Fanning's narrative; being the memoirs of Nathaniel Fanning, an officer of the revolutionary navy, 1778-1783, ed. and annotated by John S. Barnes

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NARRATIVE OF NATHANIEL FANNING IS

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1911-1912

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PUBLICATIONS

OF THE

NAVAL HISTORY SOCIETY
VOLUME II

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

BEING

THE MEMOIRS OF
NATHANIEL FANNING

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

BEING THE

MEMOIRS OF NATHANIEL FANNING

AN OFFICER OF

THE REVOLUTIONARY NAVY

1778-1783

EDITED AND ANNOTATED

BY

JOHN S. BARNES

LATE LIEUTENANT COMMANDER, U. S. N.

NEW YORK

PRINTED FOR THE NAVAL HISTORY SOCIETY

BY THE DE VINNE PRESS

M DCCCC XII

Copyright, 1912, by
THE NAVAL HISTORY SOCIETY

The Preface to this volume was written in 1910
and the editing of the Narrative was almost com
pleted before the death of the Editor in 1911

240826

EDITOR'S PREFACE

narrative of Nathaniel Fanning, which is here
JL republished by the Naval History Society, forms
the earliest known autobiography of a man who served
with John Paul Jones as an officer on the Bon Homme
Richard, Serapis, Alliance, and Ariel. Having been a
prisoner of war in England, he was exchanged, made
his way to France, and enlisted on the Bon Homme
Richard at Nantes, in March, 1779. He was appointed
a midshipman by Jones, and, by his own account, was
additionally employed by Jones as secretary or clerk.

The biographers of Jones have made but scant use of
the narrative. Mackenzie, in his life, says that he makes
"guarded use of it"; at the same time, he quotes from it
frequently. Buell, in his life, pretends to quote from it,
but his so-called quotations are pure inventions, not one
word of which is to be found in the narrative. He states
that his quotations are from an edition published in New
London, Connecticut, in 1825, enlarged and corrected
from the original edition, also published in New Lon
don in I806.1 No such editions were ever published in

1 At the time of this publication the Editor informed Mr. Buell of
his error regarding Fanning, to which he made no reply. His book is,
however, so replete with pure fabrications, inventions, falsifications, that
it can only be classed as an interesting romance through which runs but
a slender thread of truth, and its title a misleading assumption unworthy
to be called a history. Buell's death occurred before his exposure as a
romanticist.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

New London or elsewhere, and it is plain that Buell
never saw the narrative. Buell also states that Fanning
was alive in 1846, and drew prize-money in that year
for his services on the Bon Homme Richard. He prob
ably bases this upon the statement in Sherburne's life
(New York, 1851), that sixty-six dollars was paid to
Nathaniel Fanning in that year. The fact is, that Fan
ning died in Charleston in 1805, then fifty years of age;
the prize-money paid was probably given to some rela
tive or heir claiming it under the act of Congress
awarding prize-money at that late date to the officers
and crew of the Bon Homme Richard and Alliance.

The second title-page of Fanning's narrative, in 1808,
which replaced the original one of 1806, first disclosed
the author's name. That Fanning's book should have
been published anonymously will be accounted for by
a perusal of it. Jones was at that time a popular hero
in this country and abroad, and it may reasonably be
supposed that in 1806 Fanning's heirs did not desire
that his name as its author should appear, as his com
ments upon his old commander's private character, and
the scandalous stories he relates of Jones's conduct on
shore, might have involved him in serious trouble with
the survivors of the times of which he wrote.

Upon Fanning's death, his heirs or representatives
probably found among his effects the manuscript, and
printed it as if for the author, with the title-page of
1806, and with the dedication to his friend John Jack
son. Two years later the title-page was replaced by
that of iSoS,1 which was pasted upon one of the fly
leaves, the dedication and twenty-four pages were

1 This title-page is here reproduced on opposite page. The title-page
of 1 806 will be found at the beginning of the Narrative itself.

MEMOIRS

LIFE

CAPTAIN NATHANIEL FANNING,

AMERICAN NAVAL OFFICER

WHO SERVED DURING

PART OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

UNDER THE COMMAND OF

COMMODORE JOHN PAUL JONES, Esq.

AND WHO LATELY DIED AT CHARLESTON

IN THE

SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES

COPY-RIGHT SECURED.

NEW YORK PRINTED.

1808.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

expurgated, and the book then offered for sale.1
The type, pagination, and paper of both are iden
tical.

The extremely rare copies of either now to be found
would show that a very limited number were printed,
and few got into circulation.

In his preface, Fanning attributes the lack of literary
merit in his narrative to his "having had but barely
a common education," and having no pretensions
to scholarship, having followed the sea for his liveli
hood all his life. Yet it will be seen that he had no
small opinion of his literary abilities, in that he in
dulges in descriptions of scenes and places; the habits,
manners, and appearance of the people with whom he
was associated or met; discusses political events bearing
upon the relation of the colonies with the European
powers, with the ignorance of exact facts that naturally
comes from his limited opportunities or sources of in
formation. He even goes so far as to incorporate in his
narrative a novel, founded upon the experiences of an
acquaintance with the hero and heroine of the story,
which occupies pages of his narrative, and which noth
ing less than a vain confidence in his powers as a writer
could have led him to print. The tale is a silly love-
story, and has been ruthlessly omitted here as it is in the
expurgated copy. However, it is apparent that Fan
ning was a close observer of the events in which he par
ticipated, and his relations of them are full of interest.
He states that he kept a diary or journal on which he
depends for the marked accuracy of the dates and trans
actions, always corroborated by the short logs of the

1 The Editor has seen only one copy of the narrative with the sub
stituted title-page, which is in the library of the Boston Athenaeum.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

ships upon which he served. At the same time, the
elaborations of these events are naturally due to his
recollections, which, as he was only fifty years of age,
must have been vivid and clear.

All of the reliable biographers of John Paul Jones—
Sherburne, Sands, Mackenzie — and the Edinburgh
publication of 1830, have based their histories upon the
voluminous correspondence of Jones, which has been
preserved, and the greater part of which is now in the
Congressional Library.1 The story of the finding of
much of it in an ash-barrel in New York by Mr. Ward,
and the transmission of the great bulk of Jones's papers
by his will to his sister, Mrs. Taylor, and the bringing
of them to this country by Miss Jeannette Taylor, his
niece, is related in the prefaces to the several lives re
ferred to, where the principal letters, reports, and state
ments of Jones are printed in full, and cover all of the
events in his life which have made him famous.

The action between the Bon Homme Richard and
the Serapis has been described by him many times.
Naval historians have accepted his account as the most
truthful and accurate — indeed, the only one of any im
portance. Lieutenant Dale is said to have given his
story to Sherburne, entirely from memory, in his ex
treme old age. Lieutenant Henry Lunt has added to
the log of the Serapis an account of the battle. With
these exceptions, Tanning's circumstantial account of
the fight which made Jones famous the world over, is
the only one written by a participant.

Jones and Dale describe it from their standpoints as

1 From time to time there have come to light many of Jones's letters
that could not possibly have been seen by any of his biographers. He
was a prolific letter-writer and prided himself upon his English and style.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

captain and first lieutenant, while Fanning does from
his, in the more humble position of a midshipman
stationed in the main-top, where, with fifteen marines
and four sailors, he claims to have been largely instru
mental in bringing about the surrender of the Serapis,
by casting the bomb which created the explosion on her
gun-deck.

The story of the fight as told by Fanning occupies
nearly twenty-one pages of his narrative, and is the most
circumstantial and detailed account in existence. In all
essential particulars it does not greatly vary from
Jones's or Dale's relations. Allowances must be made
for his youth, his subordinate position, and for the pos
sible and probable exaggerations of the value of his
own services. His own preface sufficiently explains the
crudities of his narrative as well as the coarseness and
vulgarity of his expressions, not uncommon with the
sailors of his period, even those of higher rank and in
more important commands.

His references to the official relations of Jones with
the several governments and their representatives are
evidently based upon his recollections of Jones's corre
spondence, which, as his secretary or clerk, passed
through his hands, as well as upon gossip and rumors
which prevailed in gun-room and steerage, and in the
resorts of seamen on shore— known in those days, as
now, as "galley news."

It will be remembered that the Jones correspondence
and his reports were not made public in 1806, and little
or none of it could have been at Fanning's disposal.
With the exception of Andre's life of Jones,1 no real

1 Memoires de Paul Jones, ecrits par lui-meme en Anglais et traduits
sous ses yeux par le citoyen Andre. Paris, An VI (1798).

EDITOR'S PREFACE

biography of Jones was in print, therefore the narra
tive must have been drawn from his journals and from
his memory of his personal experiences.

Nathaniel Fanning was born in Stonington, County
of New London, State of Connecticut, in the year 1755.
He was the eldest of eight sons of Gilbert Fanning of
that town. The second son, Gilbert, and his brother
Thomas, were captured while on a cruise in the priva
teer Weasel, and were confined in the Jersey prison-
ship, on which loathsome hulk Gilbert died. Thomas
Fanning, through the intervention of his uncle, Colonel
Edmund Fanning,1 commanding a British regiment in
New York, was released from the prisonship, was ex
changed, and returned to his parents in Connecticut.
All of the others followed the sea, and in 1830 were all
deceased except Edmund Fanning, a namesake of his
uncle, and a celebrated navigator and explorer in the
Pacific Ocean. From the preface of his voyages round
the world, this account of the Fanning family is taken.2

In 1838 Edmund Fanning published another book,3
largely devoted to discussing the origin of the Wilkes
Exploring Expedition, of which he claims to have been
the principal instigator, and that he should have been
its commander. His comments upon this expedition
are of great interest. In addition to relating the several

1 This Colonel Edmund Fanning, the uncle of Nathaniel and Edmund,
was a loyalist, entered the British service, commanded a British regi
ment in New York, was promoted to the rank of general, and died at
his residence in Portman Square, London, in 1813.

2 Voyages Round the World, with Selected Sketches of Voyages to
the South Seas, etc., performed under the Command and Agency of the
Author, etc., etc., etc. By Edmund Fanning. New York, 1833.

3 Voyages to the South Seas, Indian and Pacific Oceans, North West
Coast, etc., etc. By Edmund Fanning, author of "Fanning's Voyages."
New York, 1838.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

voyages of the ship Hope to the Fiji Islands, and of the
ship Tonquin, with the narrative of the massacre of the
crew, and the blowing up of the Tonquin by Lieutenant
J. Thorn of the United States Navy, Edmund Fanning
proceeds to give:

"An account of the Noted and Bloody Naval Battle fought on the
22d of September, 1779, between the Good Man Richard, under the
command of John Paul Jones, and the Serapis, commanded by Cap
tain Parson, by an officer in the United States Navy to whom chance
gave a station in that battle, that conspicuously tended to the Victory.
With the gallant Captain Parson's honourable and liberal remarks to
Captain Jones on the result."

Edmund adds in a note:

"It is believed, that such a particular and correct account of this
noted battle has never yet been presented to the public. // was found
among this officer's papers after his decease."

Then follows the account, evidently made up from, or
constructed upon the account in, the narrative, but not
to be recognized in any respect as copied from it. Ed
mund apparently attempts to improve upon his brother's
narration — omits much of it, alters the phraseology,
and, in fact, makes an entirely different story, while
keeping closely to the general facts. Edmund further
states that he found among his brother's papers the fol
lowing certificate to the American Congress, which
"was forwarded to his Excellency President Van Buren,
and will no doubt rest on the files in the Department at
Washington" :

"CERTIFICATE TO CONGRESS

"I do hereby certify, that Nathaniel Fanning, of Stonington, State
of Connecticut, has sailed with me in the station of midshipman eigh
teen months, while I commanded the Good Man Richard, until she
was lost in the action with the Serapis, and in the Alliance, and Ariel

EDITOR'S PREFACE

frigates. His bravery on board the first-mentioned ship, in the action
with the Serapis, a King's ship of fifty guns, off Flamborough Head,
while he had command of the main top, will, I hope, recommend him
to the notice of Congress in the line of promotion, with his other
merits.

"JOHN PAUL JONES.

"L'OniENT, (IN FRANCE) December iyth, 1780."

In concluding this chapter, Edmund Fanning adds
this note :

"This brave and gallant officer, Lieutenant Nathaniel Fanning, of
the United States' Navy, (a brother of the author of Fanning's Voy
ages,) mentioned in this certificate, and bloody battle of unusual car
nage, like the ever-to-be-lamented and notedly-brave Commodore
O. H. Perry, of U. S. Navy, was brought to the grave by an attack
of the yellow-fever, while on active duty in command at the United
States' naval station at Charleston, S. C., on the soth day of Sep
tember 1805." l

But the curious feature of Edmund Fanning's state
ments regarding his brother, is that in 1838, when the
lives of Jones by Sherburne and Sands, and the Edin
burgh life, were well known and extensively circulated,
he, his brother's heir, and in possession of his brother's
papers, including the narrative in manuscript, should
not have made more extensive and exact quotations
from it, or at least have referred to it. Nathaniel died,
as he states, in 1805. The imprint of the original book
is 1806. Therefore, as the book was printed after Na
thaniel's death, it follows that Edmund, who had con
siderable experience as an author and publisher,
procured its first printing, but preferred, for obvious

1 This year, during the second administration of President Jefferson,
was marked by the abandonment of an active naval policy. Ships were
sold; officers discharged; dockyards closed. Fanning was probably given
a civil appointment in charge of what remained of a naval station at
Charleston. He was never regularly commissioned as an officer of the
navy.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

reasons, to conceal the name of the author; but later,
in 1808, printed the new title-page, with Nathaniel's
name as the American naval officer whose life and
exploits were recorded.

It can only be surmised that the book, with either
title-page, was withheld from general circulation by
Edmund Fanning, as attested by its extreme rarity
to-day.

His reasons for withholding the book may have been,
and probably were, because of the grave charges against
the personal character of Jones, and the grossness of his
expressions, as well as the recital of personal adven
tures that were unfit for publication, and which Ed
mund Fanning, himself a prominent writer upon mari
time voyages and South Sea explorations, did not think
would add to the family credit, particularly at a time
when the Wilkes Exploring Expedition brought him
prominently before the public as its originator and
claimant for the command of it.

The Editor is convinced that Edmund Fanning had
the original book printed in 1806, later supplied the
title-page of 1808, and later still destroyed the entire
issue, except a few copies, which got into a very re
stricted circulation.

The narrative shows, in a measure, the peculiar rela
tions existing, during the years 1779-81, between the
revolted colonies and the powers of Europe, and the
nature of the cruises made by vessels which, as priva
teers, sailed from Dutch and French ports, alternately
under the American and French flags, commanded by
Americans or Frenchmen, under commissions or war
rants issued by our ambassadors, many having been
signed in blank by John Hancock, President of Con-

EDITOR'S PREFACE

gress, and sent out to Benjamin Franklin, who filled in
the names of those to whom they were given.1

None of the subordinate officers on the Bon Homme
Richard, Alliance, or Ariel held regular commissions
or warrants issued by Congress. All probably were
merely appointed by Jones himself, mostly from ex
changed prisoners of war; Dale himself being first
enlisted as master's mate. It does not appear that Fan
ning had any other appointment than that conferred
by Jones's certificate.

1 The original commission of Gustavus Conyngham, which naval his
torians unite in stating was lost, dated March I, 1777, signed by John
Hancock, President of Congress, and Charles Thompson, Secretary, was
one of these commissions, and was found in Paris, and is now in the pos
session of the Editor.

NARRATIVE

ADVENTURES

AMERICAN NAVY OFFICER,

WHO SERVED DURING PART OF THE

AMERICAN REVOLUTION

UNDER THE COMMAND OF

COM. JOHN PAUL JONES, Esq.

COPY-RIGHT SECURED.

NEW-YORK:

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR.

1806.

PREFACE.

THE author of the following pages, at the time they
were first written, never intended that they should
appear before the public eye. But through the earnest
solicitation of a number of friends, who having read his
Journal, from which the following sheets have been
compiled; he has been induced (together with a view
of opposing the zeal with which certain characters in
this country have strove lately to debase the American
name, by branding it with the epithet of coward, pol
troon, 'not so brave as an Englishman' and the like;
which has often sounded in the ears of the author,) to
change his intentions, and to commit the whole to the
press. He pledges himself, that he has in the compila
tion, kept truth on his side. That the perusal will meet
with the entire approbation of every one, is not to be
expected; but it is hoped that the reader will forbear
censuring the author too much, as he does not pretend
to be a scholar (in regard of style or orthography)
never having had but barely a common education ; hav
ing followed the seas for a livelihood from his early
youth upwards to the present time. However, the man
ner of writing, or the style, may suit the reader, as com
ing from the pen of an experienced sailor; he flatters
himself that the public will condescend to give it a kind
and favourable reception. In the mean time, he has the
honour to be

The public's most obt. servant,

THE AUTHOR.

DEDICATION.

TO JOHN JACKSON, Esq.,

SIR,

AFTER a careful perusal of the following pages,
written, as you know, by an old navy revolutionary
officer; you have consented that he should dedicate
them to you. This is a proof of your attachment to the
principles on which our Independence was founded.
The active part which you took in the revolutionary
war, on the side of the Americans, and your unabated
zeal for Republican principles ever since that period,
enables you to distinguish its true friends. In conse
quence of this, you have thought the present work inter
esting to the rising generation in the United States, and
have recommended its publication. Wishing you every
happiness this world can afford;
I remain,

with sentiments of esteem,
your very obedient, and
most humble servant

THE AUTHOR.

CONTENTS

Page

THE author sails from Boston in the brigantine Angelica, an

American privateer, i

He is captured by an English frigate, on board of which the

English general HOWE was a passenger, 2

Treatment the officers and crew of the American privateer

received from the English, 3

Plan and dispositions made by the Americans to make them
selves masters of the English frigate, ib.

It was discovered to the English by a traitor, which frustrated

the design, 4

Sundry transactions which took place among the Americans who
were confined in the frigate's hold, until her arrival in
Portsmouth (England), 5

The author, after having undergone an examination at Hazel

Hospital, was committed to Forton prison, 8

Some observations on the manner and usage of the American

prisoners during the author's confinement in that prison, . 9

He is exchanged, 19

His reception in France, 21

Description of the city of Nantz, 22

- of 1'Orient, ib.

Embarks on board of a ship of war, called in French, Le Bon
Homme Richard, in English, the Good Man Richard, com
manded by the celebrated John Paul Jones, Esq., .... 23

Remarks and transactions during the cruise, until we descried

the English Baltic fleet, ib.

Disposition made previous to the bloody battle fought between

Le Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis, 34

Force of each ship before the action, 36

A minute description of the engagement, 38

The enemy strike their flag, 47

CONTENTS

Page

Situation of the two ships after the battle, 49

The number of killed and wounded on board of each ship, with

remarks, 57

Disposition of the Dutch admiral on our arrival off the Texel,

on the coast of Holland, 60

Commodore Jones's little squadron enters the Texel, ... 61
Description of the Texel and Helder— the dykes and the Dutch, ib.
The behaviour of the English Captain, late commander of the

Serapis, towards the American commodore, 62

Demand of Sir Joseph Yorke (English ambassador at the
Hague), made to the Dutch government, for the restitution
of the ships of war, their officers and crews, captured by

Com. Jones, 63

Exchange of the English officers and men, prisoners of war, and

the reception of the American commodore at Amsterdam, . 64

Manoeuvres of the Dutch government, 66

The American commodore shifts his flag on board of the Alli
ance frigate, 67

Some observations on a journal found on board of the Serapis,
kept by a midshipman, who belonged to her, and was killed

in the action, ib.

An English squadron blockades the Texel, 68

Form of the certificate given by capt. Jones to each of his mid
shipmen, 69

His manner of behaviour towards them, 70

The insolent behaviour of the Dutch admiral towards capt.

Jones while at the Texel, 71

The Alliance frigate sails from that place on a cruise, ... 72

She arrives in Coronia in Spain, 77

Description of that place, and of the Spanish nobility, ... ib.
Jones's crew shew a disposition to mutiny, . .... 78

The Alliance sails from Coronia on a cruise, ib.

Capt. Jones's conduct towards his officers and crew while on

the cruise, 79

The Alliance arrives in 1'Orient in France, 80

She is taken from Capt. Jones by Capt. L , her former

Commander, in a clandestine manner, 82

Sundry transactions which grew out of this manoeuvre, ... 83
Jones's reception at Paris, by the king and queen of France, . 86
He obtains the command of a sloop of war, and sails for

America, 87

CONTENTS

Page
This vessel loses her three masts, rides out a very tremendous

gale of wind, in the Bay of Biscay, and returns back to

rOrient, 88

Treatment of a young man by capt. Jones, who had embarked

on board of his ship as a passenger, 89

Jones's grand festival on board of his ship, and sham-fight, . . 98
Biographic sketch of the life and character of John Paul

Jones, Esq., 105

Sketch of capt. Parsons's character, formerly commander of the

Serapis, 121

A sketch of the character of Richard Dale, Esq., 123

The author arrives at Morlaix in France, and engages as second

captain on board a privateer, 125

Description of that place, 126

Sundry remarks on a cruise, ib.

Description of the harbour of Brest, and the slaves confined

there, 131

The author is made a prisoner by the English, 139

Description of a cock fight near Falmouth (England), . . . 143

The author is exchanged, and arrives in France, 144

Embarks for America, and is cast away, 145

Description of the beggars in France, 147

- of the city of Caen, in Normandy, 150

- of Havre de Grace, 152

- of Ostend, 155

The author makes a cruise in a privateer, during which she cap
tures a number of prizes, 156

Description of Cherbourg in France, 158

The author (from Dunkirk) makes two voyages to London —
at the same time holds a commission against the English

—by the way of Ostend, 162

Description of the city of Canterbury, and of the English mode

of hanging sailors, 164

The author is invested with the command of the Eclipse priva
teer, and sailes on a cruise, during which he captures several
English letters of marque of superior force, and other prizes,

and returns to Dunkirk, 181

He receives a commission as lieutenant in the French Navy, . 210
He sails from Dunkirk again on another cruise, and captures
several vessels out of an English fleet — is taken and carried
into Dover— his prizes arrive safe in Dunkirk, . . . . 211

CONTENTS

Page

He is exchanged and returns to Dunkirk by the way of Calais, 221
The author, for the last time, sails from Dunkirk on a cruise
—was captured by an English frigate— his treatment on

board of the same, ib.

The frigate is captured by the French fleet, and the author is

again set at liberty, 224

Conduct of the French admiral towards him, ib.

The treatment towards his officers and men, 226

Conduct of the author's first lieutenant, 228

Description of Dunkirk— also of canals— their use and con
venience, 231

The manner of hanging criminals in France, 234

— of executing criminals in Germany, 236

Description of the city of Lisle, 238

The author sets out from Dunkirk, and arrives in the city of

Paris, ib.

Description of the city of Paris, 242

- of the Elysian Fields, 243

- of Versailles, 247

The author arrives at FOrient, and embarks once more for

America, 254

Remarks on the passage, 255

Arrives at New York, 256

Conduct of the English towards the French Captain soon after

his arrival in port — and conclusion, 257

C viii 3

NARRATIVE, &c.

HAVING been born 1755, in the state of Con
necticut, and in the early part of the American Revo
lution for independence, I imbibed the idea that the
struggles between Great Britain and her American
Colonies would eventually prove to the advantage of
the latter. In full belief of the same, I took an active
and decided part in favor of my country.

After having made two successful cruises against the
English, I embarked on a third at Boston, on the 26th
day of May, 1778, on board the brig Angelica, William
Dennis, commander, a new vessel, mounting sixteen
carriage guns, and carrying ninety-eight men and boys,
on a six months' cruise against the enemies of my coun
try. We sailed from Boston on the same day on which
I embarked (it may be well perhaps to observe that I
was only a prize-master on board said privateer.) We
sawr nothing but a privateer belonging to Salem, which
we spoke, till the 3ist of May* at noon, when we dis
covered a sail bearing S.S.E. of us, the wind then being
about N. by E. Orders were immediately given by the
captain to make sail for her; in a short time after we
could perceive with our glasses that she was a ship
standing by the wind to the eastward ; at i P.M. saw that
she was a long frigate built ship. All hands were now

*My birthday.

CO

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

ordered to quarters and prepare for action; at 4 P.M.
we Were, near enough to distinguish the chase from a
Jamaica. .merchantman, which we at first view supposed
it to be. In consequence of our being convinced that
she was an English ship of war, we jibed ship and
hauled on a wind to the westward, but too late, as the
ship immediately hove in stays, run out her guns, and
gave us chase in her turn, and in about three quarters
of an hour more she came along side of us, and obliged
us to haul down our Yankee colours, and proved to be
the Andromeda frigate of twenty-eight guns, five days
from Philadelphia, and had on board as a passenger
the celebrated general Howe, of Bunker Hill memory,
and was bound to Portsmouth, in England. The enemy
soon obliged us to abandon the poor Angelica, and con
ducted us on board the Andromeda, where we were all
paraded on the quarter deck in presence of their great
and mighty general, who asked us a number of insig
nificant questions; among which was, 'If we were will
ing to engage in his majesty's service?' We having an
swered pretty unanimously in the negative, he then
upbraided us with these words : 'You are a set of rebels,
and it is more than probable that you will all be hanged
on our arrival at Portsmouth.' The master at arms
was then ordered on the ship's quarter deck, who soon
made his appearance, and under the pretence of search
ing our baggage for concealed knives; he, with some of
his comrades, very dexterously conveyed our said bag
gage out of sight, so that we saw nothing of it, or any
part thereof afterwards. This was the more astonish
ing, as it was done under the general's eye ; who ordered
us all to be confined in the ship's hold. We soon began
our march for this young hell upon the seas, and on our

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

way we were ordered by some of the Jack tars to halt;
who began to strip us, saying, or rather accosting us
with these words: 'd — n my eyes, shipmate, but you

have got a d d fine coat there — fine hat — fine shoe

buckles — fine jacket — fine breeches, etc.' but taking care
to land these expressions with an oath. In short every
thing that we then had was fine to them; and after say
ing, 'Come, come! ship mates, these fine things will
only be a plague to you, as the climate is very hot where
you are bound,' (meaning the ship's hold;) they then
without any further ceremony fell to work and stripped
us of our clothes. There happened at this juncture to
pass by a midshipman, who said, 'That is right lads,

strip the d d rebels, and give each of them a frock

and trousers, those will be good enough for them to be
hanged in!' We were, according to his orders, stripped,
and after being furnished with frocks and trousers, we
continued our march till we were shoved headlong into
the aforesaid hell upon the seas! Two sentinels were
then placed at the mouth thereof to prevent our running
away! Here they kept us fasting during twenty hours,
and then sent us our small pittance of provisions, which
was no more per man per day than two thirds of the
allowance of a prisoner of war: however, it was in vain
we petitioned for redress to the captain of the ship, and
to general Howe ; they were deaf to our complaints, and
answered that we were treated with too much lenity,
being considered as rebels, whose crimes were of such
an aggravated kind that we should be shewn no mercy.
The enemy at about nine at night set the Angelica on
fire, and she soon after blew up, and the ship continued
on her course for England.

The next day after being confined in the frigate's

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

hold, a plan was set on foot by our surgeon to make
ourselves masters of her; this met with the approbation
of all, to appearance; and we agreed to put it in execu
tion on the third of June, at half past eleven at night, or
to die in the attempt. However, in the meantime the
surgeon had frequent conversations with the forecastle
men and sentinels, who agreed all as one to join us. We
had by this time pretty severely felt the effects of the
heat in our confinement in the ship's lower hold upon
the haul up deck (a temporary one laying over the
water punchions, ballast, &c.) as we were obliged from
the excessive heat to go stark naked, only when we had
occasion to go upon deck, which we were allowed to do
only one at a time, and once in twenty-four hours. I
have often, while confined in this young hell, being
almost suffocated, crawled into the wings of the ship,
and got my nose to the air holes before I could fetch
breath. In fine, we all suffered so much here we were
willing to be all cut to pieces in our intended attempt,
rather than suffer in this dismal place any longer. The
most of the ship's crew at this time were so much af
fected with the scurvy, that we had no reason to expect
any great opposition to obstruct us in our intended de
sign; as we had some arms, cutlasses, &c. secretly con
veyed down to us by persons who were in league with
our surgeon.

Our plan being now ripe for execution, and the sur
geon having been upon deck the two preceding nights,
by consent of those who kept sentinel over us, they being
in the plot; he had observed that the greater part of the
watch were almost all the time fast asleep; so that it
was very probable that we should not have met with a
very warm reception. But an unforeseen casualty en-

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

tirely frustrated our plan. About nine at night, on the
third of June, when we were all prepared and in high
spirits; having as we thought, arrived almost to the
height of our wishes, as we saw nothing then to hinder
our taking possession of the frigate. One Spencer, cap
tain Dennis' clerk, stole upon deck and made known to
the general our plot; presently after the marines and
sailors were all armed, and so great was the panic
among both officers and crew that they were almost
ready to believe that we were masters of their ship.
However, the lower hatches were immediately thrown
on and barred down; and now it was that we began to
think seriously that we should very soon die in a heap,
as the heat became intolerable; and to complete our suf
ferings, orders were given by this great and mighty
general, to give us only as much provisions as would
serve to keep us alive and to deal out to us no more
water than half a pint per man per day; this was British
humanity to a witness! However, as we were lodged
upon the water casks, over which was laid a temporary
deck, we, with a kind of proof-glass got a sufficiency;
but as to provisions it was next to none. However, as
there was nothing but a partition of plank between us
and the general's store-room, we fell upon an expedient
to augment our stores; as we had frequently beheld the
captain's steward and general's servants from between
the shifting boards abaft the pump-well, drawing off
wines and other liquors, and only securing the bungs
of each cask with their fingers; getting white biscuit
out of one keg; neats tongues out of another; raisins out
of another; hams out of a cask they were stowed in;
mess beef out of tierces; and in fine, this store-room
contained almost everything agreeable to the taste, and

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

in great plenty. On the evening of the ^th of June, at
10 at night, one Howard, a native of Rhode-Island, a
bold and enterprising fellow, declared he would not
that night close his eyes until he drank some Madeira
wine; and that he would be the person who would run
the hazard of losing his life in order to serve us all, if
we could make a breach, so that he could get into the
said store-room. Accordingly we went to work, and
soon found that one of the shifting boards abaft the
pump-well was loose, and that we could ship and unship
it as we pleased : when it was unshipped there was just
room enough for a man to crawl into the store-room
already mentioned, which Howard no sooner saw than
he improved the precious occasion, and in he went;
and presently after desired one to hand him a mug or
can, with our proof glass; a few minutes after he
handed me back the same full, saying at the same time,
'my friends, as good Madeira wine as ever was drank
at the table of an Emperor.' I took it from his hands,
and being very dry, I drank about one third of it, which
was I judge about half a pint, and then gave it to my.
fellow sufferers. The can thus went round merrily till
we were all but Howard, what may be called decently
drunk; and Howard, after having secured us some eat
ables of several kinds, and likewise putting the shifting
boards in their place, retired to the general rendezvous
upon the haul-up-deck. Thus we lived like hearty fel
lows, taking care every night to secure provisions, dried
fruit, and wines, for the day following, until the frigate
came to anchor in Portsmouth, and that in pretty large
quantities, without being beholden to our enemies'
bounty, and without their knowledge. However, that
they might not suspect this conduct of ours, we used to

£63

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

snatch at the small pittance of provisions allowed us
when they dealt it out to us as if we were half starved,
and at the water they allowed us the same. On our way
to England the frigate lost part of her crew with the
scurvy; but as for us, the general, as well as the captain
and his officers, were astonished on the score of our
being all brave and hearty. The former even expressed
himself in this manner ; What, are none of them d— — d
Yankees sick!' Somebody made answer, not one.
'D — n them, (says he) there is nothing but thunder and
lightning will kill them.' This was reported to us by
the captain's steward, and one of the general's servants.

At length on the last day of June, 1778, we arrived
at Portsmouth, when the quarter-masters were ordered
down into the cable teers to see them clear, in order for
letting go the anchors. But I had forgot to mention
one circumstance relating to the sailors of the brig An
gelica confined in the frigate's hold; it was this; they
got, during our confinement, as much old Jamaica
spirits as they wished to drink, by boreing a hole
through the bulk head upon the larboard side of the
pump-well, into a large butt which stood against the
partition, and by means of quills drew spirits whenever
they wanted.

But to return to the quarter-masters. As soon as they
came into the hold, upon the haul-up-deck, they began
to accost us in this manner: 'Well, ship-mates, how have
you fared the passage?' said one of them: 'D — n my

eyes, Bob, but these Yankees look d d well ; I guess

they found their way into the general's store-room—
what say you, Bob?'

'I don't know Jack, but d— — n me, if I don't wish the
devil had run a hunting with them all, before they had

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

popped themselves in our way; for blast my eyes, but
they have deprived us of many a good drink of Ma
deira, as well as old Jamaica stingo. Well, Bob, I think
the poor devils (as the general says) will soon die with
the narrows, as the Irishman's father did: — so d— — d
narrow that he could not get his head out!7

The ship came to anchor about 4 P.M. and early the
next morning we were all ordered to make our appear
ance upon the quarter deck; thus paraded, the captain
told us to get ready to go on board of a better ship ;
'That is she,' at the same time pointing to the Princess
Amelia, 'on board of which you are to be hanged, with
out my gracious sovereign is pleased to pardon some of
you, which I do not think will be the case, as your
offences are of the blackest kind.' After this short
harangue we were shoved headlong into the ship's boats,
which lay waiting along side for our reception, and
conducted to a place called Hazel hospital. On our
way thither they rowed us under the gallows of 'Jack
the Painter,' which stood upon a point of land ; and then
the officer who had the command of the boats ordered
his men to lay upon their oars, and told us we should
fare the same fate as him who you see hung in irons
yonder; at the same time pointing to the gallows on
which he hung. This object of British triumph ap
peared to be dressed in black with his hat upon his head,
and silver shoe-buckles in his shoes. His crime was,
setting fire to the Navy dock-yards in Portsmouth,
which destroyed a great quantity of materials intended
for the use of the British Navy, &c. On our arrival at
Hazel hospital we were interrogated one at a time by
the commissioners of the admiralty; some of whom
although young looking men had hair nearly as white

TANNING'S NARRATIVE

as snow. Some of the questions which they asked were
these: Where was you from, and where bound when
captured? what force? by whom taken? who commis
sioned your privateer?' It is to be observed that these
commissioners treated us with no abusive language; no
imperious or domineering threats; on the contrary, they
assured us we should be kindly used as prisoners of
war; that as it appeared to them that we had been
robbed of our wearing apparel, we should be furnished
in a few days with each a decent suit at the King's ex
pense, (which, however, was not done.) After we had
got through with our examination, we were marched to
Fortun prison* and there committed 'for piracy and
high treason.' This prison lies about two miles from
Portsmouth harbour and was built for an hospital in the
reign of Queen Ann, for the accommodation of sick and
wounded seamen. It is in two large spacious buildings,
separate from each by a yard large enough to parade a
guard of an hundred men, which number the officers
and soldiers consisted of while I remained there a pris
oner. The buildings thus separated, the northermost
was occupied by the under officers, sailors and marines;
and the southermost by the officers of somewhat higher
grades. It is a very convenient place for prisoners of
war, as there is a spacious lot adjoining the prisons con
taining about three quarters of an acre of level ground,
in the centre of which stands a large shed or building,
open on all sides to admit the free circulation of air;
under which were seats for our accommodation when
the weather was hot and sultry. The large yard, to
prevent the prisoners from escaping, was picketed in
on all sides ; these were planted in the ground about two

*In Gosport, near Portsmouth.

C9]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

inches asunder, and about eight feet long. It would be
very easy for the Americans to make their escape from
hence even in the day time, were it not for the peasants,
who were always lurking about here, followed by their
great dogs, and armed with great clubs. The reader
will observe, this was the fact with regard to the Ameri
can prisoners ; and upon the report of one of us having
made his escape, I could see sometimes seventy or
eighty in a few minutes in search of their booty, beating
the bushes, running to and fro, from ditch to ditch, till
they had got fast hold of the poor Yankee, who was thus
led in triumph to the old crab; (a nick-name given to
the agent for American prisoners of war, who resided
near the prisons.) He was very old and ugly, and used
to creep over the ground not unlike a large crab. He
was also very boisterous and ill-natured towards all of
us, and in the sequel the reader will perceive, that to
this was added cruelty and revenge. These peasants or
country people, had five pounds sterling for taking up
an American who attempted to make his escape; but
they obtained only half a guinea for securing a French
prisoner.* The first two months of my imprisonment
here, I received from the hands of the Rev. Mr. Wren,
every Monday morning, two shillings and six pence
sterling per week, during which time I made out to live
pretty comfortable, but when this source was gone, and
no longer existed, which was soon after the fact, I lived
truly very miserable, not having any more provisions
and small beer during the twenty-four hours than would
serve for one meal : this allowance was dealt out to each
prisoner, being but three quarters of what was allowed

*The French prisoners of war were confined in a prison hard by
ours.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

to common prisoners of war; this however our good
friends, the English, even thought too much for rebels:
I say our small pittance of provisions was dealt out to
us every day at twelve o'clock; mine I used to destroy,
or rather devour it at one meal, and not have enough to
satisfy the cravings of hunger.

Now it was that I felt the disagreeable feelings of
going part of the time half starved; and have often
picked up bones in the yard, and begged others without
the walls of the prison, of people who lived near
thereto; with these, by digging out the inside of them
with a sharp pointed knife, I have partly satisfied the
severe craving of an hungry appetite, which have often
tasted to me more delicious than any thing I have ever
tasted since my liberation from this dismal confinement.
Great numbers of the country people made it a custom
to come and see us every day; but more particularly on
Sundays; sometimes they would amount to a thousand
and upwards : and on some of those days, many of which
would make use of the following expressions, at the
same time observing us very attentively: 'Why, Lard,
neighbour, there be white paple ; they taulk jest as us do,
by my troth; thare's a paity such good looking paple
shou'd be troused up by our grate men, &c (Troused
—hanged.)

One day the following inhuman action took place
here; an officer who mounted guard over us with his
men, to the number of about an hundred; and who it
seems, were determined before they were relieved, to be
the death of some of the rebels, as they expressed them
selves to this effect to one of the turnkeys, who after
wards told it to one of us. Accordingly, to make some
pretence, the officer, who I think was a captain, went

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

into the guard-house and got a red hot poker, with
which he fell to burning the American prisoners7 shirts,
which they had hung upon the pickets to dry. It may
be well here to observe, that the owners of these shirts
had not a second to their backs; so that they begged the
officer in a very civil manner, not to be so cruel as to
burn all the shirts which they had; he would not how
ever listen to their entreaties, but kept on his villainy.
The American prisoners seeing this, ran to the pickets,
and snatched away their shirts, (but without making
use of any abusive language) which so enraged this son
of old beelzebub, that he ordered the sentinel to fire
his musket in among us, who instantly obeyed, and
killed one man dead, and wounded several; at this time
there were not less than three hundred Americans in the
yard. This done, he ordered the guard to parade and
fix their bayonets ; they then rushed among us and drove
us into prison and had the doors locked and barred, to
prevent a revolt of the prisoners. The next day a jury
was summoned, who met at the old crab's dwelling-
house, and after some deliberations, gave in their ver
dict manslaughter; although it was proved by more
than twenty witnesses, who were inhabitants of Gos-
port, that the sentinel who committed this murder, after
having discharged his piece, loaded it in an instant, and
threatened to fire upon us again if we did not shut our
mouths; thus ended (to the shame and confusion of the
British character) this tragical event. Soon after this,
Mr. Hartly, then a member of the British parliament,
a very plain man, and who was said to be a great friend
to the Americans, came to see us, talked familiarly with
us, and gave us encouragement of our being exchanged
soon: this was about the middle of November, 1778;
but we put so little confidence in what he told us, that

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

we imagined he only did it to amuse us, having so often
heard such kind of stories from people who came to
visit us. The hardships we had already experienced,
and the thoughts of remaining in close confinement,
perhaps for years, wrought so powerfully upon us, that
we came to the determination of (the only way in our
power) digging out. Accordingly, as we were shut
into the prisons from sunset to sunrise, we occupied
ourselves in the night, when all around was quiet, in
undermining the prison walls, in order to effect our
escape, which proved effectual to great numbers: how
ever, many who attempted this mode of escape, espe
cially such as had not money enough to bear their
expenses as far as London, a distance of about seventy-
five miles, were taken and brought back to their old
confinement; but were obliged to suffer the extra pun
ishment of lying in the black hole* forty days and forty
nights: (as long as Satan was suffered to tempt our
Saviour.) In this place the American prisoners were
allowed nothing but bread and water to subsist upon;
many nevertheless, succeeded in making their escape
even from this place by digging out, and crossing the
channel to France, in small boats called wherry s. Those
who had continued in the black hole till the expiration
of the forty days, were allowed the liberty of the yard
as before; being first entered upon the Agent's books
as deserters, and not to be exchanged till the very last.
This was a great mortification to many, as will be seen
in the end ; for some of them, in consequence of their
desertion, remained here prisoners of war three or four
years thereafter: in fact, a few of them were not re
leased from prison until the peace.

It will not, perhaps, be here amiss to mention what

*A kind of dungeon.

r.133

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

was done with so much dirt and stones, taken out of
the great number of holes dug by the prisoners ; which
I will inform the reader, so far as has any relation to
those under the prison where the officers were confined,
and where I was. The dirt was partly lodged in an
old stack of chimneys nearly in the centre of our prison ;
the fire-places below having been for years before
stopped up, and we were lodged upon the second and
third floors. The chimney aforesaid being white
washed, we used when our work was finished for the
night, to paste a piece of white paper over the hole
where we emptied the dirt into the hollow of the chim
ney. The dirt, &c. was put into small canvas bags, by
those who were employed in digging under ground, and
from thence passed from one to the other until it was at
the place of deposit, where is was emptied, and then
passed back to be filled again, where the diggers were at
work. This kind of work began generally about 1 1
o'clock at night, when all was still excepting the sen
tinel, who would from time to time cry, 'All's well,' and
last till about 3 o'clock in the morning; at which time
the hole in the chimney was closed as before related, and
all of us would retire to rest. After a while the chim
ney was filled with dirt and stones; however, we soon
found another place to deposit what we took out of the
holes: this was in the garret of the prison, underneath
the floor. It was lathed and plaistered, through which
we made a hole large enough for a man to get through
into the garret, here we put several cartloads of dirt
and stones, and the hole was secured in the same manner
as the one before mentioned in the chimney.

In the prison where the American officers were con
fined was a number of French officers, who had been

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

taken in the American service, two of whom were
tolerable scholars, and amused themselves in teaching
the Americans the French language.

I had myself acquired a considerable smattering of
it before I left the prison; so much so, that I could
converse with the French gentlemen who were our
fellow prisoners. In the other prison, where the sub
altern officers, seamen and other Americans were con
fined, there were regular schools kept, in which the
masters taught reading, writing, arithmetic and navi
gation. Numbers of the Americans,* who, when they
were captured by the English and shut up in Forton
prison, did not know how to read, and many others who
could not write, so that in fact it was a most fortunate
circumstance in the whole course of their lives : (I mean
that of their being taken and committed to this place.)
The attention and application which most of them paid
to their studies, was really commendable. The officers
in the prison where I was confined, amounted at one
time to about three hundred and sixty-seven, out of
which number there were about one hundred and thirty-
eight who made their escape, and got over to France,
in the course of twelve months; all these crept through
the holes dug, as before mentioned. In the night, while
a certain number were busily employed in digging and
in passing the bags of dirt and gravel to the place of
deposit; others were employed in dancing (after the
sound of the violin, as we had among us several fiddlers. )
The room where we used to exercise in this manner was
large and spacious, with a fire place in the centre of it.

*Many of these have since been advanced to the rank of masters
of vessels: otherwise had they never seen Forton prison, they never
would have been more than sailors.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

Upon the second floor, and directly over the English
officers' guard-room, so much noise was made some
times, that the guard would be turned out, the turnkeys
called up to open the prison doors, and the guard would
then rush into the prison, and find all the lights put out,
every man in his hammock, the bags &c. secured and all
quiet, when after threatening of us in the most abusive
language, that if we made any more noise we should all
be thrust into the black hole, they would retire as wise
as they came. We however, as soon as all was hush,
once more would turn out and repeat our common exer
cise. Several times in the course of a single night the
guard would repeat their visits in the way I have re
lated, and would always find us in our hammocks.

The hall in which we slept, was upon the second floor
(next room adjoining the dancing, or keeping room)
about two hundred feet long, and about forty in breadth ;
upon each side of this spacious hall was arranged our
hammocks ; hooks were affixed in the sides of the hall
and in two rows of posts, about eight feet from the sides,
to which our hammocks were suspended in the night;
but during the day, they were hung up to the walls on
each side; this made room in great plenty for walking
and other kinds of exercise. The hammocks, to each
of which was added a king's rug (cover laid) a straw
bed and pillow of the same kind, furnished each pris
oner, at the King's expense; these had generally been
before used in hospitals, and on board of prison-ships,
and were full of knits and lice so that in fact we might
have been called a lousy set of fellows; and the first
thing to be seen every morning as soon as it was light,
were naked men sitting upon their breach, in their ham
mocks, lousing themselves. Could we have obtained

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

only the eighth part of a farthing for every louse so
killed, from the government, and the money punctually
paid us every day, we should have left prison as rich
as Jews! One circumstance which occurred during my
confinement here ought not to be forgotten ; several of
the prisoners were taken suddenly sick and removed to
the hospital ; some of these died with strong symptoms
of having been poisoned. This created a general alarm
among the prisoners; some of whom believed the same
game was playing here, as had been done on board the
old Jersey, a prison ship near the city of New- York;
there held by the British, and on board of which ship,
we had heard that thousands of our countrymen had
died.* Various conjectures were agitated from whence
the cause of this sudden and mortal desease had orig
inated; and after a succession of trials, assisted by sev
eral physicians and surgeons who were among us, the
poison was traced, and found in our bread; by dissolv
ing which, we found quantities of glass pounded fine.
Will any one who is ever so great a stickler for the
British King and government; and who has been
acquainted with this circumstance, have the arrogance
to say anything more about British humanity!

A regular complaint was now lodged by the Ameri
cans to the proper authority, and some enquiry made;
some laid the blame to the agent, he to the baker, the
baker to them who furnished him with materials, with
which he made his bread; and here this atrocious and
murderous transaction ended. However, it is hoped by
the compiler of these sheets, that this, as well as the
conduct of the British relative to the old Jersey, will

*The number of Americans who died on board of that ship during
the American Revolution (as published) exceeded eleven thousand.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

be had in eternal remembrance by the citizens of the
United States, so long as the British shall exist as a
nation!!! The humane and kind treatment of one per
son towards the American prisoners, however, ought to
be universally known in the United States. I mean an
English clergyman, by the name of Wren. This good
man, at the time, lived in Gosport, not far from Fortun
prison. His house was an asylum for the Americans
who made their escape from confinement; and every one
of these, if they could once reach his abode was sure to
find a hiding place, a change of wearing apparel and
money, if they were in want of it, and a safe conveyance
to London, where they would consider themselves in
perfect safety; as they could at any time go from thence
to France, by the way of Dover and Ostend* And in
order to more fully illustrate the character of this Rev.
gentleman, the reader is informed, that before the
declaration of independence by the American Congress,
large sums of money were subscribed by individuals in
England for the benefit of the American prisoners, who
were then confined in different parts of that country.
The subscription, at one time, amounted to eight or ten
thousand pounds sterling; towards which it is said, the
queen gave one thousand guineas out of her private
purse. This source soon dryed up; for no sooner had
the declaration of independence arrived in England
than the subscription before spoken of ceased alto
gether. A committee of the subscribers chosen for that
purpose had appointed a person at, or near each prison,
where the Americans were confined, whose duty it was
to distribute the money among the prisoners, according
as they should deem to be right and just. Mr. Wren

*Then a neutral port, 33 miles from Dunkirk, in France.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

was the one appointed near us ; and I believe he exer
cised the trust reposed in him, with punctuality. He
made it a part of his duty to visit us once a week during
my continuance here, and was in the habit of calling
us, 'my children.' Besides, when the subscription-fund
was entirely gone, he used to go round the neighbour
hood, and even where he was not known, to beg clothes
and money for us. Often have I experienced this good
man's bounty. Frequently some bad characters among
the Americans, would accost him with abusive and in
sulting language, if he did not supply all their wants:
his only reply would be, 'have a little patience, my chil
dren, and I will endeavour to bring you the next time
I come, whatever you are most in need of.'

At length my deliverance from captivity drew near:
an exchange of American prisoners was in contempla
tion; and the Rev. Mr. Wren assured us it would take
place in a few days; and as this desired event ap
proached the days and nights seemed to grow longer,
and the time more irksome. In short, in the contem
plation of which my heart leaped for joy, and my spir
its raised above the power of description.

The long looked for day at last arrived; a day which
I shall never forget: it was on the 2d of June, 1779, in
the afternoon, when the agent's clerk came into the yard
and informed us, that one hundred and twenty of us
were to go on board a cartel the next morning, in order
to be sent to France. He then called over the names of
that number, and I found myself included, being the
hundred and eighteenth upon the list. And after he
had read to us, with an audible voice, his majesty's most
gracious pardon, he told us that we must hold ourselves
in readiness to go on board of the cartel, then lying at

D9]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the Key, on the west side of Portsmouth. Never I be
lieve was joy equal to what I now experienced. Ac
cordingly, the next morning about eight o'clock, we
who had been called over the day preceding, were
again called upon to answer to our names, and were
paraded in the yard : the rest of the American prisoners,
amounting to about four hundred and eighty in both
prisons were not permitted to mix with us, and not suf
fered to come out of their confinement till we began
our march, which commenced about 10 o'clock, in com
pany, or rather escorted by about forty British soldiers,
and a number of black drummers and musicians, who
beat up the tune of Yankee doodle, which they con
tinued playing, till we arrived at the place of embarka
tion. We left behind several poor fellows, who had
been prisoners three years and upwards; and as for
myself, I had been one only about thirteen months;
therefore, it is easier I think, for anybody to judge than
to pretend to describe the mortification of those who
had been so long in confinement, on seeing us thus about
to taste the sweets of liberty! Methinks some of them
would be led to exclaim, O Liberty! O my country!
On our march through the town of Gosport, the streets
became crowded with people; some wishing us safe to
our desired homes; others crying out, that we were a
set of rebels, and that if we had had our deserts we
should have been hanged: these exclamations were
repeated with loud huzzas. On this occasion, I ob
served that the women were most boisterous; we soon
got out of their hearing, and embarked on board the
cartel, and hauled off into Portsmouth roads. On the
6th of June we set sail for Nantz in France, and on the
xoth following, we came to anchor off Van Boeuf, a

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

small town situate upon what is sometimes called the
Nantz river, on the West side, and about thirty miles
N.W. of that city. Here we disembarked, and as soon
as we began to enter the town, great multitudes of the
French came to welcome us ; even the children appeared
to rejoice at our landing; and to demonstrate this, they
all joined by singing as they followed us along: 'Bon,
bon, bon, cettez Boston rompez auce anglais aux des
cannon.' The substance of which in English is: 'Here
are the good Bostonians* who beat the English with
their great guns.' When we got into the centre of this
town, we were met by an American, who was clerk to
the American agent at Nantz, who informed us that by
the direction of the agent, he had provided lodgings for
us, and immediately accompanied us to the hotel De
Orleans. It was now nearly 12 o'clock in the daytime;
soon after dinner was served up, which consisted of a
great variety of dishes ; to every cover or plate, was laid
a clean napkin, a tumbler, spoon and a silver fork, with
four prongs, and the servant girl announced to us that
dinner was ready. After we had taken our seats at the
table, one of the gentlemen observed, that there were
no knives at table, and desired me, as I was the only
person in the company that pretended to speak French,
to call for some knives. I accordingly bid the girl bring
us des gateace; 'we, monsieur,' says she, and went out:
presently after, she returned with several small mo
lasses cakes which they called gateau. This mistake of
mine in pronunciation caused abundance of mirth
among my countrymen. I endeavoured all in my
power to make the girl understand me, but to no pur
pose, until I shewed her a penknife; which, on seeing,

*At this time all the Americans in France were called Bostonians.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

she replied instantly, 'Oh monsieur, ce des cauteaux que
vous vouliez.' 'O sir, it is knives that you want!' went
out of the room, and soon after returned with the num
ber of knives wanted. I mention this to shew my reader
how difficult it is for a person who has been taught
French among the English, to make themselves under
stood by the former, when among them, which was the
case with me; for it is a fact, that before I left Fortun
prison, I could converse with the French gentlemen
confined there, upon almost any subject, and was by
them perfectly well understood ; the reverse was the case
with me in France. This very transaction discouraged
me for a long time thereafter, from ever attempting to
speak the French tongue.

On the 1 2th, we embarked for Nantz, where we
arrived in the afternoon of the same day. I tarried in
this city until the 23d, when a purse of money was made
up by the French gentlemen, for the Americans who
had lately arrived from Fortun prison, which amounted,
if my memory serves me correctly, to 215 guineas; be
sides, they furnished us who were in want, which was
the case with nearly all of us, with decent wearing
apparel, and were exceedingly kind and humane to
wards us in other respects. Thus having been furnished
with cash, &c., I set off by land for 1'Orient, where I
arrived the 27th.

This town lies about one hundred miles W.S.W. of
Paris : it is a King's port and the harbour is an excellent
one for ships of the line, as well as other vessels, but
difficult to enter, by reason of a great number of sunken
rocks at the entrance, which a very strong citadel com
mands, called Fort Louis, and which ships, in coming
in are obliged to approach within musket shot. I here

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

met with the celebrated John Paul Jones, who invited
me to go on board of his ship called Bon Homme
Richard,* then lying in the harbour; as he said he was
bound immediately for America and that I might go
home in her if I chose, in the capacity of a midshipman.
I went on board accordingly, but found by discoursing
with some of the officers who belonged to her, that she
was bound on a short cruise in the English channel,
before she would sail for America. I therefore, as there
was no other opportunity of procuring a safe passage
home in any other vessel, agreed to go with Captain
Jones the cruise; and on the 1410 day of August, 1779,
set sail from 1'Orient

The squadron of which Jones was the commodore,
consisted of the following warlike vessels: vis. The
Bon Homme Richard, of 40 guns, mounting 6 eigh
teen pounders upon her lower gun deck, 28 twelves
and nines upon her middle gun deck, and 6 six pound
ers upon her spar and quarter decks. Her crew, includ
ing officers, men and volunteers, consisting of four
hundred and fifteen, (boys also included in that num
ber) The Alliance frigate, of 36 guns, twelves, nines,
and sixes, and two hundred and ninety officers, men,
and boys. The Monsieur frigate, of 22 guns; the
frigate Palais of 28 guns; the brig Vengence, of 16
guns ; and the Cerf Cutter, of ten guns.** The commo
dore, thus lifted above his common sphere, or element,
assumed the title of 'Commander in Chief of all the
American Ships of war, in Europe.' Before we lost
sight of the land, he sent a written message by the Ven-

*The Good Man Richard.

:*I do not know the number of men on board of either of these
four last mentioned vessels.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

geance, signed John Paul Jones, commander in chief,
&c. as above. This was addressed to Captain Babcock,
commander of an American privateer, a ship mounting
1 6 guns, then lying at anchor in the mouth of the river
Loire, purporting that captain B. must immediately
weigh anchor, get his ship under weigh, and join the
squadron under his command, or abide the consequences
resulting from disobedience of orders!!! The Ven
geance executed this order, and in a few hours returned
and reported that the General Mifflin had sailed. On
the 1 6th at night, took a large English ship laden with
bales of silk, and other valuable articles, and manned
her for France. The same night, Jones had a violent
dispute with the captain of the Monsieur frigate, and
I apprehended that some bad consequences would have
been the result, as all hands were ordered to quarters to
engage the Monsieur; the captain of which thought it
prudent for him to make sail from us, which he did,
and was soon out of the reach of our guns: we gave
chase to her, but could not gain on her; this so much
exasperated Jones, that he struck several of his officers
with his speaking trumpet over their heads, and ordered
one of his lieutenants under confinement; that is, to go
down to his state-room and there remain till released by
his orders: by this time, the Monsieur had got out of
sight, and we saw her no more during the remainder of
our cruise. Jones by this, had got quite calm, and sent
his servant to invite the lieutenant in confinement, to
come and sup with him, who obeyed the summons,
and even after went to his duty as before. This lieuten
ant was raised to this station by captain Jones, and of
course aided in that capacity only during the pleasure
of the latter ; which was in fact, the situation of his three

EM

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

lieutenants and sailing master, neither of which had a
commission or warrant from the proper officer in the
United States; and therefore were liable always, when
Jones saw cause, to turn them afore the mast. It may be
well here just to mention, that Jones's former lieuten
ants, appointed by Congress, and regularly commis
sioned, had had some dispute with him; in consequence
of which they had quit him, carrying away their com
missions with them, at the same time. This occurrence
took place in Brest, when Captain Jones commanded
the Ranger, of 18 guns, a United States ship of war;
the first lieutenant of which commanded her after cap
tain Jones left her, as I have been informed.

On the lyth, saw the highlands of Dungarvan, upon
the coast of Ireland, and a large ship to windward,
standing in for the land to reconnoitre the coast. At
4 P.M. the signal was made for the Alliance to make sail
and see what it was, which was partly executed. The
Alliance had got nearly within cannon shot, and then
bore away to speak us, which she soon after did ; and
the captain of the Alliance told captain Jones that the
ship to windward was an English line of battle ship;
for, said he, I did go near enough to see her upper
battery; to this Jones made but a short reply, calling
him a coward. From this time, a most inveterate hatred
existed between these two captains, during the re
mainder of our cruise; and which would break out at
times, when there was the greatest need of their being
united by the most friendly ties; as the nature of the
service, and the honour of the American flag absolutely
demanded it. The signal was now made for the whole
squadron to chase the sail to windward, but night com
ing on, she was soon out of sight. We afterwards were

[253

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

informed by a fish boat that came alongside, that the
ship we had been chasing was an English East-India-
man. At 8 P.M. we had been set in shore by the current,
in such a manner that we were close aboard of the rocks,
and as it was nearly calm, several boats were got ahead
of our ship, in order to tow her off from the breakers,
which was done. At n o'clock at night, the barge,
which was the head-most boat, with eleven men, and
one of our Lieutenants in her, cut from the rest, and
rowed with all their might for the shore. The sailing-
master was immediately ordered into the cutter, another
of the boats belonging to our ship, with twelve armed
men, to pursue these fugitives; and were, after they
landed, close to the heels of the runaways, when they
were all taken prisoners by the Irish: in this manner we
lost two good experienced officers, and twenty-two of
our best seamen. At 12 at night, there sprang up very
suddenly, a terrible gale of wind from the N.E. which
lasted about twenty hours; during which, we lost sight
of the rest of the squadron, and in the height of the gale,
one of our lower deck guns got loose, and came very
near being the means of sinking our shipsj^efore we
could secure it; and even without this incident, if the
gale had continued as violent as the latter part of it was,
four hours longer, we must inevitably have gone to the
bottom; for our ship leaked so bad, that we could not
with four pumps constantly at work, keep her free the
latter part of the gale; which by the by, was no great
wonderment, as she was a ship that had been in the
King's service upwards of sixty years; and then was
called a ship of the line, as having mounted 64 guns ;
at the end of which time she was condemned in Brest,
as not being seaworthy. The East India Company at

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

1'Orient, now purchased her, and fitted her for the
Indies, where she made two voyages, at the expiration
of which, she was again condemned as unfit for service
in that trade, and laid up as a hulk in the Bason at
1'Orient, among a number of old condemned ships be
longing to the King of France. And in fact, at the time,
and during the last gale, she almost wrung to pieces,
and appeared to have as many joints in her back-bone
as a rattlesnake. This was the ship in which Jones often
said, he was able to capture an English sixty-four, pro
vided he had fair play for it. The weather at last proved
favourable, and we shaped our course for the Lewis's
Islands, which lie north of Scotland; as this was the
place appointed for the next rendezvous of our little
squadron; in sight of which we arrived on the aoth of
August. The day following, we captured 1 1 sail of
vessels, one of which being valuable, we put a prize-
master and seven men on board, and ordered her for
1'Orient in France; the rest we sunk, all being English
vessels bound from Ireland to Norway.* On the 22d,
saw a large looking ship in shore of us, to which we
gave chase, soon after we discovered three more sail in
the north west quarter ; found we gained upon the chase,
and soon came along side of her. She proved to be
an English letter of marque, mounting 22 guns, a ship
in the service of the British government, last from Leith,
and bound for Quebec. She was laden with cables,
cordage, and military stores, for the use of the British
forces in Canada. She made no resistance, not even
firing a gun (for the honour of the British flag) but
dowsed her colours as soon as she was commanded to do
it. At Meridian the other three sail which we had
*And to the Kingdom of Denmark.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

discovered in the morning joined us, which were the
Alliance with her prize (an English ship of war mount
ing 24 guns, laden with the same kind of articles as the
one we had captured but a few hours before, and con
sort to her;) and the Pallais, also about the same time
joined us ; and the next morning early we fell in with
the brig Vengeance; but she could not tell what had
become of the Cerf cutter, the other tender. The squad
ron now stood in for the Orkney islands after having
manned the two prizes and sent them for a port in
France. We cruised off these islands several days, dur
ing which we took, burnt, and destroyed, sixteen sail of
vessels. We then shaped our course for the N.E. part
of Scotland, where we arrived soon after, and took seven
large colliers* and burnt them. After this we steered
towards Edinburgh castle, off which we lay off and on
for several days. On the loth of September commo
dore Jones had a dispute with one of his lieutenants, and
ordered him below under confinement to his cabin, and
as he was descending the ladder, kicked him on the
breach several times; in half an hour afterwards sent
his servant to invite him (the lieutenant) to come and
dine with him ; the lieutenant obeyed and went. Thus
it was with Jones, passionate to the highest degree one
minute, and the next, ready to make a reconciliation.
Towards night a signal was made for all the captains
and lieutenants belonging to the squadron to assemble
on board the commodore's ship ; and when they were
convened the commodore consulted with them relative
to a plan which he said he had had in contemplation
some time previous thereto; and that he had no doubt
in his own mind, provided his officers would unani-

* Ships in the coal trade.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

mously assist him, of succeeding in it. The plan was
this; for the whole squadron to move up the river of
Leith, wearing English colours, and his officers to wear
the English navy uniform, which he had already pro
vided ; and in passing Edinburgh castle* in this man
ner, no suspicion would be entertained by the garrison
of our being an enemy. In thus proceeding up said
river, the probability was, that we might arrive before
the city of Leith and come to anchor, get springs on
our cables, and present our formidable broadsides to
the citizens, who no doubt would be unprepared to
make any resistance, the city being large and rich,
being at some distance up a river, and not having any
considerable fortifications to protect it from an invad
ing foe, Edinburgh castle being a few miles from it, and
which completely commanded the entrance of said
river. Further, Jones's plan was, that as soon as the
squadron was safe at anchor before the city, and ready
for cannonading it, an officer was to have been sent to
the city, bearing a flag of truce, whose demand was to
be, that the citizens of Leith should pay one hundred
thousand pounds sterling in half an hour. This sum
was to be collected and transported on board the com
modore's ship, at the expense and risk of the said citi
zens instantaneously. Should they find it difficult to
obtain so large a sum in so short a time, they
were allowed to make up the deficiency in silver
plate; but in case the terms on the part of
the citizens, were not complied with, at the ex
piration of half an hour, the town was to be set on fire
by the squadron with red hot shot, as they were pre
pared with them; after which we were to retreat or run

*The strongest fortress in Great Britain.

[29]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

away by the light of the flames as fast as possible. This
plan, as might have been expected, at first met with
some opposition, from a majority of Jones's officers, as
it appeared to them to be a very rash and hazardous
undertaking. For, admitting we could get up the river
to Leith, without any difficulty or opposition ; yet they
said, that the garrison at the castle of Edinburgh, which
we would be obliged to pass and repass, might have
warning in twenty minutes from Leith; where, pro
vided we succeeded, we should be prevented from going
off with our booty. And as this fortress commanded
the entrance of the river, and being always well sup
plied with men and guns, the lower teer consisting of
20 forty-eight pounders, and the upper part of as many
twenty-four pounders; and as we should have to pass
within point blank shot of so many guns, they could
not conceive how there could be even a probability of
getting off clear. At length, after many pros and cons,
Jones displayed so artfully his arguments in favor of
his plan that it was agreed pretty unanimously to put
it in immediate execution. Accordingly, all the officers
belonging to the squadron were supplied with English
navy uniforms, each according to his rank; and when
they were thus apparelled the squadron made a stretch
in near the castle, the wind then being favourable to
run up the river, hove to within gun shot of the same,
and made a signal for a pilot, who soon came on board
the commodore's ship ; the other vessels likewise being
each supplied with one, put us in a fair way to proceed
up to Leith, but the tide then not serving, we were
obliged to lie by a little longer. In the meantime, the
English commanding officer at Leith, supposing us to
be an English squadron, sent a boat on board the Ameri-

[30]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

can Commodore's ship, requesting to know the name of
him who commanded the squadron, (accompanied with
the English officer's compliments;) the names of the
ships, and whether he wanted any assistance of provi
sions and the like; and if he intended coming up to
Leith with his squadron, and if that was not his inten
tion, (he, the governor, had sent by the bearer, an
English officer,) a request for a barrel or two of pow
der, as they had next to none in the fort at said place;
further adding, that he understood there were then
several American privateers cruising upon the coast,
and which had taken several sail of English vessels and
that the governor of Leith was fearful that they might
come up the river in the night, and make some attempts
to destroy the town; which he said might particularly
at that time be easily effected, as the greater part of the
citizens at that place were under great consternation and
alarm, believing such an event quite probable. This
message from the governor, particularly the request for
powder, pleased Jones wonderful well. He therefore
sent by the officer, his compliments to the governor,
fictitious names for his ships and the commanders, corre
sponding with the names of ships in the British navy,
of the size and number of guns as those of his squadron,
the captains whereof had already English names
assigned them, and by which they were then called.

The British officer having gone away for Leith with
a barrel of powder, and compliments, as I before ob
served, and we were only waiting for the turn of the
tide, when the following incidents frustrated the whole
of Jones's scheme of plundering the city of Leith, ('and
like the baseless fabric of a vision,') all his vast projects
of wealth and agrandizement, became at once a shadow

CsO

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

that passeth away, never more to appear again!!! Just
before the tide was to have served, the wind shifted
suddenly from the N.E. where it had been blowing
some time, into the S.W. which blew down the river
very fresh ; and about the same time a prize brig, which
was then in company with us, and which we had cap
tured while we lay at the mouth of the river, partly
manned by Englishmen, ran on shore apparently on
purpose, and the whole crew disembarked and ran for
their lives, as fast as their legs would carry them. As
soon as this was discovered, several boats armed, were
dispatched from the squadron to overtake the runaways
and bring them back, but to no purpose; for the men
belonging to the brig had entirely effected their escape;
and as it was apprehended that these deserters would
endeavor to reach the castle as soon as possible, with an
intention of informing who we were, no time was there
fore to be lost; the signal was given for the boats which
had been sent in pursuit of the deserters, to abandon the
prize brig, which they were attempting to get off, and
to return on board the squadron: this being done, the
commodore ordered the sigp/l to be made for making
sail upon our little fleet, and standing out to sea. This
was done without receiving a single shot from Edin
burgh castle, although the whole squadron had been for
several hours within gun shot of it. On the nth, took
two prizes; put prize masters and men on board of
them, and ordered them for Dunkirk, in France.

We now shaped our course for Scarborough, a sea
port town in Yorkshire, and situated on the German
Ocean, and soon arrived off this port. We cruised here
several days, without meeting any thing but small Eng
lish coasters, and pilot boats : the latter sloops, rigged

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

and decked, burthen about fifteen tons. One of these
we converted into a small tender; she served us for a
decoy, and likewise for to land in, when we had oc
casion for fresh water and fresh provisions, &c./f'On the
2zd day of September, 1779, at 4 P.M. we discovered a
fleet in the S.E. quarter, standing ifor Scarborough. At
5 P.M. we could plainly discover that this fleet were con
voyed by two sloops of war (English) the largest of
which taking us to be an enemy, made the signal for
the fleet to disperse and save themselves. The two
sloops of war then made sail from us, as did also the
merchantmen; although they had by this time got
pretty near us. Our commodore also made the signal
for our little squadron to chase the enemy's fleet by
crowding all the sail we could set, soon after the Alli
ance brought two of them to, who struck their colours.
We had just put the 2d Lieutenant of our ship on
board of the small tender, with about twenty men well
armed, in order to take possession of these merchant
vessels that were the nearest to us, when a fleet was dis
covered in the Eastern board; the weather clearing off
a little about the same time, we could count thirty-seven
sail of vessels in that quarter, all apparently standing in
for the land. As soon as Jones had taken a peep or two
at them with his spy-glass, he expressed himself to his
officers, then standing by him upon the quarter-deck,
in this manner: 'that is the very fleet which I have been
so long cruising for.' He immediately ordered a signal
to be made for the squadron to abandon the small fleet,
\vhich we were then almost in the possession of, con
sisting of thirteen sail of vessels, some of which was said
to be very valuable. Another signal was made for the
squadron to crowd all sail after the fleet in the Eastern

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

board, and without waiting for the tender, on board of
which was one of his best officers, and twenty of our
best men; he appeared to be impatient, till all the sail
we could set on board of our ship, the wind then being
between the south and west, was spread; and now came
on a general chase for the enemy. At half past 6 o'clock
P.M. we were near enough to distinguish two of this fleet
to be ships of war; one of them had the appearance of
a frigate, and the other a sloop of war. These two ships
perceiving that we were enemies; and that by our
manoeuvering our intentions were to attack them, hove
in stays, and stood off the land with a view, as after
wards appeared, of engaging us : while the merchant
ships kept hovering in with the land, but could not make
a harbour as there was none nearer than Scarborough.
At 7 P.M. made a signal to speak the Alliance and Pal-
lais; in a quarter of an hour thereafter, spoke the Alli
ance, when Capt. Jones, ordered the capt. of her to
engage the largest of the two ships of war, in conjunc
tion with the Good Man Richard; and that as soon as
he had fired his broadsides, if a favourable opportunity
then presented, to board her; and for that purpose to
have his men in readiness. He answered, that the Com
modore should be obeyed; this was succeeded by three
cheers from the officers and crew of the Alliance. Also,
ordered the capt. of the Pallais to engage the smallest
ship of the enemy, who was now pretty near us ; we then
had a breese from the S.S.W. of perhaps six knots.
They soon after hove to, and hauled up their courses,
and showed St. George's colours.* Our little squadron,
drawn up in order of battle, shewed them the thirteen

*A white field or flag with a red cross on it, and the union in the
head.

C34]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

stripes, colours which we fought under. Soon after the
largest of the enemies' ships made a signal in conse
quence of which her consort, in the twinkling of an eye,
set all the sail she could, and endeavoured to make her
escape by running to the leeward. The Pallais, agree
able to orders, made sail after her. The Alliance too,
disobeying orders, quit her station and ran to the lee
ward, making all the sail she could crowd ; so that we
were now left alone; the Vengeance being then astern,
and never come into the action, to contend with a ship
far superior to ours, as will be seen hereafter.

The command of the main top having been given to
me some time before, I was ordered down on the quar
ter-deck, as was the captains of the fore and mizzen-
tops ; both midshipmen, and very young, neither of them
exceeding seventeen years of age, when we received our
orders from Capt. Jones, in person; and which was in
substance, that at first and until the enemies tops were
silenced, to direct the fire from our tops into the enemies
tops, of the musquetry, blunderbusses, cowhorns, and
swivels ; always taking care to fire into the enemies' top
nearest the one we occupied in our own ship; in order,
he said, that we might, after silencing the enemies tops*
have the fairer opportunity of clearing their decks. The
captains of the tops, having received their orders, how
to proceed during the action, then, within a few min
utes of commencing, mounted to their stations, and
drew up into the tops a double allowance of grog for
their men. By this time we were near our antagonist,
when she hauled down St. George's colours, and hoisted

*It appeared after the action, that the captain of the English man
of war had given orders to his top men to direct their fire down upon
our quarter-deck, as he knew who commanded our ship.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the red flag, with the union on the upper corner of it,
which the captain with his own hands nailed to the
flag-staff: this was told us by some of his officers after
the battle; and which fact the captain did not deny,
after he was made a prisoner.

Before I proceed to give the reader a relation of the
action, it may be well to state the force of the two ships,
with the number of men, &c. with the arrangements
made on board of our ship before the battle. I have
however, in a few pages back given a particular account
of the Bon Homme Richard's force; but notwithstand
ing, the reader, I hope, will not be displeased, when he
will here see at one view the correct force, &c. of each
ship, which will enable him, let him be of what country
he may, to form a tolerable judgment, which had the
advantage in this long and bloody battle; the Ameri
cans or the English. Besides, the Good Man Richard
had since she sailed from 1'Orient, lost some of her
officers and men by desertion, others by manning prizes,
and one lieutenant and about twenty men, who were on
board the small tender, and did not come along side the
Bon Homme Richard, till after the action was over.

I begin first with the Good Man Richard of 40 guns ;
viz.

6 eighteen pounders upon her lower gun-deck;

1 4 twelve do do do middle do

14 nine do do do do do

2 six do do do quarter do

2 do do do do spar or upper do. viz.

1 in each gangway; and lastly,

2 six pounders upon the forecastle.

N.B. Several men out of the vessels which we had

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

captured, having entered on board of our ship, and
others of the same class who would not enter, but chose
to fight, which they did, like brave fellows; these last,
however, did not exceed seven or eight, so that the
whole number of officers, men and boys, on board of the
Good Man Richard, at the commencement of the
action, did not exceed 380, men and boys. The greater
part of these were Americans, I think to the number of
300. The rest were English, French, Scotch, Irish,
Portuguese and Maltese, in fact, a perfect medley of
different nations.

The Serapis, commanded by Captain Parsons, our
antagonist, wras rated a 44, but had mounted at the
beginning of the battle, 50 guns : viz.

20 eighteen pounders upon her lower gun-deck;
20 nine do do do upper do

6 six do do do quarter do

4 do do do do fore-castle; carrying

in all 305 men, including the officers, and about
15 Lascars (East-Indians)

Disposition made on board of our ship before the battle
begun .... There were stationed

In the main-top, myself, fifteen marines, and four sail
ors, 20

In the fore-top, one midshipman, ten marines, and three
sailors, 14

In the mizzen-top, one midshipman, six marines, and
two sailors, 9

On the poop, a French Colonel, a volunteer, with
twenty marines (French)

On the quarter-deck, the commodore, a lieutenant-

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

colonel, (Irish volunteer) three midshipmen, as
aid-de-camps to the commodore, the purser, and a
number of sailors and marines.

The sailing-master was occasionally on the quarter
deck, the ship's gangways, fore-castle and poop.

One of the master's mates had charge of the 6 eighteen
pounders upon the lower gun deck, where there
were also stationed ten men to each of these guns.

The first lieutenant, Richard Dale, was stationed upon
the second or middle gun-deck, with the gunner
and the other master's mate; these two last acted as
lieutenants as occasion required, as we had at this
time but one lieutenant on board, as the reader
will recollect. The first lieutenant had a sufficient
number of men stationed with him, for managing
the guns, &c.

The boatswains station was upon the forecastle, and he
had the command of the guns mounted there, and
also the forecastle men.

The carpenter had no particular part of the ship as
signed to him, but he was merely told to do his
duty.

The rest of the petty officers and crew were placed in
different parts of the ship.

I shall now proceed to give a circumstantial account
of this famous BATTLE, fought on the night of the
22d day of September, 1779, between the GOOD MAN
RICHARD, an American ship of war commanded by
John Paul Jones; and the SERAPIS, an English ship
of war, commanded by Captain Parsons, off Flam-
borough Head, upon the German Ocean.

To proceed then with the thread of my journal, from

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

where the two ships were nearly within hail of each
other, when captain Jones ordered the yards slung with
chains, and our courses hauled up. By this time the
Serapis had tacked ship, and bore down to engage us;
and at quarter past 8, just as the moon was rising with
majestic appearance, the weather being clear, the sur
face of the great deep perfectly smooth, even as in a
mill pond, the enemy hailed thus: 'What ship is that?'
(in true bombastic English stile, it being hoarse and
hardly intelligible.) The answer from our ship was,
'Come a little nearer, and I will tell you.' The next
question was, by the enemy, in a contemptuous man
ner, 'What are you laden with?' The answer returned
was, if my recollection does not deceive me, 'Round,
grape, and double-headed shot.' And instantly, the
Serapis poured her range of upper and quarter-deck
guns into us; as she did not shew her lower-deck guns
till about ten minutes after the action commenced. The
reason of this, I could not learn but suppose they in
tended to have taken us without the aid of their lower-
deck guns. We returned the enemies fire, and thus the
battle began. At this first fire, three of our starboard
lower-deck guns* burst, and killed the most of the men
stationed at them. As soon as captain Jones heard of
this circumstance, he gave orders not to fire the other
three eighteen pounders mounted upon that deck; but
that the men stationed to them, should abandon them.
Soon after this we perceived the enemy, by their Ian-
thorns, busy in running out their guns between decks,
which convinced us the Serapis was a two decker, and
more than our match. She had by this time got under
our stern, which we could not prevent. And now she

*Ten men were stationed to each of these guns.

r.3911

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

raked us with whole broadsides, and showers of mus
ketry. Several of her eighteen pound shot having
gone through and through our ship, on board of which,
she made a dreadful havock among our crew. The
wind was now very light, and our ship not under proper
command, and the Serapis out-sailing us by two feet to
one; which advantage the enemy discovered, and im
proved it, by keeping under our stern, and raking us
fore and aft; till at length the poor French colonel, who
was stationed upon the poop, rinding almost all his men
slain, quit that station with his surviving men, and re
tired upon the quarter-deck. All this time our tops
kept up an incessant and well-directed fire into the
enemies' tops which did great execution. The Serapis
continued to take a position, either under our stern, or
athwart our bow; gauled us in such a manner that our
men fell in all parts of the ship by scores. At this junc
ture, it became necessary on the part of our commander,
to give some orders to extricate us from this scene of
bloody carnage; for, had it lasted one half an hour
longer, in all human probability the enemy would
have slain nearly all our officers and men; consequently
we should have been compelled to strike our colours
and yield to superior force. Accordingly, captain
Jones ordered the sailing master, a true blooded yankee,
whose name was Stacy, to lay the enemies' ship on
board; and as the Serapis soon after passed across our
fore foot, our helm was put hard aweather, the main
and mizzen topsails, then braced aback, were filled
away, a fresh flaw of wind swelling them at that instant,
which shot our ship quick ahead, and she ran her jib
boom between the enemies star-board mizzen shrouds
and mizzen vang. Jones at the same time cried out,

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

'Well done, my brave lads, we have got her now; throw
on board the grappling-irons, and stand by for board
ing:' which was done, and the enemy soon cut away the
chains, which were affixed to the grappling-irons; more
were thrown on board, and often repeated. And as we
now hauled the enemies' ship snug along side of ours,
with the tailings to our grappling-irons; her jib-stay
was cut away aloft and fell upon our ship's poop, where
Jones was at the time, and where he assisted Mr. Stacy
in making fast the end of the enemies' jib-stay to our
mizzen-mast. The former here checked the latter for
swearing, by saying, 'Mr. Stacy, it is no time for swear
ing now, you may by the next moment be in eternity;
but let us do our duty.' A strong current was now set
ting in towards Scarborough, the wind ceased to blow,
and the sea became as smooth as glass. By this time,
the enemy finding that they could not easily extricate
themselves from us let go one of their anchors, expect
ing that if they could cut us adrift, the current would
set us away out of their reach, at least for some time.
The action had now lasted about forty minutes, and the
fire from our tops having been kept up without inter
mission, with musketry, blunderbusses, cowhorns, swiv
els, and pistols, directed into their tops, that these last
at this time, became silent, except one man in her fore-
top, wrho would once in a while peep out from behind
the head of the enemies' foremast and fire into our tops.
As soon as I perceived this fellow, I ordered the
marines in the main-top to reserve their next fire, and
the moment they got sight of him to level their pieces
at him and fire; which they did, and we soon saw this
skulking tar, or marine, fall out of the top upon the
enemies' fore-castle. Our ensign-staff was shot away,

C4O

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

and both that and the thirteen stripes fell into the sea
in the beginning of the action. This ought to have been
mentioned before, but I had so many other circum
stances to relate of more importance, and the succession
of them was so quick, one close upon the heels of an
other, that I hope the reader will take this for an ex
cuse. Both ships now lying head and stern, and so near
together that our heaviest cannon amidships, as well as
those of the enemy, could not be of any use, as they
could neither be spunged nor loaded. In this situation,
the enemy, to prevent (as they told us afterwards) our
boarding them, leaped on board* of our ship, and some
of them had actually got upon the fore part of our
quarter-deck; several were there killed, and the rest
driven back on board of their own ship, whither some
of our men followed them, and were most of them killed.
Several other attempts to board were made by both
parties in quick succession, in consequence of which
many were slain upon the two ships' gang ways, on both
sides. We were now something more than a league
E. by S. from a point of land called Flamborough
Head, and in about ten or twelve fathoms of water (and
the reader may rest assured, as the Serapis's anchor was
at the bottom, and her crew not having any leisure time
to weigh it,) we remained here until the battle was at
an end. At this time the enemy's fleet was discernable
by moon-light in shore of us, but could not perceive any
of our squadron except the brig Vengeance, and the
small tender, which lay about half a league astern of us,
neither of whom dared to come to our assistance. It
had now got to be about forty-eight minutes since the

*Both ships now lay so near each other, that one could step from
one ship to the other.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

action began, as near as I can judge, for we had no
time to keep glasses running, or to look at our watches.
The enemy's tops being entirely silenced, the men in
ours had nothing to do but to direct their whole fire
down upon the enemy's decks and forecastle; this we
did, and with so much success that in about twenty-five
minutes more we had cleared her decks* so that not a
man on board the Serapis was to be seen. However,
they still kept up a constant fire, with four of their fore
most bow guns on the starboard side ; viz, two eighteen
pounders upon the lower gun-deck, and two nine
pounders upon her upper gun-deck; these last were
mounted upon her forecastle, under cover from our fire
from our tops ; her cannon upon the larboard side, upon
the quarter-deck and forecastle, from the position of
both ships, were rendered altogether useless; her four
guns which she could manage, annoyed us very much,
and did our ship considerable damage. About this time
the enemy's light sails, which were filled onto the
Serapis's cranes over her quarter-deck sails caught fire;
this communicated itself to her rigging and from thence
to ours ; thus were both ships on fire at one and the same
time; therefore the firing on both sides ceased till it
was extinguished by the contending parties, after which
the action was renewed again. By this time, the top-
men in our tops had taken possession of the enemy's
tops, which was done by reason of the Serapis's yards
being locked together with ours, that we could with
ease go from our main top into the enemy's fore top,
and so on from our fore top into the Serapis's main top.
Having knowledge of this, we transported from our
own into the enemy's tops, stink pots, flasks, hand

* Quarter and main deck guns is here meant.

C43II

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

grenadoes, &c. which we threw in among the enemy
whenever they made their appearance. The battle had
now continued about three hours, and as we, in fact, had
possession of the Serapis's top, which commanded her
quarter-deck, upper gun-deck and forecastle, we were
well assured that the enemy could not hold out much
longer, and were momently expecting that they would
strike to us, when the following farcical piece was acted
on board our ship.

It seems that a report was at this time, circulated
among our crew between decks, and was credited
among them, that captain Jones and all his principal
officers were slain; the gunners were now the com
manders of our ship ; that the ship had four or five feet
of water in her hold;* and that she was then sinking:
they therefore advised the gunner to go upon deck, to
gether with the carpenter, and master at arms, and beg
of the enemy quarters, in order, as they said, to save
their lives. These three men being thus delegated,
mounted the quarter-deck, and bawled out as loud as
they could, 'Quarters, quarters, for God's sake, quar
ters! our ship is a sinking!' and immediately got upon
the ship's poop with a view of hauling down our
colours. Hearing this in the top, I told my men that
the enemy had struck and was crying out for quarters,
for I actually thought that the voices of these men
sounded as if on board of the enemy; but in this I was
soon undeceived. The three poltroons, finding the en
sign, and ensign-staff gone, they proceeded upon the
quarter-deck, and were in the act of hauling down our
pendant, still bawling for 'quarters!' when I heard our

*This was told the gunner by the carpenter, who certainly had a
right to know.

C441

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

commodore say, in a loud voice, 'what d— — d rascals
are them— shoot them— kill them!' He was upon the
forecastle when these fellows first made their appear
ance upon the quarter-deck where he had just dis
charged his pistols at some of the enemy. The car
penter, and the master-at-arms, hearing Jones's voice,
sculked below, and the gunner was attempting to do the
same, when Jones threw both of his pistols at his head,
one of which struck him in the head, fractured his scull,
and knocked him down, at the foot of the gang-way
ladder, where he lay till the battle was over.* Both
ships now took fire again; and on board of our ship it
communicated to, and set our main top on fire, which
threw us into the greatest consternation imaginable
for some time, and it was not without some exertions
and difficulty that it was overcome. The water which
we had in a tub, in the fore part on the top, was ex
pended without extinguishing the fire. We next had
recourse to our clothes, by pulling off our coats and
jackets, and then throwing them upon the fire, and
stamping upon them, which in a short time, smothered
it. Both crews were also now, as before, busily em
ployed in stopping the progress of the flames, and the
firing on both sides ceased. The enemy now demanded
of us if we had struck, as they had heard the three pol
troons halloo for quarters. 'If you have,' said they,
'why don't you haul down your pendant;' as they saw
our ensign was gone. 'Ay, ay,' said Jones, 'we'll do
that when we can fight no longer, but we shall see yours
come down the first; for you must know, that Yankees
do not haul down their colours till they are fairly
beaten.' The combat now recommenced again with

* His scull was trepanned and he afterwards got well.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

more fury if possible than before, on the part of both,
and continued for a few minutes, when the cry of fire
was again heard on board of both ships. The firing
ceased, and both crews were once more employed in ex
tinguishing it, which was soon effected, when the battle
was renewed again with redoubled vigour, with what
cannon we could manage: hand grenadoes, stink pots,
&c., but principally, towards the closing scene, with
lances and boarding pikes. With these the combatants
killed each other through the ship's port holes, which
were pretty large ; and the guns that had been run out at
them becoming useless, as before observed, had been
removed out of the way. At three quarters past 1 1 P.M.
the Alliance frigate hove in sight, approached within
pistol shot of our stern, and began a heavy and well-
directed fire into us, as well as the enemy, which made
some of our officers as well as men believe that she was
an English man of war. (The moon at this time, as
though ashamed to behold this bloody scene any longer,
retired behind a dark cloud.) It was in vain that some
of our officers hailed her, and desired them not to fire
any more; it was in vain they were told that they were
firing into the wrong ship ; it was in vain that they were
told that they had slain a number of our men; it was in
vain also that they were told that the enemy was fairly
beaten, and that she must strike her colours in a few
minutes. The Alliance, I say, notwithstanding all this,
kept a position either ahead of us or under our stern,
and made a great deal of havock and confusion on
board of our ship; and she did not cease firing entirely,
till the signal of recognisance was displayed in full
view on board of our ship ; which was three lighted Ian-
thorns ranged in a horizontal line about fifteen feet

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

high, upon the fore, main and mizzen shrouds, upon
the larboard side. This was done in order to undeceive
the Alliance, and which had the desired effect, and the
firing from her ceased. And at thirty-five minutes past
12 at night, a single hand grenado having been thrown
by one of our men out of the main top of the enemy,
designing it to go among the enemy, who were huddled
together between her gun decks; it on its way struck on
one side of the combings of her upper hatchway,* and
rebounding from that, it took a direction and fell be
tween their decks, where it communicated to a quantity
of loose powder scattered about the enemy's cannon;
and the hand grenado bursting at the same time, made
a dreadful explosion, and blew up about twenty of the
enemy. This closed the scene, and the enemy now in
their turn, (notwithstanding the gasconading of capt.
Parsons) bawled out 'Quarters, quarters, quarters, for
God's sake!' It was, however, some time before the
enemy's colours were struck. The captain of the
Serapis gave repeated orders for one of his crew to
ascend the quarter-deck and haul down the English
flag, but no one would stir to do it. They told the Cap
tain they were afraid of our rifle-men; believing that
all our men who were seen with muskets, were of that
description. The captain of the Serapis therefore
ascended the quarter-deck, and hauled down the very
flag which he had nailed to the flag-staff a little before
the commencement of the battle; and which flag he had
at that time, in the presence of his principal officers,

*The hatchways are generally taken off during an action; for this
reason, that if anything thrown on board, such as a hand grenado and
the like, happens to fall in through the hatchway, it descends down
upon the haul-up-deck, where if it bursts it will injure nobody.

r.473

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

swore he never would strike to that infamous pirate J.
P. Jones. The enemy's flag being struck, captain Jones
ordered Richard Dale, his first lieutenant, to select out
of our crew a number of men, and take possession of
the prize, which was immediately put in execution.
Several of our men, (I believe three) were killed by
the English on board of the Serapis after she had struck
to us, for which they afterwards apologized, by saying,
that the men who were guilty of this breach of honour,
did not know at the time, that their own ship had struck
her colours. Thus ended this ever memorable battle,
after a continuance of a few minutes more than four
hours. The officers, headed by the captain of the
Serapis, now came on board of our ship; the latter,
(captain Parsons) enquired for captain Jones, to whom
he was introduced by Mr. Mase, our purser. They
met, and the former accosted the latter, in presenting
his sword, in this manner: 'It is with the greatest re
luctance that I am now obliged to resign you this, for
it is painful to me, more particularly at this time, when
compelled to deliver up my sword to a man, who may
be said to fight with a halter around his neck!' Jones,
after receiving his sword, made this reply: 'Sir, you
have fought like a hero, and I make no doubt but your
sovereign will reward you in a most ample manner for
it.' Captain Parsons then asked Jones what country
men his crew principally consisted of; the latter said,
'Americans.' 'Very well,' said the former, 'it has been
diamond cut diamond, with us.' Captain Parsons's offi
cers had, previous to coming on board of our ship, de
livered their side arms to lieutenant Dale. Captain
Parsons in his conversation with captain Jones, owned
that the Americans were equally as brave as the Eng-

C483

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

lish. The two captains now withdrew into the cabin,
and there drank a glass or two of wine together. Both
ships were now separated from each other, and were
mere wrecks; the Serapis's three masts having nothing
to support them,* fell overboard with all the sails, tops,
yards, rigging, &c., belonging to them, making a
hideous noise in the water; they had been shot off by
our guns in the early part of the action. The main
mast about one foot above the ship's gangway and quar
ter-deck; the fore-mast just below the fore top, and the
mizzen mast about ten feet above her quarter-deck.
Several eighteen pound shot had gone through our
main-mast, and most of the shrouds belonging to it were
cut away, so that nothing kept it standing but the stop
pers, put on them by the quarter-masters, where the
shrouds had been shot away. We that were stationed
on the main top found it, during a part of the action, a
very ticklish situation, from which we were ordered
down upon the quarter-deck as soon as the English had
struck.

We were now much alarmed on board of our ship in
consequence of having two more enemies to encounter
with, almost as formidable as those we had but just con
quered, viz. fire and water. Our pumps** had been kept
going without any intermission for about two hours,
and still the water in the ship's hold increased fast. The
ship had received several shot in her bottom so low, or
so far under water, that it was impossible to find means
to stop them up, so that it was reduced to a certainty
that she must sink in a short time. The fire had com-

*They were kept standing during the greater part of the action
by our yards and rigging being locked and entangled with theirs.
**Four of them.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

municated itself to several parts of our ship (made up
with rotten wood, pitch, tar and oakum;) this being
the case, the more water thrown on the fire, the more
furiously it would burn ; in fact the effect was the same
as throwing water upon and over a pot or kettle of
pitch, tar or turpentine, when on fire. The fire had
now penetrated to within the thickness of a pine board
to the bulk head of the magazine of powder; it was
therefore found to be impracticable to extinguish the
fire, or to free the ship of water; for we well knew that
one of two things must happen; either the ship would
burn down to the water's edge and then sink, or she
would sink first. In this dilemma Jones ordered the
signal of distress to be hung out, which the Alliance,
Pallais and Vengeance observing, sent their boats to our
assistance. The powder was now ordered to be got out
of our magazine, and that no man should quit the Good
Man Richard till every cask of powder was safe on
board of the boats then alongside. The English officers
were much frightened at this, as was the case with many
of us, as the fire was at that moment in and about the
powder room, and we expected every moment to be
blown into the air. The English officers therefore, as
sisted us in getting up the powder; and captain Jones
encouraged them by telling them that he would not
abandon his own ship till every cask of powder was out
of her. This piece of service being accomplished in a
few minutes, after which Jones and the English officers
embarked on board of the boats, and went on board of
the Serapis, first leaving orders with his officers to
abandon the Good Man Richard after we had got all
the wounded men and English prisoners out of her and
put them on board of the squadron.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE
f
One circumstance relative to the first lieutenant, by

the name of Stanhope,* is so singular, that I am in
duced to relate the fact: it was this, early in the action
he hung himself down by one of the Serapis's stern lad
ders into the water, so that his body was immersed in
water; in this >i{uation he hung with only his head
above water during the remainder of the action. It
was noticed by one of our officers when Stanhope sur
rendered among his brother officers, and came on our
quarter deck, that he appeared to be entirely wet, and
the question was put to him how his clothes came to be
wet. He said he had just before the Serapis struck,
attempted to sound her pump-well to see how much
water she had in her, and fell into it. But the petty
officers of the Serapis declared to us, that the fact was
as above stated, and was also confirmed by several of
the English sailors belonging to that ship.

The Pallais had captured the consort to the Serapis,
an English ship of war mounting 22 guns, and called
the Countess of Scarborough, after a brisk action, which
lasted about half an hour, which two ships now joined
the squadron. The Serapis having been pierced with
several shot during the action between wind and water
was thought to be sinking; consequently, the assistance
of the crews of the different ships composing the squad
ron was demanded on board of the Serapis; the chain
pumps on board of her were kept constantly going, and
the cranks attached to them were double manned, and
were often relieved. Two chain pumps, the num-

*This man, who was said to be a lord's son, was for his bravery
on board the Serapis, afterwards appointed to the command of an
English frigate. This is proof among many others of a similar kind,
that to be promoted by the English government does not always de
pend upon merit.

c$t 3

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

her the Serapis then had, if kept at work as fast as possi
ble, are allowed to deliver about a ton of water in a
minute; the reader may therefore, according to this
computation, form some judgment how much water
must have been pumped out of the Serapis in four
hours, the time taken with the pumps constantly going
for sucking her out. The carpenters at this time em
ployed in stopping shot holes, &c.

But to return to the Good Man Richard, where we
were busily employed in getting out the wounded, and
embarking them on board of the boats belonging to the
squadron, when the alarm was given, that the English
prisoners, to the number of about fifty, and who had
been let out of confinement after the battle, had taken
possession of our ship and were running her on shore;
and they were at this time absolutely masters of the
quarter-deck, spar-deck and fore-castle, and had got
the ship before the wind, and her yards squared by the
braces, steering directly in for the land, the wind being
about east. In consequence of this, another battle en
sued, but we having in our possession the greater part
of the arms suitable for a close fight, and although they
out-numbered us, we soon overpowered them, and
again became masters of the ship; not, however, until
we had killed two of them, and wounded and drove
overboard several others. These last, about thirteen in
number, took possession of one of the boats laying
alongside of our ship and made their escape to land.
After this, the rest of these desperate Englishmen were
ordered into the boats and transported on board the
Pallais.

I now took a full view of the mangled carcasses of
the slain on board of our ship; especially between

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

decks, where the bloody scene was enough to appal the
stoutest heart. To see the dead lying in heaps — to hear
the groans of the wounded and dying— the entrails of
the dead scattered promiscuously around, the blood
(American too) over ones shoes, was enough to move
pity from the most hardened and callous breast. And
although my spirit was somewhat dampened at this
shocking sight, yet when I came to reflect that we were
conquerors, and over those who wished to bind America
in chains of everlasting slavery; my spirits revived, and
I thought perhaps that some faithful historian would
at some future period enrol me among the heroes and
deliverers of my country. Pardon me, gentle reader,
for this involuntary digression, and let this be my ex
cuse, that I felt the spirit which infused courage into
my breast on the night of, and during the battle which
I have just given you a faithful relation of, even while
my pen was tracing the dreadful conflict.

The two prizes were king's ships, and before cap
tured, they were convoying a fleet from the Baltic to
Scarborough, in England, consisting of thirty odd sail,
not one of which was taken by any one of our squadron,
although they were in sight during the battle, and were
to be seen by us the morning after near the land, and no
orders \vere given, nor no attempts made by either of
our squadron to take possession of any of them. The
reason was, that the then wrecked situation of the
Serapis was such that it required the utmost exertions
of all who belonged to the squadron to save this valua
ble ship.*

*She was a new ship only four months off the stocks, completely
coppered and would if preserved make a valuable acquisition to the
rising navy of America.

CS33

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

However, it is certain that had the captain of the
Alliance frigate obeyed the orders given to him before
the commencement of the action by the commander in
chief, which the reader no doubt remembers, the whole
of the enemy's fleet must have fallen into our hands;
this the English commander acknowledged after the
fight. But after this long and hard fought battle was
over, it was not thought advisable, for reasons before
given, to dispatch either of the squadron to capture any
of the English merchant ships.

Having now executed the orders left us by captain
Jones, we thought of leaving the Good Man Richard
to the mercy of the winds and waves. The wind now
blowing a fresh gale at N.E. I went down into the gun
room with some others, to see the lieutenants and other
officers trunks taken out from thence, and put into the
boats. But, good God ! what havoc ! not a piece of them
could be found, as large as a continental dollar! 'Tis
true we found several shirts, coats, &c. but so shock
ingly were they pierced with the enemy's shot, round
and grape, that they were of no value. In fact such a
large breach was made through and through our ship's
quarter and gun room, that provided the ship could
have been placed upon the land in a position so as to
have buried her in it to her lower gun deck, one might
have drove in with a coach and six, at one side of this
breach and out at the other, the splinters and pieces of
our ship that were here, scattered about upon the deck
were in heaps, and perhaps twenty carpenters at work
upon wood and timber, would not have made as many
in five days constant labour. Upon the whole, I think
this battle, and every circumstance attending it mi
nutely considered, may be ranked with propriety, the

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

most bloody, the hardest fought, and the greatest scene
of carnage on both sides, ever fought between two ships
of war of any nation under heaven.

During the action, the enemy threw into our gun
room upwards of one hundred eighteen pound car
tridges, with a view, as they owned, of blowing our ship
up. And even had this took place, the reader will not
be mistaken I presume, in his conclusion, that both
ships, their officers and crews must have all met the
same fate. For if our ship had blown up, laying so near
the enemy's, we must have all gone into eternity to
gether, not a single doubt remains in my mind, but this
would have been the inevitable result. The officers be
longing to our ships, in this action lost all their wearing
apparel except what they then stood in, with their
trunks, hats, &c. For my own part, the coat I then had
on my back, was partly burnt when our main top caught
fire; in consequence of which, together with the black
ness of my face with powder, I had more the appear
ance of a runaway negro, than that of an American offi
cer. We that were now on board of the Good Man
Richard, thought of nothing but of abandoning her, as
she was to serve as a coffin for many of my brave coun
try men, who had fought and died in the bed of honour,
while they were fighting for our liberty. It was even
painful for me to quit forever this ship, on board of
which so much bravery had been displayed during this
battle; but necessity and self preservation required it
to be done, and that promptly, as her lower hold was
at this time nearly full of water. We accordingly em
barked on board of the small tender,* and soon after
reached the Serapis. There captain Jones desired me

*The same I heretofore have spoken of.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

not to get on board of her, but to remain where I then
was, take three hands with me and return on board of
the Good Man Richard: for said he, I have left in such
a part of her cabin, naming the place, sundry valuable
papers, and you must go back and get them, even at the
risque of your life; but be sure not to make any tarry.
After having received such positive orders, I knew it
would be in vain to remonstrate, although I was quite
sensible it was a kind of forlorn Don Quixote under
taking. I therefore made sail upon my little bark, and
shaped my course, but doubting within myself what
would be the result. The wind then blew a fresh gale,
and there was at the time a pretty bad sea running. I
say, I shaped my course for the poor old ship, which
was then about a mile from the Serapis; and before I
had got out of hail, I was by captain Jones ordered not
to run any risque. Arriving alongside of the Good Man
Richard, under her guns, we found her lying nearly
head to the wind, with her topsails aback, and the water
running in and out at her lower deck ports: we shot
along under her stern, where we were becalmed. I now
ordered the oars to be got out, as I found by her motion,
and by her being nearly under water, that she was on
the point of sinking; this somewhat staggered me, and
I ordered my men who were with me to pull at the
oars with all their might. Finding our situation very
dangerous, we got off about four rods from her, when
she fetched a heavy pitch into a sea and a heavy roll,
and disappeared instantaneously, being about two hours
after we had taken possession of the Serapis. The suc
tion occasioned by this, together with the agitation of
the waters, was so great that it was perhaps a minute
before we could be certain whether we were above or
under the water, and in consequence of which we

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

shipped several hogsheads of water, and if our little
barque had not been decked we must have met the fate
of the Good Man Richard.

We now attempted to get on board the Serapis, but
the gale of wind that succeeded this sad catastrophe pre
vented us for some time thereafter. The weather be
came suddenly very thick, in consequence of which we
lost sight of the Serapis and the rest of the squadron.
The wind increased, and the seas run high, so that we
were obliged to get a balance mainsail upon our little
bark and heave her to ; by this time she leaked so bad
that it was not without the greatest difficulty that we
could keep her above water. Thus we continued tossed
and driven about for about thirty hours, part of that
time at the mercy of the winds and waves, at the end of
which the wind began to abate and the sea became more
smooth. In the whole of this time, we had not on board
one ounce of beef, pork, bread nor any kind of eatables
whatever, and but one quart of fresh water. Soon after
this we arrived alongside of the Serapis, with light
hearts and hungry stomachs, where we were received
with a hearty welcome and a great deal of joy, es
pecially by the commodore, who had, it seemed, given
us over for lost.

The weather soon after fell nearly calm, every offi
cer and man on board the Serapis had full employ (ex
cepting the sick and the wounded) in erecting jury
masts, rigging them, &c. For this purpose we got from
the Alliance three spare topmasts, and other spars. The
former ship had several of the kind, but they were
pierced through with shotholes received from the Good
Man Richard in several places, which rendered them
unfit for this service.

After having called over the roll of that ship's offi-

[57:

TANNING'S NARRATIVE

cers and crew, by the direction of the commodore, it
was reduced to a certainty that we had lost in the late
battle, one hundred and sixty-five officers, men, and
boys killed, and one hundred and thirty-seven wounded
and missing.* Of the wounded, nearly one hundred
of that number were thrown overboard from the vessels
in the squadron, where they had been conveyed after
the action. With regard to so many of the wounded
having died, it was probably owing to the unskilful-
ness of the surgeons who amputated them. The fact
was, we had but one surgeon in the squadron who really
knew his duty, and that was doctor Brooks, a Virginian ;
this man was as bloody as a butcher from the com
mencement of the battle until towards night of the day
after. The greater part of the wounded had their legs
or arms shot away, or the bones so badly fractured that
they were obliged to suffer under the operation of
amputation. Some of these poor fellows having once
gone through this severe trial by the unskilled surgeons,
were obliged to suffer another amputation in one, two,
or three days thereafter by doctor Brooks; and they
being put on board the different vessels composing the
squadron, made it difficult for doctor Brooks to pay
that attention to them which their cases required: be
sides, the gale of wind which succeeded the action, and
which I have made mention of, made it altogether im
practicable for him to visit the wounded, he being all
this time on board the Serapis, excepting such of them
as were on board of this ship. The gunner, at the close
of the action, whom I before noticed, was found among
the wounded, and who got well of his wound; but for

* Several wounded men were carried on board the different vessels
in the squadron, but these were all included in this account.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the act of cowardice, which he had been guilty of, by
begging for quarters of the enemy during the action, he
was turned before the mast, and made to do duty as a
common sailor, which was all the punishment he re
ceived for his crime.

The Serapis was not only dismasted in the fight, but
her quarter rails, crane, nettings, and the like, were
compleately levelled with her quarter-deck; her bow
sprit was nearly rendered useless by our shot; as was
also her boats, and several of her cannon was in a simi
lar situation having been dismounted. The slaughter,
however, among the officers and men was not so great
as on board of the Good Man Richard. By her muster
roll, it appeared that the Serapis lost in the action one
hundred and thirty-seven of her crew killed, including
officers, and about seventy-six wounded ; in which num
ber are included near twenty who were blown up at the
closing scene of the action by a hand grenado and
powder, not one of which recovered: they lingered
along for two or three days, and they were burnt in such
a shocking manner that the flesh of several of them
dropped off from their bones, and they died in great
pain.

During the foregoing battle, there were by computa
tion fifteen hundred people upon the land on Flam-
borough Head and near it, who beheld this scene of
human carnage and some of whom I have since seen
said that the tops of the nearest ship to the land, which
was the Good Man Richard, after the first of the action,
appeared to the beholders as in a constant blaze of fire.

On the 26th of September, four days after the battle
the Serapis was in a condition to have sail made upon
her. Accordingly we crouded all the sail we could

C593

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

and steered for the coast of Holland, in company with
the squadron. The next day an English 64, and three
frigates, which had been dispatched by the British gov
ernment to capture us, arrived upon the very spot where
the action was fought, and where they got intelligence
from a small boat that our squadron was last seen stand
ing towards Holland, towards which they directed
their course, and crouded all sail after us.

On the 3d of October, we arrived with our little
squadron, off the Texel bar, from whence the com
modore despatched his first lieutenant in the barge,
with a complimentary letter to the Dutch admiral who
commanded several Dutch men of war then at anchor
in the Texel Roads, requesting permission for the
squadron under the command of the American com
modore, then in the offing, to enter the Texel, and come
to in the Road. At this time the Dutch were not at war
with the English. The lieutenant soon after returned
with an absolute refusal on the part of the Dutch ad
miral, alledging that his masters, meaning their high
mightinesses, would not approve of such a measure.
By this time the English squadron spoken of above hove
in sight; and our ship was certainly not in a condition
to go into battle, as we had not men sufficient on board
to man our great guns; besides, between decks were
filled pretty much with wounded men, and who would
be in the way of managing the heaviest cannon we had
on board. No time was therefore to be lost; and cap
tain Jones with a presence of mind which never for
sook him in the most critical situation, again dispatched
his lieutenant and wrote the Dutch admiral, describing
in the most forcible manner the danger his squadron
was in, and closed this message by telling the Dutch ad-

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

miral in spirited language, that if he the second time
should refuse to grant his request, he must abide the
consequence; for that if he (Jones) had not permission
he should nevertheless on the return of his boat make
sail and enter the Texel and place himself under the
protection of the Dutch admiral. This had the desired
effect, and the officer returned on board with a favoura
ble answer from the admiral, and we having previous
to that received pilots on board; the signal was made
for entering the Texel Roads. The English were at
this time but a little more than cannon shot off. Ar
riving within the Dutch ships of war, the squadron
came to anchor in about eight fathoms of water; where,
before our ship, (the Serapis) had furled her sails, the
Dutch admiral sent his barge, with an officer in her, to
compliment captain Jones on his safe arrival, and to
beg his company on board the admiral's ship, which I
think was called the Amsterdam. As soon as the com
modore was seated in his barge the crews of the vessels
of our squadron gave him three cheers, and on his re
turn we saluted the Dutch admiral, and he returned the
salute. This transaction must have been very gauling
to the English on board of their fleet, then lying off and
on without the bar, and who must have heard every
gun, as they were not more than four miles from us.
Soon after our arrival here we obtained liberty from
the Stadtholder to land our sick and wounded men
upon an island in the bay, the name of which I cannot
recollect.

Captain Parsons, with his officers, were paroled upon
the Helder by permission of the prince of Orange,
about a fortnight after our arrival in the Texel.

Not long after this, captain L— — , who had com-

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

manded the Alliance, was suspended from his com
mand by the American minister at Paris: This was
done in consequence of captain Jones' representation to
the former of L— -'s cowardice and bad conduct
before we arrived here, and he was ordered to Paris.
However, before he set out, he sent captain Cotteneau,
who commanded the Pallais, a written challenge to
fight him: he accepted it, and both went on shore pre
pared with their seconds, &c. at the Helder, where they

fought a duel with their swords. L , came off

victorious, and Cotteneau was very dangerously
wounded.

L , as soon as this was over, sent another writ
ten challenge to captain Jones, but the latter, perhaps
not thinking it prudent to expose himself with a single
combatant, who was a complete master of the small
sword, declined accepting the challenge; but answered

the man who sent it, by ordering L under arrest,

who hearing of it, eluded those who were to execute
this order, and immediately set out for Paris.

The captain of the Serapis, when taken, had silver
plate and other articles in her cabin to a large amount,
which according to the rules of war certainly belonged
to the captors ; but captain Jones, instead of taking the
advantage of this, had every article belonging to captain
Parsons packed together in trunks, and sent his lieu
tenant on shore to the Helder, with his compliments to
captain Parsons, and with these effects, together with
directions for him to accept of them as coming from
captain Jones, who had certainly the best right to them
of the two (wearing apparel belonging to himself* and
servants excepted.) The first lieutenant went on shore,

* Parsons.

C62]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

delivered captain Jones's message, and returned with
the trunks, &c. and brought a verbal answer from this
haughty English captain, purporting that he would not
receive the articles in question, by the hands of a rebel
officer; but at the same time intimated that he would
receive the articles by the hands of captain Cotteneau
(who held his commission under the French king)
and who was immediately sent for, and directed by cap
tain Jones to carry the articles on shore to captain Par
sons.* This commission captain Cotteneau executed,
and when he returned back reported to captain Jones
that captain Parsons had graciously received the ar
ticles, but had not condescended to return any thanks
or compliments to the former, which in my opinion
shewed a great want of good breeding and politeness
in the latter. All the English prisoners on board of
the squadron were landed on an island,** amounting
to five hundred and thirty-seven, and were here main
tained by the American agent then residing at Amster
dam, by special permission of the Dutch government.
About the same time, the English minister residing at
the Hague, and whose name I think was Sir Joseph
Yorke, made heavy complaints to the Prince of Orange,
and their high mightinesses, on the score of our being
in a Dutch port; and that they had suffered his Britanic
majesty's rebel subjects to take refuge in the Texel who
had made prizes of two of his Majesty's ships of war;
and that the Dutch admiral had countenanced this
measure, by protecting the said rebels, otherwise his
majesty's ships which were dispatched from England
on purpose to capture these rebel vessels, would have

* His sword and pistols were also sent him.
* Near by where we lay.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

taken every one of them. Soon after this there appeared
to be a coolness existing between the Dutch admiral and
the American commodore, as they did not after this
visit each other as usual.

Captain Jones now set off for Amsterdam, and was
there well received by the Dutch, and treated with
every mark of distinction, which gave great umbrage
to the English minister, who had the impudence to re
quire of the Dutch government the delivering up of
the two English ships of war, and all the English
prisoners then in our possession; and to this he de
manded a categorical answer. The Dutch government
were intimidated, and wished for time to deliberate
upon so important a subject; the English minister was
not willing to allow more than three days for the Dutch
government to draw up an answer; this the government
thought too short a time, and the minister threatened to
leave the Hague and embark for England. While at
Amsterdam, captain Jones was carressed the same as
though he had been in the Dutch service, and they at
war with England; in fact he was treated as a con
queror. This so elated him with pride, that he had the
vanity to go into the state house,* mount the balcony
or piazza, and shew himself in the front thereof, to the
populace and people of distinction then walking on the
public parade. Not long after this, cartels were fitted
up, (at what government's expence I never heard) and
the English officers, together with all the English
prisoners who had been captured by our little squad
ron, were embarked on board these cartels and sent to
England: whether an equal number of American
prisoners to the English were afterwards exchanged for

*A very magnificent building.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

them I know not; but this much I know, that captain
Jones assured us this was the case. The crews on board
of our vessels at this time were so very sickly that we
lost a number of men. We had now begun to repair
the Serapis, and had employed a number of Dutch car
penters, who, together with our own, were busily at
work, when orders were received from Amsterdam
from the commodore, who was still there, to Mr. Dale,
to get out the jury masts, and that we should have sent
us from that place the next day, three new masts to re
place those on board our ship which had been lost.
Accordingly, carpenters as well as sailors, were im
mediately set to work in order to get ready for getting
in the new masts that were expected. The next day
counter orders arrived from the commodore, and the
jury were again erected and rigged as before, and
preparations were again likewise made for sailing at a
moment's warning; in this business the crews of the
different ships in our squadron assisted us. The next
day fresh orders were received from headquarters,
(Amsterdam) the purport of which was to unrig and
get out the jury masts again, and make ready to receive
the new masts. In fine, orders and counter orders were
in like manner and form received on board of the
Serapis every day for about ten days successively, which
kept all hands constantly at work night and day; until
at last we received our new masts alongside and got
them in their places ; got our topmasts on end, our yards
athwrart and rigged, provisions on board, and were once
more ready for sea by the i6th of October;1 when about
ten o'clock at night of the same, the commodore arrived
on board from Amsterdam, and gave immediate orders

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. The date should be November. See log of Serapis.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

for all the officers and crew of the Serapis to evacuate
her and repair on board of the frigate Alliance. These
orders were executed with as much silence as possible,
about midnight; and captain Cotteneau of the Pallais,
with a set of officers and crew, occupied our places on
board of the Serapis, and the next morning the French
colours were displayed on board of her. A French cap
tain and crew at the same time possessed the Countess
of Scarborough. All this, it seems, was done by advices
having been received from the French ambassador then
at the Hague, and the American agent at Amsterdam.
This was done to obstruct the evil intentions of the
Dutch government, who were about to deliver these
prizes into the hands of the English. From the re
peated remonstrances made to the Dutch government,
accompanied with threats by the English minister, on
account of these two English ships of war, taken by his
Britanic Majesty's rebellious subjects, it was fully
known that the Dutch government had come to a deter
mination to deliver the two prizes in question up to
the English. This, as it appeared afterwards, came to
the knowledge of the French Minister and the Ameri
can agent; they sent orders to abandon the two English
ships, and to place each under a French captain, offi
cers and crew of the same nation. This manoeuvre
completely out generated the English minister, and
frustrated the designs of the Dutch government.

The French minister now claimed both prizes, in the
name of the French King, of the Dutch ; and stated at
the same time, that they had been captured by his most
Christian Majesty's subjects, and that if they delivered
them up to the English, they must be sensible after such
a breach of faith on their part, that he should immedi-

C663

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

ately quit the Hague ('sans ceremonie') and repair to
the French court. The English fleet were still lying off
the Texel bar to receive the Serapis and the Countess
of Scarborough, as the English minister had acquainted
the English commander, which was afterwards known
by us from an intercepted letter to the English com
mander, that the Dutch government had agreed to de
liver them upon a certain day. Soon after this the two
prize ships having taken advantage of the English
squadron's absence from off the bar, they having been
driven by a violent gale of wind some distance to the
Northward of it, put to sea and arrived safe at 1'Orient,
in France, together with the rest of the squadron, ex
cepting the Alliance frigate.

Jones having now the command of the Alliance, at
this time had two sets of officers actually on board, be
sides the remainder of the crew of the Good Man
Richard, and her officers, and the officers which prop
erly belonged to the Alliance made out the two sets.
The whole number of officers and men now on board
of that ship, including boys, amounted to four hundred
and twenty-seven, nearly all Americans. We now
thought ourselves able to take any 44 gun ship in the
British navy, and captain Jones took much pains to
impress this idea on the minds of his officers and crew.

A journal was found on board of the Serapis, well
written, and formerly kept by a midshipman who had
belonged to that ship, and who was killed in the late
action. It seems by this journal that the young man
who had kept it had been in America, and was on
board of one of lord Dunmore's vessels, which com
mitted such ravages in the southern states, during our
revolutionary war. I must confess that my blood was

C67:]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

chilled, and my mind struck with horror, in perusing
some of the pages of this journal. He vaunted the
numerous exploits which he had performed in America
against the rebels. It seems by his own story, that he
had murdered numbers of decrepit old men and wo
men! * * * * I had a mind at first to have this curious
journal printed, to hold up to the view of my country
men and countrywomen, a specimen of British human
ity. But, reflecting that this young Englishman might
have still living, an aged father and mother, and per
haps sisters too; and that its publicity might wound
their feelings; and, notwithstanding the enormities
which this young man had been guilty of, his parents,
sisters and brothers, might be possessed of all the ten
der feelings of humanity. Besides, he might have been
prompted to commit these horrid deeds by examples
set him by his superior officers. And in addition there
to, what finally urged me not to make his journal in
detail public, was, conforming myself to the good old
adage which says, 'we should never speak ill of the
dead!'

We were now ready for sailing, but the British
squadron before spoken of blockaded the entrance of
the Texel, and we were obliged still to continue in our
present situation. The Alliance was now unrigged, her
yards and topmasts were got down by capt. Jones's
orders; her tops were also got down upon deck, and the
carpenters were directed to make new ones, and to make
them large so as to hold more men, as Jones had, it
seems, a great opinion since the late battle, of having

*The sentences here omitted are too grossly written for reproduc
tion here.

C68]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

always several men stationed in the tops of a ship of
war. Our main and fore yards were at the same time
reduced in bigness, as well as in length; before this,
those yards were nearly as large and as square as an
English 74's.1

Two of our midshipmen, Choram and Morant, ex
pressed their wishes to captain Jones to leave the ser
vice; and as they had while with him, been only vol
unteers on board, captain Jones consented, and gave
each a certificate, and one was also given at the same
time to myself and the other midshipmen, six in num
ber* who had served with him in the late cruise,
couched in substance as follows:—

To the honourable the President of Congress of the
United States of America.

These certify, that the bearer having served under
my command in the capacity of midshipman on board
of the Good Man Richard, a ship of war belonging to
the United States, until she was lost in the action with
the Serapis, an English ship of war of superior force;
and since on board of the last mentioned ship and Alli
ance frigate, his bravery and good conduct on board of
the first mentioned ship and while he has been in the
service, will, I hope, recommend him to the notice of
Congress, and his country, and believing as I do, that

*The names of the Midshipmen of the Bon Homme Richard as
per muster roll in the Log Book, were— Reuben Chase— Benj.
Stubbs, Thos. Potter— Beaumont Groube— John Meyrant— John
Leinthweith— William Daniel— Richard Choram and Nathaniel
Fanning.

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. See log entries.

on

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

he will in a higher station, make a meritorious and de
serving sea officer, I subscribe myself to these presents.

(Signed) J. P. JONES.

Done on board of the United
States frigate Alliance this loth day
of December, I77Q.1

It must be here acknowledged that capt. Jones treated
his midshipmen with a good deal of respect in some
particulars, and in others with a degree of severity. I
will mention instances of both, and leave the reader to
judge whether my assertions are correct. It was a con
stant practise with captain Jones every day, to invite
two midshipmen to dine with him; there were six of
us in all, four of whom were rated upon the ship's
books, the other two were only active* midshipmen,
and these received no pay for their services. When we
went to dine with him we were obliged to appear in
the great cabin, with our best clothes on, otherwise we
were sure not to meet with a favourable reception from
him. He almost always conversed with his midship
men as freely as he did with his lieutenants, sailing-
master or purser; but he made us do our duty. When
at sea, he would always, I mean in the day time, have
one midshipman aloft to look out, either upon the main
top gallant yard or main top gallant cross trees, or upon
the fore top gallant yard or fore top gallant cross trees.
And it sometimes happened that when one sat upon the
topgallant yard, and Jones thought he was not so atten-

* Acting.

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. It is plain that Fanning states this from memory,
not from his own certificate.

[70]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

tive as he ought to be in looking out, he would himself
let go the topgallant haulyards, and the poor midship
man would come down by the run until the lifts of the
yard brought him up of a sudden, and he would, you
may be sure, feel himself happy, if he did not by the
shock get severely hurt, I had almost said unmercifully.
Another piece of duty which he required of his mid
shipmen, and that was that whenever all hands were
called to reef the topsails, or to shake the reef out of
them, one midshipman was obliged to be at each yard
arm to pass the earings. And whenever this happened,
that all hands were called to reef or let reefs out of the
topsails, especially when perhaps it might arrive when
the greater number of us were asleep in our berths. It
was quite laughable to see at such a time, what a scram
bling there would be with the poor midshipmen; some
would mount aloft without any thing on but their shirt,
and perhaps a thin pair of drawers, all with a view of
getting upon the weather yard arms. I have myself
many a time mounted aloft in this plight. Thus much
I presume will suffice for this class of Jones's officers.
The Dutch had lying at anchor in the Texel at this
time one 64, on board of which was hoisted the Dutch
admiral's flag, several ^o's and frigates. On the morn
ing of the i yth of December, the Dutch admiral sent
his barge on board of us with an officer, who told cap
tain Jones that the admiral had no orders to counte
nance the American flag, and I am commanded by him,
says he, to tell you that you must immediately get under
way and stand off to sea, unless you wish to incur the
admiral's highest displeasure. Captain Jones heard
this message delivered without appearing to be of
fended, and dismissed the officer after having treated

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

him in a very polite manner, telling him to acquaint
the admiral that as soon as the wind was fair, his in
tentions were to go to sea. At this time the Alliance
was the only American ship in the Texel which wore
the thirteen stripes.

The English squadron were still cruising in the
offing, and were in sight of us almost every day. Not
withstanding this Jones did not like to be thus shut up
in port; the active and enterprising genius that pos
sessed his breast could not brook this. Besides, the
Dutch admiral tormented him with insolent messages.
And at length it became customary for him to send his
barge every day with a Dutch officer in her to command
us to depart; sometimes this order came accompanied
with threats, and at other times with fair words. This
farce continued for several days, during which time
the wind remained contrary. At last Jones became
weary of being thus used, and he in a very passionate
manner, sent word to the Dutch admiral that he did
not like to be imposed upon; and that although he (the
admiral) had the honour of commanding a 64 gun
ship, yet if he was at sea with the Alliance, the admiral
would not dare to insult him there, in such an abusive
manner as he had here done. After this the Admiral
sent his barge no more on board of us, till the day on
which we sailed from the Texel ; at which time he sent
his boats to assist us in getting under way, and in work
ing out over the bar. This took place the 28th day of
December, about ten in the morning, and at meridian
we had got pretty clear of the bar, when we descried
two ships in the offing standing directly for us. We
soon discovered them to be two ships of war, and they
approached us nearly within gun shot, then tacked,

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

hoisted English colours, and stood from us.* At the
same time all hands were at quarters on board of our
ships and my station was in the maintop as before. It
is my opinion, that if these two English ships of war
had now engaged us, we should have given them
yankee play; and the night of the 2ad of September
would have been acted over again. However, it evi
dently appeared by their manoeuvering that they were
afraid of us. We did not alter our course, the wind
being fair for the Straits of Dover or English channel,
to which place we shaped our course. The two English
ships of war kept in sight of us, and we were called to
quarters several times during the night past. They
kept on dogging us; sometimes they would shorten sail
and drop astern of us, and sometimes they would make
sail as though it was their intention to come alongside
of us and give us battle. And as soon as they saw we
were prepared to receive them, they would sheer off
and keep out of gun shot. On the ist day of January,
1780, we were a breast of Goodwin Sands, and saw
several English men of war lying within them. Our
thirteen stripes now floated over our stern, and we had
a long streaming pendant aloft, and an American Jack
set forward. I believe those John Englishmen who
now saw us thought we were pretty saucy fellows, and
they were perhaps the first American colours some of
them had ever seen.

At 2 P.M. the two frigates which had dogged us from
the Texel bar came very near us, and by their ma
noeuvering appeared to be making preparations to en-

*We learned afterwards that one of these ships was a 28 and the
other a 32 gun frigate, sent express from England to relieve the Eng
lish squadron off the Texel, and to take us.

C731

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

gage us ; however, as soon as they had come within long
gun shot (for captain Jones had directed those who had
charge of our great guns not to fire upon the enemy,
until they were within pistol shot,) they immediately
tacked ship and stood from us a great distance. After
which they tacked ship and stood for us again for some
time. We now sailed very quietly along the English
shore, it being upon our starboard hand about two
leagues, with a fine leading breeze at about N.E. with
American colours waving in the air and nearly all sail
set, and appeared, to be sure, to bid defiance to old
England and her wooden walls. The yankees had now
spirit and resolution enough to batter some of them to
pieces if they would but give us a fair trial. We had
by this time got abreast of the east end of the Isle of
Wight, and could plainly see the English fleet of men
of war lying at anchor at Spithead. The two frigates
which had threatened to give us battle so often now
appeared to be resolved to have it realized. Accord
ingly, the largest ship who appeared to be the com
modore's, hoisted his broad pendant, by way of giving
us a challenge, and made several signals which we
could not understand, and both ships hauled up their
courses, handed their topgallant sails, and appeared to
be slinging their yards: this now looked like coming
to the point in good earnest. On board of our ship we
were ready and in high spirits, and every officer, man
and boy, to his station. We had shortened sail for the
enemy to come up to us, as we had done all along when
we thought they wished to come alongside of us. The
enemy had now got within musket shot of us, and we
expected the action would commence in one or two
minutes more— no such thing took place. The enemy,

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

as we supposed, frightened at our formidable and war
like appearance, all at once dropped their courses, got
on board their fore and main tacks and trimmed their
sails by the wind, took to their heels and ran away. We
made sail after the cowards, and was fast gaining on
them, when we found we were chased in our turn by
an English ship of the line which had slipped her
cables at Spithead on perceiving that we were an
enemy. We could now comprehend what the largest
of the two English frigates made those signals for,
which I made mention of ; it was no less than acknow
ledging that they were not a match for one American
frigate, but that they were pretty well assured they
would be able to capture us with the assistance of one
of their line of battle ships.

After this circumstance comes to be made public, I
hope we shall hear no more braggadocio boastings
from Englishmen : such as that of one Englishman
being able to beat two Yankees, or that one frigate of
36 guns, officered and manned with full-blooded Eng
lishmen was able and could with ease capture two
American frigates in consort, each of 36 guns, and offi
cered and manned with full-blooded Yankees.* These,
and the like expressions were quite frequent with them
when I was a prisoner among them, both at sea and on
shore. The English ship of the line by this time find
ing we outsailed her took in her steering sails and
hauled upon a wind towards the English shore, and we

*I often hear Englishmen make such kind of bombastic expressions
in the United States, who on my merely mentioning in their hearing
the battle between the Good Man Richard and the Serapis will shut
their mouths and walk off humming for some time to themselves as
though they did not hear me.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

soon lost sight of her. We cruised several days between
Ushant and the lands end of England, during which
time we met with nothing but neutral ships and small
vessels. We afterwards shaped our course and steered
for Cape Finester.

There is one circumstance which I had forgot to
mention which is this: During our cruise in the Good
Man Richard we had captured several prizes, in con
sequence of which captain Jones's officers and crew,
while we lay at the Texel, thought they had a right to
some small advance of money on account of their prize
money; particularly the first, who had lost all their
clothes in the late action. Captain Jones was petitioned
on this account by both officers and men repeatedly, as
their wants had become very urgent on account of the
severe cold weather; and it appeared to us all to be
cruel to oblige us to go to sea in our then almost naked
situation. Jones made fair promises from time to time ;
and at length a few days before we sailed from the
Texel we were informed that there was a large sum of
money sent on board of our ship from the American
agent at Amsterdam; and that it was to be distributed
among the officers, men and boys belonging to, or who
did belong to the Good Man Richard, but when it
came to be divided the officers received only about five
ducats a piece, without having any regard to rank, and
the sailors, marines, boys, &c. one ducat each (not far
from half a guinea.) We were all very much disap
pointed, but particularly the sailors, some of whom, as
soon as they had received each a ducat, in a fit of rage,
threw them as far as they could from the ship into the
sea. Who was to blame I know not; neither do I know
how much money was sent on board of our ship at this

1:763

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

time. However, it was said, and believed by most of
captain Jones's officers, that he had reserved the greater
part of this money for himself.

In a few days after this affair, shaping our course for
Cape Finester we made the land and the third day after
our arrival here we took two prizes laden with powder,
lead, &c., which we manned and ordered them both to
the United States. And after cruising here several
days longer, being in want of water and fresh pro
visions we put into Coronia, in Spain. While we lay
here numbers of the Spaniards came on board to see us
and our ship. Among them were some of the Spanish
nobility, who, when they arrived on board, took much
pains to let us know they were of that order by showing
the officers as they came upon our quarter-deck their
finger nails, which were remarkably long and clean; in
consequence of which they expected a great deal of at
tention paid to them while they remained on board.
This port is a very remarkably good one for large
ships; the harbour is large, and vessels may here ride
at anchor with safety, it being entirely land-locked. It
lies in Latitude 37.30 north, and in longitude 5.35 west.

We lay at this place about a fortnight, got what pro
visions and other necessaries which we stood in need
of, and then captain Jones ordered the frigate to be got
underway; but the sailors refused to assist and declared
that they would not do their duty, nor go to sea again
without first having received part of their wages then
due, or some part of their prize money, which last they
said ought to have been paid to them long since, as cap
tain Jones had promised them before we left the Texel,
upon his honour and credit that he would go direct
from that place to 1'Orient in France, where they

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

should soon after our arrival have their prize money
paid them; but contrary to his promise he had cruised
several weeks at sea without attempting to get into that
port. Jones now used every kind of persuasion to the
sailors in order to get them willing to go to their duty,
but all to no purpose. They remained inflexible, and
appeared to adhere to their determination of not going
to sea again without money. He then urged his offi
cers to try their endeavours to prevail upon the sailors
to do their duty; who at length succeeded by fair prom
ises, &c. with a part of them to get the ship under way.
Jones here declared again in the presence of his officers
and crew, and pledged his word and honour, that as
soon as his ship was clear of the land, she should make
the best of her way to 1'Orient, the wind being favoura
ble to steer for that port, where he said he wished to
arrive as soon as possible. The ship had now got un
der way and stood out for sea. We had got but a few
miles from the land before Jones had his officers con
vened in the great cabin, where after a short and per
tinent harangue, he told them his intentions were to
cruise at sea about twenty days before he should pro
ceed to 1'Orient; and says he, with a kind of contemptu
ous smile, which he was much addicted to: 'Gentle
men, you cannot conceive what an additional honour
it will be to us all, if in cruising a few days we should
have the good luck to fall in with an English frigate of
our force, and carry her in with us;' and added 'this
would crown our former victories, and our names, in
consequence thereof would be handed down to the latest
posterity, by some faithful historian of our country.'*

* Jones had a wonderful notion of his name being handed down to
posterity.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

We told him we had no objections to cruising a few
days longer, had we but clothes to shift ourselves, as he
well knew that we had lost all our wearing apparel in
the late action excepting what we then had on; that it
was the winter season and that he must be sensible we
were not in a situation to remain upon deck and do our
duty. In fine, we assured him (all being agreed,) that
in our present disagreeable circumstances we could not
think of cruising any longer; and one of captain Jones's
lieutenants added, that his crew were then in a state
bordering upon mutiny, and that in his belief we should
hazard our own lives by such a procedure.*1 'Well
then,' says Jones, 'I mean to cruise as long as I please.
I do not want your advice, neither did I send for you
to comply with your denial, but only by way of paying
you a compliment which is more than you deserve, by
your opposition. Therefore you know my mind. Go to
your duty, each one of you, and let me hear no more
grumbling.' He said this in a rage, and with a stamp
of the foot, and bade us get out of his sight. We obeyed
these absolute commands, and the Alliance continued
to cruise seventeen days longer, during which time we
saw an English frigate, and came so near her that we
saw plainly she was a 32 gun ship, but our crew swore
they would not fight, although if we had been united
we might have taken her with a great deal of ease. This
being known to captain Jones, our courses were
dropped, and we in our turn ran from her, and made
all the sail we could, by his orders. All this time he

*Our crew at this time were certainly ripe for a revolt.

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. There are a number of instances of similar re
volts or mutinies on the Continental ships for similar reasons.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

appeared much agitated, and bit his lips often, and
walked the quarter-deck muttering something to him
self. Night set in, and we lost sight of the frigate who
was in chase of us. Three days after, we arrived safe
in the port of 1'Orient, came to anchor and moored
ship. Here we found the Serapis with several of our
other prizes; this was in February. Soon after we had
orders from the American minister at Paris, to get the
Alliance ready for sea again with all possible dispatch
in order to carry the public dispatches (or mail) to
America.

During the last cruise in the Alliance captain Jones's
officers who had belonged to the Good Man Richard,

and captain L V officers often had high words and

squabbles with each other in the ward-room; (as I be
fore observed we had two sets of officers on board of
the Alliance.) Their quarrels were so frequent that
they would sometimes challenge one another, all on ac
count of the cowardice of captain L during the late

battle. His officers, or those who had served under

him, maintained that L was as brave a man and

had been as often proved as captain Jones. The officers
of the latter as strenuously maintained quite the reverse
of this; so that our ward-room during the last cruise
exhibited nothing but wrangling, jangling and a scene
of discord among our superior officers.

We that had belonged to the Good Man Richard
until she was lost, now applied to a Mr. Moylan, the
American agent here, and who appeared to be the agent
in fitting her out from this port prior to her last cruise.

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. It is somewhat curious that whenever Fanning

has occasion to mention Captain Landais, he uses only the initial L .

Tn the journals he is called "Landy."

TANNING'S NARRATIVE

I say, we made application to him for our prize money,
who declared to us that he had nothing to do with our
prize money, and that we must apply to the board of
war in America for it. In consequence of this, a num
ber of Americans became beggars in a foreign country,
especially such as had lost their legs and arms in fight
ing gloriously under the banners of America. Applica
tion was sometime afterwards made to the board of
war in Philadelphia by several who were interested
in this business. When the honourable board declared
that the Good Man Richard was not originally fitted
out by order of Congress* or any of their ministers, but
gave it as their opinion that she was a French privateer.
And we were never able to learn after this whether that
ship belonged to the French or Americans; but this we
knew at the time, that we had fought on board of the
Good Man Richard under American colours, and that
our prizes were sold in France, and the monies arising
from such sales has since been collected, the greater
part of which is in the hands of Monsieur Chaumont,
who lives in the city of Paris.

Great alterations were now made by the carpenters
on board of the Alliance frigate in almost every part of
the ship, which put the United States to a vast and un
necessary expense. However, Jones was now so well
suited with the command of her that he would have
every thing done and altered to please his fancy on
board of her; not I presume, regarding what it cost,
only as a secondary consideration. The Alliance was
however ready for sea by the middle of June, 1780, and
only waited for a wind to proceed for America.

*A11 the dispatches which Jones wrote at the time he commanded
that ship were directed to the president of Congress. This is a fact.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

About this time we heard that captain L , who

had commanded this ship had arrived in 1'Orient, but
it seems he went about that place incog. He soon not
withstanding this, came publicly forward upon the
stage and acted the part of a leading character as fol
lows: one day, (I think it was the 23d of June) at 2
o'clock in the afternoon, captain Jones's officers (who
were not then on shore) were below at dinner, and cap
tain Jones had gone on shore to dine with the com
mandant of that place. L 's officers at this time

were nearly all upon the quarter-deck (being no doubt
in the plot) of which the first knowledge we (who
were below) had of it, we heard above three loud
huzzas. Such a sudden manoeuver surprised us, and
we got upon the quarter-deck as soon as our legs could

carry us. Here L was walking fore and aft with

a paper in his hand, and the yards were manned. He
immediately gave orders to Mr. Diggs, formerly first
lieutenant to him, to cause all captain Jones's officers to
come upon the deck, as he had something to say to
them. They were all mustered accordingly, and as
soon as they made their appearance; he, holding his
commission in his hand at the same time, addressed
them in nearly the following words: 'Here you see,
gentlemen, the commission that the Congress did give
me (as he did not speak very good English) for this
frigate, and you see I now command her; and that there
is no man in France who has a right to take this com
mission from me ; therefore, gentlemen, all you who do
not acknowledge me to be captain of this ship you must
directly to the shore go, taking along with you your
baggage and every thing which belongs to you.' Ac
cordingly, there was no other alternative left us but to

[82]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

obey these orders ; so that all the officers who had served
on board of the Good Man Richard under capt. Jones
were forced to leave the Alliance, excepting one or two
who chose to remain on board. However, L— - for
bid any of the crew quitting her. The Alliance in about
three quarters of an hour after this, with the assistance
of part of the crews of several men of war then lying
in the harbour, unmoored her, made sail, passed the
citadel without molestation, and came to anchor under
the Isle of Groix, without gun shot of any of the French
fortifications. Jones being on shore when this singular
manoeuver took place, and not hearing any thing of it
till the Alliance was safe at anchor, as I just observed.
Never, I am confident, was a man so dreadfully en
raged. His passion knew no bounds; and in the first
paroxysm of his rage he acted more like a mad man
than a conqueror. However, as he now saw that he was

out-generaled by L his sworn enemy, he at length

became more calm. The French commandant, at whose
table he was sitting when he heard this news, offered
him all the assistance in his power, and he appeared to
entertain some hopes of getting the Alliance again into
his possession. For this purpose he obtained leave of
the commandant and French general, to possess himself
of a row galley then lying at the key, and which
mounted 2 eighteen pounders forward and one abaft,
rowed with sixteen oars, and was rigged with latine
sails. He was also furnished for this expedition with
about three hundred (if I am not mistaken) French
troops, who were partly embarked on board of the row
galley, and the rest on board of boats. Jones flattered
himself that this force was able to take the Alliance;
and besides, he did not much expect that captain L ,

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

nor his officers and crew, would make any resistance.
He required all his old officers who had served under
him, to join and lend their assistance in this Don
Quixote undertaking; but they all declined having
anything to do with or acting in this affair, excepting
one of his lieutenants, who had the honour of com
manding this expedition. He (Jones) very prudently
declined embarking, which in my opinion he ought to
have done. In that case I have no doubt that all his
officers would have resigned their lives with him.
Everything being in readiness, the little squadron
moved out of the harbour wearing American and
French colours, and proceeded on towards the Isle of
Groix, where the Alliance was at anchor. The captain
of which* sent a flag with a message to the commander
of the expedition the purport of which was that 'If they
came within the reach of his cannon he would sink
them.'** The little fleet then lay upon their oars a few
minutes, after which they turned tail and returned back
into port no wiser than when they set out upon this
wonderful expedition. Jones, upon seeing them return
without taking the Alliance, was so enraged that he
could hardly contain himself for some time. He swore
bitterly — he stamped — he cursed, and grew almost
frantic with rage. Three French ships of the line were
lying in the harbour at this time, and Jones, with the
help of the commandant, endeavoured to prevail with
the French admiral to send out one or two of those
ships, (which had their sails bent and were ready for
sailing,) in order to force the Alliance to return back
to port. But the admiral refused, and told captain

*L had been apprized of their coming to take them, and was

prepared to give them a warm reception, all hands being at quarters.
**They were then about a mile from the Alliance.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

Jones that he should not interfere in the quarrel be
tween him and captain L . Besides, he assured

Captain Jones that it was more than his commission was
worth, taking his head into the bargain, for him to
order the departure of either of the ships under his
command; more especially on such a piece of service
as that was, which captain Jones wished her to be sent
upon. The fact was, this same French admiral was at

the very time as deep in the mud as L was in the

mire; and so was the commander of the citadel, com
monly called Fort Lewis, or Louis. L had been

to this last place sundry times, as well as on board of
the French admiral, where the plot or conspiracy was
first agitated, of taking the Alliance out of Jones's
hands, and where it was brought to maturity, and suc
ceeded as I have related.

In a day or two after this transaction Mr. Lee,* with
the public mail, were embarked on board of the frigate
Alliance, and she set sail for America. And on her
passage thither the Captain and first lieutenant were
confined to their cabins by the other officers belonging
to her, because they had refused to fight an English 32
gun frigate, who it seems had at sundry times offered

them battle. Arriving in Boston, captain L and his

officers (I believe the first lieutenant and sailing mas
ter) were tried by a Court composed of navy officers
in the United States service, were broke, and sentenced
never to serve, or be capable of serving in the navy
again in the character of officers.**

*Came from Paris, and who I believe had been an American am
bassador to some one of the foreign courts.

**I do not assert this as fact, otherwise than having afterwards
read such a paragraph in France in one of the newspapers, printed
in Boston in the United States, and which I pointed out to Mr.
L 's third lieutenant.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

Capt. Jones was now left to wander about without a
ship to set his foot on board of. He took a trip to Paris
to try his luck, and to spend our money then in the
hands of Mr. Chaumont. While there he was very
much carressed by the king and queen. The former
made him a present of an elegant gold hilted sword set
in diamonds, valued at about one hundred guineas, on
account of his bravery on board of the Good Man
Richard. And the queen, while he was at Paris, at the
performance of a play at one of the theatres, invited
him to sit with her in her own box, and at the same
time made him a present of an elegant nose-gay. These
circumstances gave great umbrage to the king's officers
who belonged to his navy, and who were then at Paris,
in his service.

About the middle of July,1 captain Jones returned
from Paris to 1'Orient, and made interest to get the
command of a ship of war called the Ariel. She was
rated a 20 gun ship, although she mounted 24 guns, six
and nine pounders, and which ship had lately been
captured by the French from the English. She then
lay in dock, and carpenters as well as seamen were or
dered to go to work upon her in order to get her ready
for sea with all possible despatch. Jones's influence
was so great, and the people here carressed him in such
a manner, that he was called king of Brittany. 1'Orient
is in this province, known in French by the name of
'La province de Britagne.' His power over the gen
eral and commandant especially was astonishing, and

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. The Ariel was captured by Captain Perouse of
the French navy, the Pacific Ocean explorer. By the log of the Ariel
she was placed under Jones's command in June. Fanning must have
been in error in regard to the month.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

in consequence thereof the inhabitants of 1'Orient
thought he deserved that title.

On the jth of October, 1780, we set sail from this
port for the United States in the Ariel, at about 6 P.M.
and at the time we had under our convoy fourteen sail
of American vessels, among which were three letters of
marque, with the wind blowing a leading gale, at
E.S.E. At 10 P.M. the wind shifted suddenly into the
W.S.W. and blew a heavy gale— took in top gallant
sails, and close reefed our courses, and we carried them
as long as the ship would bear them. The night was
very dark, and we lost sight of the fleet. We were
obliged to carry some sail in order to weather the Pin
Marks,1 a long range of sunken rocks about a league
from the land, and which we judged to be to leeward
of us. At midnight we were obliged to hand our
courses, as it blew so violent that we could not suffer a
single yard of canvass. The ship at the same time lay
in a very dangerous situation, nearly upon her beam
ends, and in the trough of the sea, and leaked so bad
that with both chain pumps constantly going we could
not keep her free. Some French soldiers which we had
on board, and who were stationed at the cranks of the
pumps, let go of them, crossed themselves and went to
prayers. They were driven from this by the officers to
the cranks again ; and it became necessary to keep lifted
naked hangers over their heads, and threaten them
with instant death if they quit their duty, or if they did
not work with all their strength; without this, they
would again leave off and go to prayers. Soon after,
one of our chain pumps got choked in such a manner

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. Penmarque.

[87]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

that it would deliver no water. Jones in all this time
shewed a great deal of presence of mind, and kept, with
his own hands, sounding with the deep sea lead; and
at last finding that we were shoaling water very fast,
and that we should in a short time be upon the Pin
Marks, without something was soon done to prevent
it. In this extremity a consultation of captain Jones
and his principal officers was had upon the quarter
deck, and the result was, that orders were given for cut
ting away our fore-mast, and letting go the sheet
anchor; and the latter was executed without loss of
time. We sounded now in thirty five fathoms of water.
The sheet cable was now paid out to the bitter end : but
she did not look to her anchor; and her cable was
spliced to the first, and paid out to the bitter end;
she did not yet bring up ; the third cable was also
spliced to the end of the second ; when after paying out
about seven eighths of this last, and the fore-mast cut
away at the same time, and when it had fell overboard
to the leeward, the ship brought to and rid head to
the wind and the sea now run mountains high.* By
the time of which I am now speaking we had not less
than three hundred fathoms of cable paid out — in a
few minutes after the ship brought to to her anchor.
The ship laboured so hard, rolled so deep, and would
bring up so sudden, that it sprung our main mast, just
below our gun-deck, and as this was now in the greatest
danger of being ripped up, orders were given to cut
away the main-mast above the quarter-deck, which
was immediately carried into execution; and when this
fell over the side to leeward, it forced off the head of
the mizzen-mast. By this time we had freed the ship

*This was the Bay of Biscay.

TO

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

of water, but when her masts were gone her motion
was so quick and violent, that the most expert seamen
on board could not stand upon their legs, neither upon
the quarter-deck nor fore-castle without holding on
to something. The chain pump which had been choked
was cleaned, and notwithstanding the gale kept increas
ing, yet our anchor and cables held on so well, that
some faint hopes were now entertained that our lives
would be spared: however the gale did not abate much
until the morning of the 9th. At meridian of this day
the wind had abated so much that we began to erect
and rig our jury masts. At 4 P.M. we had them erected
and rigged, and what spars and sails we could muster
upon them; and there being at this time but a moderate
breeze at about W.N.W., a fair wind for 1'Orient and
the sea tolerable smooth, we hove in upon our cable till
it was short apeak, and then exerted ourselves every
way which we could think of in order to purchase our
anchor, and after trying a long time without being able
to weigh it, orders were given by captain Jones to save
all we could of the cable and then cut it away, which
was done and we made sail for TOrient where we soon
after arrived and came to anchor. Many of our friends
now came on board to see us and appeared to be re
joiced at our safe escape, as they said they expected
we were lost, as the gale was very violent and did a
great deal of damage even in the harbour, among the
shipping, and alongside of the keys.

Before we last sailed from this Port in the Ariel, a
number of American gentlemen came on board of us
in order to take a passage with us for America. Some
of them tarried on board with us with that view, and
were with us in the late gale of wind, among whom was

1:893

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

a young gentleman by the name of Sullivan, and who
said he was a nephew of one of the American generals
of that name. He had, it appeared, served some time
in the quality of a lieutenant in Count Dillon's brigade
in the French service, and the brigade was at this time
stationed in garrison at Fort Louis, near 1'Orient. He
brought on board when he first arrived from Paris, and
which were shown to captain Jones's officers, several
open letters of the best recommendations from some of
the first characters in that city, to some of the first
officers in the American army. Besides, he had one
letter from doctor Franklin to captain Jones, in which
the doctor desired Jones to take young Sullivan on
board, treat him with kindness; and moreover, to give
him his passage. Captain Jones's abusive treatment of
this young man, who came on board with such unques
tionable recommendations deserves a place in my jour
nal. And as I was an eye witness to the whole of Jones
conduct towards this young gentleman, I shall here
proceed to relate nothing but stubborn facts; the reader
will, nevertheless, be at perfect liberty whether to be
lieve them or not.

After the Ariel had returned to 1'Orient and had
come to anchor, all the passengers got ready to go on
shore, and had their trunks embarked on board of the
boats, which lay ready alongside of the ship to receive
them. Young Sullivan among the rest, had made a
preparation to go on shore also; when captain Jones
solicited him in a very polite manner, to tarry on board
two or three days in order to have an eye to the marines,
and see that they did their duty. In fine, to act as cap
tain of marines, as the person who filled that station on
board of our ship at that time was confined to a sick

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

bed. Telling him (Sullivan) that he would fare
equally as well on board as on shore, it would be ex
pensive living there which in remaining on board, he
would save. To this request, made in such a plausible
way, the young man in question consented, and told
captain Jones that he would remain on board the time
which captain Jones requested him, and after which
he should take the liberty to go on shore when he
pleased, until the ship was ready to sail for America.
Jones replied, that he should have no objections to that,
for as he was considered on board of his ship only as a
passenger, and in that character he (Sullivan) had an
undoubted right to go where and when he pleased.
Four days after this conversation was held, the latter
had a mind to go on shore, but Jones urged him to re
main two or three days longer as the captain of the
marines was not yet about. This was also assented to.
After this time had expired, another request was made
by Jones, for this young man to remain on board as
much longer. And finally this kind of request was so
often repeated that Sullivan lost all patience, and even
command over himself, and told Jones in a manner
somewhat harsh, that he had never been accustomed to
such treatment, and not being under any obligation to
him, he should take his baggage out of the ship, and go
on shore in the very next boat which came alongside.
What is that you say, you rascal,' says Jones, drawing
his sword out of the scabbard and rushed on to Sulli
van, 'Not a word! I will run you through in an in
stant!' To this the latter very calmly replied, without
appearing to be intimidated in the least, and without
retiring back an inch, 'You are on board of your own
ship, captain Jones, therefore I know the consequence

C9O

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

of making at this time any resistance; but sir, remem
ber what I have now the honour to say to you ; if I have
the good luck to see you on shore, depend upon it, I will
make you repent of this unheard of insult and cruelty.'1
To this Jones made no reply but as he went over the
ship's side to go on shore, he directed his first lieutenant
to have him turned below among the ship's crew, and
to order the master at arms to put the rascal in irons,
hands and feet, which was executed without delay.
Some few days after this Jones's officers ventured to
solicit captain Jones, that Mr. Sullivan's hands might
be liberated from irons, which he reluctantly con
sented to.

Some time after, the officers in Count Dillon's
brigade heard of the ill treatment of their brother offi
cer by captain Jones, and one of the colonels of that
brigade came on board of our ship, to know if it was
true, (having been intimately acquainted with Mr. S.)
He mentioned to captain Jones as soon as he came on
board, his business. But Jones, perhaps thinking that
he had carried the ill usage of Mr. Sullivan rather
farther than he was aware of, consequently he now im
agined that a little dissimulation was become necessary,
as he well knew that this colonel was a man of courage,
and that if he found the treatment of young Sullivan
as bad as he had heard it to be on shore, and among the
officers of the brigade, he would give captain Jones a
severe drubbing. He invited the colonel below into

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. There is on record in the log-book of the Serapis
an instance of Jones losing his temper and personally chastising an offi
cer. In this case it was no one less than Fanning himself, who, by drop
ping one of the chronometers, so roused Jones's ire that he "kicked Mr.
Fanning out of the cabin, across the main deck, and down the hatch
way." This entry is in the handwriting of Beaumont Groube.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the great cabin, and after taking a glass or two of wine,
he invited the colonel to remain on board and dine
with him, which the latter consented to. In the mean
time Jones and the colonel fell into a chat, and the
colonel expressed a wish to see young Sullivan. This
was a subject that Jones wanted to keep out of sight as
much as possible; he therefore told the colonel that as
to the story of Mr. Sullivan having been put in irons
on board of his ship, or ever having been ill used, it
was absolutely false. What is the reason then, that I
have not seen him on shore since your ship returned
back to this port?' replied the colonel. 'Because,' says
Jones, 'he has been sick, and confined to his cabin since
our return.' 'Cannot I see him now?' said the colonel.
'Presently,' replied Jones, 'he is dressing himself, and I
have ordered my servant to tell him to give his at
tendance where we are, as soon as he is dressed.' The
colonel appeared satisfied, and they both entered into
conversation, and when it began to flag, the colonel
broached the subject of the battle between the Serapis
and the Good Man Richard. This was the very point
upon which Jones appeared to wish the colonel's atten
tion drawn, as he could now dwell with pleasure upon
it and spin it out till dinner was served up; and while
this relation was going on, it would keep the colonel's
business dormant. The latter being a great lover of
good wine Jones now plyed him with it so frequent,
that after an hour or t\vo's sitting the colonel went away
with Jones half seas over, and I presume thought no
more for that time of his friend Sullivan. A few days
after, the latter being still confined in irons, Jones met
the colonel on shore, who told him he believed what he
had heard of Sullivan's being harshly treated, and of

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

his being in irons, and of captain Jones' refusal to let
him come on shore, therefore says the colonel, raising
his voice that he might be heard by the bystanders: 'If
you do not liberate him shortly, and give him leave to
come on shore, I shall myself take the matter up and
learn you better manners.' This threat frightened Jones
into submission, and he promised the colonel that the
prisoner in question should be set at liberty. Accord
ingly when he came on board, he directed his first lieu
tenant to cause the young man to be taken out of irons,
and to turn him forward and make him do duty as a
common man. These directions Sullivan submitted to,
and his baggage was ordered forward, where he was
told he might, if they were willing, mess with the
boatswain's mates. However, the midshipmen, un
known to Jones, provided a comfortable lodging for
him in one of the ship's staterooms, and allowed him
to mess with them.

The next time captain Jones met the colonel on shore,
the latter threatened to run him through the body with
his drawn sword, for not suffering Mr. S. to come on
shore, as he had promised him. 'And now sir, (said the
Colonel) I will wait here till you go on board of your
ship and send him to me. I shall tarry here till you
have had time to go on board and order him on shore
and if this is not complied with instantly, you may re
pent of it at your leisure.' Jones promised it should be
done; and therefore came on board, ordered me to have
the jolly boat manned, and to take Sullivan and his
baggage on shore. Previous however to his embarking
his sword was broken in pieces by Jones's orders. He
was set on shore near where the colonel was waiting
for him and they met. The colonel and Sullivan then

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

walked away together, as I supposed, to consult upon
measures which foreboded no good to Jones. The fact
was there appeared to be a squall gathering, and it did
not require a great deal of divination in any one who
knew Sullivan's temper and courage, to predict on
whose head it would fall. The first thing he did after
landing was, to purchase a sword, and a good hickory
cane. This done, he proceeded to Jones's private lodg
ings, opened the door of the room where he was, (and
as the French say 'sans ceremonie'— without any cere
mony) and being unaccompanied with a second, he
addressed himself to him in the following manner:

'Captain Jones you are sensible of your abusive and
more than savage treatment of me while on board of
your ship, and I presume you have not forgot that it
was there that I promised to chastise you for it. I have
now come to demand satisfaction of you. And, Sir, if
you refuse to step aside with me at this time to settle the
business in an honorable way, with our swords, I will
here make you feel the weight of my cane.' And at the
same time he advanced near Jones and lifted it over
his head where it remained suspended till the latter
gave his answer. Jones was then sitting at a desk with
his back towards his antagonist, and had been writing.
The pen he put in his mouth, and there it remained
while Mr. S. was speaking to him. He then laid it
down and turning his head over his left shoulder, made
this laconic reply. (Sir, I do not put myself upon equal
terms with every rascal who chuses to call me to an
account when he thinks himself abused by me. No,
Sir, I shall not fight you; therefore begone out of my
room directly, or I will call the guard to take into their
custody a madman or an assassin.' These words were

C951

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

no sooner out of Jones's mouth than Mr. Sullivan
mauled him in a most shocking manner, until the for
mer bawled out— Murder! help! help! help! Mr. Sul
livan kept repeating the blows till the blood ran pretty
freely, and until he was nearly exhausted. He then
left him to his own reflections. As soon as Jones had
got the better of his fright, he went to the French com
mandant, who was his particular friend, and lodged a
complaint in form against Sullivan, but the latter had
taken himself off.

This business occasioned a great hue and cry through
out the town. The officers of justice, the guards, the
police, were now sent out in all directions, and had
orders to search, or even to break open dwelling houses
(and others) in order to secure Sullivan, so that he
might be brought to condign punishment. Besides all
these movements in town, a party of light horse were
dispatched into the country with orders to scour the
public roads, and to take the runaway and bring him
back, dead or alive. And it is a notorious fact, that
while all this bustle and noise was made in the town of
TOrient on account of young Sullivan, he was as safe
as a thief in a mill, at Fort Louis, about six miles off, at
the entrance of the harbour, among the officers of the
garrison. But had Sullivan been arrested his punish
ment no doubt would have been severe. Most certainly
the French laws then in force, subjected him to twelve
years close imprisonment (if taken and tried) besides
a heavy fine. Sullivan, therefore, having lived a long
time among the French, (having been born in Ireland)
and knowing the punishment which awaited him, acted
very wisely in making his escape, after first having
satisfied his vengeance upon the head of the conqueror

H96]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

of Captain Parsons. And upon the whole every cir
cumstance considered relative to this affair (as it was
made public) very few of the people in 1'Orient (and
I like to have added, on board of his ship) were very
sorry that Jones met with such a severe drubbing. And
I am fully in the belief, in which I can venture to say
I am not alone, that there was never any great search
made for young Sullivan in and about the town by the
officers of justice, nor by the guards— as he had many
friends in this place, and Jones's popularity was at this
time on the wane among the French. However, the
commandant and a few of the King's officers still re
mained friendly to him; but it was probable they were
so merely on the score of having instructions from the
King to conduct themselves friendly towards captain
Jones, and to render him every assistance which he
asked of them, and which was in their power to give.
It seems this was the general belief among the inhabi
tants of 1'Orient at the time. Soon after the affair of
Jones and Sullivan had a little subsided, the captain of
marines caned him for ill usage in one of the streets of
TOrient, in the presence of a number of inhabitants.*
This was such a disgrace to him, and hurt his feelings
so much, that he went on shore but seldom after this
affray, excepting at night. The ship Ariel being now
nearly ready for sea, several of the petty officers im
portuned captain Jones for a trifle of prize money,
stating that they were not then in a situation to go in
the ship, and to do their duty upon a winter's coast
without a supply of winter cloaths, and that they could
not procure them without cash. An indifferent person

*The ground of this quarrel originated from Jones having refused
to accept a challenge which the captain of marines had sent him.

C973

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

would, I presume, view such a demand on the part of
these officers, as perfectly reasonable and consistent with
justice. For this, however, captain Jones had several of
them committed to prison in 1'Orient for their (as he
expressed it) impertinence.

About the tenth of December great preparations
were made on board of our ship in consequence of a
great number of people of the first character in
1'Orient: one prince of the blood royal, and three
French admirals, with some ladies of the first quality,
having had cards of invitation sent them by captain
Jones inviting them on board of his ship the next day
to take dinner with him precisely at 3 o'clock in the
afternoon; and also informing the company that cap
tain Jones would, in the evening of that day, on board
of his ship exhibit to them a sham sea fight; and that
it should in part represent his battle with the Serapis;
particularly her tops. To go through with a minute
detail of all and every circumstance that related to this
scene would, I fear, tire the patience of the reader; I
shall therefore be as concise as possible in my relation
of this exhibition.1

First then, all the boats belonging to our ship were
busily employed with their respective crews from the
time the approaching scene was known on board
(which was the day before it was to take place) at ten
o'clock in the morning till about twelve at night of the
day on which the company were to dine, in passing to,
and coming from the shore, bringing off from thence
all the articles wanted. And the reader may rest as
sured that neither cash nor pains were spared in order

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. This fete has been described in Mackenzie's life of
Paul Jones, mainly drawn from Tanning's account of it.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

that the scene every way should appear magnificent.
In a short time, our quarter-deck had the appearance
of a lady of qualities' drawing room. Overhead was
suspended an elegant awning, the edgings of which
were cut in scallops, and decorated with a variety of
silk roses, tassils, &c. from a little below the awning: at
the sides were hung thin canvass lined with pink
coloured silk, and which fell down so as to reach the
quarter-deck. These sides were hung with a great
variety of French pictures and looking glasses; some of
the first had been drawn by one of the most finished
artists in France, and many of which were quite in
decent, especially to meet the eyes of a virtuous woman.
However in these days they were a part of French
etiquette on such an occasion. The quarter-deck of our
ship was covered with the most elegant carpet: the
plate alone which was made use of on this singular
occasion was estimated to be worth two thousand
guineas. (For my own part I believe it might have
been rated at double that sum.) French cooks and
waiters or servants were brought from the shore to
assist in this business, and for nearly twenty hours pre-
ceeding the serving up of dinner, we were almost suf
focated with garlick and onions, besides a great many
other stinking vegetables. A French lady (who was
said to be a great connosieur in the art of cookery, and
in hanging and arranging pictures in a room where the
first companies went to dine) was gallanted on board by
captain Jones the evening before the day on which the
company were to dine, and was by him directed to take
upon herself the superentendance of the approaching
feast. The next day was ushered in by thirteen guns,
and the dressing of the ship with the thirteen stripes,

1:993

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

and the colours of all nations who were friendly to the
United States. Captain Jones and his officers were all
dressed in uniform, with their best bib and band on,
and we were directed by captain Jones to conduct our
selves with propriety and to pay implicit obedience to
my lady superintendent of the ceremonies. At a quar
ter before 3 o'clock in the afternoon the ship's boats
(three in number, each having a midshipman who acted
for this time as coxswain, and the men who rowed
the boats were all neatly dressed in blew broad cloth,
with the American and French cockades in their hats,)
were despatched on shore to bring on board the com
pany. Jones received them as they came up the ship's
side, and conducted them to their seats on the quarter
deck with a great deal of ease, politeness and good
nature.* Dinner was served up at half past 3 P.M.
The company did not rise from table till a little after
the sun set, when captain Jones ordered his first lieu
tenant to cause all hands to be called to quarters which
was done just as the moon was rising. I of course
mounted into the main top, which had always been my
station as long as I had served under Jones, (of which
and the men at quarters there, I had the command.)
Orders were given before we mounted into the tops
that we must be well supplied with ammunition,
blunder busses, muskets, cowhorns, hand grenadoes, &c.
the same as if we were now to engage with an enemy:
and when the signal was given (which was to be a
cannon fired upon the forecastle, and as soon as the gun
was fired the sham fight was to commence.) At 8

*The company was superbly dressed, and the prince was distin
guished from the rest by a brilliant star which he wore upon his left
breast.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

o'clock it began, and lasted about an hour and a' quie
ter without any intermission. Such a cracking of greaf:
guns swivels, small arms, cowhorns, blunder busses,'&c.
such a hissing and poping of hand grenadoes, stink
pots, powder flasks, was now heard as they fell into the
water alongside, as was never the like in the harbour
of 1'Orient, seen or heard. Some of the ladies were
much frightened and the sham fight would have con
tinued longer had it not been that some of them in-
treated captain Jones to command the firing to cease.
The fight over, a band of music, which had been or
dered on board by the commandant, and who had been
paraded upon the fore part of the quarter-deck, now
played their part, and all was glee and harmony. At
about twelve at night the company took their leave of
captain Jones, and the boats set them safe on shore, in
the same order and regularity as they came on board,
excepting a few who were landed half seas over; these
the midshipmen assisted along to their lodgings, and
returned on board to give an account to captain Jones
that we saw all the company safe at their respective
places of abode. For several days after this, nothing
of any note was to be heard in conversation among the
French at 1'Orient, in their coffee houses and private
dwellings, but Captain Jones's feast and sham fight.
Upon the whole, I believe it must have cost himself, as
well as the United States, a vast sum of money. There
was certainly a great quantity of powder burnt, and an
abundance of wine, (Besides other liquors) drank.
The cost of the whole of this entertainment, including
the powder, amounted (by an estimate made by the
American agent's first clerk, and who it seems paid the
cash for sundry bills relative to this business, to 3,027

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

cfrfwns at 6s. 8d. each Massachusetts currency.)
Whether captain Jones charged the whole or any part
of the expense of this business to the United States I
never learned.

An order at this time arrived from Paris, signed by
the American ambassador resident at that place, direct
ing captain Jones to set the petty officers belonging to
his ship, whom he had caused to be committed to
prison, for asking him for prize money, at liberty,
which was immediately done, and they were restored
to their different stations on board the Ariel. The Ariel
was now ready for sea, excepting that she wanted a
number of seamen to complete her crew or complement
of men. Captain Jones and his officers endeavored to
ship men by keeping a rendezvous open on shore, but
could not engage any. The former made this known
to the commandant, and requested of him to give liberty
to captain Jones to press a few hands. The former
would not absolutely give him permission, but told him
he should not interfere, provided he pressed none but
Americans. However it was said that the commanding
officer of the marine department granted Jones's re
quest on that score. Accordingly, a number of Ameri
can sailors belonging to several letters of marque then
laying in the harbour, and who were found on shore,
were forced on board of the Ariel and there obliged to
do duty. In fine, captain Jones's conduct had been such
for a long time past, that some of his officers and men
were disgusted at it, and intended to leave him, and
who before his last behavior in regard to the American
seamen, were determined to go to America with him.
I, for one, was among those who now quit him, and
which I had an undoubted right so to do, never having

£102;]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

signed the ship's articles, and having obtained of cap
tain Jones, a certificate for my prize money, &c. The
Ariel set sail for America the second time, on or about
the 1 5th of December 1780, having under convoy sev
eral American vessels.*

I remained in TOrient some days after the Ariel
sailed, every day of which I was at Mr. Moylan's to
get my wages and prize money; and after several fruit
less applications, I obtained twenty eight crowns of
him, in part for my wages on board the Good Man
Richard, the Serapis, the Alliance and the Ariel which
was but little more than enough to pay my board and
lodging. I had by this time made a number of ac
quaintances in 1'Orient, among them was a merchant
by the name of Bellimont, who was interested in a
privateer then fitting out at Morlaix; and he appeared
to be anxious to have me proceed to that place and take
upon me the command of her. However, I then de
clined accepting his offer, as I had an expectation of
commanding one from 1'Orient.

*Out of the number which this ship had under her convoy for
America, the first time she sailed from thence, only two were saved.

(Having frequently had occasion to
introduce John Paul Jones to the no
tice of the reader, I presume it will
not be unacceptable to present the
following short sketch of the life and
character of that enterprising, cele
brated, and eccentric character.)

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

OF THE

LIFE AND CHARACTER

OF

JOHN PAUL JONES ESQ.

JOHN PAUL JONES was born at Selkirk, in Scot
land, the seat of the Count of that name, on the 23d
of September 1747, as appeared from a written entry
made in a book entitled 'The way to be happy in a
miserable wrorld,' (an old family book) and which was
among capt. Jones's books at the time he commanded
the Good Man Richard, and was lost with her.* This
account of his birth agreed with the words of his own
mouth, which I have heard him mention to several
gentlemen repeatedly, as to that event. It seems also
by his own story, that he never went to any regular
school in his life, but that an old maiden aunt, who
lived in his father's family when he was very young,
learned him his letters and to read a little. His name
was then John Paul,** and that he had arrived at the
age of twenty two before he added that of Jones to it.
This, it appears from some documents which I saw,

*Part of the time while I belonged to that ship I officiated as his
secretary, in copying his dispatches to Congress, his letters, etc. at
which time he allowed me to have free access to his books.

**This it seems was his fathers name who was the Count of Sel-
kirks gardener.

DOS 3

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

was the sirname of his mother before she was married
to his father. The learning he obtained afterwards,
from the age of nine years, was from close application
to books, of which he was remarkably fond; and his
studies as he says himself, day and night, were inde
fatigable. At the age of nine years, he, without taking
leave of his family, left the paternal abode and set out
to seek his fortunes, with no other clothes than what
he had on his back, and no money. Soon after this, he
arrived at Leith (the very same place that he was on
the point of laying under a heavy contribution as I have
before related) Here he engaged on board of an Eng
lish ship as cabin boy, which ship was in the coal trade,
commonly called by the English colliers. This busi
ness he followed for a number of years. He was mate
of a ship at 17 years of age, and a captain at 19. At
the age of 24, he had the command of a large English
ship employed between England and the West Indies.
How many voyages he made in this trade I do not
know; but this much appears to be true that during the
last voyage which he made to the islands, his carpenter
was drowned, and on the return of the ship which he
commanded, at Hull, capt. Jones was arrested and
committed to gaol by the officers of justice, as the mur
derer of his carpenter, which was never proved upon
him. But this much was sworn to by several of the
ship's crew: that while the ship lay at anchor in the
West Indies, the carpenter had been guilty of some mis
demeanor, and that Jones undertook to have him pun
ished in the following manner; he ordered an old
broken pot to be placed upon the forecastle, and some
powder was put into it; this done, he ordered the car
penter to set upon it with his naked breech, and then

1:106 1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

ordered the cook to set fire to the powder the explosion
of which frightened him in such a manner, and perhaps
hurt him a good deal too, so that he jumped overboard
and was drowned. Jones however found means to
make his escape from gaol and made the best of his
way to the United States of America where he engaged
on board of a continental ship of war in the capacity
of a midshipman, either Hopkins or Whipple at that
time commanded her, and he afterwards (with other
vessels belonging to the United States) sailed on an
expedition to New Providence. I once noted in one of
his letters to the President of Congress, which I was
copying, that he boasted that with his own hands he
hoisted the first American flag that ever floated over
the stern of a vessel of war belonging to the United
States.* * *

After Jones returned from New Providence with the
American squadron, he was noticed by some of his
superior officers, who procured him a commission and
the command of a sloop of 12 guns in the service of
the United States. After a cruise in this sloop was
finished he was appointed and had a commission from
Congress, to the command of a new ship of war called
the Ranger, mounting 18 carriage guns, (six pounders)
and whose officers and crew consisted of one hundred
and fifty-eight in all. With this ship and crew he sailed
from the United States for the coast of England, and
cruised there some time: during which, and when off
or near Whitehaven, he sent his boats and a party of
men, commanded by his first lieutenant, on shore for
the purpose of (as he confessed a long time afterwards
in his famous letter to the Countess of Selkirk) mak
ing her husband a prisoner, and of carrying him to

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

France. The lieutenant who commanded this party
landed without opposition, and they proceeded to the
seat of the Count of Selkirk, but not finding the Count
at home (he was as we heard some time after at Lon
don, being then a member of parliament,) they plun
dered the house of all the silver plate and other valua
ble articles and retreated back to their boats, and ar
rived safe on board of their ship, and immediately
made sail and stood from the land. When this trans
action was known at Paris, it was disapproved by the
French court, who remonstrated against the procedure
to the American minister; in consequence of which,
when the plate &c. was landed at Brest, he ordered the
whole to be sent back in a cartel ship then in that har
bour. This order it seems was strictly adhered to.

But to return— the next news heard of the Ranger,
was at a time when she made her appearance off Water-
ford (or the Lough of Belfast) in Ireland. And while
in sight of that port several fish boats came along side,
and the people belonging to one of them informed cap
tain Jones that there was an English ship of war lying
in that port; that she was a king's ship, but they could
not tell how many men she carried. Captain Jones
thought, without doubt, this a good opportunity for
him to try his naval skill, and the courage of the ship's
company, who were nearly all full-blooded yankees.
Having this in view, he sent by one of these boats a
written challenge to the captain of the sloop of war,
called the Drake, mounting 22 carriage guns of the
same caliber as those on board of the Ranger; mention
ing to the English captain the force of his ship, &c,
and that he should like to meet him where he then was,
and exchange a few broad-sides with his majesty's ship

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the Drake. It is said this challenge was published in
some of the English Gazettes ; that it was well written,
and contained very polite language, and yet was
couched in laconic terms. The English ship was got
ready as soon as possible; and besides her own comple
ment of men, a number of Irish noblemen and others,
embarked on board of her. When all was in readiness,
the English ship spread her canvas, and proceeded out
to meet the little yankee ship. The inhabitants gave the
English ship as she departed from the port three cheers,
and wished the captain and his crew success. And I
have little doubt but the prayers of thousands in and
about Waterford accompanied these brave and daunt
less English and Irishmen, that they might prove vic
torious over these daring rebels, who had dared to in
sult his majesty's liege subjects. The ships met and
fought, and after about an hour and a quarter of severe
conflict, the British ship yielded to the superior skill
and bravery of the Americans, and down came the
English flag.* When the two ships first met, those
that were on board of the Ranger declared the English
ship appeared nearly twice as large as the former, and
that she had almost double the number of men, the vol
unteers included. And they further declared, that the
crew of the English ship during the action, made sev
eral unsuccessful attempts to board the American ship.
That before the battle commenced captain Jones took
abundance of pains to instruct his top-men how to act.
That he commanded his lieutenants who had the con
trol of the great guns, to see that the guns were loaded
with round, grape, and double-headed shot; and to be

*This account of the action I copied from captain Jones's journal,
written with his own hand.

I! 109 3

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

very particular to take good aim, and not to fire but one
gun at a time; to be cool, deliberate, and not too hasty;
and that with courage, steadiness and perseverance,
they should, he made no doubt, give a good account of
the English ship in a short time. On the contrary, the
English ship was badly manoeuvered, fired her broad
sides all at once, which occasioned her to heel very
much from her antagonist, and by which means she re
ceived many of the American shot between wind and
water, which occasioned her to leak badly; and in some
measure, it is said, shortened the action; during which,
her crew appeared to be in great confusion, and the
slaughter among these last was dreadful. She lost in
the action about one hundred and five men killed, and
about seventy-two wounded. Whereas on board of the
American ship there were but about one dozen killed,
and nine wounded. The Ranger, with her prize, soon
after got safe into France.

Some time after they had arrived captain Jones had
some misunderstanding with his lieutenants and quit
the Ranger. And whether he was removed from this
ship by orders of the American minister residing in
Paris, which was said to be the case, or left her of his
own accord, I do not pretend to know. It is certain, he
was after this appointed to the command of the Good
Man Richard, the next ship which he commanded after
he quit the Ranger. The reader has already seen how
he behaved on board of this last mentioned ship in a
few pages back.

It was while he was on board of this ship that he
wrote his famous letter1 to the countess of Selkirk, and

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. If Fanning had never seen published copies of
this famous letter, certainly his synopsis of it, drawn from memory only,
is remarkable, and bears out his statement of having copied it as Jones's
clerk.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

which by his direction I copied. I have ever since been
sorry that I had not at the time preserved a copy of it,
so that I might have been enabled to insert it here. It
appeared some time after he wrote it in several of the
English Gazettes, and was said by some of them to be
well written, and discovered the author to be a man of
genius, and one who was tolerably well versed in the
English language. The letter, certainly displayed
abundance of wit and humor. Jones mentions in it,
that his object in landing a party of men from the
Ranger was to take the Count, her husband, make a
prisoner of him, carry him to France, and there detain
him until the British government would consent to a
general exchange of American prisoners then detained
as such in England. The Count at that time was very
much esteemed by the English, and captain Jones
knowing this had no doubt but that if his project suc
ceeded, the English ministry would be forced or drawn
into it.

He disavows in this letter having any knowledge of
her house being plundered and stript of plate, and
other valuable articles by his party, until after he ar
rived in France some weeks after this transaction took
place, and that the moment he became acquainted with
it, he was one of the first to assent to its being carried
back. He begged her ladyship's pardon for presuming
to write to her, and also the trouble and pain the plun
dering of her house must have caused her, and that he
hoped she would not lay any thing of this pilfering
business to his charge.

In this same letter he mentions, in severe terms, the
wickedness of the British ministry in waging a cruel
war against the people of the United States, and con-
dems them in the following lines :

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

Tor they, 'twas they unsheathed the ruthless blade
'And Heaven shall mark the havoc it has made!'

There was abundance of poetry in the letter, but this
is all I can remember. He closes with saying, he hoped
the Countess, after what had happened would not with
draw her kind and friendly assistance, so long expe
rienced, from his family, &c.

I shall mention next his gallantry with the American
agent's wife, at 1'Orient. I forbear here to mention the
lady's name, for reasons which the reader may not care
to hear. But, bye the bye, I must inform those who will
take the trouble to peruse these pages that Captain
Jones was a great lover of the ladies.

But to the fact, which was this: one afternoon the
American agent came on board of his ship to do some
business with the purser of the ship. In the interim
captain Jones gave his officers the hint, and told them to
let no boat depart from the ship, nor any one come
alongside during his absence, which was complied
with. The agent began to be uneasy about 8 o'clock in
the evening and requested of the officer who had the
watch upon deck to put him on shore. But he replied,
that orders had been given to let no boat go on shore
from the ship until captain Jones came off. The agent
at this could not contain his jealous rage for some time.

The truth is, he was a man of about sixty years of
age very rude in his manners, I believe an Irishman by
birth; and he was what people commonly call a homely
man, but rich in the good things of this world. His
present wife was only about seventeen years of age, very
handsome, and a little given to coquetry. She was also
vain, and fond of going to the play with almost any

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

gentleman who would be so polite as to offer her a
ticket. The agent had been for some time jealous of
Jones as he had more than once surprised him with his
wife in a very loving position. The agent was detained
on board all night, and the captain tarried the same
time on shore with the lady in question. The officers
on board of Jones's ship had plied the agent so well
with wine, that he was quietly laid into a cabin in one
of the state rooms as drunk as a beast. This piece of
gallantry became soon after public in 1'Orient.

At another time, Jones sailed on a short cruise, and
carried off with him a married woman, who left behind
two children and a French husband, who did not ap
pear to regret the loss of his mate for a few weeks only.

The Captain, after he arrived, sent the lady on shore
who, it is said and believed, carried to her husband a
small purse from the Captain as a present to him to
console him for her absence. * * *

Our gallant captain, while on a visit in the city of
Paris, some time after the victory gained by him over
the captain of the Serapis, was invited to dine with the
Count de Vergennes, then minister at the French court
for foreign affairs. And after dinner the company,
consisting of noblemen, and others of the first families
of that city, the conversation turned upon the good con
duct and bravery of our captain in the late battle be
tween the Good Man Richard and the Serapis. One
of the company observed to captain Jones that his
Britannic majesty had knighted captain Parsons, and
asked him whether he would ever dare to meet him
again, now he was a knight. To which Jones made this
laconic reply: 'If I should ever have the good luck to
meet him again at sea, with a ship under my command

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

of equal force to his, I will make a Lord of him.' This
pleased the company mightily. After which not a day
passed while he remained at Paris, but he received
cards of invitation to dine or sup with the first char
acters in that city.

While at 1'Orient one evening he had some business
with a lady of pleasure; while the players at the theatre
were performing, he retired the play house with the
lady to a convenient place where he left his watch.* A
few moments after, one of his midshipmen having a
similar affair with another lady retired together to the
same spot. Here the midshipman picked up the cap
tain's watch and shewed it to me— we both knew it.
We then withdrew to the public parade near the play
house, to consult what it was best to do with it. The re
sult was, we agreed to carry it to a noted coffee house,
where our Captain was well known, and there pawn it
to the master of the house, for one dozen bottles of the
best old Bordeaux wine. On our way thither, we met
with two of our brother officers, to whom we told what
we had concluded to do, and they very readily agreed
to join us.

Accordingly the watch was pawned for the wine and
the reader may rest assured that we had a merry time
of it, at our gallant captain's expense.1

This story when it became publicly known, oc-

*A gold one worth about thirty guineas.

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. The propriety of reprinting this scandalous yarn,
or even referring to it, may be questioned. Many may say that it should
have been omitted, as have other improprieties to be found in Fanning's
narrative. Jones's private or personal character is well known and ex
patiated upon by his biographers in general terms of reprobation, while
the numerous chap-books are replete with charges of gross immoralities.
These stories of Fanning's seem to be of the same character.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

casioned a deal of diversion, both to the people in the
town as well as on board of our ship. The captain paid
the master of the coffee house for the dozen of wine,
and received his watch again, but I believe he never
thereafter opened his lips to any person relative to the
circumstances and manner of losing it. His crew, how
ever, used to mention it sometimes, at the capstan bars
when heaving the ship ahead.

The English were in the habit of saying that captain
Jones fought with a halter round his neck, in allusion
to his having been imprisoned for murder, and that if
he should fall into their hands, even as a prisoner of
war, he would not be considered as such, but that he
would be hanged immediately upon being taken. Also
that Jones never did, nor never would fight, except he
was nearly drunk. The English generally believing
this to be the case with him, called him a pot-valiant
fellow. Such mean, grovelling, and dastardly means
used in order to undermine a man's well earned popu
larity I despise. Many such like sarcasms were uttered
by the brave English, against the great Washington.

About three years after the battle between the Good
Man Richard and the Serapis I was in London and in
one of the print shops in that city I saw captain Jones's
picture, and his name enrolled among the greatest
pirates. In another print shop and at a coffee-house,
in the same place, I saw what was said to be his like
ness, nearly as large as life. He was represented with
twelve pistols, six upon each side of him, secured in his
girdle, and three men were represented before him in
a kneeling posture. On the same picture one appeared
to be shot dead, and falling at the feet of Jones, and he
presenting a pistol in each hand to each of the other

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

two. This alluded to the three men who cried out for
quarters in the late battle, and who belonged to the
ship Good Man Richard, as I have made mention of in
the preceding pages.1

As to the report of Jones's being pot-valiant, I de
clare that it is absolutely false. Having lived part of
the time while I sailed with him in his cabin, I have a
right to know, and shall here declare that I never knew
him to drink any kind of ardent spirits ; on the contrary,
his constant drink was lemonade, lime juice and water,
with a little sugar to make it the more palatable. It is
true that every day while at sea and the weather good,
he made it a custom to drink three glasses of wine, im
mediately after the table cloth was removed.

On the passage from 1'Orient to Philadelphia in the
Ariel, somewhere not far from the Island of Bermuda
he fell in with an English frigate of 32 guns, far su
perior in force to the ship he commanded. It was
toward night when the Englishman came up with him,
as Jones had made sail from her, knowing her to be
an over match for his little ship. They hailed the
American ship, and asked what ship it was and who
commanded her. Capt. Jones directed one of his offi
cers to say that it was one of His Majesty's ships, known
to Jones to be cruising on that station. *

#2

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. Both the prints, here fairly described, are well
known and, although extremely scarce, are to be found in most collec
tions. No one who served in the Revolution, except Washington, was
so often represented by contemporary portrait and caricature as Paul
Jones.

2 NOTE BY EDITOR. Fanning here gives a long account of the Ariel's
encounter with the British ship Triumph, which does not differ substan
tially from the accounts by Jones, and to be found in all the published
lives of Jones; but as Fanning was not present, and evidently obtained
his information regarding it from Jones's own reports of the encounter,

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

Captain Jones was a man of about five feet six inches
high, well shaped below his head and shoulders, rather
round shouldered, with a visage fierce and warlike, and
wore the appearance of great application to study,
which he was fond of.

He was an excellent seaman, and knew, according to
my judgment, naval tactics as well as almost any man
of his age : but it must be allowed that his character was
somewhat tinctured with bad qualities.

His behavior and conduct relative to the treatment
of young Sullivan was condemnable in a high degree,
but at the same time his courage and bravery as a
Naval commander cannot be doubted.

His smoothness of tongue, and flattery to seamen
when he wanted them, was persuasive, and in which he
excelled every other man I ever was acquainted with.
In fact I have seen him walk to and fro upon the
key in 1'Orient, for hours together with a single sea
man, in order to persuade him to sign the ship's articles
which he commanded, and in which he often was suc
cessful. His pressing American seamen in that port
was very unpopular, and on that score he was con
demned by all of the Americans who were there at the
time, except a few of his officers who executed his or
ders in this business. I am happy to say that I had no
hand in this business. His pride and vanity while at
Paris and Amsterdam, was not generally approved of
after the famous sea battle. This certainly gave great
umbrage to many persons who had been his best

his remarks are omitted. It is enough to say that after a sharp engage
ment the Triumph surrendered, but before being taken possession of, she
made sail and finally escaped. In Mackenzie's life of Paul Jones will
be found a full narration of this affair, as well as the story of the Ariel's
voyage to Philadelphia.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

friends. His conduct however towards captain Par
sons, his antagonist, was highly approved of by many,
and was becoming that of a conqueror. His enemies,
the English, even applauded this action towards one of
their nation, and who was at the time Jones's prisoner,
and by the custom and rules of war, he had an un
doubted right to have kept all the effects, which he
ordered sent to Captain Parsons, while at the Texel, by
the hands of captain Cotteneau.

I shall mention one circumstance more, and then
close with the circumstances which took place near and
at the time of his death. Which is as follows, taken
from a verbal communication made to me some time
after it happened, by an officer who was present.

While Jones was on his first cruise in the Good Man
Richard, the Alliance frigate being in company, they
fell foul of each other, in consequence of this the for
mer carried away the mizzen mast of the latter, and
the latter carried away the head of the former. There
was a pretty heavy sea running at the same time and
both ships were for some time in danger of going down.
It seems the two commanders at the time were below,
who blamed their officers who had command of the
watch upon deck on board of both ships. The first
lieutenant of captain Jones who had the care of the
watch then upon deck, and whose name was R. Robin
son, was thought not to have done his duty, and of
course was found fault with by Jones, who ordered him
to be confined below. Soon after both ships arrived
safe at 1'Orient, where, by captain Jones' direction, a
court martial (consisting of several American captains,
whose vessels lay there at the time) was instituted to
try Mr. R. The court sat on board the Good Man

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

Richard, when after hearing the witnesses, and what
could be said for and against Mr. R. they gave it as
their unanimous opinion that he should be dismissed
from the service.

This, when he heard of it, Jones absolutely refused to
accept of. Tor, gentlemen,' said he, 'it was in my
power to have dismissed him without calling you to
gether'; alledging that it became his duty as com
manding officer to insist upon their adding something
more to their sentence, and, in fact, told them what it
was, which was that of rendering him incapable of ever
serving again in the Navy of the United States, in the
character of an officer. And in conformity thereto, it
was added to the sentence of the Court, and read to
Mr. R. in the presence of the said court. And Robin
son was sent on shore immediately after this was done,
without money and destitute of friends, although he
had at the time money due him for his services.1

On or about the year 1792, captain Jones headed a
party of American gentlemen at Paris, and went to the
place where the constituent assembly (at the head of
whom was the French King,) was sitting, to congratu
late them in the name of all the Americans then resid
ing in Paris, on their late glorious and happy revolu
tion. Captain Jones, at the same time made a very
handsome speech, which he addressed to the president
of the assembly, who made a short but elegant reply.

This was the last public act, which I have any know
ledge of, that he ever did. Very soon after, as the Paris

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. It will be noticed, by reference to the muster-roll
in the log-book, that Robinson's name appears as first lieutenant and
Dale's as second lieutenant, showing that the muster-roll was made out
before the Bon Homme Richard sailed on her second cruise with Dale
as the first lieutenant.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

gazettes inform me, he died in great poverty in the city
of Paris.* Immediately on this news reaching the
ears of the constituent assembly, one of the members
rose and made a motion, that a committee of their body
should be chosen for the express purpose of attending
the funeral of the deceased. This was objected to on
the part of some of the members present, on account of
his not being a Roman Catholic. This objection did
not prevail, and the motion was then put and carried
without a division. The Committee were accordingly
chosen, and attended the American Commodore's
funeral.

It ought to have been mentioned in the foregoing
Biographical sketch of the life, &c. of captain Jones,
that after leaving the American naval service he was
in the Russian naval service about eighteen months, and
filled the station of Admiral. But through the intrigues
and cabals of a number of English officers, then in the
same service, the whole of which had a tendency to
lessen his merits, and finally was the means of procur
ing his dismissal from the Empress's service.1

* Notwithstanding captain Jones was said to have died in poverty
yet I believe at this day it is pretty generally known in this country
that he left in the United States property to the amount of about
30,000 dollars, in new lands, and that there is no one who claims to
be heir to this estate, except two maiden sisters who live in Scotland.

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. It must be borne in mind that when Fanning
wrote this sketch of the life of Paul Jones his information regarding
him must have been very meagre, and gathered from the newspaper
accounts or from his own recollection. Little or none of Jones's cor
respondence had come to light, and except one or two scandalous chap-
books, no sketch of Jones's life had been published.

A SHORT SKETCH OF THE CHARACTER
OF CAPTAIN PARSONS,1

Who commanded the Serapis, at the time of her en
gagement with the Bon Homme Richard; part of
which was communicated to me by one of his officers,
after the battle of the 22d of September, I77Q.

CAPTAIN PARSONS was born of poor parents, in
the county of Cornwall, in England, on or about the
year 1729. He lived with them in quite an obscure
manner until he was about fourteen years of age, when
he took it into his head to elope from his parents, and
set out for Portsmouth, where he fell in with some
sailors, who persuaded him to go on board of an Eng
lish ship of war. He had acquired some learning be
fore he left his parents. His activity and sprightliness
were soon noticed by his superiors, and he was some
time after, when he had got some knowledge of seaman
ship, appointed captain of the mizzen top; from this to
a forecastle man; and behaving himself remarkably
well in the duties of his station, he was taken notice of
by the Captain of the ship and promoted to the rank of

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. Fanning invariably called the captain of the Sera-
pis "Parsons," when his name was Richard Pearson. It undoubtedly
resulted from the English pronunciation of the name Pearson. Still, it
seems as though Fanning should have seen the name written frequently.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

midshipman. From this his promotion in the British
navy became rapid, and in a few years thereafter, he
was appointed and had a commission for a sloop of war,
and during the war between the English and French
sometime before the beginning of the American revolu
tion, he atchieved many acts of valour. I know noth
ing further of him until after the famous battle be
tween him and captain Jones. In this action every one
who has read an account of it must allow that he did
not lack of courage, and that his conduct while it lasted
was such as would have done honour to the most ex
perienced commander. His manner of conducting
himself towards captain Jones, however, must be al
lowed by impartial judges to be reprehensible in more
than one instance. It showed something of the haughty
spirit and pride of which we have many examples in
the conduct of the British naval commanders, especially
during the contest between Great Britain and the
United States. It is well known that Captain Parsons
was knighted by his King, and also that the merchants
of Scarborough (where the greater part of the fleet
which were under his convoy at the time captain Jones
fell in with him belonged) made him an elegant present
of a service of silver plate, part of which represented
that town in miniature, worth about 500 guineas. These
were conferred upon him as a mark of gratitude and
esteem, because they thought he had conducted himself
with naval skill and bravery. To this, and to this only,
must be attributed the salvation of the whole Baltic
fleet under his care at the commencement of the battle.

CI22:

A SHORT SKETCH OF THE CHARACTER OF
RICHARD DALE ESQ*1

John Paul Jones's first lieutenant, when he commanded
the Good Man Richard, of forty guns, until she was
lost; the Serapis, of fifty guns; the Alliance of thirty
six guns and the Ariel of twenty four guns; ships of
war in the Service of the United States.

RICHARD DALE ESQ. was born, if my memory
serves me right, and according to what I have heard
him say, in the state of Maryland. It seems when he
was quite young that he took a liking to the sea, which
has been his favorite element ever since. During the
American Revolution he signalized himself in fighting
the battles of his country, in consequence of which he
added honor and glory to his own fame, and has de
served well of the country which gave him birth.

By his conduct, bravery, and perseverance, in the
memorable battle fought between the Good Man Rich
ard on board of which ship he was second in command,

* While I am copying off my old journal in order, or with a view
some time or other of having it committed to the press, I rejoice to
hear that this experienced officer has been appointed by our Execu
tive, Commodore of the American Squadron in the Mediterranean.

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. This note of Fanning's apparently fixes the date
of his effort to publish his narrative, as Commodore Dale was appointed
to the command of the Mediterranean Squadron in the summer of 1801.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

and the Serapis he acquired universal applause, and im
mortal glory. Since which time, while in the service
of the navy of the United States, he has been conspicu
ous, and his merits and gallantry upon all occasions,
entitles his name to be enrolled among the saviors of
our common country.

While I sailed with him, he was beloved by his
brother officers, and the ship's crews. And to use a
sailor's phrase, 'He was a clever, good natured sea
officer'; and was always diligent in his duty, which
gained him the applause of his superiors.

He was engaging in conversation, with all ranks of
people, polite in his manners, and a good companion.
He had none of that haughty, overbearing, domineer
ing spirit about him, which is so frequently seen on
board of English ships of war in officers of his rank
towards their inferiors, especially the poor tars.1

/ shall now pursue the history of my Journal taking
up the threads of it where I left off.

On the aoth December, having obtained several let
ters of recommendation, and some cash from French

1 NOTE BY EDITOR. This scanty sketch of Dale is only valuable as giv
ing some evidence of Dale's estimation by his subordinates, on the ships
commanded by Jones, who claimed for himself the whole glory of his
victories. In all the reports of his battles, Jones makes himself the only
hero. He never in a single instance commends, or scarcely mentions,
one of his officers, or gives any credit to others, by commendation, praise,
or as contributing to his glory; in glorifying himself, he disparages
others, and there is ample evidence of the lack of affectionate attach
ment or sympathy on the part of his officers or crews to his person.

Perhaps the most just analysis of Jones's character will be found in
the concluding chapter of the life of Paul Jones by Alexander Slidell
Mackenzie, U.S.N., published in Edinburgh, 1841 ; republished by Har
per & Brothers, 1846. This author, more than any other biographer,
makes use of Tanning's narrative, not always, however, quoting him.

£124:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

gentlemen with whom I had been in habits of intimacy
* * * which was soon after returned to them * * *
And now having been supplied with a passport, I set
off by land for Morlaix, where I arrived safe on the
23d of December, and delivered my letters of recom
mendation to the persons to whom they were addressed,
who appeared to be glad to see me, and immediately
gave me the command of a lug sail privateer mounting
14 carriage guns* called the Count de Guichen.

This privateer was soon after got ready for sea, when
the principal officers residing at the port, who were
commissioned by the King, and who had the power of
filling up all commissions of reprisal and letters of
marque, declared that they had lately received orders
from the minister of marine, who resided at Paris, for
bidding them from granting or delivering out any
commissions to foreigners. In consequence of this the
command of said privateer was given to a captain
Anthon, a Frenchman, who at the time was a lieutenant
in the French navy, but had obtained permission to
command a privateer until further orders. He was
very much of a gentleman, a good seaman, and a man
of undoubted bravery. The most of our officers and
crew, however, consisted of full blooded yankees, or
Bostonians, as the French then called all Americans,
and of whom they were remarkable fond, amounting
almost to adoration, particularly the French ladies. I
was second captain of said privateer, and Captain An
thon indulged me pretty much with the whole com
mand of the privateer during the cruise. And as he
could not speak any English, I did nearly as I pleased
in all things on board of her; such as making or taking

* Three pounders.

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FANNING'S NARRATIVE

in sail, chasing of vessels, disposing and commanding
the crew in time of action, when to board an enemy, &c.

Morlaix is a very large town, situate between two
remarkably high mountains, and upon each side of a
narrow river which divides the town in two parts, and
empties itself into the English Channel about five miles
from the town, which lies in lat. 48.20— long. 40-10 W.
from the Meridian of London. Vessels of three hun
dred tons burthen may lay in perfect safety alongside
of the keys — without being exposed to any winds that
blow. They lie for the most part aground, upon a hard
gravelly bottom, and are left dry at low water. This
is a very great convenience, especially for graving or
scrubbing their bottoms. The entrance of the port is
well defended by a strong castle, which is built upon a
range of rocks that lie midway of the entrance. It has
two tier of heavy cannon, and in wartime, its garrison
consists of about sixty officers and men. * * *

On the 23d of March, 1781, we took our departure
from Morlaix in the privateer which I have already
given a description of. Two days afterwards we ar
rived off the Coast of Ireland. On the 27th, we took
four prizes, which we ransomed, detaining a man as an
hostage out of each. On the 27th at daybreak, saw
several ships and other vessels in shore of us. It being
then calm, the boat was ordered to be manned, on board
of which I embarked and took an officer with me, all
of us being well armed ; and at 7 A.M. returned on board
with ransom bills amounting to upwards of twelve hun
dred guineas, having secured five hostages for the pay
ment of said sum. We returned on board before the
captain (who had been upon deck the greater part of
the preceding night) had awakened out of his sleep. He

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

was very agreeably surprised when I told him of my
enterprise, but blamed me for not acquainting him with
my departure. At meridian being close under the land,
we discovered a large ship in the offing, which we at
first thought to be an English frigate, standing to the
westward towards the port of Cork. She had an Eng
lish ensign, pendant and jack flying with a cloud of sail
spread. Soon after she was abreast of us, and we could
distinguish by our spy glasses, that she had a tier of
guns, and as she presented her broadside to us, we could
count twelve guns upon this side.

We at length concluded that she was nothing more
than an English letter of marque, and probably com
manded by an English swaggering blustering fellow.
Accordingly she passed us at some distance, and took
no more notice of us than if we had been a small fishing
boat. We made sail after her, and when we had got
within a couple of miles of her, she rounded to, and
gave us her broadside, consisting of twelve cannon, as
we then supposed, which were only half the number
which she carried. This circumstance of firing at us
at so great a distance, when none of her shot reached
more than half way to us, indicated cowardice on the
part of the English captain. This I noticed to captain
Anthon who coincided with me in opinion; and from
that moment we considered the ship as our own. As we
approached nearer to her, we could discover that she
made quite a warlike appearance. We could soon after
perceive a number of men with muskets upon her quar
ter-deck, and she appeared to be crowded with men.
She continued to round to every few minutes, and fire
her broadside at us. We now prepared everything in
readiness for boarding her, knowing this method al-

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

most always to succeed, when we have to contend with
an English man of war, or an English letter of marque ;
more especially when the strength of the enemy is
superior in point of force. At length we got within
cannon shot of the enemy, who hauled up their courses,
handed their top gallant sails, and appeared to be mak
ing every disposition for a stout resistance. We now
shewed who we were by setting a French ensign, and
hoisting an American pendant. This last was to let the
English know that they had to fight with yankees. The
drummer was sent up with his drum at the head of the
foremast where supporting himself with one foot upon
the rattline of the fore-shrouds, and the other upon the
fore yard, the wind blowing about a four knot breeze;
when we had got near enough for them to hear, the
drummer and fifer were directed to play Yankee
Doodle, which was continued during the action.

By this time the ship had fired a number of broad
sides at us, without doing us any injury. We at length
came within pistol shot of her, ran under her stern, and
poured our broadside into her, which raked her fore
and aft and which made a confounded racket in the
cabin among the crockery; and some women who were
passengers on board, and were in the cabin at the time,
made a dreadful screaching and crying out. This single
broadside drove all the English off the quarter-deck,
upon the main deck. We now made an attempt to
board the enemy but the privateer having so quick
headway we shot by her without being able to succeed
in boarding her. We passed across her fore foot, wore,
and gave her another broadside. At the same time one
of the enemy's shot cut away our jib haulyards, and
the slings of our fore-yard, and down it came upon

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

deck and the drummer with it. The enemy seeing this,
cheered three times; and after firing her broadsides and
musketry into us, they made all the sail which they
could crowd from us. But we had no idea of losing
her in this manner. We soon got everything which
had been cut away in repair, and gave her chase; the
wind then began to die, and we gained upon her very
fast. When the enemy saw this, they again made every
disposition which they thought proper for renewing
the action. Being ourselves now prepared with two
broadsides and men ready for boarding; I then went
forward, they being within hail and commanded them
to haul their colours down, if they wished for quarters,
to which they made no answer. I then desired captain
Anthon to order the privateer to be run under the
enemy's stern, when we would give her another broad
side; immediately after which I was ready with the
party I commanded to board her. Accordingly we ran
under her stern, fired our cannon into her cabin win
dows, luffed up under her lee, and layed her aboard.
At the same instant the enemy bawled out for quarters
and dowsed the British flag.

The action lasted about one hour, and some part of
it was very severe. She proved to be an English letter
of marque, four hundred tons burthen, carrying twelve
long six pounders, two short carronades (which would
carry eighteen pound shot) ten cowhorns, twelve brass
swivels, and fifty five men, and twenty six gentlemen
passengers, besides seven English ladies. She was from
Bristol, bound to the West Indies, laden principally
with dry goods.

The invoice of her cargo amounted to thirty thou
sand pounds sterling.

£129 ]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

I leaped on board of her at the time she struck, and
asked for the captain, who came forward and delivered
me his sword ; a major and a captain also delivered me
their swords. These last were bound to the West Indies
to join the regiment to which they belonged. The ladies
also crowded around me, and offered me their purses,
which I refused to accept of.

One of them was wringing her hands, and lamenting
the loss of her husband, who had been killed in the
first of the action by one of our cannon shot which
passed through his body. The other gentlemen pas
sengers kept crowding round me, and teazing me with
their outcries:— that I had killed one of his majesty's
colonels. Which drew from me this reply 'Blast his
majesty's colonels, I wish they were all dead, and his
majesty too.' I was sorry for this expression, I must
confess, as soon as it had escaped my lips — it was un
charitable, and unchristianlike. However I was busy
at the time, in securing the prisoners, and sending them
on board the privateer, and in doing what I considered
to be my duty, and was therefore, perhaps on that ac
count the more excusable.

I certainly felt sorry on the lady's account whose
husband was killed, and to her I made an apology for
the harshness of the expression; but I did not feel my
self bound to apologise to any one else, on the most
rigid principles of honour or good breeding.

It must be acknowledged, that this ship so well pro
vided as she was, with all kinds of warlike stores, and
having at the time, more and heavier guns than what
we had on board of our privateer ought to have taken
us, and afterwards hoisted her in upon deck. * * *

The ship lost in the action, one lieutenant colonel,

1:130:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

one master's mate, one boatswain's mate, four seamen
and one boy killed, and eleven men and boys wounded.
On board of our privateer not a man was killed, and
only five were slightly wounded.

I wished to continue in the prize but captain Anthon
would not consent to it. All the officers as well pas
sengers, as those who belonged to the ship, and her
men, except three, and one of the master's mates were
taken out of the prize, and sent on board of the priva
teer. The ladies were left on board the ship with their
servants, by their particular request.

We then put a prize master on board, with thirteen
able seamen, and he was ordered to shape his course
and make all possible speed for Brest or Morlaix; and
that the privateer should, if in our power, keep her
company until we arrived safe at one of those ports.

We accordingly kept with this valuable prize until
in sight of Ushant, near the entrance of Brest, when
there sprung up a violent gale of wind from the N.E.
which separated us from our prize, (and we after
wards heard that she was taken by the English) and
after having sprung a leak, we were forced to heave
overboard all our guns but four, and in two days there
after we arrived in the port of Brest in distress, and she
leaked so bad at the time that we were obliged to lay
her ashore on our arrival in order to have her leak
stopped and her bottom cleaned.

The port of Brest is one of the best sea-ports for ships
of war in the Known world. It lies upon the Atlantic
Ocean, on the starboard hand of the British Channel,
and is in lat. 48.25 N. and in long. 5.0 W. from the
meridian of London. The Land's End of England
bears North a little westerly from it. Ships of the line,

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

fifty's, forty-four's, frigates, and sloops of war, all lie
at their respective moorings in the harbour, in about
seven fathoms of water, when the tide is at its lowest
ebb, and perfectly secure from any wind that blows;
as the harbour is surrounded with land the most of
which is very high, especially at the entrance where it
is very strongly fortified. Each ship of war has her
particular magazine or store, which is numbered, and
her name affixed upon the door in capital letters ; where
when the ship is laid up in dock, or refitting, her sails
rigging, &c. are deposited; and when they have oc
casion for rigging sails, or any thing requisite to the
fitting out of any one of these ships of war, they have
only to repair to the magazine of such ship or ships,
where they are sure to find a fresh supply of any article
needed. This, it must be acknowledged, is a very great
conveniency; and I believe, such an one as the English
cannot boast of.

As I had leisure time while I was here, I went to see
the slaves, who are confined in this place; and who are
employed by the government, in the docks, and in dif
ferent parts of the town, and the place where they are
confined, which is an amazing strong one. They have
a great number of rooms, where they are all chained at
night, fifty or sixty in a groupe together, to a huge
chain, leading to an enormous ring-bolt affixed in the
centre of each room. They have a little straw to lie
upon, and are arranged feet to feet, and form a circle
round the ring-bolt. And at the door of each room,
which is as strong as wood and iron, assisted by art,
can make it; there is mounted a cannon, loaded with
round and grape shot, ready primed; by the side of
\vhich is placed a lighted match, in a match tub; and

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

upon the least noise of the slaves, the sentinel's orders
are to fire this cannon in amongst them (which I was
told happened sometimes;) as there are many of them
who choose rather to die a sudden death at the mouth of
the cannon, than to continue in this state of slavery and
wretchedness any longer. So that they often raised a
noise on purpose that they may provoke their inhuman
tormentors to send them into another world.

There are among them men who have been rich;
merchants whose only crime has been that of carrying
on an illicit trade to and from different parts of the
kingdom, for which they were condemned to be galley
slaves a very considerable part of their lives ; many of
whom have large and very respectable families. But
these last are often pointed at by the unthinking multi
tude, writh the finger of scorn. And for what; because,
forsooth, the heads of these distressed families are
slaves. Alas, poor human nature! My pen is ready
to drop from my hand, while I relate such barbarous
facts of a nation, who call themselves civilized. The
aborigines of the wilds of America, would have shud
dered, blushed, and stood amazed, at such transactions
as these; who certainly were guilty of crimes that admit
of no excuse. I beg the reader's pardon for this di
gression; I could no more refrain from it, than I could
turn away from a poor ragged beggar with disdain,
when asked by him for something to buy him a piece of
bread, when famishing with hunger. Some of these
merchants are sentenced for three, some for four, and
some for six years, according to the nature of their
crimes. Some of the last are allowed, and do fre
quently afford themselves silver chains, and which I
have seen them wear. But notwithstanding this, they

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

are obliged to work as hard, and submit their backs
to the sting of the whip during their servitude, as those
who are condemned for murder, robbery, &c. Those
guilty of these crimes are for the most part slaves for
life. The greater number of them, as I was informed,
(in this port) by one of the officers of the admiralty,
exceeds six thousand. The chains that each one is
obliged to wear, or drag about with him while on duty,
(the merchants, who wear silver ones, excepted;) al
though they are chained together two by two, weigh
about forty-five English pounds per head, and double
that to two of these, are fixed to their legs; but when
they are at work, they are permitted to attach the loose
part of their respective chains round their waists, and
with a piece of rope-garter, &c. to facilitate their
labour. There are four overseers, or drivers, to every
hundred of them, who carry each a long tough whip,
and which are often in motion ; with these they shew but
little mercy to the poor wretches. They are whipped
so unmercifully sometimes, that they have scarcely the
breath of life left in them. They are dressed in coarse
red clothes, with leather caps upon their heads, on the
front of which are affixed pieces of tin or brass, on
which are engraved in capital letters, their respective
crimes for which they were condemned; but they often
deny that they have been guilty of any, when they are
asked by strangers. The Count D'Artois, one of the
princes of the blood royal, was not long since here, his
Christian majesty's brother; and had a desire to see the
slaves; to several of whom he gave money, and asked
them severally, what were their crimes; who answered
that they had been guilty of none. He observed that
one of them looked more sad than his fellows, and did

£134:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

not incline to say anything. The prince then entered
into conversation with him. 'And what crime have
you committed,' said the prince. "Come, be in
genuous, and tell the truth, my lad," continued he.
"Why," replied the slave, after a short pause, "my
crime, for which I am doomed to wear these chains,
and to drag out a miserable existence (pardon me, my
good prince) is of the blackest kind: and it makes me
shudder to reflect upon it. About six years ago, my
unnatural parents, (God forgive them) who are still
very wealthy, forced me to marry a young woman
whom I had conceived a great aversion to; and who
(for what reason I cannot tell) I hated with the most
bitter hatred, insomuch that I murdered her on the
same night in which the priest joined us together in
wedlock; for which I am condemned to wear these
galling chains." The prince was convinced that this
miserable wretch spoke the truth, for it was engraven
on his forehead (which was also the case with the other
slaves whom he had questioned, although they had
denied it,) and appeared to be much affected with the
poor slave's confession, and in a short time thereafter
procured him his liberty.

There are in this port some of the most convenient
dry docks for ships of war that I ever saw, and perhaps
in the known world. Likewise a very curious machine
for hoisting in and out first rate men of war's lower
masts, (as well as smaller vessels.) It is done with so
much expedition that I have seen them strike out a
seventy-four's lower masts which had been sprung or
damaged, and replace them with three new ones in the
space of sixty-four minutes; as I was particular enough
to look at my watch when they began, and when they

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FANNING'S NARRATIVE

had finished ; for this reason, I assert it as a fact. The
slaves are employed in this kind of business, in the
arsenals, and ship-yards.

While I was at Brest, the Coronne of eighty guns,
almost a new ship, newly sheathed with copper, having
just hauled out of one of the dry docks, and lying along
side of the Key, (or Quay) took fire, and was consumed
to the water's edge, in spite of the exertions of several
thousands of people to extinguish it. Happily for the
inhabitants of the town that she had no powder on
board, and that no lives were lost. A new ship of the
same name, mould, &c. was soon after ordered by the
minister of marine to be built with the greatest dispatch
possible. And I have since been informed by crediti-
ble persons, that in seven weeks, counting from the time
the keel was laid, she was ready to sail with the fleet,
having all her guns, provisions, &c., on board. And
what induced me to believe this was a fact is, that it has
since been mentioned upon the floor of the house of
commons in England, by one of the members of parlia
ment, in order probably to shew how much greater
exertions in such business the French were capable
of than the English, who boast so much of their ex
pedition in building, fitting out, and commanding their
navy.

On the yth of April, our privateer being refitted and
ready for another cruise, we put to sea, and shaped our
course for the coast of Ireland, where we arrived on the
xoth following; and on the izth we took two prizes.
We cruised off or in sight of the highlands of Dun-
garvan till the 3Oth, without capturing any other
vessels, the wind during that time being to the west
ward ; but on this day at the setting of the sun the wind

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

shifted to the eastward, which we considered as a fa
vourable omen, as this wind was fair to waft some rich
English ships from Bristol or Liverpool, along the
Irish coast. On the next day we took three small Eng
lish sloops, two of which we ransomed, and the other
we sunk, after having taken out the crew.

At 7 A.M. we discovered several square rigged vessels,
and by 2 P.M. we had eleven sail brought to; at 5 P.M.
wre had got through with ransoming all of them, and
we took hostages out of each for the better security of
the ransom bills. At 6 P.M. saw two lofty ships to the
windward with a crowd of sail set standing before the
wind directly before us. All hands were now called to
quarters and we lay to for them till 8 o'clock at night,
when they came within hail of us. The foremost and
the largest ship hailed us, and as soon as she knew us
to be an enemy she gave us a gun. But the captain of
the privateer thought it advisable to run from them.
When I told him that if these two were English cruisers
we were too near them to get away, and if they were
merchantmen we should stand a chance of capturing
them both. Accordingly, orders were given to fire a
broad-side into the largest (the other being also at this
time within gun shot,) which was executed, and she
settled down her topsails instantly and begged for quar
ters, hove to, and struck her flag. We then gave the
small ship the other broad-side, and she followed the
example of her consort. The boat was now manned,
and I was sent to take possession of these prizes, and to
send the captains, with their papers, on board of the
privateer. When I arrived on board of the largest I
found that she was pierced for eighteen guns, but carry
ing at the time only eight carriage guns, and ten

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

wooden (or Quaker) guns, manned with twenty-five
officers, men and boys, burthen about three hundred
tons, bound from Bristol to Cork. I dispatched the
capt. of her on board of the privateer. It was now
pretty dark. But I had not been on board of this ship
to exceed fifteen minutes, before I saw a strange sail
bearing directly down upon us, and by her manoeuver-
ing I had reason to believe her an enemy. The handful
of men which came on board with me I placed to the
ship's guns, and made other preparations for engaging,
(not being at this time within hail of the privateer.)
The prisoners I also secured below. She boldly ran
under our stern and hailed. (I could now just discern
the privateer's lights.) The master of which, in a bold
and resolute manner demanded 'from whence we came,
and where bound.' In answer, I ordered him to go
on board of the privateer, where, when he arrived he
would probably be acquainted with, where we were
from, and where bound. When he heard this he swore
at a dreadful rate, and almost stove his speaking trum
pet to pieces across the quarter-rail. Arriving on board
of the privateer, (our bold captain who commanded
the brig I had just brought to) asked for the captain of
the privateer; when one of the lieutenants who spoke
English, introduced him to captain Anthon; who im
mediately asked him who he was. Who replied, 'Sir,
I was master of the brig which the ship obliged me to
bring to, the captain of which ordered me on board of
this lugger.' 'Very well,' replied captain Anthon, 'I
will attend to your business when I have done with
these other two captains (meaning the masters of the
ships.) The poor captain of the brig not rightly under
standing what all this meant, spoke again to captain

1:1383

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

Anthon, and said, 'Sir, I hope you are an Englishman,
and this is an English privateer; for I certainly took
the ship which brought me to, to be an English letter
of marque.' 'She is so,' replied captain Anthon, (in
broken English) 'but notwithstanding, she is my prize,
and so is your brig; but it is the fortune of war, and
therefore make yourself easy.' In fine, we ransomed
the two ships, having first thrown overboard their guns,
powder, &c. out of them, (according to custom), for
three thousand two hundred guineas; and the brig and
cargo for five hundred. However, these two sums were
not more than half the value of these vessels; but we
thought it more prudent to ransom them for this sum
than to run the risque of sending them to France. After
this we shaped our course for Morlaix, having now on
board ransom bills to the amount of ten thousand, four
hundred and fifty guineas, besides eleven men as host
ages, till that sum was paid. On our way thither we
fell in with an English frigate called the Aurora, of
twenty-eight guns, between Scilly and the Land's End ;
which, after a chase of sixteen hours, part of which
time it blew very fresh, and she out carried us, she
captured us and carried us into Monts Bay, which lies
a little distance easterly from the Land's End, and
where there is a small town called Penzance, about
forty miles W.S.W of Falmouth.

The captain of the Aurora was a Scotchman, whose
name was Collins, treated us exceedingly handsome, as
he did not suffer any of his crew to take the least thing
from any of us. Captain Anthon even saved his spy
glasses, quadrant, maps, &c. belonging to the privateer.

It was on the night of the 4th of May that we were
thus captured, and on the day our hostages having been

[1393

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

released, we were all searched for ransom bills. Cap
tain Anthon having before delivered to captain Col
lins two parcels for genuine ones ; but they were such as
we had filled up during the chase, for the express pur
pose of retaining those which were original. These
last he concealed in his breeches, by which means they
were saved, as will appear in the sequel. We went
through another search without any better success on
their part than at first. The genuine ransom bills were
afterwards sent to France by a safe conveyance.

It seems that during the last war there was an ad
ditional clause affixed to each ransom bill, which speci
fied that the master of every vessel, after having been
ransomed by an enemy, bound himself, his heirs, execu
tors, and assigns, to pay the sum mentioned in the ran
som bill or bills, in case the privateer should be taken,
and the hostages released; provided, that the owners
of such privateer could get the ransom bill or bills
into his or their possession, to be afterwards produced
in England for the final recovery of such sum or sums
of money; and that the holders of said bills should
bona fide be paid. This was the cause of our being so
very strictly searched, and was the reason, or at least one
among many more, why the British parliament passed
a law not long since, purporting that no master or com
mander of an English vessel should on no pretence
whatever ransom his vessel, &c.

On the yth of May the captain of the Aurora or
dered all of us but our first lieutenant, pilot, and boat
swain, (who were all three soon after tried and hanged,
they having been in the English service previous there
to, and were known by some of the ship's crew which
captured us.) I say, all the rest of our privateer's crew

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

were ordered to get ready to go on shore, which we did.
And as captain Anthon and myself were ready, and
waiting to embark on board of the boats then lying
along side; the captain of the frigate, with his own
hands, and in a very polite manner, handed us our side
arms. Saying, as he presented me mine, 'Sir, you are
welcome to it, but I hope you never will unsheath it
again in anger against those who ever have esteemed
the Americans as Englishmen. We afterwards landed,
and the principal officer here under the king, invited
captain Anthon and myself to his house, where we
were entertained by himself and family with hos
pitality and politeness. The next day we were allowed
to furnish ourselves with a post chaise, and the king's
officer furnished us with passports, and directed us to
proceed with all convenient speed to Falmouth; and
when we arrived there, he told us to call upon the
mayor of that place who he said would parole us.

We accordingly set off in the post chaise without a
single person to guard us, and we might, had we been
so minded, travelled on so far as London. We had
however pledged our words to the king's officer that
we would go direct to Falmouth. On our way thither
we passed through the town of Holston, where we saw
several French officers paroled in the town, some of
whom we had been acquainted with in France. We
arrived in the evening at Falmouth, when we called
upon the mayor, who treated us with politeness. We
had not been long at his house, before the English com
missary for prisoners of war came into the room where
we were, when we were introduced to him by the mayor
who stated our case to him; but as soon as he cast his
eyes the second time upon captain Anthon, he knew

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

him, and accused him of breaking his parole at Hol-
ston, some months previous to the time I am now speak
ing of, and which appeared to be true. This being the
case with Captain Anthon, he was refused to be
paroled. The commissary then turned to me and asked
me if it was my wish to have my parole. I replied,
'that if my captain went to prison, I should certainly
think it my duty to accompany him, and this was my
choice.' He after paying me a compliment on account
of my attachment to capt. Anthon, told me I should be
indulged in my choice. A guard was now called and
escorted us to prison the same night, which was about
two miles from Falmouth. The very dirtiest and the
most loathsome building I ever saw. Besides, we had
no sooner heard the prison doors closed upon us than
we were attacked on all sides with swarms of lice, re
markably fat and full grown; bed bugs and fleas. I
believe the former were of Dutch extraction, as there
were confined here at this time a number of Dutch
prisoners of war; and such a company of dirty fellows
I never saw before nor since. The first night I did not
close my eyes, although fatigued ; and I must confess I
began to repent my not accepting of my parole when
it was offered me. On the dawn of the next morning,
I waited with no small anxiety for the prison doors to
be opened, which however was not done until the sun
arose. I now got out of reach of my mighty tormentors
by walking out in the yard adjoining the prison. In the
course of the day some of the prisoners were so generous
as to cede to captain Anthon and myself one corner of
the prison which they had occupied and which we got
cleansed. We then screened, with some sheets, our little
apartment; and having provided ourselves with a large

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

swinging cot, wide enough for both to sleep in it. This
arrangement enabled us to live somewhat more com
fortable, and to keep out of the way in some measure of
the vermin.

On the i ^th the commissary sent orders to the gaoler,
for Captain Anthon and myself to be permitted to walk
without the prison yard every day at the rising of the
sun, provided that we would promise to return at sun
set, and be confined within the prison walls every night;
and provided we would engage not to go farther from
the place of confinement than one mile and an half;
to which we readily agreed with infinite pleasure. Ac
cording to this agreement we had our liberty granted
us every morning at sun rise, and returned to the prison
every evening at sun set, and we slept within the prison
walls at night, observing strictly never to tarry out
longer than the appointed time.

There were a great number of farm houses within
our limits, to which we used to resort, the inhabitants
of which treated us with hospitality and kindness ; and
where I spent many agreeable hours with the Cornish
girls* who are generally tolerably handsome and good
company; but at the same time they are very ignorant,
and credulous sometimes.

We went to the exhibition of cockfighting; a place
called a cockpit, made on purpose, was within our
limits. At this diversion I have frequently seen the
mayor of Falmouth, magistrates, merchants, ladies of
distinction, and almost all grades of people. The cock
fight is generally announced in public advertisements,
when and where to be exhibited. At one of these (not
withstanding against the laws of the country) I have

*It was in the country of Cornwall where we were prisoners.

C'43 3

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

seen great crowds of people. They make large bets
upon the cocks which are to fight as soon as they are
gafted, and brought into the pit. At the last exhibition
of this kind that I went to see I believe there were at
least two thousand men, women and children; when I
saw the sum of two hundred guineas staked on the head
of a cock, but their common bets are from one to twelve
guineas each, upon a single battle. This kind of di
version (though a barbarous one in my opinion) lasts
a day; during which time there are a great many cocks
slain in the field of battle, besides broken heads among
the men.

After having tarried here about six weeks, we were
exchanged, and arrived in Cherbourg in France, the
latter end of June, from whence all of us who came
over in the cartel, to the number of one hundred and
twenty-five, including several Americans, were con
ducted under a strong guard through the country to
Brest, in order to help man the grand French fleet of
war, then lying at that place. From Cherbourg to
Brest is about two hundred and sixty English miles.
Upon the road I was plundered of the greater part of
my wearing apparel, for which I never obtained any
redress, neither did I know who did it; I however
suspected the guard who accompanied us. We were
ten days upon our march, but no more than about
seventy out of the whole number of those who had been
exchanged reached Brest at the expiration of that time;
the rest deserted on the road. Arriving at Brest, I ap
plied to the French commissary (with whom I had
previously formed an acquaintance) for a passport to
go to Morlaix. He condescended to grant me one, and
at the same time told me that if I had arrived before

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the grand fleet had sailed, I should have had the honour
of serving his most Christian Majesty in the navy at
least one campaign.

Soon after this, I set out from Brest for Morlaix,
where I arrived in a few hours, and where I found a
French brigantine letter of marque ready to sail for
the West-Indies, on board of which I engaged a pas
sage, and room for some freight. I made a partial
settlement with my owners, and obtained of them some
wines, and a quantity of dry-goods, which I shipped on
board of said vessel. I received also of them five thou
sand Livres Tournois* in cash. I embarked on board
of said vessel with my little all in high spirits, hoping
once more to see my native country. Having taken
leave of all my friends, we set sail for our port of
destination on the iath of July, 1781, with a favourable
wind.

The brig on board of which I had embarked was
cutter built, and consequently a prime sailer. She
mounted 16 guns, and carried 41 officers, men, and boys,
besides seven men passengers. On the i4th, about 5
leagues N.W. of Ushant, we were chased by an Eng
lish frigate four or five hours, but night came on and
we lost sight of her. The same night we experienced
a violent gale of wind which forced us ashore a few
leagues to the westward of the Isle of Bass, no great
distance from Morlaix. Here the brigantine and cargo
were totally lost. And it was not without the greatest
hazard and difficulty that we all got safe to land. By
this sad and lamentable shipwreck, I had lost every
farthing of money and property which I possessed or
owned in the world, and which reduced me once more

*A Livre Tournois is about igl/2 cents.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

to beggary. After I got safe on shore, I could not help
reflecting on my past misfortunes, which it seemed to
me were never to end. However, I soon recovered
from such visionary ideas; I grew calm, and I came to
this determination, never to attempt again to cross the
vast Atlantic Ocean until the god of war had ceased to
waste human blood in the western world. I considered
that it made but a little difference whether I fought
under the French or American flag, as long as I fought
against the English ; and besides, the French at the time
were our allies and best friends.

I therefore once more set out for Morlaix, where I
arrived on the lyth, and was very kindly received by
the ladies and gentlemen of my acquaintance. I had
by this time made some progress in the French tongue,
and could converse a little with the ladies, who always
seemed to be very anxious to instruct me, and to put me
right when I made any blunders, or pronounced an in
decent word, which often happens to a new beginner,
who has but a small smattering of their language. I
had now some leisure hours to visit the public amuse
ments and diversions in this place.

The latter end of August I set out for Dunkirk,
which is about six hundred miles between the north and
the east from Morlaix, with an intention of going an
other cruise with my old friend captain Anthon, in a
large cutter of eighteen guns, the command of which
had been conferred on him. The first day (having a
good horse) I arrived at Dinan, a very considerable
inland town, lying on the eastern boundary of the
province of Brittany, situate upon an eminence, a noted
place for the confinement of English prisoners of war.
The town is pretty large, and it is defended on all sides

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

by a prodigious strong castle large enough, it is said, to
contain ten thousand men. The town is walled in,
within which there were confined at this time, four
thousand English prisoners of war. The next day I
entered, and travelled on in the province of Normandy,
said to be the largest and best province in France. I
passed through a great many towns and villages, part of
which were walled in, and arrived at the city of Caen,
the capital of this province, a handsome built flourishing
place. In my travelling along through the small towns
and villages,* I found most of the houses only one story
high, without any floor but the naked ground, and the
people who dwelt in them without any thing better to
sleep upon than straw, and even in this their cattle par
took a share with them.

The public roads in this country swarm with beg
gars; and whenever a carriage passes or men on horse
back, men, women, and children, all in rags, will be
seen running and hallooing after those who pass for
charity. I have often thrown a handful of sous among
them to prevent them from following me any farther,
and while they were scrambling after these I would
steal a march upon them, and get out of their sight, but
it was not long before I would meet others of the same
description, and their importunities would be so inces
sant and so moving, that I could not get rid of them
until I had thrown some more change in among them.
A great many of these beggars live upon each side of the
public roads, in caves made or dug out of the earth, and

* These towns and villages are mostly built with stone, and are
very low. I have frequently seen in one of these houses a family of
men, women, and children; cow, horse, goat, sow and pigs; all hud
dled together in a single room without any floor.

C 147:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

covered over with the same, each of these generally
contain a little family; they do not appear to have any
household utensils; and nothing to lie on but straw.
They are for the most part very dirty. At the door of
each hut or cave, one of the family keeps a look out, and
whenever they hear or see any carriages, people on
horse back or otherwise passing, the beggar on duty or
watch gives the rest the alarm. In a moment the road
will be nearly filled with them. And night or day, it
is morally impossible to pass without giving them some
money; and even if you throw them any there will be
some among them who have not got a share of it, and
who will follow after you as fast as their legs will
carry them for several miles together; and the boys
will run almost as fast as the fleetest horse upon these
occasions. I remember one instance on the road which
I was travelling at the time on horseback, in company
with a gentleman between Paris and Dunkirk, that we
overtook three of these beggar boys, who had at that
instant crept out of their den; neither of us had any
change, accordingly we agreed as soon as they began to
beg charity of us, to clap spurs to our horses and leave
them. These boys appeared to be from eleven to four
teen years of age; they had not then upon them any
thing but a few rags, not sufficient to cover their naked
ness, without any hats, and their hair appeared as
though a comb had never touched it. We accordingly
set off upon a full gallop, and they after us close to our
horses heels, until we had rode about ten miles, when
the youngest boy began to fall astern. The other two
still held out and kept as near us as they were when
they first started with us. At length I was tired myself
in riding so fast, being mounted upon a hard going

i: 148:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

horse, and I spoke to the gentleman in company with
me to halt, which we both did. I then gave the largest
boy a crown, and bade him divide it equally between
the three, whom I now found to be brothers, by enquir
ing of the largest boy, and that they dwelt together in
one cave, where they had left their father and mother
when they came in pursuit of us. The beggar boys now
appeared to be satisfied, and we pursued our journey.
My reflections now led me to consider from what
source originate such multitudes of beggars in France,
and after weighing the subject every way maturely, I
concluded it must be owing to the government under
which they lived, being at this time swayed by a king,
with his swarms of nobles, farmers general,* and other
royal leaches, who are continually preying upon and
devouring the hard earnings of the people.

O, my country! how happy a lot has Providence
placed her in. Thank God, there are no royal leaches
there, and I sincerely pray to him that we may never
have any; nor any of those beggarly outcasts of society,
of whom I have attempted to give the reader a faint
description. No, my countrymen, remember this (nor
does it require the spirit of prophecy to predict,) that
whenever the first class, to wit, nobles, and royal
leaches, are established in the United States, beggary,
with all its horrors and torments, will be the unhappy
portion of the greater part of those citizens and their
families, who are now considered as good livers, but

*The great collectors of the royal taxes, with whom the govern
ment was in the habit of contracting for large sums of money, and
which they used to advance to the government, and then tax the peo
ple as they pleased, without being accountable to any one, even if the
people were oppressed ever so much.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

according to some, the lower class of people in that
happy country. May God of his infinite mercy avert
such a judgment, should be the hearty prayer of every
good citizen of the United States.

This I believe to be a fact, that those whom we call
poor people in America, know nothing, absolutely
nothing of poverty, such as the beggars in France ex
perience. Any traveller must have a heart harder than
adamant who can refuse to give them a small pittance
of such riches as Providence has placed in his hands.
To see hundreds of aged, halt and maimed, of our fel
low creatures begging for charity, would, methinks,
melt, if possible, the heart of a stone. To see them
crawling out of their caves like four footed beasts, and
cry charity, (Mon cher Monsieur, je prie au bon Dieu
pour vous) my dear Sir, I will pray to God for you.
The little naked children, fifty, and sometimes seventy
in a drove, running and following after people in car
riages, on horse-back, &c. for miles, making a most
hideous noise, would move the most obdurate heart to
pity them in such a manner as to induce a few pence to
be given to these real objects of charity.

But to return ; the city of Caen is a very large populous
one ; very handsomely built, and in my opinion but little
inferior to the city of Paris, for beauty and magnifi
cence. It is true, there are here no palaces, but the
buildings in general are more elegant, the streets much
handsomer, and the city is more pleasantly situated in
many respects. It lies about nine miles south of the
English channel, in lat. 49.10 N. West long. 30 minutes.
The taxes in this place are enormously high, as well as
in other parts of Normandy, occasioned, as I was in
formed, by a rebellion which took place in the province

[ISO]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

a great many years ago. They are obliged to pay the
king a higher duty on wine than it costs them when
they purchase it; and there is but a small chance of
introducing this or any other article here without pay
ing the duties even in the way of smuggling them.
They are obliged to buy salt for their own consumption
at a very high rate of the officers of the crown, (who
are monopolizers of it) and on which there is a duty of
three sous per quart, and every family are obliged to
buy so much annually, whether they want it or not, ac
cording to the respective number which each family
consists of. If any one is detected in having a quantity
of salt water in his or her house, which can be proved
to have been taken out of the sea, the person in whose
custody it is found is liable to pay a fine of twenty-five
guineas to the king. Should the person after conviction
not be liable to pay that sum, he or she is imprisoned
for one year, unless a bondsman is procured to be an
swerable for said fine in a reasonable time, to be ap
proved of by the king's officers. Upon the whole, there
is nothing in this province but what is taxed either by
the crown, the nobles, (who have large estates in the
province) or the royal leaches. I was told by an Eng
lish gentleman residing there, and who had been an
inhabitant of the place for upwards of twenty years,
that this province alone paid to the officers of the crown
one hundred million of livres annually; (which is over
four millions sterling) and this in peace, and double
that sum in time of war. From Caen (where there are
the handsomest women in France) I set out in the pub
lic stage for a place called Enfleur,* where I arrived
safe in about six hours, and where I was obliged to wait
* Honfleur.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

about two hours for the current to slack, as it runs al
most as rapid in this river between this place and
Havre de Grace, as in Hell Gate in America. This
little town of Enfleur is celebrated for producing from
their bakehouses the whitest and best bread of any other
place in the whole kingdom. At four in that afternoon
I crossed over the river to Havre de Grace in a kind
of flat bottomed boat with one sail to her; I observed,
however, that the people or boatmen, who undertook
the management of her, did not understand their busi
ness so well as they ought. This is a very large town,
and a sea port, very delightfully situated on the Eng
lish channel, at the mouth of the river Seine. It lies in
lat. 49.20 Ion. 10. West. It has no harbour, but vessels
trading here, as well as ships of war, may enter that
bason, which is very large, but this must be done at
high water, and when the current of the river does not
run away, (which current is the most rapid that I ever
knew in any other whatever.) It was low water when
I crossed it, and consequently there was scarcely any
motion of the current observable.

About an hour after there was a large galliot, being
(as was supposed) too late in regard to the tide, made
an attempt to gain the bason, the wind at the same time
blowing fresh and favourable for her; when she had
got abreast of the bason, the people on board of her
lowered down her sails, and endeavoured with a boat
to carry a line on shore at the quay, in which they did
not succeed, as the current had by this time got to run
ning very rapidly, which swept her away with it. The
people in the boat reached the galliot and let go an
anchor, which did not check her an instant; the current
at length forced her up the river about three leagues,

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

when she struck upon a shoal, and in a few moments
after went to pieces, and every soul on board perished.

I was told by some of the people in this place, that
they never had seen or heard of any vessel attempting
to enter the bason when the current was at its greatest
swiftness, but what had been forced by the current upon
some of the shoals (which the river abounds with) and
lost, both vessel and crew; so great is the rapidity of
the tide.

The town is very well built, the streets exceeding
handsome, and it is strongly fortified. The public
walks a little distance from the town are the most beau
tiful in every respect I ever saw. The country seats
which surround the town are admirably fine, and most
delightfully pleasing to the eye of the beholder. I shall
not attempt any further description of this place at this
time, my stay being only about three hours. After
which I continued my journey, and the next place
which I came to of any considerable note was Calais,
in the province of Picardy. It lies in lat. 51.6. Ion.
about 29. E., twenty-tw,o miles S.E. by S. of Dover (in
England). Between these two ports is the narrowest
place between France and England, on the English
Channel.

Calais is a pretty large town, and well fortified ; the
buildings mostly of Gothic construction, and a great
many of them much destroyed with age, and torn to
pieces. They have here a fine bason, but the entrance
into it is very narrow and difficult, owing to a bar that
lies directly across the entrance or mouth of it. No
vessels of more than a hundred tons burthen can come
over the bar at high water, and even at spring tides.
They have here a number of packet boats, which ply

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

between this and Dover in time of peace, for the ac
commodation of the nobility and gentry, who generally
pass this way from London to Paris, or from Paris to
London, as being the nearest route between those cities.
After tarrying at Calais long enough to take some
refreshment, and to have the horses shifted, I set off for
Dunkirk, where I arrived in eight hours, and was soon
after employed in assisting in fitting for sea the Eclipse
cutter. Her officers and crew, when ready for sea, con
sisted of one hundred and ten, and carried 18 six
pounders, French pieces. We were ready to sail by
the middle of November, when the cutter was warped
into the roads of Dunkirk, and all her crew immedi
ately sent on board. On the night of the 2Oth of No
vember captain Anthon went on shore, and left direc
tions with me to take good care of the cutter, keep a
good look out, and to have a particular eye to every
thing on board. About 12 o'clock at night there came
on a most violent gale of wind from the N.N.W. and
which blew directly on shore, and caused a very bad
sea. We had at the time a pilot on board, who soon
gave it as his opinion that it would not do to lie much
longer where we then lay. He therefore directed the
mainsail to be balance reefed, and the storm jib and
foresail ready for hoisting at a moments warning. Very
soon after this the cutter brought home her norther-
most anchor, and about 2 A.M. she dragged both her
anchors, and kept on driving towards the shore. We
now hoisted up the balance mainsail, slipt both cables,
hoisted up the storm jib and storm foresail, and tried
to gain an offing; it being now about half flood, so that
we could not enter Dunkirk pier. In this distress, find
ing it impossible to get an offing, the wind blew so heavy,

r.1543

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

with such short sail, we shaped our course for Ostend,
(a neutral port) bearing from us E.N.E., distance about
three hours; but it was not without the greatest diffi
culty that we got over the bar at the pier head on ac
count of the tide not being up.

The next day captain Anthon had one of our mer
chants come on by land and join us, and on the 2^th
a boat from Dunkirk brought us our cables and anchors
which we had left at Dunkirk Roads, and the same day
we were ready for sea again ; but we were obliged to
lie here a few days longer because of contrary winds.
Ostend is a very considerable sea port town, lying lat.
51-20. long. 2.50. East, subject to the emperor of Ger
many; situated in the Austrian Netherlands, and is one
of the strongest towns in these parts, and its being at
this time a neutral port, so that almost all nations carry
on a regular trade with the inhabitants of this wealthy
and populous town; and I am told that it grew im
mensely rich during the last war between the French
and the English. The town at this time was so over
stocked with inhabitants, and thronged with strangers
from different nations, that it was almost impossible to
procure a meal of victuals at any of the public houses
in the place (or to buy anything to drink either;) pro
visions of all kinds being exceeding scarce and dear. I
paid here for merely an ordinary repast one and .an
half crowns. While we lay here we lost about half of
our crew, who deserted from us.

On the ist of December, in the morning, an English
cutter, mounting fourteen guns, belonging to the king
of England, arrived here, and as soon as she knew who
we were, the captain of her sent his boat on board of us,
with a challenge to Captain Anthon to meet them with-

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

out the bar on the following day. She then sailed and
stretched out to the place appointed, a considerable
distance beyond the pier-head, hauled up the jack at
her mainsail, and her jibsheets to windward, and lay
to wait for us, as we supposed, after what had passed
between the two captains; ours having sent an answer
to the challenge, that he would meet the English cutter
as soon after she had gone out as permission was
granted.* She lay in this position, which we could
plainly discern from the fort at Ostend, until the night
came on, and we then lost sight of her. On the morn
ing of the ad, as soon as the tide would serve, we got
under way and stood off about six leagues from the
pier-head, but could discover nothing of the swagger
ing John Englishman. No doubt but the English cut
ter skulked away in the night, being afraid to meet us;
this certainly shewed a great deal of wisdom in the
English, for they must have known that we were an
over match for them. In fact, they did know it, for
her first lieutenant, when both cutters lay in the bason
at Ostend, came on board of us by my invitation, (the
captain being absent) and we drank a glass or two of
wine together. He then had an opportunity of seeing
the number of guns which our cutter carried, and the
size ; and he also had information as to the number of
men which we then had. Besides, we had some chat
together, and he at first declared that they thought
themselves abundantly able to take us. I told him if
we did engage that we should then shew them yankee

* It being war time, no vessel was allowed to depart from the port
until twenty-four hours after the one which had last sailed had ex
pired, if they belonged to different nations who were at war with
each other, and were armed.

£156:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

play for it. He asked me what I meant by that. I re
plied, that we should board them instantly after ex
changing broadsides. To which he answered, that in
that way, he thought the chance in our favor of captur
ing them, as we had the most men, which were nearly
all yankees. I found by discoursing with this English
officer, that his captain had no serious intentions of
giving us battle. At 1 1 A.M. we boarded a neutral
packet boat bound from Dover to Ostend. We en
quired of the people on board of her if they had seen
any thing of our intended antagonist. They replied,
that they had not. We then shaped our course for Dun
kirk Roads, where we arrived at 4 P.M. and moored
ship. The next day having got a fresh supply of sea
men, we set sail on a six weeks cruise, against the
enemies of France and America. On the loth we cap
tured two vessels under English colours, one of which
we ransomed for four hundred and seventy guineas, the
other we manned and sent her to France. The next day
we fell in with a large English ship, a letter of marque,
mounting eighteen carriage guns, and carrying forty
five officers and seamen, besides thirteen passengers,
men and women; and after a bloody action, which
lasted three quarters of an hour, she struck to us. We
had just got possession of her, when the weather, which
had been thick for some time, lighted up, and behold!
an English frigate was then nearly within gun shot of
us. She had, no doubt, been directed that way by the
noise of the cannon in the action. We were therefore,
without losing a moment's time, forced to abandon our
prize, and take to our heels, which at the time were
pretty clean, and we crowded all sail from the frigate.
In about one hour thereafter we found we out-sailed

D571

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

her considerable; and she, after chasing us four hours,
and finding she fell astern of us fast, abandoned the
chase and hauled upon the wind, after taking in her
light sails. After this we steered for the Land's End,
where we arrived on the i^th of December, and the
same day we took two sloops, which we ransomed. Also
captured a large English brigantine, on board of which
we put a prize master and men, and ordered her for
France. She was richly laden with dry goods and other
articles. The next day at meridian the weather cleared
off, and we saw a ship close aboard of us, and soon after
discovered her to be a frigate. Made sail from her and
she gave chase to us, and continued it until about 4
P.M. when she gave us a bow chase, the shot of which
carried away our topmast just above the upper with.
She was now chasing us before the wind; and after this
accident the ship gained upon us fast. Night now came
on apace, and being close to the English shore, we at
once took in our light sails, and hauled close upon the
wind. The ship did the same; but we now found we
could out-sail her, and at nine at night we lost sight of
her, and the next day we put into Cherbourg, hauled
into the bason, and gave our privateer a clean bottom.
The port of Cherbourg is upon the English channel,
in the province of Normandy, in the French dominions.
It is a very excellent harbour for men of war, except
when the wind blows from the Northward. It lies in
lat. 50.00. N. and long. 25 minutes W. It is a pretty
large town, the buildings which appear to have been
once very elegant, and the architecture good, but they
appear now to be going to decay. The bason is a spa
cious one, and at high tides it will contain twenty men
of war, and in which at that time of tide there is about

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

twenty-four feet of water. Vessels which warp into the
bason in order to clean or grave their bottoms, may lie
with safety at the head of the bason, where they are
nearly dry at low water, and at the full tide we warped
her out into the Roads.

The dry dock here, which has cost government a
large sum of money, is nearly finished. It has been
constructed on purpose for the conveniency of ships of
war only. The Roads off Cherbourg are bleak and
open, and much exposed to gales of wind from the
Northward, as I have already noticed; however, it is
more than probable that the French will make an ex
cellent harbour here in time of the Roads, as there now
are, and have been for some years past, several thou
sand people employed by government, together with
great numbers of flat bottomed boats, waggons, carts,
&c. &c. in order to effect this grand object. They have
already by a mole, formed a kind of half moon, ex
tending from the Western shore out into the Roads,
where there is about seven fathoms of water, the bot
tom of which is excellent for anchorage ; so that several
ships of war may ride with safety under this new made
land in almost any wind that blows.

Should they once complete what they now have in
view, and which I have but little doubt of, so that a
fleet of their ships of the line might anchor and lie here
with perfect security in any weather, they will in that
case annoy the English amazingly in time of war.

There is a strong fortress at about two leagues from
the entrance of the bason, founded upon an island (al
most a solid bed of rock.) This commands the roads
completely; besides, the fortifications upon the island,
when the harbour is finished, will be directly at the en-

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FANNING'S NARRATIVE

trance, so that the French here will be under no appre
hension of the English making a descent or attacking
the town as they have frequently done in years past.
The English have no safe seaport along (upon the
channel) Eastward of Portsmouth for a fleet of their
ships of war. It is true, they often anchor in the Downs,
but it is a bleak dangerous place to lie, and where they
are exposed to almost every wind that blows. Whereas
Cherbourg harbour lies upon the channel, about mid
way between Portsmouth and the Downs. This will
give the French, when their harbour in question is com
pleted, a very superior advantage over their enemies,
when war happens between these two great maritime
powers.

I had the pleasure to see in this place the celebrated
captain Manly, (who was well known in the United
States, the first part of our Revolutionary war, as a sea
captain, from several very important captures which
he made of English vessels, loaded with such kind of
articles as was at the time much wanted in the Ameri
can army.) He had just arrived in Cherbourg, with
several other Americans who had recently made their
escape from Mill prison in England, where they had
been confined about three years. They were without
money or clothes, except what they had upon their
backs, and which were very shabby. I gave them some
money; and to captain Manly, I was happy to have it
in my power to comply with a request which he made
to me, and which was to advance him one hundred and
fifty dollars in cash; and for which sum he gave me his
draft upon Mr. Williams, an American, then resident
in Nantz, payable in two months, and which was after
wards duly honored. My heart swelled with joy, in

£160;]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the little pittance which I was enabled to afford my
countrymen; and this single transaction I reflected
upon afterwards with much pleasing satisfaction; al
though the reader may think it wears somewhat the
appearance of vanity on my part in mentioning it, (be
it even so) which however, was not my intention.

On the 23d we set sail in order to continue our cruise ;
and on the day following fell in with an English
frigate, which chased us about six hours, and having
sprung a leak in the chase, we put back to Cherbourg.
Two days were employed in stopping the leak, &c. We
put to sea again after this, and shaped our course once
more for the Land's End, and were chased every day
until the first of January, when we fell in with an Eng
lish letter of marque mounting twelve carriage guns.
She at first made a kind of running fight of it; when
orders were given to lay her aboard, which we did, and
in doing this, the people on board of the ship quit their
quarters and stowed themselves in the hold. The cap
tain of her, as soon as he saw our men on board of his
vessel, dowsed the British flag, and yielded her to us.
She was from Plymouth, in England, and bound to St.
Kitts, in the West Indies. She had at the commence
ment of the action thirty-five officers, men, and boys.
She had four men killed and seven wounded. We had
only two men slightly wounded. She was richly laden
with English goods. We put a prize master on board
of her, and secured them on board of the privateer, she
was ordered for Brest. On the 3d there sprung up a
heavy gale of wind from the W.S.W. to South, which
lasted until the izth following, and for the most part
of the time (we had our carriage guns in the hold, they
having been shut down in the first part of the gale)

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

we could not suffer any other sail but a reefed foresail.
We were notwithstanding obliged when the wind
abated any at different times, to get the storm foresail
and jib upon our cutter, in order to clew off the English
land, which we could plainly see at no great distance
whenever the weather would clear off for a few mo
ments. In this gale of wind a great number of Eng
lish vessels were driven on shore, the most of which
and their crews were lost. We counted in sailing along
the English coast upwards of thirty wrecks. On the
1 3th, the weather being moderate, we took an English
brig laden with sea coal; manned her and sent her for
France. And on the I4th we put into Morlaix to refit
and to recruit our men. We had got ready to sail on
the 20th, but the wind remaining contrary, we did not
sail till the middle of February, when we made a
stretch over near the English land; where, when we
arrived, we found the English coast so much lined with
English cruisers that it was very difficult for us to cap
ture any prizes and get off without their being retaken.
After being chased by frigates and other cruisers, su
perior in point of force to our privateer, from the time
in which we sailed from Morlaix till the 6th of March,
we arrived at Dunkirk, with a large ship as a prize,
which we took off Dover, under English colours, bound
from Ireland to Norway, laden principally with Irish
linens. Our privateer was disarmed, and the officers
and crew were discharged. The owners of the same
privateer now offered me the command of her, which
I accepted of; and men were immediately employed
in refitting her for another cruise.

In the mean time, I took a trip to London, having
now plenty of money; having some time before this

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

been naturalized, and made a French subject of Mor-
laix. I had also letters of credit from my merchants in
Dunkirk, upon Messrs. Charles and Edward Hague,
of London, to the amount of fifteen hundred guineas.
I told my merchants that I should travel incog. ; that I
had some private business to transact in that city, and
that it was probable I might hear of something while
there, that might turn to their advantage, by frequent
ing the coffee-houses; if I tarried longer than what I
expected to do in that city, I advised them to give the
command of the privateer which I had accepted of,
to some other person, but if they should see fit to wait
for my return, I should be very glad to take charge of
their interest. They therefore, after having exacted of
me my parole, promised that no other person should
obtain from them the command of the Eclipse but my
self, provided that I was ready upon the spot in Dun
kirk by the middle of May.

In the middle of March I set out for London upon
this secret business; at night I arrived at Ostend, thirty
three miles by land from Dunkirk, and engaged a pas
sage for Dover, with the master of one of the neutral
packet boats. The next day I embarked on board and
we set sail for Dover with a fair wind, which carried
us to this place in about ten hours. Arriving in the port
along side of the quay, the custom-house officers came
on board, and began rummaging and searching the
passengers baggage. This alarmed me, as I was sensi
ble that it would not do to have mine (particularly at
this time) very closely examined; and therefore I slipt
a guinea into the hand of one of these officers, who was
in the act of searching and overhauling my baggage;
on feeling the yellow shiner, (which always has a

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

powerful effect in these cases,) he desisted from any
further examination. And seeing the rest of his com
rades busily engaged in searching the other passengers'
effects, he gave my portmanteau, &c. to a porter who
was standing by, and bade him carry it to the next inn.
For, said he, 'the gentleman is in a great hurry.' He
then gave me the wink to follow; (which I felt my
self very willing to do, as I was then fearful some one
of the other custom-house officers might take it into his
head to search my baggage.) Arriving at the inn, I
paid the porter, and drank a few glasses of porter with
the custom-house officer. I hired a post chaise and set
off for London, and in about two hours after leaving
Dover, I reached the famous city of Canterbury. There
I tarried till the next day, and went to see this ancient
cathedral, which is of a Gothic construction, and it is
said covers more ground of itself than St. Paul's in
London. The window glass inside is most beautifully
painted with variegated colours, and far exceeds any
thing of the kind I ever saw. In the inside of this
Gothic structure are also to be seen several marble
statues, representing some of the ancient kings of Kent,
as also several which represent some who have been
bishops of the city, and which, I was here told, was
founded in the year 589, by one Ethelbert, who at that
time was king of the (now) county of Kent. But I was
told that the cathedral was nearly twelve hundred years
old, by the person who was my guide or conductor
to this magnificent pile of buildings. While I was
here there was a large concourse of people entered the
city, who had been to see some English sailors hanged
at or near Deptford, upon the river Thames. Part of
this company put up at the same inn where I then

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

lodged, and who related this singular transaction to
the landlord and others. They said that these poor
sailors were brought from the place where they had
been confined, under an escort of horse and foot to the
place of execution; that there were eleven in number;
that they were marched from the shore upon a kind of
wooden floating machine, when they were all put into
irons fitted for the purpose, and affixed to their bodies,
legs and arms, in such a manner that they could not
bend either; a halter was then put round each of their
necks. This done, the floating platform was towed off
from the shore under a gallows, which it seems had
been erected by the orders for that express purpose,
and where there was about twenty-five feet of water.
The floating machine, with the criminals and hang
men upon it, was towed under the gallows precisely
at high water.* The hangmen then put each halter
over the gallows and made them fast, and left the
criminals to die at their leisure, or as the tide fell, to
die by inches. This mode of punishment was certainly
new, and deserves to be noticed, being as singular as it
is barbarous. This is also another species of British
humanity, so much boasted of by Britons and their ad
herents, in the United States and elsewhere. The poor
criminals, hanged as before described, were most of
them nearly four hours in dying, and their screeches,
groans, and cries were heard for some miles from the
tragic scene. The landlord informed me that this was
the kind of punishment which was inflicted upon every
man and boy who were taken by the English under
the American or French flags, if they had ever been

*The tide ebbs and flows in the river Thames about twenty-two
feet.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

in the British navy or army, and proved to have been
British subjects, whether they had deserted or not; and
that these kind of executions had taken place frequently
upon the river Thames. Such kind of conduct as this,
on the part of the British, rather exceeds their treatment
of the American prisoners on board of the Old Jersey
at New- York, or the glass plot in Forton prison, which
I have already related. Now, when all these trans
actions relative to the cruelties of the British towards
their fellow creatures, without taking into the account
their numerous barbarities in other places (besides
New- York) in the United States, are held up to view,
I defy any one to produce any thing in history, ancient
or modern, in point of barbarity and cruelty, which has
a parallel in any other nation, civil, or even in a state
of nature. After having paid my landlord, I was about
stepping into the chaise, in order to continue my jour
ney, when he begged to speak to me privately. When
we had gone into a private room and were alone, he
asked me if I was provided with guineas. I did not
comprehend his meaning and therefore desired him to
explain himself, which he did as follows. I perceive,
Sir, that you are a stranger; if so, are not you appre
hensive of being robbed upon the road between this
place and London? For, continued he, there are a
great number of highway robbers on that road ; and as
there have been several people, and that within a few
days too, robbed on the road, even in carriages, and in
the day time; therefore, said he, (shewing me a purse
of guineas at the same time) if you will purchase these
counterfeits,* you may avoid being robbed of your

* These were well executed, and would, I believe, pass with igno
rant people for genuine ones.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

genuine guineas, by presenting these to whomsoever
attacks you. I was at first a little startled at the fellow's
proposition, and intelligence respecting the highway
men; I was in fact at a loss what to do. I knew if I
purchased these counterfeit guineas, and should be de
tected with these found upon me, being an entire
stranger in these parts, the officers of justice might com
mit me to prison upon suspicion; and where they would
have it in their power of accusing me of being a spy,
and one who had been sent from France into England,
for the purpose of circulating false guineas. But on
the other hand, I knew that a greater evil could not
befall me at the time than that of being robbed which
would inevitably have been the cause of my being be
trayed. Upon the whole, I ventured to purchase of the
landlord twenty of these counterfeits for a couple of
crowns, and then continued my journey towards Lon
don, and on my way I passed through Roxbury, a large
populous town, and came to the entrance of a large
tract of land, overgrown with bushes, nearly as high
as a man's breast, and very thick. This, I was told,
they called Black Heath; and where I was attacked by
two men, very elegantly dressed, and well mounted
upon very handsome horses (both of them wore at the
time masks upon their faces,) one of which ordered me
to deliver my purse, the other caught hold of the reins
of the bridle of the foremost horses, and threatened to
shoot the driver if he offered to stir an inch further.
Being in the act of feeling for my counterfeits, there
appeared just ahead of us a coach and six, accompanied
by several gentlemen on horse back. The villains per
ceiving these people, quit us without their booty, clapt
spurs to their horses, and rode off upon the gallop,

c 167:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

struck out of the main road, leaped several ditches and
fences, and were soon out of sight. I soon after passed
the coach and six and concluded that it belonged to an
English nobleman, as I saw some of the persons who
followed after it dressed in livery.

Most of the gentlemen who were mounted on horse
back, and who appeared to be escorting the said coach,
were armed each with a hanger or sword, and a pair of
pistols. This retinue appeared to the gentlemen high
waymen to be too formidable for them, which was the
reason, no doubt, of their going off in such a precipitate
manner. I was so near the city of London now (say
nine miles) that I could see the steeples above a black
cloud of smoke in which the city is constantly enveloped
when there is but little wind, owing it is said, to the
citizens burning such large quantities of sea coal in
the city. I could at the same time observe the spire of
St. Paul's Church, soaring considerably above the rest.
On the 1 8th, at 4 P.M. I arrived in the famous city of
London, and took private lodgings at the sign of the
White Bear, in Picadilly-street. The next day I waited
upon the gentlemen to whom my letters of credit were
addressed, Messrs. Charles and Edward Hague,* mer
chants, living in Fen-Church-street; and the latter of
fered me every assistance that was in his power while I
remained in the city.

I found that where I lodged an uncle of mine put up,
who was then a colonel in the British army in America;
and as I did not like to meet him, I changed my lodg
ings, and afterwards I put up at a private house not far
from St. Paul's. While I remained in the city I made

* Charles, the former partner in trade with Edward, had been dead
some years, but notwithstanding, the firm was still kept up.

1:1683

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

it a custom to visit the coffee-houses, where I heard
much said by British officers about the Americans gen
erally. At one of these houses I heard a British officer,
who by his military dress and apaulets upon his shoul
ders, I took to be a colonel ; and who by his conversa
tion with another officer, had served in the British army
in America, for upwards of four years; but had then a
furlow for a few months. He valued himself a good
deal upon taking the poor yankees off, (as he called it)
in their manner of speaking. 'I recollect,' said he, 'a
person who arrived in Boston about the time that the
rebels were collecting their forces near this town, and
where I then was, who had got permission to come into
town; and who told me that the main road leading
from New- York to Boston was covered with men,
marching on in an Indian file to join the rebel forces
under the command of the rebel general Washington.
Those men, thus on their march, were what they called
the militia; some of whom were clothed in rags, with a
knapsack, or something like it, on their backs, and each
had an old rusty musket upon their shoulders some of
which the gentleman observed, had no locks to them;
and some of these men would carry their muskets, the
but end of them uppermost or in the air, where the
muzzle ought to be; with the gun resting sometimes
upon the right, and sometimes upon their left shoulder;
and these men were frequently several rods from each
other. The gentleman in question, to have a little di
version, would accost them in a familiar way, in this
manner: To one, 'Well, my lad, where are you going?'
Whose answer would be: 'Why, to Boston, to fight the
enemi — where do you think? you tarnal tory-curse you
—maple log roll over you — the old tyke take you,' &c.

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FANNING'S NARRATIVE

'I vow you, brother Jonathan, (addressing himself to
one of his comrades) do'nt you think this clean faced
Englishman is a cursed tory,' &c. The gentleman
would pass on to the next, and so on, putting the same
question to each, and they would answer him in the
same way. 'Now,' says the colonel to the other British
officer, to whom he was directing his discourse, and
who it seems had never been in America, 'what think
you of such kind of fellows as have been described to
you, the American army being at present made up with
these kind of men? I say,' (by the by) continued he,
'who could have believed that these naked, half paid,
half starved, bare footed, rebels, would ever have dared
to face out regular, well fed, well paid, and well
clothed troops? Most certain,' replied the other officer,
'I never did believe it, and more, I never shall. It is too
true, my friend, replied the colonel; they have often
done it; and besides I could mention a number of in
stances where the rebels have fairly beaten out our
troops, and where our numbers were equal to theirs,
and sometimes superior. And this you may rest as
sured of as an absolute fact, that a regiment of these
yankee troops, will always beat a regiment of British
troops, provided that each regiment, British and Amer
ican, consist of an equal number of officers and soldiers;
especially when the contest gets to that pitch, when it
becomes necessary to decide it at the point of the
bayonet. This is true, said the colonel. I have had
sufficient experience of it; I had enough of this sort of
yankee play at Bunker Hill. He then opened his bosom
and shewed his friend where he had been wounded in
that battle. He then told the officer (who had never
been in America) that he had seen enough of the

i: 170:3

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

bravery of the Americans; so much so, said he, that I
am determined after my furlow is out, if the govern
ment orders me to join my regiment again in America,
to resign my commission. For, continued the colonel,
we shall never be able, with all our fleet and armies, to
conquer the Americans, (hush, said his friend) I do'nt
care, replied the colonel, who hears me, this is my
opinion, and I will maintain it even in the presence of
the ministry themselves.'

The colonel and his friend soon after left the room,
and I entered this interesting conversation in one of the
pages of my pocket book, which will have a tendency,
among numbers of a similar kind, to show that a great
number of British officers, both in their navy and army
at this time, were of a like opinion. It certainly, in my
opinion, indicated an approaching peace between Great
Britain and the United States. I used to frequent this
coffee-house, where I heard my countrymen taken off,
and was amused with more yankee stories than I had
ever heard related in my own country; and at times I
have been so much diverted with them that I have
nearly burst my sides with laughter.

My particular business which I had with Messrs. C.
and E. H. I closed, and after tarrying in London about
three weeks, without being able to complete my other
affairs, I set off for Dunkirk, and travelled back the
same rout on which I came, and on the 8th of April I
arrived there. The next day the gentlemen who had
sent me on the expedition to London, assembled at the
Town house; gave me new instructions, together with
several letters from the court of France, to Lord Shel-
burne, Stormont, and Kepple, &c. The purport of
these were, some proposals of peace, and some pro-

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

posals to the English court, for the liberation of the
unfortunate capt. L. Ryan and McCarter, who were
Irishmen, but had both commanded privateers in the
French service, when they captured a great number of
English vessels, and were at last both taken by the Eng
lish, and were then confined at Newgate under sentence
of death, on account of their having been British sub
jects, and were taken under French colours. They had
(however, since the sentence was passed upon them)
both been respited twice; and the French court now
appeared to interest themselves in saving the lives of
these two captains; partly on account of their being
lieutenants in the French navy, and partly on account
of their having rendered great and important services
to France.

I left Dunkirk once more on the 9th in the morning,
and proceeded on my journey for London, passed
through Ostend, took passage there in a neutral packet
boat, and arrived at Dover on the loth at 5 A.M. Here
again the custom-house officers attempted to search my
baggage, but which I avoided by telling them that I
was a messenger of peace sent by the French ; as a proof
of this I shewed them the addresses of the letters al
ready mentioned. On seeing these, and begging them
not to detain me, as my business required the utmost
secrecy and dispatch, they instantly released me and my
baggage, believing no doubt, every word which I had
told them to be true. I therefore sent immediately and
procured a post chaise, set out for London, and arrived
there in a little more than four hours, and soon enough
to save the lives of the unfortunate Ryan and Mc
Carter, who were to have been hanged the next day.
I delivered the letters which I had been charged with,

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

to the persons to whom they were directed (in their be
half.) A reprieve was granted them, and they soon
after recovered their liberty. I remained in the city
several days incog., and then got a kind of protection
signed by Lords Stormont and Way. After this I ap
peared in a public manner. I was examined before a
lord Mansfield, relative to a number of ransom bills,
which it seems had been sent to Messrs. Charles and
Edward Hague for collecting. His lordship asked
me if I was a French subject, and whether I had seen
the signatures placed or affixed to these bills ; to which
questions I replied in the affirmative, after being put
under oath. The amount of the said bills were after
wards paid, as I was informed, by the gentlemen to
whom they had been sent for collection.

I now had leisure time and went to see the natural
and artificial curiosities which abound in the city. First
my inclination led me to the Tower, where I gained ad
mittance by giving a person half a guinea who was at
the gates, and who was said to be one of the king's
pages. I observed that his coat (the ground work)
was red and almost covered with gold lace. Another
person, after I had entered the Tower, undertook to
conduct me round, and to shew me everything that my
inclination wished to see. He first led me into a large
spacious hall, where I saw the statues, both men and
horses, as large as life, representing all the kings of Eng
land, from Alfred the great, in succession down to his
present majesty; some of whom had been kings of
Great Britain after the kingdom of Scotland had been
annexed to England, all on horseback, and which are
of steel, and always kept admirably bright. Likewise,
I here saw a statue of Queen Elizabeth (by the sudden

£173:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

drawing up of a curtain at the farther end of the hall)
and an elegant horse, handsomely decorated with
bridle, saddle, &c. and a British grenadier as large as
life, is represented as holding the reins of the bridle in
one hand, and in the other he holds his cap, and ap
pears to be bending towards her majesty, who appears
to have just descended from her horse, and lodged the
reins of the bridle in the hands of the grenadier. These
figures are made of wax. The queen is superbly
dressed; the whole being, as I was told, an exact repre
sentation at the time the queen arrived at Portsmouth,
and the moment she received the certain news of the
total defeat and ruin of the grand Spanish Armada.
The last statues or figures are pronounced to be by most
foreign connossieurs, as well as natives of England who
have seen them, a master piece. I was next conducted
into a very large hall said to be three hundred feet
long, and one hundred broad, and which my conductor
informed me contained one hundred and twenty thou
sand small arms, besides several thousand bayonets,
pistols, &c. This room, said he, has been emptied three
times during the bloody rebel war in America, and
how many more times it will be emptied, continued he,
before the war will be at an end, God only knows.
There are here kept constantly employed about one
hundred men, to keep these arms, &c. bright and clean.
In the next place I was shewn many trophies of victory
(the Englishman's boast,) taken from the French,
Dutch, and Spaniards, &c., some very rich and mag
nificent pavilions, or standards, formerly belonging to
these powers. I was afterwards shewn his majesty's
regalia, besides many other curious and valuable
things; to give a description of each would, I fear, tire

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the patience of the reader. The following may per
haps suffice, viz. the imperial crown, that all the kings
of England have been crowned with, from the time of
Edward the confessor, down to the present king. The
orb or globe, held in the king's left hand at the corona
tion, on the top of which is a jewel near an inch and a
half in height, of inestimable worth. The royal sceptre,
with the dove, the emblem of peace. St. Edward's
Curtana,* or the sworcl of mercy, borne between the
two swords of justice, spiritual and temporal. A noble
silver font, double gilt, out of which the royal family
are christened. A silver fountain, presented to king
Charles the II. by the town of Plymouth. The prince
of Wales' crown. Queen Mary's crown, globe and
scepter, with the diadem she wore in proceeding to her
coronation. The ampulla or eagle of gold, which
holds the holy oil, which the kings and queens of Eng
land are annointed with ; and the golden spoon, that
the bishop pours the oil into, and which are great pieces
of antiquity. The rich crown of state, which his majesty
wears on his throne in parliament, in which is a large
emerald seven inches round. A pearl, the finest and
richest in the world, and a ruby of inestimable value.
All the above mentioned articles were shewn to me by
a woman, by candle light, each of which I handled by
putting my right hand through an iron grate, as I was
not permitted to go into the room or vault where these
articles were deposited. The last things which were
shewn me by this woman, were several small towers,
cities, &c. in miniature, and made by a lady of distinc-

*An old rusty sword with one edge to it. It has a leather scab
bard and is of ancient construction; worth in my estimation about
three shillings sterling.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

tion, while she was a prisoner in the Tower a number
of years. These last were of the most admirable work
manship. I was also shewn a great variety of shells,
taken from the sea shore, remarkably curious, besides a
great many kinds of wild beasts, birds, &c. brought
from foreign countries. Among the last was an eagle
of a gray colour, about five feet high, and large in pro
portion to its height, which my conductor told me had
been within the walls of the Tower nearly one hundred
years. After seeing all that was curious at the Tower,
I went to the British Museum, (so called) where there
are a great number of figures of wax work to be seen of
different sizes, and in different positions. I must
acknowledge that at first view of them they appeared to
have life in them. On one side was seen a woman as
large as life, seated in an elegant chair, in the act of
suckling an infant, both beautiful beyond description.
On the opposite side of the room, was seen a young
man upon his knees in a most supplicating manner, at
the feet of a young lady (representing as his mistress;)
the former of which, in this humble posture, address
ing, (or is made to appear so) the idol of his heart, in
the most pathetic manner (at least with his eyes, which
generally is allowed to speak the language of the
heart.) Here are also to be seen infants preserved in
some kind of spirituous liquors, who were taken out of
their mother's womb, and appeared as animated as
when first extracted from thence. I was shewn one of
these not more than six inches long, and which the
surgeon, who often attends here, declared to be no more
than five weeks, from the time the operation was per
formed, of extracting it from its mother, to the time
when it was formed. This, however, I did not believe.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

I was next led by curiosity, to pay a visit to West
minster Abbey where I saw many statues and other
curiosities, far beyond my weak capacity of describing.
After this I went to Spring Gardens, where I saw a
giant, who was pronounced to be eight feet two inches
high, by some persons who had just measured him as I
entered the apartment where he was. He was well
proportioned as to his body, legs and features, and
which coincided with his height. He was genteely
dressed, with a superfine broad cloth red coloured coat,
white buff vest and breeches, white silk stockings, with
shoes and buckles; and wore a black cocked hat, in
which was a black cockade; and he had much the ap
pearance, especially in his walking, of a military gentle
man. I asked him a number of questions, to which he
gave pertinent answers, in quite a polite manner. He
told me that he was twenty-three years of age, was born
in Ireland, where he had been liberally educated,* that
his parents were poor working people, and that they
were not larger than the common size.

While in this city I made it a custom to pass the
evenings either at Covent-Garden, Drury-Lane, Ash
ley's Riding-School, or at the Opera in the Hay-
Market. I was one night at the latter place, when his
present majesty entered. The spectators ushered his
arrival into the house with a general hissing and loud
fits of laughter. This surprised me the more, when the
Prince of Wales shortly after entered with two lords
in waiting, was received with shouts of applause, and a
pretty general echo of the word bravo; which is a word

*His education, by his own story, was at the expence of a certain
Irish lord, and to whom the giant is under obligation to reimburse
after he shall have made the tour of Europe.

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FANNING'S NARRATIVE

that signifies that the performers have acted their parts
well ; and which I have often heard pronounced by the
parture, (the pit) in France.

Mr. Hague was so generous as to present me with a
family ticket for the play, every night when I had an
inclination to go to Covent-Garden theatre; and with
which I could always gain admittance there, either in
the pit or boxes, without its costing me anything.
(This was a silver plate of an oval form, about two
inches over, with his name engraven on it.) As I under
stood by him he paid the managers of that theatre by
the year, and which I found practised by numerous
heads of families in the city.

On the night of the loth of May I set out from West
minster, and crossed the bridge of that name, which is
a noble and grand piece of architecture. The other two
bridges a little lower down the river Thames, called
London, and Blackf riars, are not to be compared with
the fine bridge of Westminster. After having crossed
this last, I was most delightfully pleased with two rows
of lamps, both in a straight line, extending along each
side of the road which leads over this large and elegant
bridge for two miles distance from it. I sometimes
took occasional walks upon St. James's park, where I
frequently saw the royal family exercising in walking
on foot. The king, upon these occasions was dressed
quite plain, and some of the princesses were not known
by strangers from any other women of quality. In fact,
I noticed that the maids of honour to the queen were
more elegantly dressed here than the princesses. I
thought these last to be very ordinary, or far from being
handsome women.

I was once at Whitehall, (the king's palace) on pur-

[1783

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

pose to see his majesty, and waited some time in a large
hall, through which the king was to pass on his way to
hear some divine service performed in his chapel, but
a small distance from the palace. There were a large
crowd of people gathered together out of curiosity to
see their king. At length he passed very close to me,
accompanied by several lords in waiting, some of whom
cried out, 'Make room for his majesty to pass;' at this
the crowd gave way upon each side, and the king
walked on between them. I saw several of these people
kneel when he was near them, and attempt to present
him (each one) with a paper folded up, which I sup
posed to have been petitions to his majesty; one of the
lords in waiting received these petitions from the hands
of those who presented them, but neither the king or
his lords made any stop, but continued on through the
hall nearly as fast as they could walk. I at that mo
ment, thought of my country, the people of which are
without a king; and I hope they may never be cursed
with one, with all the leaches of royalty surrounding
the throne, (as is here the case) and consuming with
greedy appetites the hard earnings of the people. O,
my country! Thou art yet happy, compared to Old
England, the subjects of which are at this day, (with
but few exceptions,) in a state of abject slavery: the
spoutings and trumpetings for royalty, to the contrary
notwithstanding. The king, so much adored by the
people of England, is a mere clumsy made man, with
round shoulders, and a great head, which, as the Eng
lish themselves say, is not over stocked with good sense;
and I observed that there was not anything in his coun
tenance which is significant, or that commanded re
spect. The queen, on the contrary, appeared to have

D793

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

much more of a physiognomy to draw the attention of
those who surrounded her; and was generally spoken
well of by the subjects of their majesties; and I have no
doubt but she was once a tolerable handsome woman.
The prince of Wales is also a handsome figure of a
man, and a great lover of the fair sex. I also visited the
house of parliament, where I heard several speeches of
the celebrated orator Charles Fox, Esq. and who was
at this time idolized by the people of England, and I
noticed that he was toasted oftener than the king, in all
companies where I had supped, or dined; some of
whom were of the first quality of the city. At this time
particularly, he was a strenuous advocate for the liber
ties of the United States, and which was plainly to be
seen in his speeches, even upon the floor of parliament.
I heard him say in this place, 'That the best way to rec
oncile the Americans to the people of Great Britain
was, for the British ministry to declare them inde
pendent, and open a free trade with them at once; and
by this step they would have the honour and glory of
bringing about a lasting and sincere friendship between
the two nations.' These are, as near as I can recollect,
his words.

I remained in London about four weeks this time,
and then took my departure for France. I passed
through Roxbury, and from thence to Dover; where I
heard several people at the inn where I put up say, that
there would be peace soon; and having no inclination
to dispute with them on that score, I walked down
upon the quay, and found a neutral packet boat ready
to sail for Ostend; on board of which I embarked with
my baggage, and she set sail, and in about ten or twelve
hours after our departure I was landed in the latter

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

place, where I hired a post chaise, and at 9 at night I
arrived at Dunkirk.

On the I2th of May, 1782, I was invested with the
command of the Eclipse cutter privateer, the same in
which I had sailed in with captain Anthon, as second
captain, carrying eighteen French six pounders,
mounted on carriages; and her officers and crew con
sisted of one hundred and ten. Her crew were made
up of different nations, viz. French, English, Irish,
Dutch, Americans, (about fifty- five) Italians, Ger
mans, Flemenders, Maltese, Genoese, Turks, Tunis
ians, Algerines, &c. &c. almost all of which spoke either
French or English.

The manner of fitting out privateers in this part of
the country deserves particular notice. The common
practice is this: The owners of privateers advance large
sums of money to the officers and crew, before the pri
vateer sails on her intended cruise, viz. to a captain
forty-five guineas; to a second captain thirty-five
guineas ; to each of the lieutenants twenty-five guineas ;
to the gunner, boatswain, sailing master, and carpenter,
fifteen guineas each; and so on for other petty officers,
in proportion to their rank on board. To each sailor
ten guineas; to each mariner five guineas; to each or
dinary seaman five guineas, &c. &c. These different
sums of money are advanced by the owners of every
privateer fitted out in France, to the officers and crews
before sailing, as a kind of bounty. The advances enu
merated as above, are for a six weeks cruise; and the
sums are raised to the officers and crews, if the priva
teers to which they belong should be bound on a longer
cruise. All these sums, however, are deducted from
their prize money, after the cruise shall have been fin-

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

ished. If no prizes are taken during the same, or not
enough when sold to amount to the sums so advanced,
the said officers and crews are not liable to refund to
the owners the monies, which they may have received,
or any part thereof.

On the 6th of June we got under way, the wind then
being at W.S.W. and stood to the Northward for the
coast of Scotland. On the loth we captured an Eng
lish brigantine, laden with sea coal, put a prize master
and crew on board of her, and ordered her for Dun
kirk. After which we ran a large sloop on shore near
Scarborough, which we made an attempt to get off, but
in this we did not succeed ; we then set her on fire. The
next day we captured two large coasting sloops, and
sunk them, after taking out the crews and putting them
on board of the privateer. On the i^th, captured a
large English ship off Buchaness, (and finding that she
was valuable, being laden principally with Irish linens,
besides other effects) on board of which we put a prize
master and fifteen men, and ordered her for Dunkirk.
On the 1 6th towards night, made the Orkney Islands,
which lie to the Northward of Scotland, in about 60
deg. of N. lat. and in long. io.2O.W. On the lyth, sent
my boat on shore, and demanded some fresh provisions
and vegetables, of the magistrates of a small town on
one of these Islands, in the name of John Dyon, captain
of his majesty's cutter the Surprize. About 10 A.M.
the boat returned on board with a quantity of fresh pro
visions, &c. At 4 P..M. several boats from the shore
came alongside with several natives in them, whom we
could scarcely understand a word they said. At 5 P.M.
we obtained a pilot on board, and agreed with him to
pilot us into a port called Hopes Bay. At 6 P.M. came

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

to anchor in the aforesaid Bay. Here I received in
telligence that several vessels were expected about this
time from Quebec with furs, &c. and that it was more
than probable they would be without a convoy, as it
was a rare thing, the inhabitants informed me, to see a
French privateer in these seas.

The greater part of my crew at this time were either
Americans, or those who could speak English; I there
fore kept the pilot on board, and ordered all such as
could speak that language, to be confined in the hold.
This done, I laid an embargo on seven sail vessels lying
in this port. After which, I lay here several days wait
ing for the Quebec fleet; during which time none of the
inhabitants suspected my being an enemy. On the 2j\h
at 2 P.M. there was a report brought me by some of my
officers who had come on board from the shore, that
there were two English vessels back of the Island, and
that they appeared to be standing round this Island to
gain the harbour where we were. On hearing this, I
went aloft, from whence, with a spy-glass, I could
plainly perceive a large ship, which had the appear
ance of a frigate of twenty-eight guns, and a cutter
mounting fourteen guns, both having English colours
flying; and I was the more confident that they were
enemies, as I could see that the cutter's sails set quite
different from those of her size belonging to the French
nation. In this state of perplexity I was somewhat at a
loss to know what was best to do first; for I was sensible
that no time was to be lost. However, having learned
of the pilot, that these warlike vessels could not enter
the port where we lay, that night, in the interim I
thought it expedient, and in our power, either to ran
som the town or burn it. This last, would not perhaps,

[183:3

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

be so justifiable according to the rules of war, and
usages of civilized nations ; but I knew it would in some
measure retaliate for the depredations of some of the
commanders of the British ships of war upon the coasts
of the United States; particularly by James Wallace,
commander of the Rose sloop of war, who had already,
with the assistance of his officers and crew, burnt sev
eral small villages upon the American coast; in some
of which descents on the said coast, he and his ad
herents had committed divers acts of the most wanton
and barbarous kind towards the inhabitants of said vil
lages, ever recorded in history. Having, with the appro
bation of my officers, determined upon either burning
or ransoming the village, opposite where we were at
anchor; I ordered my first lieutenant, with a number
of marines well armed, to proceed to the shore, and to
lay the town under a contribution of ten thousand
pounds sterling, to be executed in one hour, and in that
interim to send on board three of the principal magis
trates of the town, whom I was to detain as hostages
until the money was paid and safely lodged on board
of the privateer. The lieutenant, having received his
orders how to conduct this affair, landed with his men,
and convened the principal inhabitants, to whom he
communicated his business, and the reason of his ap
pearance then in the place in a hostile manner. They
begged of him to allow them one quarter of an hour
to consult upon this matter in private; and which, con
trary to his orders, he granted them. During this short
interval the lieutenant, with his men, fell to plundering
the inhabitants of their silver plate and other rich ar
ticles; ravishing, or attempting to ravish, the young
maidens, and committing other acts of barbarity, all

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

against his particular orders, which so much exasper
ated the inhabitants that they became desperate; and
in their turn they attacked the lieutenant and his men
with huge clubs, stones, &c. and obliged them to re
treat towards the shore, where they got under cover of
the privateer's guns; but the lieutenant, being a des
perate fellow, and recollecting that he had not executed
any part of his orders, faced about with his men, and
rushed upon the inhabitants, who in their turn retreated
in a very precipitate manner; several cannon from the
privateer, at the same time, loaded with grape, round
and canister shot, being discharged at them. The lieu
tenant, after having set the town on fire together with
the vessels which lay aground near by, came on board
with his men, none of whom were hurt, bringing with
them a good deal of plate and other valuable articles;
also a very beautiful young girl, about sixteen years of
age, very handsomely dressed, and who the lieutenant
begged me to suffer him to detain on board until we
arrived in France, promising, when we got there, that
he would marry her. Enraged at such a proposition,
and being, at first sight of this beautiful young lady,
greatly prepossessed in her favour, and willing to re
store her to her liberty, and also knowing the lieutenant
to be already married, I ordered him immediately to
be confined below to his cabin, for disobedience of my
orders, and for being so cruel as to bring off the young
woman in question without the consent of her friends,
and which he at first told me was the case. I now en
quired of her if any of my officers or men had made
any attempt to injure her. She answered no ; and then
fell upon her knees, and begged of me in the most mov
ing terms that she was mistress of, in sobs and broken

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

English, not to carry her away from her parents and
friends, but to suffer her to go immediately on shore,
without depriving her of that which she said was dearer
to her than life. She then made another effort, and
clung fast hold of my knees, muttering something to
herself of which I did not comprehend the meaning, but
supposed it to be a prayer. I lifted her up and seated
her in a chair, desiring her to wait a moment, and that
I would myself see her safe on shore ; but she now (hav
ing perhaps not understood me) cried, tore her hair,
and raved like a mad person. She still thought that I
intended to carry her off. The privateer being now
under way, I wrote a few lines to the young woman's
parents, desiring them to believe me when I disavowed
to them that I had had any hand in causing their
daughter to be brought on board of my vessel ; as proof
of which, I had myself seen her safe on shore, and that
I did not wage war on women or children; and finally
I wished them happy in receiving their daughter again
into the bosom of their family, as virtuous as when
forced from them. Accordingly, I ordered the boat
manned, and embarked with this young Scotch lass, and
approached the shore amidst a shower of stones thrown
at me by the inhabitants, who had assembled there to
oppose my landing. However, as I landed they retired
some paces back, and stood with their arms folded
across their breasts, in wonder and astonishment at our
boldness. Having landed the young woman, I made
bold to steal a kiss from her, which was delicious, and
which she returned with earnestness, saying 'taunky,
taunky, guid mon,' and then tripped away from me
with a light pair of heels.

After this I proceeded on board of the privateer, and

[186]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

about ten at night we set the pilot on shore, paid him
five guineas for pilotage (his price), and at twelve the
same night we got clear of the Orkneys, and without
having run in the way of the two English cruisers, be
fore mentioned. The next day we captured two Eng
lish sloops, manned them and sent them for France.
The night following we took four English sloops, sunk
three of them; the other one, the largest, I caused all
the English prisoners who were on board of the priva
teer, to be transported on board of this sloop, after they
had signed a writing, purporting that they had been
captured by the Eclipse cutter, under French colours,*
and mentioning the commander's name; a copy of
which they requested me to give them: I then gave
them the sloop to go where they pleased; they wished
me good bye, and we parted.

On the 29th, stretched in under the Island of St.
Kildy, lying to the Westward of Scotland. Here we
sunk two sloops loaded with pipe clay, and ran into a
small harbour and came to anchor, where we got a
quantity of fresh vegetables and provisions. On the
30th, we arrived off the N.E. part of Ireland, where we
fell in with two English frigates, and were chased by
them twelve hours. The first part of the chase they
were to leeward of us, but having sprung the head of
our mast, and the frigates gaining upon us fast, as we
were, on account of that misfortune, obliged to shorten
sail. In this situation we deliberated a few moments

*At this time the captain of each French privateer was entitled to
a crown a head for every English prisoner, paid by the French gov
ernment. This was one reason that I took a certificate of the prison
ers when I released them; another was, the English government
were bound to return an equal number of Frenchmen.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

what would be best for us to do, and concluded to bear
away before the wind, notwithstanding both frigates
were at this time directly to leeward of us. We now,
after getting every thing ready, bore away, set the fore
sail, topsail, and crowded all the sail we could. When
we came to get the privateer directly before the wind,
we found that one of the frigates was now as near us as
possible; the other frigate tacked and stood across our
fore foot. I was sensible that I should be obliged to
run a great risque; and for this reason after the yards
were secured, and the throat and peak ties of the main
sail, with chains, as was customary previous to coming
into action, I ordered every one of the officers and crew
to lie as flat upon our deck as they could. As we ap
proached within gun shot of the two frigates, who were
now standing head and head, in order to prevent our
running betwixt them, the man at helm appeared by
his wild steerage of the privateer, to be very much
agitated and afraid; perceiving this, I took the helm,
and steered the privateer directly between the two
frigates. By this, both of them began firing into us;
and they hailed us from on board of both ships, which
we were now abreast of, and within pistol-shot, so that
the officers on deck absolutely fired their pistols into
us, besides the fire of the marines and top men. A great
number of their shot went through our waist and boat,
stowed in the chocks upon deck; one of which went
through the main boom and fell into our cabin, which
weighed twelve pounds. We at last got so far to lee
ward of both frigates that they ceased firing their
broadsides, but kept their bow guns warm in firing at
us. Several of our men were w^ounded, but not a man
killed, nor was any of our rigging damaged, but our

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

boom and mast had several shot through them. The
wind beginning to fall we set more sail, and night com
ing on we got clear of both frigates. On the ist of July,
being in sight of Slime Head, we discovered a lofty
sail to windward standing immediately towards us. We
prepared for action; soon after saw her display English
colours ; we did the same and hove to for her. I could
now perceive that she had twelve guns of a side, and
had the appearance of a letter of marque. The men
for boarding were ready at their stations upon the bow
sprit and the yard arms. She approached within gun
shot of us, and having hailed her, found she was an
English ship. I ordered our English ensign hauled
down, and a French ensign and an American pendant
hoisted ; as soon as this was done she poured her star
board broadside into us and the battle commenced. We
gave her four broadsides, when the men for boarding
cried out, *A la bordage, mon capitaine.' (Let us board
her, captain.) We then ran the privateer along side of
the enemy, when the boarding men leaped on board of
her. They now quit their quarters and ran below; and
down came the Englishman's flag. She proved to be the
Lovely Lass, from the Island of Nevis, in the West
Indies, bound to Liverpool, where she belonged. She
was a valuable prize, loaded with sugar, rum, cotton,
and other articles of West-India produce; burthen five
hundred and sixty tons, and had mounted at the time
twenty-four long nine pound cannon, several short
eighteen pound caronades mounted upon carriages, be
sides swivels, small arms, &c. and carried when she
engaged us, seventy-five officers, men and boys. She
lost in the action one mate, boatswain, six sailors, and
two boys killed, and eleven of her crew were wounded.

TANNING'S NARRATIVE

We lost in this battle, two killed and seven wounded,
out of sixty-eight, which was the whole number, in
cluding officers, that we had on board at the commence
ment of the action. We put on board of this valuable
prize, the third lieutenant of the privateer as prize
master, and sixteen sailors; and ordered him to keep
company with us, having concluded to convoy her into
some port in France. The next day we took another
prize, a brig loaded with provisions, bound from Ire
land to Portsmouth; manned her, and ordered her for
Morlaix. On the same night we lost sight of our prize,
which we undertook to convoy. On the 3d, we shaped
our course for 1'Orient, in order to refit, (being now in
want of hands, a new mast and boom, besides pro
visions, &c.) where I arrived on the yth, after having
been chased two days successively by an English frigate
and cutter.

On the 24th day of July, the privateer being com
pletely refitted and furnished with every thing needful,
we set sail again from 1'Orient in order to finish our
cruise. We steered for the coast of Ireland, and ar
rived off the highlands of Dungarvan, on that coast on
the ayth. At 5 P.M. we took a large galliot loaded with
sugar and coffee, and a sloop from Glasgow, laden with
bales of broad cloths, linens, &c. Put a prize master
on board of each, manned them, and ordered them for
Morlaix. On the 29th, took a small English sloop from
Bristol; the master of which informed me, that he left
at that place sixteen sail of merchant ships, mostly let
ters of marque, waiting for a fair wind to proceed from
thence to Cork; and that he understood that they were
to be convoyed by a man of war's tender of fourteen
guns. After the captain of this sloop had given me

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

this information, we took out of her a few bales of
goods, which was all the valuable property she had on
board, and gave the captain his sloop and dismissed
him. At meridian I sent my boat on shore with the first
lieutenant and the boat's crew armed, in order to get
some fresh provisions and vegetables, charging him not
to molest the inhabitants if they did not oppose his
executing my orders ; and I furnished him with money,
not to take anything of them without paying for it. At
2 P.M. the boat returned on board, bringing off in her
one fat ox, a few of the fattest sheep which I ever saw,
geese, turkies, fowls, &c. and a young gentleman with
his sister (a beautiful young lady). These young peo
ple, it seems, the lieutenant had invited on board, tell
ing them that he belonged to his majesty's cutter the
Surprise; promising them they should be treated gen-
teely on board, and have liberty to return on shore at
any time they pleased. These young people, being as
they said, son and daughter to the earl of Kieth, had
been on a hunting match, and on their return towards
home, they fell in with my lieutenant and his party,
and accepted of his invitation, having never before this
been on board of any vessel whatever.

They were both very handsome and genteely dressed.
The young lady had on a riding habit, and the young
gentleman such clothes as were suited to the business,
or the party of diversion which he had been upon.

I made them very welcome; ordered something to
be set upon the table for them to eat, and some good
wine for them to drink, as they appeared to be much
fatigued. We chatted awhile together, and cracked a
few jokes, all was glee and mirth. (When they first
came along side, those of my officers who could not

i:

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

speak English, were ordered below deck.) As soon as
the young people had refreshed themselves, they de
sired to go upon deck to see the great guns (as they
termed them). The young lady was very inquisitive,
and asked me a great number of questions respecting
what she saw. She wished to have one of the carnage
guns fired off, which she was gratified with, but ap
peared to be somewhat frightened at the report of it
and begged of me not to order any more fired. The
cry of a sail, by a man at mast head, now drew the at
tention of all. Soon after this we saw that she was a
large ship and shewed English colours. I now ordered
all hands to quarters, and the men who had been con
fined in the privateer's hold, who could not speak Eng
lish, mounted upon the deck, and the young gentleman
and lady (who it seems understood French) hearing
so many of my crew speak the French tongue, they
began to think we were enemies. Now let any one
judge of these young people's surprise, when I assured
them that our privateer was a French one, and an
enemy. Upon hearing this they appeared to be struck
dumb with astonishment. The young lady first broke
silence, and said, 'My dear sir, I hope you are too good
to have any intentions of carrying us to France,' and
before I had time to reply, the young gentleman spoke
and said, that he would not be carried to France for a
thousand guineas ; but if I took him away, he begged
in the most humble stile, that I would order his sister
to be set on shore, adding that their parents were old
people, and that it would nearly break their hearts to
lose both of their children at once. The young lady
then replied, with vivacity, if I would set her on shore,
she would engage to send me off on board the privateer

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

in four hours, three hundred guineas for the ransom of
herself and brother, and that I might detain him on
board as a hostage, for the due performance of what
she had promised. After she said this, she burst out
into tears, crying 'O, my dear papa and mama.'

Having never had any inclination of detaining either
of them on board longer than it suited them, I ordered
the boat manned, and told these young people that they
might go on shore whenever they pleased ; when there
fore they heard this news, their joy knew no bounds,
and their expressions of thankfulness to me were warm
and grateful beyond description. The young gentle
man now begged to know my name, declaring if ever I
should come to be a prisoner, in either Ireland or Eng
land, I might command him or his fortune; he then
stepped into my cabin, and wrote, and left me his
address. I declined, however, telling him my name, or
the name of the privateer which I commanded. I was
now about handing the young lady over the side, when
I begged her to permit me to take one parting kiss,
which she without hesitation granted; and which I
thought at the time sweeter than the Scotch kiss. They
then embarked, and I had the pleasure to see them
safely landed: after which the boat returned on board,
and was immediately hoisted into her chocks. The
weather having fell calm; when the ship we saw before
the young Irish people were set on shore was now with
in one league of us and shewed her broadside to us. She
really had the appearance at this time of a ship of war,
and shewed thirteen guns of a side. In this stage of the
business, I consulted my officers whether it was best to
attack her; a major part of them were for this measure,
and I found nearly all my crew were in favour of it.

£193:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

We accordingly out sweeps, and endeavoured to get
along side or under her stern, before night set in. We
soon got within reach of her guns, when she began to
fire upon us; but we after this soon got astern of her,
where she could only annoy us with her stern chasers.
At the setting of the sun we had got close under her
stern, within musket shot, and could now perceive that
she had a great many soldiers on board. We now gave
the privateer a rank sheer, brought our broadside to
bear upon her stern, and poured it into them, which
made great confusion on board of the enemy. We re
peated this several times and then rowed directly along
side of her; when the boarding men being in readiness,
they jumped on board of the enemy, part of whom
instantly quit their quarters, on seeing a number of
naked men* jumping on board of them. In five minutes
after my boarding men had got on board of the enemy,
they bawled out, 'Quarters, quarters, for God's sake!'
and dowsed their colours. She proved to be the None
Such, an English letter of marque, of Bristol, bound
for Cork, laden with the manufactures of Old England.
She mounted 26 six pound cannon, part of which were
brass; and had on board when she engaged us, by their
own account, eighty-seven officers and men. We found
killed upon her decks and forecastle fourteen men and
boys, and besides they had thrown overboard several of
their men who were killed during the action; which

*We had on board of the privateer about thirty of these boarding
men; they were Maltese, Genoese, Turks, and Algerines. They
were large, stout, brawny, well made men, and delighted in boarding
an enemy. Upon these occasions they stripped themselves naked, ex
cepting a thin pair of drawers, and used no other weapon but a long
knife or dirk, which were secured in their girdles around their waists.

D94]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

continued only 31 minutes. Besides her complement of
men, she had on board one hundred and twenty-seven
British troops, which were destined for America, and
were to be joined by others then at Cork. We lost in
this action on board of our privateer three killed, and
seven wounded. We put on board of this prize the first
lieutenant as prize master, and manned her with twen
ty-five picked men, took out the captain, his two mates,
and part of her crew, and transported them on board of
the privateer. We took care to see that all the British
officers and soldiers on board of the prize were con
fined below deck, as well as the rest of the Englishmen ;
and I ordered the prize master not to suffer but one of
the prisoners to come on deck at a time, until she ar
rived in port. I ordered the prize for the first port she
could get into in France.*

I was exceeding sorry to learn from some of the Irish
people who came on board my privateer a few days
after this battle, that my lieutenant who went on shore
with the two young people before mentioned, plun
dered the young man of a gold watch, and who was now
gone to France in one of the prizes captured by us, and
who I never afterwards saw. I should certainly, if I
had seen him, obliged him either to return the watch
to the owner, or make restitution for it.

After this I shaped my course for the Isle of Man, in
Bristol channel, where I arrived and cruised several
days, in hopes of falling in with some rich prizes, or the
Bristol fleet, but a violent gale of wind setting in,
obliged us to shift our station, and it was not without
the greatest difficulty and hazard that we did, under
very short sail, double the Land's End. We were sev-

* She arrived safe at Brest.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

eral times during this severe trial in the most imminent
danger of being cast upon the coast. Having however
got into the English channel, we hove to, and lay thirty-
six hours under a ballance try-sail. On the 9th of
August, the weather cleared off and became more mod
erate. Towards night we took two prizes, a brig and a
sloop, put prize masters and men on board of each,
taking out nearly all the prisoners, and sent them for
Morlaix. At 10 at night, landed a party of men on the
coast of Cornwall, well armed, and took off some fresh
provisions, which at that time we stood much in need of
for our wounded men and prisoners. On the loth at
Meridian, we captured two English brigs, in sight of
twenty-eight English ships of the line that were then
lying at anchor in Torbay, besides several frigates and
cutters at anchor with them. The two prizes were
laden with provisions, and were bound for the grand
fleet just mentioned; manned them and sent them for
the first French port they could get into. Afterwards
we stretched into a bay near Falmouth, where we could
discover a brig and a sloop lying at anchor under the
guns of a small fort; we soon got within gun shot of the
same and brought to. With this the fort began firing
at us pretty briskly; and also upon my boat, which had
been sent with a few armed men to take possession of
the brig and sloop; the crews of which had at first,
when they discovered us to be an enemy, abandoned
them and fled towards the shore. The fort was silenced
after we had discharged a few broadsides at it. The
second lieutenant, with a party of men, was now dis
patched to take possession thereof; and on their landing
and approaching the fort, I was not a little surprized
to see about a dozen women quit the same, and make a

D96]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

percipitate retreat from it; and what astonished us still
more was, that not a man was, or had been, in the fort
at or before the time of my men's entering it. The
women, by the by, were each armed with a musket, and
as they retreated, they would once in a while face about
and discharge their pieces at my men, as they advanced
to take possession of the fort; where these last, on en
tering it, found four four pounders, and six three
pounders, mounted upon carriages, which my lieuten
ant and his party spiked up, and then quit the fort and
returned on board, bringing with them a quantity of
powder which they found in said fort. We put a prize
master and crew on board of the brig, she being richly
laden, and ordered her for Morlaix. The sloop I gave
to the English prisoners, which we then had on board,
consisting of one hundred and ninety-five, officers, men
and boys. The sloop had nothing in her but ballast,
of any consequence. The prisoners were very thankful
to me for this gift, as well as for their liberation. They,
before we parted, made many promises to relieve and
assist us, if ever they were acquainted of our being
prisoners of war in any part of England. I took a cer
tificate of them, as was customary on such occasions.
They gave us three cheers, after which we made sail
and stood off from the land.

On the morning of the i ith we fell in with the Jupi
ter,* a fifty gun ship, and one of the fastest sailers in
the British navy, and two frigates. They bore from us

*The way I came to know that this ship was the Jupiter was,
having seen and conversed with her 2d lieutenant in Ostend a long
time thereafter, and who mentioned several circumstances as they
occurred during the chase; and that it was the intention of the cap
tain of the Jupiter, if they had captured us, to have hung the captain
of the privateer to the yard-arm.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

when we first discovered them about W. by S. distance
nearly five leagues; the wind then blowing a fresh
gale at W.S.W. We bore away before the wind, and
packed all sail upon the privateer. The three ships
gave chase to us, and spread all their canvass which
would draw. We soon after saw a large cutter di
rectly ahead of us with English colours set. The largest
ship astern now hove out a signal, and the cutter hove
to to obstruct our passing her. All hands were now
called to quarters on board of our privateer. We ap
proached the English cutter fast, and perceived that she
mounted fourteen guns, and that she had hauled up
the tack of her mainsail, and was prepared to give us a
warm reception. The ships in chase of me were now
in such a position that in order to avoid them, I was
obliged to run within pistol shot of the cutter. We
passed her; in doing which we exchanged broadsides.
She did us no injury. We then rounded to, and gave
her our other broadside, which carried away her top
mast, jib tack, and peak tye. In this crippled situation
we left her, and continued our course before the wind,
without taking in a rag of sail, as the ships were then
close to our heels. One of the ships in chase, having
got up with the cutter, and hove to, to her assistance,
the cutter very soon disappeared as we thought, and we
concluded that she sunk, but after this we saw the ship,
which had hove to, to assist her, take her in tow, and
stretch in towards the land. At 3 P.M. we had so far
outsailed them that we had lost sight of all of them but
the fifty gun ship, which was now about three leagues
distance astern of us ; and about the same time we dis
covered ahead of us the English channel fleet of men of
war, extending in a line from abreast of the east end

1:1983

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

of the Isle of Wight towards the southward about nine
miles. There appeared to be no alternative left us now
but to run directly through this line. In order to suc
ceed in this hazardous and Don Quixote attempt, I
ordered the French colours hauled down, and an Eng
lish ensign and pendant hoisted. Soon after we could
distinctly count in this fleet twenty-eight ships of the
line, several of which were three-deckers; besides a
number of frigates, sloops of war, and cutters. Several
signals were displayed on board of the ship astern of
us. The grand fleet also made several signals. I cer
tainly at this time, made some dependance, and had
faith to believe that the deception which I had con
templated, relative to our being able to shun the danger
which now awaited us, would succeed. Our cutter hav
ing been built in England and was now painted exactly
like the king's cutters, and the most of my officers and
crew spoke English, and were dressed like them; this
being the case, the deception was the more easy. I
ordered all those who could speak no English on board
of us to go below, and then approached the English
fleet with boldness, entered the centre of their line,
passed through between two three deckers; from on
board of both (we being then within pistol shot of
them,) they hailed us in these words, 'What cutter is
that.' The answer was, 'His majesty's cutter Surprize.'
We dropped our peak, and dowsed our colours, passing
these wooden castles; but did not take in a rag of sail.
We had nearly got without hail, when they hallooed
us to bring to. We answered ay, ay; but notwithstand
ing kept on our course. We had now given them the
slip, and meant to show them a yankee trick, by giving
them leg bail. The ships of the line in the centre, fired

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

several cannon at us, the shot of which flew consider
ably beyond us, passing over our heads. Finding that
we did not bring to, three frigates, a sloop of war,
and a cutter, separated from the fleet, and gave chase
to us. The fifty gun ship at the same time passed
through the grand fleet, and continued to chase us.
The cutter appeared to outsail either of them; and she
in fact sailed faster than we did. Perceiving this, I
ordered the man at the helm from time to time, to give
our privateer a rank sheer, and ordered the drag over
board to retard her way through the water. The Eng
lish cutter came up within musket shot, and began fir
ing into us.* We gave her two broadsides and cut away
some of her rigging (which she hove to to repair, as we
supposed.) But after this she did not attempt even to
follow us. This was done just in the dusk of the even
ing; and at the same time the other ships, except the
Jupiter, gave over chasing us, and hauled upon a wind,
which increased, and the last mentioned ship appeared
to gain upon us; however night shut in, and we could
not see her with our naked eyes, but could perceive her
quite plain with our night-glass. Being by this time
much fatigued, after having gone through so many dif
ferent scenes in the course of the day, and an hungered
withal, I stepped below to get some refreshment, not
apprehending that we should be taken at this time by
any of those ships which had been chasing us, except
ing I thought it was doubtful whether we should get
clear of the Jupiter or not. I had no sooner got below
than the fellow at the helm broached to the cutter and
carried away our top-mast just above the uppermost

*The English cutter neither killed nor wounded any of our men,
nor did us any injury.

[2003

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

with. The steering sail, ringtail, and water sail haul-
yards gave way, and parted at the same instant, which
threw us into some confusion. I ordered the ringtail
and water sail cut clear, and took the helm. My gun
ner, in attempting to execute my orders, fell off the
mainboom, there being a bad sea running; we strove to
save him but did not succeed; the poor fellow was
drowned. Having got the cutter before the wind again
and the light sails secured on board, all hands were em
ployed with as much expedition as possible in order to
get a spare top-mast on end; but before we succeeded
in this, the fifty gun ship came up with us, ran under our
stern, and luffed up under our lee, and accosted us in

this manner, 'Strike, you d d Irish rascal; drop the

peak of your mainsail, and haul down your jib sheet to
the windward; hoist out your boat, and come on board
of his majesty's ship.' I answered that my boat was so
full of holes that she could not swim. It was now about
four o'clock in the morning and nearly three hours be
fore day would break, no moon, and pretty dark. They
replied, that they would hoist out their own boat, and
ordered me to hoist a lighted lanthorn at the peak,
which was complied with. She had her light sails
taken in, her courses hauled up, ready for action, with
her head to the Southward, ours at the same time being
in the opposite direction.

My officers were now in readiness to surrender as
prisoners of war to the enemy, having dressed them
selves in their best clothes, and two shirts a piece; I
suggested to them the idea and probability there was at
present of making our escape from the enemy. To this,
a majority of them was for attempting this truly
hazardous business; and I told them I would risk my-

TANNING'S NARRATIVE

self at helm till we should get out of reach of the
enemy's shot. The plan thus being concerted, we pro
ceeded to carry it into effect, the enemy being at this
stage of the business, busily employed in hoisting out
their boat, which we knew by the boatswain's call. I
ordered some men to sway up the peak and let draw
the jib sheets; this done, I directed every man and boy
to lie flat upon the deck; and our privateer just began
to gather head way, when the enemy's boat left the ship
in order to board us. I desired every one to obey my
orders, and we should quickly get away from the enemy
(and which they paid implicit obedience to;) but I
must confess, I had not much faith at the same time of
getting away from them. They perceiving our inten
tions, their boat returned on board, and she instantly
began a most tremendous fire upon us from all parts of
the ship, and she had the appearance for a few minutes,
of a luminous body of fire. She was at this time within
musket shot of us.* They by this time finding that we
were trying to make our escape in good earnest, wore
ship, and got aboard their fore and main tacks, set their
top gallant sails, and in fact, crouded all the sail which
they could set by the wind after us. She however, con
tinued to fire her bow chasers at us. We now hove in
stays, and were obliged in stretching by her to expose
ourselves to another broadside, as well as from the
musketry. I knew this to be the pinch of the game ; and
therefore, cautioned once more, every body upon deck
to lie as close as possible. She blazed away at us from
every part of her as we passed each other. At this mo
ment I received a flesh wound in the leg, and another in

* Several musket balls were afterwards picked up upon our deck,
and a number found in our spars.

C202]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the forehead, by a splinter, and which knocked me
down, and stunned me (upon deck) where I lay some
time motionless. Several of my officers and men were
wounded at the same time and some of them cried out,
'For God's sake, let us strike.' Having now recovered
myself, and got hold of the helm, I answered these men,
that in ten or fifteen minutes more we should be out of
gun shot of the enemy. We were now gaining away
from the enemy very fast. We tacked again, and in
passing her this time she could but just reach us with
her shot. We found it best to tack often, as we were
then plying to windward, and as we could manage our
privateer with more ease and expedition than the
enemy, we could ply to the windward much faster than
they could ; accordingly, the next time we passed the
ship, though she fired her broadside at us, yet her shot
did not reach us. At day light in the morning the
enemy were at least four leagues to leeward of us; and
she soon after gave up the chase and bore away from us.
It is my opinion that the enemy expended more powder
and shot in firing at us, than she would have done in an
engagement with an enemy's ship of equal force, two
hours. So much for the Irish rascal;— as they called
me— but the bird had flown. And now, messieurs braga-
docio Englishmen, you may return home and tell
your royal master, 'that you catched an Irishman and
lost him.'*

In this running fight we did not fire a single gun.
We had enough else to do, to manoeuver our privateer,
and keep out of reach as much as possible of the shot
of the enemy. We had on this occasion, thirteen men

* Alluding to a record once made at sea in a Yankee log book, of
'catched a dolphin and lost it.'

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

slightly wounded, but none killed. Our waist and boat
(stowed in the chocks) were pierced through and
through with eighteen and nine pound shot. Our sails
also were full of shot holes ; not less than seven hundred
and fifty of these last could be counted (after we had
got clear of the Jupiter) in our mainsail alone ; but dur
ing the whole of her firing upon and into our privateer,
she did not cut away a single piece of rope or rigging
of any kind whatsoever. We now had some leisure
time to dress our wounded men, and to take some re
freshment, there not being any vessels in sight except
the Jupiter, and she was so far to leeward that we could
but just discern her.

At 10 o'clock next morning we were close in with the
English land, opposite a small sea port called Rye;
here we captured an English brig* laden with sea
coal, put a prize master and crew on board, and or
dered her for Dunkirk. Also took a small sloop in
ballast, and gave her to the English prisoners, to the
number of ninety-four; we took a certificate of them,
and they made us many profers of friendship, and
wished us well, gave us three cheers, and departed.

On the following day, at meridian, the wind being at
S.W. by S. and the weather somewhat thick and cloudy,
we discovered a sail to windward standing towards us.
We hove to, waited for her to come up with us, and
prepared for action. Soon after we could plainly see
that she shewed twelve guns of a side, and appeared
to be full of troops. She soon after passed us within
gun shot, but did not attempt to speak us. We at this
time had English colours flying, which I ordered to be

* Several Englishmen entered on board of the privateer, belonging
to vessels which we took.

^204]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

hauled down, and French colours hoisted in their
place. The enemy, as soon as they discovered who we
were, took in their light sails, and hauled by the wind
for us. The boarding men were now ready at their
stations, and began crying as usual, (A la bordage, mon
capitaine.' The swaggering English, having got within
cannon shot, gave us a broadside, which we returned,
and the action commenced within musket shot. The
English fired briskly for about fifteen minutes, and
then began to slacken. At about the same time I was
wounded by a musket ball, which passed through my
left leg, which bled so fast that my shoe was instantly
full of blood.* I took a handkerchief and bound it
round the wound, and found no inconvenience in re
maining at my station upon deck during the remainder
of the action. We could now hear the groans of the
wounded and dying on board of the enemy, whereas we
had not as yet lost a single man. In order to make
quick work, and put an end to the contest, I ordered the
privateer laid alongside of the vaunting English;**
the naked and other boarding men, being sprung upon
the yards, bowsprit, &c. in a full flow of spirits, and
anxious for the moment to arrive, when they could leap
on board of the enemy. At length we out manoeuvered
them so much, as to run under her stern, poured our
broadside into her, which raked them fore and aft, and
made a dreadful slaughter of them; we luffed up under
her lee, and our boarding men jumped on board of the
enemy, where the conflict was bloody for about six

*I did not feel the ball when it struck my leg, nor did any one
besides myself know that I was wounded until the action was over.

**The English kept constantly hallooing, 'Strike, you French beg
gars, or we will give you no quarters.'

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

minutes, when we gained the victory; most of the Eng
lish, as usual, having quit their quarters, and skulked
below decks, nearly at the same time my men had got
on board of them. However, at the very instant the
enemy bawled out for quarters, they were upon their
decks, almost double the number of them to the num
ber of which my men consisted, then on board of the
ship. The fact was, that in this instance, as well as in
several others of a similar kind, the courage of the
Englishmen failed them at the moment they saw a
crowd of naked men leaping on board of them, or sus
pended in the air, ready to drop down upon their heads.
I say, when they saw such sights as these, they were con
verted instantly into the greatest cowards and poltroons
in nature; they became mere shadows. I speak from
knowing the fact, having so often had ocular demon
strations of the truth of what I have here advanced.
Her flag being struck, she proved to be the Lord Howe,
from Cork, bound to the Downs; was, when taken, in
the king's service, and commanded by a lieutenant of
the navy. She was about six hundred tons burthen, had
mounted upon carriages twenty-four long six pound
cannon, besides several short carronades, cowhorns,
swivels, &c. Her officers and men, (mostly old man of
war's men) at the commencement of the battle, accord
ing to the report made to me by the lieutenant, con
sisted of eighty-seven. Besides these, she had at the
time, one hundred and ten officers and soldiers, belong
ing to one of the English regiments, which had been
stationed in Ireland. The enemy lost in the action one
major, one lieutenant, (of the land forces,) and twenty-
one soldiers; one master's mate, one boatswain, seven
teen seamen, and three boys killed; and thirty-eight

[206 3

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

officers, seamen, and soldiers wounded. On board of
the privateer, we had killed, one quarter-master, one
gunner's mate, one boatswain's mate, ten seamen, five
marines, and two boys, besides twenty-two officers and
others, wounded. The whole number of our crew, in
cluding officers, at the time of the commencement of
this battle, on board of our privateer, did not exceed
seventy-two. The prize was not very valuable, being
only in a set of ballast, which consisted of beef, pork,
and butter. We had but just got all the prisoners trans
ported on board of the privateer, and confined in our
hold, (the greater part of whom we put in irons for our
safety;) when the weather, which had been dark and
cloudy, cleared off; and behold! an English frigate of
thirty-two guns was close aboard of us. We were
therefore obliged to abandon our prize, and endeavour
to give her leg bail. But as a trophy of our victory, we
brought off the colours of our antagonist; and wrote,
with chalk upon her quarterdeck, some of the particu
lars of the battle. We did not leave any person on
board of the prize; and before we quit her part of her
guns were thrown over board, and the rest spiked up.
The frigate was now so near us that she fired several
shot at us and over us, this being the case, no time was
to be lost, on our part. We therefore spread all the
sail that we could upon the privateer; having previous
to this got a new top-mast on end. In one hour after,
we saw the frigate pass close aboard of the ship, which
we had captured, but she made no stop, but continued
her pursuit after us before the wind; and after about
three hours fruitless chase, finding that we out dis
tanced her, she took in her light sails and trimmed by
the wind.

[207]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

I now concluded to return to Dunkirk, and accord
ingly shaped my course for that port. I had several
reasons, as I thought, which would justify my adopt
ing this measure. Among which were these; I had a
great number of wounded men on board; and the most
of them were obliged to be crowded together among
the English, in the hold, where they could not well be
taken care of. I had on board a great many prisoners,
among whom were many which were wounded ; and we
ran a great risque of our own lives, by the great possi
bility there was of their rising and overpowering us.
We were not in a situation to give battle to an enemy
of equal force, on account of our being so crowded with
prisoners of war. We could muster but about thirty
well men in all, including officers, belonging to my
privateer, at this time. I was wounded myself, and
now confined to my cabin; my leg was very sore and
pained me very much, the bones having been a good
deal shattered, and I could not bear any weight upon it.
And we were also at this time in great want of pro
visions. These reasons I minuted down in my journal
as they occurred to me, to be shown to my owners, if
circumstances required it. I arrived at Dunkirk, two
days after the battle which I had with the English
twenty-four gun ship, which I was obliged to abandon;
and as soon as we were in port, and made fast to the
quay, the people flocked down from all parts of the
town, to see our shattered privateer. The commandant
of the place was one of the first who tendered me his
services, and helped me to get into his own coach, in
which I was carried to his house, where I was waited
upon by nearly all the king's officers then in Dunkirk,
and where I had every kind attention shewn me by

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

every one of the commandant's family. Three days
after I was carried to the Hotel D'Estaing, where I
used to lodge, and where I was confined to my room
about three weeks, during which time I was visited by
not only the first gentlemen in the town, but the ladies,
who appeared to be much interested in my recovery.
My owners also visited me the most frequent of any
others, and appeared to be very anxious for the restora
tion of my health. (As during my confinement, having
caught a cold in my leg, it impaired my health very
much.) They told me they had got a new brig built on
purpose for me, sheathed with copper, and modeled
upon an entire new construction ; and it was said by those
who were judges, that she would be the fastest sailer
ever built in Dunkirk. She was to mount eighteen
nine pounders; and they informed me they were daily
in expectations of her masts arriving from Norway, to
which place they had sent almost on purpose for them,
as there were no spars in Dunkirk at the time (except in
the king's yard, and they could not be spared) which
would be any way suitable for the brig's masts. One
of my owners importuned me to put up at his house,
after I had so far recovered as to be able to walk; and
where I lodged and made it my home at his house. His
daughter, who owned part of the brig,* paid great at
tention to me, somewhat bordering upon love. Her
partiality for me was the first topic of conversation
addressed to me in every company where I happened to
be. But I was then too much of a warrior to listen to
the subject of love. Besides, the lady in question was

*It is not uncommon, in war time, in France, for young ladies of
fortune to own one or more shares in privateers, fitted out from all
ports in France.

[209]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

then about thirty-five years of age, very stiff and formal
in her manners, very ordinary in both shape and
features, and in fact was such a kind of a female as
would be called in my country an old maid. But why
should I discover her weakness? However, in order to
avoid her importunity, while we were waiting for the
new brig's masts, I purchased a part of a small cutter,
of about forty tons, English built, and set people to
work upon her, to get her ready for a cruise. As soon
as this circumstance was known to the lady in question,
she insisted upon taking a few shares in this cutter; for,
by the by, she was very rich. To this the owners of said
privateer acquiesced in ; and she was ready for a cruise
by the 2oth of October. I waited upon the judge of the
admiralty, to ask him to grant a commission for this
small cutter, which we had named the Ranger. He ap
peared to be somewhat surprized, that I should ask for
the grant of a commission for so small a vessel; and
asked me what had become of the large cutter which I
had commanded. I replied, that she was laid up, and
that she had got so old and crazy, that I did not choose
to venture myself another cruise in her; especially, as
the winter was setting in, and that she leaked so bad,
and appeared to work so much in the last gale of wind
which I had on the last cruise, that I did not think her
a safe vessel, with the guns which she had carried. The
judge appeared to listen with attention to what I said ;
and then said, Sir, I have the honour to acquaint you,
that his most Christian majesty's minister of the marine
department,* hearing of your bravery, in divers in
stances, in supporting the honour and dignity of the
French flag; particularly during your last cruise, has

*Monseigneur the Marquis de Castre.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

appointed you a lieutenant in the French navy, and at
tached to this appointment, half pay of such officer dur
ing life (your continuing to reside in France during
that time, being complied with,) otherwise while you
do remain in the kingdom. In saying these words, he
desired me to sit down, and then he ordered his servant
to step to the bureau de classes,* and get my commis
sion; who soon after returned with a roll of parchment
in his hand, which was my commission. The judge,
after passing some high encomiums upon my late con
duct, presented me with my commission. I told the
judge, that I would do myself the honour of accepting
it at some other time, but that at present I wished it to
remain on file in his office. And after a long conversa
tion upon several subjects, I obtained a commission for
the Ranger. I shipped one lieutenant only,** a brave
enterprising officer, with whom I had formerly been
acquainted (having been a fellow prisoner with him in
Forton prison, in England,) one boatswain, one gun
ner and twenty American seamen; whom I advanced
ten guineas each, as earnest money for a cruise of fifteen
days, which was as long as I intended the cruise to last.
The cutter mounted only three four pounders upon
carriage, and six swivels, with every warlike imple
ment necessary for boarding an enemy. It was in this
way that we contemplated capturing English vessels,
and not by the assistance or dependance upon our
cannon.

I set sail from Dunkirk in said privateer, with a fair
wind, for the English coast, on the evening of the 23d
of October, and shaped our course for the Downs. At

*The custom house.

** Thomas Greenleaf, since a printer in the city of New York.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

day light next morning we found ourselves amidst an
English fleet of sixty odd sail of ships and other vessels,
not far from Dover, all of which appeared to be bound
to the westward; and we had at that time a light breeze
of wind from the eastward. The first thing we did in
this perilous situation, was to cover our guns with light
sails, unship our swivels, and stow them away, (our
guns having been housed) and hoist English colours.
We steered along the same course which they did, I also
ordered all my men below, except the one at the helm
and two others, and disguised our privateer as much
as possible, so as to make her appear like a coasting
vessel. As soon as it was broad daylight, in reconnoitre-
ing the fleet, I could not discover but one frigate of
thirty-two guns among them, and she appeared to be
the commodore, by her broad pendant; there was how
ever, several letters of marque among them, mounting
from four to sixteen carriage guns; besides two large
sixteen gun cutters. At meridian the wind shifted to
the westward, but was very light, and the current
ahead. The commodore made a signal for the fleet to
bring to and come to anchor. This being done, I had
the mortification to see several boats passing and re-
passing from one ship to another, and was momently
in expectation of their paying me a visit. And if they
had, they must have discovered who we were in all
human probability; however, our alarms on this score
subsided, when we saw the vessels who had got out their
boats to visit each other, hoist them on board. At 5
P.M. the signal was made for the fleet to get under way,
we did the same, and steered along with them. My
lieutenant and myself now cracked some jokes on the
subject of being made prisoners again. We spoke two

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

ships and a brig towards night, and passed within pistol
shot of them; and besides, had a long conversation with
the people on board of one of the ships, the wind being
light and the sea smooth. On the first night we agreed
not to separate from the fleet until we had captured
some of them. (Whereas we might have possibly
sneaked away, and got clear of them this very night,
without its being attended with any great risque, had
we made the attempt.) But the fact was, we could not
reconcile it to ourselves, to be forced to quit so many
valuable vessels, as we expected there were in the fleet,
without making the trial agreed upon. We found by
conversing, as before mentioned, with some of those
who were in one of these vessels, that the whole fleet
was bound for Portsmouth. In fine, we kept company
with this fleet (without I believe, being suspected by
the English of being an enemy) three days and two
nights, during which the winds were ahead and very
light; and on the third night (the two preceding nights
having been too light to attack either of the fleet) we
made the attempt, and succeeded in the following man
ner. Before dark, the sun having set in or behind a
dark cloud, and the weather having at the same time,
an appearance of becoming squally, the commodore
made a signal, by firing three guns, and hoisting several
flags, which we understood afterwards by some of the
prisoners, was for the fleet to disperse and seek shelter in
the nearest port, which was Rye, then not far distant to
the Northward and Eastward of us. At 9 P.M. we ran
under the lee of a large ship, (having our men ready
for boarding) and hailed them, and asked them if they
were acquainted with going into that port. They an
swered in the negative. I then demanded of them, if

£213:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

we should put a pilot on board of them. To which they
replied, 'ay, ay'. It was then very dark, and nearly all
the ship's crew were upon the yards, reefing her top
sails. I then ran under her lee quarter, and ordered the
lieutenant, who had the command of the men for board
ing, to leap on board with his party, which he did in
stantly. The captain of the ship, with his men upon
deck made but a faint resistance; and after a short
skirmish, the English yielded and were made prisoners,
as were those also who were upon her yards, as they
came down. Not a single cannon or musket was dis
charged by either party during the conflict, and but
three or four pistols. The enemy had several slightly
wounded. The lieutenant, the first man who mounted
on board of the ship, and three others of his party, were
also wounded, but very slightly. She proved to be the
Maria, letter of marque, mounting eight double forti
fied 6 pound cannon, and mounted upon carriages be
tween decks; and was calculated to fight then in close
quarters, as nearly all her rigging were led between
decks, in such a manner, as to manoeuver the ship with
out exposing her men to the fire of an enemy. Her
crew, including the captain and his officers, consisted of
thirty-five picked men, besides three gentlemen pas
sengers. She was bound from the Downs to Ports
mouth, laden with sundry articles for the navy, and
was one of the fleet aforesaid. As soon as we had got
all the prisoners secured in irons in the privateer's hold,
I ordered the first lieutenant to take charge of the ship ;
put ten men on board to assist in working her; gave
him a copy of my commission, and directed him to
steer across the channel, and make the first French port
in his power, and to crowd as much sail upon the

1:214:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

prize as she could carry. Several of the lights of the
fleet were now plainly seen, notwithstanding the dark
ness of the night; however, no alarm guns were as yet
fired by any of them. We next ran along side of a large
brigantine, and boarded and took her, no resistance
being made by her crew. She was one of the fleet,
mounted four carriage guns, and manned with fifteen
men and boys, including the captain and mate, laden
with sheathing copper for the navy; and was called the
Speedwell. Put a prize master and six men on board
of her; took out the prisoners and secured them in our
hold, and ordered the prize master to make all sail, and
crowd over for the French shore as fast as possible, and
get into the first port he could. The next thing which
I did was to board a large sloop, and capture her; and
we ran a great risque in laying along side of her, (as
the wind blew fresh at W.S.W. and the sea ran pretty
high) of going to the bottom; and the prisoners who
were confined in our hold made a dreadful noise; hal
looing that we were sinking, and that the water came in
where they were confined, very fast. However, all this
ado did not induce me to quit this last prize without
manning her for France, and taking out the prisoners,
both of which was completed in a few minutes. I put
the boatswain and gunner on board of this prize
(neither of which understood navigating a vessel) and
one seaman ; gave the boatswain a copy of my commis
sion, and gave him the same orders as I had given the
other two prize masters. This last prize had in a few
bales of dry goods; the rest of her lading was pigs of
lead, and sea coal. She was from the river Thames,
bound for Portsmouth, was one of the fleet, and called
the Dolphin. In taking these prizes, securing the

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

prisoners, and manning them, spun away the greater
part of the night, and I began to think seriously of
sculking off as fast as possible. I had now only left on
board with me two Irish lads, (although I shipped
them at Dunkirk, for American seamen,) neither of
whom could steer. This placed me in a very awkward
situation; as I knew it would not be safe to let any of
the prisoners out of the hold, to assist in working our
privateer. However, I made shift to set some sail and
left the fleet; and at day break we could distinctly hear
alarm guns fired. We were now several leagues from
them. At 6 A.M. I had overtaken two of my prizes, to
wit, the brigantine and the sloop ; and at the same time
saw a large cutter bearing down upon us, which ap
peared to have come from the fleet. We were then
abreast of the port of Dieppe, a small sea port upon the
French coast. I spoke my prizes, and ordered those
who had command of them to endeavour to gain that
port, not thinking it prudent to remain with them; as
in that case I might make my escape with the privateer,
but my prizes would certainly be retaken (provided the
cutter in question was an English one.) I then hauled
upon a wind to the northward and eastward, the wind
being then about N.N.W. The large cutter at the same
time stood nearly across our fore foot; and when we
had got nearly out of sight of our prizes, I bore away
nearly before the wind; the enemy's cutter did the
same. I could not set any more sail, being obliged to
keep the helm myself, for the reason before given ; and
the two lads, that were left on board of my original
crew, did not know how to set even the square sail and
top sail.

I could now perceive that the cutter in chase of me

£216:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

gained upon us very fast, and at 2 P.M. she came up
with and captured me. She mounted fourteen carriage
guns, was in the king's service, and commanded by a
lieutenant in the royal navy, by the name of Laines.
We found, after the Ranger was taken, that she would
sail faster than the cutter which took us, when she came
to be managed right, and a sufficiency of sail set upon
her. The commander of the king's cutter I was
acquainted with, having seen him in Ostend some time
before, where we lodged both together in that place.
He used me with friendship and indulgence, while on
board of his vessel. Both cutters now steered for Dover.
The captain of the large prize, which I had taken in
the night, out of the English fleet, (had been liberated
from irons, as had also all the English, after they had
been retaken) made several attempts to kill himself, on
account of his having been boarded and captured, by
such a small pickaroon privateer; and which his own
countrymen upbraided him with, having bragged only
the night before he was taken, that he was able to take
a French privateer of sixteen guns. They were obliged
to confine him to his bed, and to put a sentinel over him,
to prevent his committing suicide.

At 10 o'clock on the ad day after I was captured, we
arrived at Dover, and came to anchor nearly abreast of
the town ; which was soon after in an uproar, when they
found that the person, who went by the name of 'John
Dyon, commander of his majesty's cutter the Sur
prize,'* was taken a prisoner, and that he was then on
board of a cutter lying off the town. The next morn-

*The reader probably recollects that I assumed that name, when
I commanded the Eclipse cutter of eighteen guns. This circumstance
became known in England, and was published in the Gazettes.

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FANNING'S NARRATIVE

ing the cutter's boat was ordered to be manned, and
carry me on shore with my baggage, and the two lads
taken with me. Accordingly we embarked on board of
the boat, and the second lieutenant with us; and the
boat's crew rowed towards the shore, and as they ap
proached the key, which was covered with women, and
appeared to amount to about two hundred, who had
heard of my being captured, and who it seemed, by
their conduct, were determined to execute the old Levit-
ical law upon me, by stoning me to death. They threw
stones at me as we drew near the quay, which flew so
thick, and in such showers, that it was impossible for
me to escape being hurt. And it surprized me very
much, to hear the heroines cry out, 'Welcome, wel
come, captain Dyon.' These expressions were followed
instantly by showers of stones, which pelted me so
much, and so often repeated, as occasioned my head to
swell to double its ordinary size, and caused it to be
very painful ; and as good luck would have it, I had on
at the time a glazed hat, (otherwise I should have been
in the greatest hazard of losing my life,) which I
pulled over my face, to prevent losing my eyes. And
such oaths, imprecations and threats, as these heroines
uttered at me, I never before heard proceed from the
mouth of any human being. At length a guard con
sisting of upwards of one hundred officers and soldiers,
were sent express to disperse the mob; a part of which,
after I landed, conducted me, and the two lads taken
with me, to the fort, where we were examined by a
young man about seventeen years of age, and com-
misary for prisoners of war;* and a one eyed, surly
looking fellow, who had been first lieutenant on board

*Said to be, by the people in Dover, a certain nobleman's bastard.

£218]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

of the Rose sloop of war, commanded by that noted
plunderer, J. Wallace, and a long time stationed at or
near Newport, in the first part of the American revolu
tion.

This lieutenant boasted of his great knowledge of
the American coast, from New Hampshire to Georgia;
and said, that he knew the way in and out of every sea
port, within those two extremities; and that he knew
the bearings and distances from one cape or head land to
another, all along that extent of sea coast. And I was
afterwards fully convinced that he did know something
of what he boasted, from the questions he put to me.
His station here at present, was that of regulating cap
tain at this port, and held his office under the king: and
who was appointed to examine all the prisoners brought
here, or into the ports near by, by his majesty's cruisers
of all descriptions. And his universal knowledge of
the American coast was (as I was told) the reason of
his appointment under the crown in this place.

The two lads were examined first, before the com
missary and the regulating captain, and were by these
last found to be Irish boys, and in consequence of
which they were sent on board of the guard ship lying
off Dover, and were afterwards hung, for being taken
under an enemy's flag, and proved to be British subjects.

I was then conducted into the presence of these two
king's officers ; and at my first entrance into the room
where they were, the regulating captain swore that I
was an Englishman, and the commisary, after asking
me a few questions, declared that I was an Irishman.
The interrogatories which they intended to put on me,
were already written down, and lying on a table before
the king's officers. The first question which they put

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

to me was: 'Where were you born?' When I had an
swered it, they made a great deal of diversion to them
selves; and the regulating captain told several yankee
stories, relative to the town and the people, where I
said I was born. They afterwards put a great number
of other questions to me; such as, 'Is there a light-house
at the mouth of New London harbour? Upon which
hand do you leave it, in going into the same? How far
is it from the light-house to the West end of Fisher's
Island; and what course and distance? How far is it
from the mouth of New London harbour to the mouth
of the Connecticut river? Who was his majesty's col
lector in New-London, before the rebel war broke out
in America?' &c. &c.

To all of which questions, I gave such kind of an
swers, as appeared to convince these officers, that I was
really an American by birth. After this the commis
sary told me, that I might be admitted upon my parole,
if I chose it, but at the same time, advised me not to be
paroled ; giving this as a reason, that if I was committed
to close confinement, I should be so much the sooner
set at liberty, by being exchanged. However, he told
me I might choose which I pleased : and I chose to be
close confined; and the commissary assured me, that I
should have a small apartment in prison by myself, and
should have the liberty of the yard, during every day I
remained a prisoner: and he besides, pledged his word
and honour, that I should go over to France in the first
cartel vessel which should be dispatched from that
quarter, and which he thought would probably go to
Calais, in the course of eight or ten days, with prisoners.
I also knew that if I had accepted of my parole, and
had remained in Dover, that it was likely that my

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

boarding and lodging would have, in a short time,
amounted to a considerable sum of money, as I had,
after I first landed, paid at an inn half a guinea for my
breakfast only; which consisted of a dish or two of
coffee, a wheaten toast, and some dried beef, shreded
up very thin.

When I had gone through with my examination, I
was dismissed from the guard-house, and was con
ducted from thence by a corporal and four soldiers, to
Deal, a small town situate at or near the mouth of the
river Thames, about eleven miles from Dover. At the
first of these places I remained a prisoner (but with
every indulgence, as had been promised me by the com
missary) only ten days. I was then exchanged, and ar
rived in Dunkirk on the lyth day after sailing on my
cruise,* where I found all my prizes safe (taken out of
the fleet, as before related.)

I now found the brig which was destined for me
launched, but she was still in want of masts. I pur
chased a quarter of her; and liking not to remain idle,
I purchased a small lug sail privateer, which had just
returned from a cruise, burthen about twenty-five tons,
carrying six three pound cannon ; shipped my officers
and men to the number of twenty-one; paid them the
customary bounty, and sailed again on a cruise, the fifth
day after my return to Dunkirk from my last cruise.
The 2d day of this last cruise, off the Downs, I fell in
with an English frigate (which had been captured
from the French) called the Belle Poole, of twenty-
eight guns, commanded by one Phips, and after a chase
of ten hours she captured us; one of her boats soon
boarded us, and I was sent on board of the frigate,

* In this cruise I made to myself upwards of one thousand guineas.

C22I]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

where I underwent an examination by almost every
officer upon her quarter deck. The captain of the
frigate presently after, as drunk as a beast, came upon
the quarter deck, and insulted me in the most abusive
and gross manner. He called me a d d Irish scoun
drel; a d d Irish renegade rascal; and put his fist

near my face several times. I had spirit enough to tell
him, that he did not act like a gentleman, in abusing a
prisoner, in the manner he did me. This nettled him a
good deal, and he instantly ordered one of his officers
to call the master at arms, who made his appearance
soon after. The captain of the frigate then ordered
this man to 'take that Irish villain,' pointing to me, 'and
put him in irons between decks, hands and feet; and
let the rascal be fed upon nothing else but bread and
water,' (addressing himself to his first lieutenant.) 'I
will punish the scoundrel.' I was now dragged down
upon the gun deck, and put in irons between a couple
of guns, conformable to orders; but previous to this
the master of arms, and others, stripped me of every
rag of my cloathes which I then had on, in lieu of
which they gave me a dirty frock and trousers. Besides,
these fellows abused me very much; they even kicked
me several times about my body, to make themselves
diversion. I had with me at this time, a commission for
the privateer, and my commission as a lieutenant in the
French navy; which one of the lieutenants of the
frigate read* in the presence of the captain and his
officer and interpreted it to them as he read it; in doing
which, they made a great deal of royal sport, and ap
peared to be highly diverted; and the captain of the
frigate, in order to finish this disgraceful scene of mirth
*This officer understood the French language.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

and joy, took the commission out of the lieutenants
hand, after he had done reading it, and run it in my
face several times, and asked me, if I was not ashamed
to wear a commission under the French scoundrels.

There were on board of this frigate at this time as
prisoners, three American captains, who had been cap
tured by her, (masters of American merchant vessels)
one of whom, by the name of Davis, (for damning the
king) was dragged to the gang-way and whipped by
one of the boatswain's mates, upon his naked back, three
dozen lashes with a cat o'ninetails, by order of this
brute who commanded the frigate. My daily allow
ance, while on board of her, was half a pound of wormy
bread and one pint of water. The irons which I wore,
especially those round my ancles, were too small, and
occasioned them to swell badly; I often begged of the
master at arms and other officers, to take these irons off
my ancles and put on those that were larger; but in
vain ; all the reply which any of them would make me
to such a reasonable request was, that they wished they
were smaller, and that I was not treated half bad
enough; and that I ought to be punished more severely,
for fighting against my lawful sovereign, and for ac
cepting of a French commission. 'We will punish you,
you Irish rebel.' They would not allow me anything
to lie upon, nor even a single rag to put under my head.
In this situation I lay, hands and feet in irons, upon the
naked quarter deck between two guns, six weeks, where
I was almost eat up with vermin. They would drop
down from the hammocks, which were suspended over
me into my face by scores, and my hands were so con
fined that I could not brush them off. The officers of
the ship, as I learnt afterwards, would not allow any

C223I1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

of the American prisoners on board to come near me;
and the insult which I was obliged to endure during
my confinement in irons, is beyond my power to de
scribe; and why these swaggering Englishmen and
others, sailing under the British flag, should upon sun
dry occasions, insist that I was an Irishman, I never
could tell ; for sure I am, that my pronunciation could
not justify them in such a belief.

One night when we were cruising between the Isle of
Wight, and the coast of France, this frigate fell into
the very centre of a French fleet of twelve sail of the
line, a number of frigates, sloops of war and cutters.
The English frigate, after attempting to escape, was
captured and about twelve at night I was released from
irons by some of the French officers who came on board
to take possession of their prize. Never was I so much
rejoiced in the whole course of my life, as upon this
occasion. I now was sensible that I should have it in
my power to revenge the insults that I had experienced
from the dastardly English. At day light in the morn
ing, the French admiral having heard of my sufferings,
sent his own barge to transport me on board of the In
vincible of ninety-eight guns, on board of which was
the admiral (the Count de Guichen.) Arriving on
board, I was introduced to him by one of his lieuten
ants, into the great cabin; on entering, he arose from
his seat, took my hand, which he shook heartily, and
then caused me to be seated by him. I had still upon
me the frock and trousers, which previous to this, the
French officers wished me to exchange for a decent suit
of wearing apparel; for which I tendered them my
thanks; but at the same time, I told them that it was
my choice to appear in the admiral's presence clad in

[224;]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the garb which I then had on, and on which there were
scores of lice. As soon as I was seated by the admiral,
I hinted to him my situation on this score, and begged
permission before I related to him my story, relative to
the cruel treatment of the English towards me, that I
might retire into one of the state rooms, in order to shift
myself; which he consented to. In the mean time, a
boat was dispatched from the admiral's ship, to bring
on board the English captain, who had been put on
board one of the other ships of the fleet. As soon as I
had dressed myself I returned into the cabin, where I
found the Count surrounded by several of the principal
officers of the fleet; among whom I saw the English
captain, who to be sure, looked very sad. I was then
requested by the admiral to be seated and relate the
usage which I had received from the English; which I
did in French, and with as much conciseness as the
nature of the subject would admit of; not forgetting to
mention what the English captain said he would do
with my commission. This occasioned the admiral to
let drop some harsh expressions, in regard to the Eng
lish captain's conduct, after I had finished my relation
of the subject in question. The admiral demanded of
the captain my commission; and which he produced,
and handed to the Count; who, after minuting down
my name, and the captain's threats, what he intended
doing with it, handed it to me, and told me that what
ever the English captain had done to me while a pris
oner on board of the ship which he commanded, I had
now his permission to order inflicted upon said captain,
who now metamorphosed into the most abject, fawning,
beggarly fellow which I ever beheld. I did not, upon
reflection, make any use of the permission granted me

[225]

TANNING'S NARRATIVE

by the admiral, and thus my John Englishman went
unpunished for his barbarous and cruel usage inflicted
upon me. But the Count ordered him to restore to me
all the effects which had been taken from me by him
self, his officers or any of his ship's crew; and in default
thereof, he was ordered to pay me the money to the
amount of such effects, or so much as was missing; all
of which was strictly complied with, on the part of the
English captain; but I have reason to believe sorely
against his will.

I was directed by the admiral to do duty on board of
his ship in the station to which my commission entitled
me, during the cruise in the English channel, where we
fell in with at one time, eleven sail of English ships of
the line, to whom we offered battle, but they declined
fighting, and we chased them almost into Spithead. At
another time we saw thirteen sail of the line, and to
these we offered battle for the space of a whole day,
and after night set in they sneaked off, and the day fol
lowing they took shelter in Plymouth, where they
anchored; and off which port we continued three days
in a line of battle, without being able to induce the Eng
lish to get under way and engage us. The fleet, during
this cruise, captured several English frigates, sloops of
war, and merchantmen.

The French admiral was about sixty years of age, an
experienced commander, brave and intrepid, and was a
man greatly beloved by his officers and men; and who
was in the habit of calling them 'my children'. And
every day he made it a custom at dinner time, to go the
rounds on board of his ship, among his people, who,
(as is customary on board of ships of war) were
divided into messes of eight or ten in each, and at each

C226;]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

mess, while at dinner, he would ask them if their pro
visions were good, and if they had enough. And almost
always upon these occasions, he used to taste their soup,
meats, and wine; which if not good and wholesome,
which was seldom the case, he would order them to be
served with such as was good.

Our cruise being out, we put into Brest with a num
ber of prizes, where we heard that a general peace
would be proclaimed in the course of two months. This
induced me to hurry my return to Dunkirk, from
whence I expected to make a short cruise before such an
event took place. Having this in view, I waited upon
the Count de Guichen, and asked leave for a dismis
sion from the navy, for only a couple of months, and
which he granted me, after giving me a certificate for
the time which I had served on board of the Invinci
ble,* and by virtue of which, he said I could, at any
time thereafter, call at the custom-house, or admiralty
office in Brest, and receive my pay. Besides, the ad
miral was pleased to give me a handsome recommenda
tion, in a letter to the French minister of the marine
department, and promises of future friendship.

After this I set out for Dunkirk, and travelled with
the greatest expedition by land night and day. When
I arrived there, I found my owners had obtained some
time before, spars for the brig's masts, and which I
found got into the brig, and she nearly fitted for a
cruise. The news of peace seemed to gain ground,
which urged us to make the utmost dispatch in fitting

*This ship of war was rated a ninety gun ship, but mounted
ninety-eight, all brass pieces; those upon her lower gun-deck were
forty-two pounders, French weight, nearly equal to forty-eight, Eng
lish weight.

£2273

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

away the brig, which was ready for sea by the 3oth of
December, and both officers and men had received the
customary bounty or advance from the owners, and
were all on board of the privateer; and we were in the
act of casting off our fasts from the quay, and had our
sails hoisted and set, when proclamation of the pre
liminaries of peace, signed at Paris by the commis
sioners, was made in the town of Dunkirk. By this
event I lost at least five thousand guineas, which my
shares in the brig and bounty money cost me (after
deducting for my part, of what the brig and her war
like implements brought at auction, after the peace).

Another unforeseen misfortune happened to me
about this same time, which was this : one evening while
I was playing a game of back gammon, at the sign of
the White Heart tavern, kept by one Williamson, two
officers of justice entered the room, and arrested me in
the king's name, and committed me to gaol, without
letting me know what my crime was. I was well
acquainted with both of these officers, and I took the
liberty to ask wherein I had offended, but they did not
make any reply. The next day I was interrogated by
some of the officers of the admiralty, and soon after
wards I was liberated from prison, and paid, in behalf
of the king, fifteen hundred livres, as a compensation
for being imprisoned unjustly; besides a very handsome
apology was made to me by the commandant, who had
ordered me to be arrested by the king's authority.

The reader will, perhaps, wish to know the cause of
my being thus arrested, which is as follows : during the
second cruise which I made in the Eclipse privateer,
we brought to a Danish neutral ship, in the English
channel, bound from St. Croix to Copenhagen, and on

[228]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

board of which ship was a French passenger by the
name of Segeur, brother to Marquis de Segeur. This
last was high in office under the French king: and be
sides, one of his greatest favourites. The privateer's
boat was ordered to board this neutral ship and ex
amine her papers; and for this purpose I sent my first
lieutenant,* and to him I gave strict orders (as has since
been proved) not to molest or take anything from any
passenger found on board, or to take anything out of
the ship, if upon examination of her papers she proved
to be a neutral vessel ; and such orders were not only
given in this instance, but were always given by me to
the officer and boat's crew, whenever they boarded a
neutral vessel upon a similar occasion. The fact was
that the first lieutenant as aforesaid, plundered the
French passenger (Mr. Segeur) on board of the Da
nish ship, of an elegant gold watch, and several other
trinkets of considerable value; and which circumstance
I was not acquainted with until after I was arrested in
Dunkirk, as I have already mentioned. Some consider
able time had expired after the foregoing transaction
had taken place, when Mr. Segeur was on his way from
Copenhagen to Paris, he stopped a few hours at Dun
kirk to visit some of his acquaintance, and walking
upon the quay, he saw the Eclipse privateer laid up in

*This lieutenant was an American, the same who plundered the
young Irish nobleman of a gold watch upon the Irish coast; he was
tried, and condemned to be hanged, for robbing the French passen
ger; and notwithstanding he was absent, yet the officers hung his
effigy upon the gallows, erected upon the quay for that purpose, with
as great a parade as if he had been present. The troops, officers, and
others, assembled upon this occasion wras estimated at five thousand.
I forbear to mention this fellow's name, for two reasons; first he is
dead ; and second, he has left a wife and children in Newport, Rhode-
Island.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the bason; and notwithstanding she was stripped of
most of her rigging, and dismantled of most of her
guns and warlike apparatus, yet he knew her, and en
quired who had been captain of her during her last
cruise, and what were the names of his principal offi
cers. After his arrival at Paris, he made a regular com
plaint (which was joined by one of the Danish court)
to the king's ministers; upon which orders were issued
for arresting the captain of the Eclipse cutter, and all
his officers and crew, if to be found in the kingdom of
France, (the most of whom however, especially the first
lieutenant, and those concerned in plundering the
French passenger, knowing themselves to be guilty,
had fled out of the kingdom, as soon as the cruise I have
spoken of was finished.) Two of the boat's crew, who
had been confederates with the lieutenant in this pilfer
ing affair, were also punished by being whipped thirty
nine lashes each, upon the naked back, and branded
with the letter R. upon their shoulders; and thus ended
this tragic business, and which caused me abundance of
trouble, and perplexity of mind ; all through the agency
of a person whom I had advanced from a state of beg
gary, to be my first lieutenant on board of a privateer
which I commanded; and for this, how did he requite
my friendship and generosity? why, he lead me into
the snare already described. He went from Dunkirk in
the night, without taking his leave of any one, and was
pursued by the Marachausses as far as 1'Orient, where
he had embarked for the U.S. a few days before these
officers of justice had arrived at that place. All his
prize money was seized upon, and placed at the dis
posal of the King's officers at Dunkirk.

The ingratitude that this lieutenant was guilty of

[230;]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

towards me, is perhaps without parallel in the history
of our revolution.* I can say this much, in the presence
of Heaven, that my conscience was perfectly free from
guilt, in every part of my conduct toward neutral
vessels, and neutral subjects, during the whole time
which I commanded the Eclipse privateer.

In consequence of the news of peace, an embargo
was immediately laid upon all privateers in this port;
and by this revolution in the times, I was now at leisure
to go to the public amusements, which are here diversi
fied, and to spend my money, which I had already re
ceived at the custom house, amounting to twelve thou
sand guineas: out of this sum, I had expended, previous
to the peace, nearly one half in owning, and fitting out
my proportion of several privateers from this place;
and besides, I had advanced my countrymen, in dif
ferent ports of France, and at different times; alto
gether, five hundred and fifty guineas, who had fled
from British bondage, to a country which was friendly
disposed to the United States; but they found them
selves among strangers. They were nearly naked, and
without money; I therefore, assisted them with heart
felt pleasure and satisfaction, and advanced them such
sums as their necessity required.**

I shall now attempt to give my readers a faint de
scription of the town of Dunkirk, its inhabitants, their
manners, &c. &c. It lies in lat. 51 deg. i min. N. and
long. 2 deg. 15 min. E. and is a very populous town.

* Since which I have frequently experienced the sin of ingratitude,
from not only strangers, but near relations.

**Out of the large sum which I advanced to so many I have never
since received but 150 dollars from Capt. Manly; and 100 dollars of
another person.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

The greater part of the inhabitants are Flemish or
Fleminders; but none but those who are Frenchmen
born, are allowed to fill any considerable posts under
the crown. It is situated in the province of Flanders,
and in the French Netherlands, on the English chan
nel, at the mouth of the river Coin, fifty miles E.S.E.
of Dover. This town in the year 1713, had an excel
lent port, as I was informed, and was then very strongly
fortified; with a dry dock, and other conveniences for
ships of war; which were demolished, pursuant to the
demands of the English, conformable to the treaty of
Utrecht; since which time, only small vessels, such as
cutters, brigs, galliots, coasting vessels, &c. can go in
and out, in consequence of the shoalness of the water,
at the entrance of the port. The town is walled in, but
the walls are decaying, and tumbling down in many
places, it could not in my opinion, at the present time,
hold out three days siege, against a small regular army,
if led on by an able and experienced commander. In
the centre of the town stands a tower, said to be three
hundred feet high, on the top of which with good spy
glasses, may be discovered ships and other vessels, that
go in and out of the river Thames, and which is of very
great advantage to the owners of privateers, who reside
here in time of war. Upon the top of this tower are
displayed signals, which inform the inhabitants of
vessels in the offing, what number, and whether friends
or enemies, &c. There are but few of the people in the
town but who are acquainted with the meaning of the
different signals, as soon as they are hoisted. They have
a long spying-glass upon the top of the Tower, (where
there is a small house erected to shelter the persons who
are upon the watch or duty, from the weather) through

[232]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

which, it being of a superior kind, one may plainly see
people walking near Dover castle. About one mile east
of the town is situate the royal gardens, (so called)
where there are a number of very delightful walks, and
a great many magnificent statues of white marble. In
these gardens there are always kept at the public ex-
pence, an excellent band of music, consisting of about
seventy persons. This music, especially in a still even
ing, sounds very harmoniously; and I think excels the
music at the public theatres, in any part of France
where I have been. The manners of the Fleminders
are coarse, rude, and disgusting to strangers; and they
are for the most part, avaricious; there are notwith
standing found among them, people who are very kind
and hospitable to strangers. Among the last class of
people, I formed during my residence at Dunkirk, a
large circle of acquaintances; among whom I had some
of the best friends I have ever found in any part of the
world, (I do not mean here to except my own and
nearest relations). The chief support of these people
in time of peace is, coasting, fishing, and smuggling;
and in time of war, that of privateering,* of which they
are very fond ; they dress very mean, like the Dutch and
Germans. The conveyance of all articles of any con
siderable bulk, to or from any part of the country,
within some hundreds of miles of this town, is in flat
bottomed boats, some of which carry eighty tons
freight; they are drawn up and down the canals with
horses, which travel upon each side of the river,
(where it is level) and go at the rate of from three to

*They had fitted out from the port of Dunkirk alone, during the
late war, one hundred and seventeen sail of privateers (great and
small. )

£233:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

five miles per hour; however, it must be noted, that in
descending the canals the boats go much swifter than
they do in ascending. There are attached to the largest
of these boats, eight and sometimes ten horses, with
ropes, and so in proportion to the smaller boats; but I
observe they generally put on two extraordinary, in
going up the river or canals, to great or small boats. I
have travelled a great deal in this way; and I remem
ber I was once on board of one of the largest, where one
might have any thing he called for, the same as at a
hotel or tavern. I here dined in state, with a number
of gentlemen and ladies; and after dinner we had a ball
in the dining room, while the boat was descending the
river at the rate of five miles per hour. Boats which
descend the river, are obliged to keep close to the shore
upon one side ; and those which ascend, close to the other
side of the river, so as not to interfere with each other.
The Austrian Netherlands, a very considerable part of
Germany, as well as this province, abounds with canals,
and flat bottom boats; and in these boats, the people
who travel, prefer doing it to any other way whatso
ever.

The manner of hanging criminals in France.

The gallows being erected without the walls of the
city or town, and a temporary platform or stage under
it upon wheels. The people assemble in crowds around
the place of execution. The grand bailiff, or high
sheriff, ascends the stage, with the criminal, with a
halter around his neck. The former then proclaims
aloud to the surrounding multitude, that a hangman,
or Jack Ketch is wanting; and expresses himself as fol-

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

lows: Who will execute this person now to be hanged!
(Par le Roy.)* Will any one do it? and for what
price? Let him come forward, and mount the stage
with me! Will he do it for one crown? Will he do it
for two? will he do it for three!' And so on, adding
one crown more to every bid, till it often amounts to
one hundred or more. And in fact, I once knew an in
stance of the sheriff's giving five hundred crowns to
procure a Jack Ketch; but this was an extraordinary
instance, as it is quite common to procure one for ten
crowns. As soon as the hangman mounts the stage, the
bailiff descends from it, and the populace cry out bravo.
The hangman then makes the halter fast to the gallows,
adjusts the halter round the criminal's neck, and makes
a signal with his hand, or handkerchief; a number of
people at that instant, drag the stage from under the
hangman and criminal; and the former jumps up on
the shoulders of the latter, and they both continue
swinging in the air for some time; during w7hich the
hangman exercises himself with pounding the criminal
in the stomach, and under the ribs, with first one knee
and then the other, with all his might, till he is well
assured that he is dead. He then lets go his hold and
drops down upon his feet, goes to the high bailiff, who
pays him the price agreed upon. The criminal, after
hanging a couple of hours, is cut down and delivered
to his friends. But I was told that the practice of de
livering the body of a criminal, after he has been
executed, to surgeons for dissection, so common in Eng
land, is never done in France; and the people of this
country look upon the practice with the greatest ab
horrence.

*By the king, or by the king's authority.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

The manner of hanging or executing criminals In
Germany.

A large post, planted in the ground, of about ten feet
in height; at the foot of which, and upon the East side,
two and sometimes three stone steps are placed for this
purpose, which I saw near almost every town or city
which I passed through in my travels in this country.
The sheriff, the criminal, and the hangman, (for here
it appears the hangman is engaged before hand) arrive
at the post. The criminal then, with the assistance of
Jack Ketch, walks up the steps, and the latter turns him
round with his back against the post,* to which the
criminal is secured with lines, so that he cannot move
his body, or stir his hands or feet. The hangman now
appears with his instruments of death in his hands; in
one hand he holds a rope with the two ends spliced to
gether, just long enough to reach, when doubled to
gether, around both the post and the criminals neck, so
that the two bites of the rope will meet upon the back
part of the post. In the other hand he holds a toggle
or short piece of wood, about as large, but not so long,
as a common ax helve. Thus prepared, he waits for the
signal to be given by the officer of justice. At the back
of the post there is upon these occasions, a temporary
stage erected, for the hangman to stand upon, in order
to execute the criminal, and where he stands when the
signal is given ; and when this is given by the officer of
justice, by waving a white handkerchief in the air, the
hangman instantly puts the rope around the criminal's
neck and post, as before observed; and through the

* In the post are scooped out hollow places for the back part of the
head to fit into ; these are of different heights from the upper step.

C236]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

bites of the rope he puts the toggle of wood, and then
lays hold with one hand at one end of it, and the other
hand hold of the other end, and twirls or twists it about
writh the rapidity almost of a whirl-a-gig. In this man
ner, the poor criminal is not long a dying; after which
the body (a few minutes after execution) is cut away
from the post, and delivered to the friends of the de
ceased; and in some instances, the bodies of criminals,
as in England, are delivered to surgeons for dissection.
I never saw but one criminal hung in this way, and he
was a Jew, who was executed near Ostend, for forgery;
and when travelling in Germany, I was informed by
the Germans themselves, that this mode of executing
criminals, was generally practised throughout the em
peror of Germany's dominions.

In Dunkirk, as well as in all other towns in France,
sales at auction are common, and in the king's name.
Previous to which a sergeant, drummer, and two sol
diers, with their arms, go through the streets, and make
the tour of every square in the town or city where the
articles are to be sold. The sergeant carries in one
hand a printed list of said articles, and at the corner of
every square, the drummer beats his drum, while the
soldiers stand with their muskets and bayonets fixed for
the space of a minute, when the sergeant flourishes his
cane in the air, and proclaims aloud with an audible
voice, Tar le Roy,' and at the same instant pulls off his
hat,* and reads over the articles which are to be sold,
and names the time and place; after this he puts on his

*Woe be to the man who is near the sergeant, who does not pull
off his hat, on the sergeant's pronouncing the words 'Par le Roy.' He
would have a bayonet plunged into his body, for a neglect of lifting
his hat when the king's name was pronounced.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

hat, and the drummer beats again for about the same
space of time, when the sergeant makes another flourish
with his cane; the drumming then ceases, and they
march off to the next corner or street, and repeat the
same manoeuvres, and so on, till they have gone
through as above.

On the 26th of July, I left Dunkirk for Paris, and
went as far as the city of Lisle by water in one of those
flat bottomed boats, which I have already described,
and on board of which I was well accommodated for
victuals, drink, (the best of claret, and other wines,)
and lodging, as any one could be served with at a public
inn. I arrived at Lisle in the evening, and put up at a
celebrated hotel, which I found full of people, mostly
foreigners. This city is very large and populous, and
situate in lat. 50 deg. N. and in about the same long, as
Dunkirk. Abundance of English people resort here
in peaceable times; and where the English language is
prevalent among the citizens of quality. There are a
great many of the former who are inhabitants, and who
had resided here for a number of years, and who are
said to be very rich. This city is celebrated on account
of its manufactories of rich laces of all kinds, and the
best of any that are to be had in the kingdom. The
citizens are kind and hospitable to strangers; their
dwelling houses are neat and commodious, not very
high, and no great shew of grandeur appears attached
to them. The next day I proceeded on my journey
towards the city of Paris; and travelled very rapidly
in the public stages, with six horses to each, at the rate
of twelve, and sometimes fifteen miles per hour; the
public roads being excellent. They are very wide upon
one side, and often in the middle they are paved with

1:2383

TANNING'S NARRATIVE

round stones, and travellers may have their choice,
either to go up the pavement, or upon one side, where
the road is not paved. Those in the stage or other car
riages, have only to direct the coachman to drive along
which of these they please, and the coachman will al
ways comply; as they are, for the most part, very oblig
ing and condescending to their passengers; and who
generally pay him ten or a dozen sous each, at the end
of each stage; (being from ten to twelve miles distance
from each other) where the stage, horses, and coach
man are shifted or relieved; at the entrance of the stage
(which he is driving) to the next town or village, where
the stage and horses are to be shifted; and until he ar
rives at the very spot where this is to take place, he
keeps up a particular kind of cracking and snapping of
his whip to denote that he has got a generous set of
passengers ; but if they should not be of this description,
the coachman makes no cracking as above, with his
whip. There are two different ways for persons to travel
on horse back in this country; one is the King's Post, so
called; and the other is called Les Postes de Matelots,
(or the sailors' post). The first furnishes the traveller
with an excellent horse, a pair of large boots, which one
can draw over his own with ease, a pair of spurs, and a
servant or guide, who is mounted upon another horse
of equal goodness; and thus equipped, one may go at
the rate of eighteen miles per hour, or as much slower
as he pleases. The Poste de Matelots furnishes misera
ble horses, no servant or guide. For the first of these
posts, it costs one six sous per mile, for horse hire; and
for the last four sous.

The internal regulation of the police in France de
serves to be noticed. The grand superintendent of this

039]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

institution resides in Paris, who has a great number of
subordinate officers under him, scattered over the face
of the kingdom. Besides these, there are several thou
sand of what the French call Marachausses, and who
are under the control, and receive their orders from the
lieutenant of the police, or his subordinate officers. The
greater part of these Marachausses are the younger
sons of noblemen ; they wear an uniform of blue with
red facings, red cuffs, red waistcoat and pantaloons;
and upon the left sleeve of their coats just above the
cuff; they wear a piece of gold lace, which extends
round the arm of the coat, about an inch broad. These
Marachausses are mounted upon excellent horses,
armed with a pair of large pistols, a long broad sword,
and sometimes a short light horseman's musket slung to
their backs; and thus accoutred, their duty is to scour
the public roads continually, to apprehend and secure
highway robbers; to take up deserters and criminals
who flee from justice, or who make their escape from
gaols, &c. These Marachausses are sometimes called
officers of justice; they are paid for their services by
the king, which I am told is very considerable, enough
to support them to live in the characters of gentlemen.
They travel upon the public roads, two, four, six, and
sometimes ten together; and in travelling which, you
will scarcely ever be out of sight of some of them, as
they ride night and day. And in consequence of this
regulation, disguise themselves in such a manner, as
not to be known by those whom they are in pursuit of;
and this kind of police extends itself throughout the
whole kingdom of France; insomuch that it is a rare
thing to hear of a highway robbery being committed in
this country; nor even the crimes of house-breaking or

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

shop-lifting, are scarcely heard of. And during my
residence in France, I never once heard of a highway
robbery or burglary being committed.

It was on the a8th of July, 1788, at night, when I
arrived at the city of Paris ; and the next day I visited
and paid my respects to Dr. Franklin,* who then re
sided at a small village, situate upon an eminence, be
tween Paris and Versailles, which commands a pros
pect delightfully pleasing to the eye. This pleasant
village is called Passy, three miles distance from Paris,
and about six miles from Versailles. The building in
which the Doctor resides, with his secretaries, is a noble
piece of modern architecture, large and commodious,
and adjoining which is a beautiful garden. From this
village may be seen nearly the whole of the city of
Paris and its suburbs, and nearly three hundred walled
towns, besides a great number of noblemen's villas,
which have the appearance of so many palaces and
country-seats, scattered over the country as far as you
can extend the eye. Dr. Franklin received me without
any ceremony, but with the kindness of a parent; and
in this way he conducted himself towards all the Amer
icans, whom he was in the habit of calling his children.
I found in company with him, the marquis de la
Fayette, and several other gentlemen ; and as soon as
they were gone, (which was in about half an hour after

*This is the man to whom Peter Porcupine gave the nick name of
old lightning rod, and that he never filled a junck bottle full of elec
trical fire in his life. Others also, who were always enemies to the
United States, have followed Peter's example since the Doctor's
death, in endeavoring to undervalue this eminent and able statesman,
and to erase from the minds of the American people, his well earned
and deserved popularity; which, notwithstanding the ravings of his
enemies, will endure till time shall be no longer.

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

my arrival) the Doctor asked me to follow him into his
study; and after being seated, he held a long conversa
tion with me upon different subjects, and when I was
about leaving him, he invited me to call and see him
often, and gave me good advice, relative to the conduct
which I ought to observe while I resided at Paris, and
in the same familiar style as though he had been my
father, and for which I shall always revere him as long
as I live. At this time Dr. Franklin was highly
esteemed, not only by the French, but by all the foreign
ministers resident at the Court of France, and his levee,
for numbers and respectability, every day exceeded that
of the count de Vergennes, the king's favourite, and the
American people's friend. After the first interview
with this American sage and statesman, I called often
upon him, and he always treated me with the same
kindness and friendship as he did at my first visit. He
was upon all occasions dressed remarkably plain, for
which all classes of people esteemed him the more. I
visited nearly all this great and populous city, where
there were any natural or artificial curiosities to be seen,
for several days successively. The Place Victoire,
(place of victory) was among the first of curiosities
which arrested my attention. It is near the centre of
the city, and occupies about half an acre in a square
form; and directly in the centre of this is a statue of
Lewis XIV, standing upon a marble pedestal, with a
truncheon in his right hand, the other clasped to his
waist, represented in his royal robes, but without a
crown on his head. An angel is represented as having
a light, and one foot set upon his pedestal, and with his
right hand is in the act of crowning this monarch with
a laurel wreath, which he holds just above his head.

[242]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

At each corner of the pedestal are represented four
kings, which the French say, Lewis XIV. took prison
ers in his wars, all at this monarch's feet in chains, with
their crowns, coats of armour, and other badges of
royalty, lying by them. This chef douvre is composed
of bronse, a composition of metal, but resembles copper.
This monarch is represented on horseback, as large as
life. At another place the horse, and the king upon
him, standing upon a marble pedestal, elevated about
twelve feet from the pavement, at the place vendome.
There is also nigh the old palace gates, a statue of a
horse, and a representation of Lewis XV., mounted upon
him upon a pedestal, at the four corners of which are
represented four female figures, in allusion to the four
cardinal virtues; but some say these represent his four
mistresses, who were sisters, and were said to be great
beauties ; but let this be as it may, this much is a known
fact, that Lewis XV. with all his faults, was a monarch
universally beloved by his subjects, during the whole
of his reign; and for this substantial reason, he was
called Lewis the beloved. These statues are also com
posed of bronse. Not far from this are les champs
Elisce, or Elysian Fields, containing about twenty acres
of ground, planted with beautiful trees, and divided
into the most delightful walks which I had ever seen,
ornamented with the greatest variety of arbours, arti
ficially made, and which are pleasantly shaded, and in
which one may be accommodated with whatever one
desireth, either eatables or drinkables. Here may be
seen in the latter part of the day and evening, when the
weather is clear and serene, several thousands of the
nobility, gentry and others; who generally tarry here
till it is time for the plays and operas to begin, which

£243]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

is at 6 o'clock in the evening. However, a considerable
part of this large company continue to amuse them
selves in these delightful walks until 10, and often, if
the evening is pleasant, till 12 at night. It is my
opinion, which coincides with that of many others, that
the city of Paris occupies more ground than London.
The dwelling houses and public buildings are mostly
higher, and the architecture better in the first men
tioned than in the last. The streets, however, are not
to be compared with those in London. They are here,
for the most part, both narrow and crooked, and very
dirty, and nothing to prevent people on foot from being
run over by coaches, but that of sheltering one's self in
the houses or shops, upon either side of the streets.
Whereas in London, foot passengers can there walk
upon each side of the streets on the flags, with the great
est safety, as the pavements in that city are raised pretty
high in the middle of the streets, in order to be dry;
and on the right hand, and on the left of these, the pave
ment is of flat stones, raised about eighteen inches
above the common pavements; this accommodates those
that are on foot. On account of the streets in this city
being always so very dirty, the greater part of the male
citizens wear black silk stockings, and which are al
ways fashionable on the same account. The city is di
vided into two parts by the river Seine, which after
running about three hundred miles, empties itself into
the English channel, near Havre de Grace, which is
the nearest sea port to the capital of any in the kingdom.
There are several old decayed palaces in this city,
where the ancient kings of France used to reside. The
display of riches in this city, are not to be compared
with those to be seen in London.

The duke de Charters has lately built a palace near

[244]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the centre of the city, which has cost him an immense
sum of money, and which is a very magnificent one, and
far excels, in my opinion, that built by Lewis XIV.
where the present king now resides, for elegance,
beauty, and grandeur. But this is not to be wondered
at, since, it is said, that the former is the richest prince
in Europe. The comedies and operas are much grander
here than in London; and the people who frequent
these places are more magnificently dressed here, than
those who visit such places in the last mentioned city.

The Bastile, situate not far from the Thuelliries, is a
large pile of buildings, and is a very strong fortress;
said to be impregnable. It is in this castle where the
prisoners of state are confined, and where I endeav
oured to gain admittance, but without success. There
are a great number of hospitals in the city, which are
large and commodious buildings. Having entered
several, I was not a little surprised to observe the clean
liness and regularity of the sick in general, as well as
every kind of conveniency in the inside of them, kept
in a very neat manner. This I say, surprised me, be
cause I never saw before among the French, anything
respecting their victuals, household furniture, and the
like, but was always in a very dirty condition. I visited
the hospital where all such persons who have the vene
real disease are admitted and taken care of. But from
what I saw I rather think that many poor miserable
wretches are brought here for the purpose of the
French surgeons to try experiments upon. I was told
that that whole number of these people in this hospital,
which is a large and extensive pile of buildings,
amounted to six thousand, of both sexes. Among those
that I saw (excepting such as were confined to their
beds) there was not a single one but what was de-

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

formed, and drawn out of their natural shapes from the
effect of mercury. I saw one with his face turned over
his back, where the back part of his head ought to be;
another without a nose; a third without any eyes; a
fourth his joints dislocated, &c. From such objects of
horror and disgust I turned away my eyes, reflecting
seriously upon what I had seen. After remaining in
this hospital, till I was almost poisoned with the stench
of these people, I retired from it and went into another
called L'Hospital D'Enfans trouve (foundling hos
pital,) so named, by its containing about seven thousand
children who are fed, clothed, and educated till they
are fifteen years of age, when they are set adrift in the
wide world to seek a livelihood; all at the expense of a
certain French noblewoman, whose name I have mis
laid, as I had taken it down with a pencil at the time it
was told to me. They are poor children, and the
greater part of them are foundlings. There are num
bers picked up in the streets naked as when they were
born, almost every morning.

The next thing which attracted my attention was
seeing a fellow exceedingly well dressed, holding up
the trail of a lady's gown, as she walked the street. This
I supposed, was to prevent its being dirtied or soiled.
Soon after I perceived the lady, on entering a house,
give him something, which he received, made a low
bow and retired. I asked my conductor what this
meant; who laughing, told me there were a number of
this class of men in the city, who lived upon the ladies'
Bounty;* that they all went genteelly dressed, wore

*A lady generally gives to one of these fellows twelve sous for
gallanting them from house to house; and in this kind of business
they have full employ.

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FANNING'S NARRATIVE

their swords, and that they were maintained by the
ladies of all ranks, who most commonly put themselves
under their protection, while walking in the streets, to
prevent being insulted by any one, and to preserve their
silks and cloths from the filth, which always lies upon
the pavements. These fellows are most intolerably
proud and are called petit maitres, or little masters
(coxcombs) . The dwelling houses in this city are from
one to twelve stories high, built mostly with white hewn
stones, and floors of marble, of different colours; in
consequence of which it is a rare thing to hear of a fire
in France, which often makes such destruction among
wooden buildings in other countries. Versailles is a
small town to the westward of Paris, where the palace
of Lewis XVI. is built; and where the present royal
family reside. It is a perfect square, except to the
southward, where it is fenced or piqueted in, from one
wing to the other across, with a double gate in the
middle, which is open during the day time, but shut at
night. Two grenadiers are generally posted here; and
no person, except the royal family, can pass through
this gate, without the pass word or countersign, named
by the king. This palace is a large pile of buildings,
and the architecture of the whole is magnificent and
neatly executed. The enclosure between the two wings
forms a square piece of ground, handsomely paved,
where the king's life guard parade. When I arrived
here I put up at the hotel near the palace gates, where
I met with an old acquaintance, who had been in the
French navy, a captain of one of the ships of the line,
in the division of men of war, the admiral of which,
was the count of Guichen, whom I have, in a few pages
back, had occasion to notice. To this marine officer,

£247:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

(the captain) I mentioned the curiosity which I had
to see the royal family, and who agreed to accompany
me wherever I had a mind to go ; he was a young noble
man, and was well acquainted at court. With this
gentleman I set out from our lodgings, in order to visit
the apartments in the palace, and to see the royal fam
ily. Arriving at the gates, (my conductor having first
obtained the pass word) the guard made some diffi
culty about our entering the palace yard, notwithstand
ing we mentioned the countersign; in consequence of
which an explanation took place between my conductor
and the officer of the king's life guard. The former
told the latter that I was an American, and had been in
the French service; and that I was led there merely
out of curiosity to see the royal family, &c. After this
he was so obliging as to accompany us to the king's
chapel adjoining the palace, where I saw the king and
queen, and dauphin, then an infant. The royal family
had come into the chapel to hear mass, (it being Sunday
morning) . The king is a very handsome man, about
twenty eight years of age, dark complexion, about a
middling size, corpulent body; and has an exceeding
pleasant but majestic countenance. The queen is beau
tiful in the extreme, has a Roman nose, light com
plexion, and a pleasant countenance; but I am sorry
to say, that her character for goodness, modesty, virtue,
and other female accomplishments, necessary in a
queen, does not bear the strictest scrutiny. And were
I to relate all the anecdotes which I heard while in
Paris, of her intrigues and voluptuousness with the
men, it would compose a volume; particularly her in
constancy to the king. Some even go so far as to say,
that the count D'Artois, his youngest brother, is the

[248:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

father of the present dauphin of France. At a short
distance from Versailles is an island, either in a lake or
situate in a bay, contiguous to the river Seine. However,
let this be as it may, there is certainly such an island,
and to which the queen has given the name of the
Island of Love. To this island she often resorts with
some of the loosest characters of the ladies of the court,
for the purpose of bathing; the count D'Artois as her
gallant, and other gentlemen for partners of the ladies.*
I forbear to say anything more upon this subject; but
leave the reader to make his own reflections. From the
king's chapel we proceeded on to the great hall of
audience, and through the other apartments in the
palace; from whence we visited the royal gardens, and
a pond of water near by, in which were represented
Tygers, Lions, and a great variety of other savage
beasts, and various kinds of serpents. These were con
tinually spouting water out of their mouths into the
air, several feet upwards, which made a roaring noise,
resembling the fall of a rapid water. Near these water
spouts is a delightful walk, where I again saw the royal
family, with several gentlemen of the court; among
whom was the count D'Artois, and the count de Ver-
gennes. The former is a much handsomer man than
the king, and appeared to be several years younger.
The palace at Versailles is situate upon an eminence,
which, together with the palace, was built by order of
Louis XIV. and is said to excel any other in the known
world. I was told by the officers of the king's life
guard, that the spot of ground where the elegant palace
now stands, was formerly a piece of low sandy land,

*The queen, upon these occasions, acts the part of Venus, as the
leading goddess of the company.

[249]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

and that the expense of raising the ground only, on
which it is founded, cost the French government several
million of livres. The dwelling houses of the village
of Versailles are not so high nor elegant as those at
Paris; nor are they so crowded with families. In the
latter place, the houses are fourteen stories high, in
most of which there are a family in each story.

On the 9th of August, I returned to Paris, and waited
upon his excellency Dr. Franklin, who gave me a pass
port for 1'Orient. The next day I paid my respects to
Mr. Barckley, consul general of the United States; and
with whom I left a power of attorney to collect monies
due to me from merchants residing in Morlaix and
Dunkirk. After having finished my business with him,
I agreed for a seat in the public stage, and set out for
POrient, and in four days I arrived at that place, and
engaged a passage on board a king's packet, a ship
mounting four carriage guns, which in the late war
mounted twenty-two. While I was here waiting for
the packet to get ready for sea, I was attacked with the
ague and fever, and which I did not get rid of till we
had put to sea.

I shall now, as having some leisure moments, take
some notice of the manners and customs of the French
generally. The unmarried ladies in this country I cer
tainly think much handsomer than the single ladies in
England, though more giddy and volatile, which in my
opinion, they carry to too great an extreme; particu
larly in their dancing assemblies, a diversion of which
they are remarkably fond. The ladies in France have
no tea parties, as in England and the United States.
They however, meet together in companies* at each

*In the afternoon and generally spend the evening.

C 250:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

other's houses, and after chatting a while, the company
is served with some delicious cakes, fruit, &c. and a
few glasses of French cordials of a superior kind. This,
instead of tea, constitutes their repast, and which is far
wholesomer than that article. The French ladies and
gentlemen commonly make their breakfast with wine,
bread and butter; and sometimes they add to these
sallad, garlic or onions. Their heartiest meal in the
twenty-four hours is supper. They have a method of
hanging up poultry of all kinds after it is killed, and
before the entrails are taken out, and letting it hang
until it is quite green before it is cooked. They say it
makes fowl and other poultry more tender and easier
to digest; which mode, I must confess, I do not like.
Another mode is quite common among these people;
and that is, stuffing a leg of mutton or veal full of garlic
before it is roasted— this I did not much approve of. I
have seen many a French man make his dinner or
supper out of bread, wine and sallad, and sometimes
soup alone; when at the same time there has been
twenty meat dishes and f ricasees on the table at which
he sat. The French are, notwithstanding these little
peculiarities, a hospitable, generous, and kind people,
especially to strangers. As proof of this, I have travel
led many a mile in France without paying one sou for
victuals or drink; and upon these occasions, I had only
to shew the people wherever I called or put up, my
passport, in which I was generally called an American,
and they would absolutely refuse to take any pay from
me, either for victuals, drink, or lodgings.

They have a custom, which takes place once a year,
in all the large populous cities and towns of this coun
try; which, if I mistake not, is sometimes in the month

1:2513

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

of April, when a representation of the trial, crucifixion,
and resurrection of our Saviour is made; but any de
scription which I could give, would fall short of the
real scenes exhibited upon this occasion. The reader,
therefore, is desired to be content with the following
outlines :

At the commencement of this solemn scene, a tem
porary building is generally erected upon the public
square, in which the judge, representing the person
who passed sentence of death upon Jesus Christ, sits in
a superb chair richly ornamented; the trial then com
mences, and lasts two or three hours, during which
there are persons who act their different parts, so as to
represent all those who were any way accessory to his
death, or who had been his followers, and so on to the
committing of his body* to the place of burial. After
the resurrection, a grand procession is formed of all
ranks of people, the Roman Catholic priests in the front,
one of whom carries in his hands a large silver font or
vessel, in the form of an urn, in which is the Host. In
or near the centre of the procession, is carried upon
men's shoulders, a most magnificent pavilion, in which
are seated several images; but who they represent I
know not. And besides, owing to the curtains at the
sides and ends, which are partly drawn together, I had
but a slight view of these images, and I always upon
such an occasion, withdrew into some house, to avoid
the crowd and shun the soldiers. The whole of the
military in the town or city wrhere this show is ex
hibited, are obliged to attend, except such as are unable
to walk. The young ladies from six years old and up-

* Which is made of sundry materials, so as to have the appearance
Df a man.

C 252:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

wards, are for the most part dressed in white, upon the
occasion. The procession moves on slowly without any
music, the citizens in the middle of the street, and the
soldiery upon each side of them, which crowds the
street quite full of people. The soldiers march with
their muskets and bayonets fixed. And woe be to the
person at such a time, who should not drop upon his
marrow bones in the street, muddy or dusty, it makes
no difference; down he must kneel, and there remain
in that posture, until the greater part of the procession
is past; or have a bayonet through his body. And I
was told, that soldiers upon such an occasion, have or
ders to kill every one who neglects to kneel.

After the procession has gone through the principal
streets of the city or town, as the case may be, which
sometimes takes up almost a whole day, they return to
the place from whence they first set out, and the people
disperse to their respective homes, where they spend
the rest of the day, and part of the night following, in
congratulations and rejoicings; and which is in some
places kept up for two or three days and nights suc
cessively. But what becomes of the images after the
procession is over I was not able to learn.

The winters, in the northern parts of France, are not
in my opinion, so cold, nor does the snow fall so often,
nor so deep as in Charleston, South Carolina, in the
same season of the year; and I never saw the snow two
inches deep on a level, even in Dunkirk, the most north
erly part of France, during my residence there part of
three winters; nor are the frosts so severe in the last
mentioned place, in that season, as they are in Charles
ton.

The French are remarkably fond of their king, so

C253]

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

much so, that they almost worship the mere sound of
his name. They generally say he is the best which they
ever had, not even excepting Henry IV.

I have often heard the English say, that the French
were great cowards, particularly their sailors. In re
ply to which, I say it is not true. On the contrary, I
assert, that they are as brave and courageous as the
English sailors, or any others, be they of what nation
they may. I have been an eye witness to their bravery
in many instances. While I was cruising in French
privateers, I used to make it a rule in stationing the
men to the carriage guns, to put the French sailors to
gether, and the American sailors also together; that is,
to place, say five French to one gun, and the same num
ber of Americans to the next; and so on in this way,
there would be Frenchmen to every other gun ; and in
time of action, I always noticed, that the French be
haved with as much courage and bravery, and fired
their pieces as often as the Americans; and in several
bloody battles that I was in, I never once saw a French
man flinch or desert his quarters; but I have, at the
same time, seen many an Englishman desert his.

On the 3Oth day of Sept. I embarked on board of the
French ship which I had agreed to go to the United
States in, and paid the captain twenty-eight guineas for
my passage and stores. In the after part of the day we
set sail for New- York, with a fair wind. There were
a number of ladies and gentlemen; among the latter
was a Mr. St. John, French consul general for the
states of New- York, Connecticut, and New Jersey, a
man of about sixty years of age, and who spoke good
English; a Frenchman, vice consul for the state of
Virginia, and his lady; a Mr. Thatcher, an American,

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

who had been secretary to an American Ambassador;
and another American, by the name of Robinson, with
whom I had served on board of the Alliance frigate.
Both of us at that time were midshipmen on board of
that ship. The third day after we left 1'Orient, which
was the day that my ague and fever ought to have re
turned, (having what is commonly called the third day
ague,) I did not experience another attack, and from
this time it entirely forsook me; and from that time we
had a very pleasant and agreeable passage, until we got
soundings upon the back of Long-Island, in 60 fathoms
of water; after which, until our arrival, we had re
peated gales of wind, and the weather was very cold
and boisterous. The greater part of the French sailors,
were unable to do duty, on account of being afflicted
with the foul disease, in consequence of which they
could not endure the cold, and the fatigues of a watch,
and we were driven off the coast several times. Mr.
Robinson and myself were now called upon to keep a
watch, take our turn at the helm, and to do duty on
board of the ship as seamen until our arrival, for which,
we were promised, by Mr. St. John and the captain,
that we should have the money, which we paid the lat
ter in 1'Orient, remitted us on the arrival of the ship in
any port of the United States.* Although we per
formed the services required of us night and day faith
fully, so much so, that Mr. St. John, whenever it blew
a gale, would not let us sleep below in our state-rooms,
even when it was our watch below; and at such a time
he was so timid, that he would not be content unless
we were both upon deck; making it a point, which he
never deviated from, when the wind blew fresher than

*This promise was never fulfilled.

[2553

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

a common wholesail breeze, to keep a constant thump
ing at our state room doors, until he urged us to turn
out and go upon deck; calling us his dear children,
good fellows, &c. At this time there were only three
French sailors on board of this ship who did their duty,
out of fourteen. When the topsails were to be reefed,
or sail taken in, Robinson and myself were obliged to
take the lead, and the bulk of such duty fell upon us;
and in bad weather, one of us was under the necessity
of taking the helm. And when we arrived, our hands
were so sore, in consequence of such severe duty, which
we had been compelled to perform, that we could
scarcely touch a rope. They talked of bearing away
for the West Indies, several times ; and where the cap
tain of the ship would have directed her course, had it
not been for our assistance.

About the middle of November, we descried in the
Western board, the first division of the British fleet,
from New- York, with troops on board. Soon after, we
spoke with several of them; out of one of which we
got a New- York pilot, which was a lucky circumstance
to him, otherwise he must have gone to Halifax,
whither the fleet were bound. We were then upon the
southernmost part of the south shoal of Nantucket
Island. Four days after we arrived at the Hook. No
pen, I am sure, could describe the joy I experienced in
once more beholding my native Land. The next day
we proceeded on to New- York; passed the British fleet
of men of war, and transports,* wearing a French en
sign and pendant, and came to anchor in the East River,
opposite the city. We had just got our sails handed,

* These lying at Staten Island.

: 256:3

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

when a boat from the British admiral's ship* came
along side of our ship, with a lieutenant in her; he came
up the ship's side, and asked in an arrogant and
haughty style, where the captain was; who, hearing,
made his appearance upon the quarter deck. The lieut.
then asked him, how he dared to wear his pendant, when
he saw the admiral's flag flying below. The French
captain replied, that he had nothing to do with the
British admiral; he knew nothing about him, nor did
he care any thing about him ; his business was with the
American commander in chief, in New- York. Won't
you order your pendant hauled down then? says the
lieutenant. No, replied the French captain. Then
I '11 find a way to make you, and that very soon
too, replied the lieutenant. And after pronouncing
these words, he descended the ship's side ladder,
stepped into his boat, and returned to the British fleet.
In the interim, the French captain went on shore, and
got permission of the American commander in chief,
who, I think, at that time, was the great Washington,
to wear his pendant; and felt entirely secure in braving
the threats and future conduct of the British. Accord
ingly, he paraded his marines upon the quarter-deck,
consisting of ten in number, with arms in their hands,
and ordered them to shoot the first man who attempted
to haul the pendant down. The passengers and sailors
upon this occasion were also armed; and we were re
solved to give the British a warm reception. The Eng
lish lieutenant soon after came along side again, ac
companied by another boat; both were full of men, and
appeared to be well armed. He did not come out of

*I think the admiral's name was Digby, who then commanded
the fleet.

057:1

FANNING'S NARRATIVE

the boat this time; but told the captain, that it was the
admiral's orders, that the pendant in question, should
be hauled down. The French captain said, Very well,
haul it down, if that is your orders. The lieutenant
then ordered some of his people to haul it down. When
they had got upon the ship's gangway, the marines
presented their pieces at them; when they skulked into
their boats again, and after a few threats from the lieu
tenant, the boats returned from whence they came, and
the French ship continued to wear her pendant.

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