mogul Dekkatu Provinces ; how .. 
sou and immrdmt.u succtssir was Fain 
thiK lineal itniHwintti in fwjit : f}t* ; h.w they 
llslied f liemsflvt\s ntul subvert i*d flic* 'IinptTial 
aiititority in Gusa^ral: ; and, after ftircihly fu'eupv- 
Ing Hitlwn f extorted from the degenerate Kmpcror 
the right to govern it ; and later a. right to levy 
tribute in nil the n-maiuing provinces cif the 
Empire^ whieh involved ubkiuitous extorfjon. 

I* *,* I 'I* t * r * 

^| spoliation, and disorder ; how Ntftmn-ui-Muik 

In the Dckkan, and Alivcnii Klmn in the liettgal 
Provim^s, wliilct cm the one hand praetieally 

emancipating themselves front the lirijierinl 
authority 9 on the oilier to 



COLLAPSE OF MAHRATTA POWER 285 

become tributaries of the Mahrattas; how they 
effected a lodgment in Bundelcand!; and, after 
Nadir Shah had given the coup de grdce to the 
majesty of the Empire, and wrested from it its 
North-West Provinces, they threatened universal 
predominance in Native India, with the destruc- 
tive consequences inevitably entailed by the 
ascendancy of a community essentially predatory. 
Such is the melancholy anticipation deducible 
from the course of events which I have described, 
But though European interposition is beyond 
my present province, I do not think it would 
be right to conclude without recounting how 
this anticipation was rapidly falsified by the 
advent of another great conqueror ' from the 
country whence Baber had marched to 
the conquest of Upper India, and the establish- 
of the Mogul Empire. In the course of 
one memorable campaign, and by the issue of 
one terrible battle, the Mahratta power was, 
for the time, shattered to atoms ; and though 
the hydra-headed monster was not killed, it 
so effectually scotched, that it remained 
practically almost quiescent, until great British 
statesmen were in a condition to cope with, and 
ultimately to master and disintegrate it. 

1 think that it is not only allowable, but 

' to supplement my proper subject with a 

narrative of this remarkable and important con- 

by way of epilogue to the great political and 

military tragedy which has occupied us so long. 



XXII 
THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN 

IF the decline and dissolution of the Mogul 
Empire was a remarkable and tragic pheno- 
menon, still more tragically startling was the 
sudden collapse of the Mahratta power, when 
it had attained a position which threatened to 
make it the predominant tyrant of Native 
India, and the subverter of every native govern- 
ment, if not of the framework of civil society 
in their dominions. 

A short retrospect will explain how this 
catastrophe came about. 

Nadir Shah was assassinated in 1747. In 
his army was a young Afghan officer of noble 
lineage, the son of a man distinguished as a 
diplomatist, and popular among his countrymen. 
Young as he was, Ahmed, called the Abdali, 
from the name of his ooloos, or tribe, had studied 
war to good effect in the school, and under the 
eye, of Nadir Shah. And when their master 
fell he led his Afghan comrades back to their 
native hills. There his high birth, his father's 
reputation, and his own already established 
character, with the interposition of an influ- 



GHAZI-U-DIN'S WILD AMBITION 287 

ential and saintly man, procured his election to 
the throne ; and this was promptly justified by 
a display of political ability very remarkable 
in so youthful a sovereign, and which soon 
made him undisputed master of the allegiance, 
if not of the affections, of his wild subjects. 
His military organisation was equally able; , 
and he followed the example of his instructor 
in the art of war, and invaded India (1748). 
But on this occasion he was repulsed by his 
namesake, Prince Ahmed, Mohammad Shah's 
son, who on his return to Delhi found the old 
Emperor dead, and succeeded him as Ahmed 
Shah. His own reign, however, was short and 
disastrous. On the murder of Nizam-ul-Mulk's 
eldest surviving son, Ghazi-u-din, in the Dekkan, 
Ms son and namesake at Delhi entered on a wild 
career of ambition. As his father, anxious to 
supplant Salabat Jung, had allied himself with 
the Peishwa; so now the younger Ghazi-u-din 
formed a connexion with Jeiapa Sindia and 
Mulhar Rao Holkar, and with their help made 
hunsclf master of Delhi; assumed the office 
of Vizier, which Safder Jung had hitherto held ; 
deposed and blinded Ahmed Shah, and set up 
another phantom sovereign as Alumgeer the 
Second (1754). Safder Jung died soon after, 
and was succeeded in Oude by Shuja-u-Dowla, 
who plays a prominent part in Anglo-Indian as 
well as in native history. 

Meanwhile Ahmed Shah Abdali had repeated 



THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN 



his incursion into India; nttd, iKivm^ 
flir Pnnjrd>. Inn I pfai'rd il undrr fhc .f' 
of Merr Mminun, a fanner Mo^ul Vicrroy (1752)* 
After the* death of Mmmno and his infant son, 
Ghufci-u-din had ovrmzn th* 1 pm\ii !*< r:i.rried 
off Munnoo's vridow to Delhi, ;uid appointed a 
(IfivrriKir of his own, Adina lli^. Ahmed Shah, 
resent \i\g lliis flgjLjtt'Ssion, ndvanred onee more 
'flow to Delhi itself, * k xvhirh, 1 ' says (Irnnt 
Duff, ** was phuulfn'tl, and its nrthnppv peopfr 
again f;nbjc*c*t,ed to pillage, and its daughters to 
pollution." 

(!ha'/i*u-<itn bcnved to Hie storm, nd wns 
partloned. Hut, after the vietor reftrrd, he 
wsumecl his tnisrhtevcnis netivtfy- Again lie 
called in the Muhrattas, now romuuimied fiy 
Rugonath HHO* lie reeov-rerl J)i.4hl, ami the 
custody of hln puppet. Almntrerr tl. ; flt^prived 
X!ij(*eh-u-Dowl;, it leading elilef of I lie iluhilla 
Afghans* of n high Imperial Illi*e which Ahmed 
Shah Ahdaii hud proeun-d Iiini, nml. would have 
put htiu to deiilh, had not Itolkur infiTpnscd 
to save him. Moreover, f*J-i!i7J-ii-ciiii ins!i;rated 
Ad ma Beg f hln former fiovi-rucir ul ihe t^unjnb, 
to revolt ugninst AhnmrH scm t Thnour, who 
had been left in charge of that province, HIM! 
the Sikhs joined in the rising, 

Rugonath Mao was invited to c*o-operttta; 
he Invaded, the Punjab, runted Ahmed Shah's 
general, and entered Lahore In triumph 
S00-H after, another Slnclla, DutUiji, wa incited 



AHMED'S LAST INVASION OF INDIA 239 

by Ghazi-u-din to invade Rohilkund, which he 

did ; and again the Hohillas- countrymen of 
A.htncd Shah fled to the Kumayoon mountains, 
Duttaji also quarrelled with Shuja-u-Dowla, 
whose predecessor had employed the Mahrattas 
to conquer his troublesome Rohilla neighbours, 
Ahmed Shah was not only a king and a con- 
queror, but, as an Afghan, he sympathised with 
the Rohillas ; and* as a devout Mussulman, 
he resented Mahratta aggression on his co- 
religionists in llindostan. The cup of his fury 
was full ; and he resolved to bring to a decisive 
issue his quarrel with the Hindoo power which 
had thus crossed his track of conquest, ill- 
treated his allies, and made war on true believers. 

Rugonath had returned to the Dekkan ; 
and Ghazi-u-din had fled to the Jat Raja, 
Suraj Mull, when Ahmed Shah advanced once 
more into India; drove the Mahrattas under 
Holkar and Duttaji Sindia before him ; engaged 
and killed Duttaji, and, hotly pursuing Holkar, 
defeated him with heavy loss* This was before 
the Bhow appeared on the scene. 

I shall henceforth follow chiefly an excellent 

narrative by Casi Raja Pundit, who was not 

only an eye-witness of the battle of Paniput, 

but was much engaged in the negotiations 

> which preceded it. And he was well eircum- 

' for forming an impartial estimate- of 

events and characters. For he was, on the 

one hand, a Dekkanee Mahratta; and, on the 



240 



THE 



r I"AMIAIC;N* 



f : 

\ I 

I 1 



n 

i 



an rw/j/oj/r of S!mja>u-n<Avla, Ju 
hmn for swat* time in the srrvirr of flic* Chide 
CiovtTinnrfil . Slmjau-l)nw{a*s .nvn sympnf hirs 
were divided, though in tltt* mil lie joined 
Ahmed Sluih. Awl though t'nsi Hajn hits bwn 
NUSprctfd <if wrili!i;.r liflfliT UMKur's iliflilfliee, 
this dens not &wm Ui hnvt* itnpinn^i flu* vrrm*5ty 
of his at'foutif, which is wry H<. f r*r, TOtnpri^ 
.hrnsivr, ami rational* i"xcrpt prnl^-thly in one 
iKf'% most, inafcrial in rxptatmimn uf tin* sutldcm 

c of {.lie lt-sprr;i|c* Mahratta rt-sisfancT. 
Ur givrn u viTy favoiiraM*' rstinwtt* of the 
nhiitty in rivil adntini-Jraliuu, aiut cif 
his m!!m*m*t' in flic 1 PT>hwa-s C*ahinH. ; nml lie* 
rxprrssly scale's thai ftujjouath J<af\s *'\prr'lif.ion 
wits drsi!i + d itnd rffuippnt for c-ninplciinj? the 
rofHjuest uf Hindostun; liui that, in spite of 
the ensy sur^-ss of llu* military "{M-rationx, the 
Bhow, on iiiHfKH'tiiiK flu* nrcounts, nscTrtnincr! 
that u n debt of ci^hty-dghl liirs of ruprrs wa 
dwe to the* army; so tuttdi hmi the 4*xp<*nses 
been allowni to <:%c^fl nil tlic* mM^*lmm of 
tribute, jw^rM,v// t cic\ M Thi,s t tboti|;h not 
cliflicmlt to explain (for as llu#imth, thcnt^h n 
ferm sabreur, was nn *asy-K*uijf mnru sfudiuus 
of popularity, he luicl probahly allowed hm 
ftubordinate to Iirlp thi'msHvrs frt*t*Iy to the 
fruit of their exertions), ccrtuitily, from n 
Mahratta point of view, n ruiic/luslv't/ proof of 
military incapacity. But cither titan 

of a gocid Chancellor of the 



I 



THE JBHOW'S CONCEIT AND ARROGANCE 241 

were required to retrieve Rugonath's financial 
carelessness, and to meet the crisis which he had 
provoked. And the Bhow was, as a strategist 

and tactician, not less incompetent than Rugonath 
as a reaper of the spoils of war. 

But, elated by his recent success in the 
Dekkan, he assumed the command of the army 
of Hmdostan a with a light heart"; and set 
out, accompanied by Wiswas Rao, the Peishwa's 
eldest son, who, though a youth of seventeen, 
was nominally the leader of the expedition. 

In his new sphere the Bhow soon displayed 
his defects* which boded serious mischief in the fi 

campaign. u He began," says Casi Raja, "to 
exercise Ms authority in a new and offensive 
manner, and . . in all public business he 
showed a capricious and self-conceited conduct. 
He totally excluded from his council Mulhar Rao 
all the other chiefs, who were experienced 
in the affairs of Hindo$tan, and who had credit 
influence with the principal people in the 
country ; and carried on everything by his own 
opinion alone/* He made overtures in various 
quarters, and especially to Shuja-u~Dowla. But 
the young ruler of Oude preferred at present 
to remain a neutral spectator of the inevitable 
contest, and to choose his side later according 
to the fortune of war. The Bhow also applied 
to Suraj Mull, the Jat Raja, who insisted on 
negotiating through his usual medium Holkar 

and Sindia. After this preliminary rebuke to 

16 , * 



p 



i 




i\ a-12 THE inx'HTT f\MP,\ic;x 

,* 



to fi*fti*'r ml'vicT' on I lit- r? v!<-;* 1 H f tht* \var t 
wittrh \v;^ vrry jndi< i;i -> hn* vutiHi lh' Bhow 

ht.nuisr H*1k;*r ami !M u! hf r rliirts, miin \V4H 
kww thr prtnjo 1 :! 1 *! hi' p ?n' *M \\;tr ;ntcl tin* 



,.*!*}, (iinlt;lly *ijjM\<l H! it* Th<* Jut 
. that tin: 'M:iliMlla ^\- r.-'l*'\; - \uiy 
much hatnpt'ml hy lit 1 ' inuHiluIr *f 
f , niui chilfln.'n th' fainili* s <f Hit 4 otlirtrs a 

snld'HTs wlu> n*'*oiniain* I thr nriuy ; hv lh* k 
profusion of biij^ajji* wih \vhirl> Ihr !(ro\\-intj 
luxury t>f I fit/ IVish\v:t\ ( f ftu*t Imd ston*r| tin* 
curtip ; anil hy tlu* h*i^ train of h**vy arlillrrv 
wiiidi the Illnnv vpfrially afftTtc*(K l*rf, nil 

or in his twit forts of Hhurfporr, IH't'g, or 
Comtmir. u Your Jn>js/ 1 ' J^* obsiTVf.^I "ure 

more light niui <*xpt*tlttimis Uma Ihc^s** f HJ 
clcistiiiij Aiiif f/u* tJttuntnwfi tire &//// ;/iow M-jwditiQus 

jyoii.** 

Thin sin tc*!iii*!it was siirj*riv.in^ if tu*t inrra 

l|! to Urn Btiuw, Hut it \VUH bawd tm c.^}H*ri< 

* Af And the following words hhow thai Suruj MulPs 

into the military situation was by no 

means contempt ibk\ iuul f if lunird to iuu?ount 9 

i * ^ 

have averted tin* niHiiing *'rttstroph<.: 

^ In titis i.iiTiii'igeiiii*nl you wit! hfive the 
of a eonuiuii'ikiitioii with ai 

country you, and ma?d be 



THE SHOW REJECTS WISE ADVICE 248 

no apprehensions respecting supplies to your 
array. 5 * In support of this advice, Mulhar Rao 
added that u trains of artillery were suitable 
to the royal armies, but that the Mahratta mode 
of war was predatory, and their best way was 
to follow the method to which they had been 
accustomed." 

They might thus drag out the campaign 
without a general action till the rains set in, 
and the enemy would then be driven to retreat* 
But the Bhow's vanity was touched ; he was 
jealous of Rugonath, and featred being invidiously ' 
contrasted with his cousin, who had reached 
Lahore in conquering guise. <6 It never should 
be reproached to him, that he, who was the 
superior, had gained nothing but the disgrace 
of acting defensively." The wisest were shocked 
at this arrogance; and a general murmur pre- 
vailed that " it is better that this Brahmin 
should once meet with a defeat, or else what 
weight and consideration shall we be allowed ? " 

This WEB not a sentiment likely to second the 
ambitious hopes of the self -opinionated general. 

lie now marched to Delhi, and besieged the 
fort, which was still held for the Afghan King by, 
a nephew of his Vizier, who was soon obliged 
to capitulate. Again the victor wantonly out- 
raged the feelings of the Hindostanees, Hindoos 
as well as Mussulmans, who from old associations 
revered the Empire, even in its dotage. He 
plundered such monuments of Mogul splendour 



244 



THE PANirUT CAMPAIGN 



as had been loft by Nwlir Shah and inter dcvas- 

tutors. Thus he stripped the nKn>ntfiruii Hull 
of Audience of Its fine silver tviling, which lie 
coined info sexeuhru lars of rupers. And our 
author mentions, on the authority of his master, 
Shnja-u-Oowln, n projeel far won* ou! miaous in 
the eyes of Moguls, .H^jpuN, and, indeed, of all 
Imperialists: the Bhow issaitl lohnvr mt'ditnicd, 
when the eampaign shouiri br o\n\ plnrin^ \Vis\\as 
Huo, the Frishwa's .son, on I he Uinun- of Delhi! 

In striking ronlrast to this r ! r*k{rss euurse 
were the wary pn*rftt*ti*>ns of tin* Abdalt to 
sln-nglhen his interest in Hindustan, Xujrrb- 
uI)owhi f the most powerful <f the HohtHa 
chiefs, wan bound to him by th* ^Irouwrxt lies, 
not least by a bitter persona! animosity befuven 
himself atul the Illiow and Sindm. The oihi-r 
Ilfihilla leaders were also Jlioniii;dilv t j ngng<*d 
on the same side. Hut Shuja*u-!)owla was 
undeeided, and the Shah saw the great iinjto.il* 
anee of seeurinjj him ; nnd he effn-lrd titis 
adroitly* Through Nujeeb*tt-I)owia Shujn WHS 
made to fc*c*l his own insi^eurify av; a wtttrat, 
and his duriger in case vi4tory shuuld attend 
the Bhow, whose hatred of nil Mussulmans was 
notorious. 1 It* was run v i net rt I a i * 1 1 i ua R*hc*! 
into the Afghan aitiiji, where lw was nwiwd 
with much dislinc*ticm, butli by th<* Shall ntul by 
his Viy*ter, who soUjutdy hailni him nx tlmf wn. 

The Shah ? who had advanmi to AntipshtT 
for the purpose of effecting his junction with 



- 



FUTILK NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE- 245 

the Rohillas, soon after took up a position on 

the bank of the Jumna, opposite to Delhi; 

but the swollen state of the river arrested active 

operations for the present. Native belligerents, 

especially, have always had an odd 

habit of continuing negotiations in the midst 

of war, and of mutually sending and entertaining 

or agents, for this purpose. Wellesley 

highly resented this practice ; and" his brother 

Arthur, in the Mahratta war, put a summary 

to it* But it flourished luxuriantly in the 

Paniput campaign ; and our author, who was 

busily engaged in it, devotes much space to 

describing it. An unwary reader, who did not 

understand the character and manners of 

might thus be led much astray, and 

Imagine that peace was constantly on the .point 

of concluded on moderate terms. But 

In this was not at all the case. The 

finessing in the hope of extricating 

himself from a position which was becoming 

more embarrassing. 

The Abdali, calmly confident, did not care 

to interrupt the hollow game, in which his 

Indian allies took pleasure, and probably felt 

much like the cat sporting with the mouse 

springing upon it. Hence I shall not 

you by 'dwelling on these unreal over- 

But 1 must mention that the Bhow did 

not only repeated but earnest efforts first 

to Shuja-u-Dowla from the Shah's adhe- 



-m Till; I'AMITT 

* atu 



of B In* h, \* 
Mull a i a 



vuinsii* i! hi* \an* , U II f h 




till th< M ' 'f. Jr . \Mf I 

tJ'.f ri Hit ft f iti \ J* V Ml 

, \\ifri |*l 

i* It* H I )* Jthuii a* i itir 
*li ran 
so la 

nut tit our ^i*!t% 
Ituhilln rtiyut Mitly in Ha it^ %t% nf llu !lii$rlu 
Hi* H|*{!trf'fi in th< ;inlnl!M!i nf tip 
li liiiif? ; suuf, r j* *! f^is %jift ^si^r 
r % hr luttifti : %l *Iiif* \!;f !< ff,-' . utv lh** 
thorn of HituluHtnit ; if !lt*y wrn* mit, of flu* 
way, the Kinpiri* wight b j vmir M:tjrsiy\ 
you shoulii plt'us*-/" 

Ilir Uiiuw's diplo* 






SURAJ MULL DESERTS THE BHOW 247 
matic arts against him, through his voted* 
strongly advised the Jat Raja to abandon the 
Mahratta cause. It is stated that Mulhar Rao 
and the other disaffected chiefs joined m this 
advice, which was addressed to willing ears. 
This admission that Casi Pundit's patron thus 
deliberately weakened the Show's force, seems 
to tell favourably as to his credibility ; while the 
fact indicates forcibly the unpopularity, not to 
say the hatred, of the Brahmin generalissimo, one 
chief cause of the result of his ill-fated enterprise. 
Distrusted, slighted, and snubbed by the 
Show, Suraj Mull had little inducement to 
remain. And he went off by forced marches; 
and thus, through the folly of its commander 
the Mahratta army was deprived of a most 
important, nay, an indispensable ally. 

During the monsoon the Shah, though im- 
mediately opposite Delhi, at Shahdere, on the 
bank of the Jumna, made no attempt to cross 
the river. The Bhow, when the rams abated, 
but before the Jumna was passable, marched 
with a picked force against Kunjpoora, which 
was held by the Rohillas, and captured it. it 
lav nearly 100 miles north ; and his object 
was to command the passage of the river, and 
to be able to cross, and become the assailant. 
But he returned to Delhi without making any 
use of the opportunity. On the other hand^ 
the Abdali, in this as in other respects, showed 
his superior generalship. He suddenly broke 



2-S TIIK IM 

up ItH rnjnp. riiif! 

Ill*' Bimn tt* , *U 

\n<i fhi h* 



HMT 

by n of <H h reaeheti 

: IM.M- l JM There, uhjfc* 



lh* third .t f< 
as If* ilrfi\vn 

of his army 
army was ** 
fitim fli<'ir i 
iiHful* many 
Cast |{.iia\ 



* l ''- < fr tllfl i|;j\ s tin 

I 1 '-\ M < f ; tint if uas MTV 

r t ni ihr mf *f the 

** Shah pasM! ni HOI >n aslmlf 
flir* uttitT The whole 

*-!'**\ ,e *{ in tluy-t ; but 

an*! tfi* 1 nniit t'Vji^ilitifiii 
It i ih' ir livex.* hueb h 
<*f a pntn /f!'" vhu f h may 
K^nn rash un Ahitu^l Shali' 1 . part* Btit ulwt 
are we to think of his autaj'otu'.f wbo iit*ijl'eleil 
1*^ tntf'rntp! flu* rr*^sin/ t af^J lti*nfi^ furfciterl 
tin* eiiorttious ;tv;trtla'<' vjirh hi Ui^tlfl have 
Irul In assailtttm: his I'lir-my in iueh 11 'atuaffcinY 

He wiys: u This seems ft havi* the erisjs 

of the Hhciw\ furttme: Jrttf he atfaeked 

the Shah while he ws pnssiiiw the .limitm* he 

would probably have totally ilrftntcil him/* 



THE BHOW ENCAMPS AT PANIPUT 249 

*x the very next day (26th October) the 

two stymies neared each other, and a partial 

actiorx too k p i ace between the advanced guards, 

in which the Mahrattas were worsted, and lost 

twice as man y men as the Afghans. Similar 

skirmishes followed, the Bhow constantly re- 

'irmg, till he reached the already memorable 

field of Paniput, about 60 miles north of Delhi. 

There he took up an elaborate position, enclosing 

his camp and the town " with a trench 60 feet wide 

and 12 deep, with a good rampart, on which 

he rrxounted his cannon." This proceeding was 

ominously like that previously adopted more 

than, once by Nizam-ul-Mulk in his wars with 

the UMahrattas themselves, and in each case 

with such disastrous results. And the Bhow's \ 

people were very certain to take note of, and to ^ 

be much disheartened by, such a coincidence. 

The Shah encamped to the eastward, and 
surrounded his position with felled trees, as 
Baber had done, on his last invasion of India. 
His front is said to have extended seven miles, 
so large was his force, of which more presently. 

Though the Bhow had rejected Suraj Mull's 
wise suggestion, which would have assured his 
eom-missariat, he had attempted to starve out 
the invaders. He had appointed Govind Pundit, 
the I*eishwa's Collector for the Doab and Bundel- 
caix<3-, to muster all the force he possibly could, 
an<3- to cut ff - the Shah's communication for 
provision in his rear. Govind with two thousand 



250 



THE PANtPITT fAMPAION 



men had reached Meerut, ond obeyed his orders 
so effrettuiHv ** Hint flit* Sh;ih\% ;n*my \v;is in the 
fjrcalrsf distress lor pnvKt<w\." fin}, flu* 
was not n man to endure this f.'iwek-. 
frttohed a body of ehosen wen, under his 
nephrw, who was !ur/;Hy rt'infurri-u by 
irregulars oriin^on flieir own lu'ruimt. Accord- 
ing to orders, Uiey nmdr n nijiid rnanJi of HO 
miles in sinjjh* night, and ** at daybreak/' snys 
Casi Punflil, "Ihcy fell like lightning upon the 
crump of (!cvind .Pitndil '* ; rcnilfd and rut up 
his force; and taking hint prisoner* promptly 
presented his head to Ihr Shah, whose foraging 
parties were not again molested ; and who, in 
fact, rapidly turned Hit 1 tables in this respect 
upon the* Mahratfus. Anf^t.her serious misluip 
soon lifter inen.\*isel flu? ditHettlties of I he* rash 
commander. Jit* disprdelu-d two f htmsand 
hcirsetncti to ronvoy a large irnitniiit cif treasure 
from Delhi, for the use uf th nnny. Travelling 
by by-roads, they ;raine<! tJit* rapiiai muhV 
turbed ; but on their return they missed their 
way, and rode into the enrruy's quarters;. They 
wcro eut to pieces, and tin;* money was, of rourse, 
lost* 

Homctmbermg wlini Iht* Mahrnl.tas had hither- 
to been ; how thc-tr terrible ability had Imfllrd 
Aurungzib, at the fn-Jgla. of his power ; how 
they had carcunivciititci Ni>mitt<*ui*Mitlk f mid 
reduced him to extre*iity ; liow they had out- 
marched Aliverdi Khun ; it docs 



THE MAHRATTA CAMP BLOCKADED 251 ' j 

that they should have allowed themselves to .j 

be cooped up in their camp by the Afghans ; i; | 

denuded of supplies, and gradually brought to a 
state of positive starvation. Yet such was the > 

case. 

The Bhow's want of enterprise and skill will ' > 

partially explain this. To send out small parties 
would have been to ensure their destruction. .. 

And he seems to have been reluctant to move 
out in force, for fear of endangering his 
cumbrous train of artillery. The effects of his 
jealous, capricious, and overbearing temper, and 
the consequent disaffection and at least passive 
insubordination of several of his chiefs and their 
followers, must also be taken into account. 
But this was not all. There was a paralysing 
spell upon the army. The Mahrattas, from an 
early period of the campaign, seem to have felt 
themselves to be doomed to destruction. And, 
on the other side, Suraj Mull had not exaggerated 
the superior agility of the Afghans, even when 
compared with the veteran predatory hosts of 
the Bekkan. And the Afghan Sovereign's watch- 
fulness was unsleeping; his beleaguering arrange- 
ments were most systematic ; his discipline was , 
most strict; and his orders, says Casi Pundit, 
" were obeyed like destiny." Daily, at sunrise, 
he says, Ahmed Shah "visited every post of ; 
the army. ... He also reconnoitred the camp of 
the enemy, and . . . saw everything with his 
own eyes, riding usually 40 or 50 coss every 



2f,2 THE PA MITT 

day.. . . At a body of 5000 home, 

mlvaw'cd as as eonvnienlly be, 

towards the enemy's camp, where they remained 
all night, under arms ; the 

rounds of the whole eneawpwent |le* of the 
Mahraltas]." 

Under such eireu instances, they were f 1 

prepared for a general aetlon, it for 1 

the Bhovrs troops to fnra^-\ nor to 

emerge safely from their cpi;irlTs. 

Yet there were several partial engagruients, 
and da ily en i u M ma d i n *.* sk I r t u is! t i rig,, On 

one occasion twenty f hnusand <".nip-f<ll<i\vrrs 
made their way out to cut wood for fuel ; but the 

of five thousand 

put nil to the The 

depressing of wtioWdr Iiufehery on 

the Mahraltas wa great; mid the Bhow f who . 

eh(MTfuhn 4 ss ? !>t*{ra.ye<! 

** <lespimde'n<*y* ff Nil ronvoys 

his provisions 

almost exhausted. 

The Shah's Indian advisers, niettn while, 
the enemy so completely in lite toils, were im- 
patient, and eager to fall on them. Onsi Raja 
eays: "The Ilindostriny ehiofs wt*re out of nil 
patience, and entreated the Shah to put an end 
to their fatigues, by coming at otiee to a decisive 
action ; but his eonstant answer was, c This Is a 
matter of war, with which you are uol; {teqwitntod. 
In other affairs do as you please (a sly cut at their 



AHMED'S WISE DELAY OF BATTLE 253 

fussy and futile negotiations], but leave this 
to me. Military operations must not be pre- 
cipitated. You will see how I will manage this 
affair, and at a proper opportunity will bring 
it to a successful conclusion.' " 

However unlike the Bhow was to Massena, 
the calm confidence in himself and his plan 
exhibited by Ahmed Shah, and his accurate 
foresight of its working, were much akin to 
Wellington's attitude at the lines of Torres 
Vedras. With his own communications open, 
and those of his adversary closed, the Shah 
knew well that every day that the decisive 
contest was delayed must tell to his advantage. 
And the course of diplomacy proved this. For 
our author tells us that, at this crisis, "the 
Bhow often wrote letters to me with his own 
hand, desiring that I would urge the Nawab 
[Le. of Oude] to mediate a peace for him that 
he was ready to submit to any conditions, if 
he could but preserve himself and his army, 
and would by every means manifest his gratitude 
to the mediators." Shuja-u-Dowla and most of 
the Indian chiefs professed willingness to come 
to terms ; but Nujeeb-u-Dowla was inexorable, 
and the Shah was, of course, like-minded. 
After in vain plundering the grain in the town of 
Paniput, hunger compelled the Mahratta chiefs 
and soldiers to insist upon an immediate general 
action. The Bhow consented ; and it was 
resolved "to march out of the lines an hour 




254 



THE BATTLE OF PAXIHTT 



before tUiybrenlv, awl, phteinj the ariillrry In 
front, to proceed to Hie aitnek of flu: enemy, 
They all swore to light to the last esf ivinity/* 

Just before the baffle began, C'asi 1'la.ja 
reeeived a paHu-Ur note* from the- disillusioned 
and desperate fjrener;dissiruf,. "Tin* euj> t " he 
said, **is now foil to the brim, run! e.'tnnoi hold 
another drop', If nuylhio.u cim be clour, do it, 
or else answer me plainly at onee; hereafter 
there will be no time for tv riling *r speaking." 
While this not( % was und<-r eonsitierntion by 
Shuja-u-l)owla, he U-;irwd Uml flie Mnhratta 
army was already in tnoti(n. He at oneeamusrd 
the Shall, who ** niounteci one of (he horses 
which were always reatly saddled at fht* tent; 
door," and rode forth to reeotmoitre, u ordc'rin** 
the troops under arms us be went along/* He 
was Hitting on his horse, enlitily sinoking a 
Persian pipe, when the Midintttii guns, in 
advance of their line, opened a general lire. He 
immediately n..rra, s yed his unny In battle order; 
rode along the whole* front, insperfhifj it enre- 
fully; and then, posting himsctf lit; his tent, 
between his camp ami the nrttiy, gave? the word 
for opening the* engagement* 

Though seriously weakened by the retirement 
of the Juts and the* ahsttmur of the* Ikmnla's 
forces, the Maltrutta army was very fttnnerotis 
and formidable* The Bhow's c*lnVf rv^Ihtnm* was 
upon the regular and experienitcc) <?<irps of 
Ibvahim Khan, compriaing " and 



ESTIMATE OF BESPECTIVE FORCES 255 

f 9000 sepoys, with firelocks, disciplined after 
the European manner, together with 40 pieces 
of cannon." These were field-pieces. Except 
some five or six thousand inferior infantry, 
equipped in native fashion, the rest of the army 
consisted of cavalry, 53,000 in number, under 
various leaders, who each supplied his own 
contingent. Thus Holkar contributed 5000; 
Siiwlia," 10,000; Amaji Guikwar, 3000 ; Jeswunt 
Rao Powar, 2000 ; etc. 

The whole train of artillery included 200 
raimon, though the bulk of these were heavy 
" guns of position," which, in spite of all the 
Kuc-nfiees made on their behalf, were soon left 
behind by the horsemen in their furious charge, 
and, after the initial fusillade, played, in fact, 
no part in the battle. 

This was also much the case on the other 
side. But both parties used shwternals, or camel- 
swivels, and rockets, in great profusion. The 
Bhow had also in his service two Pindari leaders 
with 15,000 of their irregular and vagabond 
cavalry. The number of the Afghan cavalry was 
not so great, being a little short of 42,000. 
But, including the Rohillas and Shuja-u-Dowla s 
troops, they had 38,000 foot, with between 
70 and 80 cannon. There were also, besides 
the shvternals, "2000 camels, on each of which 
were mounted two musketeers, armed with 
pieces of a very large bore." . 

Casi Raja took great pains to verify these 



Tl-lK BATTLE OF PAN! P 



details. But, moreover, us to the 

he adds: u The number of Irregulars which 

accompanied these troops were 

number ; and the horses very 

little inferior to of the .Douranies. 

All the J)ou rallies of bodily 

strength, and their of the Turkish ; 

naturally very hardy, rendered 

so by continual exercise," 

Thus, on the whole, whether we consider 
the relative ea parity of the eownmnders, the 
numbers on eac*h side, or the superior physique* 
of the Dourauirs, <'prcMally III thf fattlitihcfl 
state of the Mahrnttas, the advantage 
much in favour of the uorfhrrntTs, 
Ibrahim Khan 1 s disciplined battalions could 
justify the exprrtaliou of the Dlmw, find 
Bussy's and ( 'livens triumph** with I he 
instrument, though wielded by inferior n pupil 

The saint* inference muni IH* drawn 
points of contruHfc in the eotuiurt of the com* 
mandcrs on either side* 

The B!io\f brought all hin foiw*s at <wc*t* into 
action,, and, personally lending a tremendous 
and effective of ravalry f ctnnbaled 

ihroughout the in the c?c*titre of Im line* 

The Afghan King t on the n.nfrary, hii 

station at the? in front of lus eiimp^ whic4i 
had been Im of cibsctrvatioii 

during the of the Mabrattu but 

was jiow in the rear of liis ibreeied 



ARRAY OF RESPECTIVE FORCES ' 257 

UK operations ; and observed, and influenced | \ 

by new dispositions, the varying fortunes of 
the day, without distracting himself from the 
discharge of his duties as a general by personal 
participation in the encounter. And again, be- 
sides a large body of special armed attendants, 
for miscellaneous duties, he retained a strong 

reserve which (as we shall see) he launched at 
the critical moment, thereby restoring the battle, , , , 

and securing his ultimate victory. 

The Mahratta army was arrayed as follows : 
Ibrahim Khan Gardee, with nine battalions of 
M'poys, and his field-pieces, was on its extreme 
U'ft, and next to him the Guikwar. The Bhow, 
with Wiswas Rao, was in the centre of the 
line, with other Mahratta chiefs and their con- 
tingents. Sindia and Holkar were on the right. 
The Shah's right was composed of a mixed body 
of Persian and other Moguls and of Rohilla 
Afghans* The Shah's Grand Vizier commanded 
the centre, opposite to the Bhow. Next him, 
cm his left, was Shuja-u-Dowla ; and on hi& 
left, Nnjeeb-u-Dowla, the Rohilla chief of most 
note, and the inveterate enemy of Janoji 
Sindia, who was immediately opposed to him ; 
and on Nujeeb's left was Shah Pussand Khan, 
< Inscribed as a " brave and experienced officer." 
His division formed the extreme left of the 
Shah's army. The Abdali's artillery and the 
Hhow's large park of heavy cannon were ranged 
In front of their respective lines* But, under 
17 

X 



r 



is \TTLK Of FAXirrr 



the rnvum^iuu-t's, of nnnn 

rcutVrril -srrvfp^ rnnfrilmh'*! at all 

to deckle flit* fat i* of tfit* day. The* Hlnw 
<vrf1<*ul;jlt il * n'.-'Mjk on Hit* rfft H of his numerous 
Uiid |w< rful gnus and IP* IMJMII *pt'ra(l<ns 
by H u*u f ml HIM! lu*avy istnuoiuKlc 1 * But 
\\SMllirv, nn is most |-rMl.::tt , fruiit tin* 
framing itlld ill* * \r-il- , t i M? of tin* 
nr f iti Cast l f iificilf su""r I , fmiii n ill ikStiic*y 
of roi^lnirltun, whir)) ji: f '-\< nl'-'I llu* fillH from 

tiring Kiiflicu iitly Irpr 1 to htkr tlir (>roper 
ntngi\ tin* shut fltnv iiij^li *vi r flu* h<tu!s <if 
tin* fiit*tii\% iniii tell (it is saiil) a tulle 
Hit* HoiiratH'^ *irni>\ and fUl lilltr < 4 

Khan hiitisrtf^ n ;Ji Jn-- this ptvs* ufly 
till llu* rr*oJvi*il to ruiiif to 

<ju:irt rs with till 1 hr*\Mjjrf. ThllS C>f 

the H!i*\v*-. ht-st tntnip ihumii 

at OHIH*. llilf Ihrahiin fmsMMitnt tn 

he Imcl IPI iti(*utlott tif j.mvni'i to 

hh iKilt, milt to %u*rify his asa-rtioii hy tiruiiiiut; 

tin* ritiiiiilitiiltli* fnw* til Iii 
nplintMl si'poys. Thr Intel 

aclvitnml U!!H|U<-!\\ s*i I fin! l''niMin*s 
was iiiwiiig its ijij>onc nt- wi$tli\ on tfn* 
win^ lh<> dist.ituv hrUvri'ii tht r arntits 
cotisidc^i'ahlt', Ihrahint, tli*n # ftiff\ t*'sfrvin^ two 
battalions lo kfij> fhr Mt^uls tm tlu* 4-xtrHtu* 
right of tin* Shah's army in i-htrk* bin 

seven others Ikri'dy assailed tin* Jtuhiiias, Tln*f 
received the ehiirgt* with gieat resolution; 



* 

i 



AHMED'S EIGHT AND CENTRE 1VROKKK 259 

a desperate hand-to-hand contest ensued. But, 

in the end, the Rohillas were broken, and lost 

nearly eight thousand killed or wounded. But, ;. 

on the other hand, Casi Pundit says, in the 

notion, which lasted three hours, " six of Ibrahim 

Khan's battalions were almost entirely ruined, 

and he himself [was] wounded in several places." 

And he adds, that "the same luippMicd to 

the Cktlkwar, who behaved very well in his 

support..'* 

Meanwhile, the Bhow in the centre, with the 
household troops, the flower of his army, fell 
like an avalanche upon the Grand Vi/Jcr's 
division. 

The impetuous onslaught of the Mahratta 
cuvjilry had always been most formidable. And 
both the Bhow and his troops, however conscious 
of their old renown, were not less conscious 
that they had, at last, met at least their match, 
and that nothing but victory on this day could 
save them, not only from disgrace, but from 
certain and prompt destruction. Hence, attenu- 
ated as they were from previous privations, 
they charged in their desperation with the utmost 
impetuosity and terrible effect. "The Mah- 
MttM," says Casi Pundit, "broke through a 
line of 10,OOO horse, 7000 Persian musketeers, 
and 1OOO camels, with zamburaks [long guns] 
upon them, killing and wounding about 8000 
of them." The whole centre was thrown into 
confusion, and a disorderly retreat began. The 



THK BATTLK OF TYMPFT 

Grand Viwer, with : small force, still stow! firm, 
and made a desperate effort, to rally his senUered 

soldiers. 

Cnsi \\n\i\ had been M-nl h> Shnjn-n-Dowla, 
who was yet- uu;rv,-,i!. .!. hut could i!is--rn little 
through the denv Houd o[ dust, to :MVI-|MUI 
the sUtte ol' the ens*-. And he found Hie Grnnd 
Vizier" Jn an titfony tf r:if- -iwl despnir, reprnneh- 
intf his men for t|ijiMiii;. hint, mid < \fl:iuuhi, 
'Our ocwntry is far <>il wl.itli.-r d< >ou fly?' 
But." adds l he witness of I his rntlr.-d seem, u no 
one re!?:ird<-d his orders r .-\h>rl,ilionO Thf k n 
suddenly rroo.';uiMU'; n:u-rrt..r. In- (T*H d out : 
"Hide to my son, Shuja-u Uuwlsi. and tell him 
thai; if he- does nol support lite in.iut-diiiti'Iy, 
I must perish." IM* SliiiiJ!i. on nT-ivinjr this 
pressiuM iessnje, diii n<>! \-MJur.- to mve with 
hut .small fom' of two UMIUSMIH! horw titl erne 
thousand mu-.k. !, -r -;, lest he shouhl open the 
way to the enemy Ihi-ou-li I he bmieh in the 
line which his di\er/i<ui \utdd eauK* . Atwl f 
did stein the tide imm'-dmlely (.j.jx,,, d to him 

But thus, on the who!.-, |M||I in the wnlre 

ami on the ri^hl, the Shah's ;i mt> was in d.-spende 

ease, and defeat set med inevitable. IIw left wing, 

on the other hanl, was not ty unbroken, 

but was holding in eiteek, ami simdiiy "uininjj 

ground on, its opponents. Theie Nujeeb-w- Dowltt 

tit the head of eight tlwuisind Kohillii infnntry 

ami six thousand horse, eimsewiis of IMB vital 

interest in the issue, unlimited by inortnl hatred 




THE ABDALFB LEFT SUCCESSFUL 261 

of Sindin, anil cool and crafty as he was brave 

implueablr, kept i.hc Mahrattas at bay, 

baffled their characteristic attack by two 

devices. Being well supplied with rockets, he 

the enemy with incessant volleys " of two 

tlumsaml at a time," which not only terrified the 
by their noise, but did so much execution 
the enemy could not effect a charge in 
compact order. And, under cover of this dis- 
f rncling fire, he threw up successively breast- 
works of sntul, and advanced from one of these 
to another, until he had gained a coss, " and 
was within a long musket shot of the enemy." 
And in this operation he was well supported by 

Pussand and his Moguls on his flank. 
In this undecided state the conflict continued 
dawn to noon ; when, says Casi Pundit, 
"though we suffered least in point of killed 
and wounded, the Mahrattas seemed to have 
the advantage." 

A comprehensive survey of the state of 

at this period of the battle might well 

inclined an unprofessional spectator to 

a more decidedly unfavourable view of the 

prospect of success, in spite of his superior 

numbers, the stronger physique of Ms soldiers, 

the inefficiency of the Mahratta artillery, 

oft which the Bhow had so confidently relied. 

Ahmed Shah'n right, after a desperate and 
prolonged hand-to-hand conflict, had not only 
been thrown into utter confusion, but* had 



202 



TIIK HATTKK OF PANT IT T 



sustmmvd a txirrible slaughter ; while, 

six of Ibrahim K hairs hatfalinns 

similarly cut up, three were Mill t'ompact 

cflirienf - The* overwhelmingly impetuous 

of I ho Bhow's eavnfrv in the renh'e 

their opponents" ranks, routed them* put 

them to flight, though the Grand 

tn;uie despairing efforts to kec*p I hem tip to the 

mark, mid with a- small 1uly of stalwarts 

mainiaiiKMi his ground. Anil tinnigli the 

left luui not only balllfd. the? Mahrntta 

charge, hut had advnnrnl hryoni! main 

urrny, its actual position t'xposnl it nil the 

more to the dan#T of a flank attack, which 

Shuju-u-DowIu's small < f onl injj-nl would 

avaiil to resist., when the flight of lite 

hjft the Hhow free* to (HvHTt his vtc^toriciiiH c-uvaJry 

against the only corps fJiat was still 

But the Abduli's -a|i!e eye? seanntng 

each phase* c*f the enflet, and his 
mind had provided against sneh an t'nM'r'irney* 
He saw that an immediate and a HUpreme 
must he nmdo to mston* the for 

this he Iind prudeiilly hehl in hit 

reserve force*. This In* now promptly 
into acdion. Ami In* now tumttiiandlHl live 
hundred of hh spcc^iat hody of eavalry, retained 
for emergent serviei'S f to ^ drive out hy 
all armed people whom they should liiid In hi 
camp that they might in tlte 

appointed one Unousund five 




A1IMKT> RESTORES AND WINS THE BATTLE 263 

more of the same special service troops "to 
meet the fugitives from the battle, and to kill 
every man who should refuse to return to the 
charge." Thus, besides some who were found m 
the camp, seven or eight thousand of the 
fugitives were reclaimed, who with the reserve 
eoiiKtit-ULted a formidable force. ^ 

Four thousand were sent to cover the right 
flank ; and the Grand Vizier was reinforced 
with ten thousand, and ordered "to charge 
the enemy, sword in hand, in close order, and 

at full 0-allop." , _ , 

Shah Pussand Khan and Nujeeb-u-Dowla 
were to co-operate by a flank charge on the 

Muhrettta right. . 

These combined movements were vigorously 
rxccu ted, and, says Casi Pundit, " produced a 
terrible effect." , 

The sequel I will give in my author s own 
words, which, concise and simple as they are, 
Kumoiexitly attest the stubbornness and desper- 
ate determination of the attenuated and half- 
fn.nished Mahrattas, until their sudden collapse 
and precipitate flight: 

"This close and violent attack lasted for 
r an hour, during which time they fought 
' ; l loth sides' with spears, swords, battle-^* 
und even daggers. Between two and three 
Wiswas Rao was 



o 

mounted from his horse. . -'f**^ longer 
continued the action near half an hour ^ g 



a 

III 



I1ATTLK OK I* NX I PIT 

in horseK-K'k, Hi tlii* head of IIIH ; when, 
all ill one<% as if hj enchantment, the mlicile 
Mahrntta army at wiee hn-ihil their hack$ 

fled t fill! speed* I"C!\iu;* till* field of 

eo\ered with heaps of dcnd. Hit* instant they 
gave the victors pursued them with the 

til must fury; iincl* as they tut ijuarter, 

the sliifigltler h senre<*Iy to he eonrrivi'd the 
pursuit continuing for ten or twelve In 

every <lireetion in which they i!< '!*** 

The anou} uious Iranslaftn" of tht* narr'ifive 
su'/"t sis iiirit it was iiir full of \\is\t ;is Hnn 
that eaust'd tin* ;itnij! fiiifiii uf tin* Mtthrattas. 
Hut tliiH is jiiritrs-.i ,N n ! \\ltli the stat<'ment 
ilml the Dhow fought on for half an hmr Ion;r*-i\ 
A more prohablr r<*ason is, that l!u!kai% uho 

t;utic*H niifl lion* no Jovi ff> him. and who did 
adimlly his esenpe from this 

either lost heart or tr :..-h ru-Jv d> verted Ills 
nlal HIM! !*"ji'v*! I ;;f \ fi tin 

I- whieh tjuieljy f(!iuu'ed by tint 

eftiiitiitect and di^pouflin,n M;jfr;ilt;r s nho 

l>wn tin 1 niorct fmiiic-slrickrit having 

in ftie interval, !i*anu*d of the death of tlw 
Peishwa's 

fr 11 in the iintl In 

the pursuit, numhcrs; were put to ili*lli liy tin* 
s&mindurH 0f the (?rnuttry t who n:itt;r:fl\ 

glad to have an opportunity *f ra'-ujMn**, tilt* 
long-standing and grievous wrun;; . 



THK >1. \IHJ.\TT.\ FOWKK PROSTRATED 265 

| 

and I heir people hnd MflVrel from the prcda- | 

tory eonferh'twy, Mremrr. besides the actual ji 

onmb:t;uiK the- M:thrall enrnp supplied the 

materials Cur another wholesale massacre. Casi ; 

rumlil oslinwtcs Us inmutf.s, men, women, 'j 

and rliillr-ii. nt half n million. And of these, ,j 

forty Ut'Mivtiid only survived; the rest were | 
siauirhl <)<! in fnlil hlcml by the ferocious 



-u-Uowla gave refuge to six or seven ^ 

thousand, and was ubligwl lo employ his troops ? 
to pro* ret them from the eager pursuit of the 

Ahmed Shah returned to his own country, J 

ntxi wvrr r.-visit.-d India, The awful tidings t 

iiirlwlmj? fhe death of his son, and the mys- j 

h'riou* disappenmnee of the Bhow were a { 

mrlH.l blw in tin' IVishwu; and, like Eli : 
when the Ark of <{d wits taken, he promptly 

i-xpiwil. And the imminent prospect of Mah- ! j 

ratta predmnhmwe in India was obliterated in j 

a tlav. and for ever. { 



INDEX 



Abdullah Khan, 134, 136, i37> 

l.V), 14* *42, I43 *44> X 45. 

148, *49, 150, 151, 152, 153. 

156, 161, 170, 172, 174, 177- 

Abdur Kazzak, 98, 99. 

Abut Hasan, 97, 99. 

Achilles, 149. 

Adina Bo#, 238. 

Alzai Khan, 60, 231. 

Agamemnon, 149. 

Atfra, 28, 30, 32, 33, 34, 36, IO 4 

156, 198. 

Ahmadnagar, 92. 
Ahmed, 8on of Mohammad Shan, 

217, 237. 

Ahmed, father of Hybut, 231. 

Ahmed Shah Abdali, 236, 237; 

238, 240, 245, 246, 247, 257 

b 2,.. 

Ahmexlabad, 37, 4. 82 I2 4> 



Aurungabad, 147, 148, x^8, 169, 

222. , t 

Aurungzib, 15, 17, 18; beguiles 
Morad, 20-21 ; first campaign 
against Dara, 22-30 ; makes 
himself emperor, 31-34 J_ sec " 
ond campaign against Dara, 
^-4.2 ; causes Morad to be 
murdered, 4 3; results o hl ? 
usurpation, 44-47 5 mixture ot 
religious and political motives, 
.8-54; campaign against 
ivaii and treatment of him,- 
63-73; reimposes'itay*, and 
causes Rajput revolt 74-85, 
conquests in the Dekkan, 86- 
ioi ; war with Mahrattas, 
102-118; failure and deatn, 
1x8-126. 127, 128, 129, 130, 
138, 144* 154. I6o > l61 ' l89 ' 
197, 213, 234. 



t- 



Ahmednuggur, 55, 169, 222. 
Atit Siag, 81, 151. I53> *57* 
Ajmir, 39> 82. 
Akana, g6. 

Akbar, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9. . 45. 5- . - 
82, 84, 85, 95 "5. I2 5 X 33> 

A^^iria'iSw 

JSSS^^U^lESSSug 

AU.2I7; his rise to power and 
his policy, 325-233. 234- 25- 

Allahabad. 38. I 34- 

Alumgccr. 11, 238- 

^ G ^57. 25 S-3-P- 

Angria, 220. 

Anopsher, 244. 

Arakan, 3 s - 

Aravulli, 81. 

Arcot, 109- 

Ashrafi, 201. 

Assam, 60. 

Aaaeerguhr, ^ 6 7- 

Atta Oolla, 23 2 - 

Attok, 201, 203. 



Azam, 82, 127, 130. 
Azimu-sh Shan, 133. *34- 

Babar. SwBaber. 

Baber, i. 2, 5, ". J 33. ^45. J 5^ 

159, 163, 235, 249- 
Bahadapur, 78. 
Bahadur Khan, 36, 4- ^ 
Bahadur Shah, 127, 128 129, X3 

i^i 132, I34 ^4^ j ^53* , 

also Mohammed Moazzam and 

Shah Alum. 



212,' 217, 221. 

Bajwah, 37- 
Bakkar, 35, 37. 4, 



iBalaji 
187- 



6 7 



W. ^ 

174,176,177- 



, 153^55, 



INDKX 



, 21*, iV.'.. 
f, 2.f-H* 

Khan, **r^5>. 



. 1 1 5, 1^*7. 19*. 

-r, . 

ir i'tiwlit. ,v 






.i'i- ,|f ; tits ilfiifli, 4*. 49, 43, 
\i" : H Kiijitt, 35* 141, 146, 



f *:3 



iw ; p,l |al4 i*4, 1 
l.iw.if KliSfl, If.H t 



Cfoirlr-. thr 

Ch;a. 1*-; n ( 
Chhatar S;i 



, 87, O rt * 



*ii, jit. A/I 



*4, f*)H, 

. 174, 



Ccmcan, *M. 



Cut t;tlt, '/ft*;. ft6* 4,y> 
Cutwa, i<i, 230* 



'(Mra Shiitccih. 17, ift. 10* -i *i 

ftr?.t ciimjuic.ti against 



, 
against A'uruntf/Jh t 



lit., 



\ Hi._ 

.mj",vnv. 4, 



^-IJ.-'-iJ',, ril lit* 1 * fHjftit, 

' 



tn,:p'*4 

H ; .:: j , " ' i \ ^ 1 4 1 ; 

II :i .,.;,',. I .5 5 J t|ftW iS 4 

,/'- f J * .;'-.;,!..' %f fill 

***! 



. * 

ikli i||. 

i}ir* ;|7* rp,, 



.-.V, - ... -,T. H;| f 

.'i r3 .:.-.. M7a|K t tlf* 

-i,/v K\.i'.i, t, 

i;,;rr 4 |fl| 4 113, 

.|, /ft. 



* 4 

.^-i ii*l S 

. *" tt 

1* iu. 1*11* fM ** 

;i|, S# 

;U 17* 1** W* I 8 * 43* l f * 

149. ill* i$4 !* 9t* flww, 

3|' 

ir'j$ t 41* ##. 

r Eiii Iff, I7 *74 

* if *, 171* 



\ 



INDEX 



269 



Haider Khan, 171. 

Hafi Hamwd, 21*3* 

HalUm. 4, *77- 

Hiimul Khan, 173, 177, 184- 

Henry vi., 170, 

Henry vxn., 45* 

Himmut Khan, tog. 



no, 134, 



2;| 240, -441, 

ii> 4. 

Huw.'vun. 2, 42. 
Huwtiu AH Kltan, 

137, *4 *4* 



, 

Hybut, 325, aa*i 3t, 
Hyctar AM* i5* a ** 
Hyttorotnul, 55* 94* *fo> M* 

Ibrahim, Sultan, n. 

ibrahim Khan Oarwje, 21 x f 254 

1S<, *S7. *5^i 2 5*l ^ la * 
IkhUnKImn, 130, 



tt^i Ho* 
Innocrnt i 



* ,** 

Khan, 149, 171* 
ii*il4> 
Khan, 




54- 
i -if 
, 133* 



jCakar Khan, 77, 78. 
Caloosha, 93, 100. 
Sam Bakhsh, 106, 127* 
{andcish, 142, 150. 
iCarnatik, 146. 
<asim Khan, 22, 108, 109. 
Chafi Khan, 27, 39, 41, 43, 53> 54> 
57, and passim. 

{halilullah Khan, 27, 30, 37, 40. 

vhalsa, 1.3, 

ihantlcish, 77. 

<han Douran, 204. 

vhan Jt'-han, 91, 94 95* 
Khwaj'ah Uasatit, 36. 
Kilich Khan, 134, 139- See 
Nizam-ul-Mulk. 

Kistna, ti8. 
>kan, r >7" 

Kolapore, 131, 132, 188, 189* 

Knrnti, 2, 0*18, 21, 49, 5 2 K53 ^ J > 

Kuniayoon, 19, 239. 
Kutijpoora, 247. 

Lahore*, 8, 34, 204, 238, 243. 
UU Kunvvar, 133, 134. 



Miu-.a\ilay, 202. 

Madaua, 9^>. 
Mahabat Khan, 35. 
Mahomet AH, 220. 
Mahm<HMl, Sultan, 30, 31, 38- 
Malwa, m, T4 'S*. l62 ' l6 4> 
I Hi, 185, i>i, I9)5 X 9^ 198, 

202 t 209* 21.0, 227, 234, 

Mamiisor, 121. 
Mamlu. 1 05- 



37* 



Manmu-i, J?' * 8 22 

25, 20, 27, 30, 33 34 

^, 41, 43, 43> ( $. 
M.iM.ina, 253, 
Mathura, 32. 
Mfcca, 3, 03, 

M<*x Hubccb, 226, 230, 232. 
Mi'cr f Jifiicr, 230, 
Mr Munnoo, 238. 
MtHTui, 230. 
Minbulkar, 167- 
Mir Abdul Karim, 77. 
Mir Jumia, 38, oo, 140* *4*> 

M<Mraam, 63, 82, 83, 84, Qi, 

%27 5^ ^^ Bahadur Shall. 
Mohammad Shah, 132, *38, *79> 
i8x t X8 4 , 186, 194. 205, 206, 
2071 a7. 22 7- m 



, 94. 




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INDEX 



271 



Situiia, 109, 136, 163, 19 1, 196, 



4 



. 

Stpihr Sliukoh, 41, 42. 
Sirdar Khan, 230, 231, 232. 
Sinnij:;ar, 29, 42. 
Sitdtjj, 121. 

Sivah, 4 ; Rajput on his mother's 
id<*, 12, 1 8, 53 ; early career, 
56 -- 39 ; campaigns against 
Aurungzib, 60-70 ; successfully 
dt'iuv.i Aurungzib, 70-72 ; death, 
73- 74 83, go, 93, 94, 96, 104, 
tta, xaf), 130, 159, 191, 208, 
314, 231. 

Siyaptir, f>i. 

Siy&r-ul-MutakJierin, 200, 203. 

Sola! man Shukoh, i^, 22, 24, 28, 
*9 J4. 3 (; >* 4^. 

SUOIUM'S, 138, 145. 

Sr-f.|nit. Rao, 188, 189. 

Sufi, 1 29. 

Sukwar Bhyc, 212, 214. 

Supa, <t. 

Stiraj Mull, 239, 241, 242, 246; 

247, 24t>, 251. 
Suraja Dowlah, 232, 233. 
Sisrat, iH, (33, 72, 92, 157, is 8 - 
Sufbvtland Khan, 148, 150. 
Surup Sing, 35. 



Taj Mahal, 5- 
Tamasp, 201. 
Tara Bai, 116, 117* I2I I2 

213, 214, 215. 
Tattah, 36. 
Tavernier, 206. 
Tibet, 42. 
Timour, Emperor, i, 128, I33 

Timour, son of the Abdali, 238. 

Tira, 17- 
Tod, Colonel, 130. 
Torna, 58, 120. 
Torres Vedras, 253. 
Trimbuk Rao, 185, 190, 192, 213, 
215. 

Udipur, 82. See Oudipur. 
Ujjain, 125. 

Warren Hastings, 202. 
Wars of the Roses, 17- 
Watson, 220. 

Wellesley, 114* 195, 212, 244. 
Wellington, Duke of, 118,245, 253* 
Wiswas Rao, 241, 244, *57* * 6 3> 
264, 265. 

Zulfikar Khan, 104, 106, 107, 130, 
131- 



!! 



fi 



T 




V