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THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
PRESENTED BY
PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND
MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID
MICHAEL FAKADAY.
MICHAEL FAEADAY.
LONDON: PRINTED BY
8POTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARB
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
F A K A D A Y
AS
A DISCOVERER.
BY JOHN TYNDALL.
M
LONDON :
LONGMANS, GKEEN, AND CO.
1868.
The right of translation it reserved.
..
F3T?
NOTE.
SOME YEAKS AGO I accompanied Mr. FAEADAY to
a little Photographic Studio in Lambeth, with the
view of exchanging portraits. The Frontispiece is
engraved from one of the negatives taken on that
occasion, and which is now in the possession of
Dr. Bence Jones.
The portrait facing p. 79 is from a Daguerreotype
by Claudet, the property of Mrs. Faraday, taken
when her husband was about fifty years old. Its
position in the book has been chosen with reference
to his age.
JOHN TYNDALL.
ROYAL INSTITUTION:
2lst Feb. 1868.
ivioG7892
CONTENTS.
PAGE
PARENTAGE — INTRODUCTION TO THE ROYAL INSTITUTION —
EARLIEST EXPERIMENTS — FIRST ROYAL SOCIETY PAPER —
MARRIAGE . 1
EARLY RESEARCHES — MAGNETIC ROTATIONS — LIQUEFACTION
OF GASES — HEAVY GLASS — CHARLES ANDERSON — CONTRIBU-
TIONS TO PHYSICS . . V • ; ' . .12
DISCOVERY OF MAGNETO-ELECTRICITY — EXPLANATION OF
ARAGO'S MAGNETISM OF ROTATION — TERRESTRIAL MAG-
NETO-ELECTRIC INDUCTION — THE EXTRA CURRENT . . 19
POINTS OF CHARACTER ';',. . . . .30
IDENTITY OF ELECTRICITIES — FIRST RESEARCHES ON ELECTRO-
CHEMISTRY . . . . . . .41
LAWS OF ELECTRO-CHEMICAL DECOMPOSITION . . 53
ORIGIN OF POWER IN THE VOLTAIC PILE .• . .59
RESEARCHES ON FRICTIONAL ELECTRICITY — INDUCTION — CON-
DUCTION — SPECIFIC INDUCTIVE CAPACITY — THEORY OF
CONTIGUOUS PARTICLES , 66
yiii CONTENTS.
PAGE
REST NEEDED — VISIT TO SWITZERLAND . . ' . 75
MAGNETIZATION OP LIGHT . ... 79
DISCOVERY OP DIAMAGNET1SM— RESEARCHES ON MAGNE-CRYS-
TALLIC ACTION .... .89
SUPPLEMENTARY REMARKS ..... 101
MAGNETISM OP FLAME AND GASES — ATMOSPHERIC MAGNETISM . 108
SPECULATIONS— NATURE OP MATTER— LINES OP PORCE . 119
UNITY AND CONVERTIBILITY OF NATURAL FORCES— THEORY
OF THE ELECTRIC CURRENT .... 133
SUMMARY ....... 145
ILLUSTRATIONS OF CHARACTER . . .147
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
PARENTAGE : INTRODUCTION TO THE ROYAL INSTITU-
TION: EARLIEST EXPERIMENTS: FIRST ROYAL SOCIETY
PAPER : MARRIAGE.
IT has been thought desirable to give you and the
world some image of MICHAEL FARADAY, as a scien-
tific investigator and discoverer. The attempt to
respond to this desire has been to me a labour of
difficulty, if also a labour of love. For however well
acquainted I may be with the researches and dis-
coveries of that great master — however numerous the
illustrations which occur to me of the loftiness of
Faraday's character and the beauty of his life — still
to grasp him and his researches as a whole ; to seize
upon the ideas which guided him, and connected
them ; to gain entrance into that strong and active
brain, and read from it the riddle of the world — this
is a work not easy of performance, and all but impos-
sible amid the distraction of duties of another kind.
That I should at one period or another speak to you
B
2 FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
regarding Faraday and his work, is natural, if not
inevitable ; but I did not expect to be called upon to
speak so soon. Still the bare suggestion that this is
the fit and proper time for speech sent me imme-
diately to my task: from it I have returned with
such results as I could gather, and also with the wish
that those results were more worthy than they are
of the greatness of my theme.
It is not my intention to lay before you a life of
Faraday in the ordinary acceptation of the term.
The duty I have to perform is to give you some
notion of what he has done in the world ; dwelling
incidentally on the spirit in which his work was
executed, and introducing such personal traits as
may be necessary to the completion of your picture
of the philosopher, though by no means adequate to
give you a complete idea of the man.
The newspapers have already informed you that
Michael Faraday was born at Newington Butts, on
September 22, 1791, and that he fell finally asleep at
Hampton Court, on August 25, 1867. Believing, as
I doa in the general truth of the doctrine of here-
ditary transmission — sharing the opinion of Mr.
Carlyle, that ' a really able man never proceeded
from entirely stupid parents ' — I once used the
privilege of my intimacy with Mr. Faraday to ask
him whether his parents showed any signs of un-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 3
usual ability. He could remember none. His father,
I believe, was a great sufferer during the latter years
of his life, and this might have masked whatever
intellectual power he possessed. When thirteen
years old, that is to say in 1804, Faraday was
apprenticed to a bookseller and bookbinder in
Blandford-street, Manchester-square: here he spent
eight years of his life, after which he worked as a
journeyman elsewhere.
You have also heard the account of Faraday's first
contact with the Royal Institution; that he was
introduced by one of the members to Sir Humphry
Davy's last lectures; that he took notes of those
lectures, wrote them fairly out, and sent them to
Davy, entreating him at the same time to enable
him to quit trade, which he detested, and to pursue
science, which he loved. Davy was helpful to the
young man, and this should never be forgotten : he
at once wrote to Faraday, and, afterwards when an
opportunity occurred, made him his assistant.* Mr.
* Here is Davy's recommendation of Faraday, presented to the
managers of the Koyal Institution, at a meeting on the 18th of March,
1813, Charles Hatchett, Esq., in the chair :—
' Sir Humphry Davy has the honour to inform the managers that he
has found a person who is desirous to occupy the situation in the Insti-
tution lately filled by William Payne. His name is Michael Faraday.
He is a youth of twenty-two years of age. As far as Sir H. Davy has
been able to observe or ascertain, he appears well fitted for the situa-
tion. His habits seem good ; his disposition active and cheerful, and
4 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
Gassiot has lately favoured me with, the following
reminiscence of this time : —
' Clapham Common, Surrey,
' November 28, 1867.
6 MY DEAR TYNDALL, — Sir H. Davy was accustomed
to call on the late Mr. Pepys, in the Poultry, on his
way to the London Institution, of which Pepys was
one of the original managers ; the latter told me that
on one occasion Sir H. Davy, showing him a letter,
said, " Pepys, what am I to do, here is a letter from
a young man named Faraday ; he has been attending
my lectures, and wants me to give him employment
at the Eayal Institution— what can I do?" " Do ? "
replied Pepys, "put him to wash bottles; if he is
good for anything he will do it directly, if he refuses
he is good for nothing." " No, no," replied Davy; " we
must try him with something better than that." The
result was, that Davy engaged him to assist in the
Laboratory at weekly, wages.
6 Davy held the joint office of Professor of Chemis-
try and Director of the Laboratory; he ultimately
gave up the former to the late Professor Brande, but
he insisted that Earaday should be appointed Direc-
tor of the Laboratory, and, as Faraday told me, this
his manner intelligent. He is willing to engage himself on the same
terms as given to Mr. Payne at the time of quitting the Institution.
' Resolved, — That Michael Faraday be engaged to fill the situation
lately occupied by Mr. Payne, on the same terms.'
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 5
enabled him on subsequent occasions to hold a defi-
nite position in the Institution, in which he was
always supported by Davy. I believe he held tha*
office to the last.
6 Believe me, my dear Tyndall, yours truly,
' J. P. GrASSIOT.
'Dr. Tyndall.'
From a letter written by Faraday himself soon
after his appointment as Davy's assistant, I extract
the following account of his introduction to the Royal
Institution : —
'London, Sept. 13, 1813.
cAs for myself, I am absent (from home) nearly
day and night, except occasional calls, and it is likely
shall shortly be absent entirely, but this (having
nothing more to say, and at the request of my
mother) I will explain to you. I was formerly a
bookseller and binder, but am now turned philoso-
pher,* which happened thus : — Whilst an apprentice,
I, for amusement, learnt a little chemistry and other
parts of philosophy, and felt an eager desire to pro-
ceed in that way further. After being a journeyman
for six months, under a disagreeable master, I gave
up my business, and through the interest of a Sir H.
Davy, filled the situation of chemical assistant to the
* Paraday loved this word and employed it to the last ; he had an
intense dislike to the modern term physicist.
6 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
Royal Institution of Great Britain, in which office I
now remain ; and where I am constantly employed in
observing the works of nature, and tracing the man-
ner in which she directs the order and arrangement
of the world. I have lately had proposals made to
me by Sir Humphry Davy to accompany him in his
travels through Europe and Asia, as philosophical
assistant. If I go at all I expect it will be in October
next — about the end ; and my absence from home will
perhaps be as long as three years. But as yet all is
uncertain.'
This account is supplemented by the following
letter, written by Faraday to his friend De la Rive,*
on the occasion of the death of Mrs. Marcet. The
letter is dated Sept. 2, 1858 :—
c MY DEAR FRIEND, — Your subject interested me
deeply every way; for Mrs. Marcet was a good
friend to me, as she must have been to many of the
human race. I entered the shop of a bookseller and
bookbinder at the age of 13, in the year 1804,
remained there eight years, and during the chief
part of the time bound books. Now it was in those
books, in the hours after work, that I found the be-
ginning of my philosophy. There were two that
especially helped me, the "Encyclopaedia Britannica,"
* To whom I am indebted for a copy of the original letter.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 7
from which. I gained my first notions of electricity,
and Mrs. Marcet's " Conversations on Chemistry,"
which gave me my foundation in that science.
' Do not suppose that I was a very deep thinker,
or was marked as a precocious person. I was a very
lively imaginative person, and could believe in the
" Arabian Nights " as easily as in the " Encyclo-
psedia." But facts were important to me, and saved
me. I could trust a fact, and always cross-examined
an assertion. So when I questioned Mrs. Marcet's
book by such little experiments as I could find means
to perform, and found it true to the facts as I could
understand them, I felt that I had got hold of an
anchor in chemical knowledge, and clung fast to it.
Thence my deep veneration for Mrs. Marcet — first
as one who had conferred great personal good and
pleasure on me ; and then as one able to convey the
truth and principle of those boundless fields of know-
ledge which concern natural things, to the young,
untaught, and inquiring mind.
'You may imagine my delight when I came to
know Mrs. Marcet personally ; how often I cast my
thoughts backward, delighting to connect the past
and the present ; how often, when sending a paper
to her as a thank-offering, I thought of my first
instructress, and such like thoughts will remain
with me.
8 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
' I have some such thoughts even as regards your
own father ; who was, I may say, the first who per-
sonally at Geneva, and afterwards by correspondence,
encouraged, and by that sustained, me.'
Twelve or thirteen years ago Mr. Faraday and
myself quitted the Institution one evening together,
to pay a visit in Baker-street. He took my arm at
the door, and, pressing it to his side in his warm
genial way, said, c Come, Tyndall, I will now show
you something that will interest you.' We walked
northwards, passed the house of Mr. Babbage, which
drew forth a reference to the famous evening parties
once assembled there. We reached Blandford-street,
and after a little looking about, he paused before
a stationer's shop, and then went in. On entering
the shop, his usual animation seemed doubled;
he looked rapidly at everything it contained. To
the left on entering was a door, through which he
looked down into a little room, with a window
in front facing Blandford-street. Drawing me to-
wards him, he said eagerly, 'Look there, Tyndall,
that was my working-place. I bound books in that
little nook.' A respectable-looking woman stood
behind the counter : his conversation with me was
too low to be heard by her, and he now turned to the
counter to bny some cards as an excuse for our being
there. He asked the woman her name — her prede-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 9
cessor's name — his predecessor's name. f That won't
do/ he said, with good-humoured impatience ; ' who
was his . predecessor ? ' ' Mr. Riebau,' she replied,
and immediately added, as if suddenly recollecting
herself, £He, sir, was the master of Sir Charles
Faraday.5 ( Nonsense ! ' he responded, ( there is no
such person.' Great was her delight when I told
her the name of her visitor ; but she assured me that
as soon as she saw him running about the shop, she
felt — though she did not know why — that it must be
' Sir Charles Faraday.'
Faraday did, as you know, accompany Davy to
Rome : he was re-engaged by the managers of the
Royal Institution on May 15, 1815. Here he made
rapid, progress in chemistry, and after a time was
entrusted with easy analyses by Davy. In those
days the Eoyal Institution published ' The Quarterly
Journal of Science,' the precursor of our own ' Pro-
ceedings.' Faraday's first contribution to science
appeared in that journal in 1816. It was an analysis
of some caustic lime from Tuscany, which had been
sent to Davy by the Duchess of Montrose. Between
this period and 1818 various notes and short papers
were published by Faraday. In 1818 he experi-
mented upon ' Sounding Flames.' Professor Auguste
De la Rive, father of our present excellent De la
Rive, had investigated those sounding flames, and
10 FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
had applied to them an explanation which com-
pletely accounted for a class of sounds discovered by
De la Eive himself. By a few simple and conclusive
experiments, Faraday proved that the explanation
was insufficient. It is an epoch in the life of a young
man, when he finds himself correcting a person of
eminence, and in Faraday's case, where its effect
was to develop a modest self-trust, such an event
could not fail to act profitably.
From time to time between 1818 and 1820 Faraday
published scientific notes and notices of minor weight.
At this time he was acquiring, not producing ; work-
ing hard for his master and storing and strengthen-
ing his own mind. He assisted Mr. Brande in his
lectures, and so quietly, skilfully, and modestly was
his work done, that Mr. Brande's vocation at the
time was pronounced ' lecturing on velvet.' In 1820
Faraday published a chemical paper ' on two new
compounds of chlorine and carbon, and on a new
compound of iodine, carbon, and hydrogen. This
paper was read before the Royal Society on December
21, 1820, and it was the first of his that was honoured
with a place in the ' Philosophical Transactions.'
On June 12, 1821, he married, and obtained leave
to bring his young wife into his rooms at the Eoyal
Institution. There for forty-six years they lived to-
gether, occupying the suite of apartments which had
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 11
been previously in the successive occupancy of Young,
Davy, and Brande. At the time of her marriage Mrs.
Faraday was twenty-one years of age, he being nearly
thirty. Regarding this marriage I will at present
limit myself to quoting an entry written in Faraday's
own hand in his book of diplomas, which caught my
eye while in his company some years ago. It ran
thus : —
' 25th January, 1847.
' Amongst these records and events, I here insert
the date of one which, as a source of honour and
happiness, far exceeds all the rest. We were married
on June 12, 1821.
c M. FARADAY.'
Then follows the copy of the minutes, dated May
21, 1821, which gave him additional rooms, and thus
enabled him to bring his wife to the Royal Institu-
tion. A feature of Faraday's character which I have
often noticed makes itself apparent in this entry. In
his relations to his wife he added chivalry to affection.
12 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
EAELY EESEAECHES : MAGNETIC ROTATIONS : LIQUE-
FACTION OP GASES : HEAVY GLASS : CHAELES AN-
DEESON: CONTEIBUTIONS TO PHYSICS.
OEESTED, in 1820, discovered the action of a voltaic
current on a magnetic needle ; and immediately
afterwards the splendid intellect of Ampere suc-
ceeded in showing that every magnetic phenomenon
then known might be reduced to the mutual action
of electric currents. The subject occupied all men's
thoughts ; and in this country Dr. Wollaston sought
to convert the deflection of the needle by the current
into a permanent rotation of the needle round the
current. He also hoped to produce the reciprocal
effect of causing a current to rotate round a magnet.
In the early part of 1821, Wollaston attempted to
realise this idea in the presence of Sir Humphry
Davy in the laboratory of the Eoyal Institution.
This was well calculated to attract Faraday's atten-
tion to the subject. He read much about it ; and in
the months of July, August, and September, he wrote
e a history of the progress of electro-magnetism/
which he published in Thomson's ( Annals of Phi-
losophy.' Soon afterwards he took up the subject of
( Magnetic Eotations,' and on the morning of Christ-
mas-day, 1821, he called his wife to witness for the
FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 13
first time, the revolution of a magnetic needle round
an electric current. Incidental to the ' historic
sketch/ he repeated almost all the experiments there
referred to ; and these, added to his own subsequent
work, made him practical master of all that was
then known regarding the voltaic current. In 1821,
he also touched upon a subject which subsequently
received his closer attention — the vaporization of
mercury at common temperatures ; and immediately
afterwards conducted, in company with Mr. Stodart,
experiments on the alloys of steel. He was accus-
tomed in after years to present to his friends razors
formed from one of the alloys then discovered.
During Faraday's hours of liberty from other
duties, he took up subjects of inquiry for himself;
and in the spring of 1823, thus self-prompted, he
began the examination of a substance which had
long been regarded as the chemical element chlorine,
in a solid form, but which Sir Humphry Davy, in
1810, had proved to be a hydrate of chlorine, that is,
a compound of chlorine and water. Faraday first
analysed this hydrate, and wrote out an account of
its composition. This account was looked over by
Davy, who suggested the heating of the hydrate
under pressure in a sealed glass tube. This was
done. The hydrate fused at a blood-heat, the tube
became filled with a yellow atmosphere, and was
14 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
found to contain two liquid substances. Dr. Paris
happened to enter the laboratory while Faraday was
at work. Seeing the oily liquid in his tube, he rallied
the young chemist for his carelessness in employing
soiled vessels. On filing off the end of the tube, its
contents exploded and the oily matter vanished.
Early next morning, Dr. Paris received the following
note : —
6 DEAR SIR, — The oil you noticed yesterday turns
out to be liquid chlorine.
c Tours faithfully,
< M. FARADAY.' *
The gas had been liquefied by its own pressure. Fa-
raday then tried compression with a syringe, and
succeeded thus in liquefying the gas.
To the published account of this experiment Davy
added the following note : — c In desiring Mr. Faraday
to expose the hydrate of chlorine in a closed glass
tube, it occurred to me that one of three things would
happen : that it would become fluid as a hydrate ;
that decomposition of water would occur; ... or
that the chlorine would separate in a fluid state.'
Davy, moreover, immediately applied the method of
self-compressing atmospheres to the liquefaction of
muriatic gas. Faraday continued the experiments,
* Paris : Life of Davy, p. 391.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 15
and succeeded in reducing a number of gases till
then deemed permanent to the liquid condition. In
1844 he returned to the subject, and considerably
expanded its limits. These important investiga-
tions established the fact that gases are but the
vapours of liquids possessing a very low boiling-point,
and gave a sure basis to our views of molecular ag-
gregation. The account of the first investigation
was read before the Eoyal Society on April 10, 1823,
and was published, in Faraday's name, in the ' Phi-
losophical Transactions.' The second memoir was
sent to the Eoyal Society on December 19, 1844. I
may add that while he was conducting his first ex-
periments on the liquefaction of gases, thirteen pieces
of glass were on one occasion driven by an explosion
into Faraday's eye.
Some small notices and papers, including the
observation that glass readily changes colour in
sunlight, follow here. In 1825 and 1826 Faraday
published papers in the ( Philosophical Transactions '
on ' new compounds of carbon and hydrogen,' and
on * sulphonaphthalic acid.' In the former of these
papers he announced the discovery of Benzol, which,
in the hands of modern chemists, has become the
foundation of our splendid aniline dyes. But he
swerved incessantly from chemistry into physics;
and in 1826 we find him engaged in investigating
16 FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERED.
the limits of vaporization, and showing, by exceed-
ingly strong and apparently conclusive arguments,
that even in the case of mercury such a limit exists ;
much more he conceived it to be certain that our
atmosphere does not contain the vapour of the fixed
constituents of the earth's crust. This question, I
may say, is likely to remain an open one. Dr.
Eankine, for example, has lately drawn attention to
the odour of certain metals ; whence comes this
odour, if it be not from the vapour of the metal ?
In 1825 Faraday became a member of a com-
mittee, to which Sir John Herschel and Mr. Dollond
also belonged, appointed by the Eoyal Society to
examine, and if possible improve, the manufacture
of glass for optical purposes. Their experiments
continued till 1829, when the account of them con-
stituted the subject of a ' Bakerian Lecture.' This
lectureship, founded in 1774 by Henry Baker, Esq.,
of the Strand, London, provides that every year a
lecture shall be given before the Eoyal Society, the
sum of four pounds being paid to the lecturer. The
Bakerian Lecture, however, has long since passed
from the region of pay to that of honour, papers of
mark only being chosen for it by the council of the
Society. Faraday's first Bakerian Lecture, f On the
Manufacture of Glass for Optical Purposes,' was de-
livered at the close of 1829. It is a most elaborate
FAEADAY AS A DISCOVEKER. 17
and conscientious description of processes, pre-
cautions, and results : the details were so exact and
so minute, and the paper consequently so long, thai
three successive sittings of the Eoyal Society were
taken up by the delivery of the lecture.* This glass
did not turn out to be of important practical use,
but it happened afterwards to be the foundation of
two of Faraday's greatest discoveries. f
The experiments here referred to, were commenced
at the Falcon Glass Works, on the premises of Messrs.
Green and Pellatt, but Faraday could not conveniently
attend to them there. In 1827, therefore, a furnace
was erected in the yard of the Eoyal Institution ; and
it was at this time, and with a view of assisting him
at the furnace, that Faraday engaged Sergeant An-
derson, of the Royal Artillery, the respectable, truth-
ful, and altogether trustworthy man whose appearance
* Vis. November 19, December 3 and 10.
t I make the following extract from a letter from Sir John Herschel,
•written to me from Collingwood, on the 3rd of November, 1867 : —
' I will take this opportunity to mention that I believe myself to have
originated the suggestion of the employment of borate of lead for optical
purposes. It was somewhere in the year 1822, as well as I can re-
collect, that I mentioned it to Sir James (then Mr.) South ; and, in con-
sequence, the trial was made in his laboratory in Blackman Street, by
precipitating and working a large quantity of borate of lead, and fusing
it under a muffle in a porcelain evaporating dish. A very limpid
(though slightly yellow) glass resulted, the refractive index 1-866!
(which you will find set down in my table of refractive indices in my
article " Light," Encyclopedia Metropolitans). It was, however, too soft
for optical use as an object-glass. This Faraday overcame, at least to
a considerable degree, by the introduction of silica.'
C
18 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
here is so fresh in our memories. Anderson con-
tinued to be the reverential helper of Faraday and
the faithful servant of this Institution for nearly
forty years.*
In 1831 Faraday published a paper ' On a peculiar
class of Optical Deceptions,' to which I believe the
beautiful optical toy called the Chromatrope owes its
origin. In the same year he published a paper 011
Vibrating Surfaces, in which he solved an acoustical
problem which, though of extreme simplicity when
solved, appears to have baffled many eminent men.
The problem was to account for the fact that light
bodies, such as the seed of lycopodium, collected at
the vibrating parts of sounding plates, while sand
ran to the nodal lines. Faraday showed that the
light bodies were entangled in the little whirlwinds
formed in the air over the places of vibration, and
through which the heavier sand was readily projected.
Faraday's resources as an experimentalist were so
wonderful, and his delight in experiment was so
great, that he sometimes almost ran into excess in
* Regarding Anderson, Faraday writes thus in 1845 : — ' I cannot
resist the occasion that is thus offered to me of mentioning the name of
Mr. Anderson, who came to me as an assistant in the glass experiments,
and has remained ever since in the laboratory of the Royal Institution.
He assisted me in all the researches into which I have entered since
that time ; and to his care, steadiness, exactitude, and faithfulness in
the performance of all that has been committed to his charge, I am
much indebted. — M.IY (Erp. Researches, vol. iii. p. 3, footnote.)
FAKADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 19
this direction. I have heard him say that this paper
on vibrating surfaces was too heavily laden with
experiments.
DISCOVERY OP MAGNETO-ELECTRICITY: EXPLANATION
OP ARAGO'S MAGNETISM OP ROTATION : TERRES-
TRIAL MAGNETO-ELECTRIC INDUCTION: THE EXTRA
CURRENT.
The work thus far referred to, though sufficient of
itself to secure no mean scientific reputation, forms
but the vestibule of Faraday's achievements. He had
been engaged within these walls for eighteen years.*
During part of the time he had drunk in knowledge
from Davy, and during the remainder he continually
exercised his capacity for independent inquiry. In
1831 we have him at the climax of his intellectual
strength, forty years of age, stored with knowledge
and full of original power. Through reading, lec-
turing, and experimenting, he had become thoroughly
familiar with electrical science : he saw where light
was needed and expansion possible. The phenomena
of ordinary electric induction belonged, as it were, to
the alphabet of his knowledge : he knew that under
ordinary circumstances the presence of an electrified
body was sufficient to excite, by induction, an une-
* He used to say that it required twenty years of work to make a
man in Physical Science ; the previous period being one of infancy.
c 2
20 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
lectrified body. He knew that the wire which carried
an electric current was an electrified body, and still
that all attempts had failed to make it excite in
other wires a state similar to its own.
What was the reason of this failure ? Faraday
never could work from the experiments of others,
however clearly described. He knew well that from
every experiment issues a kind of radiation, lumi-
nous in different degrees to different minds, and
he hardly trusted himself to reason upon an ex-
periment that he had not seen. In the autumn of
1831 he began to repeat the experiments with
electric currents, which, up to that time, had pro-
duced no positive result. And here, for the sake of
younger inquirers, if not for the sake of us all, it is
worth while to dwell for a moment on a power which
Faraday possessed in an extraordinary degree. He
united vast strength with perfect flexibility. His
momentum was that of a river, which combines
weight and directness with the ability to yield to
the flexures of its bed. The intentness of his vision
in any direction did not apparently diminish his
power of perception in other directions ; and when
he attacked a subject, expecting results, he had the
faculty of keeping his mind alert, so that results
different from those which he expected should not
escape him through pre-occupation.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 21
He began his experiments 'on the induction of
electric currents ' by composing a helix of two insu-
lated wires, which were wound side by side round
the same wooden cylinder. One of these wires he
connected with a voltaic battery of ten cells, and the
other with a sensitive galvanometer. When con-
nection with the battery was made, and while the
current flowed, no effect whatever was observed at
the galvanometer. But he never accepted an experi-
mental result, until he had applied to it the utmost
power at his command. He raised his battery from
10 cells to 120 cells, but without avail. The current
flowed calmly through the battery wire without pro-
ducing, during its flow, any sensible result upon the
galvanometer.
6 During its flow,' and this was the time when an
effect was expected — but here Faraday's power of
lateral vision, separating, as it were, from the line of
expectation, came into play — he noticed that a feeble
movement of the needle always occurred at the mo-
ment when he made contact with the battery ; that
the needle would afterwards return to its former posi-
tion and remain quietly there unaffected by the
flowing current. At the moment, however, when the
circuit was interrupted the needle again moved, and
in a direction opposed to that observed on the com-
pletion of the circuit.
22 FAKADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
This result, and others of a similar kind, led him
to the conclusion ' that the battery current through
the one wire did in reality induce a similar current
through the other ; but that it continued for an in-
stant only, and partook more of the nature of the
electric wave from a common Ley den jar than of the
current from a voltaic battery.' The momentary
currents thus generated were called induced currents,
while the current which generated them was called
the inducing current. It was immediately proved that
the current generated at making the circuit was
always opposed in direction to its generator, while
that developed on the rupture of the circuit coin-
cided in direction with the inducing current. It
appeared as if the current on its first rush through
the primary wire sought a purchase in the secondary
one, and, by a kind of kick, impelled backward
through the latter an electric wave, which subsided
as soon as the primary current was fully established.
Faraday, for a time, believed that the secondary
wire, though quiescent when the primary current
had been once established, was not in its natural
condition, its return to that condition being declared
by the current observed at breaking the circuit. He
called this hypothetical state of the wire the electro-
tonic state : he afterwards abandoned this hypothesis,
but seemed to return to it in later life. The term
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 23
electro-tonic is also preserved by Professor Du Bois
Eeymond to express a certain electric condition of
the nerves, and Professor Clerk Maxwell has ably
denned and illustrated the hypothesis in the Tenth
Volume of the ' Transactions of the Cambridge
Philosophical Society.'
The mere approach of a wire forming a closed
curve to a second wire through which a voltaic cur-
rent flowed was then shown by Faraday to be suf-
ficient to arouse in the neutral wire an induced
current, opposed in direction to the inducing cur-
rent; the withdrawal of the wire also generated a
current having the same direction as the inducing
current ; those currents existed only during the time
of approach or withdrawal, and when neither the
primary nor the secondary wire was in motion, no
matter how close their proximity might be, no in-
duced current was generated.
Faraday has been called a purely inductive philo-
sopher. A great deal of nonsense is, I fear, uttered
in this land of England about induction and deduc-
tion. Some profess to befriend the one, some the
other, while the real vocation of an investigator, like
Faraday, consists in the incessant marriage of both.
He was at this time full of the theory of Ampere,
and it cannot be doubted that numbers of his ex-
periments were executed merely to test his deductions
^ FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
from that theory. Starting from the discovery of
Oersted, the celebrated French philosopher had
shown that all the phenomena of magnetism then
known might be reduced to the mutual attractions
and repulsions of electric currents. Magnetism had
been produced from electricity, and Faraday, who all
his life long entertained a strong belief in such re-
ciprocal actions, now attempted to effect the evolu-
tion of electricity from magnetism. Eound a welded
iron ring he placed two distinct coils of covered wire,
causing the coils to occupy opposite halves of the
ring. Connecting the ends of one of the coils with a
galvanometer, he found that the moment the ring-
was magnetized, by sending a current through the
other coil, the galvanometer needle whirled round
four or five times in succession. The action, as
before, was that of a pulse, which vanished imme-
diately. On interrupting the circuit, a whirl of the
needle in the opposite direction occurred. It was
only during the time of magnetization or demagne-
tization that these effects were produced. The in-
duced currents declared a change of condition only,
and they vanished the moment the act of magnetiza-
tion or demagnetization was complete.
The effects obtained with the welded ring were
also obtained with straight bars of iron. Whether
the bars were magnetized by the electric current, or
FAKADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 25
were excited by the contact of permanent steel mag-
netSj induced currents were always generated during
the rise, and during the subsidence of the magnetism.
The use of iron was then abandoned, and the same
effects were obtained by merely thrusting a perma-
nent steel magnet into a coil of wire. A rush of
electricity through the coil accompanied the inser-
tion of the magnet ; an equal rush in the opposite
direction accompanied its withdrawal. The precision
with which Faraday describes these results, and the
completeness with which he defines the boundaries of
his fact's, are wonderful. The magnet, for example,
must not be passed quite through the coil, but only
half through, for if passed wholly through, the
needle is stopped as by a blow, and then he shows
how this blow results from a reversal of the electric
wave in the helix. He next operated with the power-
ful permanent magnet of the Royal Society, and ob-
tained with it, in an exalted degree, all the foregoing-
phenomena.
And now he turned the light of these discoveries
upon the darkest physical phenomenon of that day.
Aragp had discovered in 1824, that a disk of non-
magnetic metal had the power of bringing a vibrating
magnetic needle suspended over it rapidly to rest;
and that on causing the disk to rotate the magnetic
needle rotated along with it. When both were
26 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
quiescent, there was not the slightest measurable
attraction or repulsion exerted between the needle
and the disk; still when in motion the disk was
competent to drag after it, not only a light needle,
but a heavy magnet. The question had been probed
and investigated with admirable skill by both Arago
and Ampere, and Poisson had published a theoretic
memoir on the subject ; but no cause could be
assigned for so extraordinary an action. It had also
been examined in this country by two celebrated men,
Mr. Babbage and Sir John Herschel ; but it still re-
mained a mystery. Faraday always recommended the
suspension of judgment in cases of doubt. ' I have
always admired,' he says, ' the prudence and philo-
sophical reserve shown by M. Arago in resisting the
temptation to give a theory of the effect he had dis-
covered, so long as he could not devise one which
was perfect in its application, and in refusing to
assent to the imperfect theories of others.' Now,
however, the time for theory had come. Faraday
saw mentally the rotating disk, under the operation
of the magnet, flooded with his induced currents,
and from the known laws of interaction between cur-
rents and magnets he hoped to deduce the motion
observed by Arago. That hope he realised, showing
by actual experiment that when his disk rotated
currents passed through it, their position and direc-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 27
tion being such as must, in accordance with the
established laws of electro- magnetic action, produce
the observed rotation.
Introducing the edge of his disk between the
poles of the large horseshoe magnet of the Eoyal
Society, and connecting the axis and the edge of the
disk, each by a wire with a galvanometer, he ob-
tained, when the disk was turned round, a constant
flow of electricity. The direction of the current was
determined by the direction of the motion, the cur-
rent being reversed when the rotation was reversed.
He now states the law which rules the production
of currents in both disks and wires, and in so doing
uses, for the first time, a phrase which has since
become famous. When iron filings are scattered
over a magnet, the particles of iron arrange them-
selves in certain determinate lines called magnetic
curves. In 1831, Faraday for the first time called
these curves 6 lines of magnetic force; ' and he showed
that to produce induced currents neither approach
to nor withdrawal from a magnetic source, or centre,
or pole, was essential, but that it was only necessary
to cut appropriately the lines of magnetic force.
Faraday's first paper on Magneto-electric Induction,
which I have here endeavoured to condense, was read
before the Eoyal Society on the 24th of November,
1831.
28 FAKADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
On January 12, 1832, be communicated to the
Boyal Society a second paper on Terrestrial Magneto-
electric Induction, which was chosen as the Bakerian
Lecture for the year. He placed a bar of iron in a
coil of wire, and lifting the bar into the direction
of the dipping needle, he excited by this action a
current in the coil. On reversing the bar, a current
in the opposite direction rushed through the wire.
The same effect was produced, when, on holding the
helix in the line of dip, a bar of iron was thrust into
it. Here, however, the earth acted on the coil
through the intermediation of the bar of iron. He
abandoned the bar and simply set a copper-plate
spinning in a horizontal plane ; he knew that the
earth's lines of magnetic force then crossed the plate
at an angle of about 70°. When the plate spun
round, the lines of force were intersected and induced
currents generated, which produced their proper
effect when carried from, the plate to the galvano-
meter. 'When the plate was in the magnetic
meridian, or in any other plane coinciding with the
magnetic dip, then its rotation produced no effect
upon the galvanometer.'
At the suggestion of a mind fruitful in suggestions
of a profound and philosophic character — I mean
that of Sir John Herschel — Mr. Barlow, of Woolwich,
had experimented with a rotating iron shell. Mr.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 29
Christie had also performed an elaborate series of
experiments on a rotating iron disk. Both of them
had found that when in rotation the body exercised
a peculiar action upon the magnetic needle, deflect-
ing it in a manner which was not observed during
quiescence ; but neither of them was aware at the
time of the agent which produced this extraordinary
deflection. They ascribed it to some change in the
magnetism of the iron shell and disk.
But Faraday at once saw that his induced currents
must come into play here, and he immediately ob-
tained them from an iron disk. With a hollow brass
ball, moreover, he produced the effects obtained by
Mr. Barlow. Iron was in no way necessary: the
only condition of success was that the rotating body
should be of a character to admit of the formation
of currents in its substance : it must, in other words,
be a conductor of electricity. The higher the con-
ducting power the more copious were the currents.
He now passes from his little brass globe to the globe
of the earth. He plays like a magician with the
earth's magnetism. He sees the invisible lines along
which its magnetic action is exerted, and sweeping
his wand across these lines evokes this new power.
Placing a simple loop of wire round a magnetic
needle he bends its upper portion to the west : the
north pole of the needle immediately swerves to the
30 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
east: he bends his loop to the east, and the north
pole moves to the west. Suspending a common bar
magnet in a vertical position, he causes it to spin
round its own axis. Its pole being connected with
one end of a galvanometer wire, and its equator with
the other end, electricity rushes round the galvano-
meter from the rotating magnet. He remarks upon
the ' singular independence ' of the magnetism and the
body of the magnet which carries it. The steel be-
haves as if it were isolated from its own magnetism.
And then his thoughts suddenly widen, and he
asks himself whether the rotating earth does not
generate induced currents as it turns round its axis
from west to east. In his experiment with the twirl-
ing magnet the galvanometer wire remained at rest ;
one portion of the circuit was in motion relatively
to another portion. But in the case of the twirling
planet the galvanometer wire would necessarily be
carried along with the earth ; there would be no rela-
tive motion. What must be the consequence ? Take
the case of a telegraph wire with its two terminal
plates dipped into the earth, and suppose the wire
to lie in the magnetic meridian. The ground under-
neath the wire is influenced like the wire itself by the
earth's rotation ; if a current from south to north be
generated in the wire, a similar current from south
to north would be generated in the earth under the
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 31
wire ; these currents would run against the same
terminal plate, and thus neutralize each other.
This inference appears inevitable, but his profound
vision perceived its possible invalidity. He saw that
it was at least possible that the difference of con-
ducting power between the earth and the wire might
give one an advantage over the other, and that thus
a residual or differential current might be obtained.
He combined wires of different materials, and caused
them to act in opposition to each other : but found
the combination ineffectual. The more copious flow
in the better conductor was exactly counterbalanced
by the resistance of the worst. Still, though ex-
periment was thus emphatic, he would clear his mind
of all discomfort by operating on the earth itself.
He went to the round lake near Kensington Palace,
and stretched 480 feet of copper wire, north and
south, over the lake, causing plates soldered to the
wire at its ends to dip into the water. The copper
wire was severed? at the middle, and the severed ends
connected with a galvanometer. ~No effect whatever
was observed. But though quiescent water gave no
effect, moving water might. He therefore worked at
London Bridge for three days during the ebb and
flow of the tide, but without any satisfactory result.
Still he urges, 'Theoretically it seems a necessary
consequence, that where water is flowing there elec-
32 FAEADAY AS A DISCOVEREE.
trie currents should be formed. If a line be imagined
passing from Dover to Calais through the sea, and
returning through the land, beneath the water, to
Dover, it traces out a circuit of conducting matter
one part of which, when the water moves up or
down the channel, is cutting the magnetic curves of
the earth, whilst the other is relatively at rest.
. . . There is every reason to believe that currents
do run in the general direction of the circuit des-
cribed, either one way or the other, according as the
passage of the waters is up or down the Channel.'
This was written before the submarine cable was
thought of, and he once informed me that actual
observation upon that cable had been found to be
in accordance with his theoretic deduction.*
* I am indebted to a friend for the following exquisite morsel : — ' A
short time after the publication of Faraday's first researches in magneto-
electricity, he attended the meeting of the British Association at Oxford,
in 1832. — On this occasion he was requested by some of the authorities
to repeat the celebrated experiment of eliciting a spark from a magnet,
employing for this purpose the large magnet in the Ashmolean Museum.
To this he consented, and a large party assembled to witness the ex-
periments, which, I need not say, were perfectly successful. Whilst he
was repeating them a dignitary of the University entered the room, and
addressing himself to Prof essorDani ell, who was standing near Faraday,
inquired what was going on. The Professor explained to him as popu-
larly as possible this striking result of Faraday's great discovery. The
Dean listened with attention and looked earnestly at the brilliant spark,
but a moment after he assumed a serious countenance and shook his
head; "I am sorry for it," said he, as he walked away; in the middle
of the room he stopped for a moment and repeated, " I am sorry for it ; "
then walking towards the door, when the handle was in his hand he
FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 33
Three years subsequent to the publication of these
researches, that is to say on January 29, 1835,
Faraday read before the Eoyal Society a paper ' On
the influence by induction of an electric current
upon itself.' A shock and spark of a peculiar cha-
racter had been observed by a young man named
William Jen kin, who must have been a youth of
some scientific promise, but who, as Faraday once
informed me, was dissuaded by his own father from
having anything to do with science. The investi-
gation of the fact noticed by Mr. Jenkin led Faraday
to the discovery of the extra current, or the current
induced in the primary wire itself at the moments of
making and breaking contact, the phenomena of
which he described and illustrated in the beautiful
and exhaustive paper referred to.
Seven-and-thirty years have passed since the dis-
covery of magneto-electricity ; but, if we except the
extra current, until quite recently nothing of moment
was added to the subject. Faraday entertained the
opinion that the discoverer of a great law or principle
had a right to the 'spoils' — this was his term —
turned round and said, " Indeed I am sorry for it ; it is putting new
arms into the hands of the incendiary." This occurred a short time after
the papers had been filled with the doings of the hayrick burners. An.
erroneous statement of what fell from the Dean's mouth was printed at
the time in one of the Oxford papers. He is there wrongly stated to
have said, "It is putting new arms into the hands of the infidel." '
D
34 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
arising from its illustration; and guided by the prin-
ciple lie had discovered, his wonderful mind, aided by
his wonderful ten fingers, overran in a single autumn
this vast domain, and hardly left behind him the
shred of a fact to be gathered by his successors.
And here the question may arise in some minds,
What is the use of it all ? The answer is, that if
man's intellectual nature thirsts for knowledge, then
knowledge is useful because it satisfies this thirst.
If you demand practical ends, you must, I think,
expand your definition of the term practical, and
make it include all that elevates and enlightens the
intellect, as well as all that ministers to the bodily
health and comfort of men. Still, if needed, an
answer of another kind might be given to the
question ' what is its use?' As far as electricity has
been applied for medical purposes, it has been almost
exclusively Faraday's electricity. You have noticed
those lines of wire which cross the streets of London.
It is Faraday's currents that speed from place to
place through these wires. Approaching the point
of Dungeness, the mariner sees an unusually brilliant
light, and from the noble phares of La Heve the same
light flashes across the sea. These are Faraday's
sparks exalted by suitable machinery to sunlike
splendour. At the present moment the Board of
Trade and the Brethren of the Trinity House, as
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 35
well as the Commissioners of Northern Lights, are
contemplating the introduction of the Magneto-elec-
tric Light at numerous points upon our coasts ; and
future generations will be able to refer to those
guiding stars in answer to the question, what has
been the practical use of the labours of Faraday ?
But I would again emphatically say, that his work
needs no such justification, and that if he had al-
lowed his vision to be disturbed by considerations
regarding the practical use of his discoveries, those
discoveries would never have been made by him. * I
have rather,' he writes in 1831, * been desirous of dis-
covering new facts and new relations dependent on
magneto-electric induction, than of exalting the force
of those already obtained; being assured that the
latter would find their full development hereafter.'
In 1817, when lecturing before a private society in
London on the element chlorine, Faraday thus ex-
pressed himself with reference to this question of
utility. £ Before leaving this subject, I will point out
the history of this substance, as an answer to those
who are in the habit of saying to every new fact,
" What is its use ? " Dr. Franklin says to such,
" What is the use of an infant ? " The answer of the
experimentalist is, " Endeavour to make it useful."
When Scheele discovered this substance, it appeared
to have no use ; it was in its infancy and useless
D 2
36 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
state, but having grown up to maturity, witness its
powers, and see what endeavours to make it useful
have done.5
POINTS OP CHAEACTEE.
A point highly illustrative of the character of
Faraday now comes into view. He gave an account
of his discovery of Magneto-electricity in a letter
to his friend M. Hachette, of Paris, who communi-
cated the letter to the Academy of Sciences. The
letter was translated and published ; and immediately
afterwards two distinguished Italian philosophers
took up the subject, made numerous experiments, and
published their results before the complete memoirs
of Faraday had met the public eye. This evidently
irritated him. He reprinted the paper of the learned
Italians in the ' Philosophical Magazine/ accom-
panied by sharp critical notes from himself. He also
wrote a letter dated Dec. 1, 1832, to Gay Lussac, who
was then one of the editors of the 'Annales de
Chimie,' in which he analysed the results of the
Italian philosophers, pointing out their errors, and
defending himself from what he regarded as impu-
tations on his character. The style of this letter is
unexceptionable, for Faraday could not write other-
wise than as a gentleman ; but the letter shows that
had he willed it he could have hit hard. We have
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 37
heard much of Faraday's gentleness and sweetness
and tenderness. It is all true, but it is very incom-
plete. You cannot resolve a powerful nature into
these elements, and Faraday's character would have
been less admirable than it was had it not embraced
forces and tendencies to which the silky adjectives
c gentle ' and ' tender ' would by no means apply.
Underneath his sweetness and gentleness was the
heat of a volcano. He was a man of excitable and
fiery nature ; but through high self-discipline he had
converted the fire into a central glow and motive
power of life, instead of permitting it to waste itself
in useless passion. ' He that is slow to anger,' saith
the sage, ' is greater than the mighty, and he that
ruleth his own spirit than he that taketh a city.'
Faraday was not slow to anger, but he completely
ruled his own spirit, and thus, though he took no
cities, he captivated all hearts.
As already intimated, Faraday had contributed
many of his minor papers — including his first
analysis of caustic lime — to the e Quarterly Journal
of Science.' In 1832, he collected those papers and
others together in a small octavo volume, labelled
them, and prefaced them thus : —
'PAPERS, NOTES, NOTICES, &c. &c.,
published in octavo,
np to 1832.
M. FARADAY.'
38 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
' Papers of mine, published in octavo, in the " Quar-
terly Journal of Science," and elsewhere, since the
time that Sir H. Davy encouraged me to write the
analysis of caustic lime.
' Some, I think (at this date), are good ; others
moderate; and some bad. But I have put all into
the volume, because of the utility they have been of
to me — and none more than the bad — in pointing
out to me in future, or rather, after times, the faults
it became me to watch and to avoid.
£ As I never looked over one of my papers a year
after it was written without believing both in philo-
sophy and manner it could have been much better
done. I still hope the collection may be of great use
to me.
' M. FAKADAY.
'Aug. 18, 1832.'
c JSTone more than the bad ! ' This is a bit of
Faraday's innermost nature; and as I read these
words I am almost constrained to retract what I
have said regarding the fire and excitability of his
character. But is he not all the more admirable,
through his ability to tone down and subdue that fire
and that excitability, so as to render himself able to
write thus as a little child ? I once took the liberty
of censuring the conclusion of a letter of his to the
FARADAY AS A DISCOVEREK. 39
Dean of St. Paul's. He subscribed himself ' humbly
yours,' and I objected to the adverb. c Well, but,
Tyndall,' he said, ' I am humble ; and still it would
be a great mistake to think that I am not also
proud.' This duality ran through his character. A
democrat in his defiance of all authority which
unfairly limited his freedom of thought, and still
ready to stoop in reverence to all that was really
worthy of reverence, in the customs of the world or
the characters of men.
And here, as well as elsewhere, may be introduced
a letter which bears upon this question of self-
control, written long years subsequent to the period
at which we have now arrived. I had been at
Glasgow in 1855, at a meeting of the British
Association. On a certain day, I communicated a
paper to the physical section, which was followed by
a brisk discussion. Men of great distinction took
part in it, the late Dr. Whewell among the number,
and it waxed warm on both sides. I was by no
means content with this discussion ; and least of all,
with my own part in it. This discontent affected me
for some days, during which I wrote to Faraday,
giving him no details, but expressing, in a general
way, my dissatisfaction. I give the following extract
from his reply : —
40 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
' Sydenham, 6th Oct., 1855.
CMT DEAK TYNDALL, — These great meetings, of
which I think very well altogether, advance science
chiefly by bringing scientific men together and making
them to know and be friends with each other ; and I
am sorry when that is not the effect in every part of
their course. I know nothing except from what you
tell me, for I have not yet looked at the reports of
the proceedings ; but let me, as an old man, who
ought by this time to have profited by experience, say
that when I was younger I found I often misinterpret-
ed the intentions of people, and found they did not
mean what at the time I supposed they meant ; and,
further, that as a general rule, it was better to be a
little dull of apprehension where phrases seemed to
imply pique, and quick in perception when, on the
contrary, they seemed to imply kindly feeling. The
real truth never fails ultimately to appear ; and op-
posing parties, if WTong, are sooner convinced when
replied to forbearingly, than when overwhelmed. All
I mean to say is, that it is better to be blind to the
results of partisanship, and quick to see good will.
One has more happiness in oneself in endeavouring
to follow the things that make for peace. You can
hardly imagine how often I have been heated in
private when opposed, as I have thought unjustly
FAEADAY AS A DISCO VEEEE. 41
and superciliously, and yet I have striven, and suc-
ceeded I hcpe, in keeping down replies of the like
kind. And I know I have never lost by it. I would
not say all this to you did I not esteem you as a true
philosopher and friend.*
' Yours, very truly,
CM. FAEADAY.'
IDENTITY OP ELECTRICITIES : FIEST EESEAECHES ON
ELECTEO-CHEMISTEY.
I have already once used the word e discomfort ' in
reference to the occasional state of Faraday's mind
when experimenting. It was to him a discomfort to
reason upon data which admitted of doubt. He
hated what he called c doubtful knowledge,' and ever
tended either to transfer it into the region of un-
doubtful knowledge, or of certain and definite igno-
rance. Pretence of all kinds, whether in life or in
philosophy, was hateful to him. He wished to know
the reality of our nescience as well as of our science.
* Faraday -would have been rejoiced to learn that, during its last
meeting at Dundee, the British Association illustrated in a striking
manner the function which he here describes as its principal one. In
my own case, a brotherly welcome was everywhere manifested. In
fact, the differences of really honourable and sane men are never beyond
healing.
42 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
6 Be one thing or the other,' he seemed to say to an
unproved hypothesis ; ' come out as a solid truth, or
disappear as a convicted lie.5 After making the
great discovery which I have attempted to describe,
a doubt seemed to beset him as regards the identity
of electricities. * Is it right/ he seemed to ask, ' to
call this agency which I have discovered electricity
at all ? Are there perfectly conclusive grounds for
believing that the electricity of the machine, the pile,
the gymnotus and torpedo, magneto-electricity and
thermo-electricity, are merely different manifesta-
tions of one and the same agent ? ' To answer this
question to his own satisfaction he formally reviewed
the knowledge of that day. He added to it new
experiments of his own, and finally decided in favour
of the c Identity of Electricities.' His paper upon
this subject was read before the Royal Society on
January the 10th and 17th, 1833.
After he had proved to his own satisfaction the
identity of electricities, he tried to compare them
quantitatively together. The terms quantity and in-
tensity, which Faraday constantly used, need a word
of explanation here. He might charge a single Ley-
den jar by twenty turns of his machine, or he might
charge a battery of ten jars by the same number of
turns. The quantity in both cases would be sensibly
the same, but the intensity of the single jar would be
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 43
the greatest, for here the electricity would be less
diffused. Faraday first satisfied himself that the
needle of his galvanometer was caused to swing
through the same arc by the same quantity of ma-
chine electricity, whether it was condensed in a small
battery or diffused over a large one. Thus the elec-
tricity developed by thirty turns of his machine pro-
duced, under very variable conditions of battery sur-
face, the same deflections. Hence he inferred the
possibility of comparing as regards quantity, elec-
tricities which differ greatly from each other in
intensity.
His object now is to compare frictional with vol-
taic electricity. Moistening bibulous paper with the
iodide of potassium — a favourite test of his — and
subjecting it to the action of machine electricity,
he decomposed the iodide, and formed a brown spot
where the iodine is liberated. Then he immersed two
wires, one of zinc, the other of platinum, each TVth
of an inch in diameter, to a depth of -fths of an
inch in acidulated water during eight beats of his
watch, or ¥3¥ths of a second; and found that the needle
of his galvanometer swung through the same arc, and
coloured his moistened paper to the same extent, as
thirty turns of his large electrical machine. Twenty-
eight turns of the machine produced an effect dis-
tinctly less than that produced by his two wires.
44 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
Now, the quantity of water decomposed by the wires
in this experiment totally eluded observation ; it was
immeasurably small; and still that amount of de-
composition involved the development of a quantity
of electric force which, if applied in a proper form,
would kill a rat, and no man would like to bear it.
In his subsequent researches £ On the absolute
Quantity of Electricity associated with the Particles
or Atoms of matter,' he endeavours to give an idea
of the amount of electrical force involved in the de-
composition of a single .grain of water. He is al-
most afraid to mention it, for he estimates it at
800,000 discharges of his large Leyden battery.
This, if concentrated in a single discharge, would be
equal to a very great flash of lightning ; while the
chemical action of a single grain of water on four
grains of zinc would yield electricity equal in quan-
tity to a powerful thunderstorm. Thus his mind
rises from the minute to the vast, expanding involun-
tarily from the smallest laboratory fact till it em-
braces the largest and grandest natural phenomena.*
* Buff finds the quantity of electricity associated with one milli-
gramme of hydrogen in water, to be equal to 45,480 charges of a Leyden
jar, with a height of 480 millimetres, and a diameter of 160 millimetres.
Weber and Kohlrausch have calculated that if the quantity of electricity
associated with one milligramme of hydrogen in water, were diffused
over a cloud at a height of 1,000 metres above the earth, it would exert
upon an equal quantity of the opposite electricity at the earth's surface
an attractive force of 2,268,000 kilogrammes. (Electrolytische Maas-
i, 1856, p. 262.)
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 45
In reality, however, lie is at this time only clearing
his way, and he continues laboriously to clear it for
some time afterwards. He is digging the shaft,
guided by that instinct towards the mineral lode
which was to him a rod of divination. (Er riecht die
Wahrheit,' said the lamented Kohlrausch, an eminent
German, once in my hearing : — ' He smells the truth.'
His eyes are now steadily fixed on this wonderful
voltaic current, and he must learn more of its mode
of transmission.
On May 23, 1833, he read a paper before the
Royal Society e On a new Law of Electric Conduc-
tion.' He found that though the current passed
through water, it did not pass through ice : — why
not, since they are one and the same substance?
Some years subsequently he answered this question
by saying that the liquid condition enables the mole-
cule of water to turn round so as to place itself in
the proper line of polarization, while the rigidity of
the solid condition prevents this arrangement. This
polar arrangement must precede decomposition, and
decomposition is an accompaniment of conduction.
He then passed on to other substances; to oxides and
chlorides, and iodides, and salts, and sulphurets, and
found them all insulators when solid, and conductors
when fused. In all cases, moreover, except one —
and this exception he thought might be apparent
46 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
only — he found the passage of the current across the
fused compound to be accompanied by its decompo-
sition. Is then the act of decomposition essential to
the act of conduction in these bodies ? Even recently
this question was warmly contested. Faraday was
very cautious latterly in expressing himself upon this
subject ; but as a matter of fact he held that an in-
finitesimal quantity of electricity might pass through
a compound liquid without producing its decomposi-
tion. De la Rive, who has been a great worker on
the chemical phenomena of the pile, is very emphatic
on the other side. Experiment, according to him
and others, establishes in the most conclusive man-
ner that no trace of electricity can pass through a
liquid compound without producing its equivalent
decomposition.*
Faraday has now got fairly entangled amid the
chemical phenomena of the pile, and here his pre-
vious training under Davy must have been of the
most important service to him. Why, he asks,
should decomposition thus take place ? — what force is
it that wrenches the locked constituents of these
compounds asunder? On the 20th of June, 1833,
he read a paper before the Eoyal Society ' On
Electro-chemical Decomposition,' in which he seeks
to answer these questions. The notion had been
* Faraday, sa Vie et ses Travaux, p. 20.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 47
entertained that the poles, as they are called, of the
decomposing cell, or in other words the surfaces
by which the current enters and quits the liquid,
exercised electric attractions upon the constituents
of the liquid and tore them asunder. Faraday
combats this notion with extreme vigour. Litmus
reveals, as you know, the action of an acid by
turning red, turmeric reveals the action of an alkali
by turning brown. Sulphate of soda, you know, is a
salt compounded of the alkali soda and sulphuric
acid. The voltaic current passing through a solution
of this salt so decomposes it, that sulphuric acid ap-
pears at one pole of the decomposing cell and alkali
at the other. Faraday steeped a piece of litmus
paper and a piece of turmeric paper in a solution of
sulphate of soda : placing each of them upon a sepa-
rate plate of glass, he connected them together by
means of a string moistened with the same solution.
He then attached one of them to the positive conduc-
tor of an electric machine, and the other to the gas-
pipes of this building. These he called his 'discharg-
ing train.' On turning the machine the electricity
passed from paper to paper through the string,
which might be varied in -length from a few inches to
seventy feet without changing the result. The first
paper was reddened, declaring the presence of sul-
phuric acid ; the second was browned, declaring the
48 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
presence of the alkali soda. The dissolved salt,
therefore, arranged in this fashion, was decomposed
by the machine, exactly as it would have been by the
voltaic current. When instead of using the positive
conductor he used the negative ; the positions of the
acid and alkali were reversed. Thus he satisfied
himself that chemical decomposition by the machine
is obedient to the laws which rule decomposition by
the pile.
And now he gradually abolishes those so-called
poles, to the attraction of which electric decom-
position had been ascribed. He connected a piece of
turmeric paper moistened with the sulphate of soda
with the positive conductor of his machine ; then he
placed a metallic point in connection with his dis-
charging train opposite the moist paper, so that the
electricity should discharge through the air towards
the point. The turning of the machine caused the
corners of the piece of turmeric paper opposite to the
point to turn brown, thus declaring the presence of
alkali. He changed the turmeric for litmus paper,
and placed it, not in connection with his conductor,
but with his discharging train, a metallic point con-
nected with the conductor being fixed at a couple
of inches from the paper ; on turning the machine,
acid was liberated at the edges and corners of the
litmus. He then placed a series of pointed pieces
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 49
of paper, each separate piece being composed of two
halves, one of litmus and the other of turmeric
paper, and all moistened with sulphate of soda, in
the line of the current from the machine. The pieces
of paper were separated from each other by spaces
of air. The machine was turned ; and it was always
found that at the point where the electricity entered
the paper, litmus was reddened, and at the point
where it quitted the paper, turmeric was browned.
( Here,' he urges, e the poles are entirely abandoned,
but we have still electro-chemical decomposition.'
It is evident to him that instead of being attracted
by the poles, the bodies separated are ejected by the
current. The effects thus obtained with poles of air
he also succeeded in obtaining with poles of water.
The advance in Faraday's own ideas made at this
time is indicated by the word ' ejected.' He after-
wards reiterates this view: the evolved substances are
expelled from the decomposing body, and ' not drawn
out by an attraction.9
Having abolished this idea of polar attraction, he
proceeds to enunciate and develop a theory of his
4
own. He refers to Davy's celebrated Bakerian Lec-
ture, given in 1806, which he says ' is almost entirely
occupied in the consideration of electro-chemical
decompositions.' The facts recorded in that lecture
Faraday regards as of the utmost value. But * the
50 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
mode of action by which the effects take place is
stated very generally ; so generally, indeed, that
probably a dozen precise schemes of electro-chemical
action might be drawn up, differing essentially from
each other, yet all agreeing with the statement there
given.'
It appears to me that these words might with
justice be applied to Faraday's own researches at
this time. They furnish us with results of perma-
nent value ; but little h elp can be found in the theory
advanced to account for them. It would, perhaps, be
more correct to say that the theory itself is hardly
presentable in any tangible form to the intellect.
Faraday looks, and rightly looks, into the heart of
the decomposing body itself; he sees, and rightly
sees, active within it the forces which produce the
» decomposition, and he rejects, and rightly rejects,
the notion of external attraction ; but beyond the
hypothesis of decompositions and re-compositions,
enunciated and developed by Grothuss and Davy,
he does not, I think, help us to any definite con-
ception as to how the force reaches the decomposing
mass and acts within it. Nor, indeed, can this be
done, until we know the true physical process which
underlies what we call an electric current.
Faraday conceives of that current as ' an axis of
power having contrary forces exactly equal in amount
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 51
in opposite directions ; ' but this definition, though
much quoted and circulated, teaches us nothing
regarding the current. An i axis ' here can only
mean a direction ; and what we want to be able to
conceive of is, not the axis along which the power
acts, but the nature and mode of action of the power
itself. He objects to the vagueness of De la Eive ;
but the fact is, that both he and De la Eive labour
under the same difficulty. Neither wishes to commit
himself to the notion of a current compounded of two
electricities flowing in two opposite directions ; but
the time had not come, nor is it yet come, for the
displacement of this provisional fiction by the true
mechanical conception. Still, however indistinct the
theoretic notions of Faraday at this time may be,
the facts which are rising before him and around
him' are leading him gradually, but surely, to results
of incalculable importance in relation to the phi-
losophy of the voltaic pile.
He had always some great object of research in
view, but in the pursuit of it he frequently alighted
on facts of collateral interest, to examine which he
sometimes turned aside from his direct course. Thus
we find the series of his researches on electro-
chemical decomposition interrupted by an inquiry
into ' the power of metals and other solids, to induce
E 2
52 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
the combination of gaseous bodies.' This in-
quiry, which, was received by the Royal Society on
ISfov. 30, 1833, though not so important as those
which precede and follow it, illustrates throughout
his strength as an experimenter. The power of
spongy platinum to cause the combination of oxygen
and hydrogen had been discovered by Dobereiner in
1823, and had been applied by him in the construc-
tion of his well-known philosophic lamp. It was
shown subsequently by Dulong and Thenard that
even a platinum wire, when perfectly cleansed, may
be raised to incandescence by its action on a jet of
cold hydrogen.
In his experiments on the decomposition of water,
Faraday found that the positive platinum plate of
the decomposing cell possessed in an extraordinary
degree the power of causing oxygen and hydrogen to
combine. He traced the cause of this to the perfect
cleanness of the positive plate. Against it was libe-
rated oxygen, which, with the powerful affinity of the
'nascent state,' swept away all impurity from the
surface against which it was liberated. The bubbles
of gas liberated on one of the platinum plates or
wires of a decomposing cell are always much smaller,
and they rise in much more rapid succession than
those from the other. Knowing that oxygen is six-
teen times heavier than hydrogen, I have more than
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 53
once concluded, and, I fear, led others into the error
of concluding, that the smaller and more quickly
rising bubbles must belong to the lighter gas. The
thing appeared so obvious that I did not give myself
the trouble of looking at the battery, which would
at once have told me the nature of the gas. But
Faraday would never have been satisfied with a
deduction if he could have reduced it to a fact. And
he has taught me that the fact here is the direct re-
verse of what I supposed it to be. The small bubbles
are oxygen, and their smallness is due to the perfect
cleanness of the surface on which they are liberated.
The hydrogen adhering to the other electrode swells
into large bubbles, which rise in much slower succes-
sion ; but when the current is reversed, the hydro-
gen is liberated upon the cleansed wire, and then its
bubbles also become small.
LAWS OP ELECTRO-CHEMICAL DECOMPOSITION.
In our conceptions and reasonings regarding the
forces of nature, we perpetually make use of symbols
which, when they possess a high representative value
we dignify with the name of theories. Thus, prompted
by certain analogies we ascribe electrical phenomena
to the action of a peculiar fluid, sometimes flowing,
sometimes at rest. Such conceptions have their
54 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
advantages and their disadvantages ; they afford
peaceful lodging to the intellect for a time, but they
also circumscribe it, and by-and-by, when the mind
has grown too large for its lodging, it often finds
difficulty in breaking down the walls of what has
become its prison instead of its home.*
No man ever felt this tyranny of symbols more
deeply than Earaday, and no man was ever more as-
siduous than he to liberate himself from them, and the
terms which suggested them. Calling Dr. Whewell
to his aid in 1833, he endeavoured to displace by
others all terms tainted by a foregone conclusion.
His paper on Electro-chemical decomposition, re-
ceived by the Royal Society on January 9, 1834,
opens with the proposal of a new terminology. He
would avoid the word ' current ' if he could.f He
does abandon the word ' poles ' as applied to the ends
of a decomposing cell, because it suggests the idea
of attraction, substituting for it the perfectly neutral
term Electrodes. He applied the term Electrolyte to
* I copy these words from the printed abstract of a Friday evening
lecture, given by myself, because they remind me of Faraday's voice,
responding to the utterance by an emphatic ' hear ! hear ! ' — Proceedings
of the Eoyal Institution, vol. ii. p. 132.
f In 1838 he expresses himself thus: — 'The word current is so ex-
pressive in common language that when applied in the consideration of
electrical phenomena, we can hardly divest it sufficiently of its meaning,
or prevent our minds from being prejudiced by it.' — Exp. Eesear., vol. i.
p. 515. (§1617.)
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 55
every substance which can be decomposed by the cur-
rent, and the act of decomposition he called Electro-
lysis. All these terms have become current in science.
He called the positive electrode the Anode, and the
negative one the Cathode, but these terms, though
frequently used, have not enjoyed the same currency
as the others. The terms Anion and Cation, which
he applied to the constituents of the decomposed
electrolyte, and the term Ion, which included both
anions and cations, are still less frequently employed.
Faraday now passes from terminology to research ;
he sees the necessity of quantitative determinations,
and seeks to supply himself with a measure of voltaic
electricity. This he finds in the quantity of water
decomposed by the current. He tests this measure in
all possible ways, to assure himself that no error can
arise from its employment. He places in the course
of one and the same current a series of cells with
electrodes of different sizes, some of them plates of
platinum, others merely platinum wires, and collects
the gas liberated on each distinct pair of electrodes.
He finds the quantity of gas to be the same for all.
Thus he concludes that when the same quantity of
electricity is caused to pass through a series of cells
containing acidulated water, the electro-chemical
action is independent of the size of the electrodes.
He next proves that variations in intensity do not
56 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
interfere with this equality of action. Whether his
battery is charged with strong acid or with weak ;
whether it consists of five pairs or of fifty pairs ; in
short, whatever be its source, when the same current
is sent through his series of cells the same amount
of decomposition takes place in all. He next assures
himself that the strength or weakness of his dilute
acid does not interfere with this law. Sending the
same current through a series of cells containing
mixtures of sulphuric acid and water of different
strengths, he finds, however the proportion of acid to
water might vary, the same amount of gas to be
collected in all the cells. A crowd of facts of this
character forced upon Faraday's mind the conclusion
that the amount of electro-chemical decomposition
depends, not upon the size of the electrodes, not upon
the intensity of the current, not upon the strength
of the solution, but solely upon the quantity of elec-
tricity which passes through the cell. The quantity
of electricity he concludes is proportional to the
amount of chemical action. On this law Faraday
based the construction of his celebrated Voltameter,
or Measurer of Voltaic electricity.
But before he can apply this measure he must clear
his ground of numerous possible sources of error.
The decomposition of his acidulated water is certainly
a direct result of the current ; but as the varied and
FARADAY AS A DISCOVEKEK. 57
important researches of MM. Becquei-el, De la Rive,
and others had shown, there are also secondary actions
which may materially interfere with and complicate
the pure action of the current. These actions may
occur in two ways ; either the liberated ion may seize
upon the electrode against which it is set free, forming
a chemical compound with that electrode ; or it may
seize upon the substance of the electrolyte itself, and
thus introduce into the circuit chemical actions over
and above those due to the current. Faraday sub-
jected these secondary actions to an exhaustive ex-
amination. Instructed by his experiments, and ren-
dered competent by them to distinguish between
primary and secondary results, he proceeds to es-
tablish the doctrine of c Definite Electro-chemical
Decomposition.'
Into the same circuit he introduced his voltameter,
which consisted of a graduated tube filled with acidu-
lated water and provided with platinum plates for
the decomposition of the water, and also a cell con-
taining chloride of tin. Experiments already referred
to had taught him that this substance, though an in-
sulator when solid, is a conductor when fused, the
passage of the current being always accompanied by
the decomposition of the chloride. He wished to
ascertain what relation this decomposition bore to
that of the water in his voltameter.
58 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
Completing his circuit, he permitted the current to
continue until ( a reasonable quantity of gas ' was
collected in the voltameter. The circuit was then
broken, and the quantity of tin liberated compared
with the quantity of gas. The weight of the former
was 3-2 grains, that of the latter 0-49742 of a grain.
Oxygen, as you know, unites with hydrogen in the
proportion of 8 to 1 to form water. Calling the equi-
valent, or as it is sometimes called, the atomic weight
of hydrogen 1, that of oxygen is 8 ; that of water is
consequently 8 + 1 or 9. Now if the quantity of
water decomposed in Faraday's experiment be repre-
sented by the number 9, or in other words by the
equivalent of water, then the quantity of tin liberated
from the fused chloride is found by an easy calculation
to be 57'9, which is almost exactly the chemical equi-
valent of tin. Thus both the water and the chloride
were broken up in proportions expressed by their re-
spective equivalents. The amount of electric force
which wrenched asunder the constituents of the
molecule of water was competent, and neither more
nor less than competent, to wrench asunder the con-
stituents of the molecules of the chloride of tin. The
fact is typical. With the indications of his volta-
meter he compared the decomposition of other sub-
stances both singly and in series. He submitted his
conclusions to numberless tests. He purposely intro-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 59
duced secondary actions. He endeavoured to hamper
the fulfilment of those laws which it was the intense
desire of his mind to see established. But from all
these difficulties emerged the golden truth, that under
every variety of circumstances the decompositions of
the voltaic current are as definite in their character
as those chemical combinations which gave birth to
the atomic theory. This law of Electro- chemical
Decomposition ranks, in point of importance, with
that of Definite Combining Proportions in chemistry.
ORIGIN OF POWER IN THE VOLTAIC PILE.
In one of the public areas of the town of Como
stands a statue with no inscription on its pedestal,
save that of a single name, ' Yolta.' The bearer of
that name occupies a place for ever memorable in the
history of science. To him we owe the discovery of
the voltaic pile, to which for a brief interval we must
now turn our attention.
The objects of scientific thought being the passion-
less laws and phenomena of external nature, one might
suppose that their investigation and discussion would
be completely withdrawn from the region of the feel-
ings, and pursued by the cold dry light of the intel-
lect alone. This, however, is not always the case.
Man carries his heart with him into all his works.
60 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
You cannot separate the moral and emotional from
the intellectual ; and thm it is that the discussion
of a point of science may rise to the heat of a
battle-field. The fight between the rival optical
theories of Emission anci Undulation was of this
fierce character; and scarcely less fierce for many
years was the contest as to the origin and mainten-
ance of the power of the voltaic pile. Yolta himself
supposed it to reside in the Contact of different
metals. Here was exerted his ' Electro-motive force,'
which tore the combined electricities asunder and
drove them as currents in opposite directions. To
render the circulation of the current possible, it was
necessary to connect the metals by a moist conduc-
tor ; for when any two metals were connected by a
third, their relation to each other was such that a
complete neutralization of the electric motion was
the result. Yolta's theory of metallic contact was so
clear, so beautiful, and apparently so complete, that
the best intellects of Europe accepted it as the
expression of natural law.
Yolta himself knew nothing of the chemical phe-
nomena of the pile; but as soon as these became
known, suggestions and intimations appeared that
chemical action, and not metallic contact, might be
the real source of voltaic electricity. This idea was
expressed by Fabroni in Italy, and by Wollaston in
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 61
England. It was developed and maintained by those
* admirable electricians/ Becquerel, of Paris, and De
la Rive, of Geneva. The Contact Theory, on the
other hand, received its chief development and illus-
tration in Germany. It was long the scientific creed
of the great chemists and natural philosophers of
that country, and to the present hour there may be
some of them unable to liberate themselves from the
fascination of their first-love.
After the researches which I have endeavoured to
place before you, it was impossible for Faraday to
avoid taking a side in this controversy. He did so in
a paper ' On the Electricity of the Voltaic Pile,' re-
ceived by the Royal Society on the 7th April, 1834.
His position in the controversy might have been pre-
dicted. He saw chemical effects going hand-in-hand
with electrical effects, the one being proportional to
the other; and, in the paper now before us, he proved
that when the former were excluded, the latter were
sought for in vain. He produced a current without
metallic contact ; he discovered liquids which, though
competent to transmit the feeblest currents — compe-
tent therefore to allow the electricity of contact to
flow through them if it were able to form a cur-
rent, were absolutely powerless when chemically in-
active.
One of the very few experimental mistakes of
62 FAKADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
Faraday occurred in this investigation. He thought
that with a single voltaic cell he had obtained the
spark before the metals touched, but he subsequently
discovered his error. To enable the voltaic spark to
pass through air before the terminals of the battery
were united, it was necessary to exalt the electro-
motive force .of the battery by multiplying its
elements; but all the elements Faraday possessed
were unequal to the task of urging the spark across
the shortest measurable space of air. Nor, indeed,
could the action of the battery, the different metals
of which were in contact with each other, decide the
point in question. Still, as regards the identity of
electricities from various sources, it was at that day
of great importance to determine whether or not the
voltaic current could jump, as a spark, across an in-
terval before contact. Faraday's friend, Mr. Gassiot,
solved this problem. He erected a battery of 4,000
cells, and with it urged a stream of sparks from ter-
minal to terminal, when separated from each other
by a measurable space of air.
The memoir on the 'Electricity of the Voltaic
Pile,' published in 1834, appears to have produced
but little impression upon the supporters of the con-
tact theory. These indeed were men of too great
intellectual weight and insight lightly to take up, or
lightly to abandon a theory. Faraday therefore re-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 63
snmed the attack in a paper communicated to the
Royal Society, on the 6th of February, 1840. In
this paper he hampered his antagonists by a crowd of
adverse experiments. He hung difficulty after diffi-
culty about the neck of the contact theory, until in
its eiforts to escape from his assaults it so changed
its character as to become a thing totally different
from the theory proposed by Volta. The more per-
sistently it was defended, however, the more clearly
did it show itself to be a congeries of devices, bearing
the stamp of dialectic skill rather than that of natural
truth.
In conclusion, Faraday brought to bear upon it an
argument which, had its full weight and purport
been understood at the time, would have instantly
decided the controversy. ( The contact theory,' he
urged, i assumes that a force which is able to over-
come powerful resistance, as for instance that of the
conductors, good or bad, through which the current
passes, and that again of the electrolytic action
where bodies are decomposed by it, can arise out of
nothing : that without any change in the acting mat-
ter, or the consumption of any generating force, a
current shall be produced which shall go on for ever
against a constant resistance, or only be stopped, as
in the voltaic trough, by the ruins which its exertion
has heaped up in its own course. This would indeed
64 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
be a creation of power, and is like no other force in
nature. We have many processes by which the/orra
of the power may be so changed, that an apparent
conversion of one into the other takes place. So we
can change chemical force into the electric current,
or the current into chemical force. The beautiful
experiments of Seebeck and Peltier show the conver-
tibility of heat and electricity ; and others by Oersted
and myself show the convertibility of electricity and
magnetism. But in no case, not even in those of the
Gymnotus and Torpedo, is there a pure creation or a
production of power without a corresponding exhaustion
of something to supply it.9
These words were published more than two years
before either Mayer printed his brief but celebrated
essay on the Forces of Inorganic Nature, or Mr.
Joule published his first famous experiments on the
Mechanical Value of Heat. They illustrate the fact
that before any great scientific principle receives dis-
tinct enunciation by individuals, it dwells more or
less clearly in the general scientific mind. The in-
tellectual plateau is already high, and our disco-
verers are those who, like peaks above the plateau,
rise a little above the general level of thought at the
time.
But many years prior even to the foregoing ut-
terance of Faraday, a similar argument had been
FAKADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 65
employed. I quote here with equal pleasure and
admiration the following passage written by Dr.
Eoget so far back as 1829. Speaking of the contact
theory, he says : — ' If there could exist a power
having the property ascribed to it by the hypothesis,
namely, that of giving continual impulse to a fluid
in one constant direction, without being exhausted
by its own action, it would differ essentially from
all the known powers in nature. All the powers
and sources of motion with the operation of which
we are acquainted, when producing these peculiar
effects, are expended in the same proportion as those
effects are produced ; and hence arises the impos-
sibility of obtaining by their agency a perpetual
effect j or in other words a perpetual motion. But
the electro-motive force, ascribed by Yolta to the
metals, when in contact, is a force which as long
as a free course is allowed to the electricity it sets
in motion, is never expended, and continues to be
excited with undiminished power in the production
of a never-ceasing effect. Against the truth of such
a supposition the probabilities are all but infinite.'
When this argument, which he employed indepen-
dently, had clearly fixed itself in his mind, Faraday
never cared to experiment further on the source of
electricity in the voltaic pile. The argument appeared
66 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
to him ( to remove the foundation itself of the contact
theory,' and he afterwards let it crumble down in
peace.*
RESEAECHES ON FEICTIONAL ELECTRICITY: INDUCTION:
CONDUCTION : SPECIFIC INDUCTIVE CAPACITY :
THEOEY OP CONTIGUOUS PAETICLES.
The burst of power which had filled the four pre-
ceding years with an amount of experimental work
unparalleled in the history of science partially sub-
sided in 1835, and the only scientific paper con-
tributed by Faraday in that year was a comparatively
unimportant one, ' On an improved Form of the
Voltaic Battery.' He brooded for a time : his expe-
riments on electrolysis had long filled his mind ; he
* To account for the electric current, which was really the core of the
whole discussion, Faraday demonstrated the impotence of the Contact
Theory as then enunciated and defended. Still, it is certain that -two
different metals, when brought into contact, charge themselves, the one
with positive and the other with negative electricity. I had the pleasure
of going over this ground with Kohlrausch in 1849, and his experi-
ments left no doubt upon my mind that the contact electricity of
Volta was a reality, though it could produce no current. With one
of the beautiful instruments devised by himself, Sir William Thomson
has rendered this point capable of sure and easy demonstration ; and
he and others now hold what may be called a contact theory, which,
while it takes into account the action of the metals, also embraces the
.chemical phenomena of the circuit. Helmholtz, I believe, was the Jfirst
to give the contact theory this new form, in his celebrated essay, Veber
die Erhaltung der Kraft, p. 45.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 67
looked, as already stated, into the very heart of the
electrolyte, endeavouring to render the play of its
atoms visible to his mental eye. He had no doubt
that in this case what is called ( the electric current '
was propagated from particle to particle of the elec-
trolyte; he accepted the doctrine of decomposition
and recomposition which, according to Grothuss and
Davy, ran from electrode to electrode. And the
thought impressed him more and more that or-
dinary electric induction was also transmitted and
sustained by the action of ( contiguous particles.9
His first great paper on frictional electricity was
sent to the Royal Society on November 30, 1837.
We here find him face to face with an idea which
beset his mind throughout his whole subsequent life,
— the idea of action at a distance. It perplexed and
bewildered him. In his attempts to get rid of this
perplexity, he was often unconsciously rebelling
against the limitations of the intellect itself. He
loved to quote Newton upon this point : over and
over again he introduces his memorable words, c That
gravity should be innate, inherent, and essential to
matter, so that one body may act upon another at
a distance through a vacuum and without the media-
tion of anything else, by and through which this
action and force may be conveyed from one to an-
other, is to me so great an absurdity, that I believe
68 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
no man who has in philosophical matters a compe-
tent faculty of thinking, can ever fall into it. Gravity
must be caused by an agent acting constantly ac-
cording to certain laws ; but whether this agent be
material or immaterial, I have left to the considera-
tion of my readers.' *
Faraday does not see the same difficulty in his
contiguous particles. And yet, by transferring the
conception from masses to particles, we simply lessen
size and distance, but we do not alter the quality of
the conception. Whatever difficulty the mind ex-
periences in conceiving of action at sensible dis-
tances, besets it also when it attempts to conceive
of action at insensible distances. Still the investiga-
tion of the point whether electric and magnetic effects
were wrought out through the intervention of con-
tiguous particles or not, had a physical interest
altogether apart from the metaphysical difficulty.
Faraday grapples with the subject experimentally.
By simple intuition he sees that action at a distance
must be exerted in straight lines. Gravity, he
knows, will not turn a corner, but exerts its pull
along a right line ; hence his aim and effort to as-
certain whether electric action ever takes place in
curved lines. This once proved, it would follow that
the action is carried on ly means of a medium sur-
* Newton's third letter to Bentley.
FARADAY AS A DISCO VEEER. 69
rounding the electrified bodies. His experiments in
1837 reduced, in his opinion, this point to demon-
stration. He then found that he could electrify, by
induction, an insulated sphere placed completely in
the shadow of a body which screened it from direct
action. He pictured the lines of electric force bend-
ing round the edges of the screen, and reuniting on
the other side of it ; and he proved that in many
cases the augmentation of the distance between his
insulated sphere and the inducing body, instead of
lessening, increased the charge of the sphere. This
he ascribed to the coalescence of the lines of electric
force at some distance behind the screen.
Faraday's theoretic views on this subject have not
received general acceptance, but they drove him to
experiment, and experiment with him was always
prolific of results. By suitable arrangements he
placed a metallic sphere in the middle of a large
hollow sphere, leaving a space of something more
than half-an-inch between them. The interior sphere
was insulated, the external one uninsulated. To the
former he communicated a definite charge of electri-
city. It acted by induction upon the concave surface
of the latter, and he examined how this act of in-
duction was effected by placing insulators of various
kinds between the two spheres. He tried gases,
liquids, and solids, but the solids alone gave him
70 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
positive results. He constructed two instruments of
the foregoing description, equal in size and similar in
form. The interior sphere of each communicated
with the external air by a brass stem ending in a
knob. The apparatus was virtually a Ley den jar, the
two coatings of which were the two spheres, with a
thick and variable insulator between them. The
amount of charge in each jar was determined by
bringing a proof-plane into contact with its knob, and
measuring by a torsion balance the charge taken
away. He first charged one of his instruments, and
then dividing the charge with the other, found that
when air intervened in both cases, the charge was
equally divided. But when shellac, sulphur, or sper-
maceti was interposed between the two spheres of
one jar, while air occupied this interval in the other,
then he found that the instrument occupied by the
'solid dielectric' takes more than half the original
charge. A portion of the charge was absorbed by
the dielectric itself. The electricity took time to
penetrate the dielectric. Immediately after the dis-
charge of the apparatus, no trace of electricity was
found upon its knob. But after a time electricity
was found there, the charge having gradually re-
turned from the dielectric in which it had been lodged.
Different insulators possess this power of permitting
the charge to enter them in different degrees. Faraday
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 71
figured their particles as polarized, and lie concluded
that the force of induction is propagated from par-
ticle to particle of the dielectric from the inner sphere
to the outer one. This power of propagation possessed
by insulators he called their ' Specific Inductive Ca-
pacity.9
Faraday visualizes with the utmost clearness the
state of his contiguous particles ; one after another
they become charged, each succeeding particle de-
pending for its charge upon its predecessor. And
now he seeks to break down the wall of partition
between conductors and insulators. ( Can we not,' he
says, 'by a gradual chain of association carry up
discharge from its occurrence in air through sper-
maceti and water, to solutions, and then on to chlo-
rides, oxides, and metals, without any essential
change in its character?' Even copper, he urges,
offers a resistance to the transmission of electricity.
The action of its particles differs from those of an
insulator only in degree. They are charged like the
particles of the insulator, but they discharge with
greater ease and rapidity ; and this rapidity of mole-
cular discharge is what we call conduction. Con-
duction then is always preceded by atomic induction ;
and when, through some quality of the body which
Faraday does not define, the atomic discharge is
72 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
rendered slow and difficult, conduction passes into
insulation.
Though they are often obscure, a fine vein of
philosophic thought runs through those investiga-
tions. The mind of the philosopher dwells amid
those agencies which underlie the visible phenomena
of Induction and Conduction; and he tries by the
strong light of his imagination to see the very mole-
cules of his dielectrics. It would, however, be easy
to criticise these researches, easy to show the loose-
ness, and sometimes the inaccuracy, of the phraseo-
logy employed ; but this critical spirit will get little
good out of Faraday. Eather let those who ponder
his works seek to realise the object he set before
him, not permitting his occasional vagueness to in-
terfere with their appreciation of his speculations.
We may see the ripples, and eddies, and vortices of
a flowing stream, without being able to resolve all
these motions into their constituent elements ; and
so it sometimes strikes me that Faraday clearly saw
the play of fluids and ethers and atoms, though his
previous training did not enable him to resolve what
he saw into its constituents, or describe it in a man-
ner satisfactory to a mind versed in mechanics. And
then again occur, I confess, dark sayings, difficult to
be understood, which disturb my confidence in this
conclusion. It must, however, always be remembered
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 73
that lie works at the very boundaries of our know-
ledge, and that his mind habitually dwells in the
' boundless contiguity of shade ' by which that know-
ledge is surrounded.
In the researches now under review the ratio of
speculation and reasoning to experiment is far higher
than in any of Faraday's previous works. Amid
much that is entangled and dark we have flashes
of wondrous insight and utterances which seem less
the product of reasoning than of revelation. I will
confine myself here to one example of this divining
power: By his most ingenious device of a rapidly
rotating mirror, Wheatstone had proved that elec-
tricity required time to pass through a wire, the cur-
rent reaching the middle of the wire later than its
two ends. ' If,' says Faraday, c the two ends of the
wire in Professor Wheatstone's experiments were
immediately connected with two large insulated me-
tallic surfaces exposed to the air, so that the primary
act of induction, after making the contact for dis-
charge, might be in part removed from the internal
portion of the wire at the first instance, and disposed
for the moment on its surface jointly with the air and
surrounding conductors, then I venture to anticipate
that the middle spark would be more retarded than
before. And if those two plates were the inner and
outer coatings of a large jar or Ley den battery, then
74 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
the retardation of the spark would be much greater.'
This was only a prediction, for the experiment was
not made.* Sixteen years subsequently, however,
the proper conditions- came into play, and Faraday
was able to show that the observations of Werner
Siemens, and Latimer Clark, on subterraneous and
submarine wires were illustrations on a grand scale,
of the principle which he had enunciated in 1838.
The wires and the surrounding water act as a Leyden
jar, and the retardation of the current predicted
by Faraday manifests itself in every message sent by
such cables.
The meaning of Faraday in these memoirs on In-
duction and Conduction is, as I have said, by no
means always clear ; and the difficulty will be most
felt by those who are best trained in ordinary theoretic
conceptions. He does not know the reader's needs,
and he therefore does not meet them. For instance,
he speaks over and over again of the impossibility of
charging a body with one electricity, though the im-
possibility is by no means evident. The key to the
difficulty is this. He looks upon every insulated con-
ductor as the inner coating of a Leyden jar. An in-
sulated sphere in the middle of a room is to his mind
* If Sir Charles Wheatstone could be induced to take up his mea-
surements once more, varying the substances through which, and the
conditions under which the current is propagated, he might render great
service to science, both theoretic and experimental.
FAKADAY AS A D1SCOVEREE. 75
such, a coating ; the walls are the outer coating, while
the air between both is the insulator, across which
the charge acts by induction. Without this reaction
of the walls upon the sphere you could no more,
according to Faraday, charge it with electricity than
you could charge a Ley den jar, if its outer coating
were removed. Distance with him is immaterial.
His strength as a generalizer enables him to dissolve
the idea of magnitude; and if you abolished the
walls of the room — even the earth itself — he would
make the sun and planets the outer coating of his
jar. I dare not contend that Faraday in these me-
moirs made all his theoretic positions good. But a
pure vein of philosophy runs through these writings ;
while his experiments and reasonings on the forms
and phenomena of electrical discharge are of im-
perishable importance.
EEST NEEDED — VISIT TO SWITZERLAND.
The last of these memoirs was dated from the
Royal Institution in June, 1838. It concludes the
first volume of his 6 Experimental Eesearches on
Electricity.' In 1840, as already stated, he made his
final assault on the Contact Theory, from which it
never recovered.* He was now feeling the effects of
the mental strain to which he had been subjected for
* See note, p. 66.
76 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
so many years. During these years lie repeatedly
broke down. His wife alone witnessed the extent of
his prostration, and to her loving care we, and the
world, are indebted for the enjoyment of his presence
here so long. He found occasional relief in a theatre.
He frequently quitted London and went to Brighton
and elsewhere, always choosing a situation which
commanded a view of the sea, or of some other
pleasant horizon, where he could sit and gaze and
feel the gradual revival of the faith that
'Nature never did betray
The heart that loved her.'
But very often for some days after his removal to the
country he would be unable to do more than sit at a
window and look out upon the sea and sky.
In 1841, his state became more serious than it had
ever been before. A published letter to Mr. Richard
Taylor, dated March 11, 1843, contains an allusion
to his previous condition. ' You are aware,' he says,
6 that considerations regarding health have prevented
me from, working or reading on science for the last
two years.' This, at one period or another of their
lives, seems to be the fate of most great investigators.
They do not know the limits of their constitutional
strength until they have transgressed them. It is,
perhaps, right that they should transgress them, in
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 77
order to ascertain where they lie. Faraday, however,
though he went far towards it, did not push his
transgression beyond his power of restitution. In
1841 Mrs. Faraday and he went to Switzerland, under
the affectionate charge of her brother, Mr. George
Barnard, the artist. This time of suffering throws
fresh light upon his character. I have said that
sweetness and gentleness were not its only consti-
tuents ; that he was also fiery and strong. At
the time now referred to, his fire was low and his
strength distilled away ; but the residue of his life
was neither irritability nor discontent. He was unfit
to mingle in society., for conversation was a pain to
him ; but let us observe the great Man-child when
alone. He is at the village of Interlaken, enjoying
Jungfrau sunsets, and at times watching the Swiss
nailers making their nails. He keeps a little journal,
in which he describes the process of nailmaking, and
incidentally throws a luminous beam upon himself.
'August 2nd, 1841. — Clout nailmaking goes on
here rather considerably, and is a very neat and
pretty operation to observe. I love a smith's shop
and anything relating to smithery. My father was
a smith.9
From Interlaken he went to the Falls of the Giess-
bach, on the pleasant lake of Brientz. And here we
78 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
have him watching the shoot of the cataract down
its series of precipices. It is shattered into foam at
the base of each, and tossed by its own recoil as
water-dust through the air. The sun is at his back,
shining on the drifting spray, and he thus describes
and muses on what he sees : —
* August 12th, 1841. — To-day every fall was foaming
from the abundance of water, and the current of
wind brought down by it was in some places too
strong to stand against. The sun shone brightly,
and the rainbows seen from various points were very
beautiful. One at the bottom of a fine but furious
fall was very pleasant, — there it remained motionless,
whilst the gusts and clouds of spray swept furiously
across its place and were dashed against the rock.
It looked like a spirit strong in faith and steadfast
in the midst of the storm of passions sweeping across
it, and though it might fade and revive, still it held
on to the rock as in hope and giving hope. And the
very drops, which in the whirlwind of their fury
seemed as if they would carry all away, were made
to revive it and give it greater beauty.'
FROM A PEIOTOO-HAFH BY Ct.AS.UET
London Lougmar,.'; & C°
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 79
MAGNETIZATION OP LIGHT.
But we must quit the man and go on to the dis-
coverer: we shall return for a brief space to his
company by-and-by. Carry your thoughts back to
his last experiments, and see him endeavouring to
prove that induction is due to the action of con-
tiguous particles. He knew that polarized light was
a most subtle and delicate investigator of molecular
condition. He used it in 1834 in exploring his elec-
trolytes, and he tried it in 1838 upon his dielectrics.
At that time he coated two opposite faces of a glass
cube with tinfoil, connected one coating with his
powerful electric machine and the other with the
earth, and examined by polarized light the condition
of the glass when thus subjected to strong electric
influence. He failed to obtain any eifect, still he
was persuaded an action existed, and required only
suitable means to call it forth.
After his return from Switzerland he was beset by
these thoughts ; they were more inspired than logi-
cal : but he resorted to magnets and proved his in-
spiration true. His dislike of c doubtful knowledge '
and his eiforts to liberate his mind from the thraldom
of hypotheses have been already referred to. Still
this rebel against theory was incessantly theorizing
80 FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
himself. His principal researches are all connected
by an undercurrent of speculation. Theoretic ideas
were the very sap of his intellect — the source from
which all his strength as an experimenter was de-
rived. While once sauntering with him through the
Crystal Palace, at Sydenham, I asked him what
directed his attention to the magnetization of light.
It was his theoretic notions. He had certain views
regarding the unity and convertibility of natural
forces; certain ideas regarding the vibrations of
light and their relations to the lines of magnetic
force; these views and ideas drove him to investi-
gation. And so it must always be : the great experi-
mentalist must ever be the habitual theorist, whether
or not he gives to his theories formal enunciation.
Faraday, you have been informed, endeavoured to
improve the manufacture of glass for optical pur-
poses. But though he produced a heavy glass of
great refractive power, its value to optics did not.
repay him for the pains and labour bestowed on it.
Now, however, we reach a result established by
means of this same heavy glass, which made ample
amends for all.
In November, 1845, he announced his discovery of
the ' Magnetization of Light, and the Elumination of
the Lines of Magnetic Force.' This title provoked
comment at the time, and caused misapprehension.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 81
He therefore added an explanatory note; but the
note left his meaning as entangled as before. In.
fact Faraday had notions regarding the magnetiza-
tion of light which were peculiar to himself, and
untranslatable into the scientific language of the
time. Probably no other philosopher of his day
would have employed the phrases just quoted as
appropriate to the discovery announced in 1845. But
Faraday was more than a philosopher; he was 'a
prophet, and often wrought by an inspiration to be
understood by sympathy alone. The prophetic ele-
ment in his character occasionally coloured, and even
injured, the utterance of the man of science ; but
subtracting that element, though you might have
conferred on him intellectual symmetry, you would
have destroyed his motive force.
But let us pass from the label of this casket to the
jewel it contains. ' I have long,' he says, f held an
opinion, almost amounting to conviction, in common,
I believe, with many other lovers of natural know-
ledge, that the various forms under which the forces
of matter are made manifest have one common
origin; in other words, are so directly related and
mutually dependent, that they are convertible, as it
were, into one another, and possess equivalents of
power in their action. . . . This strong persuasion,'
he adds, c extended to the powers of light.' And
82 PABADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
then lie examines the action of magnets upon light.
From conversation with him and Anderson, I should
infer that the labour preceding this discovery was
very great. The world knows little of the toil of
the discoverer. It sees the climber jubilant on the
mountain top, but does not know the labour expended
in reaching it. Probably hundreds of experiments
had been made on transparent crystals before he
thought of testing his heavy glass. Here is his
own clear and simple description of the result of
his first experiment with this substance : — ( A piece
of this glass, about two inches square, and 0*5
of an inch thick, having flat and polished edges,
was placed as a diamagnetic* between the poles (not
as yet magnetized by the electric current), so that
the polarized ray should pass through its length ;
the glass acted as air, water, or any other trans-
parent substance would do ; and if the eye-piece
were previously turned into such a position that the
polarized ray was extinguished, or rather the image
produced by it rendered invisible, then the intro-
duction of the glass made no alteration in this re-
spect. In this state of circumstances, the force of
* ' By a diamagnetic,' says Faraday, ' I mean a body through which
lines of magnetic force are passing, and which does not by their action
assume the usual magnetic state of iron or loadstone.' Faraday sub-
sequently used this term in a different sense from that here given,
as will immediately appear.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 83
the electro-magnet was developed by sending an
electric current through its coils, and immediately
the image of the lamp-flame became visible, and
continued so as long as the arrangement continued
magnetic. On stopping the electric current, and so
causing the magnetic force to cease, the light in-
stantly disappeared. These phenomena could be
renewed at pleasure, at any instant of time, and
upon any occasion, showing a perfect dependence of
cause and effect.'
In a beam of ordinary light the particles of the
luminiferous ether vibrate in all directions perpen-
dicular to the line of progression ; by the act of polar-
ization, performed here by Faraday, all oscillations
but those parallel to a certain plane are eliminated.
When the plane of vibration of the polarizer co-
incides with that of the analyzer, a portion of the
beam passes through both ; but when these two
planes are at right angles to each other, the beam
is extinguished. If by any means, while the po-
larizer and analyzer remain thus crossed, the plane
of vibration of the polarized beam between them
could be changed, then the light would be, in part at
least, transmitted. In Faraday's experiment this was
accomplished. His magnet turned the plane of po-
larization of the beam through a certain angle, and
thus enabled it to get through the analyzer; so
c 2
84 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
that ' the magnetization of light and the illumina-
tion of the magnetic lines of force ' becomes, when
expressed in the language ot modern theory, the ro-
tation of the plane of polarization.
To him, as to all true philosophers, the main value
of a fact was its position and suggestiveness in the
general sequence of scientific truth. Hence, having
established the existence of a phenomenon, his habit
was to look at it from all possible points of view, and
to develop its relationship to other phenomena. He
proved that the direction of the rotation depends
upon the polarity of his magnet; being reversed
when the magnetic poles are reversed. He showed
that when a polarized ray passed through his heavy
glass in a direction parallel to the magnetic lines of
force, the rotation is a maximum, and that when the
direction of the ray is at right angles to the lines of
force, there is no rotation at all. He also proved that
the amount of the rotation is proportional to the length
of the diamagnetic through which the ray passes.
He operated with liquids and solutions. Of aqueous
solutions he tried 150 and more, and found the power
in all of them. He then examined gases ; but here
all his efforts to produce any sensible action upon the
polarized beam were ineffectual. He then passed
from magnets to currents, enclosing bars of heavy
glass, and tubes containing liquids and aqueous solu-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 85
tions within an electro-magnetic helix. A current
sent through the helix caused the plane of polari-
zation to rotate, and always in the direction of the
current. The rotation was reversed when the current
was reversed. In the case of magnets, he observed
a gradual, though quick, ascent of the transmitted
beam from a state of darkness to its maximum bril-
liancy, when the magnet was excited. In the case of
currents, the beam attained at once its maximum.
This he showed to be due to the time required by the
iron of the electro-magnet to assume its full magnetic
power, which time vanishes when a current, without
iron, is employed. f In this experiment,' he says, ' we
may, I think, justly say that a ray of light is elec-
trified, and the electric forces illuminated.' In the
helix, as with the magnets, he submitted air to mag-
netic influence £ carefully and anxiously,' but could
not discover any trace of action on the polarized ray.
Many substances possess the power of turning
the plane of polarization without the intervention
of magnetism. Oil of turpentine and quartz are
examples ; but Faraday showed that, while in one di-
rection, that is, across the lines of magnetic force, his
rotation is zero, augmenting gradually from this until
it attains its maximum, when the direction of the ray
is parallel to the lines of force ; in the oil of turpen-
tine the rotation is independent of the direction of
86 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
the ray. But lie showed that a still more profound
distinction exists between the magnetic rotation and
the natural one. I will try to explain how. Suppose
a tube with glass ends containing oil of turpentine to
be placed north and south. Fixing the eye at the
south end of the tube, let a polarized beam be sent
through it from the north. To the observer in this
position the rotation of the plane of polarization, by
the turpentine, is right-handed. Let the eye be placed
at the north end of the tube, and a beam be sent
through it from the south ; the rotation is still right-
handed. Not so, however, when a bar of heavy glass is
subjected to the action of an electric current. In this
case if, in the first position of the eye, the rotation be
right-handed, in the second position it is left-handed.
These considerations make it manifest that if a polar-
ized beam, after having passed through the oil of
turpentine in its natural state, could, by any means,
be reflected back through the liquid, the rotation
impressed upon the direct beam would be exactly
neutralized by that impressed upon the reflected one.
.Not so with the induced magnetic effect. Here it is
manifest that the rotation would be doubled by the
act of reflection. Hence Faraday concludes that
the particles of the oil of turpentine which rotate by
virtue of their natural force, and those which rotate
in virtue of the induced force, cannot be in the same
FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 67
condition. The same remark applies to all bodies
which possess a natural power of rotating the plane
of polarization.
And then he proceeded with exquisite skill and in-
sight to take advantage of this conclusion. He sil-
vered the ends of his piece of heavy glass, leaving,
however, a narrow portion parallel to two edges dia-
gonally opposed to each other unsilvered. He then
sent his beam through this uncovered portion, and
by suitably inclining his glass caused the beam
within it to reach his eye, first direct, and then after
two, four, and six reflections. These corresponded to
the passage of the ray once, three times, five times,
and seven times through the glass. He thus estab-
lished with numerical accuracy the exact proportion-
ality of the rotation, to the distance traversed by the
polarized beam. Thus in one series of experiments
where the rotation required by the direct beam was
12°, that acquired by three passages through the
glass was 36°, while that acquired by five passages
was 60°. But even when this method of magnifying
was applied, he failed with various solid substances
to obtain any effect ; and in the case of air, though
he employed to the utmost the power which these re-
peated reflections placed in his hands, he failed to
produce the slightest sensible rotation.
These failures of Faraday to obtain the effect with
88 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
gases, seem to indicate the true seat of the phenome-
non. The luniimferous ether surrounds and is influ-
enced by the ultimate particles of matter. The symme-
try of the one involves that of the other. Thus, if the
molecules of a crystal be perfectly symmetrical round
any line through the crystal, we may safely conclude
that a ray will pass along this line as through ordi-
nary glass. It will not be doubly refracted. Prom
the symmetry of the liquid figures, known to be pro-
duced in the planes of freezing, when radiant heat is
sent through ice, we may safely infer symmetry of
aggregation, and hence conclude that the line per-
pendicular to the planes of freezing is a line of no
double refraction : that it is, in fact, the optic axis of
the crystal. The same remark applies to the line join-
ing the opposite blunt angles of a crystal of Iceland
spar. The arrangement of the molecules round this
line being symmetrical, the condition of the ether de-
pending upon these molecules shares their symmetry;
and there is, therefore, no reason why the wave-
length should alter with the alteration of the azi-
muth round this line. Annealed glass has its mole-
cules symmetrically arranged round every line that
can be drawn through it ; hence it is not doubly re-
fractive. But let the substance be either squeezed or
strained in one direction, the molecular symmetry, and
with it the symmetry of the ether, is immediately
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 89
destroyed and the glass becomes doubly refractive.
Unequal .heating produces the same effect. Thus
mechanical strains reveal themselves by optical
effects 5 and there is little doubt that in Faraday's
experiment it is the magnetic strain that produces
the rotation of the plane of polarization.*
DISCOVERY OP DIAMAGNETISM RESEARCHES ON
MA3NE-CRYSTALLIC ACTION.
Faraday's next great step in discovery was an-
nounced in a memoir on the c Magnetic Condition
of all Matter,' communicated to the Royal Society
on December 18, 1845. One great source of his
success was the employment of extraordinary power.
As already stated, he never accepted a negative
answer to an experiment until he had brought to
bear upon it all the force at his command. He had
over and over again tried steel magnets and ordinary
* The power of double refraction conferred on the centre of a glass
rod, when it is caused to sound the fundamental note due to its longi-
tudinal vibration, and the absence of the same power in the case of
vibrating air (enclosed in a glass organ-pipe), seems to be analogous to
the presence and absence of Faraday's effect in the same two substances.
Faraday never, to my knowledge, attempted to give, even in conver-
sation, a picture of the molecular condition of his heavy glass when
subjected to magnetic influence. In a mathematical investigation of
the subject, published in the Proceedings of the Royal Society for 1856,
Sir William Thomson arrives at the conclusion that the ' diamagnetic '
is in a state of molecular rotation.
90 FARADAY AS A DISCOVEEER.
electro-magnets on various substances, but without
detecting anything different from the ordinary at-
traction exhibited by a few of them. Stronger coer-
cion, however, developed a new action. Before the
pole of an electro-magnet, he suspended a frag-
ment of his famous heavy glass ; and observed that
when the magnet was powerfully excited the glass
fairly retreated from the pole. It was a clear case
of magnetic repulsion. He then suspended a bar of
the glass between two poles ; the bar retreated when
the poles were excited, and set its length equatorially
or at right angles to the line joining them. When
an ordinary magnetic body was similarly suspended,
it always set axially, that is, from pole to pole.
Faraday called those bodies which were repelled
by the poles of a magnet, diamagnetic bodies ; using
this term in a»sense different from that in which he
employed it in his memoir on the magnetization of
light. The term magnetic he reserved for bodies
which exhibited the ordinary attraction. He after-
wards employed the term magnetic to cover the whole
phenomena of attraction and repulsion, and used the
word paramagnetic to designate such magnetic action
as is exhibited by iron.
Isolated observations by Brugmanns, Becquerel, le
Baillif, Saigy, and Seebeck, had indicated the exist-
ence of a repulsive force exercised by the magnet on
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 91
two or three substances ; but these observations,
which were unknown to Faraday, had been permitted
to remain without extension or examination. Having
laid hold of the fact of repulsion, Faraday imme-
diately expanded and multiplied it. He subjected
bodies of the most various qualities to the action of
his magnet: — mineral salts, acids, alkalis, ethers,
alcohols, aqueous solutions, glass, phosphorus, resins,
oils, essences, vegetable and animal tissues, and
found them all amenable to magnetic influence. No
known solid or liquid proved insensible to the mag-
netic power when developed in sufficient strength.
All the tissues of the human body, the blood — though
it contains iron — included, were proved to be dia-
magnetic. So that if you could suspend a man
between the poles of a magnet, his extremities would
retreat from the poles until his length became equa-
torial.
Soon after he had commenced his researches on
diamagnetism, Faraday noticed a remarkable phe-
nomenon which first crossed my own path in the
following way : In the year 1849, while working in
the cabinet of my friend, Professor Knoblauch, of
Marburg, I suspended a small copper com between
the poles of an electro-magnet. On exciting the
magnet, the coin moved towards the poles and then
suddenly stopped, as if it had struck against a
92 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
cushion. On breaking the circuit, the coin was re-
pelled, the revulsion being so violent as to cause it
to spin several times round its axis of suspension.
A Silber-groschen similarly suspended exhibited the
same deportment. For a moment I thought this a
new discovery ; but on looking over the literature of
the subject, it appeared that Faraday had observed,
multiplied, and explained the same effect during
his researches on diamagnetism. His explanation
was based upon his own great discovery of magneto-
electric currents. The effect is a most singular
one. A weight of several pounds of copper may be
set spinning between the electro-magnetic poles ;
the excitement of the magnet instantly stops the
rotation. Though nothing is apparent to the eye,
the copper, if moved in the excited magnetic field,
appears to move through a viscous fluid ; while, when
a flat piece of the metal is caused to pass to and fro
like a saw between the poles, the sawing of the mag-
netic field resembles the cutting through of cheese or
butter.* This virtual friction of the magnetic field
is so strong, that copper, by its rapid rotation between
the poles, might probably be fused. We may easily
dismiss this experiment by saying that the heat is
due to the electric currents excited in the copper.
But so long as we are unable to reply to the question,
* See Heat as a Mode of Motion, third edition, § 36.
FAEADAY AS A DISCO VEEEE. 93
'What is an electric current?' the explanation is
only provisional. For my own part, I look with
profound interest and hope on the strange action
here referred to.
Faraday's thoughts ran intuitively into experi-
mental combinations, so that subjects whose capacity
for experimental treatment would, to ordinary minds,
seem to be exhausted in a moment, were shown by
him to be all but inexhaustible. He has now an
object in view, the first step towards which is the
proof that the principle of Archimedes is true of
magnetism. He forms magnetic solutions of various
degrees of strength, places them between the poles
of his magnet, and suspends in the solutions various
magnetic bodies. He proves that when the solution
is stronger than the body plunged in it, the body,
though magnetic, is repelled ; and when an elongated
piece of it is surrounded by the solution it sets, like
a diamagnetic body, equatorially between the excited
poles. The same body when suspended in a solution
of weaker magnetic power than itself, is attracted as
whole, while an elongated portion of it sets axially.
And now theoretic questions rush in upon him.
Is this new force a true repulsion, or is it merely a
differential attraction ? Might not the apparent re-
pulsion of diamagnetic bodies be really due to the
greater attraction of the medium by which they are
94 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
surrounded? He tries the rarefaction of air, but
finds the effect insensible. He is averse to ascribing
a capacity of attraction to space, or to any hypothe-
tical medium supposed to fill space. He therefore
inclines, but still with caution, to the opinion that
the action of a magnet upon bismuth is a true and
absolute repulsion, and not merely the result of dif-
ferential attraction. And then he clearly states a
theoretic view sufficient to account for the pheno-
mena. ' Theoretically,' he says, ' an explanation of
the movements of the diamagnetic bodies, and all
the dynamic phenomena consequent upon the action
of magnets upon them, might be offered in the sup-
position that magnetic induction caused in them a
contrary state to that which it produced in ordinary
matter.' That is to say, while in ordinary magnetic
influence the exciting pole excites adjacent to itself
the contrary magnetism, in diamagnetic bodies the
adjacent magnetism is the same as that of the
exciting pole. This theory of reversed polarity,
however, does not appear to have ever laid deep
hold of Faraday's mind ; and his own experiments
failed to give any evidence of its truth. He there-
fore subsequently abandoned it, and maintained the
non-polarity of the diamagnetic force.
He then entered a new, though related field of in-
quiry. Having dealt with the metals and their coin-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 95
pounds, and having classified all of them that came
within the range of his observation under the two
heads magnetic and diamagnetic, he began the in-
vestigation of the phenomena presented by crystals
when subjected to magnetic power. The action of
crystals had been in part theoretically predicted by
Poisson,* and actually discovered by Pliicker, whose
beautiful results, at the period which we have now
reached, profoundly interested all scientific men.
Faraday had been frequently puzzled by the deport-
ment of bismuth, a highly crystalline metal. Some-
times elongated masses of the substance refused to
set equatorially, sometimes they set persistently ob-
lique, and sometimes even, like a magnetic body,
from, pole to pole. e The eifect,' he says, ' occurs
at a single pole ; and it is then striking to observe
a long piece of a substance so diamagnetic as bismuth
repelled, and yet at the same moment set round with
force, axially, or end on, as a piece of magnetic sub-
stance would do.' The effect perplexed him ; and
in his efforts to release himself from this perplexity,
no feature of this new manifestation of force escaped
his attention. His experiments are described in a
memoir communicated to the Royal Society on De-
cember 7, 1848.
I have worked long myself at magne-crystallic
* See Sir Wm. Thomson on Magne-crystallic Action. Phil. Mag. 1851.
96 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
action, amid all the light of Faraday's and Pliicker s
researches. The papers now before me were objects
of daily and nightly study with me eighteen or nine-
teen years ago ; but even now, though their perusal
is but the last of a series of repetitions, they astonish
me. Every circumstance connected with the sub-
ject; every shade of deportment; every variation in
the energy of the action ; almost every application
which could possibly be made of magnetism to bring
out in detail the character of this new force., is
minutely described. The field is swept clean, and
hardly anything experimental is left for the gleaner.
The phenomena, he concludes, are altogether dif-
ferent from those of magnetism or diamagnetism :
they would appear, in fact, to present to us c a new
force, or a new form of force, in the molecules of
matter,' which, for convenience sake, he designates
by a new word, as ' the magne-crystallic force.'
He looks at the crystal acted upon by the -magnet.
From its mass he passes, in idea, to its atoms, and he
asks himself whether the power which can thus seize
upon the crystalline molecules, after they have been
fixed in their proper positions by crystallizing force,
may not, when they are free, be able to determine
their arrangement 9 He, therefore, liberates the
atoms by fusing the bismuth. He places the fused
substance between the poles of an electro-magnet,
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 97
powerfully excited ; but lie fails to detect any action.
I think it cannot be doubted that an action is exerted
here, that a true cause comes into play : but its mag-
nitude is not such as sensibly to interfere with the
force of crystallization, which, in comparison with
the diamagnetic force, is enormous. ' Perhaps,' adds
Faraday, ' if a longer time were allowed, and a per-
manent magnet used, a better result might be ob-
tained. I had built many hopes upon the process.'
This expression, and his writings abound in such, il-
lustrates what has been already said regarding his ex-
periments being suggested and guided by his theoretic
conceptions. His mind was full of hopes and hypo-
theses, but he always brought them to an experi-
mental test. The record of his planned and executed
experiments would, I doubt not, show a high ratio
of hopes disappointed to hopes fulfilled ; but every
case of fulfilment abolished all memory of defeat;
disappointment was swallowed up in victory.
After the description of the general character of
this new force, Faraday states with the emphasis
here reproduced its mode of action : ' The law of
action appears to be that the line or axis of MAGNE-
CETSTALLIC force (being the resultant of the action of
all the molecules) tends to place itself parallel, or as a
tangent, to the magnetic curve, or line of magnetic force,
passing through the place where the crystal is situated.9
H
98 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER
The magne-crystallic force, moreover, appears to
him ' to be clearly distinguished from the magnetic
or diamagnetic forces, in that it causes neither
approach nor recession, consisting not in attraction
or repulsion, but in giving a certain determinate
position to the mass under its influence.' And then
he goes on ' very carefully to examine and prove the
conclusion that there was no connection of the force
with attractive or repulsive influences.' With the
most refined ingenuity he shows that, under certain
circumstances, the magne-crystallic force can cause
the centre of gravity of a highly magnetic body to
retreat from the poles, and the centre of gravity of a
highly diamagnetic body to approach them. His
experiments root his mind more and more firmly in
the conclusion that it is c neither attraction nor re-
pulsion causes the set, or governs the final position '
of the crystal in the magnetic field. That the force
which does so is therefore ' distinct in its character
and effects from the magnetic and diamagnetic forms
of force. On the other hand,' he continues, ' it has
a most manifest relation to the crystalline structure
of bismuth and other bodies, and therefore to the
power by which their molecules are able to build up
the crystalline masses.'
And here follows one of those expressions which
characterize the conceptions of Faraday in regard to
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 99
force generally : — c It appears to me impossible to
conceive of the results in any other way than by a
mutual reaction of the magnetic force, and the force
of the particles of the crystal upon each other.' He
proves that the action of the force, though thus
molecular, is an action at a distance ; he shows that
a bismuth crystal can cause a freely suspended mag-
netic needle to set parallel to its magne-crystallic
axis. Few living men are aware of the difficulty of
obtaining results like this, or of the delicacy neces-
sary to their attainment. ' But though it thus takes
up the character of a force acting at a distance, still
it is due to that power of the particles which makes
them cohere in regular order and gives the mass its
crystalline aggregation, which we call at other times
the attraction of aggregation, and so often speak of
as acting at insensible distances.' Thus he broods
over this new force, and looks at it from all possible
points of inspection. Experiment follows experiment,
as thought follows thought. He will not relinquish
the subject as long as a hope exists of throwing more
light upon it. He knows full well the anomalous
nature of the conclusion to which his experiments
lead him. But experiment to him is final, and he
will not shrink from the conclusion. ' This force,'
he says, 6 appears to me to be very strange and
striking in its character. It is not polar, for there
H 2
100 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
is no attraction or repulsion.5 And then, as if startled
by his own utterance, he asks — ( What is the nature
of the mechanical force which turns the crystal
round, and makes it affect a magnet ? ' . , . i I
do not remember,' he continues, f heretofore such a
case of force as the present one, where a body is
brought into position only, without attraction or re-
pulsion.'
Pliicker, the celebrated geometer already men-
tioned, who pursued experimental physics for many
years of his life with singular devotion and suc-
cess, visited Faraday in those days, and repeated
before him his beautiful experiments on magneto-
optic action. Faraday repeated and verified Pliicker's
observations, and concluded, what he at first seemed
to doubt, that Pliicker's results and magne-crystallic
action had the same origin.
At the end of his papers, when he takes a last look
along the line of research, and then turns his eyes to
the future, utterances quite as much emotional as
scientific escape from Faraday. ' I cannot,' he says,
at the end of his first paper on magne-crystallic
action, ' conclude this series of researches without
remarking how rapidly the knowledge of molecular
forces grows upon us, and how strikingly every in-
vestigation tends to develop more and more their
importance, and their extreme attraction as an object
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 101
of study. A few years ago magnetism was to us an
occult power, affecting only a few bodies, now it is
found to influence all bodies, and to possess the most
intimate relations with electricity, heat, chemical
action, light, crystallization, and through it, with the
forces concerned in cohesion; and we may, in the
present state of things, well feel urged to continue in
our labours, encouraged by the hope of bringing it
into a bond of union with gravity itself.'
SUPPLEMENTARY REMARKS.
A brief space will, perhaps, be granted me here to
state the further progress of an investigation which
interested Faraday so much. Drawn by the fame of
Bunsen as a teacher, in the year 1848 I became a
student in the University of Marburg, in Hesse Cassel.
Bunsen behaved to me as a brother as well as a
teacher, and it was also my happiness to make the
acquaintance and gain the friendship of Professor
Knoblauch, so highly distinguished by his researches
on Eadiant Heat. Pliicker's and Faraday's investi-
gations filled all minds at the time, and towards the
end of 1849, Professor Knoblauch and myself com-
menced a joint investigation of the entire question.
Long discipline was necessary to give us due mastery
over it. Employing a method proposed by Dove, we
102 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
examined the optical properties of our crystals our-
selves ; and these optical observations went hand in
hand with our magnetic experiments. The number of
these experiments was very great, but for a consider-
able time no fact of importance was added to those
already published At length, however, it was our
fortune to meet with various crystals whose deport-
ment could not be brought under the laws of magne-
crystallic action enunciated by Pliicker. We also
discovered instances which led us to suppose that the
magne-crystallic force was by no means independent,
as alleged, of the magnetism or diamagnetism of the
mass of the crystal. Indeed, the more we worked at
the subject, the more clearly did it appear to us that
the deportment of crystals in the magnetic field was
due, not to a force previously unknown, but to the
modification of the known forces of magnetism and
diamagnetism by crystalline aggregation.
An eminent example of magne-crystallic action ad-
duced by Pliicker and experimented on by Faraday,
was Iceland spar. It is what in optics is called a
negative crystal, and according to the law of Pliicker,
the axis of such a crystal was always repelled by a
magnet. But we showed that it was only necessary
to substitute, in whole or in part, carbonate of iron
for carbonate of lime, thus changing the magnetic,
but not the optical character of the crystal, to cause
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 103
the axis to be attracted. That the deportment of
magnetic crystals is exactly antithetical to that of
dianiagnetie crystals isomorphous with the magnetic
ones, was proved to be a general law of action. In
all cases, the line which in a diamagrietic-crystal set
equatorially, always set itself in an isomorphous mag-
netic crystal axially. By mechanical compression
other bodies were also made to imitate the Iceland
spar.
These and numerous other results bearing upon
the question were published at the time in the c Phi-
losophical Magazine ' and in 'Poggendoff's Annalen; '
and the investigation of diamagnetism and magne-
crystallic action was subsequently continued by me
in the laboratory of Professor Magnus of Berlin. In
December, 1851, after I had quitted Germany, Dr.
Bence Jones went to the Prussian capital to see the
celebrated experiments of Du Bois Reymond ; and in-
fluenced, I suppose, by what he heard, he afterwards
invited me to give a Friday evening discourse at the
Royal Institution. I consented, not without fear and
trembling. For the Royal Institution was to me a kind
of dragon's den, where tact and strength would be
necessary to save me from destruction. On February
11, 1853, the discourse was given, and it ended hap-
pily. I allude to these things, that I may mention
that though my aim and object in that lecture was
104 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
to subvert the notions both of Faraday and Pliicker,
and to establish in opposition to their views what
I regarded as the truth, it was very far from pro-
ducing in Faraday either enmity or anger. At the
conclusion of the lecture, he quitted his accustomed
seat, crossed the theatre to the corner into which I
had shrunk, shook me by the hand, and brought me
back to the table. Once more, subsequently, and in
connection with a related question, I ventured to
diifer from him still more emphatically. It was
done out of trust in the greatness of his character ;
nor was the trust misplaced. He felt my public
dissent from him; and it pained me afterwards to
the quick to think that I had given him even mo-
mentary annoyance. It was, however, only momen-
tary. His soul was above all littleness and proof to
all egotism. He was the same to me afterwards that
he had been before; the very chance expression which
led me to conclude that he felt my dissent, being one
of kindness and affection.
It required long subsequent effort to subdue the
complications of magne-crystallic action, and to
bring under the dominion of elementary principles
the vast mass of facts which the experiments of
Faraday and Pliicker had brought to light. It was
proved by Eeich, Edmond Becquerel, and myself,
that the condition of diamagnetic bodies, in virtue of
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 105
which, they were repelled by the poles of a magnet,
was excited in them by those poles ; that the strength
of this, condition rose and fell with, and was propor-
tional to, the strength of the acting magnet. It was
not then any property possessed permanently by the
bismuth, and which merely required the development
of magnetism to act upon it, that caused the repul-
sion ; for then the repulsion would have been simply
proportional to the strength of the influencing mag-
net, whereas experiment proved it to augment as the
square of the strength. The capacity to be repelled
was therefore not inherent in the bismuth, but in-
duced. So far an identity of action was established
between magnetic and diamagnetic bodies. After
this the deportment of magnetic bodies, ' normal '
and ' abnormal'; crystalline, amorphous, and com-
pressed, was compared with that of crystalline,
amorphous, and compressed diamagnetic bodies ; and
by a series of experiments, executed in the laboratory
of this Institution, the most complete antithesis was
established between magnetism and diamagnetism.
This antithesis embraced the quality of polarity, — -the
theory of reversed polarity, first propounded by Fara-
day, being proved to be true. The discussion of the
question was very brisk. On the Continent Professor
Wilhelm Weber was the ablest and most successful
supporter of the doctrine of diamagnetic polarity;
106 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
and it was with an apparatus, devised by him and
constructed under his own superintendence, by Leyser
of Leipzig, that the last demands of the opponents
of diamagnetic polarity were satisfied. The es-
tablishment of this point was absolutely necessary
to the explanation of magne-crystallic action.
With that admirable instinct which always guided
him, Faraday had seen that it was possible, if not
probable, that the diamagnetic force acts with dif-
ferent degrees of intensity in different directions,
through the mass of a crystal. In his studies 011
electricity, he had sought an experimental reply to
the question whether crystalline bodies had not dif-
ferent specific inductive capacities in different direc-
tions, but he failed to establish any difference of the
kind. His first attempt to establish differences of
diamagnetic action in different directions through
bismuth, was also a failure ; but he must have felt
this to be a point of cardinal importance, for he
returned to the subject in 1850, and proved that
bismuth was repelled with different degrees of force
in different directions. It seemed as if the crystal
were compounded of two diamagnetic bodies of dif-
ferent strengths, the substance being more strongly
repelled across the magne-crystallic axis than along
it. The same result was obtained independently, and
extended to various other bodies, magnetic as well as
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 107
diamagnetic, and also to compressed substances, a
little subsequently by myself.
The law of action in relation to this point is, that
in diamagnetic crystals, the line along which the
repulsion is a maximum, sets equatorially in the
magnetic field; while in magnetic crystals the line
along which the attraction is a maximum sets from
pole to pole. Faraday had said that the magne-
crystallic force was neither attraction nor repulsion.
Thus far he was right. It was neither taken singly,
but it was both. By the combination of the doctrine
of diamagnetic polarity with these differential at-
tractions and repulsions, and by paying due regard
to the character of the magnetic field, every fact
brought to light in the domain of magne-crystallic
action received complete explanation. The most
perplexing of those facts were shown to result
from the action of mechanical couples, which the
proved polarity both of magnetism and diamagnetism
brought into play. Indeed the thoroughness with
which the experiments of Faraday were thus ex-
plained, is the most striking possible demonstration
of the marvellous precision with which they were
executed.
108 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
MAGNETISM OP FLAME AND GASES — ATMOSPHERIC
MAGNETISM.
When an experimental result was obtained by
Faraday it was instantly enlarged by his imagina-
tion. I am acquainted with no mind whose power
and suddenness of expansion at the touch of new
physical truth could be ranked with his. Sometimes
I have compared the action of his experiments on
his mind to that of highly combustible matter thrown
into a furnace ; every fresh entry of fact was accom-
panied by the immediate development of light and
heat. The light, which was intellectual, enabled
him to see far beyond the boundaries of the fact
itself, and the heat, which was emotional, urged him
to the conquest of this newly-revealed domain. But
though the force of his imagination was enormous,
he bridled it like a mighty rider, and never permitted
his intellect to be overthrown.
In virtue of the expansive power which his vivid
imagination conferred upon him, he rose from the
smallest beginnings to the grandest ends. Having
heard from Zantedeschi that Bancalari had esta-
blished the magnetism of flame, he repeated the
experiments and augmented the results. He passed
from flames to gases, examining and revealing their
magnetic and diamagnetic powers ; and then he sud-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 109
denly rose from his bubbles of oxygen and nitrogen
to the atmospheric envelope of the earth itself, and its
relations to the great question of terrestrial magne-
tism. The rapidity with which these ever-augment-
ing thoughts assumed the form of experiments is
unparalleled. His power in this respect is often best
illustrated by his minor investigations, and, perhaps,
by none more strikingly than by his paper ' On the
Diamagnetic Condition of Mame and Gases,' pub-
lished as a letter to Mr. Richard Taylor, in the
' Philosophical Magazine ' for December, 1847.
After verifying, varying, and expanding the re-
sults of Bancalari, he submitted to examination
heated air-currents, produced by platinum spirals
placed in the magnetic field, and raised to incan-
descence by electricity. He then examined the
magnetic deportment of gases generally. Almost
all of these gases are invisible ; but he must, never-
theless, track them in their unseen courses. He
could not effect this by mingling smoke with his
gases, for the action of his magnet upon the smoke
would have troubled his conclusions. He, therefore,
' caught ' his gases in tubes, carried them out of the
magnetic field, and made them reveal themselves at
a distance from the magnet.
Immersing one ' gas in another, he determined
their differential action 5 results of the utmost beauty
1.10 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
being thus arrived at. Perhaps the most impor-
tant are those obtained with atmospheric air and
its two constituents. Oxygen, in various media,
was strongly attracted by the magnet ; in coal-gas,
for example, it was powerfully magnetic, whereas ni-
trogen was diamagnetic. Some of the effects obtained
with oxygen in coal-gas were strikingly beautiful.
When the fumes of chloride of ammonium (a diamag-
netic substance) were mingled with the oxygen, the
cloud of chloride behaved in a most singular manner.
— ' The attraction of iron filings,' says Faraday, ' to
a magnetic pole is not more striking than the ap-
pearance presented by the oxygen under these cir-
cumstances.'
On observing this deportment the question imme-
diately occurs to him, — can we not separate the
oxygen of the atmosphere from its nitrogen by mag-
netic analysis? It is the perpetual occurrence of
such questions that marks the great experimenter.
The attempt to analyze atmospheric air by magnetic
force proved a failure, like the previous attempt to
influence crystallization by the magnet. The en-
nornious comparative power of the force of crystal-
lization was then assigned as a reason for the in-
competence of the magnet to determine molecular
arrangement ; in the present instance the magnetic
analysis is opposed by the force of diffusion, which is
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. Ill
also very strong comparatively. The same remark
applies to, and is illustrated by, another experiment
subsequently executed by Faraday. Water is dia-
niagnetic, sulphate of iron strongly magnetic. He
enclosed c a dilute solution of sulphate of iron in a
tube, and placed the lower end of the tube between
the poles of a powerful horseshoe magnet for days
together,3 but he could produce ' no concentration of
the solution in the part near the magnet.' Here also
the diffusibility of the salt was too powerful for the
force brought against it.
The experiment last referred to is recorded in a
paper presented to the Eoyal Society on the 2nd
August, 1850, in which he pursues the investigation of
the magnetism of gases. Newton's observations on
soap-bubbles were often referred to by Faraday. His
delight in a soap-bubble was like that of a boy, and
he often introduced them in his lectures, causing
them, when filled with air, to float on invisible seas
of carbonic acid, and otherwise employing them as a
means of illustration. He now finds them exceed-
ingly useful in his experiments on the magnetic con-
dition of gases. A bubble of air in a magnetic field
occupied by air was unaffected, save through the feeble
repulsion of its envelope. A bubble of nitrogen, on
the contrary, was repelled from the magnetic axis
with a force far surpassing that of a bubble of air.
112 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
The deportment of oxygen in air ' was very impres-
sive, the bubble being pulled inward, or towards the
axial line, sharply and suddenly, as if the oxygen
were highly magnetic.'
He next labours to establish the true magnetic
zero, a problem not so easy as might at first
sight be imagined. For the action of the magnet
upon any gas, while surrounded by air, or any other
gas, can only be differential; and if the experiment
were made in vacuo, the action of the envelope, in
this case necessarily of a certain thickness, would
trouble the result. While dealing with this sub-
ject, Faraday makes some noteworthy observations
regarding space. In reference to the Torricellian
vacuum, he says, ' Perhaps it is hardly necessary for
me to state that I find both iron and bismuth in
such vacua perfectly obedient to the magnet. From
such experiments, and also from general observations
and knowledge, it seems manifest that the lines of
magnetic force can traverse pure space, just as gravi-
tating force does, and as statical electrical forces do,
and therefore space has a magnetic relation of its
own, and one that we shall probably find hereafter
to be of the utmost importance in natural phenomena.
But this character of space is not of the same kind
as that which, in relation to matter, we endeavour to
express by the terms magnetic and diamagnetic. To
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 113
confuse these together would be to confound space
with matter, and to trouble all the conceptions by
which we endeavour to understand and work out a
progressively clearer view of the mode of action, and
the laws of natural forces. It would be as if in
gravitation or electric forces, one were to confound
the particles acting on each other with the space
across which they are acting, and would, I think,
shut the door to advancement. Mere space cannot
act as matter acts, even though the utmost latitude
be allowed to the hypothesis of an ether ; and admit-
ting that hypothesis, it would be a large additional
assumption to suppose that the lines of magnetic
force are vibrations carried on by it, whilst as yet we
have no proof that time is required for their propa-
gation, or in what respect they may, in general cha-
racter, assimilate to or differ from the respective lines
of gravitating, luminiferous, or electric forces.'
Pure space he assumes to be the true magne-
tic zero, but he pushes his inquiries to ascertain
whether among material substances there may not
be some which resemble space. If you follow his
experiments, you will soon emerge into the light of
his results. A torsion beam was suspended by a
skein of cocoon silk ; at one end of the beam was
fixed a cross-piece 1 J inches long. Tubes of exceed-
ingly thin glass, filled with various gases, and herme-
i
114 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
tically sealed, were suspended in pairs from the two
ends of the cross-piece. The position of the rotating
torsion-head was such that the two tubes were at
opposite sides of, and equidistant from, the magnetic
axis, that is to say from the line joining the two
closely approximated polar points of an electro mag-
net. His object was to compare the magnetic action
of the gases in the two tubes. When one tube was
filled with oxygen, and the other with nitrogen, on
the supervention of the magnetic force, the oxygen
was pulled towards the axis, the nitrogen being
pushed out. By turning the torsion-head they could
be restored to their primitive position of equidistance,
where it is evident the action of the glass envelopes
was annulled. The amount of torsion necessary
to re-establish equi-distance expressed the magnetic
difference of the substances compared.
And then he compared oxygen with oxygen at
different pressures. One of his tubes contained the
gas at the pressure of 30 inches of mercury, another
at a pressure of 15 inches of mercury, a third at a
pressure of 10 inches, while a fourth was exhausted
as far as a good air-pump renders exhaustion pos-
sible. ( When the first of these was compared with
the other three, the effect was most striking.' It
was drawn towards the axis when the magnet was
excited, the tube containing the rarer gas being
apparently driven away, and the greater the differ-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 115
ence between the densities of the two gases, the
greater was the energy of this action.
And now observe his mode of reaching a material
magnetic zero. When a bubble of nitrogen was
exposed in air in the magnetic field, on the super-
vention of the power, the bubble retreated from the
magnet. A less acute observer would have set nitro-
gen down as diamagnetic ; but Faraday knew that re-
treat, in a medium composed in part of oxygen, might
be due to the attraction of the latter gas, instead of
to the repulsion of the gas immersed in it. But if
nitrogen be really diamagnetic, then a bubble or bulb
filled with the dense gas will overcome one filled
with the rarer gas. From the cross-piece of his tor-
sion-balance he suspended his bulbs of nitrogen, at
equal distances from the magnetic axis, and found
that the rarefaction, or the condensation of the gas
in either of the bulbs had not the slightest influence.
When the magnetic force was developed, the bulbs
remained in their first position, even when one was
filled with nitrogen, and the other as far as possible
exhausted. Nitrogen, in fact, acted 'like space it-
self ; ' it was neither magnetic nor diamagnetic.
He cannot conveniently compare the paramagnetic
force of oxygen with iron, in consequence of the
exceeding magnetic intensity of the latter substance ;
bat he does compare it with the sulphate of iron,
I 2
116 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
and finds that, bulk for bulk, oxygen is equally mag-
netic with a solution of this substance in water
* containing seventeen times the weight of the oxy-
gen in crystallized proto- sulphate of iron, or 3 -4 times
its weight of metallic iron in that state of combina-
tion.' By its capability to deflect a fine glass fibre,
he finds that the attraction of his bulb of oxygen,
containing only 0*117 of a grain of the gas, at an
average distance of more than an inch from the
magnetic axis, is about equal to the gravitating
force of the same amount of oxygen as expressed by
its weight.
These facts could not rest for an instant in the
mind of Faraday without receiving that expansion to
which I have already referred. ' It is hardly neces-
sary,' he writes, c for me to say here that this oxygen
cannot exist in the atmosphere exerting such a re-
markable and high amount of magnetic force, with-
out having a most important influence on the dis-
position of the magnetism of the earth, as a planet ;
especially, if it be remembered that its magnetic
condition is greatly altered by variations of its
density and by variations of its temperature. I think
I see here the real cause of many of the variations
of that force, which have been, and are now so care-
fully watched on different parts of the surface of the
globe. The daily variation, and the annual variation,
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 117
both seem likely to come under it ; also very many
of the irregular continual variations, which the pho-
tographic process of record renders so beautifully
manifest. If such expectations be confirmed, and
the influence of the atmosphere be found able to
produce results like these, then we shall probably
find a new relation between the aurora borealis and
the magnetism of the earth, namely, a relation esta-
blished, more or less, through the air itself in con-
nection with the space above it ; and even magnetic
relations and variations, which are not as yet sus-
pected, may be suggested and rendered manifest and
measurable, in the further development of what I
will venture to call Atmospheric Magnetism. I may
be over-sanguine in these expectations, but as yet I
am. sustained in them by the apparent reality, sim-
plicity, and sufficiency of the cause assumed, as it at
present appears to my mind. As soon as I have
submitted these views to a close consideration, and
the test of accordance with observation, and, where
applicable, with experiments also, I will do myself
the honour to bring them before the Royal Society.'
Two elaborate memoirs are then devoted to the
subject of Atmospheric Magnetism; the -first sent to
the Royal Society on the 9th of October, and the
second on the 19th of November, 1850. In these
memoirs he discusses the effects of heat and cold
118 FAKADAY AS A DISCO VEEER.
upon the magnetism of the air, and the action on
the magnetic needle, which must result from thermal
changes. By the convergence and divergence of the
lines of terrestrial magnetic force, he shows how the
distribution of magnetism, in the earth's atmos-
phere, is affected. He applies his results to the ex-
planation of the Annual and of the Diurnal Variation :
he also considers irregular variations, including the
action of magnetic storms. He discusses, at length,
the observations at St. Petersburg, Greenwich, Ho-
barton, St. Helena, Toronto, and the Cape of Good
Hope ; believing that the facts, revealed by his ex-
periments, furnish the key to the variations observed
at all these places.
In the year 1851, I had the honour of an interview
with Humboldt, in Berlin, and his parting words to
me then were, c Tell Faraday that I entirely agree
with him, and that he has, in my opinion, completely
explained the variation of the declination.' Eminent
men have since informed me that Humboldt was
hasty in expressing this opinion. In fact, Faraday's
memoirs on atmospheric magnetism lost much of
their force — perhaps too much — through the impor-
tant discovery of the relation of the variation of the
declination to the number of the solar spots. But I
agree with him and M. Edmond Becquerel, who
worked independently at this subject, in thinking,
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 119
that a body so magnetic as oxygen, swathing the
earth, and subject to variations of temperature, diur-
nal and annual, must affect the manifestations of
terrestrial magnetism.* The air that stands upon a
single square foot of the earth's surface is, according
to Faraday, equivalent in magnetic force to 81601bs.
of crystallized protosulphate of iron. Such a sub-
stance cannot be absolutely neutral as regards the
deportment of the magnetic needle. But Faraday's
writings on this subject are so voluminous, and the
theoretic points are so novel and intricate, that I
shall postpone the complete analysis of these re-
searches to a time when I can lay hold of them more
completely than my other duties allow me to do now.
SPECULATIONS : NATTJEE OP MATTER : LINES OP
FOECE.
The scientific picture of Faraday would not be com-
plete without a reference to his speculative writings.
On Friday, January 19, 1844, he opened the weekly
evening-meetings of the Royal Institution by a dis-
course entitled £A speculation touching Electric
Conduction and the nature of Matter.' In this dis-
course he not only attempts the overthrow of Dalton's
Theory of Atoms, but also the subversion of all ordi-
* This persuasion has been greatly strengthened by the recent perusal
of a paper by Mr. Baxendell.
120 . FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
nary scientific ideas regarding the nature and rela-
tions of Matter and Force. He objected to the use of
the term atom : — c I have not yet found a mind,' he
says, c that did habitually separate it from its accom-
panying temptations ; and there can be no doubt that
the words definite proportions, equivalent, primes,
&c., which did and do fully express all the fads of
what is usually called the atomic theory in chemistry,
were dismissed because they were not expressive
enough, and did not say all that was in the mind of
him who used the word atom in their stead.'
A moment will be granted me to indicate my own
view of Faraday's position here. The word c atom'
was not used in the stead of definite proportions,
equivalents, or primes. These terms represented
facts that followed from, but were not equivalent
to, the atomic theory. Facts cannot satisfy the
mind : and the law of definite combining proportions
being once established, the question 'why should
combination take place according to that law ? ' is
inevitable. Dalton answered this question by the
enunciation of the Atomic Theory, the funda-
mental idea of which is, in my opinion, per-
fectly secure. The objection of Faraday to Dalton,
might be urged with the same substantial force
against Newton : it might be stated with regard to
the planetary motions that the laws of Kepler re-
vealed the fads ; that the introduction of the prin-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 121
ciple of gravitation was an addition to the facts.
But this is the essence of all theory. The theory is
the backward guess from fact to principle; the con-
jecture, or divination regarding something, which
lies behind the facts, and from which they flow in
necessary sequence. If Dalton's theory, then, ac-
count for the definite proportions observed in the
combinations of chemistry, its justification rests upon
the same basis as that of the principle of gravi-
tation. All that can in strictness be said in either
case is that the facts occur as if the principle
existed.
The manner in which Faraday himself habitually
deals with his hypotheses is revealed in this lecture.
He incessantly employed them to gain experimental
ends, but he incessantly took them down, as an ar-
chitect removes the scaffolding when the edifice is
complete. 'I cannot but doubt,' he says, ' that he who
as a mere philosopher has most power of penetrating
the secrets of nature, and guessing by hypothesis at
her mode of working, will also be most careful for
his own safe progress and that of others, to distin-
guish the knowledge which consists of assumption,
by which I mean theory and hypothesis, from that
which is the knowledge of facts and laws.' Faraday
himself, in fact, was always ' guessing by hypothesis,'
and making theoretic divination the stepping-stone
to his experimental results.
122 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
I have already more than once dwelt on the vivid-
ness with which he realised molecular conditions ; we
have a fine example of this strength and brightness
of imagination in the present ' speculation.' He
grapples with the notion that matter is made up of
particles, not in absolute contact, but surrounded
by inter-atomic space. ' Space,' he observes, ' must
be taken as the only continuous part of a body
so constituted. Space will permeate all masses of
matter in every direction like a net, except that in
place of meshes it will form cells, isolating each atom
from its neighbours, itself only being continuous.'
Let us follow out this notion ; consider, he argues,
the case of a non-conductor of electricity, such for
example as shell-lac, with its molecules, and in-
termolecular spaces running through the mass. In
its case space must be an insulator ; for if it were a
conductor it would resemble 'a fine metallic web,' pene-
trating the lac in every direction. But the fact is that
it resembles the wax of black sealing-wax, which sur-
rounds and insulates the particles of conducting car-
bon, interspersed throughout its mass. In the case of
shell-lac, therefore, space is an insulator.
But now, take the case of a conducting metal. Here
we have as before, the swathing of space round every
atom. If space be an insulator there can be no trans-
mission of electricity from atom to atom. But there
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 123
is transmission ; hence space is a conductor. Thus he
endeavours to hamper the atomic theory. ' The rea-
soning,' he says, 'ends in a subversion of that theory
altogether ; for if space be an insulator it cannot exist
in conducting bodies, and if it be a conductor it can-
not exist in insulating bodies. Any ground of rea-
soning,' he adds, as if carried away by the ardour of
argument, ' which tends to such conclusions as these
must in itself be false.'
He then tosses the atomic theory from horn to horn
of his dilemmas. What do we know, he asks, of the
atom apart from its force ? You imagine a nucleus
which may be called a, and surround it by forces
which may be called m ; ' to my mind the a or nucleus
vanishes, and the substance consists in the powers of
m. And indeed what notion can we form of the
nucleus independent of its powers ? What thought
remains on which to hang the imagination of an a
independent of the acknowledged forces? ' Like Bos-
covich he abolishes the atom, and puts a ' centre of
force ' in its place.
With his usual courage and sincerity he pushes his
view to its utmost consequences. * This view of the
constitution of matter,' he continues, ' would seem to
involve necessarily the conclusion that matter fills
all space, or at least all space to which gravitation
extends; for gravitation is a property of matter
124 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
dependent on a certain force, and it is this force which
constitutes the matter. In that view matter is not
merely mutually penetrable ;* but each atom extends,
so to say, throughout the whole of the solar system,
yet always retaining its own centre of force.'
It is the operation of a mind filled with thoughts
of this profound, strange, and subtle character that
we have to take into account in dealing with Fara-
day's later researches. A similar cast of thought
pervades a letter addressed by Faraday to Mr. Eichard
Phillips, and published in the 'Philosophical Maga-
zine' for May, 1846. It is entitled 'Thoughts on Ray-
vibrations,' and it contains one of the most singular
speculations that ever emanated from a scientific
mind. It must be remembered here, that though
Faraday lived amid such speculations he did not rate
them highly, and that he was prepared at any mo-
ment-to change them or let them go. They spurred
him on, but they did not hamper him. His theo-
retic notions were fluent ; and when minds less
plastic than his own attempted to render those
fluxional images rigid, he rebelled. He warns Phil-
lips, moreover, that from first to last, 'he merely
threw out as matter for speculation the vague im-
* He compares the interpenetration of two atoms to the coalescence
of two distinct waves, which though for a moment blended to a single
mass, preserve their individuality, and afterwards separate.
FAEADAY AS A DISCOVEREK. 125
pressions of his mind; for he gave nothing as the
result of sufficient consideration, or as the settled
conviction, or even probable conclusion at which he
had arrived.'
The gist of this communication is that gravitating
force acts in lines across space, and that the vibrations
of light and radiant heat consist in the tremors of
these lines of force. ' This notion,' he says, ' as far
as it is admitted," will dispense with the ether, which,
in another view, is supposed to be the medium in
which these vibrations take place.' And he adds
further on, that his view ' endeavours to dismiss
the ether but not the vibrations.' The idea here
set forth is the natural supplement of his previous
notion, that it is gravitating force which constitutes
matter, each atom extending, so to say, throughout
the whole of the solar system.
The letter to Mr. Phillips winds up with this beau-
tiful conclusion : —
' I think it likely that I have made many mistakes
in the preceding pages, for even to myself my ideas
on this point appear only as the shadow of a specu-
lation, or as one of those impressions upon the mind
which are allowable for a time as guides to thought
and research. He who labours in experimental
inquiries, knows how numerous these are, and how
126 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
often their apparent fitness and beauty vanish before
the progress and development of real natural truth.'
Let it then be remembered that Faraday entertained
notions regarding matter and force altogether dis-
tinct from the views generally held by scientific men.
Force seemed to him an entity dwelling along the line
in which it is exerted. The lines along which gra-
vity acts between the sun and earth seem figured
in his mind as so many elastic strings : indeed he
accepts the assumed instantaneity of gravity as the
expression of the enormous elasticity of the ' lines
of weight.' Such views, fruitful in the case of
magnetism, barren, as yet, in the case of gravity,
explain his efforts to transform this latter force.
When he goes into the open air and permits his
helices to fall, to his mind's eye they are tearing
through the lines of gravitating power, and hence
his hope and conviction that an effect would and
ought to be produced. It must ever be borne in
mind that Faraday's difficulty in dealing with these
conceptions was at bottom the same as that of
Newton ; that he is in fact trying to overleap this
difficulty, and with it probably the limits prescribed
to the intellect itself.
The idea of lines of magnetic force was sug-
gested to Faraday by the linear arrangement of
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 127
iron filings when scattered over a magnet. He
speaks of and illustrates by sketches, the deflec-
tion, both convergent and divergent, of the lines of
force, when they pass respectively through magnetic
and diamagnetic bodies. These notions of concen-
tration and divergence are also based on the direct
observation of his filings. So long did he brood upon
these lines ; so habitually did he associate them with
his experiments on induced currents, that the asso-
ciation became e indissoluble,' and he could not think
without them. ' I have been so accustomed/ he
writes, ( to employ them, and especially in my last
researches, that I may have unwittingly become pre-
judiced in their favour, and ceased to be a clear-
sighted judge. Still, I have always endeavoured to
make experiment the test and controller of theory
and opinion ; but neither by that nor by close cross-
examination in principle, have I been made aware of
any error involved in their use.'
In his later researches on magne-crystallic action,
the idea of lines of force is extensively employed ; it
indeed led him to an experiment which lies at the
root of the whole question. In his subsequent re-
searches on Atmospheric Magnetism the idea receives
still wider application, showing itself to be wonder-
fully flexible and convenient. Indeed without this
conception the attempt to seize upon the magnetic
128 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
actions, possible or actual, of the atmosphere would
be difficult in the extreme ; but the notion of lines of
force, and of their divergence and convergence, guides
Faraday without perplexity through all the intricacies
of the question. After the completion of those re-
searches, and in a paper forwarded to the Royal
Society on October 22, 1851, he devotes himself to the
formal development and illustration of his favour-
ite idea. The paper bears the title, ( On lines of
magnetic force, their definite character, and their
distribution within a magnet and through space.'
A deep reflectiveness is the characteristic of this
memoir. In his experiments, which are perfectly
beautiful and profoundly suggestive, he takes but a
secondary delight. llis object is to illustrate the
utility of his conception of lines of force. 'The
study of these lines,' he says, ( has at different times
been greatly influential in leading me to various
results which I think prove their utility as well as
fertility.'
Faraday for a long period used the lines of force
merely as 'a representative idea.' He seemed for a
time averse to going further in expression than the
lines themselves, however much further he may
have gone in idea. That he believed them to
exist at all times round a magnet, and irrespec-
tive of the existence of magnetic matter, such as
FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 129
iron filings, external to the magnet, is certain.
No doubt the space round every magnet presented
itself to his imagination as traversed by loops of
magnetic power; but he was chary in speaking
of the physical substratum of those loops. Indeed
it may be doubted whether the physical theory of
lines of force presented itself with any distinctness
to his own mind. The possible complicity of the
luminiferous ether in magnetic phenomena was cer-
tainly in his thoughts. ' How the magnetic force,'
he writes, ' is transferred through bodies or through
space we know not ; whether the result is merely
action at a distance, as in the case of gravity ; or by
some intermediate agency, as in the case of light,
heat, the electric current, and (as I believe) static
electric action. The idea of magnetic fluids, as ap-
plied by some, or of magnetic centres of action, does
not include that of the latter kind of transmission,
but the idea of lines of force does.' And he continues
thus : — ' I am more inclined to the notion that in the
transmission of the [magnetic] force there is such
an action [an intermediate agency] external to the
magnet, than that the effects are merely attraction
and repulsion at a distance. Such an affection may be
a function of the ether j for it is not at all unlikely that,
if there be an ether, it should have other uses than simply
the conveyance of radiations.9 When he speaks of the
130 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
magnet in certain cases, ' revolving amongst its own
forces/ he appears to have some conception of this
kind in view.
A great part of the investigation completed in
October, 1851, was taken up with the motions of
wires round the poles of a magnet and the converse.
He carried an insulated wire along the axis of a
bar magnet from its pole to its equator, where it
issued from the magnet, and was bent up so as to
connect its two ends. A complete circuit, no part of
which was in contact with the magnet, was thus ob-
tained. He found that when the magnet and the
external wire were rotated together no current was
produced ; whereas, when either of them was rotated
and the other left at rest currents were evolved.
He then abandoned the axial wire, and allowed the
magnet itself to take its place ; the result was the
same.* It was the relative motion of the magnet
and the loop that was effectual in producing a cur-
rent.
The lines of force have their roots in the magnet,
and though they may expand into infinite space,
they eventually return to the magnet. Now these
lines may be intersected close to the magnet or at a
distance from it. Faraday finds distance to be per-
* In this form the experiment is identical with one made twenty
years earlier. See page 30.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 131
fectly immaterial so long as the number of lines in-
tersected is the same. For example, when the loop
connecting the equator and the pole of his bar-
inagnet performs one complete revolution round the
magnet, it is manifest that all the lines of force issuing
from the magnet are once intersected. Now it matters
not whether the loop be ten feet or ten inches in
length, it matters not how it may be twisted and
contorted, it matters not how near to the magnet or
how distant from it the loop may be, one revolution
always produces the same amount of current elec-
tricity, because in all these cases all the lines of force
issuing from the magnet are once intersected and
no more.
From the external portion of the circuit he passes
in idea to the internal, and follows the lines of force
into the body of the magnet itself. His conclusion
is that there exist lines of force within the magnet
of the same nature as those without. What is more,
they are exactly equal in amount to those without.
They have a relation in direction to those without ;
and in fact are continuations of them. . . * Every
line of force, therefore, at whatever distance it may
be taken from the magnet, must be considered as
a closed circuit, passing in some part of its course
through the magnet, and having an equal amount of
force in every part of its course.'
K 2
132 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
All the results here described were obtained with
moving metals. 'But,' he continues with profound
sagacity, ' mere motion would not generate a relation,
which had not a foundation in the existence of some
previous state; and therefore the quiescent metals
must be in some relation to the active centre of force,'
that is to the magnet. He here touches the core of
the whole question, and when we can state the con-
dition into which the conducting wire is thrown
before it is moved, we shall then be in a position to
understand the physical constitution of the electric
current generated by its motion.
In this inquiry Faraday worked with steel magnets,
the force of which varies with the distance from the
magnet. He then sought a uniform field of magnetic
force, and found it in space as affected by the magnet-
ism of the earth. His next memoir, sent to the
Royal Society, December 31, 1851, is con the employ-
ment of the Induced Magneto-electro Current as a
test and measure of magnetic forces.' He forms
rectangles and rings, and by ingenious and simple
devices collects the opposed currents which are de-
veloped in them by rotation across the terrestrial lines
of magnetic force. He varies the shapes of his rec-
tangles while preserving their areas constant, and
finds that the constant area produces always the same
amount of current per revolution. The current de-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 133
.pends solely on the number of lines of force inter-
sected, and when this number is kept constant the
current remains constant too. Thus the lines of mag-
netic force are continually before his eyes, by their
aid he colligates his facts, and through the inspira-
tions derived from them he vastly expands the
boundaries of our experimental knowledge. The
beauty and exactitude of the results of this investi-
gation are extraordinary. I cannot help thinking
while I dwell upon them, that this discovery of mag-
neto-electricity is the greatest experimental result
ever obtained by an investigator. It is the Mont
Blanc of Faraday's own achievements. He always
worked at great elevations, but a higher than this
he never subsequently attained.
UNITY AND CONVERTIBILITY OP NATURAL FORCES :
THEORY OF THE ELECTRIC CURRENT.
The terms unity and convertibility, as applied to
natural forces, are often employed in these investi-
gations, many profound and beautiful thoughts re-
specting these subjects being expressed in Faraday's
memoirs. Modern inquiry has, however, much aug-
mented our knowledge of the relationship of natural
forces, and it seems worth while to say a few words
here, tending to clear up certain misconceptions
134 FARADAY AS A DISCO VEEEK.
which appear to exist among philosophic writers
regarding this relationship.
The whole stock of energy or working-power in the
world consists of attractions, repulsions, and motions.
If the attractions and repulsions are so circumstanced
as to be able to produce motion, they are sources
of working-power, but not otherwise. Let us for
the sake of simplicity confine our attention to the
case of attraction. The attraction exerted between
the earth and a body at a distance from the earth's
surface is a source of working-power ; because the
body can be moved by the attraction, and in falling
to the earth can perform work. When it rests upon
the earth's surface it is not a source of power or
energy, because it can fall no further. But though
it has ceased to be a source of energy, the attraction
of gravity still acts as & force, which holds the earth
and weight together.
The same remarks apply to attracting atoms and
molecules. As long as distance separates them, they
can move across it in obedience to the attraction,
and the motion thus produced may, by proper appli-
ances, be caused to perform mechanical work.
When, for example, two atoms of hydrogen unite
with one of oxygen, to form water, the atoms
are first drawn towards each other — they move,
they clash, and then by virtue of their resiliency,
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 135
they recoil and quiver. To this quivering motion
we give the name of heat. Now this quivering
motion is merely the redistribution of the motion
produced by the chemical affinity ; and this is the only
sense in which chemical affinity can be said to be
converted into heat. We must not imagine the chemi-
cal attraction destroyed, or converted into anything
else. For the atoms, when mutually clasped to form
a molecule of water, are held together by the very
attraction which first drew them towards each other.
That which has really been expended is the pull
exerted through the space by which the distance
between the atoms has been diminished.
If this be understood, it will be at once seen tha,t
gravity may in this sense be said to be convertible
into heat ; that it is in reality no more an outstand-
ing and inconvertible agent, as it is sometimes stated
to be, than chemical affinity. By the exertion of a
certain pull, through a certain space, a body is caused
to clash with a certain definite velocity against the
earth. Heat is thereby developed, and this is the
only sense in which gravity can be said to be con-
verted into heat. In no case is the force which pro-
duces the motion annihilated or changed into any-
thing else. The mutual attraction of the earth and
weight exists when they are in contact as when they
were separate ; but the ability of that attraction to
136 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
employ itself in the production of motion does not
exist.
The transformation, in this case, is easily followed
by the mind's eye. First, the weight as a whole is
set in motion by the attraction of gravity. This
motion of the mass is arrested by collision with the
earth; being broken up into molecular tremors, to
which we give the name of heat.
And when we reverse the process, and employ
those tremors of heat to raise a weight, as is done
through the intermediation of an elastic fluid in the
steam-engine, a certain definite portion of the mole-
cular motion is destroyed in raising the weight. In
this sense, and this sense only, can the heat be said
to be converted into gravity, or more correctly, into
potential energy of gravity. It is not that the de-
struction of the heat has created any new attraction,
but simply that the old attraction has now a power
conferred upon it, of exerting a certain definite pull
in the interval between the starting-point of the
falling weight and its collision with the earth.
So also as regards magnetic attraction : when a
sphere of iron placed at some distance from a mag-
net rushes towards the magnet, and has its motion
stopped by collision, an effect mechanically the same
as that produced by the attraction of gravity occurs.
The magnetic attraction generates the motion of the
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 137
mass, and the stoppage of that motion produces heat.
In this sense, and in this sense only, is there a trans-
formation of magnetic work into heat. And if by
the mechanical action of heat, brought to bear by
means of a suitable machine, the sphere be torn from
the magnet and again placed at a distance, a power
of exerting a pull through that distance, and produc-
ing a new motion of the sphere, is thereby conferred
upon the magnet; in this sense, and in this sense
only, is the heat converted into magnetic potential
energy.
When, therefore, writers on the conservation of
energy speak of tensions being ' consumed ' and
' generated,' they do not mean thereby that old
attractions have been annihilated and new ones
brought into existence, but that, in the one case,
the power of the attraction to produce motion has
been diminished by the shortening of the distance
between the attracting bodies, and that in the other
case the power of producing motion has been aug-
mented by the increase of the distance. These re-
marks apply to all bodies, whether they be sensible
masses or molecules.
Of the inner quality that enables matter to attract
matter we know nothing ; and the law of conserva-
tion makes no statement regarding that quality.
It takes the facts of attraction as they stand, and
138 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
affirms only the constancy of working-power. That
power may exist in the form of MOTION ; or it may
exist in the form of FORCE, with distance to act
through. The former is dynamic energy, the latter
is potential energy, the constancy of the sum of both
being affirmed by the law of conservation. The con-
vertibility of natural forces consists solely in trans-
formations of dynamic into potential, and of potential
into dynamic, energy, which are incessantly going
on. In no other sense has the convertibility of force,
at present, any scientific meaning.
By the contraction of a muscle a man lifts a
weight from the earth. But the muscle can con-
tract only through the oxidation of its own tissue or
of the blood passing through it. Molecular motion
is thus converted into mechanical motion. Supposing
the muscle to contract without raising the weight,
oxidation would also occur, but the whole of the heat
produced by this oxidation would be liberated in the
muscle itself. Not so when it performs external work ;
to do that work a certain definite portion of the heat
of oxidation must be expended. It is so expended
in pulling the weight away from the earth. If the
weight be permitted to fall, the heat generated by its
collision with the earth would exactly make up for
that lacking in the muscle during the lifting of the
weight. In the case here supposed, we have a con-
FARADAY AS A DISCOVEKER. 139
version of molecular muscular action into potential
energy of gravity ; and a conversion of that potential
energy into heat; the heat, however, appearing at
a distance from its real origin in the muscle. The
whole process consists of a transference of molecular
motion from the muscle to the weight, and gravitat-
ing force is the mere go-between, by means of which
the transference is effected.
These considerations will help to clear our way to
the conception of the transformations which occur
when a wire is moved across the lines of force in a
magnetic field. In this case it is commonly said we
have a conversion of magnetism into electricity. But
let us endeavour to understand what really occurs.
For the sake of simplicity, and with a view to its
translation into a different one subsequently, let us
adopt for a moment the provisional conception of a
mixed fluid in the wire, composed of positive and
negative electricities in equal quantities, and there-
fore perfectly neutralizing each other when the wire
is still. By the motion of the wire, say with the
hand, towards the magnet, what the Germans call a
Scheidungs-Kraft — a separating force — is brought into
play. This force tears the mixed fluids asunder, and
drives them in two currents, the one positive and
the other negative, in two opposite directions through
the wire. The presence of these currents evokes a
140 EAR AD AY AS A DISCOVERER.
force of repulsion between the magnet and the wire ;
and to cause the one to approach the other, this re-
pulsion must be overcome. The overcoming of this
repulsion is, in fact, the work done in separating and
impelling the two electricities. When the wire is
moved away from the magnet, a Scheidungs-Kraft, or
separating force, also comes into play ; but now it is
an attraction that has to be surmounted. In sur-
mounting it, currents are developed in directions
opposed to the former ; positive takes the place of
negative, and negative the place of positive ; the over-
coming of the attraction being the work done in sepa-
rating and impelling the two electricities.
The mechanical action occurring here is different
from that occurring where a sphere of soft iron is
withdrawn from a magnet, and again attracted.
In this case muscular force is expended during the
act of separation ; but the attraction of the magnet
effects the reunion. In the case of the moving wire
also we overcome a resistance in separating it from
the magnet, and thus far the action is mechanically
the same as the separation of the sphere of iron.
But after the wire has ceased moving, the attraction
ceases ; and so far from any action occurring similar
to that, which draws the iron sphere back to the
magnet, we have to overcome a repulsion to bring
them together.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 141
There is no potential energy conferred either by
the removal or by the approach of the wire, and the
only power really transformed or converted, in the
experiment, is muscular power. Nothing that could
in strictness be called a conversion of magnetism
into electricity occurs. The muscular oxidation that
moves the wire fails to produce within the imiscle its
due amount of heat, a portion of that heat equi-
valent to the resistance overcome, appearing in the
moving wire instead.
Is this effect an attraction and a repulsion at a
distance? If so, why should both cease when the
wire ceases to move? In fact, the deportment
of the wire resembles far more that of a body
moving in a resisting medium than anything else ;
the resistance ceasing when the motion is sus-
pended. Let us imagine the case of a liquid so
mobile that the hand may be passed through it to
and fro, without encountering any sensible re-
sistance. It resembles the motion of a conductor in
the unexcited field of an electro-magnet. Now, let
us suppose a body placed in the liquid, or acting on
it, which confers upon it the property of viscosity ;
the hand would no longer move freely. During its
motion, but then only, resistance would be encoun-
tered and overcome. Here we have rudely repre-
sented the case of the excited magnetic field, and the
142 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
result in both, cases would be substantially the same.
In both cases heat would, in the end, be generated
outside of the muscle, its amount being exactly
equivalent to the resistance overcome.
Let us push the analogy a little further ; suppose
in the case of the fluid rendered viscous, as assumed
a moment ago, the viscosity not to be so great as to
prevent the formation of ripples when the hand is
passed through the liquid. Then the motion of the
hand, before its final conversion into heat, would
exist for a time as wave-motion, which, on subsiding,
would generate its due equivalent of heat. This in-
termediate stage, in the case of our moving wire, is
represented by the period during which the electric
current is flowing through it ; but that current, like
the ripples of our liquid, soon subsides, being, like
them, converted into heat.
Do these words shadow forth anything like the
reality? Such speculations cannot be injurious if
they are enunciated without dogmatism. I do con-
fess that ideas such as these here indicated exercise
a strong fascination on my mind. Is then the
magnetic field really viscous, and if so, what sub-
stance exists in it and the wire to produce the visco-
sity? Let us first look at the proved effects, and
afterwards turn our thoughts back upon their cause.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 143
When the wire approaches the magnet, an action is
evoked within it, which travels through it with a
velocity comparable to that of light. One substance
only in the universe has been hitherto proved compe*
tent to transmit power at this velocity ; the lumini-
ferous ether. Not only its rapidity of progression but
its ability to produce the motion of light and heat,
indicates that the electric current is also motion.*
Further, there is a striking resemblance between the
action of good and bad conductors as regards electri-
city, and the action of diathermanous and adiather-
manous bodies as regards radiant heat. The good
conductor is diathermanous to the electric current ; it
allows free transmission without the development of
heat. The bad conductor is adiathermanous to the
electric current, and hence the passage of the latter
is accompanied by the development of heat. I am
strongly inclined to hold the electric current, pure
and simple, to be a motion of the ether alone ; good
conductors being so constituted that the motion may
be propagated through their ether without sensible
transfer to their atoms, while in the case of bad
* Mr. Clerk Maxwell has recently published an exceedingly im-
portant investigation connected with this question. Even in the non-
mathematical portions of the memoirs of Mr. Maxwell, the admirable
spirit of his philosophy is sufficiently revealed. As regards the em-
ployment of scientific imagery, I hardly know his equal in power of
conception and clearness of definition.
144 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
conductors this transfer is effected, the transferred
motion appearing as heat.*
I do not know whether Faraday would have sub-
scribed to what is here written; probably his habitual
caution would have prevented him from committing
himself to anything so definite. But some such
idea filled his mind and coloured his language
through all the later years of his life. I dare not say
that he has been always successful in the treatment
of these theoretic notions. In his speculations he
mixes together light and darkness in varying pro-
portions, and carries us along with him through
strong alternations of both. It is impossible to
say how a certain amount of mathematical train-
ing would have affected his work. We cannot say
what its influence would have been upon that force
of inspiration that urged him on ; whether it would
have daunted him, and prevented him from driving
his adits into places, where no theory pointed to a
lode. If so, then we may rejoice that this strong
delver at the mine of natural knowledge was left free
to wield his mattock in his own way. It must be
admitted, that Faraday's purely speculative writings
often lack that precision which the mathematical
* One important difference, of course, exists between the effect of
motion in the magnetic field, and motion in a resisting medium. In the
former case the heat is generated in the moving conductor, in the latter
it is in part generated in the medium.
FARADAY A3 A DISCOVERER. 145
habit of thought confers. Still across them flash
frequent gleams of prescient wisdom which will ex-
cite admiration throughout all time ; while the facts,
relations, principles, and laws which his experiments
have established are sure to form the body of grand
theories yet to come.
SUMMARY.
When from an Alpine height the eye of the
climber ranges over the mountains, he finds that for
the most part they resolve themselves into distinct
groups, each consisting of a dominant mass sur-
rounded by peaks of lesser elevation. The power
which lifted the mightier eminences, in nearly all
cases lifted others to an almost equal height. And
so it is with the discoveries of Faraday. As a
general rule, the dominant result does not stand
alone, but forms the culminating point of a vast and
varied mass of inquiry. In this way, round about his
great discovery of Magneto-electric Induction, other
weighty labours group themselves. His investi-
gations on the Extra Current; on the Polar and
other Condition of Diamagnetic Bodies ; on Lines of
Magnetic Force, their definite character and distri-
bution ; on the employment of the Induced Magneto-
electric Current as a measure and test of Magnetic
Action ; on the Eevulsive Phenomena of the mag-
L
146 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
netic field, are all, notwithstanding the diversity of
title, researches in the domain of Magneto-electric
Induction.
Faraday's second group of researches and dis-
coveries embrace the chemical phenomena of the
current. The dominant result here is the great law
of definite Electro-chemical Decomposition, around
which are massed various researches on Electro-
chemical Conduction, and on Electrolysis both with
the Machine and with the Pile. To this group also
belong his analysis of the Contact Theory, his
inquiries as to the Source of Yoltaic Electricity, and
his final development of the Chemical Theory of
the pile.
His third great discovery is the Magnetization
of Light, which I should liken to the Weisshorn
among mountains — high, beautiful, and alone.
The dominant result of his fourth group of re-
searches is the discovery of Diamagnetism, an-
nounced in his memoir as the Magnetic Condition of
all Matter, round which are grouped his inquiries on
the Magnetism of Flame and Gases; on Magne-
crystallic action, and on Atmospheric Magnetism,
in its relations to the annual and diurnal variation of
the needle, the full significance of which is still to be
shown.
These are Faraday's most massive discoveries,
FARADAY AS A DISCO VEREE. 147
and upon them his fame must mainly rest. But
even without them, sufficient would remain to secure
for him a high and lasting scientific reputation.
We should still have his researches on the Lique-
faction of Gases; on Frictional Electricity; on the
Electricity of the Grymnotus ; on the source of Power
in the Hydro-electric machine, the two last investi-
gations being untouched in the foregoing memoir;
on Electro-magnetic Rotations ; on Regelation ; all
his more purely Chemical Researches, including his
discovery of Benzol. Besides these he published a
multitude of minor papers, most of which, in some
way or other, illustrate his genius. I have made
no allusion to his power and sweetness as a lecturer.
Taking him for all and all, I think it will be con-
ceded that Michael Faraday was the greatest experi-
mental philosopher the world has ever seen ; and I
will add the opinion, that the progress of future
research will tend, not to dim or to diminish, but to
enhance and glorify the labours of this mighty in-
vestigator.
ILLUSTRATIONS OP CHARACTER.
Thus far I have confined myself to topics mainly
interesting to the man of science, endeavouring,
however, to treat them in a manner unrepellent to
the general reader who might wish to obtain a notion
L 2
]48 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
of Faraday as a worker. On others will fall the
duty of presenting to the world a picture of the man.
But I know you will permit me to add to the
foregoing analysis a few personal reminiscences and
remarks, tending to connect Faraday with a wider
world than that of science — namely, with the general
human heart.
One word in reference to his married life, in
addition to what has been already said, may find a
place here. As in the former case, Faraday shall be
his own spokesman. The following paragraph,
though written in the third person, is from his
hand : — ' On June 12, 1841, he married, an event
which more than any other contributed to his
earthly happiness and healthful state of mind. The
union has continued for twenty- eight years and has
in no wise changed, except in the depth and strength
of its character.'
Faraday's immediate forefathers lived in a little
place called Clapham Wood Hall, in Yorkshire.
Here dwelt Robert Faraday and Elizabeth his wife,
who had ten children, one of them, James Faraday,
born in 1761, being father to the philosopher. A
family tradition exists that the Faradays came origi-
nally from Ireland. Faraday himself has more than
once expressed to me his belief that his blood was in
part Celtic, but how much of it was so, or when the
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 149
infusion took place, he was unable to say. He could
imitate the Irish brogue, and his wonderful vivacity
may have been in part due to his extraction. But
there were other qualities which we should hardly
think of deriving from Ireland. The most prominent
of these was his sense of order, which ran like a
luminous beam through all the transactions of his
life. The most entangled and complicated matters
fell into harmony in his hands. His mode of keeping
accounts excited the admiration of the managing
board of this Institution. And his science was simi-
larly ordered. In his Experimental Researches, he
numbered every paragraph, and welded their various
parts together by incessant reference. His private
notes of the Experimental Researches, which are
happily preserved, are similarly numbered : their last
paragraph bears the figure 16,041. His working
qualities, moreover, showed the tenacity of the Teu-
ton. His nature was impulsive, but there was a force
behind the impulse which did not permit it to retreat.
If in his warm moments he formed a resolution, in
his cool ones he made that resolution good. Thus
his fire was that of a solid combustible, not that of a
gas, which blazes suddenly, and dies as suddenly
away.
And here I must claim your tolerance for the limits
by which I am confined. No materials for a life of
150 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
Faraday are in my hands, and what I have now to
say has arisen almost wholly out of our close personal
relationship.
Letters of his, covering a period of sixteen years,
are before me, each one of which contains some
characteristic utterance; — strong, yet delicate in
counsel, joyful in encouragement, and warm in affec-
tion. Eeferences which would be pleasant to such
of them as still live are made to Humboldt, Biot,
Dumas, Chevreul, Magnus, and Arago. Accident
brought these names prominently forward; but many
others would be required to complete his list of con-
tinental friends. He prized the love and sympathy
of men — prized it almost more than the renown
which his science brought him. Nearly a dozen
years ago it fell to my lot to write a review of his
' Experimental Researches ' for the ' Philosophical
Magazine.' After he had read it, he took me by the
hand, and said, ' Tyndall, the sweetest reward of my
work is the sympathy and good will which it has
caused to flow in upon me from all quarters of the
world.' Among his letters I find little sparks of
kindness, precious to no one but myself, but more
precious to me than all. He would peep into the
laboratory when he thought me weary, and take me
upstairs with him to rest. And if I happened to be
absent he would leave a little note for me, couched
FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 151
in this or some other similar form : — ' Dear Tyndall
—I was looking for you, because we were at tea — we
have not yet done — will you come up ? ' I frequently
shared his early dinner ; almost always, in fact, while
my lectures were going on. There was no trace of
asceticism in his nature. He preferred the meat and
wine of life to its locusts and wild honey. Never
once during an intimacy of fifteen years did he men-
tion religion to me, save when I drew him on to the
subject. He then spoke to me without hesitation or
reluctance ; not with any apparent desire to ' improve
the occasion,' but to give me such information as I
sought. He believed the human heart to be swayed
by a power to which science or logic opened no
approach, and right or wrong, this faith, held in per-
fect tolerance of the faiths of others, strengthened
and beautified his life.
From the letters just referred to, I will select three
for publication here. I choose the first, because it
contains a passage revealing the feelings with which
Faraday regarded his vocation, and also because
it contains an allusion which will give pleasure to a
friend.
'Ventnor, Isle of Wight, June 28, 1854.
' MY DEAR TYNDALL,— You see by the top of this
letter how much habit prevails over me ; I have just
152 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
read yours from thence, and yet I think my self there.
However, I have left its science in very good keeping,
and I am glad to learn that you are at experiment
once more. But how is the health ? Not well, I fear.
I wish you would get yourself strong first and work
afterwards. As for the fruits, I am sure they will be
good, for though I sometimes despond as regards
myself, I do not as regards you. You are young,
I am old. . . . But then our subjects are so glorious,
that to work at them rejoices and encourages the feeblest;
delights and enchants the strongest.
6 1 have not yet seen anything from Magnus.
Thoughts of him always delight me. We shall look
at his black sulphur together. I heard from Schon-
bein the other day. He tells me that Liebig is full
of ozone, i>e. of allotropic oxygen.
' Good-bye for the present.
f Ever, my dear Tyndall,
6 Yours truly,
CM. FARADAY.'
The contemplation of Nature, and his own rela-
tion to her, produced in Faraday a kind of spiritual
exaltation which makes itself manifest here. His
religious feeling and his philosophy could not be kept
apart ; there was an habitual overflow of the one into
the other.
FAKADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 153
Whether he or another was its exponent, he ap-
peared to take equal delight in science. A good
experiment would make him almost dance with
delight. In November, 1850, he wrote to me thus : —
c I hope some day to take up the point respecting the
magnetism of associated particles. In the mean
time I rejoice at every addition to the facts and
reasoning connected with the subject. When science
is a republic, then it gains : and though I am no
republican in other matters, I am in that.' All his
letters illustrate this catholicity of feeling. Ten years
ago, when going down to Brighton, he carried with
him a little paper I had just completed, and after-
wards wrote to me. His letter is a mere sample of
the sympathy which he always showed to me and my
work.
« Brighton, December 9, 1857.
c MY DEAR TYNDALL, — I cannot resist the pleasure
of saying how very much I have enjoyed your paper.
Every part has given me delight. It goes on from
point to point beautifully. You will find many pencil
marks, for I made them as I read. I let them stand,
for though many of them receive their answer as
the story proceeds, yet they show how the wording
impresses a mind fresh to the subject, and perhaps
here and there you may like to alter it slightly, if
you wish the full idea, i.e. not an inaccurate one, to
154 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
be suggested at first ; and yet after all I believe it is
not your exposition, but the natural jumping to a
conclusion that affects or has affected my pencil.
6 We return on Friday, when I will return you the
paper.
6 Ever truly yours,
6 M. FARADAY.'
The third letter will come in its proper place to-
wards the end.
While once conversing with Faraday on science, in
its relations to commerce and litigation, he said to
me, that at a certain period of his career, he was
forced definitely to ask himself, and finally to decide
whether he should make wealth or science the pursuit
of his life. He could not serve both masters, and he
was therefore compelled to choose between them.
After the discovery of magneto-electricity his fame
was so noised abroad, that the commercial world
would hardly have considered any remuneration too
high for the aid of abilities like his. Even before he
became so famous, he had done a little ' professional
business.' This was the phrase he applied to his
purely commercial work. His friend, Eichard
Phillips, for example, had induced him to undertake
a number of analyses, which produced, in the year
1830, an addition to his income of more than a
FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 155
thousand pounds ; and in 1831, a still greater addi-
tion. He had only to will it to raise in 1832 his
professional business income to 5,OOOZ. a year. In-
deed, this is a wholly insufficient estimate of what he
might, with ease, have realised annually during the
last thirty years of his life.
While restudying the Experimental Eesearches
with reference to the present memoir, the conver-
sation with Faraday here alluded to canie to my
recollection, and I sought to ascertain the period
when the question, ' wealth or science,' had presented
itself with such emphasis to his mind. I fixed upon
the year 1831 or 1832, for it seemed beyond the
range of human power to pursue science as he had
done during the subsequent years, and to pursue
commercial work at the same time. To test this
conclusion I asked permission to see his accounts,
and on my own responsibility, I will state the result.
In 1832, his professional business-income, instead of
rising to 5,0001, or more, fell from 1,090?. 4s. to 155Z.
9s. From this it fell with slight oscillations to 92Z. in
1837, and to zero in 1838. Between 1839 and 1845, it
never, except in one instance, exceeded 221. ; being
for the most part much under this. The exceptional
year referred to was that in which he and Sir Charles
Lyell were engaged by Government to write a report
on the Haswell Colliery explosion, and then his
156 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
business income rose to 1121. From the end of 1845
to the day of his death, Faraday's annual professional
business income was exactly zero. Taking the dura-
tion of his life into account, this son of a blacksmith,
and apprentice to a bookbinder, had to decide
between a fortune of 150,000?. on the one side, and
his undowered science on the other. He chose the
latter, and died a poor man. But his was the glory
of holding aloft among the nations the scientific
name of England for a period of forty years.
The outward and visible signs of fame were also
of less account to him than to most men. He had
been loaded with scientific honours from all parts of
the world. Without, I imagine, a dissentient voice,
he was regarded as the prince of the physical in-
vestigators of the present age. The highest scien-
tific position in this country he had, however, never
filled. When the late excellent and lamented Lord
Wrottesley resigned the presidency of the Royal
Society, a deputation from the council, consisting of
his Lordship, Mr. Grove, and Mr. Gassiot, waited
upon Faraday, to urge him to accept the president's
chair. All that argument or friendly persuasion
could do was done to induce him to yield to the
wishes of the council, which was also the unanimous
wish of scientific men. A knowledge of the quick-
ness of his own nature had induced in Faraday the
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 157
liabit of requiring an interval of reflection, before lie
decided upon any question of importance. In the
present instance he followed his usual habit, and
begged for a little time.
On the following morning, I went up to his
room, and said on entering that I had come to
him with some anxiety of mind. He demanded
its cause, and I responded 'lest you should have
decided against the wishes of the deputation that
waited on you yesterday.' ' You would not urge
me to undertake this responsibility/ he said. ' I
not only urge you,' was my reply, c but I consider it
your bounden duty to accept it.' He spoke of the
labour that it would involve ; urged that it was not
in his nature to take things easy; and that if he
became president, he would surely have to stir many
new questions, and agitate for some changes. I
said that in such cases he would find himself sup-
ported by the youth and strength of the Eoyal
Society. This, however, did not seem to satisfy him.
Mrs. Faraday came into the room, and he appealed
to her. Her decision was adverse, and I deprecated
her decision. ( Tyndall,' he said at length, ' I must
remain plain Michael Faraday to the last; and let
me now tell you, that if I accepted the honour which
the Royal Society desires to confer upon me, I would
not answer for the integrity of my intellect for a
158 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
single year.' I urged him no more, and Lord
Wrottesley had a most worthy successor in Sir Ben-
jamin Brodie.
After the death of the Duke of Northumberland,
our Board of Managers wished to see Mr. Faraday
finish his career as President of the Institution,
which he had entered on weekly wages more than
half a century before. But he would have nothing
to do with the presidency. He wished for rest, and
the reverent affection of his friends was to him in-
finitely more precious than all the honours of official
life.
The first requisite of the intellectual life of Fara-
day was the independence of his mind ; and though
prompt to urge obedience where obedience was due,
with every right assertion of manhood he intensely
sympathized. Even rashness on the side of honour
found from him ready forgiveness, if not open
applause. The wisdom of years, tempered by a
character of this kind, rendered his counsel pecu-
liarly precious to men sensitive like himself. I often
sought that counsel, and, with your permission, will
illustrate its character by one or two typical in-
stances.
In 1855, I was appointed examiner under the
Council for Military Education. At that time, as
indeed now, I entertained strong convictions as to
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 159
the enormous utility of physical science to officers of
artillery and engineers, and whenever opportunity
offered, I expressed this conviction without reserve.
I did not think the recognition, though considerable,
accorded to physical science in those examinations
at all proportionate to its importance ; and this pro-
bably rendered me more jealous than I otherwise
should have been of its claims.
In Trinity College, Dublin, a school had been
organized with reference to the Woolwich examina-
tions, and a large number of exceedingly well-in-
structed young gentlemen were sent over from Dublin,
to compete for appointments in the artillery and
engineers. The result of one examination was par-
ticularly satisfactory to me; indeed the marks ob-
tained appeared so eloquent, that I forbore saying
a word about them. My colleagues, however, followed
the Usual custom of sending in brief reports with
their returns of marks. After the results were pub-
lished, a leading article appeared in 6 The Times,' in
which the reports were largely quoted, praise being
bestowed on all the candidates, except the excellent
young fellows who had passed through my hands.
A letter from Trinity College drew my attention
to this article, bitterly complaining, that whereas the
marks proved them to be the best of all, the science
candidates were wholly ignored. I tried to set
160 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
matters right by publishing, on my own responsi-
bility, a letter in ' The Times.' The act I knew
could not bear justification from the War-Office point
of view ; and I expected and risked the displeasure
of my superiors. The merited reprimand promptly
came. c Highly as the Secretary of State for War
might value the expression of Professor TyndalPs
opinion, he begged to say that an examiner, appointed
by His Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief, had
no right to appear in the public papers as Professor
Tyndall has done, without the sanction of the War
Office.' Nothing could be more just than this re-
proof, but I did not like to rest under it. I wrote a re-
ply, and previous to sending it took it up to Faraday.
We sat together before his fire, and he looked very
earnest as he rubbed his hands and pondered. The
following conversation then passed between us : —
F. You certainly have received a reprimand,
Tyndall ; but the matter is over, and if you wish to
accept the reproof, you will hear no more about it.
T. But I do not wish to accept it.
F. Then you know what the consequence of send-
ing that letter will be ?
T. I do.
F. They will dismiss you.
T. I know it.
F. Then send the letter !
FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 161
The letter was firm, but respectful; it acknow-
ledged the justice of the censure, but expressed
neither repentance nor regret. Faraday, in his gra-
cious way, slightly altered a sentence or two to make
it more respectful still. It was duly sent, and on
the following day I entered the Institution with the
conviction that my dismissal was there before me.
Weeks, however, passed. At length the well-known,
envelope appeared, and I broke the seal, not doubt-
ing the contents. They were very different from
what I expected. e The Secretary of State for War
has received Professor TyndalTs letter, and deems the
explanation therein given perfectly satisfactory.' I have
often wished for an opportunity of publicly acknow-
ledging this liberal treatment, proving, as it did,
that Lord Panmure could discern and make allow-
ance for a good intention, though it involved an
offence against routine. For many years subse-
quently it was my privilege to act under that ex-
cellent body, the Council for Military Education.
On another occasion of this kind, having en-
couraged me in a somewhat hardy resolution I had
formed, Faraday backed his encouragement by an
illustration drawn from his own life. The subject
will interest you, and it is so sure to be talked
about in the world, that no avoidable harm can arise
from its introduction here.
162 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
In the year 1835, Sir Eobert Peel wished to offer
Faraday a pension, but that great statesman quitted
office before he was able to realise his wish. The
Minister who founded these pensions intended them,
I believe, to be marks of honour which even proud
men might accept without compromise of indepen-
dence. When, however, the intimation first reached
Faraday, in an unofficial way, he wrote a letter
announcing his determination to decline the pension ;
and stating that he was quite competent to earn his
livelihood himself. That letter still exists, but it was
never sent, Faraday's repugnance having been over-
ruled by his friends. When Lord Melbourne came
into office, he desired to see Faraday ; and probably
in utter ignorance of the man — for, unhappily for
them and us, Ministers of State in England are only
too often ignorant of great Englishmen — his Lord-
ship said something that must have deeply displeased
his visitor. The whole circumstances were once
communicated to me, but I have forgotten the de-
tails. The term ' humbug,' I think, was incau-
tiously employed by his Lordship, and other ex-
pressions were used of a similar kind. Faraday
quitted the Minister with his own resolves, and that
evening he left his card and a short and decisive note
at the residence of Lord Melbourne, stating that he
had manifestly mistaken his Lordship's intention of
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 163
honouring science in his person, and declining to
have anything whatever to do with the proposed
pension. The good-humoured nobleman at first con-
sidered the matter a capital joke ; but he was after-
wards led to look at it more seriously. An excellent
lady, who was a friend both to Faraday and the
Minister, tried to arrange matters between them ; but
she found Faraday very difficult to move from the
position he had assumed. After many fruitless efforts,
she at length begged of him to state what he would
require of Lord Melbourne to induce him to change
his mind. He replied, CI should require from his
Lordship what I have no right or reason to expect
that he would grant — a written apology for the
words he permitted himself to use to me.' The
required apology came, frank and full, creditable, I
thought, alike to the Prime Minister and the Phi-
losopher.
Considering the enormous strain imposed on Fara-
day's intellect, the boy-like buoyancy even of his
later years was astonishing. He was often prostrate,
but he had immense resiliency, which he brought
into action by getting away from London whenever
his health failed. I have already indicated the
thoughts which filled his mind during the evening of
his life. He brooded on magnetic media and lines of
force ; and the great object of the last investigation
164 FARADAY AS A DISCOVEEER.
lie ever undertook was the decision of the ques-
tion whether magnetic force requires time for its
propagation. How he proposed to attack this sub-
ject we may never know. But he has left some
beautiful apparatus behind; delicate wheels and
pinions, and associated mirrors, which were to have
been employed in the investigation. The mere con-
ception of such an inquiry is an illustration of his
strength and hopefulness, and it is impossible to say
to what results it might have led him. But the
work was too heavy for his tired brain. It was long
before he could bring himself to relinquish it, and
during this struggle he often suffered from fatigue of
mind. It was at this period, and before he resigned
himself to the repose which marked the last two
years of his life, that he wrote to me the following
letter — one of many priceless letters now before me
— which reveals, more than anything another pen
could express, the state of his mind at the time. I
was sometimes censured in his presence for my
doings in the Alps, but his constant reply was, ' Let
him alone, he knows how to take care of himself.'
In this letter, anxiety on this score reveals itself, for
the first time.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 165
'Hampton Court, August 1, 1861.
DEAR TYNDALL, — I do not know whether
my letter will catch yon, bnt I will risk it, thongh
feeling very unfit to communicate with a man whose
life is as vivid and active as yonrs ; bnt the receipt
of yonr kind letter makes me to know that thongh I
forget, I am not forgotten, and thongh I am not able
to remember at the end of a line what was said at
the beginning of it, the imperfect marks will convey
to yon some sense of what I long to say. We had
heard of yonr illness through Miss Moore, and I was
therefore very glad to learn that yon are now quite
well ; do not run too many risks, or make your hap-
piness depend too much upon dangers, or the hunt-
ing of them. Sometimes the very thinking of you,
and what you may be about, wearies me with fears,
and then the cogitations pause and change, but
without giving me rest. I know that much of this
depends upon my own worn-out nature, and I do not
know why I write it, save that when I write to you
1 cannot help thinking it, and the thoughts stand
in the way of other matter.
* See what a strange desultory epistle I am writing
166 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
to you, and yet I feel so weary that I long to leave
my desk and go to the couch.
' My dear wife and Jane desire their kindest re-
membrances : I hear them in the next room : . . . .
I forget —but not you, my dear Tyndall, for I am
' Ever yours,
* M. FARADAY.'
This weariness subsided when he relinquished his
work, and I have a cheerful letter from him, written
in the autumn of 1865. But towards the close of
that year he had an attack of illness, from which he
never completely rallied. He continued to attend
the Friday Evening Meetings, but the advance of
infirmity was apparent to us all. Complete rest
became finally essential to him, and he ceased to ap-
pear among us. There was no pain in his decline to
trouble the memory of those who loved him. Slowly
and peacefully he sank towards his final rest, and
when it came, his death was a falling asleep. In
the fulness of his honours and of his age he quitted
us ; the good fight fought, the work of duty — shall I
not say of glory — done. The 6 Jane ' referred to in
the foregoing letter is Faraday's niece, Miss Jane
Barnard, who with an affection raised almost to
religious devotion, watched him and tended him to
the end.
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 167
I saw Mr. Faraday for the first time on my return
from Marburg in 1850. I came to the Royal Insti-
tution, and sent up my card, with a copy of the paper
which Knoblauch and myself had just completed.
He came down and conversed with me for half-an-
hour. I could not fail to remark the wonderful play
of intellect and kindly feeling exhibited by his coun-
tenance. When he was in good health the question
of his age would never occur to you. In the light
and laughter of his eyes you never thought of his
grey hairs. He was then on the point of publishing
one of his papers on Magne-crystallic action, and he
had time to refer in a nattering note to the memoir
I placed in his hands. I returned to Germany,
worked there for nearly another year, and in June
1851 came back finally from Berlin to England.
Then, for the first time, and on my way to the meet-
ing of the British Association, at Ipswich, I met a
man who has since made his mark upon the intel-
lect of his time ; who has long been, and who by the
strong law of natural affinity must continue to be, a
brother to me. We were both without definite out-
look at the time, needing proper work, and only
anxious to have it* to perform. The chairs of Na-
tural History and of Physics being advertised as
vacant in the University of Toronto, we applied for
them, he for the one, I for the other ; but, possibly
168 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
guided by a prophetic instinct, the University au-
thorities declined having anything to do with either
of us. If I remember aright, we were equally un-
lucky elsewhere.
One of Faraday's earliest letters to me had refer-
ence to this Toronto business, which he thought it
unwise in me to neglect. But Toronto had its own
notions, and in 1853, at the instance of Dr. Bence
Jones, and on the recommendation of Faraday him-
self, a chair of physics at the Royal Institution was
offered to me. I was tempted at the same time to
go elsewhere, but a strong attraction drew me to his
side. Let me say that it was mainly his and other
friendships, precious to me beyond all expression,
that caused me to value my position here more
highly than any other that could be offered to me in
this land. Nor is it for its honour, though surely
that is great, but for the strong personal ties that
bind me to it, that I now chiefly prize this place.
You might not credit me were I to tell you how
lightly I value the honour of being Faraday's succes-
sor compared with the honour of having been Fara-
day's friend. His friendship was energy and in-
spiration ; his ' mantle ' is a burden almost too heavy
to be borne.
Sometimes during the last year of his life, by the
FAEADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 169
permission or invitation of Mrs. Faraday, I went
up to his rooms to see him. The deep radiance,
which in his time of strength flashed with such ex-
traordinary power from his countenance, had sub-
sided to a calm and kindly light, by which my latest
memory of him is warmed and illuminated. I knelt
one day beside him on the carpet an-d placed my
hand upon his knee; he stroked it affectionately,
smiled, and murmured, in a low soft voice, the last
words that I remember as having been spoken to me
by Michael Faraday.
It was my wish and aspiration to play the part of
Schiller to this Goethe ; and he was at times so
strong and joyful — his body so active, and his intel-
lect so clear — as to suggest to me the thought that
he, like Goethe, would see the younger man laid low.
Destiny ruled otherwise, and now he is but a
memory to us all. Surely no memory could be more
beautiful. He was equally rich in mind and heart.
The fairest traits of a character sketched by Paul,
found in him perfect illustration. For he was
6 blameless, vigilant, sober, of good behaviour, apt to
teach, not given to filthy lucre.' He had not a
trace of worldly ambition ; he declared his duty
to his Sovereign by going to the levee once a
year, but beyond this he never sought contact with
170 FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER.
the great. The life of his spirit and of his intel-
lect was so full, that the things which rnen most
strive after were absolutely indifferent to him.
'Give me health and a day,' says the brave Emer-
son, 'and I will make the pomp of emperors
' ridiculous.' In an eminent degree Faraday could
say the same. What to him was the splendour
of a palace compared with a thunderstorm upon
Brighton Downs? — what among all the appli-
ances of royalty to compare with the setting sun?
I refer to a thunderstorm and a sunset, because
these things excited a kind of ecstasy in his mind,
and to a mind open to such ecstasy the pomps and
pleasures of the world are usually of small ac-
count. Nature, not education, rendered Faraday
strong and refined. A favourite experiment of his
own was representative of himself. He loved to show
that water in crystallizing excluded all foreign ingre-
dients, however intimately they might be mixed with
it. Out of acids, alkalis, or saline solutions, the
crystal came sweet and pure. By some such natural
process in the formation of this man, beauty and
nobleness coalesced, to the exclusion of everything
vulgar and low. He did not learn his gentleness in
the world, for he withdrew himself from its culture;
and still this land of England contained no truer
FARADAY AS A DISCOVERER. 171
gentleman than he. Not half his greatness was in-
corporate in his science, for science could not reveal
the bravery and delicacy of his heart.
But it is time that I should end these weak words,
and lay my poor garland on the grave of this
Just and faithful knight of God.
LONDON: PRINTED BY
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ILLUSTRATED
CHARTS OF NATURAL HISTORY,
DESIGNED AND ENGRAVED BY J. W. LOWRY, P.E.G.S.
I. The Vegetable Kingdom. II, Recent Shells. III. Worms, Crustacea, Spiders,
Scorpions, etc. IV. Insects. V. Fishes. VI. Reptiles. VII. Birds. (VIII.
Mammalia, just ready). IX. Characteristic British Fossils, stratigraphically
arranged.
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I. Chart of Fossil Crustacea (with descriptive Catalogue.) II. Chart of Characterises
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E. STANFOKD, 6, CHARING CROSS, S.W.
fT^HERE are few men who have done more to promote a taste for
JL Natural History — especially among young people — than Mr. J. W.
Lowry. His Natural History Charts, though designed and engraved
by himself, have all been carried out under the direction of able
naturalists, in the several branches of which they treat, among these may
be named such men as the late Mr. Henfrey and Dr. S. P. Woodward,
Mr. Adam White, Dr. Baird, Mr. Gosse, and Mr. George Gray.
Visual education is not only the first form of training by which the
attention of youth is attracted, but it is also that which remains longest
impressed upon our mental retina. These charts are calculated, how-
ever, to afford education of a still higher character, and to pupils of all
ages ; they are admirably fitted for the school and class-room, and every
teacher of Natural History should possess a copy of each, nor can a museum
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The Chart of Fossil Crustacea by Messrs. J. W. Salter and H. Wood-
ward, gives a conspectus of a single class, arranged not only in strati-
graphical series, but in zoological order. It contains nearly 500 figures,
and is, moreover, accompanied by a short descriptive catalogue. 4>
That of Characteristic British Tertiary Fossils is an elaborate view of
the topmost or newest section of the Chart of British Fossils, and holds
the same relation to it which a map of Europe does to a map of the
World. It contains upwards of 800 figures of characteristic shells and
other organisms found in the series of formations of Cainozoic or Tertiary
age, which have been engraved by Mr. Lowry expressly for this work,
and selected by him with great care, assisted by Messrs. Kobt. Etheridge.
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and contains a mass of information never before collected in so compact
a form for reference. Every specimen is not only named, but has its
natural size indicated against it, if it be enlarged or reduced. Those
Crag species which occur in more than one bed are also marked by the
initial letter of the beds in which they have been found, thus giving
the range of each.
We strongly recommend these charts to all lovers of Natural History,
but would especially call the attention of geologists to this new and
interesting CHART OF CHARACTERISTIC BRITISH TERTIARY FOSSILS. — See
GEOLOGICAL MAGAZINE, No. 28. Oct., 1866, p. 464.
* For a full description of this Chart of Fossil Crustacea, see British Association Reports,
Sections C. and D. Birmingham, 1865 ; and GEOLOGICAL MAGAZINE, Vol. II., p. 468.
CHART OF THE
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